An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations [1 ed.] 0852291639

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An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations BY

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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Adam Adam Smith was

Smith, 1723-1790

born on or shortly before

town of Kirkcaldy, ten miles from Edinburgh on the Firth of Forth. His father, who had been comptroller of the customs, died five months before the child's birth, and his mother devoted most of the re-

June

5,

1723, in the small

maining sixty-one years of her life to caring for her son. His childhood was uneventful except for one incident. In 1726, while visiting his mother's family, he was kidnapped by gypsies; the

prompt action

of his uncle soon effected his

rescue.

After finishing his term at the Kirkcaldy school, Smith at the age of fourteen

grammar

manner

and a study which are founded upon expediency, and which are calculated to increase the riches, the power, and the prosly in the

of Montesquieu,

of "those political regulations

perity of the state."

Smith was highly successful as a lecturer, and the influence of even his first lectures is evident upon the work of Hugh Blair, the rhetorician, and William Robertson, the historian. From 1751 he was an intimate friend and something of an adviser to Hume. He also came to hold an important place in the town as well as the university. Though Glasgow was a provincial center, numbering no more than

entered the University of Glasgow. Although

23,000 inhabitants, the rising trade of the

were mathematics and natural philosophy, he came strongly under the influence of Francis Hutcheson, who, as professor of moral philosophy, taught a "benevolent theory" of morals which had as its end the "greatest happiness for the greatest number." It was probably the result of Hutcheson's teaching that Smith, on going to Balliol College, Oxford, in 1740, devoted much of his study to moral philosophy. He remained at Oxford for six years without once returning home, and, though he found much of which he did not approve, he used the occasion to read extensively in the classics, French and Italian literature, as well as in morals and politics. Smith left Oxford in 1746 without completing the term of his fellowship, probably because of

Clyde already gave promise of the town's future industrial and commercial prominence. Smith numbered many friends among its principal merchants and financiers. According to

his favorite studies

his unwillingness to take ordination as

was

ex-

pected of appointees to the scholarship he held. After a two-year stay with his mother at Kirkcaldy, where he continued his studies, Smith went to Edinburgh. There, under the patronage of Lord Karnes and the Philosophical Society, he gave a series of public lectures on rhetoric and belles-lettres. In 1751 he was called to the University of Glasgow, first as Professor of Logic, and after a few months as Professor of Moral Philosophy. This position he occupied for twelve years, and he later declared it was "by far the most useful, and therefore by far the happiest and most honourable period" of his life. His course of lectures was

divided into four parts: natural theology, ethjurisprudence, which he handled historical-

ics,

Sir

James Steuart, the and Smith's rival

ists,"

"last of the mercantilfor favor,

who converted Glasgow's

it

was Smith

business leaders to

a policy of free trade. Speaking to the Glasgow

Economic Society, founded by his friend, the eminent merchant, Andrew Cochrane, Smith in 1755 claimed credit for the novel system of economic liberty then beginning to attract supporters.

Smith first appeared as an author in 1755 with two articles in the Edinburgh Review, which gave his views on the Encyclopedie, Rousseau's picture of savage life, and Johnson's Dictionary. In 1759 he published his Theory of Moral Sentiments, embodying the second portion of his university course. Two years later a second edition was called for, and he added an appendix, entitled "Considerations concerning the first Formation of Languages." The following year he was awarded the honorary degree of doctor of laws by the Academic Senate of Glasgow. In 1763 Smith gave up his university post to accept the offer of a life-time pension by Charles Townshend in return for acting as tutor to his young step-sons on a tour of France. They spent some eighteen months at Toulouse, at that time the seat of a parliament, made a visit of two months to Geneva, where Smith met Voltaire, and then settled for almost a

Bio graphical Note

VI

year in Paris. Smith, who was a minor celebrity in his own right, frequented the most fashionable salons and associated with Turgot, D 'Alembert, Hel vetius, Marmontel, and Rochefoucauld. He also enjoyed close relations with the proponents of laissez-faire among the Physiocrats, notably Quesnay and Dupont de Nemours. In 1766 the assassination on the streets of Paris of the Duke's younger brother, also in Smith's charge, brought to a close his continental sojourn.

For the next seven years Smith lived with mother at Kirkcaldy, engaged in close study most of the time, interrupted only by occasional visits to Edinburgh and London. He was occupied with his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, which there is some reason for believing he had begun at Toulouse. In 1773 he took his manuscript to London. In ill-health and unsure of his

his future, he

named Hume

his executor

with

instructions to publish in event of his death his "juvenile" essay,

A

History of Astronomi-

That Were In Fashion Down to the Time of Descartes; this was apparently

cal Systems,

part of his earlier project of a "connected history of liberal sciences and elegant arts." For the next five years he spent almost all his time in London and lived on terms of intimacy with

many

of the leading figures of the day, includ-

ing Gibbon, Burke, and Reynolds. His close

knowledge of colonial

affairs is said to reflect

frequent conversations with Benjamin Franklin, and Smith himself proposed a plan of imperial federation designed to satisfy the grievances of the colonies. In 1776 the Wealth of Nations was published. Hume, in a congrathis

ulatory letter, declared, "Euge! belle! dear Mr. am much pleased with your perform-

Smith, I

ance." Within six months the first edition was exhausted, and during Smith's life-time the

book went through five editions. Pitt is reported as saying, "We are all your scholars," when the author entered a room in which Pitt was seated with his fellow cabinet members, and the work seems to have had considerable influence on the budget

North

drawn up by Lord

1777 and 1778. The only other work published by Smith, except for revisions of his two earlier books, was his letter on the death of Hume in 1776. Because of its unqualified praise of Hume's moral qualities, the letter aroused a storm of controversy throughout the British Isles, and Boswell among others denounced it as a piece of "daring effrontery." In 1778 Smith was named a commissioner of the customs of Scotland, and for the remainder of his life he dwelt with his mother and a cousin in Edinburgh. He enjoyed an eminent place in society, his "Sunday suppers" were long celebrated, and with Joseph Black, James Hutton, Adam Ferguson, and Dugald Stewart he formed one of the leading clubs of the city. After the death of his mother in 1784, Smith's health began to decline. In preparation for his death he ordered the destruction of his manuscripts, except for a few selected essays. Among the papers so destroyed were probably the lectures on natural religion and jurisprudence which formed part of his course at Glasgow, and also his lectures on rhetoric; a copy of student notes has since been discovered on the course on jurisprudence, Lectures on Justice, Police Revenue and Arms, which he gave sometime between 1762 and 1764. After a painful illness Smith died, July 17, 1790, and was buried at Canongate. in

Contents Biographical Note, v Introduction and Plan of the

Work

ciety or of the

Expense

oi maintaining

the National Capital

BOOK ONE Of the Causes of Improvement in the Productive Powers of Labour, and of the Order according to which its Produce IS NATURALLY DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE DIFFERENT RANKS OF THE PEOPLE 1.

2.

Of the Division

of

Labour

3.

Of the Principle which gives occasion Labour

4.

That the Division of Labour by the Extent of the Market Of the Origin and Use

of

3.

4.

Of Stock

5.

Of

is

lent at Interest

the

BOOK THREE Of the different Progress of Opulence in different Nations

to 6.

6.

Of the Natural Progress

of

2.

Of the Discouragement

of Agriculture in

the ancient State of Europe after the

10.

of

Com-

Money

Of the Component Parts Commodities

3.

Of the Wages

27.

9.

Of the

10.

of

Labour

Profits of Stock

Of Wages and

Profit in the different

ployments of Labour and Stock 11.

Of the Rent

of

Land

4.

20.

8.

of

2.

the

the

and

Roman 170.

Commerce to

the

of the

Towns

Improvement

of

conthe 175.

Of Systems of Political Economy

37.

Introduction

Em-

182.

Of the Principle of the Commercial, or 182. Mercantile System

42. 62.

Of Restraints upon the Importation from Foreign Countries of such Goods as can be produced at

3.

117. of Stock

of Cities

of

BOOK FOUR

Of the Nature, Accumulation, and Employment of Stock

Of the Division

Fall

Country

BOOK TWO

1.

How

tributed

2.

Introduction

the

after

165.

Empire

of the Price of

23.

Roman Empire

Of the Rise and Progress

Towns

13.

Of the Natural and Market Price Commodities

7.

Opulence 163.

1.

8.

modities, or their Price in Labour, and their Price in

of

155.

limited

Money

Of the Real and Nominal Price

Employment

different

Fall of the 5.

151.

Capitals

3.

the Division of

121.

Of the Accumulation of Capital, or of Productive and Unproductive Labour 142.

118.

Of Money considered as a particular Branch of the general Stock of the SoVll

Home

192.

Of the extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of almost all kinds from those Countries with which the Balance is suppposed to be disadvantageous

201.

Of Drawbacks

213.

Of Bounties

216.

BOOK FIVE

BOOK FOUR 6.

Of Treaties

of

Commerce

233.

Of the Revenue

of the Sovereign or

Common-

wealth 7.

239.

Of Colonies

1.

Of the Expenses

of the

Sovereign

Commonwealth 8.

Conclusion of the Mercantile System 279.

9.

Of the Agricultural Systems, or Systems of

Political

resent the Produce

2.

Of the Sources of the General Revenue of the Society

or 301.

or Public

357.

of those

Economy which repLand as either the

3.

of

Source of the Reve288. nue and Wealth of every Country

Of Public Debts

40J.

Appendix

423.

Index

425.

sole or the principal

vni

An

Inquiry

Into the Nature and Causes of the

Wealth of Nations

INTRODUCTION AND PLAN OF THE WORK annual THE fund which

thriving nations, on the contrary, though a great number of people do not labour at all, many of whom consume the produce of ten times, frequently of a hundred times more labour than the greater part of those who work; yet the produce of the whole labour of the society is so great that all are often abundantly supplied, and a workman, even of the lowest and poorest order, if he is frugal and industrious, may enjoy a greater share of the necessaries and conveniences of life than it is possible for any savage to acquire. The causes of this improvement, in the productive powers of labour, and the order, according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry. Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of useful and productive labourers, it will hereafter appear, is everywhere in proportion to the quantity of capital stock which is employed in setting them to work, and to the particular way in which it is so employed. The second book, therefore, treats of the nature of capital stock, of the manner in which it is gradually accumulated, and of the different quantities of labour which it puts into motion, according to the different ways in which it is employed. Nations tolerably well advanced as to skill, dexterity, and judgment, in the application of labour, have followed very different plans in the general conduct or direction of it; and those plans have not all been equally favourable to the greatness of its produce. The policy of some

labour of every nation is the originally supplies it with all the necessaries and conveniences of life which it annually consumes, and which consist always either in the immediate produce of that labour, or in what is purchased with that produce from other nations. According therefore as this produce, or what is purchased with it, bears a greater or smaller proportion to the number of those who are to consume it, the nation will be better or worse supplied with all the necessaries and conveniences for which it has occasion. But this proportion must in every nation be regulated by two different circumstances; first, by the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which its labour is generally applied; and, secondly, by the proportion between the number of those who are employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. Whatever be the soil, climate, or extent of territory of any particular nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must, in that particular situation, depend upon those two circumstances. The abundance or scantiness of this supply, too, seems to depend more upon the former of those two circumstances than upon the latter. Among the savage nations of hunters and fishers, every individual who is able to work, is

more or

less

employed

in useful labour,

and en-

deavours to provide, as well as he can, the necessaries and conveniences of life, for himself, or such of his family or tribe as are either too old, or too young, or too infirm to go a hunting and fishing. Such nations, however, are so miserably poor that, from mere want, they are frequently reduced, or, at least, think themselves reduced, to the necessity sometimes of directly destroying, and sometimes of abandoning their infants, their old people, and those afflicted with lingering diseases, to perish with hunger, or to be devoured by wild beasts. Among civilised and 1

The Wealth of Nations nations has given extraordinary encouragement to the industry of the country; that of others to the industry of towns. Scarce any nation has dealt equally and impartially with every sort of industry. Since the downfall of the Roman empire, the policy of Europe has been more favourable to arts, manufactures, and commerce, the industry of towns, than to agriculture, the industry of the country. The circumstances which seem to have introduced and established this policy are explained in the third book. Though those different plans were, perhaps, first introduced by the private interests and prejudices of particular orders of men, without any regard to, or foresight of, their consequences upon the general welfare of the society; yet they have given occasion to very different the-

economy; of which some magnify the importance of that industry which is carried on in towns, others of that which is carried on in the country. Those theories have had a considerable influence, not only upon the opinions of men of learning, but upon the public conduct of princes and sovereign states. I have endeavoured, in the fourth book, to explain, as fully and distinctly as I can, those different theories, and the principal effects which ories of political

they have produced in different ages and nations.

To explain of the great

in what has consisted the revenue body of the people, or what has

been the nature of those funds which, in different ages and nations, have supplied their annual consumption, is the object of these four first books. The fifth and last book treats of the revenue of the sovereign, or commonwealth. In this book I have endeavoured to show, first, what are the necessary expenses of the sovereign, or commonwealth; which of those expenses ought to be defrayed by the general contribution of the whole society; and which of

them by that of some particular part only, or some particular members of it: secondly, what are the different methods in which the of

whole society may be made to contribute towards defraying the expenses incumbent on the whole society, and what are the principal advantages and inconveniences of each of those methods: and, thirdly and lastly, what are the reasons and causes which have induced almost all modern governments to mortgage some part of this revenue, or to contract debts, and what have been the effects of those debts upon the real wealth, the annual produce of the land and labour of the society.

,

Book One OF THE CAUSES OF IMPROVEMENT IN THE PRODUCTIVE POWERS OF LABOUR, AND OF THE ORDER ACCORDING TO WHICH ITS PRODUCE IS NATURALLY DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE DIFFERENT RANKS OF THE PEOPLE CHAPTER Of the Division

of

could not

I

Labour

The greatest improvement in

make twenty. But

in the

way

in

which this business is now carried on, not only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number of branches, of which the

the productive

powers of labour, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is anywhere directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.

greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on is a peculiar business, to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which, in some manufactories, are

man draws

The effects of the division of labour, in the general business of society, will be more easily understood by considering in what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps that it really is carried further in them than in others of more importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every different branch of the work can often be collected into the same workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator. In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of the work employs so great a number of workmen that it is impossible to collect them all into the same workhouse. can seldom see more, at one time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much greater number of parts than in those of a more trifling nature, the division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less observed.

performed by distinct hands, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have seen a small manufactory of this kind where ten men only were

all

employed, and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling size. Those ten persons, therefore, could

We

make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth part

of forty-eight thousand might be considered as making four thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated pins,

To

take an example, therefore, from a very manufacture; but one in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the trade of the pin-maker; a workman not educated to this business (which the division of labour has rendered a distinct trade) nor acquainted with the use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same division of labour has probably given occasion) could scarce, perhaps, with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly

to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper division and combination of

trifling

their different operations. In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour are similar to

,

what they are

in this

very

trifling one;

though,

3

.

4

The Wealth of Nations

in many of them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour,

however, so far as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different trades and employments from one another seems to have taken place in consequence of this advantage. This separation, too, is generally carried furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and improvement; what is the work of one man in a rude state of society being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer, nothing but a manufacturer. The labour, too, which is necessary to produce any one complete manufacture is almost always divided among a great number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of the linen and woollen manufactures from the growers of the flax and the wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible

to separate so entirely the business of the grafrom that of the corn-farmer as the trade

zier

of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The spinner is almost always

a distinct person from the weaver; but the ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossible that one man should be constantly employed in any one of them.

This impossibility of making so complete and entire a separation of all the different branches of labour employed in agriculture is perhaps the reason why the improvement of the productive powers of labour in this art does not always keep pace with their improvement in manufactures. The most opulent nations, indeed, generally excel all their neighbours in agriculture as well as in manufactures; but they are commonly more distinguished by their superiority in the latter than in the former. Their lands are in general better cultivated, and having more labour and expense bestowed upon them, produce more in proportion to the extent and natural fertility of the ground. But this superiority of produce is seldom much more than in proportion to the superiority of labour and expense. In agriculture, the labour of the is not always much more producthan that of the poor; or, at least, it is never so much more productive as it commonly is in manufactures. The corn of the rich country, therefore, will not always, in the same de-

rich country tive

gree of goodness, come cheaper to market than that of the poor. The corn of Poland, in the same degree of goodness, is as cheap as that of France, notwithstanding the superior opulence and improvement of the latter country. The corn of France is, in the corn provinces, fully as good, and in most years nearly about the same price with the corn of England, though, in opulence and improvement, France is perhaps inferior to England. The corn-lands of England, however, are better cultivated than those of France, and the corn-lands of France are said to be much better cultivated than those of Poland. But though the poor country, notwithstanding the inferiority of its cultivation, can, in some measure, rival the rich in the cheapness and goodness of its corn, it can pretend to no such competition in its manufactures; at least if those manufactures suit the soil, climate, and situation of the rich country. The silks of France are better and cheaper than those of England, because the silk manufacture, at least under the present high duties upon the importation of raw silk, does not so well suit the climate of England as that of France. But the hardware and the coarse woollens of England are beyond all comparison superior to those of France, and much cheaper too in the same degree of goodness. In Poland there are said to be scarce any manufactures of any kind, a few of those coarser household manufactures excepted, without which no country can well subsist. This great increase of the quantity of work which, in consequence of the division of labour, the same number of people are capable of performing, is owing to three different circumstances; first, to the increase of dexterity in every particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another; and lastly, to the invention of a great number of

machines which

facilitate

bour, and enable one

man

to

and abridge lado the work of

many. improvement

of the dexterity of necessarily increases the quantity of the work he can perform; and the division of labour, by reducing every man's business to some one simple operation, and by making this operation the sole employment of his life, necessarily increases very much the dexterity of the workman. A common smith, who, though accustomed to handle the hammer, has never been used to make nails, if upon some particular occasion he is obliged to attempt it, will scarce, I am assured, be able to make above two or three hundred nails in a day, and those too very bad ones. A smith who has been accustomed to make nails, but whose sole or principal business has not been that of a nailer, can seldom with his utmost diligence make more First, the

the

workman

than eight hundred or a thousand nails

in

a day.

I

have seen several

The Division of Labour boys under twenty years of are much more

age who had never exercised any other trade but that of making nails, and who, when they exerted themselves, could make, each of them,

two thousand three hundred

upwards

of

in a day.

The making

nails of a nail, however, is by no means one of the simplest operations. The same person blows the bellows, stirs or mends the fire as there is occasion, heats the iron, and forges every part of the nail: in forging the

head too he is obliged to change his tools. The different operations into which the making of a pin, or of a metal button, is subdivided, are all

of

them much more simple, and the dexterwhose life it has been the

ity of the person, of

perform them, is usually much rapidity with which some of the operations of those manufacturers are performed, exceeds what the human hand could, by those who had never seen them, be supposed capable of acquiring. Secondly, the advantage which is gained by saving the time commonly lost in passing from one sort of work to another is much greater than we should at first view be apt to imagine it. It is impossible to pass very quickly from one kind of work to another that is carried on in a different place and with quite different tools. A country weaver, who cultivates a small farm, must lose a good deal of time in passing from his loom to the field, and from the field to his loom. When the two trades can be carried on in the same workhouse, the loss of time is no sole business to

greater.

The

doubt much less. It is even in this case, howvery considerable. A man commonly saunters a little in turning his hand from one

ever,

employment to another. When he first begins the new work he is seldom very keen and hearty; his mind, as they say, does not go to it, and for some time he rather trifles than applies to good purpose. The habit of sauntering and of indolent careless application, which is naturally, or rather necessarily acquired by every country workman who is obliged to change his work and his tools every half hour, sort of

and to apply his hand in twenty different ways almost every day of his life, renders him almost always slothful and lazy, and incapable of any vigorous application even on the most pressing occasions. Independent, therefore, of his deficiency in point of dexterity, this cause alone must always reduce considerably the quantity of work which he is capable of performing. Thirdly, and lastly, everybody must be sensible how much labour is facilitated and abridged by the application of proper machinery. It is unnecessary to give any example. I shall only observe, therefore, that the invention of all those machines by which labour is so much facilitated and abridged seems to have been originally

owing to the division

of labour.

Men

likely to discover easier and readier methods of attaining any object when the whole attention of their minds is directed towards that single object than when it is dissipated among a great variety of things. But in consequence of the division of labour, the whole of every man's attention comes naturally to be directed towards some one very simple object. It is naturally to be expected, therefore, that some one or other of those who are employed in each particular branch of labour should soon find out easier and readier methods of performing their own particular work, whereever the nature of it admits of such improvement. A great part of the machines made use of in those manufactures in which labour is most subdivided, were originally the inventions of common workmen, who, being each of

them employed in some very simple operation, naturally turned their thoughts towards finding out easier and readier methods of performing it. Whoever has been much accustomed to visit such manufactures must frequently have been shown very pretty machines, which were the inventions of such workmen in order to facilitate and quicken their own particular part of the work. In the first fire-engines, a boy was constantly employed to open and shut alternately the communication between the boiler and the cylinder, according as the piston either ascended or descended. One of those boys, who loved to play with his companions, observed that, by tying a string from the handle of the valve which opened this communication to another part of the machine, the valve would open and shut without his assistance, and leave him at liberty to divert himself with his playfellows. One of the greatest improvements that has been

made upon

this

machine, since

it

was

invented, was in this manner the discovery of a boy who wanted to save his own labour. All the improvements in machinery, however, have by no means been the inventions of those who had occasion to use the machines. Many inprovementshave been made by the ingenuity of the makers of the machines, when to make them became the business of a peculiar trade; and some by that of those who are called philosophers or men of speculation, whose trade it is not to do anything, but to observe everything; and who, upon that account, are often capable of combining together the powers of the most distant and dissimilar objects. In the progress of society, philosophy or speculation becomes, like every other employment, the principal or sole trade and occupation of a particular class of citizens. Like every other employment too, it is subdivided into a great number of different branches, each of which affords occupation to a peculiar tribe or class of philosophers; and this subdivision of employment in philosophy, as well as in every other busifirst

The Wealth of Nations

6

improves dexterity, and saves time. Each individual becomes more expert in his own peculiar branch, more work is done upon the whole, and the quantity of science is considerness,

ably increased by

it.

the great multiplication of the productions of all the different arts, in consequence of the division of labour, which occasions, in a well-governed society, that universal opulence which extends itself to the lowest ranks of the people. Every workman has a great quantity of his own work to dispose of beyond what he himself his occasion for; and every other workman being exactly in the same situation, he is enIt

is

abled to exchange a great quantity of his own goods for a great quantity, or, what comes to the same thing, for the price of a great quantity of theirs. He supplies them abundantly with what they have occasion for, and they accommodate him as amply with what he has occasion for, and a general plenty diffuses itself through all the different ranks of the society. Observe the accommodation of the most common artificer or day-labourer in a civilised and thriving country, and you will perceive that the number of people of whose industry a part, though but a small part, has been employed in procuring him this accommodation, exceeds all computation. The woollen coat, for example, which covers the day-labourer, as coarse and rough as it may appear, is the produce of the joint labour of a great multitude of workmen. The shepherd, the sorter of the wool, the wool-comber or carder, the dyer, the scribbler, the spinner, the weaver, the fuller, the

with many others, must all join their different arts in order to complete even this

dresser,

homely production. How many merchants and carriers, besides, must have been employed in transporting the materials from some of those to others who often live in a very distant part of the country! How much com-

workmen

merce and navigation in particular, how many ship-builders, sailors, sail-makers, rope-makers, must have been employed in order to bring together the different drugs made use of by the dyer, which often come from the remotest corners of the world! What a variety of labour, too, is necessary in order to produce the tools of the meanest of those workmen! To say nothing of such complicated machines as the ship of the sailor, the mill of the fuller, or even the loom of the weaver, let us consider only what a variety of labour is requisite in order to form that very simple machine, the shears with which the shepherd clips the wool. The miner, the builder of the furnace for smelting the ore, the seller of the timber, the burner of the charcoal to be made use of in the smelting-house, the brick-

maker, the brick-layer, the workmen who attend the furnace, the mill-wright, the forger, the smith, must

all

of

them

join their different

arts in order to produce them.

Were we

to ex-

amine, in the same manner, all the different parts of his dress and household furniture, the coarse linen shirt which he wears next his skin, the shoes which cover his feet, the bed which he lies on, and all the different parts which compose it, the kitchen-grate at which he prepares his victuals, the coals which he makes use of for that purpose, dug from the bowels of the earth, and brought to him perhaps by a long sea and a long land carriage, all the other utensils of his kitchen, all the furniture of his table, the knives and forks, the earthen or pewter plates upon which he rerves up and divides his victuals, the different hands employed in preparing his bread and his beer, the glass window which lets in the heat and the light, and keeps out the wind and the rain, with all the knowledge and art requisite for preparing that beautiful and happy invention, without which these northern parts of the world could scarce have afforded a very comfortable habitation, together with the tools of all the different workmen employed in producing those different conveniences; if we examine, I say, all these things, and consider what a variety of labour is em-

ployed about each of them, we shall be sensible that, without the assistance and co-operation of many thousands, the very meanest person in a civilised country could not be provided, even according to what we very falsely imagine the easy and simple manner in which he is commonly accommodated. Compared, indeed, with the more extravagant luxury of the great, his accommodation must no doubt appear extremely simple and easy; and yet it may be true, perhaps, that the accommodation of a European prince does not always so much exceed that of an industrious and frugal peasant as the accommodation of the latter exceeds that of many an African king, the absolute master of the lives and liberties of ten thousand naked savages.

CHAPTER

II

Of the Principle which gives occasion to the Division of Labour This division of labour, from which

so

many

advantages are derived, is not originally the effect of any human wisdom, which foresees and intends that general opulence to which it gives occasion. It is the necessary, though very slow and gradual consequence of a certain propensity in human nature which has in view no such extensive utility; the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another. Whether this propensity be one of those original principles in human nature of which no further account can be given; or whether, as seems more probable, it be the necessary consequence of the faculties of reason and speech,

Principle of Division of Labour belongs not to our present subject to inquire. It is common to all men, and to be found in no other race of animals, which seem to know neither this nor any other species of contracts. Two greyhounds, in running down the same hare, have sometimes the appearance of acting in some sort of concert. Each turns her towards his companion, or endeavours to intercept her when his companion turns her towards himself. This, however, is not the effect of any contract, but of the accidental concurrence of their passions in the same object at that particular time. Nobody ever saw a dog make a fair and deliberate exchange of one bone for another with another dog. Nobody ever saw one animal by its gestures and natural cries signify to another, this is mine, that yours; I am willing to give this for that. When an animal wants to obtain somethingeither of a man or of another animal, it has no other means of persuasion but to gain the favour of those whose service it requires. it

A puppy fawns upon its dam, and a spaniel endeavours by a thousand attractions to engage the attention of its master who is at dinner, when it wants to be fed by him. Man sometimes uses the same arts with his brethren, and when he has no other means of engaging them to act according to his inclinations, endeavours by every servile and fawning attention to obtain their good will. He has not time, however, to do this upon every occasion. In civilised society he stands at all times in need of the cooperation and assistance of great multitudes, while his whole life is scarce sufficient to gain the friendship of a few persons. In almost every other race of animals each individual, when it is grown up to maturity, is entirely independent, and in its natural state has occasion for the assistance of no other living creature. But man has almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren, and it is in vain for him to expect it

from their benevolence only. He will be more if he can interest their self-love

likely to prevail in his favour,

and show them that

it is

for their

own advantage to do for him what he requires of them. Whoever offers to another a bargain any kind, proposes to do this. Give me that which I want, and you shall have this which you want, is the meaning of every such offer; and it is in this manner that we obtain from one another the far greater part of those good offices which we stand in need of. It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from of

We

their regard to their own interest. address ourselves, not to their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their advantages. Nobody but a beggar chooses to depend chiefly upon the benevolence of his fellow-citizens. Even a beggar does not depend upon it entirely. The charity of well-disposed people, indeed, supplies

him with the whole fund of his subsistence. But though this principle ultimately provides him with all the necessaries of life which he has occasion for, it neither does nor can provide him with them as he has occasion for them. The greater part of his occasional wants are supplied in the same manner as those of other people, by treaty, by barter, and by purchase. With the money which one man gives him he purchases food. The old clothes which another bestows upon him he exchanges for other old clothes which suit him better, or for lodging, or for food, or for money, with which he can buy either food, clothes, or lodging, as he has occasion.

As

it is

that we part of stand in position

by

treaty,

by

barter,

and by purchase

obtain from one another the greater

mutual good offices which we need of, so it is this same trucking diswhich originally gives occasion to the division of labour. In a tribe of hunters or sheptho.^e

herds a particular person makes bows and arrows, for example, with more readiness and dexterity than any other. He frequently exchanges them for cattle or for venison with his companions; and he finds at last that he can in this manner get more cattle and venison than if he himself went to the field to catch them. From a regard to his own interest, therefore, the making of bows and arrows grows to be his chief business, and he becomes a sort of armourer. Another excels in making the frames and covers of their little huts or movable houses. He is accustomed to be of use in this way to his neighbours, who reward him in the same manner with cattle and with venison, till at last he finds it his interest to dedicate himself entirely to this employment, and to become a sort of house-carpenter. In the same manner a third becomes a smith or a brazier, a fourth a tanner or dresser of hides or skins, the principal part of the clothing of savages. And thus the certainty of being able to exchange all that surplus part of the produce of his own labour, which is over and above his own consumption, for such parts of the produce of other men's labour as he may have occasion for, encourages every man to apply himself to a particular occupation, and to cultivate and bring to perfection whatever talent or genius he may possess for that particular species of business. The difference of natural talents in different men is, in reality, much less than we are aware of; and the very different genius which appears to distinguish

men

of

different

professions,

when grown up to maturity, is not upon many occasions so much the cause as the effect of the division of labour. The difference between the dissimilar characters, between a philosopher and a common street porter, for example, seems to arise not so much from nature as from habit, custom, and education. When they came

most

The Wealth of Nations

8

into the world, and for the first six or eight years of their existence, they were perhaps very much alike, and neither their parents nor playfellows could perceive any remarkable difference. About that age, or soon after, they come to be employed in very different occupations. The difference of talents comes then to be taken notice of, and widens by degrees, till at last the vanity of the philosopher is willing to acknowledge scarce any resemblance. But without the disposition to truck, barter, and ex-

change, every man must have procured to himself every necessary and conveniency of life which he wanted. All must have had the same duties to perform, and the same work to do, and there could have been no such difference of employment as could alone give occasion to

As

any great

difference of talents.

which forms that difference of talents, so remarkable among men of different professions, so it is this same disposition which renders that difference useful. Many tribes of animals acknowledged to be all of the same species derive from nature a much more remarkable distinction of genius, than what, antecedent to custom and education, appears to take place among men. By nature a philosopher is not in genius and disposition half so different from a street porter, as a mastiff is from a greyhound, or a greyhound from a spaniel, or this last from a shepherd's dog. Those different tribes of animals, however, though all of the same species, are of scarce any use to one another. The strength of the mastiff is not, in the least, supported either by the swiftness of the greyhound, or by the sagacity of the spaniel, or by the docility of the shepherd's dog. The effects of those different geniuses and talents, for want of the power or disposition to barter and exchange, cannot be brought into a common stock, and do not in the least contribute to the better accommodation and conveniency of the species. Each animal is still obliged to support and defend itself, separately and independently, and derives no sort of advantage from that variety of talents with which nature has distinguished its fellows. Among men, on the contrary, the most dissimilar geniuses are of use to one another; the different produces of their respective talents, by the general disposition to truck, barter, and exchange, being brought, as it were, into a common stock, where every man may purchase whatever part of the produce of other men's talents he has occasion for. it is

this disposition

CHAPTER

III

That the Division of Labour by the Extent oj the Market

is

limited

As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the division of labour, so the extent

of this division must always be limited by the extent of that power, or, in other words, by the extent of the market. When the market is very small, no person can have any encouragement to dedicate himself entirely to one employment, for want of the power to exchange all that surplus part of the produce of his own labour, which is over and above his own consumption, for such parts of the produce of other men's labour as he has occasion for. There are some sorts of industry, even of the lowest kind, which can be carried on nowhere but in a great town. A porter, for example, can find employment and subsistence in no other place. A village is by much too narrow a sphere for him; even an ordinary market town is scarce large enough to afford him constant occupation. In the lone houses and very small villages which are scattered about in so desert a country as the Highlands of Scotland, every farmer must be butcher, baker and brewer for his own family. In such situations we can scarce expect to find even a smith, a carpenter, or a mason, within less than twenty miles of another of the same trade. The scattered families that live at eight or ten miles distance from the nearest of them must learn to perform themselves a great number of little pieces of work, for which, in more populous countries, they would call in the assistance of those workmen. Country workmen are almost everywhere obliged to apply themselves to all the different branches of industry that have so much affinity to one another as to be employed about the same sort of materials. A country carpenter deals in every sort of work that is made of wood: a country smith in every sort of work that is made of iron. The former is not only a carpenter, but a joiner, a cabinet-maker, and even a carver in wood, as well as a wheel-wright, a ploughwright, a cart and waggon maker. The employments of the latter are still more various. It is impossible there should be such a trade as even that of a nailer in the remote and inland parts of the Highlands of Scotland. Such a workman at the rate of a thousand nails a day, and three hundred working days in the year, will make three hundred thousand nails in the year. But in such a situation it would be impossible to dispose of one thousand, that is, of one day's work in the year. As by means of water-carriage a more extensive market is opened to every sort of industry than what land-carriage alone can afford it, so it is upon the sea-coast, and along the banks of navigable rivers, that industry of every kind naturally begins to subdivide and improve itself, and it is frequently not till a long time after that those improvements extend themselves to the inland parts of the country. A

broad-wheeled waggon, attended by two men, and drawn by eight horses, in about six weeks'

Limitation of Division of Labour time carries and brings back between London and Edinburgh near four ton weight of goods. In about the same time a ship navigated by six or eight men, and sailing between the ports of London and Leith, frequently carries and brings back two hundred ton weight of goods. Six or eight men, therefore, by the help of water-carriage, can carry and bring back in the

same time the same quantity of goods between London and Edinburgh, as fifty broad-wheeled waggons, attended by a hundred men, and drawn by four hundred horses. Upon two hundred tons of goods, therefore, carried by the cheapest land-carriage from London to Edinburgh, there must be charged the maintenance of a hundred men for three weeks, and both the maintenance, and, what is nearly equal to the maintenance, the wear and tear of four hundred horses as well as of fifty great waggons. Whereas, upon the same quantity of goods carried by water, there is to be charged only the maintenance of six or eight men, and the wear and tear of a ship of two hundred tons burden, together with the value of the superior risk, or the difference of the insurance between land and water-carriage. Were there no other communication between those two places, therefore, but by land-carriage, as no goods could be transported from the one to the other, except such whose price was very considerable in proportion to their weight, they could carry on but a small part of that commerce which at present subsists between them, and consequently could give but a small part of that encouragement which they at present mutually afford to each other's industry. There could be little or no commerce of any kind between the distant parts of the world. What goods could bear the expense of land-carriage between London and Calcutta? Or if there were any so precious as to be able to support this expense, with what safety could they be transported through the territories of so many barbarous nations? Those two cities, however, at present carry on a very considerable commerce with each other, and by mutually affording a market, give a good deal of encouragement to each other's industry. Since such, therefore, are the advantages of water-carriage, it is natural that the first improvements of art and industry should be made where this conveniency opens the whole world for a market to the produce of every sort of labour, and that they should always be much later in extending themselves into the inland parts of the country. The inland parts of the country can for a long time have no other market for the greater part of their goods, but the country which lies roundabout them, and separates them from the sea-coast, and the great navigable rivers. The extent of their market, therefore, must for a long time be in proportion

9

and populousness of that country, and consequently their improvement must always be posterior to the improvement of that country. In our North American colonies the plantations have constantly followed either the sea-coast or the banks of the navigable rivers, and have scarce any where extended themselves to any considerable distance from both. to the riches

The nations that, according to the best authenticated history, appear to have been first civilised, were those that dwelt round the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. That sea, by far the greatest inlet that is known in the world, having no tides, nor consequently any waves except such as are caused by the wind only, was, by the smoothness of its surface, as well as by the multitude of its islands, and the proximity of its neighbouring shores, extremely favourable to the infant navigation of the world; when, from their ignorance of the compass, men were afraid to quit the view of the coast, and from the imperfection of the art of shipbuilding, to abandon themselves to the boisterous waves of the ocean. To pass beyond the pillars of Hercules, that is, to sail out of the Straits of Gibraltar, was, in the ancient world, long considered as a most wonderful and dangerous exploit of navigation. It was late before even the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, the most skilful navigators and ship-builders of those old times, attempted it, and they were for a long time the only nations that did attempt it. Of all the countries on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, Egypt seems to have been the first in which either agriculture or manufactures were cultivated and improved to any considerable degree. Upper Egypt extends itself nowhere above a few miles from the Nile, and in Lower Egypt that great river breaks itself into many different canals, which, with the assistance of a little art, seem to have afforded a communication by water-carriage, not only between all the great towns, but between all the

considerable villages, and even to many farmhouses in the country; nearly in the same manner as the Rhine and the Maas do in Holland at present. The extent and easiness of this inland navigation was probably one of the principal causes of the early improvement of

Egypt.

The improvements in agriculture and manufactures seem likewise to have been of very great antiquity in the provinces of Bengal, in the East Indies, and in some of the eastern provinces of China; though the great extent of not authenticated by any hisin this part of the world, are well assured. In Bengal the Ganges and several other great rivers form a great number of navigable canals in the same manner as the Nile does in Egypt. In the Eastthis antiquity

tories of

is

whose authority we,

The Wealth of Nations

10

em provinces of China too, several

great rivers form, by their different branches, a multitude of canals, and by communicating with one another afford an inland navigation much more extensive than that either of the Nile or the

Ganges, or perhaps than both of them put together. It is remarkable that neither the ancient Egyptians, nor the Indians, nor the Chinese, encouraged foreign commerce, but seem all to have derived their great opulence from this inland navigation.

All the inland parts of Africa, and all that part of Asia which lies any considerable way north of the Euxine and Caspian seas, the ancient Scythia, the modern Tartary and Siberia, seem in all ages of the world to have been in the

But when the division of labour first began to take place, this power of exchanging must frequently have been very much clogged and embarrassed in its operations. One man, weshall suppose, has more of a certain commodity than he himself has occasion for, while another has less. The former consequently would be glad to dispose of, and the latter to purchase, a part

But

of this superfluity.

if

this latter should

chance to have nothing that the former stands in need of, no exchange can be made between them. The butcher has more meat in his shop than he himself can consume, and the brewer and the baker would each of them be willing to purchase a part of it. But they have nothing to offer in exchange, except the different pro-

same barbarous and uncivilised state in which we find them at present. The Sea of Tartary is the frozen ocean which admits of no navigation, and though some of the greatest rivers

ductions of their respective trades, and the butcher is already provided with all the bread and beer which he has immediate occasion for.

world run through that country, they are at too great a distance from one another to carry commerce and communication through the greater part of it. There are in Africa none of those great inlets, such as the Baltic and Adriatic seas in Europe, the Mediterranean and Euxine seas in both Europe and Asia, and the gulfs of Arabia, Persia, India, Bengal, and Siam, in Asia, to carry maritime commerce into the

them.

in the

interior parts of that great continent: and the great rivers of Africa are at too great a dis-

tance from one another to give occasion to any considerable inland navigation. The commerce besides which any nation can carry on by means of a river which does not break itself into any great number of branches or canals, and which runs into another territory before it reaches the sea, can never be very considerable; because it is always in the power of the nations who possess that other territory to obstruct the communication between the upper country and the sea. The navigation of the Danube is of very little use to the different states of Bavaria, Austria and Hungary, in comparison of what it would be if any of them possessed the whole of its course till it falls into the Black Sea.

CHAPTER Of the Origin and Use

of

IV

Money

When

the division of labour has been once thoroughly established, it is but a very small part of a man's wants which the produce of his own labour can supply. He supplies the far greater part of them by exchanging that surplus part of the produce of his own labour,

over and above his own consumption, produce of other men's labour as he has occasion for. Every man thus lives by exchanging, or becomes in some measure a merchant, and the society itself grows to be what is properly a commercial society.

which

is

for such parts of the

No exchange can, in

this case, be made between cannot be their merchant, nor they his customers; and they are all of them thus mutually less serviceable to one another. In order to avoid the inconveniency of such situations, every prudent man in every period of

He

society, after the first establishment of the division of labour, must naturally have endeavoured to manage his affairs in such a manner as to have at all times by him, besides the peculiar produce of his own industry, a certain quantity of some one commodity or other, such as he imagined few people would be likely to refuse in exchange for the produce of their industry. Many different commodities, it is probable, were successively both thought of and employed for this purpose. In the rude ages of society, cattle are said to have been the common instru-

of commerce; and, though they must have been a most inconvenient one, yet in old times we find things were frequently valued according to the number of cattle which had been given in exchange for them. The armour of Diomede, says Homer, cost only nine oxen; but that of Glaucus cost an hundred oxen. Salt is said to be the common instrument of commerce and exchanges in Abyssinia; a species of

ment

shells in

some parts

of the coast of India; dried

cod at Newfoundland; tobacco in Virginia; sugar in some of our West India colonies; hides or dressed leather in some other countries; and there is at this day a village in Scotland where it is

not uncommon,

I

am

told, for

a

workman

to carry nails instead of money to the baker's shop or the alehouse. In all countries, however, men seem at last to have been determined by irresistible reasons to give the preference, for this employment, to metals above every other commodity. Metals can not only be kept with as little loss as any other commodity, scarce anything being less perishable than they are, but they can like-

The Origin and Use of Money without any

be divided into any number of parts, as by fusion those parts can easily be reunited again; a quality which no other equally durable commodities possess, and which more than any other quality renders them fit to be the instruments of commerce and wise,

circulation.

loss,

The man who wanted

to

buy

salt,

example, and had nothing but cattle to give in exchange for it, must have been obliged to buy salt to the value of a whole ox, or a whole sheep at a time. He could seldom buy less than this, because what he was to give for it could seldom be divided without loss; and if he had a mind to buy more, he must, for the same reasons, have been obliged to buy double or triple for

the quantity, the value, to wit, of two or three oxen, or of two or three sheep. If, on the contrary, instead of sheep or oxen, he had metals to give in exchange for it, he could easily proportion the quantity of the metal to the precise quantity of the commodity which he had immediate occasion for. Different metals have been made use of by different nations for this purpose. Iron was the common instrument of commerce among the ancient Spartans; copper among the ancient Romans; and gold and silver among all rich and commercial nations. Those metals seem originally to have been made use of for this purpose in rude bars, without any stamp or coinage. Thus we are told by 1 Pliny, upon the authority of Timaeus, an ancient historian, that, till the time of Servius Tullius, the Romans had no coined money, but made use of unstamped bars of copper, to purchase whatever they had occasion for. These rude bars, therefore, performed at this time the function of money. The use of metals in this rude state was attended with two very considerable inconveniencies; first, with the trouble of weighing; and, secondly, with that of assaying them. In the precious metals, where a small difference in the quantity makes a great difference in the value, even the business of weighing, with proper exactness, requires at least very accurate weights and scales. The weighing of gold in particular is an operation of some nicety. In the coarser metals, indeed, where a small error would be of little consequence, less accuracy would, no doubt, be necessary. Yet we should find it excessively troublesome, if every time a poor man had occasion either to buy or sell a farthing's worth of goods, he was obliged to weigh the farthing. The operation of assaying is still more difficult, still more tedious, and, unless a part of the metal is fairly melted in the crucible, with proper dissolvents, any conclusion that can be drawn from it, is extremely uncertain. Before the institution of coined money, however, unless they went through this tedious 1

Pliny, Historia naturalis, xxxiii, 3.

11

and difficult operation, people must always have been liable to the grossest frauds and impositions, and instead of a pound weight of pure silver, or pure copper, might receive in exchange for their goods an adulterated composition of the coarsest and cheapest materials, which had, however, in their outward appear-

made to resemble those metals. To prevent such abuses, to facilitate exchanges, and thereby to encourage all sorts of industry and commerce, it has been found necessary, in ance, been

all countries that have made any considerable advances towards improvement, to affix a public stamp upon certain quantities of such particular metals as were in those countries com-

monly made use

of to purchase goods. Hence the origin of coined money, and of those public offices called mints; institutions exactly of the same nature with those of the aulnagers and stamp-masters of woolen and linen cloth. All of them are equally meant to ascertain, by means of a public stamp, the quantity and uniform goodness of those different commodities when brought to market. The first public stamps of this kind that were affixed to the current metals, seem in many cases to have been intended to ascertain, what it

was both most

difficult

and most important

to ascertain, the goodness or fineness of the metal, and to have resembled the sterling mark which is at present affixed to plate and bars of silver, or the Spanish mark which is sometimes affixed to ingots of gold, and which being struck only upon one side of the piece, and not covering the whole surface, ascertains the fineness, but not the weight of the metal. Abraham weighs to Ephron the four hundred shekels of silver which he had agreed to pay for the field of Machpelah. They are said, however, to be the current money of the merchant, and yet are received by weight and not by tale, in the same manner as ingots of gold and bars of silver are at present. The revenues of the ancient Saxon kings of England are said to have been paid, not in money but in kind, that is, in victuals and provisions of all sorts. William the Conqueror introduced the custom of paying

them in money. This money, however, was, for a long time, received at the exchequer, by weight and not by tale. The inconveniency and difficulty of weighing those metals with exactness gave occasion to the institution of coins, of which the stamp, covering entirely both sides of the piece and sometimes the edges too, was supposed to ascertain not only the fineness, but the weight of the metal. Such coins, therefore, were received by tale as at present, without the trouble of weighing. The denominations of those coins seem originally to have expressed the weight or quantity of metal contained in them. In the time of

12

The Wealth of Nations

Servius Tullius, who first coined money at Rome, the Roman as or pondo contained a Roman pound of good copper. It was divided in the same manner as our Troyes pound, into twelve ounces, each of which contained a real ounce of good copper. The English pound sterling, in the time of Edward I, contained a pound, Tower weight, of silver, of a known fineness. The Tower pound seems to have been something more than the Roman pound, and something less than the Troyes pound. This last was not introduced into the mint of England till the 18th of Henry VIII. The French livre contained in the time of Charlemagne a pound, Troyes weight, of silver of a known fineness. The fair of Troyes in Champaign was at that time frequented by all the nations of Europe, and the weights and measures of so famous a market were generally known and esteemed. The Scots money pound contained, from the time of Alexander the First to that of Robert Bruce, a pound of silver of the same weight and fineness with the English pound sterling. English, French, and Scots pennies, too, contained all of them originally a real pennyweight of silver, the twentieth part of an ounce, and the two-hundred-and-fortieth part of a pound. The shilling too seems originally to have been the denomination of a weight. When wheat is at twelve shillings the quarter, says an ancient statute of Henry III, then wastel bread of a farthing shall weigh eleven shillings and four pence. The proportion, however, between the shilling and either the penny on the one hand, or the pound on the other, seems not to have been so constant and uniform as that between the penny and the pound. During the first race of the kings of France, the French sou or shilling appears upon different occasions to have contained five, twelve, twenty, and forty pennies. Among the ancient Saxons a shilling appears at one time to have contained only five pennies, and it is not improbable that it may have been as variable among them as among their neighbours, the ancient Franks. From the time of Charlemagne among the French, and from that of William the Conqueror among the English, the proportion between the pound, the shilling, and the penny, seems to have been uniformly the same as at present, though the value of each has been very different. For in every country of the world, I believe, the avarice and injustice of princes and sovereign states, abusing the confidence of their subjects, have by degrees diminished the real quantity of metal, which had been originally contained in their coins. The Roman as, in the latter ages of the

Republic, was reduced to the twenty-fourth part of its original value, and, instead of weighing a pound, came to weigh only half an ounce. The English pound and penny contain at present about a third only; the Scots pound and

penny about a thirty-sixth; and the French pound and penny about a sixty-sixth part of their original value. By means of those operations the princes and sovereign states which performed them were enabled, in appearance, to pay their debts and to fulfil their engagements with a smaller quantity of silver than would otherwise have been requisite. It was indeed in appearance only; for their creditors were really defrauded of a part of what was due to them. All other debtors in the state were allowed the same privilege, and might pay with the same nominal sum of the new and debased coin whatever they had borrowed in the old. Such operations, therefore, have always proved favourable to the debtor, and ruinous to the creditor, and have sometimes produced a greater and more universal revolution in the fortunes of private persons, than could have been occasioned by a very great public calamity. It is in this manner that money has become in all civilised nations the universal instrument of commerce, by the intervention of which goods of all kinds are bought and sold, or exchanged for one another. What are the rules which men naturally observe in exchanging them either for money or for one another, I shall now proceed to ex-

amine. These rules determine what may be called the relative or exchangeable value of goods.

The word

to be observed, has two and sometimes expresses the utility of some particular object, and sometimes the power of purchasing other goods which the possession of that object conveys.

value,

it is

different meanings,

The one may be

called "value in use"; the other, "value in exchange." The things which have the greatest value in use have frequently little or no value in exchange; and, on the contrary, those which have the greatest value in exchange have frequently little or no value in use. Nothing is more useful than water: but it will purchase scarce anything; scarce anything diamond, on can be had in exchange for it. the contrary, has scarce any value in use; but

A

a very great quantity of other goods may frequently be had in exchange for it. In order to investigate the principles which regulate the exchangeable value of commodities, I shall endeavour to show: First,

what

is

the real measure of this ex-

changeable value; or, wherein consists the real price of all commodities. Secondly, what are the different parts of

which this real price is composed or made up. And, lastly, what are the different circumstances which sometimes raise some or all of these different parts of price above, and sometimes sink them below their natural or ordinary rate; or, what are the causes which sometimes hinder the market price, that is, the actual

'he

Price of Commodities

price of commodities, from coinciding exactly with what may be called their natural price. I shall

endeavour to explain, as

fully

and

dis-

tinctly as I can, those three subjects in the three following chapters, for which I must very

earnestly entreat both the patience and attention of the reader: his patience in order to ex-

amine a detail which may perhaps in some places appear unnecessarily tedious; and his attention in order to understand what may, perhaps, after the fullest explication which I am capable of giving of it, appear still in some degree obscure. I am always willing to run some hazard of being tedious

in order to be sure that perspicuous; and after taking the utmost pains that I can to be perspicuous, some obscurity may still appear to remain upon a subject in its own nature extremely abstracted. I

am

CHAPTER V Of the Real and Nominal Price Commodities, or their Price

and

their Price in

Every man

in

of

Labour,

Money

poor according to the degree in which he can afford to enjoy the necessaries, conveniences, and amusements of human life. But after the division of labour has once thoroughly taken place, it is but a very small part of these with which a man's own labour can supply him. The far greater part of them he must derive from the labour of other people, and he must be rich or poor according to the quantity of that labour which he can command, or which he can afford to purchase. The value of any commodity, therefore, to the person who possesses it, and who means not to use or consume it himself, but to exchange it for other commodities, is equal to the quantity of labour which it enables him to purchase or command. Labour, therefore, is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodiis

rich or

ties.

The real price of everything, what everything really costs to the man who wants to acquire it, is the toil and trouble of acquiring it. What everything is really worth to the man who has acquired it, and who wants to dispose of it or exchange it for something else, is the toil and trouble which it can save to himself, and which it can impose upon other people.

What is bought with money or with goods is purchased by labour as much as what we acquire by the toil of our own body. That money or those goods indeed save us this toil. They contain the value of a certain quantity of labour which we exchange for what is supposed at the time to contain the value of an equal quantity. Labour was the first price, the original purchase-money that was paid for all things. It was not by gold or by silver, but by labour, that all the wealth of the world was originally

purchased; and it,

13 its

value, to those

and who want to exchange

it

who

for

possess

some new

productions, is precisely equal to the quantity of labour which it can enable them to purchase or

command.

Wealth, as Mr. Hobbes says, is power. But the person who either acquires, or succeeds to a great fortune, does not necessarily acquire or succeed to any political power, either civil or military. His fortune may, perhaps, afford him the means of acquiring both, but the mere possession of that fortune does not necessarily convey to him either. The power which that possession immediately and directly conveys to him, is the power of purchasing; a certain command over all the labour, or over all the produce of labour, which is then in the market. His fortune is greater or less, precisely in proportion to the extent of this power; or to the quantity either of other men's labour, or, what is the same thing, of the produce of other men's labour, which it enables him to purchase or command. The exchangeable value of everything must always be precisely equal to the extent of this power which it conveys to its owner. But though labour be the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities, it is not that by which their value is commonly estimated. It is often difficult to ascertain the proportion between two different quantities of labour. The time spent in two different sorts of work will not always alone determine this proportion. The different degrees of hardship endured, and of ingenuity exercised, must likewise be taken into account. There may be more labour in an hour's hard work than in two hours' easy business; or in an hour's application to a trade which it cost ten years' labour to learn, than in a month's industry at an ordinary and obvious employment. But it is not easy to find any accurate measure either of hardship or ingenuity. In exchanging, indeed, the different productions of different sorts of labour for one another, some allowance is commonly made for both. It is adjusted, however, not by any accurate measure, but by the higgling and bargaining of the market, according to that sort of rough equality which, though not exact, is sufficient for carrying on the business of common life. Every commodity, besides, is more frequently exchanged for, and thereby compared with, other commodities than with labour. It is more natural, therefore, to estimate its exchangeable value by the quantity of some other commodity than by that of the labour which it can purchase. The greater part of people, too, understand better what is meant by a quantity of a particular commodity than by a quantitv of labour. The one is a plain palpable object; the other an abstract notion, which, though it

can be made sufficiently

intelligible, is

not

The Wealth of Nations

14

altogether so natural and obvious. But when barter ceases, and money has become the common instrument of commerce, every particular commodity is more frequently exchanged for money than for any other commodity. The butcher seldom carries his beef or his mutton to the baker, or the brewer, in order to exchange them for bread or for beer; but he carries them to the market, where he exchanges them for money, and afterwards exchanges that

money for bread and for beer. The quantity of money which he gets for them regulates, too, the quantity of bread and beer which he can afterwards purchase. It is more natural and obvious to him, therefore, to estimate their value by the quantity of money, the commodity for which he immediately exchanges them, than by that of bread and beer, the commodities for which he can exchange them only by the intervention of another commodity; and rather to say that his butcher's meat is worth threepence or fourpence a pound, than that it is worth three or four pounds of bread, or three or four quarts of small beer. Hence it comes to pass that the exchangeable value of every commodity is more frequently estimated by the quantity of money, than by the quantity either of labour or of any other commodity which can

be had

in

exchange for

it.

Gold and silver, however, like every other commodity, vary in their value, are sometimes cheaper and sometimes dearer, sometimes of easier and sometimes of more difficult purchase. The quantity of labour which any particular quantity of them can purchase or command, or the quantity of other goods

w hich T

it

will ex-

depends always upon the fertility or barrenness of the mines which happen to be known about the time when such exchanges are made. The discovery of the abundant mines of America reduced, in the sixteenth century, the value of gold and silver in Europe to about a third of what it had been before. As it costs less labour to bring those metals from the mine to the market, so when they were brought thither they could purchase or command less labour; and this revolution in their value, though perhaps the greatest, is by no means the only one of which history gives some account. But as a measure of quantity, such as the natural foot, fathom, or handful, which is continually varying in its own quantity, can never be an accurate measure of the quantity of other things; so a commodity which is itself continually varying in its own value, can never be an accurate measure of the value of other commodities. Equal quantities of labour, at all times and places, may be said to be of equal value to change

for,

the labourer. In his ordinary state of health, strength and spirits; in the ordinary degree of his skill and dexterity, he must always lay down the same portion of his ease, his liberty, and his

happiness. The price which he pays must always be the same, whatever may be the quan-

goods which he receives in return for it. it may sometimes purchase a greater and sometimes a smaller quantity; but it is their value which varies, not that of the labour which purchases them. At all times and places that is dear which it is difficult to come at, or which it costs much labour to acquire; and that cheap which is to be had easily, or with very little labour. Labour alone, therefore, never varying in its own value, is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can at all times and places be estimated and compared. It is their real price; money is their nominal price only. But though equal quantities of labour are always of equal value to the labourer, yet to the person who employs him they appear sometimes to be of greater and sometimes of smaller value. He purchases them sometimes with a greater and sometimes with a smaller quantity of goods, and to him the price of labour seems to vary like that of all other things. It appears to him dear in the one case, and cheap in the other. In reality, however, it is the goods which are cheap in the one case, and dear in the other. In this popular sense, therefore, labour, like commodities, may be said to have a real and a nominal price. Its real price may be said to consist in the quantity of the necessaries and conveniences of life which are given for it; its nominal price, in the quantity of money. The labourer is rich or poor, is well or ill rewarded, in proportion to the real, not to the nominal tity of

Of

these, indeed,

price of his labour. The distinction between the real and the nominal price of commodities and labour is not a matter of mere speculation, but may sometimes be of considerable use in practice. The same real price is always of the same value; but on account of the variations in the value of gold and silver, the same nominal price is sometimes of very different values. When a landed estate, therefore, is sold with a reservation of a perpetual rent, if it is intended that this rent should always be of the same value, it is of im-

portance to the family in whose favour it is reserved that it should not consist in a particular sum of money. Its value would in this case be

two different kinds; first, to those which arise from the different quantities of gold and silver which are contained at different times in coin of the same denomination; and, secondly, to those which arise from the different values of equal quantities of gold

liable to variations of

and

silver at different times. Princes and sovereign states have frequently fancied that they had a temporary interest to diminish the quantity of pure metal contained in their coins; but they seldom have fancied

that they had any to

augment

it.

The quantity

The Price of Commodities of metal contained in the coins, I believe of all nations, has, accordingly, been almost continually diminishing, and hardly ever augmenting. Such variations, therefore, tend almost always to diminish the value of a money rent. The discovery of the mines of America diminished the value of gold and silver in Europe.

This diminution, it is commonly supposed, though I apprehend without any certain proof, is still going on gradually, and is likely to continue to do so for a long time. Upon this supposition, therefore, such variations are more likely to diminish than to augment the value of a money rent, even though it should be stipulated to be paid, not in such a quantity of coined money of such a denomination (in so many pounds sterling, for example) but in so many ounces either of pure silver, or of silver of a certain standard. The rents which have been reserved in corn have preserved their value much better than those which have been reserved in money, even where the denomination of the coin has not been altered. By the 18th of Elizabeth it was enacted that a third of the rent of all college leases should be reserved in corn, to be paid, either in kind, or according to the current prices at the nearest public market. The money arising from this corn rent, though originally but a ,

third of the whole, is in the present times, according to Dr. Blackstone, commonly near double of what arises from the other two-thirds. The old money rents of colleges must, according to this account, have sunk almost to a fourth part of their ancient value; or are worth little more than a fourth part of the corn which they were formerly worth. But since the reign of Philip and Mary the denomination of the English coin has undergone little or no alteration, and the same number of pounds, shillings and pence have contained very nearly the same quantity of pure silver. This degradation, therefore, in the value of the money rents of colleges, has arisen altogether from the degradation in the value of silver. When the degradation in the value of silver is combined with the diminution of the quantity of it contained in the coin of the same denomination, the loss is frequently still greater. In Scotland, where the denomination of the coin has undergone much greater alterations than it ever did in England, and in France, where it has undergone still greater than it ever did in Scotland, some ancient rents, originally of considerable value, have in this manner been reduced almost to nothing. Equal quantities of labour will at distant times be purchased more nearly with equal quantities of corn, the subsistence of the labourer, than with equal quantities of gold and silver, or perhaps of any other commodity.

Equal quantities of corn, therefore,

will,

at dis-

15

tant times, be more nearly of the same real value, or enable the possessor to purchase or command more nearly the same quantity of the labour of other people. They will do this, I say, more nearly than equal quantities of almost any other commodity; for even equal quantities of corn will not do it exactly. The subsistence of the labourer, or the real price of labour, as I shall endeavour to show hereafter, is very different upon different occasions; more liberal in a society advancing to opulence than in one that is standing still; and in one that is standing still than in one that is going backwards. Every other commodity, however, will at any particular time purchase a greater or smaller quantity of labour in proportion to the quantity of subsistence which it can purchase at that time. A rent therefore reserved in corn is liable only to the variations in the quantity of labour which a certain quantity of corn can purchase. But a rent reserved in any othercommodity is liable not only to the variations in the quantity of labour which any particular quantity of corn can purchase, but to the variations in the quantity of corn which can be purchased by any particular quantity of that com-

modity.

Though the real value of a corn rent, it is to be observed, however, varies much less from century to century than that of a money rent, it varies much more from year to year. The money price of labour, as I shall endeavour to show hereafter, does not fluctuate from year to year with the money price of corn, but seems to be everywhere accommodated, not to the temporary or occasional, but to the average or ordinary price of that necessary of life. The average or ordinary price of corn again is regulated, as I shall likewise endeavour to show hereafter, by the value of silver, by the richness or barrenness of the mines which supply the market with that metal, or by the quantity of

labour which must be employed, and consequently of corn which must be consumed, in order to bring any particular quantity of silver from the mine to the market. But the value of silver,

though

it

sometimes varies greatly from

century to century, seldom varies much from year to year, but frequently continues the same, or very nearly the same, for half a century or a century together. The ordinary or average money price of corn, therefore, may, during so long a period, continue the same or very nearly the same too, and along with it the money price of labour, provided, at least, the society continues, in other respects, in the same or nearly in the same condition. In the meantime the temporary and occasional price of corn may frequently be double, one year, of what it had been the year before, or fluctuate, for example, from five and twenty to fifty shillings the quarter. But when corn is at the latter

The Wealth of Nations man who possesses but the real value

16

not only the nominal, be double of what it is when at the former, or will command double the quantity either of labour or of the greater part of other commodities; the money price of labour, and along with it that of most other things, continuing the same during all these

price,

of a corn rent will

fluctuations. Labour, therefore, it appears evidently, is the only universal, as well as the only accurate

measure of value, or the only standard by which we can compare the values of different commodities at all times, and at all places. We canit is allowed, the real value of different commodities from century to century by the quantities of silver which were given for cannot estimate it from year to year them. by the quantities of corn. By the quantities of

not estimate,

We we

can, with the greatest accuracy, estiboth from century to century and from year to year. From century to century, corn is a better measure than silver, because, from cen-

labour

mate

it

tury to century, equal quantities of corn will command the same quantity of labour more nearly than equal quantities of silver. From year to year, on the contrary, silver is a better measure than corn, because equal quantities of it will more nearly command the same quantity of labour.

But though in establishing perpetual rents, or even in letting very long leases, it may be of use to distinguish between real and nominal price; it is of none in buying and selling, the more common and ordinary transactions of

human

life.

At the same time and place the nominal price of

all

real

and the

commodities are exactly in

proportion to one another.

The more

or less

get for any commodity, in the London market for example, the more or less labour it will at that time and place enable you to purchase or command. At the same time and place, therefore, money is the exact measure of

money you

the real exchangeable value of

all

commodities.

It is so, however, at the same time only. Though at distant places, there is

and place no regular

proportion between the real and the money price of commodities, yet the merchant who carries goods from the one to the other has nothing to consider but their money price, or the difference between the quantity of silver for which he buys them, and that for which he is likely to sell them. Half an ounce of silver at Canton in China may command a greater quantity both of labour and of the necessaries and conveniences of life than an ounce at London.

A commodity, an ounce of

therefore,

silver at

which

sells for half

Canton may there be

importance to the man who possesses it there, than a commodity which sells for an ounce at London is to the really dearer, of

more

real

it at London. If a London merchant, however, can buy at Canton for half an ounce of silver, a commodity which he can afterwards sell at London for an ounce, he gains a hundred per cent by the bargain, just as much as if an ounce of silver was at London exactly of the same value as at Canton. It is of no importance to him that half an ounce of silver at Canton would have given him the command of more labour and of a greater quantity of the necessaries and conveniences of life than an ounce can do at London. An ounce at London will always give him the command of double the quantity of all these which half an ounce could have done there, and this is precisely what he wants. As it is the nominal or money price of goods, therefore, which finally determines the prudence or imprudence of all purchases and sales, and thereby regulates almost the whole business of common life in which price is concerned, we cannot wonder that it should have been so much more attended to than the real price. In such a work as this, however, it may sometimes be of use to compare the different real values of a particular commodity at different times and places, or the different degrees of power over the labour of other people which it may, upon different occasions, have given to

those

who

possessed

it.

We

must

in this case

compare, not so much the different quantities of silver for which it was commonly sold, as the different quantities of labour which those different quantities of silver could have purchased.

But the current prices of labour at distant times and places can scarce ever be known with any degree of exactness. Those of corn, though they have in few places been regularly recorded, are in general better known and have been more frequently taken notice of by historians and other writers. We must generally, therefore, content ourselves with them, not as being always exactly in the same proportion as the current prices of labour, but as being the nearest

approximation which can commonly be had to that proportion. I shall hereafter have occasion to make several comparisons of this kind. In the progress of industry, commercial nations have found it convenient to coin several different metals into money; gold for larger payments, silver for purchases of moderate value, and copper, or some other coarse metal, for those of still smaller consideration. They have always, however, considered one of those metals as more peculiarly the measure of value than any of the other two; and this preference seems generally to have been given to the metal which they happened first to make use of as the

instrument of commerce. Having once begun to use it as their standard, which they must have done when they had no other money, they have generally continued to do so even when

The Price of Commodities the necessity was not the same. The Romans are said to have had nothing but copper money till within five years before 1 the first Punic war, when they first began to coin silver. Copper, therefore, appears to have continued always the measure of value in that republic. At Rome all accounts appear to have been kept, and the value of all estates to have been computed either in asses or in sestertii. The as was always the denomination of a cop-

per coin. The word sestertius signifies two asses and a half. Though the sestertius, therefore, was originally a silver coin, its value was estimated in copper. At Rome, one who owed a great deal of money was said to have a great deal of other people's copper. The northern nations who established themselves upon the ruins of the Roman empire, seem to have had silver money from the first beginning of their settlements, and not to have known either gold or copper coins for several ages thereafter. There were silver coins in England in the time of the Saxons; but there was little gold coined till the time of Edward III nor any copper till that of James I of Great Britain. In England, therefore, and for the same reason, I believe, in all other modern nations of Europe, all accounts are kept, and the value of all goods and of all estates is generally

computed in silver: and when we mean to express the amount of a person's fortune, we seldom mention the number of guineas, but the number of pounds sterling which we suppose would be given for it. Originally, in all countries, I believe, a legal tender of payment could be made only in the coin of that metal, which was peculiarly considered as the standard or measure of value. In England, gold was not considered as a legal tender for a long time after it was coined into money. The proportion between the values of gold and silver money was not fixed by any public law or proclamation; but was left to be settled by the market. If a debtor offered payment in gold, the creditor might either reject such payment altogether, or accept of it at such a valuation of the gold as he and his debtor could agree upon. Copper is not at present a legal tender except in the change of the smaller silver coins. In this state of things the distinction between the metal which was the standard, and that which was not the standard, was something more than a nominal distinction.

In process of time, and as people became gradually more familiar with the use of the different metals in coin, and consequently better acquainted with the proportion between their respective values, it has in most countries, I believe, been found convenient to ascertain this proportion, and to declare by a public law that 1

Pliny, xxxiii, 3.

17

a guinea, for example, of such a weight and fineness, should exchange for one-and-twenty shillings, or be a legal tender for a debt of that amount. In this state of things, and during the continuance of any one regulated proportion of this kind, the distinction between the metal which is the standard, and that which is not the standard, becomes little more than a nominal distinction.

In consequence of any change, however, in this regulated proportion, this distinction becomes, or at least seems to become, something more than nominal again. If the regulated value of a guinea, for example, was either reduced to twenty, or raised to two-and-twenty shillings, all accounts being kept and almost all obligations for debt being expressed in silver money, the greater part of payments could in either case be made with the same quantity of silver money as before; but would require very different quantities of gold money; a greater in the one case, and a smaller in the other. Silver would appear to be more invariable in its value than gold. Silver would appear to measure the value of gold, and gold would not appear to measure the value of silver. The value of gold would seem to depend upon the quantity of silver which it would exchange for; and the value of silver would not seem to depend upon the quantity of gold which it would exchange for. This difference, however, would be altogether owing to the custom of keeping accounts, and of expressing the amount of all great and small sums rather in silver than in gold money. One of Mr. Drummond's notes for five-and-twenty or fifty guineas would, after an alteration of this kind, be still payable with five-and-twenty or fifty guineas in the same manner as before. It would, after such an alteration, be payable with the same quantity of gold as before, but with very different quantities of silver. In the payment of such a note, gold would appear to be more invariable in its value than silver. Gold would appear to measure the value of silver, and silver would not appear to measure the value of gold. If the custom of keeping accounts, and of expressing promissory notes and other obligations for money in this manner, should ever become general, gold, and not silver, would be considered as the metal which was peculiarly the standard or measure of value.

In reality, during the continuance of any one regulated proportion between the respective values of the different metals in coin, the value of the most precious metal regulates the value of the whole coin. Twelve copper pence contain half a pound, avoirdupois, of copper, of not the best quality, which, before it is coined, is seldom worth sevenpence in silver. But as by the regulation twelve such pence are ordered to exchange for a shilling, they are in the mar-

18

The Wealth of Nations

ket considered as worth a shilling, and a shilling can at any time be had for them. Even before the late reformation of the gold coin of Great Britain, the gold, that part of it at least which circulated in London and its neighbourhood, was in general less degraded below its standard weight than the greater part of the

One-and-twenty worn and defaced shillhowever, were considered as equivalent to a guinea, which perhaps, indeed, was worn and defaced too, but seldom so much so. The late regulations have brought the gold coin as near perhaps to its standard weight as it is possible silver.

ings,

to bring the current coin of any nation; and the order, to receive no gold at the public offices but by weight, is likely to preserve it so,

as long as that order is enforced. The silver coin still continues in the same worn and degraded state as before the reformation of the gold coin. In the market, however, one-andtwenty shillings of this degraded silver coin are still considered as worth a guinea of this excellent gold coin. The reformation of the gold coin has evidently raised the value of the silver coin which

can be exchanged for it. In the English mint a pound weight of gold coined into forty-four guineas and a half, which, at one-and-twenty shillings the guinea, is equal to forty-six pounds fourteen shillings and sixpence. An ounce of such gold coin, therefore, is worth £3 17s. lO^d. in silver. In England no duty or seignorage is paid upon the coinage, and he who carries a pound weight or an ounce weight of standard gold bullion to the mint, gets back a pound weight or an ounce weight of gold in coin, without any deduction. Three pounds seventeen shillings and tenpence halfpenny an ounce, therefore, is said to be the mint price of gold in England, or the quantity of gold coin which the mint gives in return for standard gold bullion. Before the reformation of the gold coin, the price of standard gold bullion in the market had for many years been upwards of £3 18s. sometimes £3 19s. and very frequently £4 an ounce; that sum, it is probable, in the worn and degraded gold coin, seldom containing more than an ounce of standard gold. Since the reformation of the gold coin, the market price of standard gold bullion seldom exceeds £3 17s. 7d. an ounce. Before the reformation of the gold coin, the market price was always more or less above the mint price. Since that reformation, the market price has been constantly below the mint price. But that market price is the same whether it is paid in gold or in silver coin. The late reformation of the gold coin, therefore, has raised not only the value of the gold coin, but likewise that of the silver coin in proportion to gold bullion, and probably, too, in proportion to all other commodities; is

through the price of the greater part of other commodities being influenced by so many other causes, the rise in the value either of gold or silver coin in proportion to them may not be so distinct and sensible.

In the English mint a pound weight of standard silver bullion is coined into sixty-two shillings, containing, in the same manner, a pound weight of standard silver. Five shillings and twopence an ounce, therefore, is said to be the mint price of silver in England, or the quantity of silver coin

which the mint gives

in return for

standard silver bullion. Before the reformation of the gold coin, the market price of standard silver bullion was, upon different occasions, five shillings and fourpence, five shillings and fivepence, five shillings and sixpence, five shillings and sevenpence, and very often five shillings and eightpence an ounce. Five shillings and sevenpence, however, seems to have been the most common price. Since the reformation of the gold coin, the market price of standard silver bullion has fallen occasionally to five shillings and threepence, five shillings and fourpence, and five shillings and fivepence an ounce, which last price it has scarce ever exceeded. Though the market price of silver bullion has fallen considerably since the reformation of the gold coin, it has not fallen so low as the mint

price.

In the proportion between the different metEnglish coin, as copper is rated very much above its real value, so silver is rated somewhat below it. In the market of Europe, in the French coin and in the Dutch coin, an ounce of fine gold exchanges for about fourteen ounces of fine silver. In the English coin, it exchanges for about fifteen ounces, that is, for more silver than it is worth according to the common estimation of Europe. But as the price of copper in bars is not, even in England, raised by the high price of copper in English coin, so the price of silver in bullion is not sunk by the low rate of silver in English coin. Silver in bullion still preserves its proper proportion to gold; for the same reason that copper in bars preserves its proper proportion to als in the

silver.

Upon the reformation of the silver coin in the reign of William III the price of silver bullion still continued to be somewhat above the mint price. Mr. Locke imputed this high price to the permission of exporting silver bullion, and to the prohibition of exporting silver coin. This permission of exporting, he said, rendered the demand for silver bullion greater than the demand for silver coin. But the number of people who want silver coin for the common uses of buying and selling at home, is surely much greater than that of those who want silver bullion either for the use of exportation or for any other use. There subsists at present a like

The Price of Commodities permission of exporting gold bullion, and a like prohibition of exporting gold coin: and yet the price of gold bullion has fallen below the mint price. But in the English coin silver was then, in the same manner as now, underrated in proportion to gold, and the gold coin (which at that time too was not supposed to require any reformation) regulated then, as well as now, the real value of the whole coin. As the reformation of the silver coin did not then reduce the price of silver bullion to the mint price, it is not very probable that a like reformation will

do so now.

Were

the silver coin brought back as near to standard weight as the gold, a guinea, it is probable, would, according to the present proportion, exchange for more silver in coin than it would purchase in bullion. The silver coin containing its full standard weight, there would in this case be a profit in melting it down, in its

first, to sell the bullion for gold coin, and afterwards to exchange this gold coin for silver coin to be melted down in the same manner. Some alteration in the present proportion seems to be the only method of preventing this inconveniency. The inconveniency perhaps would be less if silver was rated in the coin as much above its proper proportion to gold as it is at present rated below it; provided it was at the same time enacted that silver should not be a legal tender for more than the change of a guinea, in the same manner as copper is not a legal tender for more than the change of a shilling. No creditor could in this case be cheated in consequence of the high valuation of silver in coin; as no creditor can at present be cheated in consequence of the high valuation of copper. The bankers only would suffer by this regulation. When a run comes upon them they sometimes endeavour to gain time by paying in sixpences, and they would be precluded by this regulation from this discreditable method of evading immediate payment. They would be obliged in consequence to keep at all times in their coffers a greater quantity of cash than at present; and though this might no doubt be a considerable inconveniency to them, it would at the same time be a considerable security to their credi-

order,

tors.

Three pounds seventeen shillings and tenpence halfpenny (the mint price of gold) certainly does not contain, even in our present excellent gold coin, more than an ounce of standard gold, and it may be thought, therefore, should not purchase more standard bullion. But gold in coin is more convenient than gold in bullion, and though, in England, the coinage is free, yet the gold which is carried in bullion to the mint can seldom be returned in coin to the owner till after a delay of several weeks. In the present hurry of the mint, it could not be

19

returned till after a delay of several months. This delay is equivalent to a small duty, and renders gold in coin somewhat more valuable than an equal quantity of gold in bullion. If in the English coin silver was rated according to it proper proportion to gold, the price of silver bullion would probably fall below the mint price even without any reformation of the silver coin; the value even of the present worn and defaced silver coin being regulated by the value of the excellent gold coin for which it can be changed. A small seignorage or duty upon the coinage of both gold and silver would probably increase still more the superiority of those metals in coin above an equal quantity of either of them in bullion. The coinage would in this case increase the value of the metal coined in proportion to the extent of this small duty; for the same reason that the fashion increases the value of plate in proportion to the price of that fashion. The superiority of coin above bullion would prevent the melting down of the coin, and would discourage its exportation. If upon any public exigency it should become necessary to export the coin, the greater part of it would soon return again of its own accord. Abroad it could sell only for its weight in bullion. At home it would buy more than that weight. There would be a profit, therefore, in bringing it home again. In France a seignorage of about eight per cent is imposed upon the coinage, and the French coin, when exported, is said to return home again of its own accord. The occasional fluctuations in the market price of gold and silver bullion arise from the same causes as the like fluctuations in that of all other commodities. The frequent loss of those metals from various accidents by sea and by land, the continual waste of them in gilding and plating, in lace and embroidery, in the wear and tear of coin, and in that of plate; require, in all countries which possess no mines of their own, a continual importation, in order to repair this loss and this waste. The merchant importers, like all other merchants, we may believe, endeavour, as well as they can, to suit their occasional importations to what, they judge, is likely to be the immediate demand. With all their attention, however, they sometimes overdo the business, and sometimes underdo it. When they import more bullion than is wanted, rather than incur the risk and trouble of exporting it again, they are sometimes willing to sell a part of it for something less than the ordinary or average price. When, on the other hand, they import less than is wanted, they get something more than this price. But when, under all those occasional fluctuations, the market price either of gold or silver bullion continues for several years together steadily and constantly, either more or

The Wealth of Nations

20 less

above, or more or less below the mint price, that this steady and con-

we may be assured

stant, either superiority or inferiority of price, is the effect of something in the state of the

a certain quantity of coin either of more value or of less value than the precise quantity of bullion which it ought to contain. The constancy and steadiness of the effect supposes a proportionable constancy and steadiness in the cause. The money of any particular country is, at any particular time and place, more or less an accurate measure of value according as the current coin is more or less exactly agreeable to its standard, or contains more or less exactly the precise quantity of pure gold or pure silver which it ought to contain. If in England, for example, forty-four guineas and a half contained exactly a pound weight of standard gold, or eleven ounces of fine gold and one ounce of alloy, the gold coin of England would be as accurate a measure of the actual value of goods at any particular time and place as the nature of the thing would admit. But if, by rubbing and wearing, forty-four guineas and a half generally contain less than a pound weight of standard gold; the diminution, however, being greater in some pieces than in others; the measure of value comes to be liable to the same sort of uncertainty to which all other weights and measures are commonly exposed. As it rarely happens that these are exactly agreeable to their standard, the merchant adjusts the price of his goods, as well as he can, not to what those weights and measures ought to be, but to what, upon an average, he finds by experience they actually are. In consequence of a like disorder in the coin, the price of goods comes, in the same manner, to be adjusted, not to the quantity of pure gold or silver which the coin ought to contain, but to that which, upon coin, which, at that time, renders

an average,

it is

found by experience, it actually

does contain. By the money-price of goods, it is to be observed, I understand always the quantity of pure gold or silver for which they are sold, without any regard to the denomination of the coin. Six shillings and eightpence, for example, in the time of Edward I, I consider as the same money-price with a pound sterling in the present times; because it contained, as nearly as we can judge, the same quantity of pure silver.

CHAPTER

VI

Of the Component Parts of the Price of Commodities In that early and rude state of society which precedes both the accumulation of stock and the appropriation of land, the proportion between the quantities of labour necessary for acquiring different objects seems to be the only

circumstance which can afford any rule for exchanging them for one another. If among a nation of hunters, for example, it usually costs twice the labour to kill a beaver which it does to kill a deer, one beaver should naturally exchange for or be worth two deer. It is natural that what is usually the produce of two days' or two hours' labour, should be worth double of what is usually the produce of one day's or one hour's labour. If the one species of labour should be more severe than the other, some allowance will naturally be made for this superior hardship; and the produce of one hour's labour in the one way may frequently exchange for that of two hours' labour in the other. Or if the one species of labour requires an uncommon degree of dexterity and ingenuity, the esteem which men have for such talents will naturally give a value to their produce, superior to what would be due to the time employed about it. Such talents can seldom be acquired but in consequence of long application, and the superior value of their produce may frequently be no more than a reasonable compensation for the time and labour which must be spent in acquiring them. In the advanced state of society, allowances of this kind, for superior hardship and superior skill, are commonly made in the wages of labour; and something of the same kind must probably have taken place in its earliest and rudest period. In this state of things, the whole produce of labour belongs to the labourer; and the quantity of labour commonly employed in acquiring or producing any commodity is the only circumstance which can regulate the quantity of labour which it ought commonly to purchase, command, or exchange for. As soon as stock has accumulated in the hands of particular persons, some of them will naturally employ it in setting to work industrious people, whom they will supply with materials and subsistence, in order to make a profit by the sale of their work, or by what their labour adds to the value of the materials. In exchanging the complete manufacture either for money, for labour, or for other goods, over and above what may be sufficient to pay the price of the materials, and the wages of the workmen, something must be given for the profits of the undertaker of the work who hazards his stock in this adventure. The value which the workmen add to the materials, therefore, resolves itself in this case into two parts, of which the one pays their wages, the other the profits of their employer upon the whole stock of materials and wages which he advanced. He could have no interest to employ them, unless he expected from the sale of their work something more than what was sufficient to replace his stock to him; and he could have no interest to

The Price of Commodities employ a great stock rather than a small one, unless his profits were to bear some proportion to the extent of his stock.

The

profits

of stock,

it

may

perhaps be

thought, are only a different name for the wages of a particular sort of labour, the labour of inspection and direction. They are, however, altogether different, are regulated by quite different principles, and bear no proportion to the quantity, the hardship, or the ingenuity of this supposed labour of inspection and direction. They are regulated altogether by the value of the stock employed, and are greater or smaller in proportion to the extent of this stock. Let us suppose, for example, that in some particular place, where the common annual profits of manufacturing stock are ten per cent, there are two different manufactures, in each of which twenty workmen are employed at the rate of fifteen pounds a year each, or at the expense of three hundred a year in each manufactory. Let us suppose, too, that the coarse materials annually wrought up in the one cost only seven hundred pounds, while the finer materials in the other cost seven thousand. The capital annually employed in the one will in this case amount only to one thousand pounds; whereas that employed in the other will amount to seven thousand three hundred pounds. At the rate of ten per cent, therefore, the undertaker of the one will expect a yearly profit of about one hundred pounds only; while that of the other will expect about seven hundred and thirty pounds. But though their profits are so very different, their labour of inspection and direction may be either altogether or very nearly the same. In many great works almost the whole labour of this kind is committed to some principal clerk. His wages properly express the value of this labour of inspection and direction. Though in settling them some regard is had commonly, not only to his labour and skill, but to the trust which is reposed in him, yet they never bear any regular proportion to the capital of which he oversees the management; and the owner of this capital, though he is thus discharged of almost all labour, still expects that his profits should bear a regular proportion to his capital. In the price of commodities, therefore, the profits of stock constitute a component part altogether different from the wages of labour, and regulated by quite different principles.

In this state of things, the whole produce of labour does not always belong to the labourer. He must in most cases share it with the owner of the stock which employs him. Neither is the quantity of labour commonly employed in acquiring or producing any commodity, the only circumstance which can regulate the quantity which it ought commonly to purchase, command, or exchange for. An additional quantity,

21

evident, must be due for the profits of the stock which advanced the wages and furnished the materials of that labour. As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce. The wood of the forest, the grass of the field, and all the natural fruits of the earth, which, when land was in common, cost the labourer only the trouble of gathering them, come, even to him, to have an additional price fixed upon them. He must then pay for the licence to gather them; and must give up to the landlord a portion of what his labour either collects or produces. This portion, or, what comes to the same thing, the price of this portion, constitutes the rent of land, and in the price of the greater part of commodities makes a third it is

component

The

part.

real value of all the different

compo-

nent parts of price, it must be observed, is measured by the quantity of labour which they can, each of them, purchase or command. Labour measures the value not only of that part of price which resolves itself into labour, but of that which resolves itself into rent, and of that which resolves itself into profit. In every society the price of every commodity finally resolves itself into some one or other, or all of those three parts; and in every improved society, all the three enter more or less, as component parts, into the price of the far greater part of commodities. In the price of corn, for example, one part pays the rent of the landlord, another pays the wages or maintenance of the labourers and la-

bouring cattle employed in producing it, and the third pays the profit of the farmer. These three parts seem either immediately or ultimately to make up the whole price of corn. A fourth part, it may perhaps be thought, is necessary for replacing the stock of the farmer, or for compensating the wear and tear of his labouring cattle, and other instruments of husbandry. But it must be considered that the price of any instrument of husbandry, such as a labouring horse, is itself made up of the same three parts; the rent of the land upon which he is reared, the labour of tending and rearing him, and the profits of the farmer who advances both the rent of this land, and the wages of this labour. Though the price of the corn, therefore, may pay the price as well as the maintenance of the horse, the whole price still resolves itself either immediately or ultimately into the same three parts of rent, labour, and profit.

In the price of flour or meal, we must add to the price of the corn, the profits of the miller, and the wages of his servants; in the price of bread, the profits of the baker, and the wages

22

The Wealth of Nations

of his servants; and in the price of both, the labour of transporting the corn from the house of the farmer to that of the miller, and from

that of the miller to that of the baker, together with the profits of those who advance the wages of that labour. The price of flax resolves itself into the same three parts as that of corn. In the price of linen we must add to this price the wages of the flaxdresser, of the spinner, of the weaver, of the bleacher, etc., together with the profits of their respective employers.

As any particular commodity comes to be more manufactured, that part of the price which resolves itself into wages and profit comes to be greater in proportion to that which resolves itself into rent. In the progress of the manufacture, not only the number of profits increase, but every subsequent profit is greater than the foregoing; because the capital from which it is derived must always be greater. The capital which employs the weavers, for example, must be greater than that which employs the spinners; because it not only replaces that capital with its profits, but pays, besides, the wages of the weavers; and the profits must always bear some proportion to the capital. In the most improved societies, however, there are always a few commodities of which

the price resolves itself into two parts only, the wages of labour, and the profits of stock; and a still smaller number, in which it consists altogether in the wages of labour. In the price of sea-fish, for example, one part pays the labour of the fishermen, and the other the profits of the capital employed in the fishery. Rent very seldom makes any part of it, though it does sometimes, as I shall show hereafter. It is otherwise, at least through the greater part of Europe, in

A

salmon fishery pays a rent, river fisheries. and rent, though it cannot well be called the rent of land, makes a part of the price of a salmon as well as wages and profit. In some parts of Scotland a few poor people make a trade of gathering, along the sea-shore, those variegated stones commonly known by the name of Scotch Pebbles. The price which is paid to them by the stone-cutter is altogether the wages of their labour; neither rent nor profit make any part of it. But the whole price of any commodity must still finally resolve itself into some one or other, or all of those three parts; as whatever part of it remains after paying the rent of the land, and the price of the whole labour employed in raising, manufacturing, and bringing it to market, must necessarily be profit to somebody. As the price or exchangeable value of every particular commodity, taken separately, resolves itself into some one or other or all of those three parts; so that of all the commodities which compose the whole annual produce little

of the labour of every country, taken complexmust resolve itself into the same three parts, and be parcelled out among different inhabitants of the country, either as the wages of their labour, the profits of their stock, or the rent of ly,

their land. The whole of what is annually either collected or produced by the labour of every society, or

what comes

whole price of

it,

is

same manner

to the

in this

thing, the originally

among some

of its different memrent, are the three original sources of all revenue as well as of all exchangeable value. All other revenue is ulti-

distributed

bers.

Wages,

profit,

and

mately derived from some one or other of these. Whoever derives his revenue from a fund which is his own, must draw it either from his labour, from his stock, or from his land. The revenue derived from labour is called wages. That derived from stock, by the person who manages or employes it, is called profit. That derived from it by the person who does not employ it himself, but lends it to another, is called the interest or the use of money. It is the compensation which the borrower pays to the lender, for the profit which he has an opportunity of makingby the use of the money. Part of that profit naturally belongs to the borrower, runs the risk and takes the trouble of employing it; and part to the lender, who affords him the opportunity of making this profit. The interest of money is always a derivative revenue, which, if it is not paid from the profit which is made by the use of the money, must be paid from some other source of revenue, unless perhaps the borrower is a spendthrift, who contracts a second debt in order to pay the interest of the first. The revenue which proceeds altogether from land, is called rent, and belongs to the landlord. The revenue of the farmer is derived partly from his labour, and partly from his stock. To him, land is only the instrument which enables him to earn the wages of this labour, and to make the profits of this stock. All taxes, and all the revenue which is founded upon them, all salaries, pensions, and annuities of every kind, are ultimately derived from some one or other of those three original sources of revenue, and are paid either immediately or mediately from the wages of labour, the profits of stock, or the rent of land. When those three different sorts of revenue belong to different persons, they are readily distinguished; but when they belong to the same they are sometimes confounded with one another, at least in common language. A gentleman who farms a part of his own estate, after paying the expense of cultivation, should gain both the rent of the landlord and the profit of the farmer. He is apt to denominate, however, his whole gain, profit, and thus confounds rent with profit, at least in common language. The greater part of our North

who

The Price of Commodities American and West Indian planters are

of its profit.

Common

farmers seldom employ any overseer to direct the general operations of the farm. They generally, too, work a good deal with their own hands, as ploughmen, harrowers, etc. What remains of the crop after paying the rent, therefore, should not only replace to them their stock employed in cultivation, together with its ordinary profits, but pay them the wages which are due to them, both as labourers and overseers. Whatever remains, however, after paying the rent and keeping up the stock, is called profit. But wages evidently make a part of it. The farmer, by saving these wages, must necessarily gain them. Wages, therefore, are in this case confounded with profit.

An

CHAPTER

in this

They farm,

the greater part of them, their own estates, and accordingly we seldom hear of the rent of a plantation, but frequently situation.

independent manufacturer, who has stock

enough both to purchase materials, and to maintain himself till he can carry his work to market, should gain both the wages of a journeyman who works under a master, and the profit which that master makes by the sale of the journeyman's work. His whole gains, however, are commonly called profit, and wages are, in this case too, confounded with profit.

A gardener who cultivates his with his own hands, unites in his

own garden own person

the three different characters of landlord, farmer, and labourer. His produce, therefore, should pay him the rent of the first, the profit of the second, and the wages of the third. The whole, however, is commonly considered as the earnings of his labour. Both rent and profit are, in this case, confounded with wages. As in a civilised country there are but few commodities of which the exchangeable value arises from labour only, rent and profit contributing largely to that of the far greater part of them, so the annual produce of its labour will always be sufficient to purchase or command a much greater quantity of labour than what was employed in raising, preparing, and bringing that produce to market. If the society were annually to employ all the labour which it can annually purchase, as the quantity of labour would increase greatly every year, so the produce of every succeeding year would be of vastly greater value than that of the foregoing. But there is no country in which the whole annual produce is employed in maintaining the industrious. The idle everywhere consume a great part of it; and according to the different proportions in which it is annually divided between those two different orders of people, its ordinary or average value must either annually increase, or diminish, or continue the same from one year to another.

VII

Of the Natural and Market Price of Commodities

There is in every society or neighbourhood an ordinary or average rate both of wages and every different employment of labour stock. This rate is naturally regulated, as

profit in

and

I shall show hereafter, partly by the general circumstances of the society, their riches or poverty, their advancing, stationary, or declining condition; and partly by the particular nature of each employment. There is likewise in every society or neighbourhood an ordinary or average rate of rent, which is regulated too, as I shall show hereafter, partly by the general circumstances of the society or neighbourhood in which the land is situated, and partly by the natural or improved fertility of the land. These ordinary or average rates may be called the natural rates of wages, profit, and rent, at the time and place in which they com-

monly

prevail.

When more nor

the price of

any commodity

is

neither

than what is sufficient to pay the rent of the land, the wages of the labour, and less

the profits of the stock employed in raising, preparing, and bringing it to market, according to their natural rates, the commodity is then sold for what may be called its natural price.

The commodity what it is worth, or

is

for

then sold precisely for

what

it

really costs the

who brings it to market; for though in common language what is called the prime cost

person of

any commodity does not comprehend the

who is to sell it again, yet at a price which does not allow him the ordinary rate of profit in his neighbourhood, he is evidently a loser by the trade; since by employing his stock in some other way he might have made that profit. His profit, besides, is his revenue, the proper fund of his subsistence. As, while he is preparing and bringing the goods to market, he advances to his workmen their wages, or their subsistence; so he advances to himself, in the same manner, his own subsistence, which is generally suitable to the profit which he may reasonably expect from the sale of his goods. Unless they yield him this profit, therefore, they do not repay him what they may very properly be said to have really cost him. Though the price, therefore, which leaves him this profit is not always the lowest at which a dealer may sometimes sell his goods, it is the lowest at which he is likely to sell them for any considerable time; at least where there is perfect liberty, or where he may change his trade as often as he pleases. The actual price at which any commodity profit of the person if

he

sell it

The Wealth of Nations

24 is

commonly

may

sold is called its

market

price. It

either be above, or below, or exactly the

same with its natural price. The market price of every particular commodity is regulated by the proportion between the quantity which is actually brought to market, and the demand of those who are willing to pay the natural price of the commodity, or the whole value of the rent, labour, and profit, which must be paid in order to bring it thither. Such people may be called the effectual demanders, and their demand the effectual demand; since it may be sufficient to effectuate the bringing of the commodity to market. It is different from the absolute demand. A very poor man may be said in some sense to have a demand for a coach and six; he might like to have

it;

but his demand

is

not an effectual de-

mand, as the commodity can never be brought to market in order to satisfy it. When the quantity of any commodity which is brought to market falls short of the effectual demand, all those who are willing to pay the whole value of the rent, wages, and profit, which must be paid in order to bring it thither, cannot be supplied with the quantity which they want. Rather than want it altogether, some of them will be willing to give more. A competition will immediately begin among them, and the market price will rise more or less above the natural price, according as either the greatness of the deficiency, or the wealth and wanton luxury of the competitors, happen to animate more or less the eagerness of the competition. Among competitors of equal wealth and luxury the same deficiency will generally occasion a more or less eager competition, according as the acquisition of the commodity happens to be of more or less importance to them. Hence the exorbitant price of the necessaries of life during the blockade of a town or in a famine. When the quantity brought to market exceeds the effectual demand, it cannot be all sold to those who are willing to pay the whole value of the rent, wages, and profit, which must be paid in order to bring it thither. Some part must be sold to those who are willing to pay less, and the low price which they give for it must reduce the price of the whole. The market price will sink more or less below the natural price, according as the greatness of the excess increases more or less the competition of the sellers, or according as it happens to be more or less important to them to get immediately rid of the commodity. The same excess in the importation of perishable, will occasion a much greater competition than in that of durable commodities; in the importation of oranges, for example, than in that of old iron. When the quantity brought to market is just sufficient to supply the effectual demand, and

no more, the market

price naturally

comes to

be either exactly, or as nearly as can be judged of, the same with the natural price. The whole quantity upon hand can be disposed of for this price, and cannot be disposed of for more. The competition of the different dealers obliges them all to accept of this price, but does not oblige them to accept of less. The quantity of every commodity brought

market naturally suits itself to the effectual demand. It is the interest of all those who emto

ploy their land, labour, or stock, in bringing any commodity to market, that the quantity never should exceed the effectual demand; and it is the interest of all other people that it never should fall short of that demand. If at any time it exceeds the effectual demand, some of the component parts of its price must be paid below their natural rate. If it is rent, the interest of the landlords will immediately prompt them to withdraw a part of their

and if it is wages or profit, the interest of the labourers in the one case, and of their employers in the other, will prompt them to withdraw a part of their labour or stock from this employment. The quantity brought to market will soon be no more than sufficient to supply the effectual demand. All the different parts of its price will rise to their natural rate, and the whole price to its natural price. If, on the contrary, the quantity brought to market should at any time fall short of the effectual demand, some of the component parts of its price must rise above their natural rate. If it is rent, the interest of all other landlords will naturally prompt them to prepare more land for the raising of this commodity; if it is wages or profit, the interest of all other labourers and dealers will soon prompt them to employ more labour and stock in preparing and bringing it to market. The quantity brought thither will soon be sufficient to supply the effectual demand. All the different parts of its price will soon sink to their natural rate, and the whole price to its natural price. The natural price, therefore, is, as it were, the central price, to which the prices of all commodities are continually gravitating. Different accidents may sometimes keep them suspended a good deal above it, and sometimes force them land;

it. But whatever be the obstacles which hinder them from

down even somewhat below

may

settling in this centre of repose and continuance, they are constantly tending towards it. The whole quantity of industry annually employed in order to bring any commodity to market naturally suits itself in this manner to the effectual demand. It naturally aims at bringing always that precise quantity thither which may be sufficient to supply, and no more than supply, that demand. But in some employments the same quan-

The Price of Commodities produce very different quantities of commodities; while in others it will produce always the same, or very nearly the same. The same number of labourers in husbandry will, in different years, produce very different quantities of corn, wine, tity of industry will in different years

oil,

hops, etc.

and weavers

But the same number

of spinners

every year produce the same same quantity of linen and woollen cloth. It is only the average produce of the one species of industry which can be suited will

or very nearly the

effectual demand; and as actual produce is frequently much greater and frequently much less than its average produce, the quantity of the commodities brought to market will sometimes exceed a good deal, and sometimes fall short a good deal, of the effectual demand. Even though that demand therefore should continue always the same, their market price will be liable to great fluctuations, will sometimes fall a good deal below, and sometimes rise a good deal above their natural price. In the other species of industry, the produce of equal quantities of labour being always the same, or very nearly the same, it can be more exactly suited to the effectual demand. While that demand continues the same, therefore, the market price of the commodities is likely to do so too, and to be either altogether, or as nearly as can be judged of, the same with the natural price. That the price of linen and woollen cloth is liable neither to such frequent nor to such great variations as the price of corn, every man's experience will inform him. The price of the one species of commodities varies only with the variations in the demand: that of the other varies, not only with the variations in the demand, but with the much greater and more frequent variations in the quantity of what is brought to market in order to supply that demand. The occasional and temporary fluctuations in the market price of any commodity fall chiefly upon those parts of its price which resolve themselves into wages and profit. That part which resolves itself into rent is less affected by them. A rent certain in money is not in the least affected by them either in its rate or in its value. A rent which consists either in a certain proportion or in a certain quantity of the rude produce, is no doubt affected in its yearly value by all the occasional and temporary fluctuations in the market price of that rude produce; but it is seldom affected by them in its yearly rate. In settling the terms of the lease, the landlord and farmer endeavour, according to their best judgment, to adjust that rate, not to the temporary and occasional, but to the average and ordinary price of the prodin

any respect to the

its

uce.

Such fluctuations affect both the value and the rate either of wages or of profit, according

25

as the market happens to be either overstocked or understocked with commodities or with labour; with work done, or with work to be done. A public mourning raises the price of black cloth (with which the market is almost always

understocked upon such occasions) and augments the profits of the merchants who possess any considerable quantity of it. It has no effect upon the wages of the weavers. The market is understocked with commodities, not with labour; with work done, not with work to be ,

done. It raises the wages of journeymen tailors. is here understocked with labour. There is an effectual demand for more labour, for more work to be done than can be had. It sinks the price of coloured silks and cloths, and thereby reduces the profits of the merchants who have any considerable quantity of them upon hand. It sinks, too, the wages of the workmen employed in preparing such commod-

The market

ities, for which all demand is stopped for six months, perhaps for a twelvemonth. The market is here over-stocked both with commodities and with labour. But though the market price of every par-

ticular

commodity is in

this manner continually

may

say so, towards the natural price, yet sometimes particular accidents, sometimes natural causes, and sometimes particular regulations of police, may, in many commodities, keep up the market price, for a long time together, a good deal above the natural price. When by an increase in the effectual demand, the market price of some particular commodity happens to rise a good deal above the natural price, those who employ their stocks in supplying that market are generally careful to conceal this change. If it was commonly known, their great profit would tempt so many new rivals to employ their stocks in the same way that, the effectual demand being fully supplied, the market price would soon be reduced to the natural price, and perhaps for some time even below it. If the market is at a great distance from the residence of those who supply it, they may sometimes be able to keep the secret for several years together, and may so long enjoy their extraordinary profits without any new rivals. Secrets of this kind, however, it must be acknowledged, can seldom be long kept; and the extraordinary profit can last very little longer than they are kept. Secrets in manufactures are capable of being longer kept than secrets in trade. A dyer who has found the means of producing a particular colour with materials which cost only half the price of those commonly made use of, may, with good management, enjoy the advantage of his discovery as long as he lives, and even leave it as a legacy to his posterity. His extraordinary gains arise from the high price which gravitating,

if

one

The Wealth

26

paid for his private labour. They properly consist in the high wages of that labour. But as they are repeated upon every part of his stock, and as their whole amount bears, upon that account, a regular proportion to it, they are commonly considered as extraordinary profits of is

stock.

Such enhancements of the market price are evidently the effects of particular accidents, of which, however, the operation may sometimes last for many years together. Some natural productions require such a singularity of soil and situation that all the land in a great country, which is fit for producing them, may not be sufficient to supply the effectual demand. The whole quantity brought to market, therefore, may be disposed of to those who are willing to give more than what is sufficient to pay the rent of the land which produced them, together with the wages of the labour, and the profits of the stock which were employed in preparing and bringing them to market, according to their natural rates. Such commodities may continue for whole centuries together to be sold at this high price; and that part of it which resolves itself into the rent of land is in this case the part which is generally paid above its natural rate. The rent of the land which affords such singular and esteemed productions, like the rent of some vineyards in France of a peculiarly happy soil and situation, bears no regular proportion to the rent of other equally fertile and equally well-cultivated land in its neighbourhood. The wages of the labour and the profits of the stock employed in bringing such commodities to market, on the contrary, are seldom out of their natural proportion to those of the other employments of labour and stock in their neighbourhood. Such enhancements of the market price are evidently the effect of natural causes which may hinder the effectual demand from ever being fully supplied, and which may continue, therefore, to operate for ever. A monopoly granted either to an individual or to a trading company has the same effect as a secret in trade or manufactures. The monopolists, by keeping the market constantly understocked, by never fully supplying the effectual

demand,

sell

their

commodities much above

the natural price, and raise their emoluments, whether they consist in wages or profit, greatly above their natural rate. The price of monopoly is upon every occasion the highest which can be got. The natural price, or the price of free competition, on the contrary, is the lowest which can be taken, not upon every occasion, indeed, but for any considerable time together. The one is upon every occasion the highest which can be squeezed out of the buyers, or which, it is supposed, they will consent to give: the other is the lowest

of Nations

which the sellers can commonly afford to take, and at the same time continue their business.

The exclusive privileges of corporations, statutes of apprenticeship, and all those laws which restrain, in particular employments, the competition to a smaller number than might otherwise go into them, have the same tendency, though in a less degree. They are a sort of enlarged monopolies, and may frequently, for ages together, and in whole classes of employments, keep up the market price of particular commodities above the natural price, and maintain both the wages of the labour and the profits of the stock employed about them somewhat above their natural rate. Such enhancements of the market price may last as long as the regulations of police which give occasion to them. The market price of any particular commodthough it may continue long above, can seldom continue long below its natural price. Whatever part of it was paid below the natural

ity,

rate, the persons whose interest it affected would immediately feel the loss, and would immediately withdraw either so much land, or so much labour, or so much stock, from being employed about it, that the quantity brought to market would soon be no more than sufficient to supply the effectual demand. Its market price, therefore, would soon rise to the natural price. This at least would be the case where there was perfect liberty. The same statutes of apprenticeship and

other corporation laws indeed, which, when a manufacture is in prosperity, enable the workman to raise his wages a good deal above their natural rate, sometimes oblige him, when it decays, to let them down a good deal below it. As in the one case they exclude many people from his employment, so in the other they exclude him from many employments. The effect of such regulations, however, is not near so durable in sinking the workman's wages below, as in raising them above their natural rate. Their operation in the one way may endure for many centuries, but in the other it can last no longer than the lives of some of the workmen who were bred to the business in the time of its prosperity. When they are gone, the number of those who are afterwards educated to the trade will naturally suit itself to the effectual demand. The police must be as violent as that of Indostan or ancient Egypt (where every man was bound by a principle of religion to follow the occupation of his father, and was supposed to commit the most horrid sacrilege if he changed it for another) which can in any particular employment, and for several generations together, sink either the wages of labour or the profits of stock below their natural rate. This is all that I think necessary to be observed at present concerning the deviations, ,

The Wages whether occasional or permanent, of the market price of commodities from the natural price. The natural price itself varies with the natural rate of each of its component parts, of wages, profit, and rent; and in every society this rate varies according to their circumstances, according to their riches or poverty, their advancing, stationary, or declining con-

dition. I shall, in the four following chapters,

endeavour to explain, as

and

distinctly as I can, the causes of those different variations. First, I shall endeavour to explain what are fully

the circumstances which naturally determine the rate of wages, and in what manner those circumstances are affected by the riches or poverty, by the advancing, stationary, or declining state of the society. Secondly, I shall endeavour to show what are the circumstances which naturally deter-

mine the rate too, those

of profit,

and

in

what manner,

circumstances are affected by the

like variations in

the state of the society. profit are very

Though pecuniary wages and

different in the different employments of labour and stock; yet a certain proportion seems

commonly to take place between both the pecuniary wages in all the different employments of labour, and the pecuniary profits in This all the different employments of stock. proportion, it will appear hereafter, depends partly upon the nature of the different employments, and partly upon the different laws and policy of the society in which they are carried But though in many respects dependent upon the laws and policy, this proportion seems to be little affected by the riches or poverty of that society; by its advancing, stationary, or declining condition; but to remain the same or very nearly the same in all those different states. I shall, in the third place, endeavour to explain all the different circumstances which on.

regulate this proportion. In the fourth and last place, I shall endeavour to show what are the circumstances which regulate the rent of land, and which either raise or lower the real price of all the different sub-

stances which

it

produces.

CHAPTER Of the Wages

of

VIII

Labour

The produce

of labour constitutes the natural recompense or wages of labour. In that original state of things, which precedes both the appropriation of land and the accumulation of stock, the whole produce of

labour belongs to the labourer. He has neither landlord nor master to share with him. Had this state continued, the wages of labour would have augmented with all those improvements in its productive powers to which the division of labour gives occasion. All things

of

Labour

27

would gradually have become cheaper. They would have been produced by a smaller quantity of labour; and as the commodities produced by equal quantities of labour would naturally in this state of things be exchanged for one another, they would have been purchased likewise with the produce of a smaller quantity.

But though

all

things would have

become

cheaper in reality, in appearance many things might have become dearer than before, or have been exchanged for a greater quantity of other goods. Let us suppose, for example, that in the greater part of employments the productive powers of labour had been improved to tenfold, or that a day's labour could produce ten times the quantity of work which it had done originally; but that in a particular employment they had been improved only to double, or that a day's labour could produce only twice the quantity of work which it had done before. In exchanging the produce of a day's labour in the greater part of employments for that of a day's labour in this particular one, ten times the original quantity of work in them would purchase only twice the original quantity in it. Any particular quantity in it, therefore, a pound weight, for example, would appear to be five times dearer than before. In reality, however, it would be twice as cheap. Though it required five times the quantity of other goods to purchase it, it would require only half the quantity of labour either to purchase or to produce it. The acquisition, therefore, would be twice as easy as before.

But this original state of things, in which the labourer enjoyed the whole produce of his own labour, could not last beyond the first introduction of the appropriation of land and the accumulation of stock. It was at an end, therefore, long before the most considerable improvements were made in the productive powers of labour, and it would be to no purpose to trace further what might have been its effects upon the recompense or wages of labour. As soon as land becomes private property, the landlord demands a share of almost all the produce which the labourer can either raise, or collect from it. His rent makes the first deduction from the produce of the labour which is employed upon land. It seldom happens that the person who tills the ground has wherewithal to maintain himself till he reaps the harvest. His maintenance is generally advanced to him from the stock of a master, the farmer who employs him, and who would have no interest to employ him, unless he was to share in the produce of his labour, or unless his stock was to be replaced to him with a profit. This profit makes a second deduction from the produce of the labour which is employed upon land.

The Wealth

28

of Nations

The produce of almost all other labour is liable to the like deduction of profit. In all arts and manufactures the greater part of the work-

are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labour above their actual

stand in need of a master to advance them the materials of their work, and their wages and maintenance till it be completed. He shares in the produce of their labour, or in the value which it adds to the materials upon which it is bestowed; and in this share consists his profit. It sometimes happens, indeed, that a single independent workman has stock sufficient both to purchase the materials of his work, and to maintain himself till it be completed. He is both master and workman, and enjoys the whole produce of his own labour, or the whole value which it adds to the materials upon which it is bestowed. It includes what are usually two distinct revenues, belonging to two distinct persons, the profits of stock, and the wages of labour. Such cases, however, are not very frequent, and in every part of Europe, twenty workmen serve under a master for one that is independent; and the wages of labour are everywhere understood to be, what they usually are, when the labourer is one person, and the owner of the stock which employs him another. What are the common wages of labour, depends everywhere upon the contract usually made between those two parties, whose interests are by no means the same. The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in order to lower the wages of labour. It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must, upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dispute, and force the other into a compliance with their terms. The masters, being fewer in number, can combine much more easily; and the law, besides, authorizes, or at least does not prohibit their combinations, while it prohibits those of the workmen. We have no acts of parliament against combining to lower the price of work; but many against combining to raise it. In all such disputes the masters can hold out much longer. A landlord, a farmer, a master manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman, could generally live a year or two upon the stocks which they have already acquired. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year without employment. In the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him; but the ne-

rate.

men

is not so immediate. rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those

cessity

We

of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters

To violate

this

combination

is

everywhere

a most unpopular action, and a sort of reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals. We seldom, indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual, and one may say, the natural state of things, which nobody ever hears of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combinations to sink the wages of labour even below this rate. These are always conducted with the utmost silence and secrecy, till the moment of execution, and when the workmen yield, as they sometimes do, without resistance, though severely felt by them, they are never heard of by other people. Such combinations, however, are frequently resisted by a contrary defensive combination of the workmen; who sometimes too, without any provocation of this kind, combine of their own accord to raise the price of their labour. Their usual pretences are, sometimes the high price of provisions; sometimes the great profit which their masters make by their work. But whether their combinations be offensive or defensive, they are always abundantly heard of. In order to bring the point to a speedy decision, they have always recourse to the loudest clamour, and sometimes to the most shocking violence and outrage. They are desperate, and act with the folly and extravagance of desperate men, who must either starve, or frighten their masters into an immediate compliance with their demands. The masters upon these occasions are just as clamorous upon the other side, and never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil magistrate, and the rigorous execution of those laws which have been enacted with so much severity against the combinations of serv-

and journeymen. The workmen, accordingly, very seldom derive any advantage from the violence of those tumultuous combinations, which, partly from the interposition of the civil magistrate, partly from the superior steadiness of the masters, partly from the necessity which the greater part of the workmen are under of submitting for the sake of present subsistence, generally end in nothing, but the punishment or ruin of the ringleadants, labourers,

ers.

But though in disputes with their workmen, masters must generally have the advantage, there is, however, a certain rate below which it seems impossible to reduce, for any considerable time, the ordinary wages even of the lowest species of labour.

A man must always live by his work, and his wages must at least be sufficient to maintain him. They must even upon most occasions be somewhat more; otherwise it would be impossible for him to bring up a family, and the race

The Wages of such workmen could not last beyond the first generation. Mr. Cantillon seems, upon this account, to suppose that the lowest species of common labourers must everywhere earn at least double their own maintenance, in order that one with another they may be enabled to bring up two children; the labour of the wife,

on account of her necessary attendance on the children, being supposed no more than sufficient to provide for herself. But one half the children born, it is computed, die before the age of manhood. The poorest labourers, therefore, according to this account, must, one with another, attempt to rear at least four children, in order that two may have an equal chance of living to that age. But the necessary maintenance of four children, it is supposed, may be nearly equal to that of one man. The labour of

an able-bodied slave, the same author adds, is computed to be worth double his maintenance; and that of the meanest labourer, he thinks, cannot be worth less than that of an ablebodied slave. Thus far at least seems certain, that, in order to bring up a family, the labour of the husband and wife together must, even in the lowest species of common labour, be able to earn something more than what is precisely

necessary for their own maintenance; but in what proportion, whether in that above mentioned, or in any other, I shall not take upon me to determine. There are certain circumstances, however, which sometimes give the labourers an advantage, and enable them to raise their wages considerably above this rate; evidently the lowest which is consistent with common humanity. When in any country the demand for those who live by wages, labourers, journeymen, servants of every kind, is continually increasing; when every year furnishes employment for a greater number than had been employed the year before, the workmen have no occasion to combine in order to raise their wages. The scarcity of hands occasions a competition among masters, who bid against one another, in order to get workmen, and thus voluntarily break through the natural combination of masters not to raise wages. The demand for those who live by wages, it is evident, cannot increase but in proportion to the increase of the funds which are destined for the payment of wages. These funds are of two kinds; first, the revenue which is over and above what is necessary for the maintenance; and, secondly, the stock which is over and above what is necessary for the employment of their masters. When the landlord, annuitant, or monied man, has a greater revenue than what he judges sufficient to maintain his own family, he employs either the whole or a part of the surplus in maintaining one or more menial servants. '

Labour

of

29

Increase this surplus, and he will naturally increase the number of those servants. When an independent workman, such as a weaver or shoemaker, has got more stock than what is sufficient to purchase the materials of his own work, and to maintain himself till he can dispose of it, he naturally employs one or more journeymen with the surplus, in order to make a profit by their work. Increase this surplus, and he will naturally increase the number of his journeymen. The demand for those who live by wages, therefore, necessarily increases with the increase of the revenue and stock of every country, and

cannot possibly increase without it. The increase of revenue and stock is the increase of national wealth. The demand for those who by wages, therefore, naturally increases with the increase of national wealth, and cannot possibly increase without it. It is not the actual greatness of national wealth, but its continual increase, which occasions a rise in the wages of labour. It is not, accordingly, in the richest countries, but in the most thriving, or in those which are growing rich the fastest, that the wages of labour are highest. England is certainly, in the present times, a much richer country than any part of North America. The wages of labour, however, are much higher in North America than in any part of England. In the province of New York, common labourers earn * three shillings and sixpence currency, equal to two shillings sterling, a day; ship carpenters, ten shillings and sixpence currency, with a pint of rum worth sixpence sterling, equal in all to six shillings and sixpence sterling; house carpenters and bricklayers, eight shillings currency, equal to four shillings and sixpence sterling; journeymen tailors, five shillings currency, equal to live

about two

shillings

and tenpence sterling. These

prices are all above the London price; and wages are said to be as high in the other colonies as in New York. The price of provisions

everywhere in North America much lower than in England. A dearth has never been known there. In the worst seasons they have always had a sufficiency for themselves, though is

the money price of labour, therefore, be higher than it is anywhere in the mother country, its real price, the real command of the necessaries and conveniencies of life which it conveys to the labourer must be higher in a still greater proportion. But though North America is not yet so rich as England, it is much more thriving, and advancing with much greater rapidity to the furless for exportation. If

ther acquisition of riches. of the prosperity of increase of the number of

mark 1

The most decisive any country is the its

inhabitants. In

This was written in 1773, before the ment of the late disturbances.

commence-

The Wealth

30

Great Britain, and most other European countries, they are not supposed to double in less than five hundred years. In the British colonies in North America, it has been found that they double in twenty or five-and-twenty years. Nor in the

present times

is

this increase principally

owing to the continual importation of new inhabitants, but to the great multiplication of the species. Those who live to old age, it is said, frequently see there from fifty to a hundred, and sometimes many more, descendants from their own body. Labour is there so well rewarded that a numerous family of children, instead of being a burthen, is a source of opulence and prosperity to the parents. The labour of each it can leave their house, is computed to be worth a hundred pounds clear gain to them. A young widow with four or five young children, who, among the middling or inferior ranks of people in Europe, would have so little chance for a second husband, is there frequently courted as a sort of fortune. The value of children is the greatest of all encouragements to marriage. We cannot, therefore, wonder that the people in North America should generally marry very young. Notwithstanding the great increase occasioned by such early marriages, there is a continual complaint of the scarcity of hands in North America. The demand for labourers, the funds destined for maintaining them, increase, it seems, still faster than they can find labourers to employ. Though the wealth of a country should be very great, yet if it has been long stationary, we must not expect to find the wages of labour very high in it. The funds destined for the payment of wages, the revenue and stock of its inhabitants, may be of the greatest extent; but if they have continued for several centuries of the same, or very nearly of the same extent, the number of labourers employed every year could easily supply, and even more than supply, the number wanted the following year. There could seldom be any scarcity of hands, nor could the masters be obliged to bid against one another in order to get them. The hands, on the contrary, would, in this case, naturally multiply beyond their employment. There would be a constant scarcity of employment, and the labourers would be obliged to bid against one another in order to get it. If in such a country the wages of labour had ever been more than sufficient to maintain the labourer, and to enable him to bring up a family, the competition of the labourers and the interest of the masters would soon reduce them to this lowest rate which is consistent with common humanity. China has been long one of the richest, that is, one of the most fertile, best cultivated, most industrious, and most populous countries in the

child, before

world. It seems, however, to have been long stationary. Marco Polo, who visited it more

of Nations

hundred years ago, describes its culand populousness, almost in the same terms in which they are described by travellers in the present times. It had perhaps, even long before his time, acquired that full complement of riches which the nature of its laws and institutions permits it to acquire. The than

five

tivation, industry,

accounts of all travellers, inconsistent in many other respects, agree in the low wages of labour, and in the difficulty which a labourer finds in bringing up a family in China. If by digging the ground a whole day he can get what will purchase a small quantity of rice in the evening, he is contented. The condition of artificers is, if possible, still worse. Instead of waiting indolently in their workhouses, for the calls of their customers, as in Europe, they are continually running about the streets with the tools of their respective trades, offering their service,

and as

it

were begging employment.

The poverty

of the lower ranks of people in China far surpasses that of the most beggarly nations in Europe. In the neighbourhood of

Canton many hundred,

many thousand

families

it

is

commonly

said,

have no habitation on

the land, but live constantly in little fishing boats upon the rivers and canals. The subsistence which they find there is so scanty that they are eager to fish up the nastiest garbage

thrown overboard from any European ship. carrion, the carcase of a dead dog or cat, for example, though half putrid and stinking, is as welcome to them as the most wholesome food to the people of other countries. Marriage is encouraged in China, not by the profitableness of children, but by the liberty of destroying them. In all great towns several are every night exposed in the street, or drowned like puppies in the water. The performance of this horrid office is even said to be the avowed business by which some people earn their subsist-

Any

ence.

China, however, though it may perhaps stand still, does not seem to go backwards. Its towns are nowhere deserted by their inhabitants. The lands which had once been cultivated are nowhere neglected. The same or very nearly the same annual labour must therefore continue to be performed, and the funds destined for maintaining it must not, consequently, be sensibly diminished. The lowest class of labourers, therefore, notwithstanding their scanty subsistence, must some way or another make shift to continue their race so far as to

keep up their usual numbers. But it would be otherwise in a country where the funds destined for the maintenance of labour were sensibly decaying. Every year the demand for servants and labourers would, in all the different classes of employments, be less than it had been the year before. Many who had been bred in the superior classes, not being

The Wages able to find employment in their own business, would be glad to seek it in the lowest. The lowest class being not only overstocked

own workmen, but with

with

the overflowings of

its all

the other classes, the competition for employso great in it, as to reduce the wages of labour to the most miserable and scanty subsistence of the labourer. Many would not be able to find employment even upon these hard terms, but would either starve, or be driven to seek a subsistence either by begging, or by the perpetration perhaps of the greatest enormities. Want, famine, and mortality would immediately prevail in that class, and from thence extend themselves to all the superior classes, till the number of inhabitants in the country was reduced to what could easily be maintained by the revenue and stock which remained in it, and which had escaped either the tyranny or calamity which had destroyed the rest. This perhaps is nearly the present state of Bengal, and of some other of the English settlements in the East Indies. In a fertile country which had before been much depopulated, where subsistence, consequently, should

ment would be

not be very

and where, notwithstandhundred thousand people die

difficult,

ing, three or four

hunger in one year, we may be assured that the funds destined for the maintenance of the labouring poor are fast decaying. The difference between the genius of the British constitution which protects and governs North America, and that of the mercantile company which oppresses and domineers in the East Indies, cannot perhaps be better illustrated than by the different state of those countries. of

The liberal reward of labour, therefore, as it the necessary effect, so it is the natural symptom of increasing national wealth. The scanty maintenance of the labouring poor, on the other hand, is the natural symptom that things are at a stand, and their starving condition that they are going fast backwards. In Great Britain the wages of labour seem, in the present times, to be evidently more than what is precisely necessary to enable the labourer to bring up a family. In order to satisfy ourselves upon this point it will not be necessary to enter into any tedious or doubtful calculation of what may be the lowest sum upon which it is possible to do this. There are many plain symptoms that the wages of labour are nowhere in this country regulated by this lowest rate which is consistent with common huis

manity. First, in

almost every part of Great Britain

there is a distinction, even in the lowest species of labour, between summer and winter wages. Summer wages are always highest. But on account of the extraordinary expense of fuel, the maintenance of a family is most expensive in winter. Wages, therefore, being highest when

of

Labour

31

expense is lowest, it seems evident that they are not regulated by what is necessary for this expense; but by the quantity and supposed value of the work. A labourer, it may be said indeed, ought to save part of his summer wages in order to defray his winter expense; and that through the whole year they do not exceed what is necessary to maintain his family through the whole year. A slave, however, or one absolutely dependent on us for immediate subsistence, would not be treated in this manner. His daily subsistence would be proporthis

tioned to his daily necessities. Secondly, the wages of labour do not in Great Britain fluctuate with the price of provisions. These vary everywhere from year to year, fre-

quently from month to month. But in many places the money price of labour remains uniformly the same sometimes for half a century together. If in these places, therefore, the la-

bouring poor can maintain their families in dear years, they must be at their ease in times of moderate plenty, and in affluence in those of extraordinary cheapness. The high price of provisions during these ten years past has not in many parts of the kingdom been accompanied with any sensible rise in the money price of labour. It has, indeed, in some, owing probably more to the increase of the demand for labour than to that of the price of provisions. Thirdly, as the price of provisions varies more from year to year than the wages of labour, so, on the other hand, the wages of labour vary more from place to place than the price of provisions. The prices of bread and butcher's meat are generally the same or very nearly the same through the greater part of the United Kingdom. These and most other things which are sold by retail, the way in which the labouring poor buy all things, are generally fully as cheap or cheaper in great towns than in the remoter parts of the country, for reasons which I shall have occasion to explain hereafter. But the wages of labour in a great town and its neighbourhood are frequently a fourth or a fifth part, twenty or five-and-twenty per cent higher than at a few miles distance. Eigh teenpence a day may be reckoned the common price of labour in London and its neighbourhood. At a few miles distance it falls to fourteen and fifteenpence Tenpence may be reckoned its price in Edinburgh and its neighbourhood. At a few miles distance it falls to eightpence, the usual price of common labour through the greater part of the low country of Scotland, where it varies a good deal less than in England. Such a difference of prices, which it seems is not always sufficient to transport a man from one parish to another, would necessarily occasion so great a transportation of the most bulky commodities, not only from one parish to another, but from one end of the kingdom,

32

The Wealth

almost from one end of the world to the other, as would soon reduce them more nearly to a level. After all that has been said of the levity and inconstancy of human nature, it appears evidently from experience that a man is of all sorts of luggage the most difficult to be transported. If the labouring poor, therefore, can maintain their familes in those parts of the kingdom where the price of labour is lowest, they must be in affluence where it is highest. Fourthly, the variations in the price of labour not only do not correspond either in place or time with those in the price of provisions, but they are frequently quite opposite. Grain, the food of the common people, is dearer in Scotland than in England, whence Scotland receives almost every year very large supplies. But English corn must be sold dearer in Scotland, the country to which it is brought, than in England, the country from which it comes; and in proportion to its quality it cannot be sold dearer in Scotland than the Scotch corn that comes to the same market in competition with it. The quality of grain depends chiefly upon the quantity of flour or meal which it yields at the mill, and in this respect English grain is so much superior to the Scotch that, though often dearer in appearance, or in proportion to the measure of its bulk, it is generally cheaper in reality, or in proportion to its quality, or even to the measure of its weight. The price of labour, on the contrary, is dearer in England than in Scotland. If the labouring poor, therefore, can maintain their families in the one part of the United Kingdom, they must be in affluence in the other. Oatmeal indeed supplies the common people in Scotland with the greatest and the best part of their food, which is in general much inferior to that of their neighbours of the same rank in England. This difference, however, in the mode of their subsistence is not the cause, but the effect of the difference in their wages; though, by a strange misapprehension, I have frequently heard it represented as the cause. It is not because one man keeps a coach while his neighbour walks afoot that the one is rich and the other poor; but because the one is rich he keeps a coach, and because the other is poor he walks afoot.

During the course of the last century, taking one year with another, grain was dearer in both parts of the United Kingdom than during that of the present. This is a matter of fact which cannot now admit of any reasonable doubt; of it is, if possible, still more decisive with regard to Scotland than with regard to England. It is in Scotland supported by the

and the proof

evidence of the public fiars, annual valuations made upon oath, according to the actual state of the markets, of all the different sorts of grain in every different county of Scotland. If

of Nations such direct proof could require any collateral evidence to confirm it, I would observe that this has likewise been the case in France, and probably in most other parts of Europe. With regard to France there is the clearest proof. But though it is certain that in both parts of the United Kingdom grain was somewhat dearer in the last century than in the present, it is equally certain that labour was much cheaper. If the labouring poor, therefore, could bring up their families then, they must be much more at their ease now. In the last century, the most usual day-wages of common labour through the greater part of Scotland were sixpence in summer and fivepence in winter. Three shillings a week, the same price very nearly, still continues to be paid in some parts of the Highlands and Western Islands. Through the greater part of the low country the most usual wages of common labour are now eightpence a day; tenpence, sometimes a shilling about Edinburgh, in the counties which border upon England, probably on account of that neighbourhood, and in a few other places where there has lately been a considerable rise in the demand for labour, about Glasgow, Carron, Ayrshire, etc. In England the improvements of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce began much earlier than in Scotland. The demand for labour, and consequently its price, must necessarily have increased with those improvements. In the last century, accordingly, as well as in the present,

the wages of labour were higher in England than in Scotland. They have risen, too, considerably since that time, though, on account of the greater variety of wages paid there in different places, it is more difficult to ascertain how much. In 1614, the pay of a foot soldier was the same as in the present times, eightpence a day. When it was first established it would naturally be regulated by the usual wages of common labourers, the rank of people from which foot soldiers are commonly drawn. Lord Chief Justice Hales, who wrote in the time of Charles II, computes the necessary expense of a labourer's family, consisting of six persons, the father and mother, two children able to do something, and two not able, at ten shillings a week, or twenty-six pounds a year. If they cannot earn this by their labour, they must make it up, he supposes, either by begging or stealing. He appears to have inquired; very carefully into this subject. In 1688, 1

Mr. Gregory King, whose

skill in political arith-

is so much extolled by Doctor Davenant, computed the ordinary income of labourers and out-servants to be fifteen pounds a year to a

metic

family, which he supposed to consist, one with another, of three and a half persons. His calculation, therefore, though different in appear1

in

See his scheme for the maintenance of the poor, Burns' History of the Poor Laws.

The Wages

|

ance, corresponds very nearly at bottom with that of Judge Hales. Both suppose the weekly expense of such families to be about twenty pence a head. Both the pecuniary income and expense of such families have increased considerably since that time through the greater part of the kingdom; in some places more, and in some less; though perhaps scarce anywhere so much as some exaggerated accounts of the present wages of labour have lately represented them to the public. The price of labour, it must be observed, cannot be ascertained very accurately anywhere, different prices being often paid at the same place and for the same sort of labour, not only according to the different abilities of the workmen, but according to the easiness or hardness of the masters. Where wages are not regulated by law, all that we can pretend to determine is what are the most usual; and experience seems to show that law can never regulate them properly, though it has often pretended to do so. The real recompense of labour, the real quantity of the necessaries and conveniences of life which it can procure to the labourer, has, during the course of the present century, increased perhaps in a still greater proportion than its money price. Not only grain has become somewhat cheaper, but many other things from which the industrious poor derive an agreeable and wholesome variety of food have become a great deal cheaper. Potatoes, for example, do not at present, through the greater part of the kingdom, cost half the price which they used to do thirty or forty years ago. The same thing may be said of turnips, carrots, cabbages; things which were formerly never raised but by the spade, but which are now commonly raised by the plough. All sort of garden stuff, too, has become cheaper. The greater part of the apples

and even of the onions consumed in Great Britain were in the last century imported from Flanders. The great improvements in the coarser manufactures of both linen and woollen cloth furnish the labourers

with cheaper

and better clothing; and those

in the

manu-

factures of the coarser metals, with cheaper and better instruments of trade, as well as with many agreeable and convenient pieces of household furniture. Soap, salt, candles, leather, and fermented liquors have, indeed, become a good deal dearer; chiefly from the taxes which have been laid upon them. The quantity of these, however, which the labouring poor are under any necessity of consuming, is so very small,

that the increase in their price does not compensate the diminution in that of so many other things. The common complaint that luxury extends itself even to the lowest ranks of the peo-

and that the labouring poor will not now be contented with the same food, clothing, and lodging which satisfied them in former times, ple,

of

Labour

33

may

convince us that it is not the money price of labour only, but its real recompense, which has augmented. Is this improvement in the circumstances of the lower ranks of the people to be regarded as an advantage or as an inconveniency to the society? The answer seems at first sight abundantly plain. Servants, labourers, and workmen of different kinds, make up the far greater part of every great political society. But what improves the circumstances of the greater part can never be regarded as an inconveniency to the whole. No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members are poor and miserable. It is but equity, besides, that they who feed, clothe, and lodge the whole body of the people, should have such a share of the produce of their own labour as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed,

and lodged. Poverty, though it no doubt discourages, does not always prevent marriage. It seems even to be favourable to generation. A halfstarved Highland woman frequently bears more than twenty children, while a pampered fine lady is often incapable of bearing any, and is generally exhausted by two or three. Barrenness, so frequent among women of fashion, is very rare among those of inferior station. Luxury in the fair sex, while it inflames perhaps the passion for enjoyment, seems always to weaken, and frequently to destroy altogether, the powers of generation.

But poverty, though it does not prevent the generation, is extremely unfavourable to the rearing of children. The tender plant is produced, but in so cold a soil and so severe a climate, soon withers and dies. It is not uncommon, I have been frequently told, in the Highlands of Scotland for a mother who has borne twenty children not to have two alive. Several officers of great experience have assured me, that so far from recruiting their regiment, they have never been able to supply it with drums and fifes from all the soldiers' children that were born in it. A greater number of fine children, however, is seldom seen anywhere than about a barrack of soldiers. Very few of them, it seems, arrive at the age of thirteen or fourteen. In some places one half the children born die before they are four years of age; in many places before they are seven; and in almost all places before they are nine or ten. This great mortality, however, will everywhere be found chiefly among the children of the common people, who cannot afford to tend them with the same care as those of better station. Though their marriages are generally more fruitful than those of people of fashion, a smaller proportion of their children arrive at maturity. In foundling hospitals, and among the children brought up by parish charities, the mortality is still

The Wealth

of Nations

common

peo-

commonly managed by a negligent master or careless overseer. That destined for performing

species of animals naturally multiplies means of their subsistence,

the same office with regard to the free man, is managed by the free man himself. The disorders which generally prevail in the economy

34 greater than

among

those of the

ple.

Every

in proportion to the

and no species can ever multiply beyond it. But in civilised society it is only among the inferior ranks of people that the scantiness of subsistence can set limits to the further multiplication of the human species; and it can do so in no other way than by destroying a great part of the children which their fruitful marriages produce. The liberal reward of labour, by enabling them to provide better for their children, and consequently to bring up a greater number, naturally tends to widen and extend those limits. It deserves to be remarked, too, that it necessarily does this as nearly as possible in the proportion which the demand for labour requires. If this demand is continually increasing, the reward of labour must necessarily encourage in such a manner the marriage and multiplication of labourers, as may enable them to supply that continually increasing demand by a continually increasing population. If the reward should at any time be less than what was requisite for this purpose, the deficiency of hands would soon raise it; and if it should at any time be more, their excessive multiplication would soon lower it to this necessary rate. so much understocked with labour in the one case, and so much overstocked in the other, as would soon force back its price to that proper rate which the circum-

The market would be

stances of the society required. It is in this manner that the demand for men, like that for any other commodity, necessarily regulates the production of men; quickens it when it goes on too slowly, and stops it when it advances too fast. It is this demand which regulates and determines the state of propagation in all the different countries of the world, in North America, in Europe, and in China; which renders it rapidly progressive in the first, slow and gradual in the second, and altogether stationary in

the last. tear of a slave, it has been said, at the expense of his master; but that of a free servant is at his own expense. The wear and tear of the latter, however, is, in reality, as much at the expense of his master as that of the former. The wages paid to journeymen and servants of every kind must be such as may enable them, one with another, to continue the race of journeymen and servants, according as the increasing, diminishing, or stationary demand of the society may happen to require.

The wear and

is

But though the wear and tear of a free servant be equally at the expense of his master, it generally costs him much less than that of a slave. The fund destined for replacing or repairing, if I may say so, the wear and tear of the slave, is

of the rich, naturally introduce themselves into the management of the former: the strict frugality and parsimonious attention of the poor

as naturally establish themselves in that of the latter. Under such different management, the same purpose must require very different degrees of expense to execute it. It appears, accordingly, from the experience of all ages and nations, I believe, that the work done by freemen comes cheaper in the end than that performed by slaves. It is found to do so even at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, where the wages of common labour are so very high.

The

liberal reward of labour, therefore, as it the effect of increasing wealth, so it is the cause of increasing population. To complain of it is to lament over the necessary effect and cause of the greatest public prosperity. It deserves to be remarked, perhaps, that it is in the progressive state, while the society is advancing to the further acquisition, rather than when it has acquired its full complement of riches, that the condition of the labouring poor, of the great body of the people, seems to be the happiest and the most comfortable. It is hard in the stationary, and miserable in the declining state. The progressive state is in reality the cheerful and the hearty state to all the different orders of the society. The stationary is dull; the declining, melancholy. The liberal reward of labour, as it encourages the propagation, so it increases the industry of the common people. The wages of labour are the encouragement of industry, which, like every other human quality, improves in proportion to the encouragement it receives. A plentiful subsistence increases the bodily strength of the labourer, and the comfortable hope of bettering his condition, and of ending his days perhaps in ease and plenty, animates him to exert that strength to the utmost. Where wages are high, accordingly, we shall always find the workmen more active, diligent, and expeditious than where they are low: in England, for example, than in Scotland; in the neighbourhood of great towns than in remote country places. Some workmen, indeed, when they can earn in four days what will maintain them through the week, will be idle the other three. This, however, is by no means the case with the greater part. Workmen, on the contrary, when they are liberally paid by the piece, are very apt to overwork themselves, and to ruin their health and constitution in a few years. A carpenter in London, and in some other places, is not supposed to last in his utmost vigour above eight is

years.

Something of the same kind happens

in

The Wages many

other trades, in which the workmen are paid by the piece, as they generally are in manufactures, and even in country labour, wherever wages are higher than ordinary. Almost every class of artificers is subject to some peculiar infirmity occasioned by excessive application to their peculiar species of work. Ramuzzini, an eminent Italian physician, has written a particular book concerning such diseases. We do not reckon our soldiers the most industrious set of people among us. Yet when

have been employed in some particular and liberally paid by the piece, their officers have frequently been obliged to soldiers

sorts of work,

stipulate with the undertaker, that they should not be allowed to earn above a certain sum every day, according to the rate at which they were paid. Till this stipulation was made, mutual emulation and the desire of greater gain frequently prompted them to overwork themselves, and to hurt their health by excessive labour. Excessive application during four days of the week is frequently the real cause of the idleness of the other three, so much and so loudly complained of. Great labour, either of mind or body, continued for several days together, is in most men naturally followed by a great desire of relaxation, which, if not restrained by force or by some strong necessity, is almost irresistible. It is the call of nature, which requires to be relieved by some indulgence, sometimes of ease only, but sometimes, too, of dissipation and diversion. If it is not complied with, the consequences are often dangerous, and sometimes fatal, and such as almost always, sooner or later, brings on the peculiar infirmity of the trade. If masters would always listen to the dictates of reason and humanity, they have frequently occasion rather to moderate than to animate the application of many of their workmen. It will be found, I believe, in every sort of trade, that the man who works so moderately as to be able to work constantly not only preserves his health the longest, but, in the course of the year, executes the greatest quantity of work. In cheap years, it is pretended, workmen are generally more idle, and in dear ones more industrious than ordinary. A plentiful subsistence, therefore, it has been concluded, relaxes, and a scanty one quickens their industry. That a little more plenty than ordinary may render

some workmen

idle, cannot well be doubted; should have this effect upon the greater part, or that men in general should work better when they are ill fed than when they are well fed, when they are disheartened than when they are in good spirits, when they are frequently sick than when they are generally in good health, seems not very probable. Years of dearth, it is to be observed, are generally among the common people years of sick-

but that

it

of

Labour

35

ness and mortality, which cannot fail to diminish the produce of their industry.

In years of plenty, servants frequently leave and trust their subsistence to what they can make by their own industry. But the same cheapness of provisions, by increasing the fund which is destined for the maintenance of servants, encourages masters, farmers especially, to employ a greater number. Farmers upon such occasions expect more profit from their corn by maintaining a few more labouring servants than by selling it at a low price in the market. The demand for servants increases, while the number of those who offer to supply that demand diminishes. The price of labour, therefore, frequently rises in their masters,

cheap years. In years of scarcity, the difficulty and uncertainty of subsistence make all such people eager to return to service. But the high price of provisions, by diminishing the funds destined for the maintenance of servants, disposes masters rather to diminish than to increase the number of those they have. In dear years, too, poor independent workmen frequently consume the little stocks with which they had used to supply themselves with the materials of their work, and are obliged to become journeymen for subsistence. More people want employment than can easily get it; many are willing to take it upon lower terms than ordinary, and the wages of both servants and journeymen frequently sink in dear years.

Masters of

all sorts, therefore, frequently better bargains with their servants in dear than in cheap years, and find them more humble and dependent in the former than in the latter. They naturally, therefore, commend the former as more favourable to industry. Landlords and farmers, besides, two of the largest classes of masters, have another reason for being pleased with dear years. The rents of the one and the profits of the other depend very much upon the price of provisions. Nothing can be more absurd, however, than to imagine that men in general should work less when they work for themselves, than when they work for other people. A poor independent workman will generally be more industrious than even a journeyman who works by the piece. The one enjoys the whole produce of his own industry; the other shares it with his master. The one, in his separate independent state, is less liable to the temptations of bad company, which in large manufactories so frequently ruin the morals of the other. The superiority of the independent workman over those servants who are hired by the month or by the year, and whose wages and maintenance are the same whether they do much or do little, is likely to be still greater. Cheap years tend to increase the proportion of independent workmen to

make

The Wealth

36 journeymen and servants years to diminish

of

all

kinds,

and dear

it.

A French author of great knowledge and ingenuity, Mr. Messance, receiver of the taillies in the election of St. Etienne, endeavours to show that the poor do more work in cheap than in dear years, by comparing the quantity and value of the goods made upon those different occasions in three different manufactures; one of coarse woollens carried on at Elbeuf; one of and another of silk, both which extend through the whole generality of Rouen. It appears from his account, which is copied from the registers of the public offices, that the quantity and value of the goods made in all those three manufactures has generally been greater in cheap than in dear years; and that it has always been greatest in the cheapest, and least in the dearest years. All the three seem to be stationary manufactures, or which, though their produce may vary somewhat from year to year, are upon the whole neither going backwards nor forwards. The manufacture of linen in Scotland, and that of coarse woollens in the West Riding of Yorkshire, are growing manufactures, of which the produce is generally, though with some variations, increasing both in quantity and value. Upon examining, however, the accounts which have been published of their annual produce, I have not been able to observe that its variations have had any sensible connection with the dearness or cheapness of the seasons. In 1740, a year of great scarcity, both manufactures, indeed, appear to have declined very considerably. But in 1756, another year of great scarcity, the Scotch manufacture made more than ordinary advances. The Yorkshire manufacture, indeed, declined, and its produce did not rise to what it had been in 1755 till 1766, linen,

American Stamp Act. In that and the following year it greatly exceeded what it had ever been before, and it has continued to advance ever since. after the repeal of the

The produce of all great manufactures for must necessarily depend, not so much upon the dearness or cheapness of the

distant sale

seasons in the countries where they are carried on as upon the circumstances which affect the demand in the countries where they are consumed; upon peace or war, upon the prosperity or declension of other rival manufactures, and upon the good or bad humour of their principal customers. A great part of the extraordinary work, besides, which is probably done in cheap years, never enters the public registers of manufactures. The men servants who leave their masters become independent labourers. The women return to their parents, and commonly spin in order to make clothes for themselves and their families. Even the independent workmen do not always work for public sale,

of Nations but are employed by some of their neighbours manufactures for family use. The produce of

in

their labour, therefore, frequently figure in those public registers of

makes no which the

records are sometimes published with so much parade, and from which our merchants and manufacturers would often vainly pretend to announce the prosperity or declension of the greatest empires. Though the variations in the price of labour not only do not always correspond with those in the price of provisions, but are frequently quite opposite, we must not, upon this account, imagine that the price of provisions has no influence upon that of labour. The money price of labour is necessarily regulated by two circumstances; the demand for labour, and the price of the necessaries and conveniences of life. The demand for labour, according as it

happens to be increasing, stationary, or declinan increasing, stationary, or

ing, or to require-

declining population, determines the quantity of the necessaries and conveniencies of life which must be given to the labourer; and the money price of labour is determined by what requisite for purchasing this quantity. is Though the money price of labour, therefore, is sometimes high where the price of provisions is low, it would be still higher, the demand continuing the same, if the price of provisions was high. It is because the demand for labour increases in years of sudden and extraordinary plenty, and diminishes in those of sudden and extraordinary scarcity, that the money price of labour sometimes rises in the one and sinks in the other. In a year of sudden and extraordinary plenty, there are funds in the hands of many of the employers of industry sufficient to maintain and employ a greater number of industrious people than had been employed the year be-

and this extraordinary number cannot always be had. Those masters, therefore, who want more workmen bid against one another, fore;

them, which sometimes raises and the money price of their la-

in order to get

both the

real

bour.

The contrary of this happens in a year of sudden and extraordinary scarcity. The funds destined for employing industry are less than they had been the year before. A considerable number of people are thrown out of employment, who bid against one another, in order to get it, which sometimes lowers both the real and the money price of labour. In 1740, a year of extraordinary scarcity, many people were work for bare subsistence. In the succeeding years of plenty, it was more difficult to get labourers and servants. The scarcity of a dear year, by diminishing the demand for labour, tends to lower its price,

willing to

The

Profits of

as the high price of provisions tends to raise it. The plenty of a cheap year, on the contrary, by increasing the demand, tends to raise the price of labour, as the cheapness of provisions tends to lower it. In the ordinary variations of

the price of provisions those two opposite causes seem to counterbalance one another, which is probably in part the reason why the wages of labour are everywhere so much more steady and permanent than the price of provisions.

The

increase in the wages of labour neces-

sarily increases the price of

many

commodities,

by increasing that part of it which resolves itself into wages, and so far tends to diminish their consumption both at home and abroad. The same cause, however, which raises the wages of labour, the increase of stock, tends to increase its productive powers, and to make a smaller quantity of labour produce a greater quantity of work. The owner of the stock which employs a great number of labourers, necessarily endeavours, for his own advantage, to make such a proper division and distribution of employment that they may be enabled to produce the greatest quantity of work possible. For the same reason, he endeavours to supply them with the best machinery which either he or they can think of. What takes place among the labourers in a particular workhouse takes place, for the same reason, among those of a great society. The greater their number, the more they naturally divide themselves into different classes and subdivisions of employment. More heads are occupied in inventing the most proper machinery for executing the work of each, and it is, therefore, more likely to be invented. There are many commodities, therefore, which, in consequence of these im-

provements, come to be produced by so much less labour than before that the increase of its price is more than compensated by the diminution of

its

quantity.

CHAPTER IX Of

the Profits of Stock

The rise and fall in the profits of stock depend upon the same causes with the rise and fall in the wages of labour, the increasing or declining state of the wealth of the society; but those causes affect the one and the other

very differently.

The increase of stock, which raises wages, tends to lower profit. When the stocks of many rich merchants are turned into the same trade, their mutual competition naturally tends to lower its profit; and when there is a like increase of stock in all the different trades carried on in the same society, the same competition must produce the same effect in them all. It is not easy, it has already been observed,

Stock

to ascertain

labour even

37 what are the average wages of a particular place, and at a par-

in

ticular time. We can, even in this case, seldom determine more than what are the most usual wages. But even this can seldom be done with regard to the profits of stock. Profit is so very fluctuating that the person who carries on a particular trade cannot always tell you himself what is the average of his annual profit. It is affected not only by every variation of price in the commodities which he deals in, but by the good or bad fortune both of his rivals and of his customers, and by a thousand other accidents to which goods when carried either by sea or by land, or even when stored in a warehouse, are liable. It varies, therefore, not only from year to year, but from day to day, and almost from hour to hour. To ascertain what is the average profit of all the different trades carried on in a great kingdom must be much more difficult; and to judge of what it may have been formerly, or in remote periods of time, with any degree of precision, must be

altogether impossible.

But though it may be impossible to determine, with any degree of precision, what are or were the average profits of stock, either in the present or in ancient times, some notion may be formed of them from the interest of money. It may be laid down as a maxim, that wherever a great deal can be made by the use of money, a great deal will commonly be given for the use of it; and that wherever little can be made by it, less will commonly be given for it. According, therefore, as the usual market rate of interest varies in any country, we may be assured that the ordinary profits of stock must vary with it, must sink as it sinks, rise as it rises. The progress of interest, therefore, may lead us to form some notion of the progress of profit. By the 37th of Henry VIII all interest above

and

ten per cent was declared unlawful. More, it seems, had sometimes been taken before that. In the reign of Edward VI religious zeal prohibited all interest. This prohibition, however, like all others of the same kind, is said to have produced no effect, and probably rather increased than diminished the evil of usury. The statute of Henry VIII was revived by the 13th of Elizabeth, c. 8, and ten per cent continued to be the legal rate of interest till the 21st of James I, when it was restricted to eight per cent. It was reduced to six per cent soon after the Restoration, and by the 12th of Queen Anne to five per cent. All these different statutory regulations seem to have been made with great propriety. They seem to have followed and not to have gone before the market rate of interest, or the rate at which people of good credit usually borrowed. Since the time of Queen Anne, five per cent seems to have been

The Wealth

38

rather above than below the market rate. Before the late war, the government borrowed at three per cent; and people of good credit in the capital, and in many other parts of the kingdom, at three and a half, four, and four and a half per cent. Since the time of Henry VIII the wealth and revenue of the country have been continually advancing, and, in the course of their progress, their pace seems rather to have been gradually accelerated than retarded. They seem not only to have been going on, but to have been going on faster and faster. The wages of labour have been continually increasing during the same period, and in the greater part of the different branches of trade and manufactures the profits of stock have been diminishing. It generally requires a greater stock to carry on any sort of trade in a great town than in a country village. The great stocks employed in every branch of trade, and the number of rich competitors, generally reduce the rate of profit in the former below what it is in the latter But the wages of labour are generally higher in a great town than in a country village. In a thriving town the people who have great stocks to employ frequently cannot get the number of workmen they want, and therefore bid against one another in order to get as many as they can, which raises the wages of labour, and lowers the profits of stock. In the remote parts of the country there is frequently not

stock sufficient to employ all the people, who therefore bid against one another in order to get employment, which lowers the wages of labour and raises the profits of stock. In Scotland, though the legal rate of interest is the same as in England, the market rate is rather higher. People of the best credit there seldom borrow under five per cent. Even private bankers in Edinburgh give four per cent

upon their promissory notes, of which payment either in whole or in part may be demanded at pleasure. Private bankers in London give no interest for the money which is deposited with them. There are few trades which cannot be carried on with a smaller stock in Scotland than in England. The common rate of profit, therefore, must be somewhat greater. The wages of labour, it has already been observed, are lower in Scotland than in England. The country, too, is not only much poorer, but the steps by which it advances to a better condition, for it is evidently advancing, seem to be much slower and more tardy. The legal rate of interest in France has not, during the course of the present century, been 1 always regulated by the market rate. In 1720 interest was reduced from the twentieth to the fiftieth penny, or from five to two per cent. In 1

See Denifart. Article Taux des Intirets,

vol.

of Nations 1724 it was raised to the thirtieth penny, or to per cent. In 1725 it was again raised to the twentieth penny, or to five per cent. In 1766, during the administration of Mr. Laverdy, it was reduced to the twenty-fifth penny, or to four per cent. The Abbe Terray raised it afterwards to the old rate of five per cent. The supposed purpose of many of those violent reductions of interest was to prepare the way for reducing that of the public debts; a purpose which has sometimes been executed. France is perhaps in the present times not so rich a country as England; and though the legal rate of interest has in France frequently been lower than in England, the market rate has generally been higher; for there, as in other countries, they have several very safe and easy methods of evading the law. The profits of trade, I have been assured by British merchants who had traded in both countries, are higher in France than in England; and it is no doubt upon this account that many British subjects choose rather to employ their capitals in a country where trade is in disgrace, than in one where it is highly respected. The wages of labour are lower in France than in England. When you go from Scotland to England, the difference which

3M

you may remark between the dress and countenance of the common people in the one country and in the other sufficiently indicates the difference in their condition. The contrast is still greater when you return from France. France, though no doubt a richer country than Scotland, seems not to be going forward so fast. It is a common and even a popular opinion in the country that it is going backwards; an opinion which, I apprehend, is ill founded even with regard to France, but which nobody can possibly entertain with regard to Scotland, who sees the country now, and who saw it twenty or thirty years ago. The province of Holland, on the other hand, in proportion to the extent of its territory and the number of its people, is a richer country

than England. The government there borrows at two per cent, and private people of good credit at three. The wages of labour are said to be higher in Holland than in England, and the Dutch, it is well known, trade upon lower profits than any people in Europe. The trade of Holland, it has been pretended by some people, is decaying, and it may perhaps be true that some particular branches of it are so. But these symptoms seem to indicate sufficiently that there is no general decay. When profit diminishes, merchants are very apt to complain that trade decays; though the diminution of profit is the natural effect of its prosperity, or of a greater stock being employed in it than be2 fore. During the late war the Dutch gained the

iii.

2

n. 18.

The Seven Years' War, 1756-1763.— Ed.

The

Profits of

Stock

89

whole carrying trade of France, of which they still retain a very large share. The great property which they possess both in the French and English funds, about forty millions, it is said, in the latter (in which I suspect, however,

stock. The demand for labour increases with the increase of stock whatever be its profits; and after these are diminished, stock may not

a considerable exaggeration) the great to private people in countries where the rate of interest is higher than in their own, are circumstances which no doubt demonstrate the redundancy of their stock, or that it has increased beyond what they can employ with tolerable profit in the proper business of their own country: but they do not demonstrate that that business has decreased. As the capital of a private man, though acquired by a particular trade, may increase beyond what he can employ in it, and yet that trade continue to increase too; so may likewise the capital of a great nation. In our North American and West Indian colonies, not only the wages of labour, but the interest of money, and consequently the profits of stock, are higher than in England. In the different colonies both the legal and the market rate of interest run from six to eight per cent. High wages of labour and high profits of stock, however, are things, perhaps, which scarce ever go together, except in the peculiar circumstances of new colonies. A new colony must always for some time be more understocked in proportion to the extent of its territory, and more underpeopled in proportion to the extent of its stock, than the greater part of other countries. They have more land than they have stock to cultivate. What they have, therefore, is applied to the cultivation only of what is most fertile and most favourably situated, the land near the sea shore, and along the banks of navigable rivers. Such land, too, is frequently purchased at a price below the value even of its natural produce. Stock employed in the purchase and improvement of such lands must yield a very large profit, and consequently afford to pay a very large interest. Its rapid accumulation in so profitable an employment enables the planter to increase the number of his hands faster than he can find them in a new settlement. Those whom he can find, therefore, are very liberally rewarded. As the colony increases, the profits of stock gradually diminish. When the most fertile and best situated lands have been all occupied, less profit can be made by the cultivation of what is inferior both in soil and situation, and less interest can be afforded for the stock which is so employed. In the greater part of our colonies, accordingly, both the legal and the market rate of interest have been considerably reduced during the course of the present century. As riches, improvement, and population have increased, interest has declined. The wages of labour do not sink with the profits of

tions who are advancing in the acquisition of riches as with industrious individuals. great stock, though with small profits, generally increases faster than a small stock with great

there

is

sums which they lend

;

only continue to increase, but to increase much faster than before. It is with industrious na-

A

profits.

Money, says the proverb, makes money.

When you

have got a

get more.

The

often easy to to get that little. The connection between the increase of stock and that of industry, or of the demand for useful labour, has partly been explained already, but will be explained more fully hereafter in treating of the accumulation of stock. The acquisition of new territory, or of new branches of trade, may sometimes raise the profits of stock, and with them the interest of money, even in a country which is fast advancing in the acquisition of riches. The stock of the country not being sufficient for the whole accession of business, which such acquisitions present to the different people among whom it is divided, is applied to those particular branches only which afford the greatest profit. Part of what had before been employed in other trades is necessarily withdrawn from them, and turned into some of the new and more profitable ones. In all those old trades, therefore, the competition comes to be less than before. The market comes to be less fully supplied with many different sorts of goods. Their price necessarily rises more or less, and yields a greater profit to those who deal in them, who can, therefore, afford to borrow at a higher interest. For some time after the conclusion of the late war, not only private people of the best credit, but some of the greatest companies in London, commonly borrowed at five per cent, who before that had not been used to pay more than four, and four and a half per cent. The great accession both of territory and trade, by our acquisitions in North America and the West Indies, will sufficiently account little, it is

great difficulty

for this, without supposing

is

any diminution

in

the capital stock of the society. So great an accession of new business to be carried on by the old stock must necessarily have diminished the quantity employed in a great number of particular branches, in which the competition being less, the profits must have been greater. I shall hereafter have occasion to mention the reasons which dispose me to believe that the capital stock of Great Britain was not diminished even by the enormous expense of the late war. The diminution of the capital stock of the society, or of the funds destined for the maintenance of industry, however, as it lowers the wages of labour, so it raises the profits of stock,

The Wealth

40

and consequently the interest of money. By the wages of labour being lowered, the owners of what stock remains in the society can bring their goods at less expense to market than before, and less stock being employed in supplying the market than before, they can sell them dearer. Their goods cost them less, and they get more for them. Their profits, therefore, being augmented at both ends, can well afford a large interest. The great fortunes so suddenly and so easily acquired in Bengal and the other British settlements in the East Indies may satisfy us that, as the wages of labour are very low, so the profits of stock are very high in those ruined countries. The interest of money

proportionably so. In Bengal, money is frequently lent to the farmers at forty, fifty, and sixty per cent and the succeeding crop is mortgaged for the payment. As the profits which can afford such an interest must eat up almost the whole rent of the landlord, so such enormous usury must in its turn eat up the greater part of those profits. Before the fall of the Roman republic, a usury of the same kind seems to have been common in the provinces, under the ruinous administration of their proconsuls. The virtuous Brutus lent money in Cyprus at eight-and-forty per cent as we learn is

from the letters of Cicero. In a country which had acquired that full complement of riches which the nature of its soil and climate, and its situation with respect to other countries, allowed it to acquire; which could, therefore, advance no further, and which was not going backwards, both the wages of labour and the profits of stock would probably be very low. In a country fully peopled in proportion to what either its territory could maintain or its stock employ, the competition for employment would necessarily be so great as to reduce the wages of labour to what was barely sufficient to keep up the number of labourers, and, the country being already fully peopled, that number could never be augmented. In a country fully stocked in proportion to all the business it had to transact, as great a quantity of stock would be employed in every particular branch as the nature and extent of the trade would admit. The competition, therefore, would everywhere be as great, and consequently the ordinary profit as low as possible.

But perhaps no country has ever yet arrived at this degree of opulence. China seems to have been long stationary, and had probably long ago acquired that full complement of riches which is consistent with the nature of its laws

But this complement may be what, with other laws and institutions, the nature of its soil, climate, and situation might admit of. A country which neg-

and

institutions.

much

inferior to

lects or despises foreign

commerce, and which

of Nations admits the vessels of foreign nations into one or two of its ports only, cannot transact the same quantity of business which it might do with different laws and institutions. In a country too, where, though the rich or the owners of large capitals enjoy a good deal of security, the poor or the owners of small capitals enjoy scarce any, but are liable, under the pretence of justice, to be pillaged and plundered at any time by the inferior mandarins, the quantity of stock employed in all the different branches of business transacted within it can never be equal to what the nature and extent of that business might admit. In every different branch, the oppression of the poor must establish the monopoly of the rich, who, by engrossing the whole trade to themselves, will be able to make very large profits. Twelve per cent accordingly is said to be the common interest of money in China, and the ordinary profits of stock must be sufficient to afford this large interest.

A defect in the law may sometimes raise the rate of interest considerably above what the condition of the country, as to wealth or poverty, would require. When the law does not enforce the performance of contracts, it puts all borrowers nearly upon the same footing with bankrupts or people of doubtful credit in better regulated countries. The uncertainty of recovering his money makes the lender exact the same usurious interest which is usually required from bankrupts. Among the barbarous nations who overran the western provinces of the Roman empire, the performance of contracts was left for many ages to the faith of the contracting parties. The courts of justice of their kings seldom intermeddled in it. The high rate of interest which took place in those ancient times may perhaps be partly accounted for

from

this cause. the law prohibits interest altogether, it does not prevent it. Many people must borrow, and nobody will lend without such a consideration for the use of their money as is suitable not only to what can be made by the use of it, but to the difficulty and danger of evading the law. The high rate of interest among all Mahometan nations is accounted for by Mr. Montesquieu, not from their poverty, but partly from this, and partly from the difficulty of recovering the money. The lowest ordinary rate of profit must al-

When

ways be something more than what

is

sufficient

to compensate the occasional losses to which every employment of stock is exposed. It is this surplus only which is neat or clear profit. What is called gross profit comprehends frequently,

not only this surplus, but what is retained for compensating such extraordinary losses. The interest which the borrower can afford to pay is in proportion to the clear profit only.

The

Profits of

The lowest ordinary rate of interest must, in the same manner, be something more than sufficient to compensate the occasional losses to which lending, even with tolerable prudence, is exposed. Were it not more, charity or friendship could be the only motive for lending. In a country which had acquired its full complement of riches, where in every particular branch of business there was the greatest quantity of stock that could be employed in it, as the ordinary rate of clear profit would be very small, so the usual market rate of interest which could be afforded out of it would be so low as to render it impossible for any but the very wealthiest people to live upon the interest of their money. All people of small or middling fortunes would be obliged to superintend themselves the employment of their own stocks. It would be necessary that almost every man should be a man of business, or engage in some sort of trade. The province of Holland seems to be approaching near to this state. It is there unfashionable not to be a man of business. Necessity makes it usual for almost every man to be so, and custom everywhere regulates fashion. As it is ridiculous not to dress, so is it, in some measure, not to be employed, like other people. As a man of a civil profession seems awkward in a camp or a garrison, and is even in some danger of being despised there, so does an idle man among men of business. highest ordinary rate of profit may be such as, in the price of the greater part of commodities, eats up the whole of what should go to the rent of the land, and leaves only what is sufficient to pay the labour of preparing and bringing them to market, according to the lowest rate at which labour can anywhere be paid, the bare subsistence of the labourer. The workman must always have been fed in some way or other while he was about the work; but the landlord may not always have been paid. The profits of the trade which the servants of the

The

East India Company carry on in Bengal may not perhaps be very far from this rate. The proportion which the usual market rate of interest ought to bear to the ordinary rate of clear profit, necessarily varies as profit rises or falls. Double interest is in Great Britain

reckoned what the merchants call a good, modterms which I apprehend mean no more than a common and usual profit. In a country where the ordinary rate

erate, reasonable profit;

of clear profit

is

eight or ten per cent,

it

may

be reasonable that one half of it should go to interest, wherever business is carried on with borrowed money. The stock is at the risk of the borrower, who, as it were, insures it to the

and four or five per cent may, in the greater part of trades, be both a sufficient profit lender;

Stock

upon the

41

risk of this insurance,

and a

sufficient

recompense for the trouble of employing the stock. But the proportion between interest and clear profit might not be the same in countries where the ordinary rate of profit was either a good deal lower, or a good deal higher. If it were a good deal lower, one half of it perhaps could not be afforded for interest; and more might be afforded if it were a good deal higher.

In countries which are fast advancing to low rate of profit may, in the price of many commodities, compensate the high wages of labour, and enable those countries to sell as cheap as their less thriving neighbours, among whom the wages of labour may be lower. In reality high profits tend much more to raise the price of work than high wages. If in the linen manufacture, for example, the wages riches, the

working people, the flax-dressthe spinners, the weavers, etc., should, all of them, be advanced twopence a day; it would be necessary to heighten the price of a piece of linen only by a number of twopences equal to the number of people that had been employed about it, multiplied by the number of of the different

ers,

days during which they had been so employed. That part of the price of the commodity which resolved itself into wages would, through all the different stages of the manufacture, rise only in arithmetical proportion to this rise of wages. But if the profits of all the different employers of those working people should be raised five per cent, that part of the price of the commodity which resolved itself into profit would, through all the different stages of the manufacture, rise in geometrical proportion to this rise of profit. The employer of the flaxdressers would in selling his flax require an additional five per cent upon the whole value of the materials and wages which he advanced to his workmen. The employer of the spinners would require an additional five per cent both upon the advanced price of the flax and upon the wages of the spinners. And the employer of the weavers would require a like five per cent both upon the advanced price of the linen yarn and upon the wages of the weavers. In raising the price of commodities the rise of wages operates in the same manner as simple interest does in the accumulation of debt. The rise of profit operates like

compound

interest.

Our

merchants and master-manufacturers complain much of the bad effects of high wages in raising the price, and thereby lessening the sale of their goods both at home and abroad. They say nothing concerning the bad effects of high profits. They are silent with regard to the pernicious effects of their own gains. They complain only of those of other people.

The Wealth

42

both to choose what occupation he thought proper, and to change it as often as he thought proper. Every man's interest would prompt him to seek the advantageous, and to shun the disadvantageous employment. Pecuniary wages and profit, indeed, are everywhere in Europe extremely different according to the different employments of labour fectly free

CHAPTER X Of Wages and

Profit in the different

Employments

of

The

of Nations

Labour and Stock

whole of the advantages and disadvan-

tages of the different employments of labour and stock must, in the same neighbourhood, be either perfectly equal or continually tending to equality. If in the same neighbourhood, there was any employment evidently either more or less advantageous than the rest, so many people would crowd into it in the one case, and so many would desert it in the other, that its advantages would soon return to the level of other employments. This at least would be the case in a society where things were left to follow their natural course, where there was perfect liberty, and where every man was per-

and stock. But this difference arises partly from certain circumstances in the employments themselves, which, either really, or at least in the imaginations of men, make up for a small pecuniary gain in some, and counterbalance a great one in others; and partly from the policy of Europe, which nowhere leaves things at perfect liberty. The particular consideration of those circumstances and of that policy will divide this chapter into two parts.

Part Inequalities arising

from the Nature

The five following are the principal circumstances which, so far as I have been able to observe, make up for a small pecuniary gain in some employments, and counterbalance a great one in others: first, the agreeableness or disagreeableness of the employments themselves; secondly, the easiness and cheapness, or the difficulty and expense of learning them; thirdly, the constancy or inconstancy of employment in them; fourthly, the small or great trust which must be reposed in those who exercise them; and, fifthly, the probability or improbability of success in them. First, the wages of labour vary with the ease or hardship, the cleanliness or dirtiness, the honourableness or dishonourableness of the employment. Thus in most places, take the year round, a journeyman tailor earns less than a journeyman weaver. His work

is

much

A

journeyman weaver earns less than a journeyman smith. His work is not always easier, but it is much cleanlier. A journeyman blacksmith, though an artificer, seldom earns easier.

so much in twelve hours as a collier, who is only a labourer, does in eight. His work is not quite so dirty, is less dangerous, and is carried on in daylight, and above ground. Honour makes a great part of the reward of all honourable professions. In point of pecuniary gain, all things considered, they are generally underrecompensed, as I shall endeavour to show by and by. Disgrace has the contrary effect. The trade of a butcher is a brutal and an odious business; but it is in most places more profitable than the greater part of common trades. The most detestable of all employments, that of public executioner, is, in proportion to the quantity of work done, better paid than any

common

trade whatever.

1 of the

Employments themselves

Hunting and fishing, the most important employments of mankind in the rude state of society, become in its advanced state their most agreeable amusements, and they pursue for pleasure what they once followed from necessity. In the advanced state of society, therefore, they are all very poor people who follow as a trade what other people pursue as a pastime. Fishermen have been so since the time of Theocritus. A poacher is everywhere a very poor man in Great Britain. In countries where the rigour of the law suffers no poachers, the licensed hunter is not in a much better condition. The natural taste for those employments makes more people follow them than can live comfortably by them, and the produce of their labour, in proportion to its quantity, comes always too cheap to market to afford anything but the most scanty subsistence to the labourers. Disagreeableness and disgrace affect the profits of stock in the same manner as the wages of labour. The keeper of an inn or tavern, who is never master of his own house, and who is exposed to the brutality of every drunkard, exercises neither a very agreeable nor a very creditable business. But there is scarce any common trade in which a small stock yields so great a profit. Secondly, the wages of labour vary with the easiness and cheapness, or the difficulty and expense of learning the business. When any expensive machine is erected, the extraordinary work to be performed by it before it is worn out, it must be expected, will replace the capital laid out upon it, with at least the ordinary profits. A man educated at the expense of much labour and time to 1

*See Idyllium

XXI.

Wages and employments which require extraordinary dexterity and skill, may be compared to one of those expensive machines. The work which he learns to perform, it must be expected, over and above the usual wages of common labour, will replace to him the whole

any

of those

expense of his education, with at least the ordinary profits of an equally valuable capital. It must do this, too, in a reasonable time, regard being had to the very uncertain dura-

human

life, in the same manner as to certain duration of the machine. The difference between the wages of skilled labour and those of common labour is founded

tion of

the

more

upon

this principle.

The of

all

Europe considers the labour and manufacturers, labour; and that of all country

policy of

mechanics,

artificers,

as skilled labourers as common labour. It seems to suppose that of the former to be of a more nice and delicate nature than that of the latter. It is so perhaps in some cases; but in the greater part is it quite otherwise, as I shall endeavour to show by and by. The laws and customs of Europe, therefore, in order to qualify any person for exercising the one species of labour, impose the necessity of an apprenticeship, though with different degrees of rigour in different places. They leave the other free and open to everybody. During the continuance of the apprenticeship, the whole labour of the apprentice belongs to his master. In the meantime he must, in many cases, be maintained by his parents or relations, and in almost all cases must be clothed by them. Some money, too, is commonly given to the master for teaching him his trade. They who cannot give money give time, or become bound for more than the usual number of years; a consideration which, though it is not always advantageous to the master, on account of the usual idleness of apprentices, is always disadvantageous to the apprentice. In country labour, on the contrary, the labourer, while he is employed about the easier, learns the more difficult parts of his business, and his own labour maintains him through all the different stages of his employment. It is reasonable, therefore, that in Europe the

wages of mechanics, artificers, and manufacbe somewhat higher than those

turers, should

of

common

labourers.

They

are so according-

and their superior gains make them in most places be considered as a superior rank

ly,

of people. This superiority, however, erally very small; the daily or ings of journeymen in the more

is

gen-

weekly earn-

common

sorts

of manufactures, such as those of plain linen and woollen cloth, computed at an average,

most places, very little more than the day wages of common labourers. Their employment, indeed, is more steady and uniare, in

43

Profit

form, and the superiority of their earnings, taking the whole year together, may be somewhat greater. It seems evidently, however, to be no greater than what is sufficient to compensate the superior expense of their education. Education in the ingenious arts and in the liberal professions is still more tedious and expensive. The pecuniary recompense, therefore, of painters and sculptors, of lawyers and physicians, ought to be much more liberal; and it is so accordingly. The profits of stock seem to be very little affected by the easiness or difficulty of learning the trade in which it is employed. All the different ways in which stock is commonly employed in great towns seem, in reality, to be almost equally easy and equally difficult to learn. One branch either of fo/eign or domestic trade cannot well be a much more intricate business than another. Thirdly, the wages of labour in different occupations vary with the constancy or in-

constancy of employment.

Employment

is

some trades than

much more in others.

constant in In the greater

part of manufacturers, a journeyman may be pretty sure of employment almost every day in the year that he is able to work. A mason or bricklayer, on the contrary, can work neither in hard frost nor in foul weather, and his employment at all other times depends upon the occasional calls of his customers. He is liable, in consequence, to be frequently without any. What he earns, therefore, while he is employed, must not only maintain him while he is idle, but make him some compensation for those anxious and desponding moments which the thought of so precarious a situation must sometimes occasion. Where the computed earnings of the greater part of manufacturers, accordingly, are nearly upon a level with the day wages of common labourers, those of masons and bricklayers are generally from one half more to double those wages. Where common labourers earn four and five shillings a week, masons and bricklayers frequently earn seven and eight; where the former earn six, the latter often earn nine and ten; and where the former earn nine and ten, as in London, the latter commonly earn fifteen and eighteen. No species of skilled labour, however, seems more easy to learn than that of masons and bricklayers. Chairmen in London, during the summer season, are said sometimes to be employed as bricklayers. The high wages of those workmen, therefore, are not so much the recompense of their skill, as the compensation for the inconstancy of their employ-

ment. A house carpenter seems to exercise rather

The Wealth

44

a nicer and more ingenious trade than a mason. In most places, however, for it is not universally so, his day-wages are somewhat

employment, though it depends much, does not depend so entirely upon the occasional calls of his customers; and it is not

lower. His

liable to

be interrupted by the weather.

When

the trades which generally afford constant employment happen in a particular place not to do so, the wages of the workmen always rise a good deal above their ordinary proportion to those of common labour. In London almost all journeymen artificers are liable to be called upon and dismissed by their masters from day to day, and from week to week, in the same manner as day-labourers in other places. The lowest order of artificers, journeymen tailors, accordingly, earn there half a crown a-day, though eighteenpence may be reckoned the wages of common labour. In small towns and coun-

try villages, the wages of journeymen tailors frequently scarce equal those of common labour; but in London they are often many weeks without employment, particularly dur-

ing the summer. When the inconstancy of employment is combined with the hardship, disagreeableness and dirtiness of the work, it sometimes raises the wages of the most common labour above those of the most skilful artificers. A collier working by the piece is supposed, at Newcastle, to earn commonly about double, and in many parts of Scotland about three times the wages of common labour. His high wages arise altogether from the hardship, disagreeableness, and dirtiness of his work. His employment may, upon most occasions, be as

constant as he pleases. The coal-heavers in London exercise a trade which in hardship, dirtiness, and disagreeableness, almost equals that of colliers; and from the unavoidable irregularity in the arrivals of coal-ships, the employment of the greater part of them is necessarily very inconstant. If colliers, therefore, commonly earn double and triple the wages of common labour, it ought not to seem unreasonable that coal-heavers should sometimes earn four and five times those wages. In the inquiry made into their condition a few years ago, it was found that at the rate at which they were then paid, they could earn from six to ten shillings a day. Six shillings are about four times the wages of common labour in London, and in every particular trade the lowest common earnings may always be considered as those of the far greater number. How extravagant soever those earnings may appear, if they were more than sufficient to compensate all the disagreeable circumstances of the business, there would soon be so great a number of com-

of Nations petitors as, in a trade which has privilege, would quickly reduce

no exclusive them to a

lower rate. The constancy or inconstancy of employment cannot affect the ordinary profits of stock in any particular trade. Whether the stock is or is not constantly employed depends, not upon the trade, but the trader. Fourthly, the wages of labour vary accordingly to the small or great trust which must be reposed in the workmen. The wages of goldsmiths and jewellers are everywhere superior to those of many other workmen, not only of equal, but of much superior ingenuity, on account of the precious materials with which they are intrusted. We trust our health to the physician: our fortune and sometimes our life and reputation to the lawyer and attorney. Such confidence could not safely be reposed in people of a very mean or low condition. Their reward must be such, therefore, as may give them that rank in the society which so important a trust requires. The long time and the great expense which must be laid out in their education, when combined with this circumstance, necessarily enhance still further the price of their labour.

When

a person employs only his

own

stock

trade, there is no trust; and the credit which he may get from other people depends, not upon the nature of his trade, but upon their opinion of his fortune, probity, and prudence. The different rates of profit, therefore, in the different branches of trade, cannot arise from the different degrees of trust in

reposed in the traders. Fifthly, the wages of labour in different employments vary according to the probability or improbability of success in

them.

probability that any particular person shall ever be qualified for the employment to

The

which he

is

educated

is

very different in

dif-

occupations. In the greater part of mechanic trades, success is almost certain; but very uncertain in the liberal professions. Put your son apprentice to a shoemaker, there is little doubt of his learning to make a pair of shoes; but send him to study the law, it is at least twenty to one if ever he makes such proficiency as will enable him to live by the business. In a perfectly fair lottery, those who draw the prizes ought to gain all that is lost by those who draw the blanks. In a profession where twenty fail for one that succeeds, that one ought to gain all that should have been gained by the unsuccessful twenty. The counsellor-at-law who, perhaps, at near forty years of age, begins to make something by his profession, ought to receive the retribution, not only of his own so tedious and expensive education, but that of more than twenty ferent

Wages and who

are never likely to make anything others by it. How extravagant soever the fees of counsellors-at-law may sometimes appear, their real retribution is never equal to this. Compute in any particular place what is likely to be annually gained, and what is likely to be annually spent, by all the different workmen in any common trade, such as that of shoemakers or weavers, and you will find that the former sum will generally exceed the latter. But make the same computation with regard to all the counsellors and students of law, in all the different inns of court, and you will find that their annual gains bear but a very small proportion to their annual expense, even though you rate the former as high, and the latter as low, as can well be done. The lottery of the law, therefore, is very far from being a perfectly fair lottery; and that, as well as many other liberal and honourable professions, are, in point of pecuniary gain, evidently under-recompensed. Those professions keep their level, however, with other occupations, and, notwithstanding these discouragements, all the most generous and liberal spirits are eager to crowd into them. Two different causes contribute to recommend them. First, the desire of the reputation which attends upon superior excellence in any of them; and, secondly, the natural confidence which every man has more or less,

not only

in his

own

abilities,

but

in his

own

good fortune.

To

excel in

any

profession, in

which but

the most decisive mark of what is called genius or superior talents. The public admiration which attends upon such distinguished abilities makes always a part of their reward; a greater or smaller in proportion as it is higher or lower in degree. It makes a considerable part of that reward in the profession of physic; a still greater perhaps in that of law; in poetry and philosophy it makes almost the whole. There are some very agreeable and beautiful talents of which the possession commands a certain sort of admiration; but of which the exercise for the sake of gain is considered, whether from reason or prejudice, as

few arrive at mediocrity,

is

a sort of public prostitution. The pecuniary recompense, therefore, of those who exercise them in this manner must be sufficient, not only to pay for the time, labour, and expense of acquiring the talents, but for the discredit which attends the employment of them as the means of subsistence. The exorbitant re-

wards of players, opera-singers, opera-dancers, are founded upon those two principles; the rarity and beauty of the talents, and the discredit of employing them in this manner. It seems absurd at first sight that we should despise their persons and yet reward their tal-

etc.,

45

Profit

ents with the most profuse liberality. While we do the one, however, we must of necessity do the other. Should the public opinion or prejudice ever alter with regard to such occupations, their pecuniary recompense would quickly diminish. More people would apply to them, and the competition would quickly reduce the price of their labour. Such talents, though far from being common, are by no means so rare as is imagined. Many people possess them in great perfection, who disdain to make this use of them; and many more are capable of acquiring them, if anything could

be made honourably by them. The overweening conceit which the greater part of men have of their own abilities is an ancient evil remarked by the philosophers and moralists of all ages. Their absurd presumption in their own good fortune has been less taken notice of. It is, however, if possible, still more universal. There is no man living who, when in tolerable health and spirits, has not some share of it. The chance of gain is by every man more or less overvalued, and the chance of loss is by most men undervalued, and by scarce any man, who is in tolerable health and spirits, valued more than it is worth. That the chance of gain is naturally overvalued, we may learn from the universal success of lotteries. The world neither ever saw, nor ever will see, a perfectly fair lottery; or one in which the whole gain compensated the whole loss; because the undertaker could make nothing by it. In the state lotteries the tickets are really not worth the price which is paid by the original subscribers, and yet commonly sell in the market for twenty, thirty, and sometimes forty per cent advance. The vain hope of gaining some of

the great prizes

is

the sole cause of this de-

mand. The soberest people scarce look upon it as a folly to pay a small sum for the chance of gaining ten or twenty thousand pounds; though they know that even that small sum is perhaps twenty or thirty per cent more than the chance is worth. In a lottery in which no prize exceeded twenty pounds, though in other respects it approached much nearer to a perfectly fair one than the common state lotteries, there would not be the same demand for tickets. In order to have a better chance for some of the great prizes, some people purchase several tickets, and others, small share in a still greater number. There is not, however, a more certain proposition in mathematics than that the more tickets you adventure upon, the more likely you are to be a loser. Adventure upon all the tickets in the lottery, and you lose for certain; and the greater the number of your tickets the nearer you approach to this certainty.

46

The Wealth

of Nations

That the chance of loss is frequently undervalued, and scarce ever valued more than it is worth, we may learn from a very moderate profit of insurers. In order to make insurance, either from fire or sea-risk, a trade at all, the

labourers, and in actual service their fatigues are much greater.

common premium must be sufficient pensate the common losses, to pay

The lottery of the sea is not altogether so disadvantageous as that of the army. The son

to

com-

the ex-

pense of management, and to afford such a profit as might have been drawn from an equal capital employed in any common trade. The person who pays no more than this evidently pays no more than the real value of the risk, or the lowest price at which he can reasonably expect to insure it. But though many people have made a little money by insurance, very few have made a great for-

and from this consideration alone, it seems evident enough that the ordinary balance of profit and loss is not more advantatune;

geous in this than in other common trades by which so many people make fortunes. Moderate, however, as the premium of insurance commonly is, many people despise the risk too much to care to pay it. Taking the whole kingdom at an average, nineteen houses in twenty, or rather perhaps ninety-nine in a hundred, are not insured from fire. Sea risk is more alarming to the greater part of people, and the proportion of ships insured to those not insured is much greater. Many fail, however, at all seasons, and even in time of war, without any insurance. This may sometimes perhaps be done without any imprudence. When a great company, or even a great merchant, has twenty or thirty ships at sea, they may, as it were, insure one another. The premium saved upon them all may more than compensate such losses as they are likely to meet with in the common course of chances. The neglect of insurance upon shipping, however, in the same manner as upon houses, is, in most cases, the effect of no such nice calculation, but of mere thoughtless rashness and presumptuous contempt of the risk. The contempt of risk and the presumptuous hope of success are in no period of life more active than at the age at which young people choose their professions. How little the fear of misfortune is then capable of balancing the hope of good luck appears still more evidently in the readiness of the common people to enlist as soldiers, or to go to sea, than in the eagerness of those of better fashion to enter into what are called the liberal professions.

What a common soldier may lose is obvious enough. Without regarding the danger, however, young volunteers never enlist so readily as at the beginning of a new war; and though they have scarce any chance of preferment, they figure to themselves, in their youthful fancies, a thousand occasions of acquiring hon-

our and distinction which never occur. These romantic hopes make the whole price of their blood. Their pay is less than that of common

of a creditable labourer or artificer may frequently go to sea with his father's consent; but if he enlists as a soldier, it is always withit. Other people see some chance of his making something by the one trade: nobody but himself sees any of his making anything by the other. The great admiral is less the ob-

out

ject of public admiration eral,

than the great gen-

and the highest success

in the sea service

promises a less brilliant fortune and reputation than equal success in the land. The same difference runs through all the inferior degrees of preferment in both. By the rules of precedency a captain in the navy ranks with a colonel in the army; but he does not rank with

him in the common estimation. As the great prizes in the lottery are less, the smaller ones must be more numerous. Common sailors, therefore, more frequently get some fortune and preferment than common soldiers; and the hope of those prizes is what principally recommends the trade. Though their skill and dexterity are

any

much

superior to that of almost

and though

their whole life is one continual scene of hardship and danger, artificers,

yet for all this dexterity and skill, for all those hardships and dangers, while they remain in the condition of common sailors, they receive scarce any other recompense but the pleasure of exercising the one and of surmounting the other. Their wages are not greater than those of common labourers at the port which regulates the rate of seamen's wages. As they are continually going from port to port, the monthly pay of those who sail from all the different ports of Great Britain is more nearly upon a level than that of any other workmen in those different places; and the rate of the port to and from which the greatest number sail, that is the port of London, regulates that of all the rest. At London the wages of the greater part of the different classes of workmen are about double those of the same classes at Edinburgh. But the sailors who sail from the port of London seldom earn above three or four shillings a month more than those who sail from the port of Leith, and the difference is frequently not so great. In time of peace, and in the merchant service, the London price is from a guinea to about sevenand-twenty shillings the calendar month. A common labourer in London, at the rate of nine or ten shillings a week, may earn in the calendar month from forty to five-and-forty shillings. The sailor, indeed, over and above

Wages and his

pay,

is

supplied with provisions. Their

value, however, may not perhaps always exceed the difference between his pay and that of the common labourer; and though it sometimes should, the excess will not be clear gain to the sailor, because he cannot share it with his wife and family, whom he must maintain out of his wages at home. The dangers and hairbreadth escapes of a life of adventures, instead of disheartening

young people, seem frequently

to

recommend

a trade to them. A tender mother, among the inferior ranks of people, is often afraid to send her son to school at a seaport town, lest the sight of the ships and the conversation and adventures of the sailors should entice him to go to sea. The distant prospect of hazards, from which we can hope to extricate ourselves by courage and address, is not disagreeable to us, and does not raise the wages of labour in any employment. It is otherwise with those in which courage and address can be of no avail. In trades which are known to be very unwholesome, the wages of labour are always remarkably high. Unwholesomeness is

a species of disagreeableness, and its effects upon the wages of labour are to be ranked under that general head. In all the different employments of stock, the ordinary rate of profit varies more or less with the certainty or uncertainty of the returns. These are in general less uncertain in the inland than in the foreign trade, and in some branches of foreign trade than in others; in the trade to North America, for example, than in that to Jamaica. The ordinary rate of profit always rises more or less with the risk. It does not, however, seem to rise in proportion to it, or so as to compensate it completely. Bankruptcies are most frequent in the

most hazardous trades. The most hazardous of all trades, that of a smuggler, though when the adventure succeeds it is likewise the most the infallible road to bankruptcy. of success seems to act here as upon all other occasions, and to entice so many adventurers into those hazardous trades, that their competition reduces their profit below what is sufficient to compensate the risk. To compensate it completely, the common returns ought, over and above the ordinary profits of stock, not only to make up for all occasional losses, but to afford a surplus profit to the adventurers of the same nature with the profit of insurers. But if the common returns were sufficient for profitable,

is

The presumptuous hope

bankruptcies would not be more frethan in other trades. Of the five circumstances, therefore, which vary the wages of labour, two only affect the profits of stock; the agreeableness or disagreeall this,

quent

in these

ableness of the business, and the risk or secur-

47

Profit with which

is attended. In point of agreeableness, there is little or no difference in the far greater part of the different employments of stock; but a great deal in those of labour; and the ordinary profit of stock, though it rises with the risk, does not always seem to rise in proportion to it. It should follow from all this, that, in the same society or neighbourhood, the average and ordinary rates of profit in the different employments of stock should be more nearly upon a level than the pecuniary wages of the different sorts of labour. They are so accordingly. The difference between the earnings of a common labourer and those of a well employed lawyer or physician, is evidently much greater than that between the ordinary profits in any two

ity

it

different branches of trade. The apparent difference, besides, in the profits of different trades, is generally a deception arising from

our not always distinguishing what ought to be considered as wages, from what ought to be considered as profit. Apothecaries' profit is become a bye-word, denoting something uncommonly extravagant. This great apparent profit, however, is frequently no more than the reasonable wages of labour. The skill of an apothecary is a much nicer and more delicate matter than that of any artificer whatever; and the trust which is reposed in him is of much greater importance. He is the physician of the poor in all cases, and of the rich when the distress or danger is not very great. His reward, therefore, ought to be suitable to his skill and his trust, and it arises generally from the price at which he sells his drugs. But the whole drugs which the best employed apothecary, in a large market town, will sell in a year, may not perhaps cost him above thirty or forty pounds. Though he should sell them, therefore, for three or four hundred, or at a thousand per cent profit, this may frequently be no more than the reasonable wages of his labour charged, in the only way in which he can charge them, upon the price of his drugs. The greater part of the apparent profit is real wages disguised in the garb of profit. In a small seaport town, a little grocer will make forty or fifty per cent upon a stock of a single hundred pounds, while a considerable wholesale merchant in the same place will scarce make eight or ten per cent upon a stock of ten thousand. The trade of the grocer may be necessary for the conveniency of the inhabitants, and the narrowness of the market may not admit the employment of a larger capital in the business. The man, however, must not only live by his trade, but live by it suitably to the qualifications which it requires. Besides possessing a little capital, he must be able to read, write, and account, and

48

The Wealth

tolerable judge too of, perhaps, sixty different sorts of goods, their prices, qualities, and the markets where they

must be a fifty or

are to be had cheapest. He must have all the knowledge, in short, that is necessary for a great merchant, which nothing hinders him from becoming but the want of a sufficient capital. Thirty or forty pounds a year cannot be considered as too great a recompense for the labour of a person so accomplished. Deduct this from the seemingly great profits of his capital, and little more will remain, perhaps, than the ordinary profits of stock. The greater part of the apparent profit is, in this case too, real wages. The difference between the apparent profit of the retail and that of the wholesale trade, is much less in the capital than in small towns and country villages. Where ten thousand pounds can be employed in the grocery trade, the wages of the grocer's labour make but a very trifling addition to the real profits of so great a stock. The apparent profits of the wealthy retailer, therefore, are there more nearly upon a level with those of the wholesale merchant. It is upon this account that goods sold by retail are generally as cheap and frequently much cheaper in the capital than in small towns and country villages. Grocery goods, for example, are generally much cheaper; bread and butcher's meat frequently as cheap. It costs no more to bring grocery goods to the great town than to the country village; but it costs a great deal more to bring corn and cattle, as the greater part of them must be brought from a much greater distance. The prime cost of grocery goods, therefore, being the same in both places, they are cheapest where the least profit is charged upon them. The prime cost of bread and butcher's meat is greater in the great town than in the country village; and though the profit is less, therefore, they are not always cheaper there, but often equally cheap. In such articles as bread and butcher's meat, the same cause, which diminishes apparent profit, increases prime cost. The extent of the market, by giving employment to greater stocks, diminishes apparent profit; but by requiring supplies from a greater distance, it increases prime cost. This diminution of the one and increase of the other seem, in most cases, nearly to counterbalance one another, which is probably the reason that, though the prices of corn and cattle are commonly very different in different parts of the kingdom, those of bread and butcher's meat are generally very nearly the same through the greater part of it. Though the profits of stock both in the wholesale and retail trade are generally less in the capital than in small towns and country villages, yet great fortunes are frequently ac-

of Nations quired from small beginnings in the former, and scarce ever in the latter. In small towns and country villages, on account of the narrowness of the market, trade cannot always be extended as stock extends. In such places, therefore, though the rate of a particular person's profits may be very high, the sum or amount of them can never be very great, nor consequently that of his annual accumulation. In great towns, on the contrary, trade can be extended as stock increases, and the credit of a frugal and thriving man increases much faster than his stock. His trade is extended in proportion to the amount of both, and the sum or amount of his profits is in proportion to the extent of his trade, and his annual accumulation in proportion to the amount of his profits. It seldom happens, however, that great fortunes are made even in great

towns by any one regular, established, and well-known branch of business, but in consequence of a long life of industry, frugality, and attention. Sudden fortunes, indeed, are sometimes made in such places by what is called the trade of speculation. The speculative merchant exercises no one regular, established, or well-known branch of business. He is a corn merchant this year, and a wine merchant the next, and a sugar, tobacco, or tea merchant the year after. He enters into every trade when he foresees that it is likely to be more than commonly profitable, and he quits it when he foresees that its profits are likely to return to the level of other trades. His profits and losses, therefore, can bear no regular proportion to those of any one established and well-known branch of business. A bold adventurer may sometimes acquire a considerable fortune

by two or three

successful spec-

just as likely to lose one by two or three unsuccessful ones. This trade can be carried on nowhere but in great towns. It is

ulations; but

is

only in places of the most extensive commerce and correspondence that the intelligence req-

can be had. circumstances above mentioned, though they occasion considerable inequalities in the wages of labour and profits of stock, occasion none in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages, real or imagiuisite for it

The

five

nary, of the different employments of either. The nature of those circumstances is such that they make up for a small pecuniary gain in some, and counterbalance a great one in others. In order, however, that this equality may take place in the whole of their advantages or disadvantages, three things are requisite

even where there is the most perfect freedom. First, the employments must be well known and long established in the neighbourhood; secondly, they must be in their ordi-

Wages and nary, or what may be called their natural state; and, thirdly, they must be the sole or principal employments of those who occupy

them. First, this equality can take place only in those employments which are well known, and have been long established in the neigh-

bourhood.

Where

other circumstances are equal, wages are generally higher in new than in old trades. When a projector attempts to establish a new manufacture, he must at first entice his workmen from other employments by higher wages than they can either earn in their own trades, or than the nature of his work would otherwise require, and a considerable time must pass away before he can venture to reduce them to the common level. Manufactures for which the demand arises altogether from fashion and fancy are continually changing, and seldom last long enough to be considered as old established manufactures. Those, on the contrary, for which the demand arises chiefly from use or necessity, are less liable to change, and the same form or fabric may continue in demand for whole centuries together. The wages of labour, therefore, are likely to be higher in manufactures of the former than in those of the latter kind. all

Birmingham

deals chiefly in manufactures of the former kind; Sheffield in those of the latter; and the wages of labour in those two different places are said to be suitable to this difference in the nature of their manufactures.

The establishment of any new manufacture, any new branch of commerce, or of any new practice in agriculture, is always a specuof

from which the projector promises himextraordinary profits. These profits sometimes are very great, and sometimes, more frequently, perhaps, they are quite otherwise; but in general they bear no regular proportion to those of other old trades in the neighbourhood. If the project succeeds, they are commonly at first very high. When the trade or practice becomes thoroughly established and well known, the competition reduces them to the level of other trades. Secondly, this equality in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different employments of labour and stock, can take place only in the ordinary, or what may be called the natural state of those employments. The demand for almost every different species of labour is sometimes greater and sometimes less than usual. In the one case the advantages of the employment rise above, in the other they fall below the common level. The demand for country labour is greater at hay-time and harvest than during the greater part of the year; and wages rise with the demand. In time of war, when forty or fifty

lation, self

49

Profit

thousand

sailors are forced

from the merchant

service into that of the king, the demand for sailors to merchant ships necessarily rises with their scarcity, and their wages upon such

occasions

commonly

seven-and-twenty

rise

from a guinea and

shillings, to forty shillings

and three pounds a month. In a decaying manufacture, on the contrary, many workmen, rather than quit their old trade, are contented with smaller wages than would otherwise be suitable to the nature of their

employment.

The profits of stock vary with the price of the commodities in which it is employed. As the price of any commodity rises above the ordinary or average rate, the profits of at least some part of the stock that is employed in bringing it to market, rise above their proper level, and as it falls they sink below it. All commodities are more or less liable to variations of price, but some are much more so than others. In all commodities which are produced by human industry, the quantity of industry annually employed is necessarily regulated by the annual demand, in such a manner that the average annual produce may, as nearly as possible, be equal to the average annual consumption. In some employments, it has already been observed, the same quantity of industry will always produce the same, or very nearly the same quantity of commodities. In the linen or woollen manufactures, for example, the same number of hands will annually work up very nearly the same quantity of linen and woollen cloth. The variations in the market price of such commodities, therefore, can arise only from some accidental variation in the demand. A public mourning raises the price of black cloth. But as the demand for most sorts of plain linen and woollen cloth is pretty uniform, so is likewise the price. But there are other employments in which the same quantity of industry will not always produce the same quantity of commodities. The same quantity of industry, for will, in different years, produce very different quantities of corn, wine, hops, sugar, tobacco, etc. The price of such commodities,

example,

therefore, varies not only with the variations demand, but with the much greater and more frequent variations of quantity, and is consequently extremely fluctuating. But the profit of some of the dealers must necessarily of

fluctuate with the price of the commodities. The operations of the speculative merchant are principally employed about such commodities. He endeavours to buy them up when he foresees that their price is likely to rise, and to sell them when it is likely to fall. Thirdly, this equality in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different

employments

of labour

and stock can take

ARCHBISHOP MITTY HIGH SCHOOL LIBRARY San Josg,

California

50

The Wealth

place only in such as are the sole or principal employments of those who occupy them. When a person derives his subsistence from one employment, which does not occupy the greater part of his time, in the intervals of his leisure he is often willing to work as an-

other for less wages than would otherwise suit the nature of the employment. There still subsists in many parts of Scotland a set of people called Cotters or Cottagers, though they were more frequent some years ago than they are now. They are a sort of outservants of the landlords and farmers. The usual reward which they receive from their masters is a house, a small garden for pot-herbs, as much grass as will feed a cow, and, perhaps, an acre or two of bad arable land. When their master has occasion for their labour, he gives them, besides, two pecks of oatmeal a week, worth about sixteenpence sterling. During a great part of the year he has little or no occasion for their labour, and the cultivation of their own little possession is not sufficient to occupy the time which is left at their own disposal. When such occupiers were more numerous than they are at present, they are said to have been willing to give their spare time for a very small recompense to any-

body, and to have wrought for less wages than other labourers. In ancient times they seem to have been common all over Europe. In countries ill cultivated and worse inhabited, the greater part of landlords and farmers could not otherwise provide themselves with the extraordinary number of hands which country labour requires at certain seasons. The daily or weekly recompense which such labourers occasionally received from their masters was evidently not the whole price of their labour. Their small tenement made a considerable part of it. This daily or weekly recompense, however, seems to have been considered as the whole of it, by many writers who have collected the prices of labour and provisions in ancient times, and who have taken pleasures in representing both as wonderfully low. The produce of such labour comes frequently cheaper to market than would otherwise be suitable to its nature. Stockings in many parts of Scotland are knit much cheaper than they can anywhere be wrought upon the loom. They are the work of servants and labourers, who derive the principal part of their subsistence from some other employment. More than a thousand pair of Shetland stockings are annually imported into Leith, of which the price is from fivepence to sevenpence a pair. At Lerwick, the small capital of the Shetland Islands, tenpence a day, I have been assured, is a common price of common

of Nations labour. In the same islands they knit worsted stockings to the value of a guinea a pair and

upwards.

The spinning of linen yarn is carried on in Scotland nearly in the same way as the knitting of stockings by servants, who are chiefly hired for other purposes. They earn but a very scanty subsistence, who endeavour to get their whole livelihood by either of those trades. In most parts of Scotland she is a

good spinner who can earn twentypence a week. In opulent countries the market is generally so extensive that any one trade is sufficient to employ the whole labour and stock of those who occupy it. Instances of people's living by one employment, and at the same time deriving some little advantage from another, occur chiefly in poor countries. The following instance, however, of something of the same kind is to be found in the capital of a very rich one. There is no city in Europe, I believe, in which house-rent is dearer than in London, and yet I know no capital in which a furnished apartment can be hired as cheap. Lodging is not only much cheaper in London than in Paris; it is much cheaper than in Edinburgh of the same degree of goodness; and what may seem extraordinary, the dearness of house-rent is the cause of the cheapness of lodging. The dearness of house-rent in London arises not only from those causes which render it dear in all great capitals, the dearness of labour, the dearness of all the materials of building, which must generally be brought from a great distance, and above all the dearness of ground-rent, every landlord acting the part of a monopolist, and frequently exacting a higher rent for a single acre of bad land in a town than can be had for a hundred of the best in the country; but it arises in part from the peculiar manners and customs of the people, which oblige every master of a family to hire a whole house from top to bottom. A dwelling-house in England means everything that is contained under the same roof. In France, Scotland, and many other parts of Europe, it frequently means no more than a single story. A tradesman in London is obliged to hire a whole house in that part of the town where his customers live. His shop is upon the ground-floor, and he and his family sleep in the garret; and he endeavours to pay a part of his house-rent by letting the two middle stories to lodgers. He expects to maintain his family by his trade, and not by his lodgers. Whereas, at Paris and Edinburgh, the people who let lodgings have commonly no other means of subsistence and the price of the lodging must pay, not only the rent of the house, but the whole expense of the family.

Wages and

51

Profit

Part 2 Inequalities

by the Policy of Europe

Such are the inequalities in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different employments of labour and stock, which the defect of any of the three requisites above mentioned must occasion, even where there is the most perfect liberty. But the policy of Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty, occasions other inequalities of much greater importance. It does this chiefly in the three following ways. First, by restraining the competition

some employments to a smaller number than would otherwise be disposed to enter into them; secondly, by increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be; and, thirdly, by obstructing the free circulation of labour and stock, both from employment to employment and from place to place. First, the policy of Europe occasions a very in

important inequality in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different employments of labour and stock, by restraining the competition in some employments to a smaller number than might otherwise be disposed to enter into them.

The exclusive privileges of corporations are the principal means it makes use of for this purpose. The exclusive privilege of an incorporated trade necessarily restrains the competition, in the town where it is established, to those who are free of the trade. To have served an apprenticeship in the town, under a master properly qualified, is commonly the necessary requisite for obtaining this freedom. The byelaws of the corporation regulate sometimes the number of apprentices which any master is allowed to have, and almost always the number of years which each apprentice is obliged to serve. The intention of both regulations is to restrain the competition to a much smaller number than might otherwise be disposed to enter into the trade. The limitation of the number of apprentices restrains it directly. A long term of apprenticeship restrains it more indirectly, but as effectually, by increasing the expense of education. In Sheffield no master cutler can have more than one apprentice at a time, by a bye-law of the corporation. In Norfolk and Norwich no master weaver can have more than two apprentices, under pain of forfeiting five pounds a month to the king. No master hatter can have more than two apprentices anywhere in England, or in the English plantations, under pain of forfeiting five pounds a month, half to the king and half to him who shall sue in

anv court

of record.

Both these

regulations, though they have been confirmed by a public law of the kingdom, are evidently dictated by the same corporation spirit which

enacted the bye-law of Sheffield. The silk weavers in London had scarce been incorporated a year when they enacted a bye-law restraining any master from having more than two apprentices at a time. It required a particular Act of Parliament to rescind this byelaw. all

Seven years seem anciently to have been, over Europe, the usual term established

for the duration of apprenticeships in the greater part of incorporated trades. All such incorporations were anciently called universities,

for

which indeed

is

the proper Latin

name

any incorporation whatever. The univer-

sity of smiths, the university of tailors, etc., are expressions which we commonly meet with in the old charters of ancient towns. When those particular incorporations which are now peculiarly called universities were first established, the term of years which it was necessary to study, in order to obtain the degree of master of arts, appears evidently to have been copied from the terms of apprenticeship in common trades, of which the incorporations were much more ancient. As to

have wrought seven years under a master properly qualified was necessary in order to entitle any person to become a master, and to have himself apprenticed in a common trade; so to have studied seven years under a master properly qualified was necessary to entitle him to become a master, teacher, or doctor (words anciently synonymous) in the liberal arts, and to have scholars or apprentices (words likewise originally synonymous) to study under him. By the 5th of Elizabeth, commonly called the Statute of Apprenticeship, it was enacted, that no person should for the future exercise any trade, craft, or mystery at that time exercised in England, unless he had previously served to it an apprenticeship of seven years at least; and what before had been the byelaw of many particular corporations became in England the general and public law of all trades carried on in market towns. For though the words of the statute are very general, and seem plainly to include the whole kingdom, by interpretation its operation has been limited to market towns, it having been held that in country villages a person may exercise several different trades, though he has not served a seven years' apprenticeship to each, they being necessary for the conveniency of the inhabitants, and the number of

The Wealth

52

people frequently not being sufficient to supply each with a particular set of hands. By a strict interpretation of the words, too, the operation of this statute has been limited to those trades which were established in England before the 5th of Elizabeth, and has never been extended to such as have been introduced since that time. This limitation has given occasion to several distinctions which, considered as rules of police, appear as foolish as can well be imagined. It has been adjudged, for example, that a coachmaker can neither himself make nor employ journeymen to make his coach-wheels, but must buy them of a master wheel-wright; this latter trade having been exercised in England before the 5th of Elizabeth. But a wheelwright, though he has never served an apprenticeship to a coachmaker, may either himself make or employ journeyman to make coaches; the trade of a coachmaker not being within the statute, because not exercised in England at the time

was made. The manufactures of ManBirmingham, and Wolverhampton, are many of them, upon this account, not within the statute, not having been exercised in Eng-

when

it

chester,

land before the 5th of Elizabeth. In France, the duration of apprenticeships different in different towns and in different trades. In Paris, five years is the term required is

in a great number; but before any person can be qualified to exercise the trade as a master, he must, in many of them, serve five years more as a journeyman. During this latter term he is called the companion of his master, and the term itself is called his companionship. In Scotland there is no general law which regulates universally the duration of appren-

The term corporations. Where ticeships.

may

is it

different in different is long, a part of it

generally be redeemed

by paying a small

In most towns, too, a very small fine is sufficient to purchase the freedom of any corporation. The weavers of linen and hempen cloth, the principal manufactures of the country, as well as all other artificers subservient to them, wheel-makers, reel-makers, etc., may exercise their trades in any town corporate without paying any fine. In all towns corporate all persons are free to sell butcher's meat upon any lawful day of the week. Three years in Scotland is a common term of apprenticeship, even in some very nice trades; and in general I know of no country in Europe in which corporation laws are so little oppressive. The property which every man has in his own labour, as it is the original foundation of all other property, so it is the most sacred and inviolable. The patrimony of a poor man lies in the strength and dexterity of his hands; and to hinder him from employing this strength and dexterity of his hands; and to

fine.

of Nations hinder him from employing this strength and dexterity in what manner he thinks proper without injury to his neighbour is a plain violation of this most sacred property. It is a manifest encroachment upon the just liberty both of the workman and of those who might be disposed to employ him. As it hinders the one from working at what he thinks proper, so it hinders the others from employing whom they think proper. To judge whether he is fit to be employed may surely be trusted to the discretion of the employers whose interest it so much concerns. The affected anxiety of the law-giver lest they should employ an improper person is evidently as impertinent as it is oppressive. The institution of long apprenticeships can give no security that insufficient workmanship shall not frequently be exposed to public sale. When this is done it is generally the effect of fraud, and not of inability; and the longest apprenticeship can give no security against fraud. Quite different regulations are necessary to prevent this abuse. The sterling mark upon plate, and the stamps upon linen and woollen cloth, give the purchaser much greater security than any statute of apprenticeship. He generally looks at these, but never thinks it worth while to inquire whether the workman had served a seven years' apprenticeship. The institution of long apprenticeships has no tendency to form a young people to industry. A journeyman who works by the piece is likely to be industrious, because he derives a benefit from every exertion of his industry. An apprentice is likely to be idle, and almost

always

is

interest to

because he has no immediate be otherwise. In the inferior em-

so,

ployments, the sweets of labour consist altogether in the recompense of labour. They who are soonest in a condition to enjoy the sweets of it are likely soonest to conceive a relish for it, and to acquire the early habit of industry. A young man naturally conceives an aversion to labour when for a long time he receives no benefit from it. The boys who are put out apprentices from public charities are generally bound for more than the usual number of years, and they generally turn out very idle and worthless. Apprenticeships were altogether unknown to the ancients. The reciprocal duties of master and apprentice make a considerable article in every modern code. The Roman law is perfectly silent with regard to them. I know no Greek or Latin word (I might venture, I believe, to assert that there is none) which expresses the idea we now annex to the word Apprentice, a servant bound to work at a particular trade for the benefit of a master, during a term of years, upon condition that

Wages and the master shall teach him that trade. Long apprenticeships are altogether unnecessary. The arts, which are much superior to common trades, such as those of making clocks and watches, contain no such mystery as to require a long course of instruction. The first invention of such beautiful machines, indeed, and even that of some of the instruments employed in making them, must, no doubt, have been the work of deep thought and long time, and may justly be considered as among the happiest efforts of human ingenuity. But when both have been fairly invented and are well understood, to explain to any young man, in the completest manner, how to apply the instruments and how to construct the machines, cannot well require more than the lessons of a few weeks: perhaps those of a few days might be sufficient. In the common mechanic trades, those of a few days might certainly be sufficient. The dexterity of hand, indeed, even in common trades, cannot be acquired without much practice and experience. But a young man would practice with much more diligence and attention, if from the beginning he wrought as a journeyman, being paid in proportion to the little work which he could execute, and paying in his turn for the materials which he might sometimes spoil through awkwardness and inexperience. His education would generally in this way be more effectual, and always less tedious and expensive. The master, indeed, would be a loser. He would lose all the wages of the apprentice, which he

now

saves, for seven years together. In the

end, perhaps, the apprentice himself would be a loser. In a trade so easily learnt he would have more competitors, and his wages, when

he came to be a complete workman, would be much less than at present. The same increase of competition would reduce the profits of the masters as well as the wages of the workmen.

The all

would But the public would be a the work of all artificers coming in this

trades, the crafts, the mysteries,

be

gainer,

losers.

way much cheaper

to market.

It is to prevent this reduction of price, and consequently of wages and profit, by restraining that free competition which would most certainly occasion it, that all corporations, and the greater part of corporation laws, have been established. In order to erect a corporation, no other authority in ancient times was requisite in many parts of Europe, but that of the town corporate in which it was established. In England, indeed, a charter from the king was likewise necessary. But this prerogative of the crown seems to have been reserved rather for extorting money from the subject than for the defence of the common liberty against such oppressive monopolies. Upon paying a fine to the king, the charter

53

Profit

seems generally to have been readily granted;

and when any particular

class

of artificers

or traders thought proper to act as a corporation without a charter, such adulterine guilds, as they were called, were not always disfranchised upon that account, but obliged to fine annually to the king for permission to exercise their usurped privileges. 1 The immediate inspection of all corporations, and of the

bye-laws which they might think proper to enact for their own government, belonged to the town corporate in which they were established;

and whatever

discipline

was exercised

oyer them proceeded commonly, not from the king, but from the greater incorporation of which those subordinate ones were only parts or members.

The government of towns corporate was altogether in the hands of traders and artificers, and it was the manifest interest of every particular class of them to prevent the market from being overstocked, as they commonly express it, with their own particular species of industry, which is in reality to keep it always understocked. Each class was eager to establish regulations proper for this purpose, and, provided it was allowed to do so, was willing to consent that every other class should do the same. In consequence of such regulations, indeed, each class was obliged to buy the goods they had occasion for from every other within the town, somewhat dearer than they otherwise might have done. But in recompense, they were enabled to

sell their just as much dearer; so that so far it was as broad as long, as they say; and in the dealings of the different classes within the town with one another, none of them were losers by these regulations. But in their dealings with the country they were all great gainers; and in these latter dealings consists the whole trade which supports and enriches every town. Every town draws its whole subsistence, and all the materials of its industry, from

own

the country. It pays for these chiefly in two ways: first, by sending back to the country a part of those materials wrought up and manufactured; in which case their price is of the workmen, and the profits of their masters or immediate employers; secondly, by sending to it a part both of the rude and manufactured produce, either of other countries, or of distant parts of the same country, imported into the town; in which case, too, the original price of those goods is augmented by the wages of the carriers or sailors, and by the profits of the merchants who employ them. In what is gained upon the first of those two branches of commerce consists the advantage which the town

augmented by the wages

makes by

its

manufactures; in what

^ee Madox, Firma

Burgi, p. 26, etc.

is

gained

The Wealth

54

upon the second, the advantage of its inland and foreign trade. The wages of the workmen, and the profits of their different employers, make up the whole of what is gained upon both. Whatever regulations, therefore, tend to increase those wages and profits beyond what they otherwise would be, tend to enable the town to purchase, with a smaller quantity of its labour, the produce of a greater quantity of the labour of the country. They give the traders and artificers in the town an advantage over the landlords, farmers, and labourers in the country, and break down that natural equality which would otherwise take place in the commerce which is carried

on between them. The whole annual produce of the labour of the society is annually divided between those two different sets of people. By means of those regulations a greater share of it is given to the inhabitants of the town than would otherwise fall to them; and a less to those of the country.

The price which the town really pays for the provisions and materials annually imported into it is the quantity of manufactures and other goods annually exported from it. The dearer the latter are sold, the cheaper the former are bought. The industry of the town becomes more, and that of the country less

advantageous.

That the industry which is carried on in towns is, everywhere in Europe, more advantageous than that which is carried on in the country, without entering into any very

we may satisfy ourselves by one very simple and obvious observation. In every country of Europe we find, at least, a

nice computations,

hundred people who have acquired great fortunes from small beginnings by trade and manufactures, the industry which properly belongs to towns, for one who has done so by that which properly belongs to the country, the raising of rude produce by the improvement and cultivation of land. Industry, therefore, must be better rewarded, the wages of labour and the profits of stock must evidently be greater in the one situation than in the other. But stock and labour naturally seek the most advantageous employment.

They

naturally, therefore, resort as

much

as

they can to the town, and desert the country. The inhabitants of a town, being collected into one place, can easily combine together.

of Nations prevent that free competition which they cannot prohibit by bye-laws. The trades which employ but a small number of hands run most easily into such combinations. Half a dozen wool-combers, perhaps, are necessary to keep a thousand spinners and weavers at work. By combining not to take apprentices they can not only engross the employment, but reduce the whole manufacture into a sort of slavery to themselves,

and

raise the price of their la-

bour much above what of their work.

The inhabitants

is

due to the nature

of the country, dispersed

cannot easily combine together. They have not only never been incorporated, but the corporation spirit never has prevailed among them. No apprenticeship has ever been thought necessary to qualify for husbandry, the great trade of the counin distant places,

what are called the fine arts, and the liberal professions, however, there is perhaps no trade which requires so great a variety of knowledge and experience. The innumerable volumes which have been written upon it in all languages may satisfy us that, among the wisest and most learned nations, it has never been regarded as a matter very easily understood. And from all those volumes we shall in vain attempt to collect that knowledge of its various and complicated operations, which is commonly possessed even by the common farmer; how contemptuously soever the very contemptible authors of some of them may sometimes affect to speak of him. There is scarce any common mechanic trade, on the contrary, of which all the operations may not be as completely and distinctly explained in a pamphlet of a very few pages, as it is possible for words illustrated by figures to explain them. In the history of the arts, now publishing by the French Academy of Sciences, several of them are actually explained in this manner. The direction of operations, besides, which must be varied with every change of the weather, as well as with many other accidents, requires much more judgment and discretion than that of those which are always the same or very nearly the same. Not only the art of the farmer, the general direction of the operations of husbandry, try. After

insignificant trades carried on in towns have accordingly, in some place or other, been incorporated, and even where they have never been incorporated, yet the

but many inferior branches of country labour require much more skill and experience than the greater part of mechanic trades. The man who works upon brass and iron, works with instruments and upon materials of which the temper is always the same, or very nearly

corporation spirit, the jealousy of strangers, the aversion to take apprentices, or to communicate the secret of their trade, generally prevail in them, and often teach them, by voluntary associations and agreements, to

ground with a team of horses or oxen, works with instruments of which the health, strength, and temper, are very different upon different occasions. The condition of the ma-

The most

the

same. But the

man who

ploughs the

Wages and terials which he works upon, too, is as variable as that of the instruments which he works with, and both require to be managed with

much judgment and

discretion.

The common

ploughman, though generally regarded as the pattern of stupidity and ignorance, is seldom defective in this judgment and discretion. He is less accustomed, indeed, to social intercourse than the mechanic who lives in a town. His voice and language are more uncouth and more difficult to be understood by those who are not used to them. His understanding, however, being accustomed to consider a greater variety of objects,

is generalsuperior to that of the other, whose whole attention from morning till night is commonly occupied in performing one or two very simple operations. How much the lower ranks of people in the country are really superior to those of the town is well known to every man whom either business or curiosity has led to converse much with both. In China and Indostan accordingly both the rank and the wages of country labourers are said to be superior to those of the greater part of artifi-

ly

much

and manufacturers. They would probably be so everywhere, if corporation laws and the corporation spirit did not prevent it. The superiority which the industry of the towns has everywhere in Europe over that of the country is not altogether owing to corporations and corporation laws. It is supported by many other regulations. The high cers

upon foreign manufactures and upon goods imported by alien merchants, all tend to the same purpose. Corporation laws enable the inhabitants of towns to raise their prices, without fearing to be undersold by the free competition of their own countrymen. duties all

Those other regulations secure them equally against that of foreigners. The enhancement of price occasioned by both is everywhere finally paid by the landlords, farmers, and labourers of the country, who have seldom opposed the establishment of such monopolies. They have commonly neither inclination nor fitness to enter into combinations: and the clamour and sophistry of merchants and manufacturers easily persuade them that the private interest of a part, and of a subordinate part of the society, is the general interest of the whole. In Great Britain the superiority of the industry of the towns over that of the country seems to have been greater formerly than in the present times. The wages of country labour approach nearer to those of manufacturing labour, and the profits of stock employed in agriculture to those of trading and manufacturing stock, than they are said to have done in the last century, or in the beginning of the present. This change may be regarded

55

Profit

as the necessary, though very late consequence of the extraordinary encouragement given to the industry of the towns. The stock accumulated in them comes in time to be so great that it can no longer be employed with the ancient profit in that species of industry which is peculiar to them. That industry has its limits like every other; and the increase of stock, by increasing the competition, necessarily reduces the profit. The lowering of profit in the town forces out stock to the country, where, by creating a new demand for country labour, it necessarily raises its wages. It then spreads itself, if I may say so, over the face of the land, and by being employed in agriculture is in part restored to the country, at the expense of which, in a great

measure, it had originally been accumulated in the town. That everywhere in Europe the greatest improvements of the country have been owing to such overflowings of the stock originally accumulated in the towns, I shall

endeavour to show hereafter; and at the same time to demonstrate that, though some countries have by this course attained to a considerable degree of opulence,

it is

in itself nec-

essarily slow, uncertain, liable to be disturbed

and interrupted by innumerable accidents, and in every respect contrary to the order of nature and of reason. The interests, prejudices, laws and customs, which have given occasion to it, I shall endeavour to explain as fully and distinctly as I can in the third and fourth books of this Inquiry. People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings, by any law which either could be executed, or would be consistent with liberty and justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to facilitate such assemblies, much less to render them necessary. A regulation which obliges all those of the same trade in a particular town to enter their names and places of abode in a public register, facilitates such assemblies. It connects individuals who might never otherwise be known to one another, and gives every man of the trade a direction where to find every other

man

of

it.

A

regulation which enables those of the same trade to tax themselves in order to provide for their poor, their sick, their widows and orphans, by giving them a common interest to manage, renders such assemblies necessary.

An incorporation not only renders them necessary, but makes the act of the majority

The Wealth

56

binding upon the whole. In a free trade an effectual combination cannot be established but by the unanimous consent of every single trader, and it cannot last longer than every single trader continues of the same mind. The majority of a corporation can enact a bye-law with proper penalties, which will limit the competition more effectually and more durably than any voluntary combination whatever.

The pretence that corporations are necessary for the better government of the trade is without any foundation. The real and effectual discipline which is exercised over a workman is not that of his corporation, but that of his customers. It is the fear of losing their employment which restrains his frauds and corrects his negligence. An exclusive corporation necessarily weakens the force of this discipline. A particular set of workmen must then them behave

well or ill. It large incorporated towns no tolerable workmen are to be found, even in some of the most necessary trades. If you would have your work tolerably executed, it must be done in the suburbs, where the workmen, having no exclusive privilege, have nothing but their char-

be employed, is

upon

this

let

account that in

many

acter to depend upon, and you must then smuggle it into the town as well as you can. It is in this manner that the policy of Europe, by restraining the competition in some employments to a smaller number than would otherwise be disposed to enter into them, occasions a very important inequality

the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different employments of labour

in

and

stock.

Secondly, the policy of Europe, by increasing the competition in some employments beyond what it naturally would be, occasions another inequality of an opposite kind in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of the different employments of labour and stock. It has been considered as of so much importance that a proper number of young people should be educated for certain professions,

that sometimes the public and sometimes the piety of private founders have established many pensions, scholarships, exhibitions, bursaries, etc., for this purpose, which draw many more people into those trades than could otherwise pretend to follow them. In all Christian countries, I believe, the education of the greater part of churchmen is paid for in this manner. Very few of them are educated altogether at their own expense. The long, tedious, and expensive education, therefore, of those who are, will not always procure them a suitable reward, the church being crowded with people who, in order to get

of Nations

employment, are willing to accept of a much smaller recompense than what such an education would otherwise have entitled them to; and in this manner the competition of the poor takes away the reward of the rich. It would be indecent, no doubt, to compare either a curate or a chaplain with a journeyin any common trade. The pay of a curate or chaplain, however, may very properly be considered as of the same nature with the wages of a journeyman. They are, all three, paid for their work according to the contract which they may happen to make with their respective superiors. Till after the middle of the fourteenth century, five merks, containing about as much silver as ten pounds of our present money, was in England the usual pay of a curate or a stipendiary parish priest, as we find it regulated by the decrees of several different national councils. At the same period fourpence a day, containing the same quantity of silver as a shilling of our present money, was declared to be the pay of a master mason, and threepence a day, equal to ninepence of our present money, that of a 1 journeyman mason. The wages of both these labourers, therefore, supposing them to have been constantly employed, were much superior to those of the curate. The wages of the master mason, supposing him to have been without employment one third of the year, would have fully equalled them. By the 12th of Queen Anne, c. 12, it is declared, "That

man

whereas for want of sufficient maintenance and encouragement to curates, the cures have in several places been meanly supplied, the bishop is, therefore, empowered to appoint by writing under his hand and seal a sufficient certain stipend or allowance, not exceeding fifty and not less than twenty pounds a year." Forty pounds a year is reckoned at present very good pay for a curate, and notwithstanding this Act of Parliament there are many curacies under twenty pounds a year. There are journeymen shoemakers in London who earn forty pounds a year, and there is scarce an industrious workman of any kind in that metropolis who does not earn more than twenty. This last sum indeed does not exceed what is frequently earned by common labourers in many country parishes. Whenever the law has attempted to regulate the wages of workmen, it has always been rather to lower them than to raise them. But the law has upon many occasions attempted to raise the wages of curates, and for the dignity of the church, to oblige the rectors of parishes to give them more than the wretched maintenance which they themselves might be willing to accept of. And in both cases the law seems to have been equally ineffectual, 'See the Statute of Labourers, 25 Ed. III.

Wages and and has never either been able to raise the wages of curates, or to sink those of labourers to the degree that was intended; because it has never been able to hinder either the one from being willing to accept of less than the legal allowance, on account of the indigence of their situation and the multitude of their competitors; or the other from receiving more, on account of the contrary competition of those who expected to derive either profit or pleasure from employing them.

great benefices and other ecclesiastical honour of the church, notwithstanding the mean circumstance of some of its inferior members. The respect paid to the profession, too, makes some compensation even to them for the meanness of

The

dignities support the

their pecuniary recompense. In

England, and

Roman

Catholic countries, the lottery of the church is in reality much more advantageous than is necessary. The example of the churches of Scotland, of Geneva, and of several other Protestant churches, may satisfy us that in so creditable a profession, in which education is so easily procured, the hopes in all

much more moderate benefices will draw number of learned, decent, and respectable men into holy orders.

of

a

sufficient

In professions in which there are no benesuch as law and physic, if an equal proportion of people were educated at the public expense, the competition would soon be so great as to sink very much their pecuniary reward. It might then not be worth any man's while to educate his son to either of those fices,

professions at his own expense. They would be entirely abandoned to such as had been educated by those public charities, whose numbers and necessities would oblige them in general to content themselves with a very miserable recompense, to the entire degradation of the now respectable professions of law and physic. That unprosperous race of men commonly called men of letters are pretty much in the situation which lawyers and physicians probably would be in upon the foregoing supposition. In every part of Europe the greater part of them have been educated for the church, but have been hindered by different reasons from entering into holy orders. They have generally, therefore, been educated at the public expense, and their numbers are everywhere so great as commonly to reduce the price of their labour to a very paltry recompense. Before the invention of the art of printing,

the only employment by which a man of letters could make anything by his talents was that of a public or private teacher, or by communicating to other people the curious and useful knowledge which he had acquired himself: and this is still surely a more hon-

57

Profit

ourable, a more useful, and in general even a more profitable employment than that other of writing for a bookseller, to which the art of printing has given occasion. The time and study, the genius, knowledge, and application requisite to qualify an eminent teacher of the sciences, are at least equal to what is necessary for the greatest practitioners in law and physic. But the usual reward of the eminent teacher bears no proportion to that of the lawyer or physician; because the trade of the one is crowded with indigent people who have been brought up to it at the public expense; whereas those of the other two are encum-

bered with very few who have not been educated at their own. The usual recompense, however, of public and private teachers, small as it may appear, would undoubtedly be less than it is, if the competition of those yet more indigent men of letters who write for bread was not taken out of the market. Before the invention of the art of printing, a scholar and a beggar seem to have been terms very nearly synonymous. The different governors of the universities before that time appear to have often granted licences to their scholars to beg. In ancient times, before any charities of this kind had been established for the education of indigent people to the learned professions, the rewards of eminent teachers appear to have been crates, in

what

much more is

considerable. Isocalled his discourse against

the sophists, reproaches the teachers of his times with inconsistency. "They make the most magnificent promises to their scholars," says he, "and undertake to teach them to be wise, to be happy, and to be just, and in return for so important a service they stipulate the paltry reward of four or five minae. They who teach wisdom," continues he, "ought certainly to be wise themselves; but if any man were to sell such a bargain for such a price, he would be convicted of the most evident folly." He certainly does not mean here to exaggerate the reward, and we may be assured that it was not less than he represents it. Four minae were equal to thirteen pounds six shillings and eightpence: five minae to sixteen pounds thirteen shillings and fourpence. Something not less than the largest of those two sums, therefore, must at that time have been usually paid to the most eminent teachers at Athens. Isocrates himself demanded ten minae, or thirty-three pounds six shillings and eightpence, from each scholar. When he taught at Athens, he is said to have

own

had a hundred scholars. I understand this to be the number whom he taught at one time, or who attended what we could call one course of lectures, a number which will not appear extraordinary from so great a city to so famous a teacher, who taught, too, what was

The Wealth

58

at that time the most fashionable of all sciences, rhetoric. He must have made, therefore, by each course of lectures, a thousand minae, or £3333 6s. 8d. A thousand minae, accordingly, is said by Plutarch in another place, to have been his Didactron, or usual price of teaching. Many other eminent teachers in those times appear to have acquired great fortunes. Gorgias made a present to the temple of Delphi of his own statue in solid gold. must not, I presume, suppose that it was as large as the life. His way of living, as well as that of Hippias and Protagoras, two other eminent teachers of those times, is represented by Plato as splendid even to ostentation. Plato himself is said to have lived with a good deal of magnificence. Aristotle, after having been tutor to Alexander, and most munificently rewarded, as it is universally agreed, both by him and his father Philip, thought it worth while, notwithstanding, to return to Athens, in order to resume the teaching of his school. Teachers of the sciences were probably in those times less common than they came to be in an age or two afterwards, when the competition had probably somewhat reduced both the price of their labour and the admiration for their persons. The most eminent of them, however, appear always to have enjoyed a degree of consideration much superior to any of the like profession in the present times. The Athenians sent Carneades the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic, upon a solemn embassy to Rome; and though their city had then declined from its former grandeur, it was still an independent and considerable republic. Carneades, too, was a Babylonian by birth, and as there never was a people more jealous of admitting foreigners to public offices than the Athenians, their consideration for

We

him must have been very great. This inequality is upon the whole, perhaps, rather advantageous than hurtful to the pubIt may somewhat degrade the profession of a public teacher; but the cheapness of literary education is surely an advantage which greatly overbalances this trifling inconveniency. The public, too, might derive still greater benefit from it, if the constitution of those schools and colleges, in which education is carried on, was more reasonable than it is at present through the greater part of Europe. Thirdly, the policy of Europe, by obstructing the free circulation of labour and stock both from employment to employment, and from place to place, occasions in some cases a very incovenient inequality in the whole of the advantages and disadvantages of their lic.

different

employments.

The Statute

of Apprenticeship obstructs the free circulation of labour from one employment to another, even in the same place.

of Nations

The

exclusive privileges of corporations obstruct it from one place to another, even in

the same employment. It frequently happens that while high wages are given to the workmen in one manufacture, those in another are obliged to content themselves with bare subsistence. The one is

in

an advancing

state,

and

has, therefore,

a continual demand for new hands: the other is in a declining state, and the superabundance of hands is continually increasing. Those two manufactures may sometimes be in the same town, and sometimes in the same neighbourhood, without being able to lend the least assistance to one another. The Statute of Apprenticeship may oppose it in the one case, and both that and an exclusive corporation in the other. In many different manufactures, however, the operations are so much alike, that the workmen could easily change trades with one another, if those absurd laws did not hinder them. The arts of

weaving plain linen and plain

silk, for

exam-

are almost entirely the same. That of weaving plain woollen is somewhat different; but the difference is so insignificant that either a linen or a silk weaver might become a tolerable workman in a very few days. If any of those three capital manufactures, therefore, were decaying, the workmen might find a resource in one of the other two which was in a more prosperous condition; and their wages would neither rise too high in the thriving, nor sink too low in the decaying manufacture. The linen manufacture indeed is, in England, by a particular statute, open to everybody; but as it is not much cultivated through the greater part of the country, it can afford no general resource to the workmen of other decaying manufactures, who, wherever the Statute of Apprenticeship takes place, have no other choice but either to come upon the parish, or to work as common labourers, for which, by their habits, they are much worse qualified than for any sort of manufacture that bears any resemblance to their own. They generally, therefore, choose to come upon the parish. Whatever obstructs the free circulation of labour from one employment to another obstructs that of stock likewise; the quantity of stock which can be employed in any branch of business depending very much upon that of the labour which can be employed in it. Corporation laws, however, give less obstruction to the free circulation of stock from one place to another than to that of labour. It is everywhere much easier for a wealthy merchant to obtain the privilege of trading in a town corporate, than for a poor artificer to obtain that of working in ple,

it.

Wages and The obstruction which corporation laws give to the free circulation of labour is common, I believe, to every part of Europe. That which is given to it by the Poor Laws is, so far as I know, peculiar to England. It consists in the difficulty which a poor man finds in obtaining a settlement, or even in being allowed to exercise his industry in any parish but that to which he belongs. It is the labour of artificers and manufacturers only of which the free circulation is obstructed by corporation laws. The difficulty of obtaining settlements obstructs even that of common labour. It may be worth while to give some account of the rise, progress, and present state of this disorder, the greatest perhaps of any in the police of England. When by the destruction of monasteries the poor had been deprived of the charity of those religious houses, after some other inattempts for their relief, it was enacted by the 43rd of Elizabeth, c. 2, that every parish should be bound to provide for its own poor; and that overseers of the poor should be annually appointed, who, with the churchwardens, should raise by a parish rate competent sums for this purpose. By this statute the necessity of providing for their own poor was indispensably imposed upon every parish. Who were to be considered as the poor of each parish became, therefore, a question of some importance. This question, after some variation, was at last determined by the 13th and 14th of Charles II when it was enacted, that forty days' undisturbed residence should gain any person a settlement in any parish; but that within that time it should be lawful for two justices of the peace, upon complaint made effectual

by the churchwardens or overseers of the poor, to remove any new inhabitant to the parish where he was last legally settled; unless he either rented a tenement of ten pounds a year, or could give such security for the discharge of the parish where he was then living, as those justices should judge suffifrauds, consequence of

it is

said,

were committed

in

this statute; parish officers bribing their own poor to go clandestinely to another parish, and by keeping themselves concealed for forty days to gain a settlement there, to the discharge of that to which they properly belonged. It was enacted, therefore, by the 1st of James II that the forty days' undisturbed residence of any person necessary to gain a settlement should be accounted only from the time of his delivering notice in writing, of the place of his abode and the number of his family, to one of the churchwardens or overseers of the parish where he came to dwell.

sometimes

But parish officers, it seems, were not always more honest with regard to their own, than they had been with regard to other parishes, and sometimes connived at such intrusions, receiving the notice, and taking no proper steps in consequence of it. As every person in a parish, therefore, was supposed to have an interest to prevent as much as possible their being burdened by such intruders, it was further enacted by the 3rd of William III that the forty days' residence

should be accounted only from the publication of such notice in writing on Sunday in the church, immediately after divine service. "After all," says Doctor Burn, "this kind of settlement, by continuing forty days after publication of notice in writing, is very seldom obtained; and the design of the acts is not so much for gaining of settlements, as for the avoiding of them, by persons coming into a parish clandestinely: for the giving of notice is only putting a force upon the parish to remove. But if a person's situation is such, that it is doubtful whether he is actually removable or not, he shall by giving of notice compel the parish either to allow him a settlement uncontested, by suffering him to continue forty days; or, by removing him, to try the right."

This statute, therefore, rendered it almost impracticable for a poor man to gain a new settlement in the old way, by forty days' inhabitancy. But that it might not appear to preclude altogether the common people of one parish from ever establishing themselves with security in another, it appointed four other ways by which a settlement might be gained without any notice delivered or published. The first was, by being taxed to parish rates and paying them; the second, by being elected into an annual parish office, and serving in it a year; the third, by serving an apprenticeship in the parish; the fourth, by being hired into service there for a year, and continuing in the same service during the

whole of

it.

Nobody can

cient.

Some

59

Profit

gain a settlement by either of the two first ways, but by the public deed of the whole parish, who are too well aware of the consequences to adopt any new-comer who has nothing but his labour to support him, either by taxing him to parish rates, or by electing him into a parish office. No married man can well gain any settlement in either of the two last ways. An apprentice is scarce ever married; and it is expressly enacted that no married servant shall gain any settlement by being hired for a year. The principal effect of introducing settlement by service has been to put out in a great measure the old fashion of hiring for a year, which before had been so customary in England.

The Wealth

60

that even at this day, if no particular term agreed upon, the law intends that every servant is hired for a year. But masters are not always willing to give their servants a settlement by hiring them in this manner; and servants are not always willing to be so hired, because, as every last settlement discharges all the foregoing, they might thereby lose their original settlement in the places of their nativity, the habitation of their parents and is

relations.

No independent workman, it is evident, whether labourer or artificer, is likely to gain any new settlement either by apprenticeship or by service. When such a person, therefore, carried his industry to a new parish, he was liable to be removed, how healthy and industrious soever, at the caprice of any churchwarden or overseer, unless he either rented a tenement of ten pounds a year, a thing impossible for

one

who has nothing but

his labour

to live by; or could give such security for the discharge of the parish as two justices of the peace should judge sufficient. What security they shall require, indeed, is left altogether to their discretion; but they cannot well require less than thirty pounds, it having been enacted that the purchase even of a freehold estate of less than thirty pounds' value shall not gain any person a settlement, as not being sufficient for the discharge of the parish. But this is a security which scarce any man who lives by labour can give; and much greater security is frequently demanded. In order to restore in some measure that free circulation of labour which those different statutes had almost entirely taken away,

the invention of certificates was fallen upon. By the 8th and 9th of William III it was enacted that if any person should bring a certificate from the parish where he was last legally settled, subscribed by the churchwardens and overseers of the poor, and allowed by two justices of the peace, that every other parish should be obliged to receive him; that he should not be removable merely upon account of his being likely to become chargeable, but only upon his becoming actually chargeable, and that then the parish which granted the certificate should be obliged to pay the expense both of his maintenance and of his removal. And in order to give the most perfect security to the parish where such certificated man should come to reside, it was further enacted by the same statute that he should gain no settlement there by any means whatever, except either by renting a tenement of ten pounds a year, or by serving upon his own account in an annual parish office for one whole year; and consequently neither by notice, nor by service, nor by apprenticeship, nor by paying parish rates. By the 12th of

of Nations

Queen Anne, too, stat. 1, c. 18, it was further enacted that neither the servants nor apprentices of such certificated man should gain any settlement in the parish where he resided under such certificate. How far this invention has restored that free circulation of labour which the preceding statutes had almost entirely taken away, we may learn from the following very judicious observation of Doctor Burn. "It is obvious," says he, "that there are divers good reasons for requiring certificates with persons coming to settle in any place; namely, that persons residing under them can gain no settlement, neither by apprenticeship, nor by service, nor by giving notice, nor by paying parish rates; that they can settle neither apprentices nor servants; that if they become chargeable, it is certainly known whither to remove them, and the parish shall be paid for the removal, and for their maintenance in the meantime; and that if they fall sick, and cannot be removed, the parish which gave the certificate must maintain them: none of all which can be without a certificate. Which reasons will hold proportionably for parishes not granting certificates in ordinary cases; for it is far more than an equal chance, but that they will have the certificated persons again, and in a worse condition." The moral of this observation seems to be that certificates ought always to be required by the parish where any poor man comes to reside, and that they ought very seldom to be granted by that which he proposes to leave. "There is somewhat of hardship in this matter of certificates," says the same very intelligent author in his History of the Poor Laws, "by putting it in the power of a parish officer to imprison a man as it were for life; however inconvenient it may be for him to continue at that place where he has had the misfortune to acquire what is called a settlement, or whatever advantage he may propose to himself by living elsewhere."

Though a

certificate carries

no testimonial

of

along with

good behaviour, and

it

certifies

nothing but that the person belongs to the parish to which he really does belong, it is altogether discretionary in the parish officers either to grant or to refuse it. A mandamus was once moved for, says Doctor Burn, to compel the churchwardens and overseers to sign a certificate; but the court of King's

Bench rejected the motion as a very strange attempt. The very unequal price of labour which we frequently find in England in places at no great distance from one another is probably owing to the obstruction which the law of settlements gives to a poor man who would carry his industry from one parish to another

Wages and without a certificate. A single man, is healthy and industrious, may sometimes reside by sufferance without one; but a man with a wife and family who should attempt to do so would in most parishes be sure of being removed, and if the single man should afterwards marry, he would generally be removed likewise. The scarcity of hands in one parish, therefore, cannot always be relieved by their superabundance in another, as it is constantly in Scotland, and, I believe, indeed,

who

no difficulty of settlement. In such countries, though wages may sometimes rise a little in the neighbourhood of a great town, or wherever else there is an extraordinary demand for labour, and sink gradually as the distance from such places increases, till they fall back in all other countries

where there

is

to the common rate of the country; yet we never meet with those sudden and unaccountable differences in the wages of neighbouring places which we sometimes find in England, where it is often more difficult for a poor man to pass the artificial boundary of a parish than an arm of the sea or a ridge of high mountains, natural boundaries which sometimes separate very distinctly different rates of wages in other countries. To remove a man who has committed no misdemeanour from the parish where he chooses to reside is an evident violation of

natural liberty and justice.

The common

peo-

England, however, so jealous of their liberty, but like the common people of most other countries never rightly understanding wherein it consists, have now for more than a century together suffered themselves to be exposed to this oppression without a remedy. Though men of reflection, too, have sometimes complained of the law of settlements as a public grievance; yet it has never been the object of any general popular clamour, such as that against general warrants, an abusive practice undoubtedly, but such a one as was not likely to occasion any general oppression. There is scarce a poor man in England of forty years of age, I will venture to say, who has not in some part of his life felt himself most cruelly oppressed by this illcontrived law of settlements. I shall conclude this long chapter with observing that, though anciently it was usual to rate wages, first by general laws extending over the whole kingdom, and afterwards by particular orders of the justices of peace in every particular county, both these practices have now gone entirely into disuse. "By the experience of above four hundred years," says Doctor Burn, "it seems time to lay aside all endeavours to bring under strict regulations, what in its own nature seems incapable of minute limitation; for if all persons in the ple of

61

Profit

same kind of work were to receive equal wages, there would be no emulation, and no room left for industry or ingenuity." Particular Acts of Parliament, however, attempt sometimes to regulate wages in particular trades and in particular places. Thus the 8th of George III prohibits under heavy penalties all master tailors in London, and five miles round it, from giving, and their workmen from accepting, more than two shilstill

lings

and sevenpence halfpenny a day, except a general mourning. Whenever

in the case of

the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters. When the regulation, therefore, is in favour of the work-

men, it is always just and equitable; but it is sometimes otherwise when in favour of the masters. Thus the law which obliges the masters in several different trades to pay their workmen in money and not in goods is quite just and equitable. It imposes no real hardship upon the masters. It only obliges them to pay that value in money, which they pretended to pay, but did not always really pay, in goods. This law is in favour of the workmen: but the 8th of George III is in favour of the masters. W hen masters combine together in order to reduce the wages of their workmen, r

they commonly enter into a private bond or

agreement not to give more than a certain wage under a certain penalty. Were the workmen to enter into a contrary combination of the same kind, not to accept of a certain wage under a certain penalty, the law would punish them very severely; and if it dealt impartially, it would treat the masters in the same manner. But the 8th of George III enforces by law that very regulation which masters sometimes attempt to establish by such combinations. The complaint of the workmen, that it puts the ablest and most industrious upon the same footing with an ordinary workman, seems perfectly well founded. In ancient times, too, it was usual to attempt to regulate the profits of merchants and other dealers, by rating the price both of provisions and other goods. The assize of bread is, so far as I know, the only remnant of this ancient usage. W here there is an ex7

clusive corporation, it may perhaps be proper to regulate the price of the first necessary of life. But where there is none, the competition will regulate it much better than any assize. The method of fixing the assize of bread established by the 31st of George II could not be put in practice in Scotland, on account of a defect in the law; its execution depending upon the office of a clerk of the market, which does not exist there. This defect was not

remedied till the 3rd of George III. The want of an assize occasioned no sensible inconven-

The Wealth

62

iency, and the establishment of one, in the few places where it has yet taken place, has produced no sensible advantage. In the greater part of the towns of Scotland, however, there is an incorporation of bakers who claim exclusive privileges, though they are not very strictly guarded. The proportion between the different rates both of wages and profit in the different employments of labour and stock, seems not to be much affected, as has already been observed, by the riches or poverty, the advancing, stationary, or declining state of the society. Such revolutions in the public welfare, though they affect the general rates both of wages and profit, must in the end affect them equally in all different employments. The pro-

portion between them, therefore, must remain the same, and cannot well be altered, at least for any considerable time, by any such revolutions.

CHAPTER XI Of the Rent

of

Land

Rent, considered as the price paid for the use of land, is naturally the highest which the tenant can afford to pay in the actual circumstances of the land. In adjusting the terms of the lease, the landlord endeavours to leave him no greater share of the produce than what is sufficient to keep up the stock from which he furnishes the seed, pays the labour, and purchases and maintains the cattle and other instruments of husbandry, together with the ordinary profits of farming stock in the neighbourhood. This is evidently the smallest share with which the tenant can content himself without being a loser, and the landlord seldom means to leave him any more. Whatever part of the produce, or, what is the same thing, whatever part of its price is over and above this share, he naturally endeavours to reserve to himself as the rent of his land, which is evidently the highest the tenant can afford to pay in the actual circumstances of the land. Sometimes, indeed, the liberality, more frequently the ignorance, of the land-

makes him accept of somewhat less than and sometimes too, though more rarely, the ignorance of the tenant makes him undertake to pay somewhat more, or to content himself with somewhat less than the or-

lord,

this portion;

dinary profits of farming stock in the neighbourhood. This portion, however, may still be considered as the natural rent of land, or the rent for which it is naturally meant that land should for the most part be let. The rent of land, it may be thought, is frequently no more than a reasonable profit or interest for the stock laid out by the landlord upon its improvement. This, no doubt, may

of Nations be partly the case upon some occasions; for it can scarce ever be more than partly the case. The landlord demands a rent even for unimproved land, and the supposed interest or profit upon the expense of improvement is generally an addition to this original rent. Those improvements, besides, are not always made by the stock of the landlord, but sometimes by that of the tenant. When the lease comes to be renewed, however, the landlord commonly demands the same augmentation of rent as if they had been all made by his own. He sometimes demands rent for what is altogether incapable of human improvement. Kelp is a species of sea-weed, which, when burnt, yields an alkaline salt, useful for making glass, soap, and for several other purposes. It grows in several parts of Great Britain, particularly in Scotland, upon such rocks only as lie within the high water mark, which are twice every day covered with the sea, and of which the produce, therefore, was never augmented by human industry. The landlord, however, whose estate is bounded by a kelp shore of this kind, demands a rent for

it

as much as for his corn fields. sea in the neighbourhood of the islands

The

is more than commonly abundant which makes a great part of the sub-

of Shetland in fish,

sistence of their inhabitants. But in order to by the produce of the water, they must have a habitation upon the neighbouring land.

profit

The rent of the landlord is in proportion, not to what the farmer can make by the land, but to what he can make both by the land and by the water. It is partly paid in sea-fish; and one of the very few instances in which rent of the price of that commodity to be found in that country. The rent of the land, therefore, considered as the price paid for the use of the land, is naturally a monopoly price. It is not at all proportioned to what the landlord may have laid out upon the improvement of the land, or to what he can afford to take; but to what the farmer can afford to give. Such parts only of the produce of land can commonly be brought to market of which the ordinary price is sufficient to replace the stock

makes a part is

which must be employed

in

bringing them

thither, together with its ordinary profits. If the ordinary price is more than this, the surwill naturally go to the rent not more, though the commodbe brought to market, it can afford

plus part of of land. If it ity

may

it

is

no rent to the landlord. Whether the price is or is not more depends upon the demand. There are some parts of the produce of land for which the demand must always be such as to afford a greater price than what is sufficient to bring them to market; and there are

The Rent

of

others for which it either may or may not be such as to afford this greater price. The former must always afford a rent to the landlord.

times

The

latter

may

not, according to different circum-

to pay those wages and profit, that it affords a high rent, or a low rent, or no rent at all.

sometimes may, and some-

The particular consideration, first, of those parts of the produce of land which always afford some rent; secondly, of those which

Rent, it is to be observed, therefore, enters into the composition of the price of commodities in a different way from wages and profit. High or low wages and profit are the causes of high or low price; high or low rent is the it.

It

is

sometimes

because high or low wages

chapter into three parts.

Part As men,

1

Land which always

other animals, naturally multiply in proportion to the means of their subsistence, food is always, more or less, in like all

demand. It can always purchase or command a greater or smaller quantity of labour, and somebody can always be found who is willing to do something in order to obtain it. The quantity of labour, indeed, which it can purchase is not always equal to what it could maintain, if managed in the most economical manner, on account of the high wages which are sometimes given to labour. But it can always purchase such a quantity of labour as it can maintain, according to the rate at which the sort of labour is commonly maintained in the neighbourhood. But land, in almost any situation, produces a greater quantity of food than what is sufficient to maintain all the labour necessary for bringing it to market in the most liberal way in which that labour is ever maintained. The surplus, too, is always more than sufficient to replace the stock which employed that labour, together with its profits. Something, therefore, always remains for a rent to the landlord.

The most desert moors in Norway and Scotland produce some sort of pasture for cattle, of which the milk and the increase are always more than sufficient, not only to maintain all the labour necessary for tending them, and to pay the ordinary profit to the farmer or owner of the herd or flock; but to afford some small rent to the landlord. The rent increases in proportion to the goodness of the pasture. The same extent of ground not only maintains a greater number of cattle, but as they are brought within a smaller compass, less labour becomes requisite to tend them, and to collect their produce. The landlord gains both ways, by the increase of the produce and by the diminution of the labour which must be maintained out of it.

not afford

two different sorts of rude produce, when compared both with one another and with manufactured commodities, will divide this

profit

Of the Produce of

may and sometimes may

rent; and, thirdly, of the variations which, in the different periods of improvement, naturally take place in the relative value of those

must be paid, in order to bring a particular commodity to market, that its price is high or low. But it is because its price and

63

high or low; a great deal more, or very little more, or no more, than what is sufficient

is

stances.

effect of

Land

The

affords

Rent

rent of land not only varies with

its

whatever be its produce, but with its situation, whatever be its fertility. Land in the neighbourhood of a town gives a greater rent than land equally fertile in a distant part of the country. Though it may cost no more labour to cultivate the one than the other, it must always cost more to bring the produce of the distant land to market. A greater quantity of labour, therefore, must be maintained out of it; and the surplus, from which are drawn both the profit of the farmer and the rent of the landlord, must be diminished. But in remote parts of the country the rate of profits, as has already been shown, is generally higher than in the neighbourhood of a large fertility,

town.

A

smaller proportion of this diminished must belong to the land-

surplus, therefore, lord.

Good roads, canals, and navigable rivers, by diminishing the expense of carriage, put the remote parts of the country more nearly upon a level with those in the neighbourhood of the town. They are upon that account the greatest of all improvements. They encourage the cultivation of the remote, which must always be the most extensive circle of the country. They are advantageous to the town, by breaking down the monopoly of the country in its neighbourhood. They are advantageous even to that part of the country. Though they introduce some rival commodities into the old market, they open many new markets to its produce. Monopoly, besides, is a great enemy to good management, which can never be universally established but in consequence of that free and universal competition which forces everybody to have recourse to it for the sake of self-defence. It is not more than fifty years ago that some of the counties in the neighbourhood of London petitioned the Parliament against the extension of the turnpike roads into the remoter counties. Those

The Wealth

64

remoter counties, they pretended, from the cheapness of labour, would be able to sell their grass and corn cheaper in the London market than themselves, and would thereby reduce their rents, and ruin their cultivation. Their rents, however, have risen, and their cultivation has been improved since that time. A cornfield of moderate fertility produces a much greater quantity of food for man than the best pasture of equal extent. Though its cultivation requires much more labour, yet the surplus which remains after replacing the seed and maintaining all that labour, is likewise much greater. If a pound of butcher's meat, therefore, was never supposed to be worth more than a pound of bread, this greater surplus would everywhere be of greater value, and constitute a greater fund both for the profit of the farmer and the rent of the landlord. It seems to have done so universally in the rude beginnings of agriculture. But the relative values of those two different species of food, bread and butcher's meat, are very different in the different periods of agriculture. In its rude beginnings, the unimproved wilds, which then occupy the far greater part of the country, are all abandoned to cattle. There is more butcher's meat than bread, and bread, therefore, is the food for which there is the greatest competition, and which consequently brings the greatest price. At Buenos Ayres, we are told by Ulloa, four reals,

one-and-twenty pence halfpenny

ster-

was, forty or fifty years ago, the ordinary price of an ox, chosen from a herd of two or three hundred. He says nothing of the price of bread, probably because he found nothing ling,

remarkable about it. An ox there, he says, more than the labour of catching him. But corn can nowhere be raised without a great deal of labour, and in a country which lies upon the river Plate, at that time the direct road from Europe to the silver mines of Potosi, the money price of labour could not be very cheap. It is otherwise when cultivation is extended over the greater part of the country. There is then more bread than butcher's meat. The competition changes its cost little

direction, and the price of butcher's meat becomes greater than the price of bread.

By

the extension besides of cultivation, the unimproved wilds become insufficient to supply the demand for butcher's meat. A great part of the cultivated lands must be employed in rearing and fattening cattle, of which the price, therefore, must be sufficient to pay, not only the labour necessary for tending them, but the rent which the landlord and the profit which the farmer could have drawn from such

land employed in tillage. The cattle bred upon the most uncultivated moors, when brought to the same market, are, in proportion to their

of Nations weight or goodness, sold at the same price as those which are reared upon the most improved land. The proprietors of those moors

by it, and raise the rent of their land in proportion to the price of their cattle. It is not more than a century ago that in many parts of the highlands of Scotland, butcher's meat was as cheap or cheaper than even bread made of oatmeal. The union opened the market of England to the highland cattle. Their ordinary price is at present about three times greater than at the beginning of the century, and the rents of many highland estates have been tripled and quadrupled in the same time. In almost every part of Great Britain a pound of the best butcher's meat is, in the present times, generally worth more than two pounds of the best white bread; and in plentiful years it is sometimes worth three or four pounds. It is thus that in the progress of improvement the rent and profit of unimproved pasture come to be regulated in some measure by the rent and profit of what is improved, and these again by the rent and profit of corn. Corn is an annual crop. Butcher's meat, a crop which requires four or five years to grow. As an acre of land, therefore, will produce a much smaller quantity of the one species of food than of the other, the inferiority of the quantity must be compensated by the superiority of the price. If it was more than compensated, more corn land would be turned into pasture; and if it was not compensated, part of what was in pasture would profit

be brought back into corn. This equality, however, between the rent

and profit of grass and those of corn; of the land of which the immediate produce is food for cattle, and of that of which the immediate produce is food for men; must be understood to take place only through the greater part of the improved lands of a great country. In some particular local situations it quite otherwise, and the rent and profit of grass are much superior to what can be made by corn. Thus in the neighbourhood of a great town the demand for milk and for forage to horses is

frequently contribute, together with the high price of butcher's meat, to raise the value of grass above what may be called its natural proportion to that of corn. This local advantage, it is evident, cannot be communicated to the lands at a distance. Particular circumstances have sometimes rendered some countries so populous that the whole territory, like the lands in the neighbourhood of a great town, has not been sufficient to produce both the grass and the corn necessary for the subsistence of their inhabitants. Their lands, therefore, have been prin-

The Rent employed in the production of grass, the more bulky commodity, and which cannot be so easily brought from a great distance; and corn, the food of the great body

cipally

been chiefly imported from foreign countries. Holland is at present in this situation, and a considerable part of ancient Italy seems to have been so during the prosperity of the Romans. To feed well, old of the people, has

Cato said, as we are told by Cicero, was the first and most profitable thing in the management of a private estate; to feed tolerably well, the second; and to feed ill, the third.

of

Land

65

superiority which, in an improved country, the price of butcher's meat naturally has over that of bread. It seems accordingly to have done so; and there is some reason for believing that, at least in the London market, the price of butcher's meat in proportion to the price of bread is a good deal lower in the present times than it was in the beginning of the last century.

In the appendix to the Life of Prince Henry, Doctor Birch has given us an account of the prices of butcher's meat as commonly paid by that prince. It is there said that the four quar-

To

ters of

of profit

usually cost him nine pounds ten shillings, or thereabouts; that is, thirty-one shillings and eightpence per hundred pounds weight. Prince Henry died on the 6th of November 1612, in the nineteenth year of his age.

plough, he ranked only in the fourth place and advantage. Tillage, indeed, in that part of ancient Italy which lay in the neighbourhood of Rome, must have been very much discouraged by the distributions of corn which were frequently made to the people, either gratuitously, or at a very low price. This corn was brought from the conquered provinces, of which several, instead of taxes, were obliged to furnish a tenth part of their produce at a stated price, about sixpence a peck, to the republic. The low price at which this corn was distributed to the people must necessarily have sunk the price of what could be brought to the Roman market from Latium, or the ancient territory of Rome, and must have discouraged its cultivation in that country. In an open country too, of which the principal produce is corn, a well-enclosed piece of grass will frequently rent higher than any corn field in its neighbourhood. It is convenient for the maintenance of the cattle employed in the cultivation of the corn, and its high rent is, in this case, not so properly paid from the value of its own produce as from that of the corn lands which are cultivated by means of it. It is likely to fall, if ever the neighbouring lands are completely enclosed. The present high rent of enclosed land in Scotland seems owing to the scarcity of enclosure, and will probably last no longer than that scarcity. The advantage of enclosure is greater for pasture than for corn. It saves the labour of guarding the cattle, which feed better, too, when they are not liable to be disturbed by their keeper or his dog. But where there is no local advantage of this kind, the rent and profit of corn, or whatever else is the common vegetable food of the people, must naturally regulate, upon the land which is fit for producing it, the rent and profit of pasture. The use of the artificial grasses, of turnips, carrots, cabbages, and the other expedients which have been fallen upon to make an equal quantity of land feed a greater number of cattle than when in natural grass, should somewhat reduce, it might be expected, the

an ox weighing

six

hundred pounds

In March 1764, there was a Parliamentary inquiry into the causes of the high price of provisions at that time. It was then, among other proof to the same purpose, given in evidence by a Virginia merchant, that in March 1763, he had victualled his ships for twentyfour or twenty-five shillings the hundredweight of beef, which he considered as the ordinary price; whereas, in that dear year, he had paid twenty-seven shillings for the same weight and sort. This high price in 1764 is, however, four shillings and eightpence cheaper than the ordinary price paid by Prince Henry; and it is the best beef only, it must be observed, which is fit to be salted for those distant voyages. The price paid by Prince Henry amounts to 3%d. per pound weight of the whole carcase, coarse and choice pieces taken together; and at that rate the choice pieces could not have

been sold by retail for less than 4 1/£d. or 5d. the pound. In the Parliamentary inquiry in 1764, the witnesses stated the price of the choice pieces of the best beef to be to the consumer 4d. and 4 1/4d. the pound; and the coarse pieces 1 in general to be from seven farthings to Z and 2%d.; and this they said was in general one halfpenny dearer than the same sort of pieces had usually been sold in the month of March. But even this high price is still a good

^.

deal cheaper than what we can well suppose the ordinary retail price to have been in the time of Prince Henry. During the twelve first years of the last century, the average price of the best wheat at the Windsor market was £1 18s. 3M>d. the quarter of nine Winchester bushels.

But in the twelve years preceding 1764, including that year, the average price of the same measure of the best wheat at the same market was £2 Is. 9 a/2d.

The Wealth

66 In the twelve

first

years of the last century,

therefore, wheat appears to have been a good deal cheaper, and butcher's meat a good deal dearer, than in the twelve years preceding 1 764, including that year.

In all great countries the greater part of the cultivated lands are employed in producing either food for men or food for cattle. The rent and profit of these regulate the rent and profit of all other cultivated land. If any particular produce afforded less, the land would soon be turned into corn or pasture; and if any afforded more, some part of the lands in corn or pasture would soon be turned to that produce. Those productions, indeed, which require either a greater original expense of improvement, or a greater annual expense of cultivation, in order to fit the land for them, appear commonly to afford, the one a greater rent, the other a greater profit than corn or pasture. This superiority, however, will seldom be found to amount to more than a reasonable interest or compensation for this superior ex-

pense.

In a hop garden, a fruit garden, a kitchen garden, both the rent of the landlord, and the profit of the farmer, are generally greater than in a corn or grass field. But to bring the ground into this condition requires more expense. Hence a greater rent becomes due to the landlord. It requires, too, a more attentive and skilful management. Hence a greater profit becomes due to the farmer. The crop too, at least in the hop and fruit garden, is more precarious. Its price, therefore, besides compensating all occasional losses, must afford something like the profit of insurance. The circumstances of gardeners, generally mean, and always moderate, may satisfy us that their great ingenuity is not commonly over-recompensed. Their delightful art is practised by so many rich people for amusement, that little advantage is to be made by those who practise it for profit; because the persons who should naturally be their best customers supply themselves with all their most precious productions. The advantage which the landlord derives from such improvements seems at no time to have been greater than what was sufficient to compensate the original expense of making them. In the ancient husbandry, after the vineyard, a well-watered kitchen garden seems to have been the part of the farm which was supposed to yield the most valuable produce.

But Democritus, who wrote upon husbandry about two thousand years ago, and who was regarded by the ancients as one of the fathers of the art, thought they did not act wisely who enclosed a kitchen garden. The profit, he said, would not compensate the expense of a stone wall; and bricks (he meant, I suppose,

of Nations bricks baked in the sun) mouldered with the rain, and the winter storm, and required continual repairs. Columella, who reports this

judgment

of Democritus, does not controvert but proposes a very frugal method of enclosing with a hedge of brambles and briars, which, he says, he had found by experience to be both a lasting and an impenetrable fence; but which, it seems, was not commonly known in the time of Democritus. Palladius adopts the opinion of Columella, which had before been recommended by Varro. In the it,

judgment

of

those

ancient

improvers,

the

produce of a kitchen garden had, it seems, been little more than sufficient to pay the extraordinary culture and the expense of watering; for in countries so near the sun, it was thought proper, in those times as in the present, to have the command of a stream of water which could be conducted to every bed

Through the greater part of Europe a kitchen garden is not at present in the garden.

supposed to deserve a better enclosure than that recommended by Columella. In Great Britain, and some other northern countries, the finer fruits cannot be brought to perfection but by the assistance of a wall. Their price, therefore, in such countries must be sufficient to pay the expense of building and maintaining what they cannot be had without. The fruit-wall frequently surrounds the kitchen garden, which thus enjoys the benefit of an enclosure which its own produce could seldom pay for.

That the vineyard, when properly planted and brought to perfection, was the most valuable part of the farm, seems to have been an undoubted maxim in the ancient agriculture, as it is in the modern through all the wine countries. But whether it was advantageous to plant a new vineyard was a matter of dispute

among

the ancient Italian husband-

men, as we learn from Columella.

He

decides,

a true lover of all curious cultivation, in favour of the vineyard, and endeavours to show, by a comparison of the profit and expense, that it was a most advantageous improvement. Such comparisons, however, between the profit and expense of new projects are commonly very fallacious, and in nothing more so than in agriculture. Had the gain actually made by such plantations been commonly as great as he imagined it might have been, there could have been no dispute about it. The same point is frequently at this day a matter of controversy in the wine countries. Their writers on agriculture, indeed, the lovers and promoters of high cultivation, seem generally disposed to decide with Columella in favour of the vineyard. In France the anxiety of the proprietors of the old vineyards to prevent the planting of any new ones,

like

The Rent seems to favour their opinion, and to indicate a consciousness in those who must have the experience that this species of cultivation is at present in that country more profitable than any other. It seems at the same time, however, to indicate another opinion, that this superior profit can last no longer than the laws which at present restrain the free cultivation of the vine. In 1731, they obtained an order of council prohibiting both the planting of new vineyards and the renewal of those old ones, of which the cultivation had been interrupted for two years, without a particular permission from the king, to be granted only in consequence of an information from the intendant of the province, certifying that he had examined the land, and that it was incapable of any other culture. The pretence of this order was the scarcity of corn and pasture, and the superabundance of wine. But had this superabundance been real, it would, without any order of council, have effectually prevented the plantation of new vineyards, by reducing the profits of this species of cultivation below their natural proportion to those of corn and pasture. With regard to the supposed scarcity of corn, occasioned by the multiplication of vineyards, corn is nowhere in France more carefully cultivated than in the wine provinces, where the land is fit for producing it; as in Burgundy, Guienne, and the Upper Languedoc. The numerous hands employed in the one species of cultivation necessarily encourage the other, by affording a ready market for its produce. To diminish the number of those who are capable of paying for it is surely a most unpromising expedient for encouraging the cultivation of corn. It is like the policy which would promote agriculture by discouraging manufactures. The rent and profit of those productions, therefore, which require either a greater original expense of improvement in order to fit the land for them, or a greater annual expense of cultivation, though often much superior to those of corn and pasture, yet when they do no more than compensate such extraordinary expense, are in reality regulated by the rent and profit of those common crops. It sometimes happens, indeed, that the quantity of land, which can be fitted for some particular produce, is too small to supply the effectual

demand. The whole produce can be

disposed of to those

who

are willing to give

somewhat more than what is sufficient to pay the whole rent, wages, and profit necessary for raising and bringing it to market, according to their natural rates, or according to the rates at which they are paid in the greater part of other cultivated land. The surplus part of the price which remains after defraying the whole expense of improvement and cul-

of

Land

67

tivation may commonly, in this case, and in this case only, bear no regular proportion to the like surplus in corn or pasture, but may exceed it in almost any degree; and the greater part of this excess naturally goes to the rent of the landlord. The usual and natural proportion, for example, between the rent and profit of wine and those of corn and pasture must be understood to take place only with regard to those

vineyards which produce nothing but good common wine, such as can be raised almost anywhere, upon any light, gravelly, or sandy soil, and which has nothing to recommend it but its strength and wholesomeness. It is with such vineyards only that the common land of the country can be brought into competition; for with those of a peculiar quality it is evident that it cannot. The vine is more affected by the difference of soils than any other fruit tree. From some it derives a flavour which no culture or management can equal, it is supposed, upon any other. This flavour, real or imaginary, is sometimes peculiar to the produce of a few vineyards; sometimes it extends through the greater part of a small district, and sometimes through a considerable part of a large province. The whole quantity of such wines that is brought to market falls short of the effectual demand, or the demand of those who would be willing to pay the whole rent, profit, and wages, necessary for preparing and bringing them thither, according to the ordinary rate, or according to the rate at which they

are paid in common vineyards. The whole quantity, therefore, can be disposed of to those who are willing to pay more, which necessarily raises the price above that of common wine. The difference is greater or less according as the fashiouableness and scarcity of the wine render the competition of the buyers more or less eager. Whatever it be, the greater part of it goes to the rent of the landlord. For though such vineyards are in general more carefully cultivated than most others, the high price of the wine seems to be not so much the effect as the cause of this careful cultivation. In so valuable a produce the loss occasioned by negligence is so great as to force even the most careless to attention. A small part of this high price, therefore, is sufficient to pay the wages of the ex-

traordinary labour bestowed upon their culand the profits of the extraordinary stock which puts that labour into motion. The sugar colonies possessed by the European nations in the West Indies may be compared to those precious vineyards. Their whole produce falls short of the effectual demand of Europe, and can be disposed of to those who are willing to give more than what tivation,

The Wealth

68

and

sufficient to pay the whole wages necessary for preparing and bringing it to market, according to the rate at which they are commonly paid by any other produce. In Cochin China the finest white sugar

rent, profit,

is

commonly

sells for

three piasters the quintal,

about thirteen shillings and sixpence of our money, as we are told by Mr. Poivre, a very 1

observer of the agriculture of that country. What is there called the quintal weighs from a hundred and fifty to two hundred Paris pounds, or a hundred and seventyfive Paris pounds at a medium, which reduces the price of the hundred-weight English to about eight shillings sterling, not a fourth part of what is commonly paid for the brown or muskavada sugars imported from our colonies, and not a sixth part of what is paid for the finest white sugar. The greater part of the cultivated lands in Cochin China are employed in producing corn and rice, the food of the great body of the people. The respective prices of corn, rice, and sugar, are there probably in the natural proportion, or in that which naturally takes place in the different crops of the greater part of cultivated land, and which recompenses the landlord and farmer, as nearly as can be computed, according to what is usually the original expense of improvement and the annual expense of cultivation. But in our sugar colonies the price of sugar bears no such proportion to that of the produce of a rice or corn field either

careful

in

Europe or

in

America. It

is

commonly

said

that a sugar planter expects that the rum and molasses should defray the whole expense of his cultivation, and that his sugar should be clear profit. If this be true, for I pretend not to affirm it, it is as if a corn farmer expected to defray the expense of his cultivation with the chaff and the straw, and that the grain should be all clear profit. We see frequently societies of merchants in London and other trading towns purchase waste lands in our sugar colonies, which they expect to improve and cultivate with profit by means of factors and agents, notwithstanding the great distance and the uncertain returns from the defective administration of justice in those countries. Nobody will attempt to improve all

and cultivate

in the

same manner the most

lands of Scotland, Ireland, or the corn provinces of North America, though from the more exact administration of justice in these countries more regular returns might be expected. In Virginia and Maryland the cultivation of tobacco is preferred, as more profitable, to that of corn. Tobacco might be cultivated with advantage through the greater part of Europe; but in almost every part of Europe fertile

Voyages d'un philosophe.

of Nations has become a principal subject of taxation, collect a tax from every different farm in the country where this plant might happen to be cultivated would be more difficult, it has been supposed, than to levy one upon its importation at the custom-house. The cultivation of tobacco has upon this account been most absurdly prohibited through the greater part of Europe, which necessarily gives a sort

it

and to

of monopoly to the countries where it is allowed; and as Virginia and Maryland produce the greatest quantity of it, they share largely, though with some competitors, in the advantage of this monopoly. The cultivation of tobacco, however, seems not to be so advantageous as that of sugar. I have never even heard of any tobacco plantation that was improved and cultivated by the capital of merchants who resided in Great Britain, and our tobacco colonies send us home no such wealthy planters as we see frequently arrive from our sugar islands. Though from the preference given in those colonies to the cultivation of tobacco above that of corn, it would appear that the effectual demand of Europe for tobacco is not completely supplied, it probably is more nearly so than that for sugar; and though the present price of tobacco is probably more than sufficient to pay the whole rent, wages, and profit necessary for preparing and bring it to market, according to the rate at which they are commonly paid in corn land, it must not be so much more as the present price of sugar. Our tobacco planters, accordingly, have shown the same fear of the superabundance of tobacco which the proprietors of the old vineyards in France have of the superabundance of wine. By act of assembly they have restrained its cultiva-

tion to six thousand plants, supposed to yield a thousand weight of tobacco, for every negro between sixteen and sixty years of age. Such a negro, over and above this quantity of tobacco, can manage, they reckon, four acres of Indian corn. To prevent the market from being overstocked, too, they have sometimes, in 2 plentiful years, we are told by Dr. Douglas informed) burnt been ill has (I suspect he a certain quantity of tobacco for every negro, ,

same manner as the Dutch are said to methods are necessary to keep up the present price of tobacco,

in the

do

of spices. If such violent

the superior advantage of its culture over that of corn, if it still has any, will not probably be of long continuance. It is in this manner that the rent of the cultivated land, of which the produce is human food, regulates the rent of the greater part of other cultivated land. No particular produce can long afford less; because the land would

immediately be turned to another use. And 2 Douglas' Summary, vol. ii, pp. 372, 373.

if

The Rent any particular produce commonly

affords

more, it is because the quantity of land which can be fitted for it is too small to supply the effectual

demand.

In Europe, corn is the principal produce of land which serves immediately for human food.

Except

in particular situations,

there-

fore, the rent of

corn land regulates in Europe that of all other cultivated land. Britain need envy neither the vineyards of France nor the olive plantations of Italy. Except in particular situations, the value of these is regulated by that of corn, in which the fertility of Britain is not much inferior to that of either of those two countries. If in any country the common and favourite vegetable food of the people should be drawn from a plant of which the most common land, with the same or nearly the same culture, produced a much greater quantity than the most fertile does of corn, the rent of the landlord, or the surplus quantity of food which would remain to him, after paying the labour and replacing the stock of the farmer, together with its ordinary profits, would necessarily be much greater. Whatever was the rate at which labour was commonly maintained in that country, this greater surplus could always maintain a greater quantity of it, and consequently enable the landlord to purchase or command a greater quantity of it. The real value of his rent, his real power and authority, his command of the necessaries and conveniencies of life with which the labour of other people could supply him, would necessarily be much greater. A rice field produces a much greater quantity of food than the most fertile corn field. Two crops in the year from thirty to sixty bushels each, are said to be the ordinary pro-

duce of an acre. Though

its cultivation, thererequires more labour, a much greater surplus remains after maintaining all that labour. In those rice countries, therefore, where rice is the common and favourite vegetable food of the people, and where the cultivators are chiefly maintained with it, a greater share of this greater surplus should belong to the landlord than in corn countries. In Carolina, where the planters, as in other British colonies, are generally both farmers and landlords, and where rent consequently is confounded with profit, the cultivation of rice is found to be more profitable than that of corn, though their fields produce only one crop in the year,

fore,

and though, from the prevalence of the customs of Europe, rice is not there the common and favourite vegetable food of the people. A good rice field is a bog at all seasons, and at one season a bog covered with water. It is unfit either for corn, or pasture, or vineyard, or,

indeed, for

any other vegetable produce

of

Land

69

that is very useful to men; and the lands which are fit for those purposes are not fit

Even in the rice countries, therefore, the rent of rice lands cannot regulate the rent of the other cultivated land, which can never be turned to that produce. for rice.

The food produced by a field of potatoes is not inferior in quantity to that produced by a field of rice, and much superior to what is produced by a field of wheat. Twelve thousand weight of potatoes from an acre of land is not a greater produce than two thousand weight of wheat. The food or solid nourishment, indeed, which can be drawn from each of those two plants, is not altogether in proportion to their weight, on account of the watery nature of potatoes. Allowing, however, half the weight of this root to go to water, a very large allowance, such an acre of potatoes will still produce six thousand weight of solid nourishment, three times the quantity produced by the acre of wheat. An acre of potatoes is cultivated with less expense than an acre of wheat; the fallow, which generally precedes the sowing of wheat, more than compensating the hoeing and other extraordinary culture which is always given to potatoes. Should this root ever become in any part of Europe, some rice countries, the common and favourite vegetable food of the people, so as to occupy the same proportion of the lands in tillage which wheat and other sorts of grain for human food do at present, the same quantity of cultivated land would maintain a much greater number of people, and the lalike rice in

bourers being generally fed with potatoes, a greater surplus would remain after replacing all the stock and maintaining all the labour employed in cultivation. A greater share of this surplus, too, would belong to the landlord. Population would increase, and rents would rise much beyond what they are at present.

The land which is fit for potatoes is fit for almost every other useful vegetable. If they occupied the same proportion of cultivated land which corn does at present, they would regulate, in the same manner, the rent of the greater part of other cultivated land. In some parts of Lancashire it is pretended, I have been told, that bread of oatmeal is a heartier food for labouring people than wheaten bread, and I have frequently heard the same doctrine held in Scotland. I am, however, somewhat doubtful of the truth of it. The common people in Scotland, who are fed with oatmeal, are in general neither so strong, nor so handsome as the same rank of people in England who are fed with wheaten bread. They neither work so well, nor look so well; and as there is not the same difference between the people of fashion in the two coun-

The Wealth

70

experience would seem to show that the food of the common people in Scotland is not so suitable to the human constitution as that of their neighbours of the same rank in England. But it seems to be otherwise with potatoes. The chairmen, porters, and coalheavers in London, and those unfortunate women who live by prostitution, the strongest men and the most beautiful women perhaps in the British dominions, are said to be the greater part of them from the lowest rank of people in Ireland, who are generally fed with this root. No food can afford a more decisive proof tries,

of Nations of its nourishing quality, or of its being peculiarly suitable to the health of the

human

constitution. It is difficult to preserve potatoes through the year, and impossible to store them like

two or three years together. The fear sell them before they rot discourages their cultivation, and is, perhaps, the chief obstacle to their ever becoming in any great country, like bread, the principal corn, for

of not being able to

vegetable food of

all

the different ranks of the

people.

Part 2 Of the Produce

of

Land which sometimes

Human

food seems to be the only produce which always and necessarily affords some rent to the landlord. Other sorts of produce sometimes may and sometimes may not,

of land

according to different circumstances. After food, clothing and lodging are the

two great wants

Land

of

mankind.

in its original

rude state can afford

the materials of clothing and lodging to a much greater number of people than it can

In its improved state it can sometimes feed a greater number of people than it can supply with those materials; at least in the way in which they require them, and are willing to pay for them. In the one state, therefore, there is always a superabundance of those materials, which are frequently, upon that account, of little or no value. In the other there is often a scarcity, which necessarily augments their value. In the one state a great part of them is thrown away as useless, and the price of what is used is considered as equal only to the labour and expense of fitting it for use, and can, therefore, afford no rent to the landlord. In the other they are all made use of, and there is frequently a demand for more than can be had. Somebody is always willing to give more for every part of them than what is sufficient to pay the expense of bringing them to market. Their price, therefore, can always afford some rent to the landlord. The skins of the larger animals were the original materials of clothing. Among nations of hunters and shepherds, therefore, whose food consists chiefly in the flesh of those animals, every man, by providing himself with food, provides himself with the materials of more clothing than he can wear. If there was no foreign commerce, the greater part of them would be thrown away as things of no value. This was probably the case among the hunting nations of North America before their country was discovered by the Europeans, feed.

does,

and sometimes does

not, afford

Rent

whom they now exchange their surplus peltry for blankets, fire-arms, and brandy, which gives it some value. In the present commercial state of the known world, the most barbarous nations, I believe, among whom land property is established, have some foreign commerce of this kind, and find among their wealthier neighbours such a demand for all the materials of clothing which their land produces, and which can neither be wrought up nor consumed at home, as raises their price above what it costs to send them to those wealthier neighbours. It affords, therefore, some rent to the landlord. When the greater part of the highland cattle were consumed on their own hills, the exportation of their hides made the most considerable article of the commerce of that country, and what they were exchanged for afforded some addition to the rent of the highland estates. The wool of England, which in old times could neither be consumed nor wrought up at home, found a market in the then wealthier and more industrious country of Flanders, and its price afforded something to the rent of the land which produced it. In countries not better cultivated than England was then, or than the highlands of Scotland are now, and which had no foreign commerce, the materials of clothing would evidently be so superabundant that a great part of them would be thrown away as useless, and no part could afford any rent to the landlord. The materials of lodging cannot always be transported to so great a distance as those of clothing, and do not so readily become an object of foreign commerce. When they are superabundant in the country which produces them, it frequently happens, even in the present commercial state of the world, that they are of no value to the landlord. A good stone quarry in the neighbourhood of London would afford a considerable rent. In many parts of Scotland and Wales it affords none. with

The Rent Barren timber for building is of great value in a populous and well-cultivated country, and the land which produces it affords a considerable rent. But in many parts of North America the landlord would be much obliged to anybody who would carry away the greater part of his large trees. In some parts of the highlands of Scotland the bark is the only

part of the wood which, for want of roads and water-carriage, can be sent to market. The timber is left to rot upon the ground. When the materials of lodging are so superabundant, the part made use of is worth only the labour and expense of fitting it for that use. It affords no rent to the landlord, who generally grants the use of it to whoever takes the trouble of asking it. The demand of wealthier nations, however, sometimes enables him to get a rent for it. The paving of the streets of London has enabled the owners of some barren rocks on the coast of Scotland to draw a rent from what never afforded any before. The woods of Norway and of the coasts of the Baltic find a market in many parts of Great Britain which they could not find at home, and thereby afford some rent to their proprietors.

Countries are populous not in proportion to the number of people whom their produce can clothe and lodge, but in proportion to that of those whom it can feed. When food is provided, it is easy to find the necessary clothing and lodging. But though these are at hand, it may often be difficult to find food. In some parts even of the British dominions what is called a house may be built by one day's labour of one man. The simplest species of clothing, the skins of animals, require somewhat more labour to dress and prepare them for use. They do not, however, require a great deal. Among savage and barbarous nations, a hundredth or little more than a hundredth part of the labour of the whole year will be sufficient to provide them with such clothing and lodging as satisfy the greater part of the people. All the other ninetynine parts are frequently no more than enough to provide them with food. But when by the improvement and cultivation of land the labour of one family can provide food for two, the labour of half the society becomes sufficient to provide food for the whole. The other half, therefore, or at least the greater part of them, can be employed in providing other things, or in satisfying the other wants and fancies of mankind. Clothing and lodging, household furniture, and what is called Equipage, are the principal objects of the greater part of those

wants and fancies. The rich man consumes no more food than his poor neighbour. In quality it may be very different, and to se-

of lect

and

Land

71

and prepare

it

may

require

but in quantity

more labour

very nearly the same. But compare the spacious palace and great wardrobe of the one with the hovel and the few rags of the other, and you will be sensible that the difference between their clothing, lodging, and household furniture is almost as great in quantity as it is in quality. The desire of food is limited in every man by the narrow capacity of the human stomach; but the desire of the conveniences and ornaments of building, dress, equipage, and household furniture, seems to have no limit or cerart;

it

is

Those, therefore, who have more food than they themselves can consume, are always willing to extain boundary.

the

command

of

change the surplus,

or, what is the same thing, the price of it, for gratifications of this other kind. What is over and above satisfying the limited desire is given for the amusement of those desires which cannot be satisfied, but seem to be altogether endless. The poor, in order to obtain food, exert themselves to gratify those fancies of the rich, and to obtain it more certainly they vie with one another in the cheapness and perfection of their work. The number of workmen increases with the increasing quantity of food, or with the growing improvement and cultivation of the lands; and as the nature of their business admits of the utmost subdivisions of labour, the quantity of materials which they can work up increases in a much greater proportion than their numbers. Hence arises a demand for every sort of material which human invention can employ, either usefully or ornamentally, in building, dress, equipage, or household furniture; for the fossils and minerals contained in the bowels of the earth; the precious metals, and the precious stones. Food is in this manner not only the original source of rent, but every other part of the produce of land which afterwards affords rent derives that part of its value from the improvement of the powers of labour in producing food by means of the improvement and cultivation of land. Those other parts of the produce of land, however, which afterwards afford rent, do not afford it always. Even in improved and cultivated countries, the demand for them is not always such as to afford a greater price than what is sufficient to pay the labour, and replace, together with it ordinary profits, the stock which must be employed in bringing them to market. Whether it is or is not such depends upon different circumstances. Whether a coal-mine, for example, can afford any rent depends partly upon its fertility, and partly upon its situation. A mine of any kind may be said to be either fertile or barren, according as the quantity of

72

The Wealth

mineral which can be brought from it by a certain quantity of labour is greater or less than what can be brought by an equal quantity from the greater part of other mines of the same kind. Some coal-mines advantageously situated cannot be wrought on account of their barrenness. The produce does not pay the expense. They can afford neither profit nor rent. There are some of which the produce is barely sufficient to pay the labour, and replace, together with it ordinary profits, the stock employed in working them. They afford some profit to the undertaker of the work, but no rent to the landlord. They can be wrought advantageously by nobody but the landlord, who, being himself undertaker of the work, gets the ordinary profit of the capital which he employs in it. Many coal-mines in Scotland are wrought in this manner, and can be wrought in no other. The landlord will allow nobody else to work them without paying some rent, and nobody can afford to pay any. Other coal-mines in the same country, sufficiently fertile, cannot be wrought on account of their situation. A quantity of mineral sufficient to defray the expense of working could be brought from the mine by the ordinary, or even less than the ordinary, quantity of labour; but in an inland country, thinly inhabited, and without either good roads or water-carriage, this quantity could not be sold.

Coals are a less agreeable fuel than wood: they are said, too, to be less wholesome. The expense of coals, therefore, at the place where they are consumed, must generally be somewhat less than that of wood. The price of wood again varies with the state of agriculture, nearly in the same manner, and exactly for the same reason, as the price of cattle. In its rude beginnings the greater part of every country is covered with wood, which is then a mere encumberance of no value to the landlord, who would gladly give it to anybody for the cutting. As agriculture advances, the woods are partly cleared by the progress of tillage, and partly go to decay in consequence of the increased number of cattle. These, though they do not increase in the same proportion as corn, which is altogether the acquisition of human industry, yet multiply under the care and protection of men, who store up in the season of plenty what may maintain them in that of scarcity, who through the whole year furnish them with a greater quantity of food than uncultivated nature provides for them, and who by destroying and extirpating their enemies, secure them in the free enjoyment of all that she provides. Numerous herds of cattle, when al-

lowed to wander through the woods, though

of Nations they do not destroy the old trees, hinder any young ones from coming up so that in the course of a century or two the whole forest goes to ruin. The scarcity of wood then raises its price. It affords a good rent, and the landlord sometimes finds that he can scarce employ his best lands more advantageously than

growing barren timber, of which the greatness of the profit often compensates the lateness of the returns. This seems in the present times to be nearly the state of things in several parts of Great Britain, where the profit of planting is found to be equal to that of either corn or pasture. The advantage which the landlord derives from planting can nowhere exceed, at least for any considerable time, the rent which these could afford him; and in an inland country which is highly cultivated, it will frequently not fall much short of this rent. Upon the sea-coast of a well improved country, indeed, if coals can conveniently be had for fuel, it may sometimes be cheaper to bring barren timber for building from less cultivated foreign countries than to raise it at home. In the new town of Edinburgh, built within these few years, there is not, perhaps, a single stick of Scotch timber. Whatever may be the price of wood, if that of coals is such that the expense of a coal fire is nearly equal to that of a wood one, we may be assured that at that place, and in these circumstances, the price of coals is as high as it can be. It seems to be so in some of the inland parts of England, particularly in Oxfordshire, where it is usual, even in the fires of the common people, to mix coals and wood together, and where the difference in the expense of those two sorts of fuel cannot, therefore, be

in

very great. Coals, in the coal countries, are everywhere this highest price. If they were not, they could not bear the expense of a distant carriage, either by land or by water. A small quantity only could be sold, and the coal masters and coal proprietors find it more for their interest to sell a great quantity at a price somewhat above the lowest, than a small quantity at the highest. The most fertile coal-mine, too, regulates the price of coals at all the other mines in its neighbourhood. Both the proprietor and the undertaker of the work find, the one that he can get a greater rent, the other that he can get a greater profit, by somewhat underselling all their neighbours. Their neighbours are soon obliged to sell at the same price, though they cannot so well afford it, and though it always diminishes, and sometimes takes away altogether both their rent and their profit. Some works are abandoned altogether; others can afford no rent, and can be wrought only by the proprietor. The lowest price at which coals can be sold

much below

The Rent any considerable time

for

is.

like that of all

other commodities, the price which is barely sufficient to replace, together with its ordinary profits, the stock which must be employed in bringing them to market. At as coal-mine for which the landlord can get no rent, but which he must either work himself or let it alone altogether, the price of coals must generally be nearly about this price. Rent, even where coals afford one, has generally a smaller share in their prices than in that of most other parts of the rude produce of land. The rent of an estate above ground commonly amounts to what is supposed to be a third of the gross produce; and it is generally a rent certain and independent of the occasional variations in the crop. In coal-mines a fifth of the gross produce is a very great rent; a tenth the common rent, and it is seldom a rent certain, but depends upon the occasional variations in the produce. These are so great that, in a country where thirty years' purchase is considered as a moderate price for the property of a landed estate, ten years' purchase is regarded as a good price for that of a coal-mine. The value of a coal-mine to the proprietor frequently depends as much upon its situation as upon its fertility. That of a metallic mine depends more upon its fertility, and less upon its situation. The coarse, and still more the precious metals, when separated from the ore, are so valuable that they can generally bear the expense of a very long land, and of the most distant sea carriage. Their market is not confined to the countries in the neighbourhood of the mine, but extends to the whole world. The copper of Japan makes an article of commerce in Europe; the iron of Spain in that of Chili and Peru. The silver of Peru finds its way, not only to Europe, but from

Europe

to China.

The price

of coals in Westmoreland or Shropcan have little effect on their price at Newcastle; and their price in the Lionnois can have none at all. The productions of such distant coal-mines can never be brought into competition with one another. But the productions of the most distant metallic mines

shire

frequently may, and in fact commonly are. price, therefore, of the coarse, and still more that of the precious metals, at the most fertile mines in the world, must necessarily more or less affect their price at every other

The

The

price of copper in Japan must have influence upon its price at the copper mines in Europe. The price of silver in Peru, or the quantity either of labour or of other goods which it will purchase there, must have some influence on its price, not only at the silver mines of Europe, but at those of China. After the discovery of the mines of Peru, the in

it.

some

of

Land

73

mines of Europe were, the greater part of them, abandoned. The value of silver was so much reduced that their produce could no longer pay the expense of working them, or silver

replace, with a profit, the food, clothes, lodging, and other necessaries which were con-

sumed

in that operation. This was the case, with the mines of Cuba and St. Domingo, and even with the ancient mines of Peru, after the discovery of those of Potosi. The price of every metal at every mine, therefore, being regulated in some measure by its price at the most fertile mine in the world that is actually wrought, it can at the greater part of mines do very little more than pay the expense of working, and can seldom afford a very high rent to the landlord. Rent, accordingly, seems at the greater part of mines to have but a small share in the price of the

too,

coarse, and a cious metals.

smaller in that of the preprofit make up the greater part of both. A sixth part of the gross produce may be reckoned the average rent of the tin mines of Cornwall, the most fertile that are known in the world, as we are told by the Reverend Mr. Borlace, vice-warden of the stannaries. Some, he says, afford more, and some do not afford so much. A sixth part of the gross produce is the rent, too, of several very fertile lead mines in Scotland. In the silver mines of Peru, we are told by Frezier and Ulloa, the proprietor frequently exacts no other acknowledgment from the undertaker of the mine, but that he will grind the ore at his mill, paying him the ordinary multure or price of grinding. Till 1736, indeed, the tax of the King of Spain amounted to one-fifth of the standard silver, which till then might be considered as the real rent of the greater part of the silver mines of Peru, the richest which have been known in the world. If there had been no tax this fifth would naturally have belonged to the landlord, and still

Labour and

many mines might have been wrought which could not then be wrought, because could not afford this tax. The tax of the

they

Duke

Cornwall upon tin is supposed to amount to more than five per cent or one twentieth part of the value; and whatever may be his proportion, it would naturally, too, belong to the proprietor of the mine, if tin was duty free. But if you add one-twentieth to onesixth, you will find that the whole average rent of the tin mines of Cornwall was to the whole average rent of the silver mines of Peru as thirteen to twelve. But the silver mines of Peru are not now able to pay even this low rent, and the tax upon silver was, in 1736, reduced from one-fifth to one- tenth. Even this tax upon silver, too, gives more temptation to smuggling than the tax of one-twentieth of

The Wealth

74

and smuggling must be much easier than in the bulky commodity. The tax of the King of Spain accordingly is said to be very ill paid, and that of the Duke

upon

tin;

in the precious

of Cornwall very well. Rent, therefore, it is probable, makes a greater part of the price of

mines than it does mines in the world. After replacing the stock employed in working those different mines, together with its ordinary profits, the residue which remains tin at the

most

of silver at the

fertile tin

most

fertile silver

to the proprietor is greater, it seems, in the coarse than in the precious metal. Neither are the profits of the undertakers of silver mines commonly very great in Peru. The same most respectable and well-informed authors acquaint us, that when any person undertakes to work a new mine in Peru, he is universally looked upon as a man destined to bankruptcy and ruin, and is upon that ac-

count shunned and avoided by everybody. Mining, it seems, is considered there in the same light as here, as a lottery, in which the prizes do not compensate the blanks, though the greatness of some tempts many adventurers to throw away their fortunes in such unprosperous projects. As the sovereign, however, derives a considerable part of his revenue from the produce of silver mines, the law in Peru gives every possible encouragement to the discovery and working of new ones. Whoever discovers a new mine is entitled to measure off two

hundred and forty-six feet in length, according to what he supposes to be the direction of the vein, and half as much in breadth. He becomes proprietor of this portion of the mine, and can work it without paying any acknowledgment to the landlord. The interest of the Duke of Cornwall has given occasion to a regulation nearly of the same kind in that ancient duchy. In waste and unenclosed lands any person who discovers a tin mine may mark out its limits to a certain extent, which is called bounding a mine. The bounder becomes the real proprietor of the mine, and may either work it himself, or give it in lease to another, without the consent of the owner of the land, to

whom, however, a very

small

acknowledgment must be paid upon working it. In both regulations the sacred rights of private property are sacrificed to the supposed interests of public revenue. The same encouragement is given in Peru to the discovery and working of new gold mines; and in gold the king's tax amounts only to a twentieth part of the standard metal. It was once a fifth, and afterwards a tenth, as in silver; but it was found that the work could not bear even the lowest of these two taxes. If it is rare, however, say the same authors, Frezier and Ulloa, to find a person who has

of Nations

made

his fortune rarer to find one

by a

silver, it is still

who has done

so

much

by a gold

mine. This twentieth part seems to be the whole rent which is paid by the greater part of the gold mines in Chili and Peru. Gold, too, is much more liable to be smuggled than even silver; not only on account of the superior value of the metal in proportion to its bulk, but on account of the peculiar way in which nature produces it. Silver is very seldom found virgin, but, like most other metals, is generally mineralized with some other body, from which it is impossible to separate it in such quantities as will pay for the expense, but by a very laborious and tedious operation, which cannot well be carried on but in workhouses erected for the purpose, and therefore exposed to the inspection of the king's officers. Gold, on the contrary, is almost always found virgin. It is

bulk;

most

some and alwith sand, earth, and

sometimes found

in pieces of

and even when mixed insensible particles

in small

other extraneous bodies, it can be separated from them by a very short and simple operation, which can be carried on in any private house by anybody who is possessed of a small quantity of mercury. If the king's tax, therefore, is but ill paid upon silver, it is likely to be much worse paid upon gold; and rent must make a much smaller part of the price of gold than even of that of silver. The lowest price at which the precious metals can be sold, or the smallest quantity of other goods for which they can be exchanged during any considerable time, is regulated by the same principles which fix the lowest ordinary price of all other goods. The stock which must commonly be employed, the food, the clothes, and lodging which must commonly be consumed in bringing them from the mine to the market, determine it. It must at least be sufficient to replace that stock, with the ordinary profits. Their highest price, however, seems not to

be necessarily determined by anything but the actual scarcity or plenty of those metals themselves. It is not determined by that of

any other commodity, in the same manner as the price of coals is by that of wood, beyond which no scarcity can ever raise it. Increase the scarcity of gold to a certain degree, and the smallest bit of it may become more precious than a diamond, and exchange for a greater quantity of other goods. The demand for those metals arises partly from their utility and partly from their beauty. If you except iron, they are more useful than, perhaps, any other metal. As they are less liable to rust and impurity, they can more easily be kept clean, and the utensils either of the table or the kitchen are often upon that

account more agreeable when made of them.

The Rent

A silver boiler is more cleanly than a lead, copper, or tin one; and the same quality would render a gold boiler still better than a silver one. Their principal merit, however, arises from their beauty, which renders them peculiarly fit for the ornaments of dress and furniture. No paint or dye can give so splendid a colour as gilding. The merit of their greatly enhanced by their scarcity. With the greater part of rich people, the chief enjoyment of riches consists in the parade of riches, which in their eye is never so complete as when they appear to possess those

beauty

is

decisive marks of opulence which nobody can possess but themselves. In their eyes the merit of an object which is in any degree either useful or beautiful is greatly enhanced by its scarcity, or by the great labour which it requires to collect any considerable quantity of it, a labour which nobody can afford to pay but themselves. Such objects they are willing to purchase at a higher price than things much more beautiful and useful, but more

common. These

qualities of utility, beauty, scarcity, are the original foundation of the high price of those metals, or of the great quantity of other goods for which they can

and

everywhere be exchanged. This value was antecedent to and independent of their being employed as coin, and was the quality which fitted them for that employment. That employment, however, by occasioning a new demand, and by diminishing the quantity which could be employed in any other way, may have afterwards contributed to keep up or increase their value.

The demand for the precious stones arises altogether from their beauty. They are of no use but as ornaments; and the merit of their beauty is greatly enhanced by their scarcity, or by the difficulty and expense of getting them from the mine. Wages and profit accordingly make up, upon most occasions, almost the whole of their high price. Rent comes in but for a very small share; frequently for no share; and the most fertile mines only afford any considerable rent. When Tavernier, a jeweller, visited the diamond mines of Golconda and Visiapour, he was informed that the sovereign of the country, for whose benethey were wrought, had ordered all of them to be shut up, except those which yield the largest and finest stones. The others, it seems, were to the proprietor not worth the working. As the price both of the precious metals and of the precious stones is regulated all over the world by their price at the most fertile mine in it, the rent which a mine of either can afford to its proprietor is in proportion, not to its absolute, but to what may be called its relative fertility, or to its superiority over other mines of the same kind. If new mines fit

of

Land

75

were discovered as much superior to those of Potosi as they were superior to those of Europe, the value of silver might be so much degraded as to render even the mines of Potosi not worth the working. Before the discovery of the Spanish West Indies, the most fertile mines in Europe may have afforded as great a rent to their proprietor as the richest mines in Peru do at present. Though the

quantity of silver was much less, it might have exchanged for an equal quantity of other goods, and the proprietor's share might have

enabled him to purchase or command an equal quantity either of labour or of commodities. The value both of the produce and of the rent, the real revenue which they afforded both to the public and to the proprietor, might have been the same. The most abundant mines either of the precious metals or of the precious stones could add little to the wealth of the world. A produce of which the value is principally derived from its scarcity, is necessarily degraded by its abundance. A service of plate, and the other frivolous ornaments of dress and furniture, could be purchased for a smaller quantity of labour, or for a smaller quantity of commodities; and in this would consist the sole advantage which the world could derive from that abundance. It is otherwise in estates above ground. The value both of their produce and of their rent is in proportion to their absolute, and not to their relative fertility. The land which produces a certain quantity of food, clothes, and lodging, can always feed, clothe, and lodge a certain number of people; and whatever may be the proportion of the landlord, it will always give him a proportionable command of the labour of those people, and of the commodities with which that labour can supply him. The value of the most barren lands is not diminished by the neighbourhood of the

most

fertile.

On

the contrary,

it

is

generally

by it. The great number of people maintained by the fertile lands afford a marincreased

many parts of the produce of the barwhich they could never have found among those whom their own produce could main-

ket to ren,

tain.

Whatever increases the fertility of land in producing food increases not only the value of the lands upon which the improvement is bestowed, but contributes likewise to increase that of many other lands by creating a new for their produce. That abundance of food, of which, in consequence of the improvement of land, many people have the disposal beyond what they themselves can consume, is the great cause of the demand both for the precious metals and the precious stone, as well as for every other conveniency

demand

The Wealth

76

of Nations

and ornament of dress, lodging, household furand equipage. Food not only consti-

niture,

tutes the principal part of the riches of the world, but it is the abundance of food which gives the principal part of their value to many other sorts of riches. The poor inhabitants of St. Domingo, when they were first discovered by the Spaniards, used to wear little bits of gold as ornaments in their hair and other parts of their dress. They seemed to value them as we would do any little pebbles of somewhat more than ordinary beauty, and to consider them as just worth the picking up, but not worth the refusing to

Cuba and

to their new guests at the first request, without seeming to think that they had made them any very valuable present. They were astonished to observe the rage of the Spaniards to obtain them; and had no notion that there could anywhere be a country in which many people had the disposal of so great a superfluity of food, so scanty always among themselves, that for a very small quantity of those glittering baubles they would willingly give as much as might maintain a whole family for many years. Could they have been made to understand this, the passion of the Spaniards would not have surprised them.

anybody who asked them. They gave them

Part

3

Of the Variations in the Proportion between the respective Values of that Sort of Produce which always affords Rent, and of that which sometimes does and sometimes does not afford Rent

But the market for the produce of a mine may extend over the whole known

The increasing abundance of food, in consequence of increasing improvement and culti

trict.

necessarily increase the demand produce of land which is not food, and which can be applied either to use or to ornament. In the whole progress of improvement, it might therefore be expected, there should be only one variation in the comparative values of those two different sorts of produce. The value of that sort which

world. Unless the world in general, therefore, be advancing in improvement and population, the demand for silver might not be at all increased by the improvement even of a large country in the neighbourhood of the mine. Even though the world in general were improving, yet if, in the course of its improvement, new mines should be discovered, much

sometimes does and sometimes does not

more

vation,

must

for every part of the

af-

ford rent, should constantly rise in proportion to that which always affords some rent. As art and industry advance, the materials of clothing and lodging, the useful fossils and minerals of the earth, the precious metals and the precious stones should gradually come to be more and more in demand, should gradually exchange for a greater and a greater quantity of food, or in other words, should gradually become dearer and dearer. This accordingly has been the case with most of these things upon most occasions, and would have been the case with all of them upon all occasions, if particular accidents had not upon some occasions increased the supply of some of them in a still greater proportion than the

demand. of a free-stone quarry, for examwith the increasing improvement and population of the country round about it, especially if it should be

The value

ple, will necessarily increase

the only one in the neighbourhood. But the value of a silver mine, even though there should not be another within a thousand miles of it, will not necessarily increase with the improvement of the country in which it is situated. The market for the produce of a freestone quarry can seldom extend more than a few miles round about it, and the demand must generally be in proportion to the improvement and population of that small dis-

silver

fertile

than any which had been known

before, though the demand for silver would necessarily increase, yet the supply might increase in so much a greater proportion that the real price of that metal might gradually fall;

that

is,

any given quantity, a pound

weight of it, for example, might gradually purchase or command a smaller and a smaller quantity of labour, or exchange for a smaller and a smaller quantity of corn, the principal part of the subsistence of the labourer. The great market for silver is the commercial and civilised part of the world. If by the general progress of improvement the demand of this market should increase, while at the same time the supply did not increase in the same proportion, the value of silver would gradually rise in proportion to that of corn. Any given quantity of silver would exchange for a greater and a greater quantity of corn; or, in other words, the average money price of corn would gradually become cheaper and cheaper. If, on the contrary, the supply by some accident should increase for many years together in a greater proportion than the demand, that metal would gradually become cheaper and cheaper; or, in other words, the average money price of corn would, in spite of all improvements, gradually become dearer

and dearer. But if, on the other hand, the supply

of the

The Rent metal should increase nearly in the same proportion as the demand, it would continue to purchase or exchange for nearly the same quantity of corn, and the average money price of corn would, in spite of all improvements, continue very nearly the same. These three seem to exhaust all the possible combinations of events which can happen in the progress of improvement; and during the course of the four centuries preceding the present, if we may judge by what has hap-

France and Great Britain, each seem to have taken place in the European market, and nearly in the same order, too, in which I have here set them down.

pened both

in

of those three different combinations

DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE VARIATIONS IN THE VALUE OF SILVER DURING THE COURSE OF THE FOUR LAST CENTURIES FIRST PERIOD

In 1350, and some time before, the average price of the quarter of wheat in England seems not to have been estimated lower than four ounces of silver, Tower weight, equal to about twenty shillings of our present money. From this price it seems to have fallen gradually to two ounces of silver, equal to about ten shillings of our present money, the price at which we find it estimated in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and at which it seems to have continued to be estimated till about for

1570.

In 1350, being the 25th of Edward III, was enacted what is called The Statute of Labourers. In the preamble it complains much of the insolence of raise their

servants,

wages upon

who endeavoured to their masters. It there-

fore ordains that all servants and labourers should for the future be contented with the same wages and liveries (liveries in those times signified not only clothes but provisions) which they had been accustomed to receive in the 20th year of the king, and the four preceding years; that upon this account their livery wheat should nowhere be estimated higher than tenpence a bushel, and that it should always be in the option of the master to deliver them either the wheat or the money. Tenpence a bushel, therefore, had, in the 25th of Edward III, been reckoned a very moderate price of wheat, since it required a particular statute to oblige servants to accept of it in exchange for their usual livery of provisions; and it had been reckoned a reasonable price ten years before that, or in the 16th year of the king, the term to which the statute refers. But in the 16th year of Edward III, tenpence contained about half an ounce of silver, Tower weight, and was nearly equal to

of

Land

77

half-a-crown of our present money. Four ounces of silver, Tower weight, therefore, equal to six shillings and eightpence of the money of those times, and to near twenty shillings of that of the present, must have been reckoned a moderate price for the quarter of eight bushels. This statute

surely a better evidence of in those times a moderate price of grain than the prices of some particular years which have generally been recorded by historians and other writers on account of their extraordinary dearness or cheapness, and from which, therefore, it is difficult to form any judgment concerning what may have been the ordinary price. There are, besides, other reasons for believing that in the beginning of the fourteenth century, and for some time before, the common price of wheat was not less than four ounces of silver the quarter, and that of other grain in proportion. In 1309, Ralph de Born, prior of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, gave a feast upon his installation-day, of which William Thorn has preserved not only the bill of fare but the prices of many particulars. In that feast were consumed, first, fifty-three quarters of wheat, which cost nineteen pounds, or seven shillings and twopence a quarter, equal to about oneand-twenty shillings and sixpence of our present money; secondly, fifty-eight quarters of malt, which cost seventeen pounds ten shillings, or six shillings a quarter, equal to about eighteen shillings of our present money; thirdly, twenty quarters of oats, which cost four pounds, or four shillings a quarter, equal to about twelve shillings of our present money. The prices of malt and oats seem here to be higher than their ordinary proportion to the price of wheat. These prices are not recorded on account of their extraordinary dearness or cheapness, but are mentioned accidentally as the prices actually paid for large quantities of grain consumed at a feast which was famous for its magnificence. In 1262, being the 51st of Henry III, was revived an ancient statute called The Assize of Bread and Ale, which the king says in the preamble had been made in the times of his progenitors, sometime kings of England. It is probably, therefore, as old at least as the is

what was reckoned

time of his grandfather Henry II, and may have been as old as the Conquest. It regulates the price of bread according as the prices of wheat may happen to be, from one shilling to twenty shillings the quarter of the money of those times.

But

statutes of this kind are gen-

presumed to provide with equal tare for all deviations from the middle price, for those below it as well as for those above it. Ten

erally

The Wealth

78

ounces of shillings, therefore, containing silver, Tower weight, and equal to about thirty shillings of our present money, must, upon this supposition, have been reckoned the middle price of the quarter of wheat when this six

was first enacted, and must have continued to be so in the 51st of Henry III. We cannot therefore be very wrong in supposing that the middle price was not less than onethird of the highest price at which this statute regulates the price of bread, or than six shillings and eightpence of the money of those times, containing four ounces of silver, Tower weight. From these different facts, therefore, we seem to have some reason to conclude that, about the middle of the fourteenth century, and for a considerable time before, the average or ordinary price of the quarter of wheat was not supposed to be less than four ounces of silver, Tower weight. From about the middle of the fourteenth to the beginning of the sixteenth century, what was reckoned the reasonable and moderate, that is the ordinary or average price of wheat, seems to have sunk gradually to about one-half of this price; so as at last to have statute

fallen to

about two ounces of

silver,

Tower

weight, equal to about ten shillings of our present money. It continued to be estimated at this price till about 1570. In the household book of Henry, the fifth Earl of Northumberland, drawn up in 1512, there are two different estimations of wheat. In one of them it is computed at six shillings and eightpence the quarter, in the other at five shillings and eightpence only. In 1512, six shillings and eightpence contained only two ounces of silver, Tower weight, and were equal to about ten shillings of our present money. From the 25th of Edward III to the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth, during the space of more than two hundred years, six shillings and eightpence, it appears from sev-

had continued to be called the moderate and

eral different statutes,

considered as what is reasonable, that is the ordinary or average price of wheat. The quantity of silver, however, contained in that nominal sum was, during the course of this period, continually diminishing, in consequence of some alterations which were made in the coin. But the increase of the value of silver had, it seems, so far compensated the diminution of the quantity of it contained in the same nominal sum that the legislature did not think it worth while to attend to this circumstance. Thus in 1436 it was enacted that wheat might be exported without a licence when the price was so low as six shillings and eightpence; and in 1463 it was enacted that no wheat should be imported if the price was not

of Nations

above

and eightpence the quarter. had imagined that when the price was so low there could be no inconven-

The

six shillings

legislature

iency in exportation, but that when it rose higher it became prudent to allow importation. Six shillings and eightpence, therefore, containing about the same quantity of silver as thirteen shillings and fourpence of our present money (one third part less than the same nominal sum contained in the time of Edward III) had in those times been considered as what is called the moderate and reasonable ,

price of wheat.

In 1554, by the 1st and 2nd of Philip and

Mary; and

in 1558, by the 1st of Elizabeth, the exportation of wheat was in the same manner prohibited, whenever the price of the quarter should exceed six shillings and eightpence, which did not then contain two pennyworth more silver than the same nominal sum does at present. But it had soon been found that to restrain the exportation of wheat till the price was so very low was, in reality, to prohibit it altogether. In 1562, therefore, by the 5th of Elizabeth, the exportation of wheat was allowed from certain ports whenever the price of the quarter should not exceed ten shillings, containing nearly the same quantity of silver as the like nominal sum does at present. This price had at this time, therefore, been considered as what is called the moderate and reasonable price of wheat. It agrees nearly with the estimation of the Northumberland book in 1512. That in France the average price of grain was, in the same manner, much lower in the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century than in the two centuries preceding has been observed both by Mr. Dupre de St. Maur, and by the elegant author of the Essay on the police of grain. Its price, during the same period, had probably sunk in the same manner through the greater part of

Europe. This rise in the value of

silver in proportion to that of corn, may either have been owing altogether to the increase of the demand for that metal, in consequence of increasing improvement and cultivation, the supply in the meantime continuing the same as before; or, the demand continuing the same as before, it may have been owing altogether to the gradual diminution of the supply; the greater

part of the mines which were then known in the world being much exhausted, and consequently the expense of working them much increased; or it may have been owing partly to the other of those two circumstances. In the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries, the greater part of Europe was approaching towards a more settled form of

government than

it

had enjoyed

for several

The Rent ages before. The increase of security would naturally increase industry and improvement; and the demand for the precious metals, as well as for every other luxury and ornament, would naturally increase with the increase of riches. A greater annual produce would require a greater quantity of coin to circulate it; and a greater number of rich people would require a greater quantity of plate and other ornaments of silver. It is natural to suppose, too, that the greater part of the mines which then supplied the European market with silver might be a good deal exhausted, and have become more expensive in the working. They had been wrought many of them from the time of the Romans. It has been the opinion, however, of the greater part of those who have written upon the price of commodities in ancient times that, from the Conquest, perhaps from the invasion of Julius Caesar till the discovery of the mines of America, the value of silver was continually diminishing. This opinion they seem to have been led into, partly by the observations which they had occasion to make upon the prices both of corn and of some other parts of the rude produce of land; and partly by the popular notion that as the quantity of silver naturally increases in every country with the increase of wealth, so its value diminishes as its quantity increases. In their observations upon the prices of corn, three different circumstances seem frequently to have misled them. First, in ancient times almost all rents were paid in kind; in a certain quantity of corn, cattle, poultry, etc. It sometimes happened, however, that the landlord would stipulate that he should be at liberty to demand of the tenant, either the annual payment in kind, or a certain sum of money instead of it. The price at which the payment in kind was in this manner exchanged for a certain sum of money is in Scotland called the conversion price. As the option is always in the landlord to take either the substance or the price, it is necessary for the safety of the tenant that the conversion price should rather be below than above the average market price. In many places, accordingly, it is not much above onehalf of this price. Through the greater part of Scotland this custom still continues with regard to poultry, and in some places with regard to cattle. It might probably have continued to take place, too, with regard to corn, had not the institution of the public fiars put an end to it. These are annual valuations, according to the judgment of an assize, of the average price of all the different sorts of grain, and of all the different qualities of each, according to the actual market price in every different county. This institution rendered it

of

Land

sufficiently

79 safe

more convenient

for

the tenant, and

much

for the landlord, to convert,

it, the corn rent, rather at what should happen to be the price of the fiars of each year, than at any certain fixed price. But the writers who have collected the prices of corn in ancient times seem frequently to have mistaken what is called in Scotland the conversion price for the actual market price. Fleetwood acknowledges, upon one occasion, that he had made this mistake. As he wrote his book, however, for a particular purpose, he does not think proper to make this acknowledgment till after transcribing this conversion price fifteen times. The price is eight shillings the quarter of wheat. This sum in 1423, the year at which he begins with it, contained the same quantity of silver as sixteen shillings of our present money. But in 1562, the year at which he ends with it, it contained no more than the same nominal sum does at present. Secondly, they have been misled by the slovenly manner in which some ancient statutes of assize had been sometimes transcribed

as they call

by lazy copiers; and sometimes perhaps tually composed by the legislature.

ac-

The ancient statutes of assize seem to have begun always with determining what ought to be the price of bread and ale when the price of wheat and barley were at the lowest, and to have proceeded gradually to determine what it ought to be, according as the prices of those two sorts of grain should gradually rise above this lowest price. But the transcribers of those statutes seem frequently to have thought it sufficient to copy the regulation as far as the three or four first and lowest prices, saving in this manner their own labour, and judging, I suppose, that this was enough to show what proportion ought to be observed in all higher prices.

Thus in the Assize of Bread and Ale, of the 51st of Henry III, the price of bread was regulated according to the different prices of wheat, from one shilling to twenty shillings the quarter, of the

money

of those times.

But

manuscripts from which all the different editions of the statutes, preceding that of Mr. Ruffhead, were printed, the copiers had never transcribed this regulation beyond the price of twelve shillings. Several writers, therefore, being misled by this faulty transcription, very naturally concluded that the middle in the

price, or six shillings the quarter, equal to about eighteen shillings of our present money,

was the ordinary or average

price of

wheat at

that time. In the Statute of Tumbrel and Pillory, enacted nearly about the same time, the price of ale is regulated according to every sixpence rise in the price of barley, from two

The Wealth

80

shillings to four shillings the quarter. That four shillings, however, was not considered as the highest price to which barley might frequently rise in those times, and that these prices were only given as an example of the

proportion which ought to be observed in all other prices, whether higher or lower, we may infer from the last words of the statute: et sic deinceps crescetur vel diminuetur per sex denarios. The expression is very slovenly, but the meaning is plain enough: "That the price of ale is in this manner to be increased or diminished according to every sixpence rise or fall in the price of barley." In the composition of this statute the legislature itself seems to have been as negligent as the copiers were in the transcription of the others. In an ancient manuscript of the Regiam Majestatem, an old Scotch law book, there is a statute of assize in which the price of bread is regulated according to all the different prices of wheat, from tenpence to three shillings the Scotch boll, equal to about half an English quarter. Three shillings Scotch, at the time when this assize is supposed to have been enacted were equal to about nine shillings sterling of our present money. Mr. Ruddiman seems to conclude from this, that three shillings was the highest price to which wheat ever rose in those times, and that tenpence, a shilling, or at most two shillings, were the ordinary prices. Upon consulting the manu1 script, however, it appears evidently that all these prices are only set down as examples of the proportion which ought to be observed between the respective prices of wheat and bread. The last words of the statute are: reliqua judicabis secundum prcescripta ha-

bendo respectum ad pretium

bladi.

"You

judge of the remaining cases according to what is above written, having a respect to shall

the price of corn." Thirdly, they seem to have been misled, too, by the very low price at which wheat was sometimes sold in very ancient times; and to have imagined that as its lowest price was

then much lower than in later times, its ordinary price must likewise have been much lower. They might have found, however, that in those ancient times its highest price was fully as much above, as its lowest price was below anything that had even been known in later times.

Thus

in 1270,

Fleetwood gives

us two prices of the quarter of wheat. The one is four pounds sixteen shillings of the money of those times, equal to fourteen pounds eight shillings of that of the present; the other is six pounds eight shillings, equal to nineteen pounds four shillings of our present money. No price can be found in the end 1

See his preface to Anderson's Diplomata, Scotia.

etc.,

of Nations of the fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth century, which approaches to the extrava-

gance of these. The price of corn, though at all times liable to variation, varies most in those turbulent and disorderly societies, in which the interruption of all commerce and communication hinders the plenty of one part of the country from relieving the scarcity of another. In the disorderly state of England under the Plantagenets, who governed it from about the middle of the twelfth till towards the end of the fifteenth century, one district might be in plenty, while another at no great distance, by having its crop destroyed either by some accident of the seasons, or by the incursion of some neighbouring baron, might be suffering all the horrors of a famine; and yet if the lands of some hostile lord were interposed between them, the one might not be able to give the least assistance to the

Under the vigorous administration of the Tudors, who governed England during the latter part of the fifteenth and through the whole of the sixteenth century, no baron was powerful enough to dare to disturb the public security. The reader will find at the end of this chapter all the prices of wheat which have been collected by Fleetwood from 1202 to 1597, both inclusive, reduced to the money of the present times, and digested according to the order of time, into seven divisions of twelve years each. At the end of each division, too, he will find the average price of the twelve years of which it consists. In that long period of time, Fleetwood has been able to collect the prices of no more than eighty years, so that four years are wanting to make out the last twelve years. I have added, therefore, from the accounts of Eton college, the prices of 1598, 1599, 1600, and 1601. It is the only addition which I have made. The reader will see that from the beginning of the thirteenth till after the middle of the sixteenth century the average price of each twelve years grows gradually lower and lower; and that towards the end of the sixteenth century it begins to rise again. The prices, indeed, which Fleetwood has been able to collect, seem to have been those chiefly which were remarkable for extraordinary dearness or cheapness; and I do not pretend that any very certain concluother.

sion can be drawn from them. ever, as they prove anything at

So

far,

how-

they confirm the account which I have been endeavouring to give. Fleetwood himself, however, seems, with most other writers, to have believed that during all this period the value of silver, in consequence of its increasing abundance,

was

continually

all,

diminishing.

The

prices of corn which he himself has collected certainly do not agree with this opinion. They

The Rent

of

Land

81

agree perfectly with that of Mr. Dupre de St. Maur, and with that which I have been

them in much greater quantities than the consumption of the inhabitants requires. In

endeavouring to explain. Bishop Fleetwood and Mr. Dupre' de St. Maur are the two authors who seem to have collected, with the

such a state of things the supply commonly exceeds the demand. In different states of so-

greatest diligence and fidelity, the prices of things in ancient times. It is somewhat curious that, though their opinions are so very different, their facts, so far as they relate to the price of corn at least, should coincide so very exactly. It is not, however, so much from the low price of corn as from that of some other parts of the rude produce of land that the most judicious writers have inferred the great value of silver in those very ancient times. Corn, it has been said, being a sort of manufacture, was, in those rude ages, much dearer in proportion than the greater part of other commodities; it is meant, I suppose, than the greater part of unmanufactured commodities, such as cattle, poultry, game of all kinds, etc. That in those times of poverty and barbarism these were proportionally much cheaper than is undoubtedly true. But this cheapness was not the effect of the high value of silver,

corn

but of the low value of those commodities. It was not because silver would in such times purchase or represent a greater quantity of labour, but because such commodities would purchase or represent a much smaller quantity than in times of more opulence and improvement. Silver must certainly be cheaper in Spanish America than in Europe; in the country where it is produced than in the country to which it is brought, at the expense of a long carriage both by land and by sea, of a freight and an insurance. One-and-twenty pence halfpenny sterling, however, we are told by Ulloa, was, not many years ago, at Buenos Ayres, the price of an ox chosen from a herd of three or four hundred. Sixteen shillings sterling,

we

are told

by Mr. Byron

was the price of a good horse

in the capital of Chili. In a country naturally fertile, but of which the far greater part is altogether uncultivated, cattle, poultry, game of all kinds, etc., as they can be acquired with a very small quantity of labour, so they will purchase or command but a very small quantity.

The low money

price for which they may be sold is no proof that the real value of silver is there very high, but that the real value of

those commodities

is very low. Labour, it must always be remembered, and not any particular commodity or set of commodities, is the real measure of the value both of silver and of all other commodities. But in countries almost waste, or but thin-

ly inhabited, cattle, poultry,

game

of all kinds,

they are the spontaneous productions of nature, so she frequently produces etc.,

as

in different stages of improvement, therefore, such commodities will represent, or

ciety,

be equivalent

to,

very different quantities of

labour.

In every state of society, in every stage of is the production of human industry. But the average produce of every sort of industry is always suited, more or less exactly, to the average consumption; the average supply to the average demand. In every different stage of improvement, besides, the raising of equal quantities of corn in the

improvement, corn

same soil and climate will, at an average, require nearly equal quantities of labour; or what comes to the same thing, the price of nearly equal quantities; the continual increase of the productive powers of labour in an improving state of cultivation being more or less counterbalanced by the continually increasing price of cattle, the principal instruments of agriculture. Upon all these accounts, therefore, we may rest assured that equal quantities of corn will, in every state of society, in every stage of improvement, more nearly represent, or be equivalent to, equal quantities of labour than equal quantities of any other part of the rude produce of land. Corn, accordingly, it has already been observed, is, in all the different stages of wealth and improvement, a more accurate measure of value than any other commodity or set of commodities. In all those different stages, therefore, we can judge better of the real value of silver by comparing it with corn than by comparing it with any other commodity or set of commodities.

Corn, besides, or whatever else is the comfavourite vegetable food of the people, constitutes, in every civilised country, the principal part of the subsistence of the labourer. In consequence of the extension of agriculture, the land of every country produces a much greater quantity of vegetable than of animal food, and the labourer everywhere lives chiefly upon the wholesome food that is cheapest and most abundant. Butcher's meat, except in the most thriving countries, or where labour is most highly rewarded, makes but an insignificant part of his subsistence; poultry makes a still smaller part of it, and game no part of it. In France, and even in Scotland, where labour is somewhat better rewarded than in France, the labouring poor seldom eat butcher's meat, except upon holidays, and other extraordinary occa-

mon and

sions.

The money

price of labour, therefore,

depends much more upon the average money price of corn, the subsistence of the labourer,

The Wealth

82

than upon that of butcher's meat, or of any other part of the rude produce of land. The real value of gold and silver, therefore, the real quantity of labour which they can purchase or command, depends much more upon the quantity of corn which they can purchase or command than upon that of butcher's meat, or any other part of the rude produce of land.

Such

slight observations,

however, upon the

prices either of corn or of other commodities, would not probably have misled so many intelligent authors had they not been influenced,

at the same time, by the popular notion, that as the quantity of silver naturally increases in every country with the increase of wealth, so its value diminishes as its quantity inhowever, seems to be altogether groundless. The quantity of the precious metals may increase in any country from two different creases. This notion,

causes; either, first, dance of the mines

from the increased abunwhich supply it; or, sec-

ondly, from the increased wealth of the peofrom the increased produce of their annual labour. The first of these causes is no doubt necessarily connected with the diminution of the value of the precious metals, but the second is not. When more abundant mines are discovered, a greater quantity of the precious metals is brought to market, and the quantity of the necessaries and conveniencies of life for which they must be exchanged being the same as before, equal quantities of the metals must be exchanged for smaller quantities of commodities. So far, therefore, as the increase of the quantity of the precious metals in any country arises from the increased abundance of the mines, it is necessarily connected with some diminution of their value. When, on the contrary, the wealth of any country increases, when the annual produce of its labour becomes gradually greater and greater, a greater quantity of coin becomes necessary in order to circulate a greater quantity of commodities; and the people, as they can afford it, as they have more commodities to give for it, will naturally purchase a greater and a greater quantity of plate. The quantity of their coin will increase from necessity; the quantity of their plate from vanity and ostentation, or from the same reason that the ple,

quantity of fine statues, pictures, and of every other luxury and curiosity, is likely to increase among them. But as statuaries and painters are not likely to be worse rewarded in times of wealth and prosperity than in times of poverty and depression, so gold and silver are not likely to be worse paid for.

The price of gold and silver, when the accidental discovery of more abundant mines does

of Nations not keep it down, as it naturally rises with the wealth of every country, so, whatever be the state of the mines, it is at all times naturally higher in a rich than in a poor coun-

Gold and

silver, like all other commodinaturally seek the market where the best price is given for them, and the best price is commonly given for every thing in the country which can best afford it. Labour, it must be remembered, is the ultimate price which is paid for everything, and in countries where labour is equally well regarded, the money price of labour will be in proportion to that of the subsistence of the labourer. But gold and silver will naturally exchange for a greater quantity of subsistence in a rich than in a poor country, in a country which abounds with subsistence than in one which is but indifferently supplied with it. If the two countries are at a great distance, the difference may be very great; because though the metals naturally fly from the worse to the better market, yet it may be difficult to transport them in such quantities as to bring their price nearly to a level in both. If the countries are near, the difference will be smaller, and may sometimes be scarce perceptible; because in this case the transportation will be easy. China is a much richer country than any part of Europe, and the difference between the price of subsistence in China and

try.

ties,

in

Europe

is

very great. Rice

in

China

is

much cheaper than wheat is anywhere in Europe. England is a much richer country than Scotland; but the difference between the money-price of corn in those two countries is much smaller, and is but just perceptible. In proportion to the quantity or measure, Scotch corn generally appears to be a good deal cheaper than English; but in proportion to its quality, it is certainly somewhat dearer. Scotland receives almost every year very large supplies from England, and every commodity must commonly be somewhat dearer in the country to which it is brought than in that from which it comes. English corn, therefore, must be dearer in Scotland than in England, and yet in proportion to its quality, or to the quantity and goodness of the flour or

meal which can be made from it, it cannot commonly be sold higher there than the Scotch corn which comes to market in competition

with

it.

between the money price of labour in China and in Europe is still greater than that between the money price of subsistence; because the real recompense of labour is higher in Europe than in China, the greater part of Europe being in an improving state, while China seems to be standing still. The money price of labour is lower in Scotland than in England because the real

The

difference

The Rent much

lower; Scotland, recompense though advancing to greater wealth, advancing much more slowly than England. The frequency of emigration from Scotland, and the of labour

rarity of

it

is

from England,

sufficiently

prove

that the demand for labour is very different in the two countries. The proportion between the real recompense of labour in different countries, it must be remembered, is naturally regulated not by their actual wealth or poverty, but by their advancing, stationary, or declining condition. Gold and silver, as they are naturally of the greatest value among the richest, so they are naturally of the least value among the poorest nations. Among savages, the poorest of all nations, they are of scarce any value. In great towns corn is always dearer than in remote parts of the country. This, however, is the effect, not of the real cheapness of silver, but of the real dearness of corn. It does not cost less labour to bring silver to the great town than to the remote parts of the country; but it costs a great deal more to bring corn.

In some very rich and commercial counsuch as Holland and the territory of Genoa, corn is dear for the same reason that it is dear in great towns. They do not produce enough to maintain their inhabitants. tries,

They

are rich in the industry and

skill

of

and manufacturers; in every sort of machinery which can facilitate and abridge labour; in shipping, and in all the other instruments and means of carriage and commerce; but they are poor in corn, which, as it must be brought to them from distant countries, must, by an addition to its price, pay for the carriage from those countries. It their artificers

does not cost

less

labour to bring silver to

Amsterdam than to Dantzic; but it costs a great deal more to bring corn. The real cost of silver must be nearly the same in both places; but that of corn must be very differDiminish the real opulence either of Holland or of the territory of Genoa, while the number of their inhabitants remains the same: diminish their power of supplying themselves from distant countries; and the price of corn, instead of sinking with that diminution in the quantity of their silver, which must necessarily accompany this deent.

clension either as its cause or as its effect, will rise to the price of a famine. When we are in want of necessaries we must part with all superfluities, of which the value, as it rises in times of opulence and prosperity, so it sinks in times of poverty and distress. It is otherwise with necessaries. Their real price, the quantity of labour which they can purchase or command, rises in times of poverty and distress, and sinks in times of opulence

of

Land

83

and prosperity, which are always times

of

great abundance; for they could not otherwise be times of opulence and prosperity. Corn is a necessary, silver is only a superfluity.

Whatever, therefore, may have been the increase in the quantity of the precious metals, which, during the period between the middle of the fourteenth and that of the sixteenth century, arose from the increase of wealth and improvement, it could have no tendency to diminish their value either in Great Britain or in any other part of Europe. If those who have collected the prices of things in ancient times, therefore, had, during this period, no reason to infer the diminution of the value of silver, from any observations which they had made upon the prices either of corn or of other commodities, they had still less reason to infer it from any supposed increase of wealth and improvement. SECOND PERIOD But how various soever may have been the opinions of the learned concerning the progress of the value of silver during this first period, they are unanimous concerning it during the second. From about 1570 to about 1640, during a period of about seventy years, the variation in the proportion between the value of silver and that of corn held a quite opposite course. Silver sunk in its real value, or would exchange for a smaller quantity of labour than before; and corn rose in its nominal price, and instead of being commonly sold for about two ounces of silver the quarter, or about ten shillings of our present money, came to be sold for six and eight ounces of silver the quarter, or about thirty and forty shillings of our present money. The discovery of the abundant mines of America seems to have been the sole cause of this diminution in the value of silver in proportion to that of corn. It is accounted for accordingly in the

same manner by every-

body; and there never has been any dispute either about the fact or about the cause of it. The greater part of Europe was, during this period, advancing in industry and improvement, and the demand for silver must consequently have been increasing. But the increase of the supply had, it seems, so far exceeded that of the demand, that the value of that metal sunk considerably. The discovery of the mines of America, it is to be observed, does not seem to have had any very sensible effect upon the prices of things in England till after 1570; though even the mines of Potosi had been discovered more than twenty years before.

From

1595

to

1620,

both inclusive, the

The Wealth

84

average price of the quarter of nine bushels of the best wheat at Windsor market appears, from the accounts of Eton College, to have been £2 Is. 6 3/4d. From which sum, neglecting the fraction, and deducting a ninth, or 4s. iVsd., the price of the quarter of eight bushels comes out to have been £1 16s. 10%d. And from this sum, neglecting likewise the fraction, and deducting a ninth, or 4s. Id., for the difference between the price of the best wheat and that of the middle wheat, the price of the middle wheat comes out to have been about £1 12s. 9d., or about six ounces and one-third of an ounce of silver. From 1621 to 1636, both inclusive, the average price of the same measure of the best

wheat at the same market appears, from the same accounts, to have been £2. 10s.; from which making the like deductions as in the foregoing case, the average price of the quarter of eight bushels of middle wheat comes out to have been £1 19s. 6d., or about seven ounces and two-thirds of an ounce of silver.

THIRD PERIOD

Between 1630 and 1640,

or about 1636, the mines of America in reducing the value of silver appears to have been completed, and the value of that metal seems never to have sunk lower in proportion to that of corn than it was about that time. It seems to have risen somewhat in the course of the present century, and it had probably begun to do so even some time be-

effect of the discovery of the

fore the

end

of the last.

From 1637

to 1700, both inclusive, being the sixty-four last years of the last century, the average price of the quarter of nine bushels of the best wheat at Windsor market appears, from the same accounts, to have been £2 lis. OVad., which is only Is 0M?d. dearer than it had been during the sixteen years before. But in the course of these sixty-four years there happened two events which must have produced a much greater scarcity of corn than what the course of the seasons would otherwise have occasioned, and which, therefore, without supposing any further reduction in the value of silver, will much more than account for this very small enhancement

of Nations ket appears, from the same accounts, to have 5s., and in 1649 to have been £4 the quarter of nine bushels. The excess of those two years above £2 10s. (the average price of the sixteen years preceding 1637) is £3 5s.; which divided among the sixty-four last years of the last century will alone very nearly account for that small enhancement of price which seems to have taken place in them. These, however, though the highest, are by no means the only high prices which seem to have been occasioned by the civil wars. The second event was the bounty upon the exportation of corn granted in 1688. The bounty, it has been thought by many people, by encouraging tillage, may, in a long course of years, have occasioned a greater abundance, and consequently a greater cheapness of corn in the home-market than what would otherwise have taken place there. How far the bounty could produce this effect at any time, I shall examine hereafter; I shall only observe at present that, between 1688 and 1700, it had not time to produce any such effect. During this short period its only effect must have been, by encouraging the exportation of the surplus produce of every year, and thereby hindering the abundance of one year from compensating the scarcity of another, to raise the price in the homemarket. The scarcity which prevailed in England from 1693 to 1699, both inclusive, though no doubt principally owing to the badness of the seasons, and, therefore, extending through a considerable part of Eu-

been £4

must have been somewhat enhanced by the bounty. In 1699, accordingly, the further exportation of corn was prohibited rope,

corn much above what the course of the seasons would otherwise have occasioned. It

months. There was a third event which occurred in the course of the same period, and which, though it could not occasion any scarcity of corn, nor, perhaps, any augmentation in the real quantity of silver which was usually paid for it, must necessarily have occasioned some augmentation in the nominal sum. This event was the great debasement of the silver coin, by clipping and wearing. This evil had begun in the reign of Charles II and had gone on continually increasing till 1695; at which time, as we may learn from Mr. Lowndes, the current silver coin was, at an average, near fiveand-twenty per cent below its standard value. But the nominal sum which constitutes the market price of every commodity is neces-

this effect more or less at all the different markets in the kingdom, but particularly at those in the neighbourhood of London, which require to be supplied from the greatest distance. In 1648, accordingly, the price of the best wheat at Windsor mar-

sarily regulated, not so much by the quantity of silver, which, according to the standard, ought to be contained in it, as by that which, it is found by experience, actually is contained in it. This nominal sum, therefore, is necessarily higher when the coin is much

of price.

The first of these events was the civil war, which, by discouraging tillage and interrupting commerce,

must have had

must have

raised the price of

for nine

The Rent

of

Land

debased by clipping and wearing than when near to its standard value. In the course of the present century, the silver coin has not at any time been more below its standard weight than it is at present. But though very much defaced, its value has been kept up by that of the gold coin for which it is exchanged. For though before the late recoinage, the gold coin was a good deal defaced too, it was less so than the silver. In 1695, on the contrary, the value of the silver coin was not kept up by the gold coin; a guinea then commonly exchanging for thirty shillings of the worn and dipt silver. Before

about

the late recoinage of the gold, the price of silver bullion was seldom higher than five shillings and sevenpence an ounce, which is but fivepence above the mint price. But in 1695, the common price of silver bullion was 1 six shillings and fivepence an ounce, which is fifteenpence above the mint price. Even before the late recoinage of the gold, therefore, the coin, gold and silver together, when compared with silver bullion, was not supposed to be more than eight per cent below its standard value. In 1695, on the contrary, it had been supposed to be near five-andtwenty per cent below that value. But in the beginning of the present century, that is, immediately after the great recoinage in King William's time, the greater part of the current silver coin must have been still nearer to its standard weight than it is at present. In the course of the present century, too, there has been no great public calamity, such as the civil war, which could either discourage tillage, or interrupt the interior commerce of the country. And though the bounty, which has taken place through the greater part of this century, must always raise the price of corn somewhat higher than it otherwise would be in the actual state of tillage; yet as, in the course of this century, the bounty has had full time to produce all the good effects commonly imputed to it, to encourage tillage, and thereby to increase the quantity of corn in the home market, it may, upon the principles of a system which I shall explain and examine hereafter, be supposed to have done something to lower the price of that commodity the one way, as well as to raise it the other. It is by many people supposed to have done more. In the sixty-four first years of the present century accordingly the average price of the quarter of nine bushels of the best wheat at Windsor market appears, by the accounts of Eton College, to have been £2 os. 6 1/2d., which is about ten shillings and sixpence, or more than five-and-twenty per cent, cheaper than it had been during the sixty-four last years of the last century; and

risen

1

Lowndes' Essay on the Silver Coin,

p. 68.

9s. 6d.

85 cheaper than

it

had been during

the sixteen years preceding 1636, when the discovery of the abundant mines of America

may

be supposed to have produced its full and about one shilling cheaper than it had been in the twenty-six years preceding 1620, before that discovery can well be supposed to have produced its full effect. According to this account, the average price of middle wheat, during these sixty-four first years of the present century, comes out to have been about thirty-two shillings the quar-

effect;

ter of eight bushels.

The value of silver, therefore, seems somewhat in proportion to that

to have of corn

during the course of the present century, and it had probably begun to do so even some time before the end of the last. In 1687, the price of the quarter of nine bushels of the best wheat at Windsor market was £1 5s. 2d., the lowest price at which it had ever been from 1595. In 1688, Mr. Gregory King, a man famous for his knowledge in matters of this kind, estimated the average price of wheat in years of moderate plenty to be to the grower 3s. 6d. the bushel, or eight-and-twenty shillings the quarter. The grower's price I understand to be the same with what is sometimes called the contract price, or the price at which a farmer contracts for a certain number of years to deliver a certain quantity of corn to a dealer. As a contract of this kind saves the farmer the expense and trouble of marketing, the contract price is generally lower than what is supposed to be the average market price. Mr. King had judged eight-and-twenty shillings the quarter to be at that time the ordinary contract price in years of moderate plenty. Before the scarcity occasioned by the late extraordinary course of bad seasons, it was, I have been assured, the ordinary contract price in

all

common

years.

1688 was granted the Parliamentary bounty upon the exportation of corn. The country gentlemen, who then composed a still greater proportion of the legislature than they In

do at present, had felt that the of corn was falling. The bounty

money

price

was an expe-

dient to raise it artificially to the high price at which it had frequently been sold in the times of Charles I and II. It was to take place, therefore, till wheat was so high as forty-eight shillings the quarter, that is, twenty shillings, or five-sevenths dearer than Mr. King had in that very year estimated the grower's price to be in times of moderate plenty. If his calculations deserve any part of the reputation which they have obtained very universally, eight-and-forty shillings the quarter was a price which, without some such expedient as the bounty, could not at that

The Wealth

86

time be expected, except in years of extraordinary scarcity. But the government of King William was not then fully settled. It was in no condition to refuse anything to the country gentlemen, from whom it was at that very time soliciting the first establishment of the annual land-tax. The value of silver, therefore, in proportion to that of corn, had probably risen somewhat before the end of the last century; and it seems to have continued to do so during the course of the greater part of the present; though the necessary operation of the bounty must have hindered that rise from being so sensible as it otherwise would have been in the actual state of tillage. In plentiful years the bounty, by occasioning an extraordinary exportation, necessarily raises the price of corn above what it otherwise would be in those years. To encourage tillage, by keeping up the price of corn even in the most plentiful years, was the avowed

end of the

institution.

In years of great scarcity, indeed, the bounty has generally been suspended. It must, however, have had some effect even upon the

many of those years. By the extraordinary exportation which it occasions in years of plenty, it must frequently hinder the plenty of one year from compensating the scarcity of another. Both in years of plenty and in years of scarcity, therefore, the bounty raises the price of corn above what it naturally would be in the actual state of tillage. If, during the sixty-four first years of the present century, therefore, the average price has been lower than during the sixty-four last years of the last century, it must, in the same state of tillage, have been much more so, had it not been for this operation of the bounty. But without the bounty, it may be said, the state of tillage would not have been the same. What may have been the effects of this institution upon the agriculture of the country, I shall endeavour to explain hereafter, when prices of

I come to treat particularly of bounties. shall only observe at present that this rise the value of silver, in proportion to that corn, has not been peculiar to England.

I in

of It

has been observed to have taken place in France, during the same period, and nearly in the same proportion too, by three very

and laborious collectors of the prices of corn, Mr. Dupre de St. Maur, Mr. Messance, and the author of the Essay on the police of grain. But in France, till 1764, the exportation of grain was by law prohibited; and it is somewhat difficult to suppose that nearly the same diminution of price which took place in one country, notwithstanding this prohibition, should in another faithful, diligent,

of Nations be owing to the extraordinary encouragement given to exportation. It would be more proper, perhaps, to consider this variation in the average money price of corn as the effect rather of some gradual rise in the real value of silver in the European market than of any fall in the real average value of corn. Corn, it has already been observed, is at distant periods of time a more accurate measure of value than either silver, or perhaps any other commodity. When, after the discovery of the abundant mines of America, corn rose to three and four times its for-

mer money price, this change was universally ascribed, not to any rise in the real value of corn, but to a fall in the real value of silver. If during the sixty-four first years of the present century, therefore, the average money price of corn has fallen somewhat below what had been during the greater part of the last we should in the same manner impute this change, not to any fall in the real value of corn, but to some rise in the real value of silver in the European market. it

century,

The high price of corn during these ten or twelve years past, indeed, has occasioned a suspicion that the real value of silver still continues to fall in the European market. This high price of corn, however, seems evidently to have been the effect of the extraordinary unfavourableness of the seasons, and ought therefore to be regarded, not as a permanent, but as a transitory and occasional event. The seasons for these ten or twelve years past have been unfavourable through the greater part of Europe; and the disorders of Poland have very much increased the scarcity in all those countries which, in dear years, used to be supplied from that market. So long a course of bad seasons, though not a very common event, is by no means a singular one; and whoever has inquired much into the history of the prices of corn in former times will be at no loss to recollect several other examples of the same kind. Ten years of extraordinary scarcity, besides, are not more wonderful than ten years of extraordinary plenty. The low price of corn from 1741 to 1750, both inclusive, may very well be set in opposition to its high price during these last eight or ten years. From 1741 to 1750, the average price of the quarter of nine bushels of the best wheat at Windsor market, it appears from the accounts of Eton College, was only £1 13s. 9Vfed., which is nearly 6s. 3d. below the average price of the sixty-four first years of the present century. The average price of the quarter of eight bushels of middle wheat comes out, according to this account, to have been, during these ten years, only £1 6s. 8d. Between 1741 and 1750, however, the bounty

The Rent must have hindered the price of corn from falling so low in the home market as it naturally would have done. During these ten years the quantity of all sorts of grain exported, it appears from the custom-house books, amounted to no less than eight millions twenty-nine

thousand one hundred and

quarters one bushel. The bounty paid for this amounted to £1,514,962 17s. ty2 d. In 1749 accordingly, Mr. Pelham, at that time Prime Minister, observed to the House of Commons that for the three years preceding a very extraordinary sum had been paid as bounty for the exportation of corn. He had good reason to make this observation, and in the following year he might have had still better. In that single year the bounty paid amounted to no less than £324,176 10s. fid. It is unnecessary to observe how much this forced exportation must have raised the price of corn above what it otherwise would have been in the home market. At the end of the accounts annexed to this chapter the reader will find the particular account of those ten years separated from the rest. He will find there, too, the particular account of the preceding ten years, of which the average is likewise below, though not so much below, the general average of the sixtyfour first years of the century. The year 1740, however, was a year of extraordinary scarcity. These twenty years preceding 1750 may very well be set in opposition to the twenty preceding 1770. As the former were a good deal below the general average of the century, notwithstanding the intervention of one or two dear years; so the latter have been a good deal above it, notwithstanding the intervention of one or two cheap ones, of 1759, for example. If the former have not been as much below the general average as the latter have been above it, we ought probably to impute it to the bounty. The change has evidently been too sudden to be ascribed to any change in the value of silver, which is always slow and gradual. The suddenness of the effect can be accounted for only by a cause which can operate suddenly, the accidental variation of the seasons. The money price of labour in Great Britain has, indeed, risen during the course of the present century. This, however, seems to be the effect, not so much of any diminution in the value of silver in the European market, as of an increase in the demand for labour in Great Britain, arising from the great, and almost universal prosperity of the country. In France, a country not altogether so prosperous, the money price of labour has, since the middle of the last century, been observed to sink gradually with the average fifty-six

1

1

See Tracts on the Corn Trade, Tract

3.

Land

of

87

money

price of corn. Both in the last century and in the present the day- wages of common labour are there said to have been pretty uniformly about the twentieth part of the average price of the septier of wheat, a measure which contains a little more than four Winchester bushels. In Great Britain the real recompense of labour, it has already been shown, the real quantities of the necessaries and conveniencies of life which are given to the labourer, has increased considerably during the course of the present century. The rise

in

its

money

price seems to

have been

the effect, not of any diminution of the value of silver in the general market of Europe, but of a rise in the real price of labour in the particular market of Great Britain, owing to the peculiarly happy circumstances of the country.

For some time after the first discovery of silver would continue to sell at its former, or not much below its former price. The profits of mining would for some time be very great, and much above their natural rate. Those who imported that metal into Europe, however, would soon find that the whole America,

annual importation could not be disposed of at this high price. Silver would gradually exchange for a smaller and a smaller quantity of goods. Its price would sink gradually lower and lower till it fell to its natural price, or to what was just sufficient to pay, according to their natural rates, the wages of the labour. the profits of the stock, and the rent of the land, which must be paid in order to bring it from the mine to the market. In the greater part of the silver mines of Peru, the tax of the King of Spain, amounting to a tenth of the gross produce, eats up, it has already been observed, the whole rent of the land. This tax was originally a half; it soon afterwards fell to a third, then to a fifth, and at last to a tenth, at which rate it still continues. In the greater part of the silver mines of Peru this, it seems, is all that remains after replacing the stock of the undertaker of the work, together with its ordinary profits; and it seems to be universally acknowledged that these profits, which were once very high, are now as low as they can well be, consistently with carrying on their works. The tax of the King of Spain was reduced a to a fifth part of the registered silver in 1504, one-and-forty years before 1545, the date of the discovery of the mines of Potosi. In the course of ninety years, or before 1636, these mines, the most fertile in all America, had time sufficient to produce their full effect, or to reduce the value of silver in the European market as low as it could well fall, while it continued to pay this tax to the King oi 2

Solorzano. vol.

ii.

The Wealth

88 Spain. Ninety years

is time sufficient to reduce any commodity, of which there is no monopoly, to its natural price, or to the lowest price at which, while it pays a particular tax, it can continue to be sold for any considerable time together. The price of silver in the European market might perhaps have fallen still lower, and it might have become necessary either to reduce the tax upon it, not only to one tenth, as in 1736, but to one twentieth, in the same manner as that upon gold, or to give up working the greater part of the American mines which are now wrought. The gradual increase

demand for silver, or the gradual enlargement of the market for the produce of the silver mines of America, is probably the cause which has prevented this from happening, and which has not only kept up the value of silver in the European market, but has perhaps even raised it somewhat higher than it was about the middle of the last century. Since the first discovery of America, the market for the produce of its silver mines has been growing gradually more and more exof the

tensive. First, the market of Europe has become gradually more and more extensive. Since the discovery of America, the greater part of Europe has been much improved. England, Holland, France, and Germany; even Sweden, Denmark, and Russia, have all advanced considerably both in agriculture and in manufactures. Italy seems not to have gone backwards. The fall of Italy preceded the conquest of Peru. Since that time it seems rather to have recovered a little. Spain and Portugal, indeed, are supposed to have gone backwards. Portugal, however, is but a very small part of Europe, and the declension of Spain is not, perhaps, so great as is commonly imagined. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain was a very poor country, even in comparison with France, which has been so much improved since that time. It was the wellknown remark of the Emperor Charles V, who had travelled so frequently through both abounded in that everything countries, France, but that everything was wanting in Spain. The increasing produce of the agriculture and manufactures of Europe must necessarily have required a gradual increase in the quantity of silver coin to circulate it; and the increasing number of wealthy individuals must have required the like increase in the quantity of their plate and other orna-

ments of

silver.

Secondly, America is itself a new market for the produce of its own silver mines; and as its advances in agriculture, industry, and population are much more rapid than those of the most thriving countries in Europe, its

of Nations

demand must increase much more rapidly. The English colonies are altogether a new market, which, partly for coin and partly for plate, requires a continually augmenting supply of silver through a great continent where there never was any demand before. The greater part, too, of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies are altogether new markets. New Granada, the Yucatan, Paraguay, and the Brazils were, before discovered by the Europeans, inhabited by savage nations who had neither arts nor agriculture. A considerable degree of both has now been introduced into all of them. Even Mexico and Peru, though they cannot be considered as altogether new markets, are certainly much more extensive ones than they ever were before. After all the wonderful tales which have been published concerning the splendid state of those countries in ancient times, whoever reads, with any degree of sober judgment, the history of their first discovery and conquest, will evidently discern that, in arts, agriculture, and commerce, their inhabitants were much more ignorant than the Tartars of the Ukraine are at present. Even the Peruvians, the more civilised nation of the two, though they made use of gold and silver as ornaments, had no coined money of any kind. Their whole commerce was carried on by barter, and there was accordingly scarce any division of labour among them. Those who cultivated the ground were obliged to build their own houses, to make their own household furniture, their own clothes, shoes, and instruments of agriculture. The few artificers among them are said to have been all maintained by the sovereign, the nobles, and the priests, and were probably their servants or slaves. All the ancient arts of Mexico and Peru have never furnished one single manufacture to Europe. The Spanish armies, though they scarce ever exceeded five hundred men, and frequently did not amount to half that number, found almost everywhere great difficulty in procuring subsistence. The famines which they are said to have occasioned almost wherever they went, in countries, too, which at the same time are represented as very populous and well cultivated, sufficiently demonstrate that the story of this populousness and high cultivation is in a great measure fabulous. The Spanish colonies are under a government in many respects less favourable to agriculture, improvement, and population than that of the English colonies. They seem, however, to be advancing in all these much more rapidly than any country in Europe. In a fertile soil and happy climate, the great abundance and cheapness of land, a circumstance common to all new colonies, is, it seems, so great an advantage as to compensate many defects in

The Rent

of

Land

government. Frezier, who visited Peru 1713, represents Lima as containing between twenty-fiive and twenty-eight thousand inhabitants. Ulloa, who resided in the same country between 1740 and 1746, repre-

not enough; a great deal more being constantly smuggled into the country from the ports of Holland, from Gottenburg in Sweden, and from the coast of France too, as long as the French East India Company was

it

as containing more than fifty thoudifference in their accounts of the populousness of several other principal towns in Chili and Peru is nearly the same; and as there seems to be no reason to doubt of the

in prosperity.

The

lain of

civil

in

sents sand.

good information of either, it marks an increase which is scarce inferior to that of the English colonies. America, therefore, is a new market for the produce of its own silver mines, of which the demand must increase much more rapidly than that of the most thriving country in Europe. Thirdly, the East Indies is another market for the produce of the silver mines of America, and a market which, from the time of the first discovery of those mines, has been continually taking off a greater and a greater silver. Since that time, the direct trade between America and the East Indies, which is carried on by means of the Acapulco ships, has been continually augmenting, and the indirect intercourse by the way of Europe has been augmenting in a still greater proportion. During the sixteenth century, the Portuguese were the only European nation who carried on any regular trade to the East Indies. In the last years of that century the Dutch begun to encroach upon this monopoly, and in a few years expelled them from their principal settlements in India. During the greater part of the last century those two nations divided the most considerable part of the East India trade between them; the trade of the Dutch continually augmenting in a still greater proportion than that of the Portuguese declined. The English and French carried on some trade with India in the last century, but it has been greatly augmented in the course of the present. The East India trade of the Swedes and Danes began in the course of the present century. Even the Muscovites now trade regularly with China by a

quantity of

sort of caravans

which go overland through

Siberia and Tartary to Pekin. The East India trade of all these nations, if we except that of the French, which the last war had well nigh annihilated, had been almost continually augmenting. The increasing consumption of East India goods in Europe is, it seems, so great as to afford a gradual increase of employment to them all. Tea, for example, was a drug very little used in Europe before the middle of the last century. At present the value of the tea annually imported by the English East India Company, for the use of their own countrymen, amounts to more than a million and a half a year; and even this is

The consumption

of the porce-

China, of the spiceries of the Moluccas, of the piece goods of Bengal, and of innumerable other articles, has increased very nearly in a like proportion. The tonnage accordingly of all the European shipping employed in the East India trade, at any one time during the last century, was not, perhaps, much greater than that of the English East India Company before the late reduction of their shipping.

But in the East Indies, particularly in China and Indostan, the value of the precious metals, when the Europeans first began to trade to those countries, was much higher than in Europe; and it still continues to be so. In rice countries, which generally yield two, sometimes three crops in the year, each of them more plentiful than any common crop of corn, the abundance of food must be much greater than in any corn country of equal extent. Such countries are accordingly much more populous. In them, too, the rich, having a greater superabundance of food to dispose of beyond what they themselves can consume, have the means of purchasing a much greater quantity of the labour of other people. The retinue of a grandee in China or Indostan accordingly is, by all accounts, much more numerous and splendid than that of the richest subjects in Europe. The same superabundance of food, of which they have the disposal, enables them to give a greater quantity of it for all those singular and rare productions which nature furnishes but in very small quantities; such as the precious metals

and the precious

stones, the great objects of the competition of the rich. Though the mines, therefore, which supplied the Indian market had been as abundant as those which supplied the European, such commodities would naturally exchange for a greater quantity of food in India than in Europe. But the mines which supplied the Indian market with the precious metals seem to have been a good deal less abundant, and those which supplied it with the precious stones a good deal more so, than the mines which supplied the European. The precious metals, therefore, would naturally exchange in India for somewhat a greater quantity of the precious stones, and for a much greater quantity of food than in Europe. The money price of diamonds, the

greatest of all superfluities, would be somewhat lower, and that of food, the first of all necessaries, a great deal lower in the one country than in the other. But the real price of

The Wealth

90

of Nations

labour, the real quantity of the necessaries of life which is given to the labourer, it has

tween the two extremities of the old one is carried on, and it is by means of it, in a

already been observed, is lower both in China and Indostan, the two great markets of India, than it is through the greater part of Europe. The wages of the labourer will there purchase a smaller quantity of food; and as the money price of food is much lower in India than in Europe, the money price of labour is there lower upon a double account; upon account both of the small quantity of food which it will purchase, and of the low price of that food. But in countries of equal art and industry, the money price of the greater part of manufactures will be in proportion to the money price of labour; and in

manufacturing art and industry, China and Indostan, though inferior, seem not to be much inferior to any part of Europe. The money price of the greater part of manufactures, therefore, will naturally be much lower in those great empires than it is anywhere in Europe. Through the greater part of Europe, too, the expense of land-carriage increases very much both the real and nominal price of most manufactures. It costs more labour, and therefore more money, to bring first the materials, and afterwards the complete manufacture to market. In China and Indostan

great measure, that those distant parts of the world are connected with one another. In order to supply so very widely extended a market, the quantity of silver annually brought from the mines must not only be sufficient to support that continual increase both of coin and of plate which is required in all thriving countries; but to repair that continual waste and consumption of silver which takes pluce in all countries where that metal is used. The continual consumption of the precious metals in coin by wearing, and in plate both by wearing and cleaning, is very sensible, and in commodities of which the use is so very widely extended, would alone require a very great annual supply. The consumption of those metals in some particular manufactures, though it may not perhaps be greater upon the whole than this gradual consumption, is, however, much more sensible, as it is much more rapid. In the manufactures of Birmingham alone the quantity of gold and silver annually employed in gilding and plating, and thereby disqualified from ever afterwards appearing in the shape of those metals, is said to amount to more than fifty thousand

the extent and variety of inland navigation save the greater part of this labour, and consequently of this money, and thereby reduce still lower both the real and the nominal price of the greater part of their manufactures. Upon all those accounts the precious

pounds sterling. We may from thence form some notion how great must be the annual consumption in all the different parts of the world either in manufactures of the same kind with those of Birmingham, or in laces, embroideries, gold and silver stuffs, the gild-

metals are a commodity which it always has been, and still continues to be, extremely advantageous to carry from Europe to India. There is scarce any commodity which brings a better price there; or which, in proportion to the quantity of labour and commodities which it costs in Europe, will purchase or command a greater quantity of labour and commodities in India. It is more advantageous, too, to carry silver thither than gold; because in China, and the greater part of the other markets of India, the proportion between fine silver and fine gold is but as ten, or at most as twelve, to one; whereas in Europe it is as fourteen or fifteen to one. In China, and the greater part of the other markets of India, ten, or at most twelve, ounces

ing of books, furniture, etc. A considerable quantity, too, must be annually lost in transporting those metals from one place to another both by sea and by land. In the greater part of the governments of Asia, besides, the almost universal custom of concealing treasures in the bowels of the earth, of which the knowledge frequently dies with the person who makes the concealment, must occasion the loss of a still greater quantity. The quantity of gold and silver imported at both Cadiz and Lisbon (including not only what comes under register, but what may be supposed to be smuggled) amounts, according to the best accounts, to about six millions sterling a year. 1 According to Mr. Meggens the annual importation of the precious metals into Spain,

of silver will purchase

an ounce of gold;

in

requires from fourteen to fifteen ounces. In the cargoes, therefore, of the greater part of European ships which sail to India, silver has generally been one of the most valuable articles. It is the most valuable article in the Acapulco ships which sail to Manilla. The silver of the new continent seems in this manner to be one of the principal commodities by which the commerce be-

Europe

it

at an average of six years, viz., from 1748 to 1753, both inclusive; and into Portugal, at an average of seven years, viz., from 1747 'Postscript to the Universal Merchant pp. 15 16. This postscript was not printed till 1756, three years after the publication of the book, which has never had a second edition. The postscript is, therefore, to be found in few copies: it

and

corrects several errors in the book.

The Rent to 1753, both inclusive, amounted in silver to 1,101,107 pounds weight; and in gold to 29,940 pounds weight. The silver, at sixtytwo shillings the pound Troy, amounts to £3,413,431 10s. sterling. The gold, at fortyfour guineas and a half the pound Troy, amounts to £2,333,446 14s. sterling. Both together amount to £5,746,878 4s. sterling. The

account of what was imported under register he assures us is exact. He gives us the detail of the particular places from which the gold and silver were brought, and of the the particular quantity of each metal, which, according to the register, each of them afforded. He makes an allowance, too, for the quantity of each metal which he supposes may have been smuggled. The great experience of this judicious merchant renders his opinion of considerable weight. According to the eloquent and, sometimes, well-informed author of the Philosophical and Political History of the Establishment of the Europeans in the two Indies, the annual importation of registered gold and silver into Spain, at an average of eleven years, viz., from 1754 to 1764, both inclusive, amounted to 13,984, 185% piastres of ten reals. On account of what may have been smuggled, however, the whole annual importation, he supposes, may have amounted to seventeen millions of piastres, which, at 4s. 6d. the piastre, is equal to £3,825,000 sterling. He gives the detail, too, of the particular places from which the gold and silver were brought, and of the particular quantities of each metal which, according to the register, each of them afforded. He informs us, too, that if we were to judge of the quantity of gold annually imported from the Brazils into Lisbon by the amount of the tax paid to the King of Portugal, which it seems is one-fifth of the standard metal, we might value it at eighteen millions of cruzadoes, or forty-five millions of French livres, equal to about two millions

On account of what may have been smuggled, however, we may safely, he says, add to the sum an eighth more, or £250,000 sterling, so that the whole will amount to £2,250,000 sterling. According to this account, therefore, the whole annual importation of the precious metals into both Spain and Portugal amounts to about £6,075,000 sterling. Several other very well authenticated, though manuscript, accounts, I have been assured, agree in making this whole annual importation amount at an average to about six millions sterling; sometimes a little more, sometimes a little less. The annual importation of the precious metals into Cadiz and Lisbon, indeed, is not equal to the whole annual produce of the mines of America. Some part is sent annually sterling.

of

Land

91

by the Acapulco ships to Manilla; some part is employed in the contraband trade which the Spanish colonies carry on with those of other European nations; and some part, no doubt remains in the country. The mines of America, besides, are by no means the only gold and silver mines in the world. They are, however, by far the most abundant. The produce of all the other mines which are known insignificant, it is acknowledged, in comparison with theirs; and the far greater part of their produce, it is likewise acknowledged, is annually imported into Cadiz and Lisbon. But the consumption of Birmingham alone, at the rate of fifty thousand pounds a year, is equal to the hundred-and-twentieth part of this annual importation at the rate of six millions a year. The whole annual consumption of gold and silver, therefore, in all the different countries of the world where those metals are used, may perhaps be nearly equal to the whole annual produce. The remainder may be no more than sufficient to supply the increasing demand of all thriving countries. It may is

even have

fallen so far short of this

demand

somewhat to raise the price of those metals in the European market. The quantity of brass and iron annually brought from the mine to the market is out of all proportion greater than that of gold and silver. We do not, however, upon this acas

count, imagine that those coarse metals are beyond the demand, or to become gradually cheaper and cheaper. Why should we imagine that the precious metals are likely to do so? The coarse metals, indeed, though harder, are put to much harder uses, and, as they are of less value, less care is employed in their preservation. The precious metals, however, are not necessarily immortal any more than they, but are liable, too, to be lost, wasted, and consumed in a great variety of ways. The price of all metals, though liable to slow and gradual variations, varies less from year to year than that of almost any other part of the rude produce of land; and the price of the precious metals is even less liable to sudden variations than that of the coarse ones. The durableness of metals is the foundation of this extraordinary steadiness of price. The corn which was brought to market last year will be all or almost all consumed long before the end of this year. But some part of the iron which was brought from the mine two or three hundred years ago may be still in use, and perhaps some part of the gold which was brought from it two or three thousand years ago. The different masses of corn which in different years must supply the consumption of the world will always be nearly in proportion-to the respective produce of those differlikely to multiply

The Wealth

92

ent years. But the proportion between the different masses of iron which may be in use in two different years will be very little affected by any accidental difference in the produce of the iron mines of those two years; and the proportion between the masses of gold will be still less affected by any such difference in the produce of the gold mines. Though the produce of the greater part of metallic mines, therefore, varies, perhaps, still more from year to year than that of the greater part of corn fields, those variations have not the same effect upon the price of the one species of commodities as upon that of the other.

VARIATIONS IN THE PROPORTION BETWEEN THE RESPECTIVE VALUES OF GOLD AND SILVER Before the discovery of the mines of Amvalue of fine gold to fine silver was regulated in the different mints of Europe between the proportions of one to ten and one to twelve; that is, an ounce of fine gold was supposed to be worth from ten to twelve ounces of fine silver. About the middle of the last century it came to be regulated, between the proportions of one to fourteen and one to fifteen; that is, an ounce of fine gold came to be supposed to be worth between fourteen and erica, the

fifteen ounces of fine silver. Gold rose in its nominal value, or in the quantity of silver which was given for it. Both metals sunk in their real value, or in the quantity of labour which they could purchase; but silver sunk more than gold. Though both the gold and silver mines of America exceeded in fertility all those which had ever been known before, the fertility of the silver mines had, it seems, been proportionably still greater than that of

the gold ones. The great quantities of silver carried annually from Europe to India have, in some of the English settlements, gradually reduced the value of that metal in proportion to gold. In the mint of Calcutta an ounce of fine gold is supposed to be worth fifteen ounces of fine silver, in the same manner as in Europe. It is in the mint perhaps rated too high for the value which it bears in the market of Bengal. In China, the proportion of gold to silver still continues as one to ten, or one to twelve. In

Japan

said to be as one to eight. the quantities of silver annually imported into Eu-

it is

The proportion between gold and

rope, according to Mr. Meggens's account, is as one to twenty-two nearly; that is, for one ounce of gold there are imported a little more than twenty-two ounces of silver. The great quantity of silver sent annually to the East Indies reduces, he supposes, the quantities of those metals which remain in Europe to the proportion of one to fourteen or fifteen,

of Nations the proportion of their values.

The proportion

between their values, he seems to think, must necessarily be the same as that between their quantities, and would therefore be as one to twenty-two, were it not for this greater exportation of silver. But the ordinary proportion between the respective values of two commodities is not necessarily the same as that between the quantities of them which are commonly in the market. The price of an ox, reckoned at ten guineas, is about threescore times the price of a lamb, reckoned at 3s. 6d. It would be absurd, however, to infer from thence that there are commonly in the market threescore lambs for one ox: and it would be just as absurd to infer, because an ounce of gold will commonly purchase from fourteen to fifteen ounces of silver, that there are commonly in the market only fourteen or fifteen ounces of silver for

one ounce of gold. The quantity of silver commonly in the market, it is probable is much greater in proportion to that of gold than the value of a certain quantity of gold is to that of an equal quantity of silver. The whole quantity of a cheap commodity brought to market is commonly not only greater, but of greater value, than the whole quantity of a dear one. The whole quantity of bread annually brought to market is not only greater, but of greater value than the whole quantity of butcher's meat; the whole quantity of butcher's meat, than the whole quantity of poultry; and the whole quantity of poultry, than the whole quantity of wild fowl. There are so many more purchasers for the cheap than for the dear commodity that not only a greater quantity of it, but a greater value, can commonly be disposed of. The whole quantity, therefore, of the cheap commodity must commonly be greater in proportion to the whole quantity of the dear one than the value of a certain quantity of the dear one is to the value of an equal quantity of the cheap one. When we compare the precious metals with one another, silver is a cheap and gold a dear commodity. We ought naturally to expect, therefore, that there should always be in the market ont only a greater quantity, but a greater value of silver than of gold. Let any man who has a little of both compare his own silver with his gold plate, and he will probably find that, not only the quantity, but the value of the former greatly exceeds that of the latter. Many people, besides, have a good deal of silver who have no gold plate, which, even with those who have it, is generally confined to watch-

and such like trinkets, of which the whole amount is seldom of great cases, snuff-boxes,

value. In the British coin, indeed, the value of the gold preponderates greatly, but it is

The Rent countries. In the coin of of the two metals is nearly equal. In the Scotch coin, before the

not so in that of

all

some countries the value

union with England, the gold preponderated very little, though it did somewhat, as it appears by the accounts of the mint. In the coin of many countries the silver preponderates. In France, the largest sums are commonly paid in that metal, and it is there difficult to get more gold than what is necessary to carry about in your pocket. The superior value, however, of the silver plate above that of 1

the gold, which takes place in will

all

much more than compensate

countries, the pre-

ponderancy of the gold coin above the silver, which takes place only in some countries. Though, in one sense of the word, silver always has been, and probably always will be, much cheaper than gold; yet in another sense gold may, perhaps, in the present state of the Spanish market, be said to be somewhat cheaper than silver. A commodity may be said to be dear or cheap, not only according to the absolute greatness or smallness of its usual price, but according as that price is more or less above the lowest for which it is possible to bring it to market for any considerable time together. This lowest price is that which barely replaces, with a moderate profit, the stock which must be employed in bringing the commodity thither. It is the price which affords nothing to the landlord, of which rent makes not any component part, but which resolves itself altogether into wages and profit. But, in the present state of the Spanish market, gold is certainly somewhat nearer to this lowest price than silver. The tax of the King of Spain upon gold is only one-twentieth part of the standard metal, or five per cent; whereas his tax upon silver amounts to one-tenth it, or to ten per cent. In these taxes has already been observed, consists the whole rent of the greater part of the gold and silver mines of Spanish America; and that upon gold is still worse paid than that upon silver. The profits of the undertakers of gold mines too, as they more rarely make a fortune, must, in general, be still more moderate than those of the undertakers of silver mines. The price of Spanish gold, therefore, as it affords both less rent and less profit, must, in the Spanish market, be somewhat nearer to the lowest price for which it is possible to bring it thither than the price of Spanish silver. When all expenses are computed, the whole quantity of the one metal, it would seem, cannot, in the Spanish market, be disposed of so advantageously as the whole quan-

part of too, it

tity

King

of the other. The tax, indeed, of the of Portugal upon the gold of the Brazils

'See

mata,

Ruddiman's preface to Anderson's Diploetc., Scotice.

is

93

Land

of

the same with the ancient tax of the

King

of Spain upon the silver of Mexico and Peru; or one-fifth part of the standard metal. It may, therefore, be uncertain whether to the general market of Europe the whole mass of American gold comes at a price nearer to the lowest for which it is possible to bring it thither than

the whole mass of American silver. The price of diamonds and other precious stones may, perhaps, be still nearer to the lowest price at which it is possible to bring them to market than even the price of gold. Though it is not very probable that any part of a tax, which is not only imposed upon one of the most proper subjects of taxation, a

mere luxury and

superfluity,

but which

af-

fords so very important a revenue as the tax upon silver, will ever be given up as long as it is possible to pay it; yet the same impossibility of paying it, which in 1736 made it necessary to reduce it from one-fifth to one-tenth, may in time make it necessary to reduce it still further; in the same manner as it made it necessary to reduce the tax upon gold to one-twentieth. That the silver mines of Span-

America, like all other mines, become gradually more expensive in the working, on account of the greater depths at which it is necessary to carry on the works, and of the greater expense of drawing out the water and of supplying them with fresh air at those

ish

depths,

is

acknowledged by everybody who

has inquired into the state of those mines. These causes, which are equivalent to a growing scarcity of silver (for a commodity may be said to grow scarcer when it becomes more difficult and expensive to collect a certain quantity of it) must, in time, produce one or other of the three following events. The increase of the expense must either, first, be compensated altogether by a proportionable increase in the price of the metal; or, secondly, it must be compensated altogether by a proportionable diminution of the tax upon silver; or, thirdly, it must be compensated partly by the one, and partly by the other of those two expedients. This third event is very possible. As gold rose in its price in proportion to silver, notwithstanding a great diminution of the tax upon gold, so silver might rise in its price in proportion to labour and commodities, notwithstanding an equal diminution of the tax

upon silver. Such successive reductions ever,

though they

may not

of the tax, howprevent altogether,

certainly retard, more or less, the rise of the value of silver in the European market. In consequence of such reductions many mines

must

may

be wrought which could not be wrought

before, because they could not afford to pay the old tax; and the quantity of silver annual-

ly brought to

market must always be some-

The Wealth

94

greater, and, therefore, the value of any given quantity somewhat less, than it otherwise would have been. In consequence of the reduction in 1736, the value of silver in the European market, though it may not at this day be lower than before that reduction, is, probably, at least ten per cent lower than it would have been had the Court of Spain continued to exact the old tax. That, notwithstanding this reduction, the value of silver has, during the course of the

what

present century, begun to rise somewhat in the European market, the facts and arguments which have been alleged above dispose me to believe, or more properly to suspect and conjecture; for the best opinion which I can form upon this subject scarce, perhaps, deserves the name of belief. The rise, indeed, supposing there has been any, has hitherto been so very small that after all that has been said it may, perhaps, appear to many people uncertain, not only whether this event has actually taken place; but whether the contrary may not have taken place, or whether the value of the silver may not still continue to

the European market. must be observed, however, that what-

fall in

It

ever

may

be the supposed annual importa-

tion of gold and silver, there must be a certain period at which the annual consumption of those metals will be equal to that

annual importation. Their consumption must increase as their mass increases, or rather in a much greater proportion. As their mass increases,

their value

diminishes.

They

are

cared for, and their consumption consequently increases in a greater proportion than their mass. After a certain period, therefore, the annual consumption of those metals must, in this manner, become equal to their annual importation, provided that importation is not continually increasing; which, in the present times, is not supposed to be the case. If, when the annual consumption has become equal to the annual importation, the annual importation should gradually diminish, the annual consumption may, for some time, exceed the annual importation. The mass of those metals may gradually and insensibly diminish, and their value gradually and insensibly rise, till the annual importation become again stationary, the annual consumption will gradually and insensibly accommodate itself to what that annual importation can maintain.

more used and

less

GROUNDS OF THE SUSPICION THAT THE VALUE OF SILVER STILL CONTINUES TO DECREASE The increase of the wealth of Europe, and the popular notion that, as the quantity of the

of Nations precious metals naturally increases with the increase of wealth so their value diminishes as their quantity increases, may, perhaps, dispose many people to believe that their value still continues to fall in the European market; and the still gradually increasing price of many parts of the rude produce of land may confirm them still further in this opinion. That that increase in the quantity of the precious metals, which arises in any country from the increase of wealth, has no tendency to diminish their value, I have endeavoured to show already. Gold and silver naturally resort to a rich country, for the same reason that all sorts of luxuries and curiosities resort to it; not because they are cheaper there than in poorer countries, but because they are dearer, or because a better price is given for them. It is the superiority of price which attracts them, and as soon as that superiority ceases, they necessarily cease to go thither. If you except corn and such other vegetables as are raised altogether by human industry, that all other sorts of rude produce, cattle, poultry, game of all kinds, the useful fossils and minerals of the earth, etc., naturally grow dearer as the society advances in wealth and

improvement, I have endeavoured to show already. Though such commodities, therefore, come to exchange for a greater quantity of silver than before, it will not from thence follow that silver has become really cheaper, or will purchase less labour than before, but that such commodities have become really dearer, or will purchase more labour than before. It is not their nominal price only, but their real price which rises in the progress of improvement. The rise of their nominal price is the effect, not of any degradation of the value of silver, but of the rise in their real price.

DIFFERENT EFFECTS OF THE PROGRESS OF IMPROVEMENT UPON THREE DIFFERENT SORTS OF RUDE PRODUCE These different sorts of rude produce may be divided into three classes. The first comprehends those which it is scarce in the power

human industry to multiply at all. The second, those which it can multiply in proportion to the demand. The third, those in which the efficacy of industry is either limited or uncertain. In the progress of wealth and improvement, the real price of the first may rise to any degree of extravagance, and seems not to be limited by any certain boundary. That of the second, though it may rise greatly, has, however, a certain boundary beyond which it cannot well pass for any considerable time together. That of the third, though its natural tendency is to rise in the progress of improvement, yet in the same degree of imof

The Rent provement it may sometimes happen even to fall, sometimes to continue the same, and sometimes to rise more or less, according as

Land

of

scarcity, the ordinary contract price of

wheat, which

Sicilian,

produce, more or less successful.

in the

FIRST SORT first

sort of rude

price rises in the progress of improvement is that which it is scarce in the power of human industry to multiply at all. It consists in those things which nature produces only in certain quantities, and which, being of a very perish-

able nature, it is impossible to accumulate together the produce of many different seasons. Such are the greater part of rare and singular birds and fishes, many different sorts of game, almost all wild-fowl, all birds of passage in particular, as well as many other things. When wealth and the luxury which accompanies it increase, the demand for these is likely to increase with them, and no effort of human industry may be able to increase the supply much beyond what it was before this increase of the demand. The quantity of such commodities, therefore, remaining the same, or nearly the same, while the competition to purchase them is continually increasing, their price may rise to any degree of extravagance, and seems not to be limited by any certain boundary. If woodcocks should become so fashionable as to sell for twenty guineas apiece, no effort of human industry could increase the number of those brought to market much beyond what it is at present. The high price paid by the Romans, in the time of their greatest grandeur, for rare birds and fishes,

may

in this

manner

accounted

for.

effects of the

low

easily be

These prices were not the

lish

value of silver in those times, but of the high value of such rarities and curiosities as human industry could not multiply at pleasure. The real value of silver was higher at Rome, for some time before and after the fall of the republic, than it is through the greater part of Europe at present. Three sestertii, equal to about sixpence sterling, was the price which the republic paid for the modius or peck of the tithe wheat of Sicily. This price, however, was probably below the average market price, the obligation to deliver their wheat at this

rate being considered as a tax upon the Sicilian farmers. When the Romans, therefore, had

more corn than the tithe of wheat amounted to, they were bound by capitulation to pay for the surplus at the rate occasion to order

of four sestertii, or eightpence sterling, the peck; and this had probably been reckoned the moderate and reasonable, that is, the ordinary or average contract price of those times; it is equal to about one-and-twenty

shil-

Eng-

in quality is inferior to the

and generally sells for a lower price European market. The value of silver, therefore, in those ancient times, must have

been to

produce of which the

Eight-and-twenty

lings the quarter was, before the late years of

different accidents render the efforts of human industry, in multiplying this sort of rude

The

95

shillings the quarter.

value in the present as three to is, three ounces of silver would then have purchased the same quantity of labour and commodities which four ounces will do at present. When wc read in Pliny, therefore, that Seius bought a white nightingale, as a present for the Empress Agrippina, at a price of six thousand sestertii, equal to about fifty pounds of our present money; and that Asinius Celer purchased a surmullet at the price of eight thousand sestertii, equal to about sixty-six pounds thirteen shillings and fourpence of our present money, the extravagance of those prices, how much soever it may surprise us, is apt, notwithstanding, to appear to us about one-third less than it really was. Their real price, the quantity of labour and subsistence which was given away for them, was about one-third more than their nominal price is apt to express to us in the present times. Seius gave for the nightingale the command of a quantity of labour and subsistence equal to what £66 13s. 4d. would purchase in the present times; and Asinius Celer gave for the surmullet the command of a quantity equal to what £88 17s. 93d. would purchase. What occasioned the extravagance of those high prices was, not so much the abundance of silver as the abundance of labour and subsistence of which those Romans had the disposal beyond what was necessary for their own use. The quantity of silver of which they had the disposal was a good deal less than what the command of the same quantity of labour and subsistence would have procured to them in the present its

four inversely; that

1

2

times.

SECOND SORT

The second

sort of rude procedure of

which

the price rises in the progress of improvement is that which human industry can multiply in proportion to the demand. It consists in those useful plants and animals which, in uncultivated countries, nature produces with such profuse abundance that they are of little or no value, and which, as cultivation advances are therefore forced to give place to some more profitable produce. During a long period in the progress of improvement, the quantity of these is continually diminishing, while at the same time the demand for them increasing. Their real value, is continually therefore, the real quantity of labour which 1

Pliny, x, 29.

Pliny,

ix,

17,

The Wealth

96

they will purchase or command, gradually rises, till at last it gets so high as to render them as profitable a produce as anything else which human industry can raise upon the most fertile and best cultivated land. When it has got so high it cannot well go higher. If it did, more land and more industry would soon be employed to increase their quantity. When the price of cattle, for example, rises so high that it is as profitable to cultivate land in order to raise food for them as in order to raise food for man, it cannot well go higher. If it did, more corn land would soon be turned into pasture. The extension of tillage, by diminishing the quantity of wild pasture, diminishes the quantity of butcher's meat which the country naturally produces without labour or cultivation, and by increasing the number of those who have either corn, or, what comes to the same thing, the price of corn, to give in exchange for it, increases the demand. The price of butcher's meat, therefore, and consequently of cattle, must gradually rise till it gets so high that it becomes as profitable to employ the most fertile and best cultivated lands in raising food for them as in raising corn. But it must always be late in the progress of improvement before tillage can be so far extended as to raise the price of cattle to this height; and till it has got to this height, if the country is advancing at all, their

must be continually rising. There are, perhaps, some parts of Europe in which the price of cattle has not yet got to this height. It had not got to this height in any part of Scotland before the union. Had the Scotch cattle been always confined to the market of Scotland, in a country in which the quantity of land which can be applied to no other purpose but the feeding of cattle is so great in proportion to what can be applied to other purposes, it is scarce possible, perhaps, that their price could ever have risen so high as to render it profitable to cultivate land for the sake of feeding them. In England, the price of cattle, it has already been observed, seems, in the neighbourhood of London, to have got to this height about the beginning of the last century; but it was much later probably before it got to it through the greater part of the remoter counties; in some of which, perhaps, it may scarce yet have got to it. Of all the different substances, however, which compose this second sort of rude produce, cattle is, perhaps, that of which the price, in the progress of improvement, first rises to this

price

height. Till the price of cattle, indeed,

has got to

seems scarce possible that the greater part, even of those lands which are capable of the highest cultivation, can be completely cultivated. In all farms too distant this height,

it

of Nations

from any town to carry manure from is,

it,

in the far greater part of those of

that

every

extensive country, the quantity of well-cultivated land must be in proportion to the quantity of manure which the farm itself produces; and this again must be in proportion to the stock of cattle which are maintained upon it. The land is manured either by pasturing the cattle upon it, or by feeding them in the stable, and from thence carrying out their dung to it. But unless the price of the cattle be sufficient to pay both the rent and profit of cultivated land, the farmer cannot afford to pasture them upon it; and he can still less afford to feed them in the stable. It is with the produce of improved and cultivated land only that cattle can be fed in the stable; because to collect the scanty and scattered produce of waste and unimproved lands would require too much labour and be too expensive. If the price of cattle, therefore, is not sufficient to pay for the produce of improved and cultivated land, when they are allowed to pasture it, that price will be still less sufficient to pay for that produce when it must be collected with a good deal of additional labour, and brought into the stable to them. In these circumstances, therefore, no more cattle can, with profit, be fed in the stable than what are necessary for tillage. But these can never afford manure enough for keeping constantly in good condition all the lands which they are capable of cultivating. What they afford being insufficient for the whole farm will naturally be reserved for the lands to which it can be most advantageously or conveniently applied; the most fertile, or those, perhaps, in the neighbourhood of the farmyard. These, therefore, will be kept constantly in good condition and fit for tillage. The rest will, the greater part of them, be allowed to lie waste, producing scarce anything but some miserable pasture, just sufficient to keep alive a few straggling, half -starved cattle; the farm, though much understocked in proportion to what would be necessary for its complete cultivation, being very frequently overstocked in proportion to its actual produce. A portion of this waste land, however, after having been pastured in this wretched manner for six or seven years together, may be ploughed up, when it will yield, perhaps, a poor crop or two of bad oats, or of some other coarse grain, and then, being entirely exhausted, it must be rested and pastured again as before and another portion ploughed up to be in the same manner exhausted and rested again in its turn. Such accordingly was the general system of management all over the low country of Scotland before the union. The lands which were kept constantly well manured and in good condition seldom exceeded a third or a fourth

The Rent part of the whole farm, and sometimes did not amount to a fifth or a sixth part of it. The rest were never manured, but a certain portion of them was in its turn, notwithstanding, regularly cultivated and exhausted. Under this system of management, it is evident, even that part of the land of Scotland which is capable of good cultivation could produce but little in comparison of what it may be capable of producing. But how disadvantageous soever this system may appear, yet before the union the low price of cattle seems to have rendered it almost unavoidable. If, notwithstanding a great rise in their price, it still continues to prevail through a considerable part of the country, it is owing, in many places, no doubt, to ignorance and attachment to old customs, but in most places to the unavoidable obstructions which the natural course of things opposes to the immediate or speedy establishment of a better system: first, to the poverty of the tenants, to their not having yet had time to acquire a stock of cattle sufficient to cultivate their lands more completely, the same rise of price which would render it advantageous for them to maintain a greater stock rendering it more difficult for them to acquire it; and, secondly, to their not having yet had time to put their lands in condition to maintain this greater stock properly, supposing they were capable of acquiring it. The increase of stock and the improvement of land are two events which must go hand in hand, and of which the one can nowhere much outrun the other. Without some increase of stock there can be scarce any improvement of land, but there can be no considerable increase of stock but in consequence of a considerable improvement of land; because otherwise the land could not maintain it. These natural obstructions to the establishment of a better system cannot be removed but by a long course of frugality and industry; and half a century or a century more, perhaps, must pass away before the old system, which is wearing out gradually, can be completely abolished through all the different parts of the country. Of all the commercial advantages, however, which Scotland has derived from the union with England, this rise in the price of cattle is, perhaps, the greatest. It has not only raised the value of all highland estates, but it has, perhaps, been the principal cause of the improvement of the low country. In all new colonies the great quantity of waste land, which can for many years be applied to no other purpose but the feeding of cattle, soon renders them extremely abundant, and in everything great cheapness is the necessary consequence of great abundance. Though all the cattle of the European colonies in

America were

originally carried

from Europe,

of

Land

97

they soon multiplied so much there, and beof so little value that even horses were allowed to run wild in the woods without any owner thinking it worth while to claim them. It must be a long time, after the first establishment of such colonies, before it can become profitable to feed cattle upon the produce of

came

cultivated land. The same causes, therefore, the want of manure, and the disproportion between the stock employed in cultivation, and the land which it is destined to cultivate, are likely to introduce there a system of husbandry not unlike that which still continues to take place in so many parts of Scotland. Mr. Kalm, the Swedish traveller, when he gives an account of the husbandry of some of the English colonies in North America, as he found it in 1749, observes, accordingly, that he can with difficulty discover there the character of the English nation, so well skilled in all the different branches of agriculture. They make scarce any manure for their corn fields, he says; but when one piece of ground has been exhausted by continual cropping, they clear and cultivate another piece of fresh land; and when that is exhausted, proceed to the third. Their cattle are allowed to wander through the woods and other uncultivated grounds, where they are half-starved; having long ago extirpated almost all the annual grasses by cropping them too early in the spring, before they had time to form their 1 flowers, or to shed their seeds. The annual grasses were, it seems, the best natural grasses in that part of North America; and when the

Europeans first settled there, they used to grow very thick, and to rise three or four feet high. A piece of ground which, when he wrote, could not maintain one cow, would in former times, he was assured, have maintained four, each of which would have given four times the quantity of milk which that one was capable

The poorness

of the pasture had, in occasioned the degradation of their cattle, which degenerated sensibly from one generation to another. They were probably not unlike that stunted breed which was common all over Scotland thirty or forty years ago, and which is now so much mended through the greater part of the low country, not so much by a change of the breed, though that expedient has been employed in some of giving.

opinion,

his

as by a more feeding them. places,

Though

plentiful

method

of

therefore, in the progress cattle can bring such a price as to render it profitable to cultivate land for the sake of feeding them; yet of all the different parts which compose this second sort of rude produce, they are perhaps the it is late,

improvement before

of

which bring this price; because Kalms' Travels, vol. i, pp. 343, 344.

first 1

till

they

The Wealth bring

it,

it

seems impossible that improve-

ment can be brought near even to that

dehas arrived in

gree of perfection to which it many parts of Europe. As cattle are among the first, so perhaps venison is among the last parts of this sort of rude produce which bring this price. The price of venison in Great Britain, how extravagant soever it may appear, is not near sufficient to compensate the expense of a deer park, as is well known to all those who have had any experience in the feeding of deer. If it was otherwise, the feeding of deer would soon become an article of common farming, in the same manner as the feeding of those small birds called Turdi was among the ancient Romans. Varro and Columella assure us that it was a most profitable article. The fattening of ortolans, birds of passage which arrive lean in the country, is said to be so in some parts of France. If venison continues in fashion, and the wealth and luxury of Great Britain increase as they have done for some time past, its price may very probably rise still higher than it is at present. Between that period in the progress of improvement which brings to its height the price of so necessary an article as cattle, and that which brings to it the price of such a superfluity as venison, there is a very long interval, in the course of which many other sorts of rude produce gradually arrive at their highest price, some sooner and some later, according to different circumstances. Thus in every farm the offals of the barn and stables will maintain a certain number of poultry. These, as they are fed with what would otherwise be lost, are a mere save-all; and as they cost the farmer scarce anything, so he can afford to sell them for very little. Almost all that he gets is pure gain, and their price can scarce be so low as to discourage him from feeding this number. But in countries ill cultivated, and therefore but thinly inhabited, the poultry, which are thus raised without expense, are often fully sufficient to supply the whole demand. In this state of things, therefore, they are often as cheap as butcher's meat, or any other sort of animal food. But the whole quantity of poultry, which the farm in this manner produces without expense, must always be much smaller than the whole quantity of butcher's meat which is reared upon it; and in times of wealth and luxury what is rare, with only nearly equal merit, is always preferred to what is common.

As wealth and luxury increase, therefore, in consequence of improvement and cultivation, the price of poultry gradually rises above that of butcher's meat, till at last it gets so high that it becomes profitable to cultivate land for the sake of feeding them. When it has got

of Nations to this height it cannot well go higher. If it did, more land would soon be turned to this

purpose. In several provinces of France, the feeding of poultry is considered as a very important article in rural economy, and sufficiently profitable to encourage the farmer to raise a considerable quantity of Indian corn and buck-wheat for this purpose. A middling farmer will there sometimes have four hundred fowls in his yard. The feeding of poultry seems scarce yet to be generally considered as a matter of so much importance in England. They are certainly, however, dearer in England than in France, as England receives considerable supplies from France. In the progress of improvement, the period at which every particular sort of animal food is dearest must naturally be that which immediately precedes the general practice of cultivating land for the sake of raising it. For some time before this practice becomes general, the scarcity must necessarily raise the price. After it has become general, new methods of feeding are commonly fallen upon, which enable the farmer to raise upon the same quantity of ground a much greater quantity of that particular sort of animal food. The plenty not only obliges him to sell cheaper, but in consequence of these improvements he can afford to sell cheaper; for if he could not afford it, the plenty would not be of long continuance. It has been probably in this manner that the introduction of clover, turnips, carrots, cabbage, etc., has contributed to sink the common price of butcher's meat in the London

market somewhat below what

it

was about

the beginning of the last century. The hog, that finds his food among ordure and greedily devours many things rejected by every other useful animal, is, like poultry, originally kept as a save-all. As long as the number of such animals, which can thus be reared at little or no expense, is fully sufficient to supply the demand, this sort of butcher's meat comes to market at a much lower price than any other. But when the demand rises beyond what this quantity can supply, when it becomes necessary to raise food on purpose for feeding and fattening hogs, in the same manner as for feeding and fattening other cattle, the price necessarily rises, and becomes proportionably higher or lower than that of other butcher's meat, according as the nature of the country, and the state of its agriculture, happen to render the feeding of hogs more or less expensive than that of other cattle. In France, according to Mr. Buffon, the price of pork is nearly equal to that of beef. In most parts of Great Britain it is at present somewhat higher. The great rise in the price of both hogs and poultry has in Great Britain been frequently

The Rent imputed to the diminution of the number of cottagers and other small occupiers of land; an event which has in every part of Europe been the immediate forerunner of improvement and better cultivation, but which at the same time may have contributed to raise the price of those articles both somewhat sooner and somewhat faster than it would otherwise have risen. As the poorest family can often maintain a cat or a dog without any expense, so the poorest occupiers of land can commonly maintain a few poultry, or a sow and a few pigs, at very little. The little offals of their own table, their whey, skimmed milk, and buttermilk, supply those animals with a part of their food, and they find the rest in the neighbouring fields without doing any sensible damage to anybody. By diminishing the number of those small occupiers, therefore, the quantity of this sort of provisions, which is thus produced at little or no expense, must certainly have been a good deal diminished, and their price must consequently have been raised both sooner and faster than it would otherwise have risen. Sooner or later, however, in the progress of improvement, it must at any rate have risen to the utmost height to which it is capable of rising; or to the price which pays the labour and expense of cultivating the land which furnishes them with food as well as these are paid upon the greater part of other cultivated land.

The business of the dairy, like the feeding of hogs and poultry, is originally carried on as a save-all. The cattle necessarily kept upon the farm produce more milk than either the rearing of their own young or the consumption of the farmer's family requires; and they produce most at one particular season. But of all the productions of land, milk is perhaps the most perishable. In the warm season, when it is most abundant, it will scarce keep four-and-twenty hours. The farmer, by making it into fresh butter, stores a small part of it for a week: by making it into salt butter, for a year: and by making it into cheese, he stores a much greater part of it for several years. Part of all these is reserved for the use of his own family. The rest goes to market, in order to find the best price which is to be had, and which can scarce be so low as to discourage him from sending thither whatever is over and above the use of his own family. If it is very low, indeed, he will be likely to manage his dairy in a very slovenly and dirty manner, and will scarce perhaps think it worth while to have a particular room or building on purpose for it, but will suffer the business to be carried on amidst the smoke, filth, and nastiness of his own kitchen; as was the case of almost

of

Land

99

the farmers' dairies in Scotland thirty or forty years ago, and as is the case of many of them still. The same causes which gradually raise the price of butcher's meat, the increase of the demand, and, in consequence of all

the improvement of the country, the diminution of the quantity which can be fed at little or no expense, raise, in the same manner, that of the produce of the dairy, of which the price naturally connects with that of butcher's meat, or with the expense of feeding cattle. The increase of price pays for more labour, care, and cleanliness. The dairy becomes more worthy of the farmers attention, and the quality of its produce gradually improves. The price at last gets so high that it becomes worth while to employ some of the most fertile and best cultivated lands in feeding cattle merely for the purpose of the dairy; and when it has got to this height, it cannot well go higher. If it did, more land would soon be turned to this purpose. It seems to have got to this height through the greater part of England, where much good land is commonly employed in this manner. If you except the neighbourhood of a few considerable towns, it seems not yet to have got to this height anywhere in Scotland,

where common farmers seldom employ much good land in raising food for cattle merely for the purpose of the dairy. The price of the produce, though it has risen very considerably within these few years, is probably still too low to admit of it. The inferiority of the quality, indeed, compared with that of the produce of English dairies, is fully equal to that of the price. But this inferiority of quality is, perhaps, rather the effect of this lowness of price than the cause of it. Though the quality was much better, the greater part of what is brought to market could not, I apprehend, in the present circumstances of the country, be disposed of at a much better price; and the present price, it is probable, would not pay the expense of the land and labour necessary for producing a much better quality. Though the greater part of England, notwithstanding the superiority of price, the dairy is not reckoned a more profitable employment of land than the raising of corn, or the fattening of cattle, the two great objects of agriculture. Through the greater part of Scotland, therefore, it cannot yet be even

so profitable. The lands of

no country, it is evident, can ever be completely cultivated and improved till once the price of every produce, which human industry is obliged to raise upon them, has got so high as to pay for the expense of complete improvement and cultivation. In order to do this, the price of each particular produce must be sufficient, first, to pay the

The Wealth

IOC

rent of good corn land, as it is that which regulates the rent of the greater part of other cultivated land; and, secondly, to pay the labour and expense of the farmer as well as

they are commonly paid upon good corn land; or, in other words, to replace with the ordinary profits the stock which he employs about it. This rise in the price of each particular produce must evidently be previous to the improvement and cultivation of the land which is destined for raising it. Gain is the end of all improvement, and nothing could deserve that name of which loss was to be the necessary consequence. But loss must be the necessary consequence of improving land for the sake of a produce of which the price could never bring back the expense. If the complete improvement and cultivation of the country be, as it most certainly is, the greatest of all public advantages, this rise in the price of all those different sorts of rude produce, instead of being considered as a public calamity, ought to be regarded as the necessary forerunner and attendant of the greatest of all public advantages.

This rise, too, in the nominal or moneyprice of all those different sorts of rude produce has been the effect, not of any degradation in the value of silver, but of a rise in

They have become worth, not only a greater quantity of silver, but a greater quantity of labour and subsistence than before. As it costs a greater quantity of labour and subsistence to bring them to market, so when they are brought thither, they represent or are equivalent to a greater their real price.

quantity.

THIRD SORT

The

third

and

last sort of

rude produce,

which the price naturally rises in the progress of improvement, is that in which the efficacy of human industry, in augmenting of

the quantity, is either limited or uncertain. the real price of this sort of rude produce, therefore, naturally tends to rise in the progress of improvement, yet, according as different accidents happen to render the efforts of human industry more or less successful in augmenting the quantity, it may happen sometimes even to fall, sometimes to continue the same in very different periods of improvement, and sometimes to rise more or less in the same period. There are some sorts of rude produce which nature has rendered a kind of appendages to other sorts; so that the quantity of the one which any country can afford, is necessarily limited by that of the other. The quantity of wool or of raw hides, for example, which any country can afford is necessarily limited by the number of great and small cattle that

Though

of Nations are kept in it. The state of its improvement, and the nature of its agriculture, again neces-

determine this number. causes which, in the progress of improvement, gradually raise the price of butcher's meat, should have the same effect, it may be thought, upon the prices of wool and raw hides, and raise them, too, nearly in the same proportion. It probably would be so if, in the rude beginnings of improvement, the market for the latter commodities was confined within as narrow bounds as that for sarily

The same

the former.

But the extent

of their respective

markets is commonly extremely different. The market for butcher's meat is almost everywhere confined to the country which produces it. Ireland, and some part of British America indeed, carry on a considerable trade in salt provisions; but they are, I believe, the only countries in the commercial world which do so, or which export to other countries

any considerable part of their butcher's meat. The market for wool and raw hides, on the contrary,

is

in the

rude beginnings of improve-

ment very seldom confined to the country which produces them. They can easily be transported to distant countries, wool without any preparation, and raw hides with very little: and as they are the materials of many manufactures, the industry of other countries may occasion a demand for them, though that of the country which produces them might not occasion any. In countries ill cultivated, and therefore but thinly inhabited, the price of the wool and the hide bears always a much greater proportion to that of the whole beast than in countries where, improvement and population being further advanced, there is more demand for butcher's meat. Mr. Hume observes that in the Saxon times the fleece was estimated at two-fifths of the value of the whole sheep, and that this was much above the proportion of its present estimation. In some provinces of Spain, I have been assured, the sheep is frequently killed merely for the sake of the

and the tallow. The carcase is often upon the ground, or to be devoured by beasts and birds of prey. If this sometimes happens even in Spain, it happens almost constantly in Chili, at Buenos Ayres, and in many other parts of Spanish America, where the horned cattle are almost fleece

left

to rot

constantly killed merely for the sake of the hide and the tallow. This, too, used to happen almost constantly in Hispaniola, while it was infested by the Buccaneers, and before the settlement, improvement, and populousness of the French plantations (which now extend round the coast of almost the whole western half of the island) had given some value to the cattle of the Spaniards, who still

The Rent continue to possess, not only the eastern part of the coast, but the whole inland and mountainous part of the country. Though in the progress of improvement and population the price of the whole beast necessarily rises, yet the price of the carcase is likely to be much more affected by this rise than that of the wool and the hide. The market for the carcase, being in the rude state of society confined always to the country which produces it, must necessarily be extended in proportion to the improvement and population of that country. But the market for the wool and the hides even of a barbarous country often extending to the whole commercial world, it can very seldom be enlarged in the same proportion. The state of the whole commercial world can seldom be much affected by the improvement of any particular country; and the market for such commodities may remain the same or very nearly the same after such improvements as before. It should, however, in the natural course of things rather upon the whole be somewhat extended in consequence of them. If the manufactures, especially, of which those commodities are the materials should ever come to flourish in the country, the market, though at it might not be much enlarged, would least be brought much nearer to the place of growth than before; and the price of those materials might at least be increased by what had usually been the expense of transport-

them

ing

to

distant

countries.

Though

it

the same proportion as that of butcher's meat, it ought naturally to rise somewhat, and it ought certainly not to fall. In England, however, notwithstanding the

might not

rise therefore in

flourishing state of its woollen manufacture, the price of English wool has fallen very considerably since the time of Edward III. There

many

are

authentic records which demon-

strate that during the reign of that prince (towards the middle of the fourteenth cen-

about 1339) what was reckoned the moderate and reasonable price of the tod, or twenty-eight pounds of English wool, was not less than ten shillings of the money of those times, containing at the rate of twentypence the ounce, six ounces of silver Tower weight, equal to about thirty shillings of our present money. In the present times, one-andtwenty shillings the tod may be reckoned a good price for very good English wool. The money-price of wool, therefore, in the time of Edward III, was to its money-price in the tury, or

1

present times as ten to seven. The superiority of its real price was still greater. At the rate of six shillings and eightpence the quara

See Smith's Memoirs of Wool, vol.

and

7; also, vol.

ii,

c.

176.

i,

c. 5,

6,

of

101

Land

ten shillings was in those ancient times the price of twelve bushels of wheat. At the rate of twenty-eight shillings the quarter, oneand-twenty shillings is in the present times the price of six bushels only. The proportion between the real prices of ancient and modern times, therefore, is as twelve to six, or as two to one. In those ancient times a tod of wool would have purchased twice the quantity of subsistence which it will purchase at present; and consequently twice the quantity of labour, if the real recompense of labour had been the same in both periods. This degradation both in the real and nominal value of wool could never have happened in consequence of the natural course of things. It has accordingly been the effect of violence and artifice: first, of the absolute prohibition of exporting wool from England; secondly, of the permission of importing it from Spain duty free; thirdly, of the prohibition of exporting it from Ireland to any other country but England. In consequence of these regulations the market for English wool, instead ter,

of being

somewhat extended

in

consequence

the improvement of England, has been confined to the home market, where the wool of several other countries is allowed to come into competition with it, and where that of Ireland is forced into competition with it. As the woollen manufactures, too, of Ireland are fully as much discouraged as is consistent with justice and fair dealing, the Irish can work up but a small part of their own wool at home, and are, therefore, obliged to send a greater proportion of it to Great Britain, the only market they are allowed. I have not been able to find any such authentic records concerning the price of raw hides in ancient times. Wool was commonly paid as a subsidy to the king, and its valuation in that subsidy ascertains, at least in some degree, what was its ordinary price. But this seems not to have been the case of

with raw hides. Fleetwood, however, from an account in 1425, between the prior of Burcester Oxford and one of his canons, gives us their price, at least as it was stated upon that particular occasion, viz., five ox hides at twelve shillings; five cow hides at seven threepence; thirty-six sheep shillings and skins of two years old at nine shillings; sixteen calves skins at two shillings. In 1425, twelve shillings contained about the same quantity of silver as four-and-twenty shillings of our present money. An ox hide, therefore, was in this account valued at the same quantity of silver as 4s. four-fifths of our present money. Its nominal price was a good deal lower than at present. But at the rate of six shillings and eightpence the quarter, twelve shillings would in those times have

102

The Wealth

purchased fourteen bushels and four-fifths of a bushel of wheat, which, at three and sixpence the bushel, would in the present times cost 51s. 4d. An ox hide, therefore, would in those times have purchased as much corn as ten shillings and threepence would purchase at present. Its real value was equal to ten shillings and threepence of our present money. In those ancient times, when the cattle were half starved during the greater part of the winter, we cannot suppose that they were of a very large size. An ox hide which weighs four stone of sixteen pounds avoirdupois is not in the present times reckoned a bad one; and in those ancient times would probably have been reckoned a very good one. But at halfa-crown the stone, which at this moment (February 1773) I understand to be the common price, such a hide would at present cost only ten shillings. Though its nominal price, therefore, is higher in the present than it was in those ancient times, its real price, the real quantity of subsistence which it will purchase or command, is rather somewhat lower. The

cow hides, as stated in the above account, is nearly in the common proportion tc that of ox hides. That of sheep skins is a good deal above it. They had probably been sold with the wool. That of calves skins, on the contrary, is greatly below it. In countries where the price of cattle is very low, the calves, which are not intended to be reared in order to keep up the stock, are generally killed very young; as was the case in Scotland twenty or thirty years ago. It saves the milk, which their price would not pay for. Their skins, therefore, are commonly good for price of

little.

The price of raw hides is a good deal lower at present than it was a few years ago, owing probably to the taking off the duty upon sealskins, and to the allowing, for a limited time, the importation of raw hides from Ireland and from the plantations duty free, which was done in 1769. Take the whole of the present century at an average, their real price has probably been somewhat higher than it was in those ancient times. The nature of the commodity renders it not quite so proper for being transported to distant markets as wool. It suffers more by keeping. A salted hide is reckoned inferior to a fresh one, and sells for a lower price. This circumstance must necessarily have some tendency to sink the price of raw hides produced in a country which does not manufacture them, but is obliged to export them; and comparatively to raise that of those produced in a country which does manufacture them. It must have some tendency to sink their price in a barbarous, and to raise it in an improved and manufacturing country. It must have had

of Nations

some tendency, therefore, to sink it in an. cient and to raise it in modern times. Our tanners, besides, have not been quite so successful as our clothiers in convincing the wisdom of the nation that the safety of the com-

monwealth depends upon the prosperity of their particular manufacture. They have accordingly been much less favoured. The exportation of raw hides has, indeed, been prohibited, and declared a nuisance; but their importation from foreign countries has been subjected to a duty; and though this duty has been taken off from those of Ireland and the plantations (for the limited time of five years only) yet Ireland has not been confined to the market of Great Britain for the sale of its surplus hides, or of those which are not manufactured at home. The hides of common cattle have but within these few years been put among the enumerated commodities which the plantations can send nowhere but to the mother country; neither has the commerce of Ireland been in this case oppressed hitherto in order to support the ,

manufactures of Great Britain. Whatever regulations tend to sink the price either of wool or of raw hides below what it naturally would be must, in an improved and cultivated country, have some tendency to raise the price of butcher's meat. The price both of the great and small cattle, which are fed on improved and cultivated land, must be sufficient to pay the rent which the landlord and the profit which the farmer has reason to expect from improved and cultivated land. If it is not, they will soon cease to feed them. Whatever part of this price, therefore, is not paid by the wool and the hide must be paid by the carcase. The less there is paid for the one, the more must be paid for the other. In what manner this price is to be divided upon the different parts of the beast is indifferent to the landlords and farmers, provided it is all paid to them. In an improved and cultivated country, therefore, their interest as landlords and farmers cannot be much affected by such regulations,

though their interest as consumers may, by the rise in the price of provisions. It would be quite otherwise, however, in an unimproved and uncultivated country, where the greater part of the lands could be applied to no other purpose but the feeding of cattle, and where the wool and the hide made the principal part of the value of those cattle. Their interest as landlords and farmers would in this case be very deeply affected by such regulations, and their interest as consumers very little. The fall in the price of wool and the hide would not in this case raise the price of the carcase, because the greater part of the lands of the country being applicable to no

The Rent other purpose but the feeding of cattle, the same number would still continue to be fed. The same quantity of butcher's meat would still

come

to

market. The

demand

for

it

would be no greater than before. Its price, therefore, would be the same as before. The whole price of cattle would fall, and along with it both the rent and the profit of all those lands of which cattle was the principal produce, that is, of the greater part of the lands of the country. The perpetual prohibition of the exportation of wool, which is commonly, but very falsely, ascribed to Edward III, would, in the then circumstances of the country, have been the most destructive regulation which could well have been thought of. It would not only have reduced the actual value of the greater part of the lands of the kingdom, but by reducing the price of the most important species of small cattle it would have retarded very much its subsequent improvement. The wool of Scotland fell very considerably in its price in consequence of the union with England, by which it was excluded from the great market of Europe, and confined to the narrow one of Great Britain. The value of the greater part of the lands in the southern counties of Scotland, which are chiefly a sheep country, would have been very deeply affected by this event, had not the rise in the price of butcher's meat fully compensated the fall in the price of wool. As the efficacy of human industry, in increasing the quantity either of wool or of hides, is limited, so far as it depends upon the produce of the country where it is exerted; so it is uncertain so far as it depends upon the produce of other countries. It so far depends, not so much upon the quantity which they produce, as upon that which they do not manufacture; and upon the restraints which they may or may not think proper to impose upon the exportation of this sort of rude produce. These circumstances, as they are altogether independent of domestic industry, so they necessarily render the efficacy of its efforts more or less uncertain. In multiplying this sort of rude produce, therefore, the efficacy of human industry is not only limited, but uncertain.

raw

In multiplying another very important sort of rude produce, the quantity of fish that is brought to market, it is likewise both limited

and uncertain.

It is limited by the local situation of the country, by the proximity or distance of its different provinces from the sea, by the number of its lakes and rivers, and by what may be called the fertility or barrenness of those seas, lakes, and rivers, as to this sort of rude produce. As population increases, as the annual produce of the land

of

Land

103

and labour

of the country grows greater and there come to be more buyers of fish, and those buyers, too, have a greater quantity and variety of other goods, or, what is the same thing, the price of a greater quantity and variety of other goods to buy with. But it will generally be impossible to supply the great and extended market without employing a quantity of labour greater than in proportion to what had been requisite for supplying the narrow and confined one. A market which, from requiring only one thousand, comes to require annually ten thousand tons of fish, can seldom be supplied without employing more than ten times the quantity of labour which had before been sufficient to supply it. The fish must generally be fought for at a greater distance, larger

greater,

vessels must be employed, and more expensive machinery of every kind made use of. The real price of this commodity, therefore, naturally rises in the progress of improvement. It has accordingly done so, I believe, more

or less in every country. Though the success of a particular day's

may be a very uncertain matter, yet, the local situation of the country being supposed, the general efficacy of industry in bringing a certain quantity of fish to market, taking the course of a year, or of several years together, it may perhaps be thought is certain enough; and it no doubt is so. As it depends more, however, upon the local situation of the country than upon the state of its wealth and industry; as upon this account it may in different countries be the same in very different periods of improvement, and very different in the same period; its connection with the state of improvement is uncertain, and it is of this sort of uncertainty that I am here speaking. In increasing the quantity of the different minerals and metals which are drawn from the bowels of the earth, that of the more precious ones particularly, the efficacy of human industry seems not to be limited, but to be altogether uncertain. The quantity of the precious metals which is to be found in any country is not limited by anything in its local situation, such as the fertility or barrenness of its own mines. Those metals frequently abound in countries which possess no mines. Their quantity in every particular country seems to depend upon two different circumstances; first, upon its power of purchasing, upon the state of its industry, upon the annual produce of its land and labour, in consequence of which it can afford to employ a greater or a smaller quantity of labour and subsistence in bringing or purchasing such superfluities as gold and silver, either from its own mines or from those of fishing

,

The Wealth

104

other countries; and, secondly, upon the fertility or barrenness of the mines which may happen at any particular time to supply the commercial world with those metals. The quantity of those metals in the countries most remote from the mines must be more or less affected by this fertility or barrenness, on account of the easy and cheap transportation of those metals, of their small bulk and great value. Their quantity in China and Indostan must have been more or less affected by the abundance of the mines of America. So far as their quantity in any particular country depends upon the former of those two circumstances (the power of purchasing) their real price, like that of all other luxuries and superfluities, is likely to rise with the wealth and improvement of the country, and to fall with its poverty and depression. Countries which have a great quantity of labour and subsistence to spare can afford to purchase any particular quantity of those metals at the expense of a greater quantity of labour and subsistence than countries which

have less to spare. So far as their quantity in any particular country depends upon the latter of those two circumstances (the fertility or barrenness of the mines which happen to supply the commercial world) their real price, the real quantity of labour and subsistence which they will purchase or exchange for, will, no doubt, sink more or less in proportion to the fertility, and rise in proportion to the barrenness of those mines. The fertility or barrenness of the mines, however, which may happen at any particular time to supply the commercial world, is a circumstance which, it is evident, may have no sort of connection with the state of industry in a particular country. It seems even to have no very necessary connection with that of the world in general. As arts and commerce, indeed, gradually spread themselves over a greater and a greater part of the earth, the search for new mines, being extended over a wider surface, may have somewhat a better chance for being successful than when confined within narrower bounds. The discovery of new mines, however, as the old ones come to be gradually exhausted, is a matter of the greatest uncertainty, and such as no human skill or industry can ensure. All indications, it is acknowledged, are doubtful, and the actual discovery and successful working of a new mine can alone ascertain the reality of its value, or even of its existence. In this search there seem to be no certain limits ei,

ther to the possible success or to the possible disappointment of human industry. In the course of a century or two, it is possible that new mines may be discovered more fertile

of Nations than any that have ever yet been known; and just equally possible that the most fertile mine then known may be more barren than any that was wrought before the discovery of the mines of America. Whether the one or the other of those two events may happen it is

is of very little importance to the real wealth and prosperity of the world, to the real value of the annual produce of the land and labour of mankind. Its nominal value, the quantity of gold and silver by which this annual produce could be expressed or represented, would, no doubt, be very different; but its real value, the real quantity of labour which it could purchase or command, would be precisely the same. A shilling might in the one case represent no more labour than a penny does at present; and a penny in the other might represent as much as a shilling does now. But in the one case he who had a shilling in his pocket would be no richer than he who has a penny at present; and in the other he who had a penny would be just as rich as he who has a shilling now. The cheapness and abundance of gold and silver plate would be the sole advantage which the world could derive from the one event, and the dearness and scarcity of those trifling superfluities the only inconveniency it could suffer from the other.

to take place

CONCLUSION OF THE DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE VARIATIONS IN THE VALUE OF SILVER The greater part of the writers who have collected the money prices of things in ancient times seem to have considered the low moneyprice of corn, and of goods in general, or, in other words, the high value of gold and silver, as a proof, not only of the scarcity of those metals, but of the poverty and barbarism of the country at the time when it took place. This notion political

is

connected with the system of

economy which represents

national

wealth as consisting in the abundance, and national poverty in the scarcity of gold and silver; a system which I shall endeavour to explain and examine at great length in the fourth book of this inquiry. I shall only observe at present that the high value of the precious metals can be no proof of the poverty or barbarism of any particular country at the time when it took place. It is a proof only of the barrenness of the mines which happened at that time to supply the commercial world. A poor country, as it cannot afford to buy more, so it can as little afford to pay dearer for gold and silver than a rich one; and the value of those metals, therefore, is not likely to be higher in the former than in the latter. In China, a country much richer than any part of Europe, the value of the

The Rent precious metals is much higher than in any part of Europe. As the wealth of Europe, indeed, has increased greatly since the discovery of the mines of America, so the value of gold and silver has gradually diminished. This diminution of their value, however, has not been owing to the increase of the real wealth of Europe, of the annual produce of its land and labour, but to the accidental discovery of more abundant mines than any that were known before. The increase of the quantity of gold and silver in Europe, and the increase of its manufactures and agriculture, are two events which, though they have happened nearly about the same time, yet have arisen from very different causes, and have scarce any natural connection with one another. The one has arisen from a mere accident, in which neither prudence nor policy either had or could have any share. The other from the fall of the feudal system, and from the establishment of a government which afforded to industry the only encouragement which it requires, some tolerable security that it shall enjoy the fruits of its own labour. Poland, where the feudal system still continues to take place, is at this day as beggarly a country as it was before the discovery of

America. The money price of corn, however, has risen; the real value of the precious metals has fallen in Poland, in the same manner as in other parts of Europe. Their quantity, therefore, must have increased there as in other places, and nearly in the same proportion to the annual produce of its land and labour. This increase of the quantity of those metals, however, has not, it seems, increased that annual produce, has neither improved the manufactures and agriculture of the country, nor mended the circumstances of its inhabitants. Spain and Portugal, the countries which possess the mines, are, after Poland, perhaps, the two most beggarly countries in Europe. The value of the precious metals, however, must be lower in Spain and Portugal than in any other part of Europe; as they come from those countries to all other parts of Europe, loaded, not only with a freight and an insurance, but with the expense of smuggling, their exportation being either prohibited, or subjected to a duty. In proportion to the annual produce of the land and labour, therefore, their quantity must be greater in those countries than in any other part of Europe. Those countries, however, are poorer than the greater part of Europe. Though the feudal system has been abolished in Spain and Portugal, it has not been succeeded by a much better.

As the low value of gold and silver, thereno proof of the wealth and flourishing

fore, is

state of the country

where

it

takes place; so

of

Land

105

neither is their high value, or the low money price either of goods in general, or of corn in particular, any proof of its poverty and bar-

barism.

But though the low money price either of goods in general, or of corn in particular, be no proof of the poverty or barbarism of the times, the low money price of some particular sorts of goods, such as cattle, poultry, game of all kinds, etc., in proportion to that of corn, is a most decisive one. It clearly demfirst, their great abundance in proportion to that of corn, and consequently the great extent of the land which they occupied in proportion to what was occupied by corn; and, secondly, the low value of this land in proportion to that of corn land, and consequently the uncultivated and unimproved state of the far greater part of the lands of the country. It clearly demonstrates that the stock and population of the country did not bear the same proportion to the extent of its territory which they commonly do in civilised countries, and that society was at that time, and in that country, but in its infancy. From the high or low money price either of goods in general, or of corn in particular, we can infer only that the mines which at that time happened to supply the commercial world with gold and silver were fertile or barren, not that the country was rich or poor. But from the high or low money price of some sorts of goods in proportion to that of others, we can infer, with a degree of probability that approaches almost to certainty, that it was rich or poor, that the greater part of its lands were improved or unimproved, and that it was either in a more or less barbarous state, or in a more or less civilised one. Any rise in the money price of goods which proceeded altogether from the degradation of the value of silver would affect all sorts of goods equally, and raise their price universally a third, or a fourth, or a fifth part higher, according as silver happened to lose a third, or a fourth, or a fifth part of its former value. But the rise in the price of provisions, which has been the subject of so much reasoning and conversation, does not affect all sorts of provisions equally. Taking the course of the present century at an average, the price of corn, it is acknowledged, even by those who account for this rise by the degradation of the value of silver, has risen much less than that of some other sorts of provisions. The rise in the price of those other sorts of

onstrates,

provisions, therefore, cannot be owing altogether to the degradation of the value of silver. Some other causes must be taken into the account, and those which have been above as-

signed will, perhaps, without having recourse to the supposed degradation of the value of

106

The Wealth

silver, sufficiently explain this rise in those particular sorts of provisions of which the price has actually risen in proportion to that of corn. As to the price of corn itself, it has, during the sixty-four first years of the present century, and before the late extraordinary course

of bad seasons, been somewhat lower than it was during the sixty-four last years of the

preceding century. This fact is attested, not only by the accounts of Windsor market, but by the public fiars of all the different counties of Scotland, and by the accounts of several different markets in France, which have been collected with great diligence and fidelity by Mr. Messance and by Mr. Dupre de St. Maur. The evidence is more complete than could well have been expected in a matter which is naturally so very difficult to be ascertained. As to the high price of corn during these last ten or twelve years, it can be sufficiently accounted for from the badness of the seasons, without supposing any degradation in the value of silver. The opinion, therefore, that silver is continually sinking in its value,

seems not to be founded upon any good observations, either upon the prices of corn, or upon those of other provisions. The same quantity of silver, it may, per-

haps, be said, will in the present times, even according to the account which has been here given, purchase a much smaller quantity of several sorts of provisions than it would have done during some part of the last century; and to ascertain whether this change be owing to a rise in the value of those goods, or to a fall in the value of silver, is only to es-

of Nations consequence of more extended improvement and good cultivation, to its having been rendered fit for producing corn; it is owing to a circumstance which indicates in the clearest manner the prosperous and advancing state of the country. The land constitutes by far the greatest, the most important, and the most durable part of the wealth of every extensive country. It may surely be of some use, or, at least,

may give some satisfaction have so decisive a proof of

it

to the public, to

the increasing value of by far the greatest, the most important, and the most durable part of its wealth. It

may,

too,

be of some use to the public pecuniary reward of some of

in regulating the

servants. If this rise in the price be owing to a fall in the value of silver, their pecuniary reward, provided it was not too large before, ought certainly to be augmented in proportion to the extent of this fall. If it is not augmented, its inferior

of

some

sorts of provisions

recompense will evidently be so diminished. But if this rise of price is owing to the increased value, in consequence of the improved fertility of the land which produces such provisions, it becomes a much nicer matter to judge either in what proportion any pecuniary reward ought to be augtheir

real

much

it ought to be augmented at all. The extension of improvement and cultivation, as it necessarily raises more or less, in proportion to the price of corn, that of every sort of animal food, so it as necessarily lowers that of, I believe, every sort of vegetable food. It raises the price of animal food; because a great part of the land which produces it, being rendered fit for producing corn,

mented, or whether

afford to the landlord and farmer the rent and profit of corn-land. It lowers the price of vegetable food; because, by increasing the fertility of the land, it increases its

tablish a vain and useless distinction, which can be of no sort of service to the man who has only a certain quantity of silver to go to market with, or a certain fixed revenue in

must

money. I certainly do not pretend that the knowledge of this distinction will enable him to buy cheaper. It may not, however, upon

abundance. The improvements of agriculture,

that account be altogether useless. It may be of some use to the public by affording an easy proof of the prosperous condition of the country. If the rise in the price of some sorts of provisions be owing altogether to a fall in the value of silver, it is owing to a circumstance from which nothing can be inferred but the fertility of the American mines. The real wealth of the country, the annual produce of its land and labour, may, notwithstanding this circumstance, be either gradually declining, as in Portugal and Poland; or gradually advancing, as in most other parts of Europe. But if this rise in the price of some sorts of provisions be owing to a rise in the real value of the land which produces them, to its increased fertility, or, in

too, introduce many sorts of vegetable food, which, requiring less land and not more labour than corn, come much cheaper to market. Such are potatoes and maize, or what is called Indian corn, the two most important

improvements which the agriculture of Europe, perhaps, which Europe itself has received from the great extension of its commerce and navigation. Many sorts of vegetable food, besides, which in the rude state of agriculture are confined to the kitchengarden, and raised only by the spade, come in its improved state to be introduced into common fields, and to be raised by the plough:

such as turnips, carrots, cabbages,

etc. If in

the progress of improvement, therefore, the real price of one species of food necessarily rises, that of another as necessarily falls, and it becomes a matter of more nicety to judge

The Rent how

far the rise in the

may be compenother. When the real

one

sated by the fall in the price of butcher's meat has once got to its height (which, with regard to every sort, except, perhaps, that of hogs' flesh, it seems to have done through a great part of England

more than a century ago) any rise which can afterwards happen in that of any other sort of animal food cannot much affect the circumstances of the inferior ranks of people. The circumstances of the poor through a great part of England cannot surely be so much ,

distressed by any rise in the price of poultry, wild-fowl, or venison, as they must be relieved by the fall in that of potatoes. In the present season of scarcity the high price of corn no doubt distresses the poor. But in times of moderate plenty, when corn is at its ordinary or average price, the natural rise in the price of any other sort of rude fish,

produce cannot much affect them. They suffer more, perhaps, by the artificial rise which has been occasioned by taxes in the price of some manufactured commodities; as of salt, soap, leather, candles, malt, beer,

and

ale, etc.

EFFECTS OF THE PROGRESS OF

IMPROVEMENT UPON THE REAL PRICE OF MANUFACTURES It

is

the natural effect of improvement,

however, to diminish gradually the real price of almost all manufactures. That of the manufacturing workmanship diminishes, perhaps, in all of them without exception. In consequence of better machinery, of greater dexterity, and of a more proper division and distribution of work, all of which are the natural effects of improvement, a much smaller quantity of labour becomes requisite for executing any particular piece of work, and though, in consequence of the flourishing circumstances of the society, the real price of labour should rise very considerably, yet the great diminution of the quantity will generally much more than compensate the greatest rise which can happen in the price. There are, indeed, a few manufactures in which the necessary rise in the real price of the rude materials will more than compensate all the advantages which improvement can introduce into the execution of the work. In carpenters' and joiners' work, and in the coarser sort of cabinet work, the necessary rise in the real price of barren timber, in consequence of the improvement of land, will more than compensate all the advantages which can be derived from the best machinery, the greatest dexterity, and the most proper division and distribution of work. But in all cases in which the real price of the rude materials either does not rise at all, or does not rise very much, that of the manu-

of

Land

factured

107

commodity

sinks very considerably. This diminution of price has, in the course

and preceding century, been most remarkable in those manufactures of which the materials are the coarser metals. A better movement of a watch, that about the middle of the last century could have been bought for twenty pounds, may now perhaps be had for twenty shillings. In the work of cutlers and locksmiths, in all the toys which are made of the coarser metals, and in all those goods which are commonly known by the name of Birmingham and Sheffield ware, there has been, during the same period, a very great reduction of price, though of the present

not altogether so great as in watch-work. It has, however, been sufficient to astonish the workmen of every other part of Europe, who in many cases acknowledge that they can produce no work of equal goodness for double, or even for triple the price. There are perhaps no manufactures in which the division of labour can be carried further, or in which the machinery employed admits of a greater variety of improvements, than those of which the materials are the coarser metals. In the clothing manufacture there has, during the same period, been no such sensible reduction of price. The price of superfine cloth, I have been assured, on the contrary, has, within these five-and-twenty or thirty years, risen somewhat in proportion to its quality; owing, it was said, to a considerable rise in the price of the material, which consists altogether of Spanish wool. That of the Yorkshire cloth, which is made altogether of English wool, is said indeed, during the course of the present century, to have fallen a good deal in proportion to its quality. Quality, however, is so very disputable a matter that I look upon all information of this kind as somewhat uncertain. In the clothing manufacture, the division of labour is nearly the same now as it was a century ago, and the ma-

chinery employed is not very different. There may, however, have been some small improvements in both, which may have occasioned some reduction of price. But the reduction will appear much more sensible and undeniable if we compare the price of this manufacture in the present times with what it was in a much remoter period, towards the end of the fifteenth century, when the labour was probably much less subdivided, and the machinery employed much

more imperfect, than

it

is

at present.

In 1487, being the 4th of Henry VII, it was enacted that "whosoever shall sell by retail a broad yard of the finest scarlet grained, or of other grained cloth of the finest

making, above sixteen shillings, shall forty shillings for every yard so

forfeit

sold."

108

The Wealth

of Nations

Sixteen shillings, therefore, containing about the same quantity of silver as four-and-twenty shillings of our present money, was, at that

tuary law too, restraining the luxury and extravagance of the poor. Their clothing, there-

time, reckoned not an unreasonable price for a yard of the finest cloth; and as this is a sumptuary law, such cloth, it is probable, had usually been sold somewhat dearer. A guinea may be reckoned the highest price in the present times. Even though the quality of the cloths, therefore, should be supposed equal, and that of the present times is most probably much superior, yet, even upon this supposition, the money price of the finest cloth appears to have been considerably reduced since the end of the fifteenth century. But its real price has been much more reduced. Six shillings and eightpence was then, and long afterwards, reckoned the average price of a quarter of wheat. Sixteen shillings, therefore, was the price of two quarters and more than three bushels of wheat. Valuing a quarter of wheat

pensive.

present times at eight-and-twenty shillings, the real price of a yard of fine cloth must, in those times, have been equal to at least three pounds six shillings and sixpence of our present money. The man who bought it must have parted with the command of a quantity of labour and subsistence equal to what that sum would purchase in the present in

the

times.

The reduction in the real price of the coarse manufacture, though considerable, has not been so great as in that of the fine. In 1643, being the 3rd of Edward IV, it was enacted that "no servant in husbandry, nor common labourer, nor servant to any artificer inhabiting out of a city or burgh shall use or wear in their clothing any cloth above two shillings the broad yard." In the 3rd of Edward IV, two shillings contained very nearly the same quantity of silver as four of our present money. But the Yorkshire cloth which is now sold at four shillings the yard is probably much superior to any that was then made for the wearing of the very poorest order of common servants. Even the

money

price of their clothing, therefore,

may,

proportion to the quality, be somewhat cheaper in the present than it was in those ancient times. The real price is certainly a good deal cheaper. Tenpence was then reckoned what is called the moderate and reasonable price of a bushel of wheat. Two shillings, therefore, was the price of two bushels and near two pecks of wheat, which in the present times, at three shillings and sixpence the bushel, would be worth eight shillings and ninepence. For a yard of this cloth the poor servant must have parted with the power of purchasing a quantity of subsistence equal to what eight shillings and ninepence would purchase in the present times. This is a sumpin

fore,

had commonly been much more

ex-

The same order of people are, by the same law, prohibited from wearing hose, of which the price should exceed fourteenpence the pair, equal to about eight-and-twentypence of our present

money. But fourteenpence was and near

in those times the price of a bushel

two pecks

of wheat, which, in the present times, at three and sixpence the bushel, would cost five shillings and threepence. should in the present times consider this as a very high price for a pair of stockings, to a servant of the poorest and lowest order. He must,

We

however,

in those times

have paid what was

really equivalent to this price for them. In the time of Edward IV the art of knitting stockings was probably not known in any

part of Europe. Their hose were

mon

which

made

of

com-

may have been

one of the causes of their dearness. The first person that wore stockings in England is said to have been Queen Elizabeth. She received them as a present from the Spanish ambassador. Both in the coarse and in the fine woollen manufacture, the machinery employed was much more imperfect in those ancient than it is in the present times. It has since received three very capital improvements, besides, probably, many smaller ones of which it may be difficult to ascertain either the number or the importance. The three capital improvements are: first, the exchange of the rock and spindle for the spinning-wheel, which, with the same quantity of labour, will perform more than double the quantity of work. Secondly, the use of several very ingenious machines which facilitate and abridge in a still greater proportion the winding of the worsted and woollen yarn, or the proper arrangement of the warp and woof before they are put into the loom; an operation which, previous to the invention of those machines, must have been extremely tedious and troublesome. Thirdly, the employment of the fulling cloth,

mill for thickening the cloth, instead of treading it in water. Neither wind nor water mills

of any kind were known in England so early as the beginning of the sixteenth century, nor, so far as I know, in any other part of Europe north of the Alps. They had been introduced into Italy some time before. The consideration of these circumstances may, perhaps, in some measure explain to us why the real price both of the coarse and of the fine manufacture was so much higher in those ancient than it is in the present times. It cost a greater quantity of labour to bring the goods

to market. When they were brought thither, therefore, they must have purchased or ex-

The Rent changed

for the price of a greater quantity.

The

coarse manufacture probably was, in those ancient times, carried on in England, in the same manner as it always has been in countries where arts and manufactures are in their infancy. It was probably a household manufacture, in which every different part of the work was occasionally performed by all the different members of almost every private family; but so as to be their work only when they had nothing else to do, and not to be the principal business from which any of them derived the greater part of their subsistence.

The work which

performed in this manner, it has already been observed, comes always much cheaper to market than that which is the principal or sole fund of the workman's subsistence. The fine manufacture, on the other hand, was not in those times carried on in England, but in the rich and commercial country of Flanders; and it was probably conducted then, in the same manner as now, by is

people who derived the whole, or the principal part of their subsistence from it. It was, besides, a foreign manufacture, and must have paid some duty, the ancient custom of tonnage and poundage at least, to the king. This duty, indeed, would not probably be very great. It was not then the policy of Europe to restrain, by high duties, the importation of foreign manufactures, but rather to encourage it, in order that merchants might be enabled to supply, at as easy a rate as possible, the great men with the conveniences and luxuries which they wanted, and which the industry of their own country could not afford them. The consideration of these circumstances may perhaps in some measure explain to us why, in those ancient times, the real price of the coarse manufacture was, in proportion to that of the fine, so much lower than in the present times.

CONCLUSION OF THE CHAPTER conclude this very long chapter with observing that every improvement in the circumstances of the society tends either directly or indirectly to raise the real rent of land, to increase the real wealth of the landlord, his power of purchasing the labour, or the produce of the labour of other people. The extension of improvement and cultivation tends to raise it directly. The landlord's share of the produce necessarily increases with the increase of the produce. That rise in the real price of those parts of the rude produce of land, which is first the I shall

extended improvement and cultivaand afterwards the cause of their being

effect of tion,

further extended, the rise in the price of example, tends too to raise the rent of land directly, and in a still greater proporstill

cattle, for

of

Land The

109

value of the landlord's share, of the labour of other people, not only rises with the real value of the produce, but the proportion of his share to the whole produce rises with it. That produce, tion.

his real

real

command

after the rise in its labour to collect it portion of it will, replace, with the

real price, requires

no more

than before. A smaller protherefore, be sufficient to ordinary profit, the stock

A greater propormust, consequently, belong to the

which employs that labour. tion of

it

landlord. All those improvements in the productive powers of labour, which tend directly to reduce the real price of manufactures, tend in-

directly to raise the real rent of land. The landlord exchanges that part of his rude produce, which is over and above his own consumption, or what comes to the same thing, the price of that part of it, for manufactured produce. Whatever reduces the real price of the latter, raises that of the former. An equal quantity of the former becomes thereby equivalent to a greater quantity of the latter; and the landlord is enabled to purchase a greater quantity of the conveniences, ornaments, or luxuries, which he has occasion for. Every increase in the real wealth of the society, every increase in the quantity of useful labour employed within it, tends indirectly to raise the real rent of land. A certain proportion of this labour naturally goes to the land. A greater number of men and cattle are employed in its cultivation, the produce increases with the increase of the stock which is thus employed in raising it, and the rent increases with the produce. The contrary circumstances, the neglect of cultivation and improvement, the fall in the real price of any part of the rude produce of land, the rise in the real price of manufactures from the decay of manufacturing art and industry, the declension of the real wealth of the society, all tend, on the other hand, to lower the real rent of land, to reduce the real wealth of the landlord, to diminish his power of purchasing either the labour, or the produce of the labour of other people. The whole annual produce of the land and labour of every country, or what comes to the same thing, the whole price of that annual produce, naturally divides itself, it has already been observed, into three parts; the rent of land, the wages of labour, and the profits of stock; and constitutes a revenue to three different orders of people; to those who live by rent, to those who live by wages, and to those who live by profit. These are the three great, original, and constituent orders of

every civilised society, from whose revenue that of every other order is ultimately derived.

The

interest of the first of those three great

The Wealth

110

appears from what has been just now said, is strictly and inseparably connected with the general interest of the society.

orders,

it

Whatever either promotes or obstructs the one, necessarily promotes or obstructs the other. When the public deliberates concerning any regulation of commerce or police, the proprietors of land never can mislead it, with a view to promote the interest of their own particular order; at least, if they have any tolerable knowledge of that interest. They are, indeed, too often defective in this tolerable knowledge. They are the only one of the three orders whose revenue costs them neither labour nor care, but comes to them, as it were, of its own accord, and independent of any plan or project of their own. That indolence, which is the natural effect of the ease and security of their situation, renders them too often, not only ignorant, but incapable of that application of mind which is necessary in order to foresee and understand the consequences of any public regulation. The interest of the second order, that of those who live by wages, is as strictly connected with the interest of the society as that of the first. The wages of the labourer, it has already been shown, are never so high as when the demand for labour is continually rising, or when the quantity employed is every year increasing considerably. When this real wealth of the society becomes stationary, his wages are soon reduced to what is barely enough to enable him to bring up a family, or to con7 hen the society tinue the race of labourers. declines, they fall even below this. The order of proprietors may, perhaps, gain more by the prosperity of the society than that of labourers: but there is no order that suffers so cruelly from its decline. But though the interest of the labourer is strictly connected with that of the society, he is incapable either of comprehending that interest or of understanding its connection with his own. His condition leaves him no time to receive the necessary information, and his education and habits are commonly such as to render him unfit to judge even though he was fully informed. In the public deliberations, therefore, his voice is little heard and less regarded, except upon some particular

W

when

animated, set on and supported by his employers, not for his, but their own particular purposes. His employers constitute the third order, occasions,

his

clamour

is

that of those who live by profit. It is the stock that is employed for the sake of profit which puts into motion the greater part of the useful labour of every society. The plans and projects of the employers of stock regulate and direct all the most important operations of labour, and profit is the end proposed by all those plans and projects. But the rate of profit

of Nations does not, like rent and wages, rise with the prosperity and fall with the declension of the society. On the contrary, it is naturally low in rich and high in poor countries, and it is always highest in the countries which are going fastest to ruin.

The

der, therefore, has

interest of this third or-

not the same connection

with the general interest of the society as that of the other two. Merchants and master manufacturers are, in this order, the two classes of people who commonly employ the largest capitals, and who by their wealth draw to themselves the greatest share of the public consideration. As during their whole lives they are engaged in plans and projects, they have frequently more acuteness of understanding than the greater part of country gentlemen. As their thoughts, however, are

commonly exercised rather about the interest of their own particular branch of business, than about that of the society, their judgment, even when given with the greatest candour (which it has not been upon every occasion) is much more to be depended upon with regard to the former of those two objects than with regard to the latter. Their superiority over the country gentleman is not so much in their knowledge of the public interest, as in their having a better knowledge of their own interest than he has of his. It is by this superior knowledge of their own interest that they have frequently imposed upon his generosity, and persuaded him to give up both his own interest and that of the public, from a very simple but honest conviction that their interest, and not his, was the interest of the public.

The

interest of the dealers,

however, in any particular branch of trade or manufactures, is always in some respects different from, and even opposite to, that of the public. To widen the market and to narrow the competition, is always the interest of the dealers.

To widen

the market

may

frequently

be agreeable enough to the interest of the public; but to narrow the competition must always be against it, and can serve only to enable the dealers, by raising their profits above what they naturally would be, to levy, for their own benefit, an absurd tax upon the rest

The proposal of any or regulation of commerce which comes from this order ought always to be listened to with great precaution, and ought never to be adopted till after having been long and carefully examined, not only with the most scrupulous, but with the most suspicious attention. It comes from an order of men whose interest is never exactly the same with that of the public, who have generally an interest to deceive and even to oppress the public, and who accordingly have, upon many of their fellow-citizens.

new law

occasions, both deceived

and oppressed

it.

The Rent

of

Land

Ill

Tables Referred to on Pages Years

XII

Pri ce of the Quarter of \ Vheat each Year

£ — 12 — (- 12 -1 — 13 4 - 15 -J — 12 — — 34 — 2— — 2— — 16 — — 13 4 4 — — 15 — — 16 — 4 16 — 6 8 — — 2 8 [— 16 — s.

1202 1205

1223 1237 1243 1244 1246 1247 1257

d.

80, 87.

The average Price of each Year in

Average of the different Prices of

the

Money of the present Times

same Year

—£ — — — 13 5 s.

d.

£

s.

1

16

2—3 1

— — —

1258

1

I

1286

3 12

17

—

2 11

5 12

—

16 16

— —

9

Average Price

£

f

s.

£

d.

— 34 8 — — — 4 — 6 — 8 — 2— — 34 — 9 4 — 12 — 6— — 2— — 10 8 — 16 — — 16 — — 4— — 72

8.

1

8

£35

9

3

£2 19

£

d.

— — — — — — — — —

4 Total

1287

e

6 8

)

1

1270

16 10

2 2

1

r

d.

—

—

s.

10

134

d.

—

1

1

1

1288

1

i

>

1

1289

•

- s-H

- 9-H

-

1

;

10

ih

10

43^

1

1290 1294 1302 1309 1315

1

1316

1

2

"2

—

1317

1336 1338

«

2 4

— — —

—

8 8 12

— — —

1

1

6

3

1 1

2 2

— — 414 — 13 — 68 2 — 34 10 12

1

•

'

1

10

6

4 11

6

1

19

6

5 18

6

— — Tot al

Average Price

6 10

— —

£23 4 11^ £l 18 8

The Wealth

112 Years

XII

Price of the Quarter of Wheat each Year

£

1339 1349 1359 1361 1363

1369 1379 1387 1390 1401

1407

1416

s.

d.

— 9— — 2— 16 8 — 2— — 15 — (!!=} — 4— — 2— f—

13

4]

of Nations The average Price of each Year in

Average of the different Prices of the same Year

£

Money of the present Times

£

d.

s.

7 5 3 2 4 1 15 2 9

— —

—

{=

—

—£ — — 1

1! 1

1444

{=

1445 1447 1448 1449 1452

— —

9 4

4

1

13

7

16 4 3 16

1

17

4

—

—

—

n

3 10

—

s.

8 4 6 5 6 4 4 4 4 8 6 5

d.

— —

£

s.

8

8 4 8,

— —6 —8 8 —

13

£

— — — — —

s.

d.

1

7 5 8

—8 —

t=!l — 8 1

— — —

6 4 14 4 3

—

9

4

5

9}/&

2

— — — — — —

4'

4 2

5

12

2

4

4

2

£

s.

1

s.

16 8 13 10 6

d.

— — 4 8 8

— 84 9 — 16 — 13 4 10 — 16 — 8

£12 15 £l 1

£

d.

8 11

1

— — 2 —

Total

1464 1486 1491 1494 1495 1497

4

£15 £l

£

d.

Average Price

1463

—

\-\i-\

1440

1453 1455 1457 1459 1460

2 2 8

2

Average Price

1439

—

— ——— — 14 5 1

Total

1423 1425 1434 1435

d.

s.

1

s.

4

33^

d.

— 10 8 — 24 — 15 4 — 10 — — 16 — — 38 — 10 — 17 — 2 — — 6— — 5— 11 —

10

— —8

1

1

4

1

1

Total

Average Price

£8

—

9

14

1

The Rent Years

XII

Price of the Quarter of Wheat each Year

£

— -

1499 1504 1521 1551 1553 1554 1555 1556

4 5

8

— — —

,

1558 1559 1560

—

8

2 13

4

—

5

8 8 -

8

113

Average of the

s.

— — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — —

-

17

The average Price of each Year in

Money of the present Times

£

d.

— — — — — — — —

8

1

10

— — — — —

—

sy2

— — — — — — Total

£

— — f

1574 1

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1598 1599 1600 1601

2 16 1 19 1 17 1

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2 8

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8 2 8 14 10

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Average Price

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Act of Parliament, which put a stop to the circulation of ten and five shilling notes, it filled a still greater part of that circulation. In the currencies of North America, paper was commonly issued for so small a sum as a shilling, and filled almost the whole of that circulation. In some paper currencies of Yorkshire, it was issued even for so small a sum as a sixpence. Where the issuing of bank notes for such very small sums is allowed and commonly practised, many mean people are both enabled and encouraged to become bankers. A person whose promissory note for five pounds, or even for twenty shillings, would be rejected by everybody, will get it to be received without scruple when it is issued for so small a sum as a sixpence. But the frequent bankruptcies to which such beggarly bankers must be liable may occasion a very considerable inconveniency, and sometimes even a very great calamity to many poor people who had received their notes in payment. It were better, perhaps, that no bank notes were issued in any part of the kingdom for a smaller sum than five pounds. Paper money would then, probably, confine itself, in every part of the kingdom, to the circulation between the different dealers, as much as it does at present in London, where no bank notes are issued under ten pounds' value; five pounds being, in most parts of the kingdom, a sum which, though it will purchase, perhaps, little more than half the quantity of goods, is as much considered, and is as seldom spent all at once, as ten pounds are amidst the profuse

expense of London. Where paper money,

it is to be observed, is confined to the circulation between dealers and dealers, as at London, there is always plenty of gold and silver. Where it extends itself to a considerable part of the

pretty

much

circulation between dealers and consumers, as in Scotland, and still more in North America, it banishes gold and silver almost entirely

from the country; almost

all the ordinary transactions of its interior commerce being thus carried on by paper. The suppression of ten and five shilling bank notes somewhat relieved the scarcity of gold and silver in Scotland; and the suppression of twenty shilling notes would probably relieve it still more. Those metals are said to have become more

The Wealth

140

abundant in America since the suppression of some of their paper currencies. They are said, likewise, to have been more abundant before the institution of those currencies.

Though paper money should be pretty much confined to the circulation between dealers

might

and still

dealers, yet banks and bankers be able to give nearly the same

assistance to the industry and commerce of the country as they had done when paper money filled almost the whole circulation. The ready money which a dealer is obliged to keep by him, for answering occasional demands, is destined altogether for the circulation between himself and other dealers of whom he buys goods. He has no occasion to keep any by him for the circulation between himself and the consumers, who are his customers, and who bring ready money to him, instead of taking any from him. Though no paper money, therefore, was allowed to be issued but for such sums as would confine it pretty much to the circulation between dealers and dealers, yet, partly by discounting real bills of exchange, and partly by lending upon cash accounts, banks and bankers might still be able to relieve the greater part of those dealers from the necessity of keeping any considerable part of their stock by them, unemployed and in ready money, for answering occasional demands. They might still be able to give the utmost assistance which banks and bankers can, with propriety, give to traders of every kind. To restrain private people, it may be said, from receiving in payment the promissory notes of a banker, for any sum whether great or small, when they themselves are willing to receive them, or to restrain a banker from issuing such notes, when all his neighbours are willing to accept of them, is a manifest violation of that natural liberty which it is the proper business of law not to infringe, but to support. Such regulations may, no doubt, be considered as in some respects a violation of natural liberty. But those exertions of the natural liberty of a few individuals, which might endanger the security of the whole society, are, and ought to be, restrained by the laws of all governments, of the most free as well as of the most despotical. The obligation of building party walls, in order to prevent the communication of fire, is a violation of natural liberty exactly of the same kind with the regulations of the banking trade

which are here proposed. A paper money consisting in bank notes, issued by people of undoubted credit, payable upon demand without any condition, and in fact always readily paid as soon as presented, is, in every respect, equal in value to gold and silver money; since gold and silver money can

of Nations

any time be had for it. Whatever is either bought or sold for such paper must necessarily be bought or sold as cheap as it could have been for gold and silver. The increase of paper money, it has been said, by augmenting the quantity, and consequently diminishing the value of the whole currency, necessarily augments the money at

But as the quantity of gold and silver, which is taken from the currency, is always equal to the quantity of paper which is added to it, paper money does not necessarily increase the quantity of the whole currency. From the beginning of the last century to the present time, provisions never were cheaper in Scotland than in 1759, though, from the circulation of ten and five shilling bank notes, there was then more paper money in the country than at present. The proportion between the price of provisions in Scotland and that in England is the same now as before the great multiplication of banking companies in Scotland. Corn is, upon most occasions, fully as cheap in England as in France; though there is a great deal of paper money in England, and scarce any in France. In 1751 and in 1752, when Mr. Hume published his Political Discourses, and soon after the great multiplication of paper money in Scotland, there was a very sensible rise in the price of provisions, owing, probably, to the badness of the seasons, and not to the multiplication of paper money. It would be otherwise, indeed, with a paper money consisting in promissory notes, of which the immediate payment depended, in any respect, either upon the good will of those who issued them, or upon a condition which the holder of the notes might not always have it in his power to fulfil; or of which the payment was not exigible till after a certain number of years, and which in the meantime bore no interest. Such a paper money would, no doubt, fall more or less below the value of gold and silver, according as the difficulty or uncertainty of obtaining immediate payment was supposed to be greater or less; or according to the greater or less distance of time at price of commodities.

which payment was exigible. Some years ago the different banking companies of Scotland were in the practice of inserting into their bank notes, what they called an Optional Clause, by which they promised

payment

to the bearer, either as soon as the note should be presented, or, in the option of the directors, six months after such presentment, together with the legal interest for the said six months. The directors of some of those banks sometimes took advantage of this optional clause, and sometimes threatened those who demanded gold and silver in exchange for a considerable number of their

Money

a Branch of the General Stock

notes that they would take advantage of it, unless such demanders would content themselves with a part of what they demanded. The promissory notes of those banking companies constituted at that time the far greater part of the currency of Scotland, which this uncertainty of payment necessarily degraded below the value of gold and silver money. During the continuance of this abuse (which prevailed chiefly in 1762, 1763, and 1764), while the exchange between London and Carlisle was at par, that between London and Dumfries would sometimes be four per cent against Dumfries, though this town is not thirty miles distant from Carlisle. But at Carlisle, bills were paid in gold and silver; whereas at Dumfries they were paid in Scotch bank notes, and the uncertainty of getting those bank notes exchanged for gold and silver coin had thus degraded them four per cent below the value of that coin. The same Act of Parliament which suppressed ten and five shilling bank notes suppressed likewise this optional clause, and thereby restored the exchange between England and Scotland to its natural rate, or to what the course of trade and remittances might happen to make it. In the paper currencies of Yorkshire, the payment of so small a sum as a sixpence sometimes depended upon the condition that the holder of the note should bring the change of a guinea to the person who issued it; a condition which the holders of such notes might frequently find it very difficult to fulfil,

and which must have degraded this currency below the value of gold and silver money. An Act of Parliament accordingly declared all such clauses unlawful, and suppressed, in the same manner as in Scotland, all promissory notes, payable to the bearer, under twenty shillings value. The paper currencies of North America consisted, not in bank notes payable to the bearer on demand, but in government paper, of which the payment was not exigible till several years after it was issued; and though the colony governments paid no interest to the holders of this paper, they declared it to be, and in fact rendered it, a legal tender of payment for the full value for which it was issued. But allowing the colony security to be perfectly good, a hundred pounds payable fifteen years hence, for example, in a country where interest at six per cent, is worth little more than forty pounds ready money. To oblige a creditor, therefore, to accept of this as full payment for a debt of a hundred pounds actually paid down in ready money was an act of such violent injustice as has scarce, perhaps, been attempted by the government of any other country which pretended to be free. It bears the evident marks

141

of having originally been, what the honest and downright Doctor Douglas assures u> it was, a scheme of fraudulent debtors to cheat their creditors. The government of Pennsylvania, indeed, pretended, upon their first emission of paper money, in 1722, to render their paper of equal value with gold and silver by

enacting penalties against

all

those

who made

difference in the price of their goods when they sold them for a colony paper, and when they sold them for gold and silver; a regulation equally tyrannical, but much less effectual than that which it was meant to support. positive law may render a shilling a legal tender for guinea, because it may direct the courts of justice to discharge the debtor who has made that tender. But no positive law can oblige a person who sells goods, and who is at liberty to sell or not to sell as he pleases, to accept of a shilling as equivalent to a guinea in the price of them. Notwithstanding any regulation of this kind, it appeared by the course of exchange with Great Britain, that a hundred pounds sterling was occasionally considered as equivalent, in some of the colonies, to a hundred and thirty pounds, and in others to so great a sum as eleven hundred pounds currency; this difference in the value arising from the difference in the quantity of paper emitted in the different colonies, and in the distance and probability of the term

any

A

of its final discharge

and redemption.

No

law, therefore, could be more equitable than the Act of Parliament, so unjustly complained of in the colonies, which declared that no paper currency to be emitted there in time

coming should be a legal tender of payment. Pennsylvania was always more moderate in its emissions of paper money than any other of our colonies. Its paper currency, accordingly, is said never to have sunk below the value of the gold and silver which was current in the colony before the first emission of its paper money Before that emission, the colony had raised the denomination of its coin, and had, by act of assembly, ordered five shillings sterling to pass in the colony for six and threepence, and afterwards for six and eightpence. A pound colony currency, therefore, even when that currency was gold and silver, was more than thirty per cent below the value of a pound sterling, and when that currency was turned into paper it was seldom much more than thirty per cent below that value. The pretence for raising the denomination of the coin, was to prevent the exportation of gold and silver, by making equal quantities of those metals pass for greater sums in the colony than they did in the mother country. It was found, however, that the price of all goods from the mother country rose exactly in proportion as they raised

The Wealth

142

the denomination of their coin, so that their gold and silver were exported as fast as ever. The paper of each colony being received in the payment of the provincial taxes, for the

had been issued, it some additional value over and above what it would have had from the real or supposed distance of the term of its final discharge and redemption. This additional value was greater or less, according as the quantity of paper issued was more or less above what could be employed full

value for which

it

necessarily derived from this use

in the payment of the taxes of the particular colony which issued it. It was in all the colonies very much above what could be employed in this manner. A prince who should enact that a certain proportion of his taxes should be paid in a paper money of a certain kind might thereby give a certain value to this paper money, even though the term of its final discharge and redemption should depend altogether upon the will of the prince. If the bank which issued this paper was careful to keep the quantity of it always somewhat below what could

employed in this manner, the demight be such as to make it even bear a premium, or sell for somewhat more in the market than the quantity of gold or silver currency for which it was issued. Some people account in this manner for what is called the Agio of the bank of Amsterdam, or for the superiority of bank money over current money; though this bank money, as they pretend, cannot be taken out of the bank at easily be mand for

it

the will of the owner. The greater part of foreign bills of exchange must be paid in bank money, that is, by a transfer in the books of the bank; and the directors of the bank, they allege, are careful to keep the whole quantity of bank money always below what this use occasions a demand for. It is upon this account, they say, that bank money sells for a premium, or bears an agio of four or five per cent above the same nominal sum of the gold and silver currency of the country. This account of the bank of Amsterdam, however, it will appear hereafter, is in a great measure

of Nations world with those metals. It depends upon the proportion between the quantity of labour which is necessary in order to bring a certain quantity of gold and silver to market, and that which is necessary in order to bring thither a certain quantity of any other sort of goods. If bankers are restrained

from issuing any circulating bank notes, or notes payable to the bearer, for less than a certain sum, and if they are subjected to the obligation of an immediate and unconditional payment of such bank notes as soon as presented, their trade may, with safety to the public, be rendered in all other respects perfectly free. The late multiplication of banking companies in both parts of the United Kingdom, an event by

which many people have been much alarmed, instead of diminishing, increases the security of the public. It obliges all of them to be more circumspect in their conduct, and, by not extending their currency beyond its due proportion to their cash, to guard themselves against those malicious runs which the rivalship of so many competitors is always ready to bring upon them. It restrains the circulation of each particular company within a narrower circle, and reduces their circulating notes to a smaller number. By dividing the whole circulation into a greater number of parts, the failure of any one company, an accident which, in the course of things, must sometimes happen, becomes of less consequence to the public. This free competition, too, obliges all bankers to be more liberal in their dealings with their customers, lest their rivals should carry them away. In general, if any branch of trade, or any division of labour, be advantageous to the public, the freer and more general the competition, it will always be the more so.

CHAPTER Of

III

the Accumulation of Capital, or of Pro-

ductive and Unproductive Labour

There is one sort of labour which adds to the value of the subject upon which it is bestowed: there is another which has no such effect. The former, as it produces a value, may be called productive; the latter, unproductive labour. Thus the labour of a manufacturer adds, generally, to the value of the materials which he works upon, that of his own maintenance, and of his master's profit. The labour of a menial servant, on the contrary, adds to the value of nothing. Though the manufac1

chimerical.

A

below the valcoin does not thereby

paper currency which

falls

ue of gold and silver sink the value of those metals, or occasion equal quantities of them to exchange for a smaller quantity of goods of any other kind. The proportion between the value of gold and silver and that of goods of any other kind depends in all cases not upon the nature or quantity of any particular paper money, which may be current in any particular country, but upon the richness or poverty of the mines, which happen at any particular time to supply the great market of the commercial

turer has his wages advanced to

him by

his

master, he, in reality, costs him no expense, 1 Some French authors of great learning and ingenuity have used those words in a different sense. In the last chapter of the fourth book I shall endeavour to show that their sense is an improper one.

Accumulation of Capitol the value of those wages being generally restored, together with a profit, in the improved value of the subject upon which his labour is bestowed. But the maintenance of a menial man grows rich servant never is restored.

A

by employing a multitude of manufacturers: he grows poor by maintaining a multitude of menial servants. The labour of the latter, however, has its value, and deserves its reward as well as that of the former. But the labour of the manufacturer fixes and realizes itself in some particular subject or vendible commodity, which lasts for some time at least after that labour is past. It is, as it were, a certain

quantity of labour stocked and stored up to be employed, if necessary, upon some other occasion. That subject, or what is the same thing, the price of that subject, can afterwards, if necessary, put into motion a quantity of labour equal to that which had originally produced it. The labour of the menial

servant, on the contrary, does not fix or realize itself in any particular subject or vendible commodity. His services generally perish in the very instant of their performance, and seldom leave any trace or value behind them for which an equal quantity of service could

afterwards be procured. The labour of some of the most respectable orders in the society is, like that of menial servants, unproductive of any value, and does not fix or realize itself in any permanent subject; or vendible commodity, which endures after that labour is past, and for which an equal quantity of labour could afterwards be procured. The sovereign, for example, with all the officers both of justice and war who serve under him, the whole army and navy, are un-

productive labourers. of the public,

They

are the servants

and are maintained by a part

of

the annual produce of the industry of other people. Their service, how honourable, how useful, or how necessary soever, produces nothing for which an equal quantity of service can afterwards be procured. The protection, security, and defence of the commonwealth, the effect of their labour this year will not purchase its protection, security, and defence for the year to come. In the same class must be ranked, some both of the gravest and most important, and some of the most frivolous professions: churchmen, lawyers, physicians, men of letters of all kinds; players, buffoons, musicians, opera-singers, opera-dancers, etc. The labour of the meanest of these has a certain value, regulated by the very same principles which regulate that of every other sort of labour; and that of the noblest and most useful, produces nothing which could afterwards purchase or procure an equal quantity of labour. Like the declamation of the actor, the harangue of the orator, or the tune of the

14:*

musician, the work of all of them perishes in the very instant of its production. Both productive and unproductive labourers, and those who do not labour at all, are all equally maintained by the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. This produce, how great soever, can never be infinite, but must have certain limits. According, therefore, as a smaller or greater proportion of it is in any one year employed in maintaining unproductive hands, the more in the one case and the less in the other will remain for the productive, and the next year's produce will be greater or smaller accordingly; the whole annual produce, if we except the spontaneous productions of the earth, being the effect of productive labour. Though the whole annual produce of the land and labour of every country is, no doubt, ultimately destined for supplying the consumption of its inhabitants, and for procuring a revenue to them, yet when it first comes either from the ground, or from the hands of the productive labourers, it naturally divides itself into

two

parts.

quently the largest,

is,

One

of them,

and

fre-

in the first place, des-

tined for replacing a capital, or for renewing the provisions, materials, and finished work,

which had been withdrawn from a capital; the other for constituting a revenue either to the owner of this capital, as the profit of his stock, or to some other person, as the rent of his land. Thus, of the produce of land, one part replaces the capital of the farmer; the other pays his profit and the rent of the landlord; and thus constitutes a revenue both to the owner of this capital, as the profits of his stock; and to some other person, as the rent of his land. Of the produce of a great manufactory, in the same manner, one part, and that always the largest, replaces the capital of the undertaker of the work; the other pays his profit, and thus constitutes a revenue to the owner of this capital. That part of the annual produce of the land and labour of any country which replaces a capital never is immediately employed to maintain any but productive hands. It pays the wages of productive labour only. That which is immediately destined for constituting a revenue, either as profit or as rent, may maintain indifferently either productive or unproductive hands. Whatever part of his stock a man employs as a capital, he always expects is to be replaced to him with a profit. He employs it, therefore, in maintaining productive hands only; and after having served in the function of a capital to him, it constitutes a revenue to them. Whenever he employs any part of it in

maintaining unproductive hands of any

kind, that part

is,

from that moment, with-

The Wealth

144

drawn from his capital, and placed in his stock reserved for immediate consumption. Unproductive labourers, and those who do not labour at all, are all maintained by revenue; either, first, by that part of the annual produce which is originally destined for constituting a revenue to some particular persons, either as the rent of land or as the profits of stock; or, secondly, by that part which, though originally destined for replacing a capital and for maintaining productive labourers only, yet when it comes into their hands whatever part of it is over and above their necessary subsistence may be employed in maintaining indifferently either productive or unproductive hands. Thus, not only the great landlord or the rich merchant, but even the common workman, if his wages are considerable, may maintain a menial servant; or he may sometimes go to a play or a puppetshow, and so contribute his share towards maintaining one set of unproductive labourers; or he may pay some taxes, and thus help to maintain another set, more honourable useful, indeed, but equally unproductive. No part of the annual produce, however, which had been originally destined to replace a capital, is ever directed towards maintaining unproductive hands till after it has put into motion its full complement of productive labour, or all that it could put into motion in

and

way

it was employed. The workearned his wages by work done before he can employ any part of them in this manner. That part, too, is generally but a small one. It is his spare revenue only, of which productive labourers have seldom a great deal. They generally have some, how-

the

in

which

man must have

ever; and in the payment of taxes the greatness of their number may compensate, in some measure, the smallness of their contribution. The rent of land and the profits of stock are everywhere, therefore, the principal sources from which unproductive hands derive their subsistence. These are the two sorts of revenue of which the owners have generally most

to spare.

They might both maintain

indiffer-

ently either productive or unproductive hands. They seem, however, to have some predilection for the latter. The expense of a great lord feeds generally more idle than industrious people. The rich merchant, though with his capital he maintains industrious people only, yet by his expense, that is, by the employment of his revenue, he feeds commonly the very same sort as the great lord. The proportion, therefore, between the productive and unproductive hands, depends very much in every country upon the proportion between that part of the annual produce, which, as soon as it comes either from the ground or from the hands of the productive

of Nations labourers, is destined for replacing a capital, and that which is destined for constituting a revenue, either as rent or as profit. This proportion is very different in rich from what it is in poor countries. Thus, at present, in the opulent countries of Europe, a very large, frequently the largest portion of the produce of the land is destined for replacing the capital of the rich and independent farmer; the other for paying his profits and the rent of the landlord. But anciently, during the prevalency of the feudal government, a very small portion of the produce was sufficient to replace the capital employed in cultivation. It consisted commonly in a few wretched cattle, maintained altogether by the spontaneous produce of uncultivated land, and which might, therefore, be considered as a part of that spontaneous produce. It generally, too, belonged to the landlord, and was by him advanced to the occupiers of the land. All the rest of the produce properly belonged to him too, either as rent for his land, or as profit upon this paltry capital. The occupiers of land were generally bondmen, whose persons and effects were equally his property. Those who were not bondmen were tenants at will, and though the rent which they paid was often nominally little more than a quit-rent, it really amounted to the whole produce of the land. Their lord could at all times command their labour in peace and their service in war. Though they lived at a distance from his house, they were equally dependent upon him as his retainers who lived in it. But the whole produce of the land undoubtedly belongs to him who can dispose of the labour and service of all those whom it maintains. In the present state of Europe, the share of the landlord seldom exceeds a third, sometimes not a fourth part of the whole produce of the land. The rent of land, however, in all the improved parts of the country, has been tripled and quadrupled since those ancient times; and this third or fourth part of the annual produce is, it seems, three or four times greater than the whole had been before. In the progress of

improvement,

rent,

though

it

increases

proportion to the extent, diminishes in proportion to the produce of the land. In the opulent countries of Europe, great capitals are at present employed in trade and manufactures. In the ancient state, the little trade that was stirring, and the few homely and coarse manufactures that were carried on, required but very small capitals. These, however, must have yielded very large profits. The rate of interest was nowhere less than ten per cent, and their profits must have been in

sufficient to afford this great interest.

At

pres-

ent the rate of interest, in the improved parts

Accumulation of Capital of Europe, is nowhere higher than six per cent, and in some of the most improved it is so low as four, three, and two per cent. Though that part of the revenue of the inhabitants which is derived from the profits of stock is always much greater in rich than in

poor countries, it is because the stock is greater: in proportion to the stock the

much

profits are generally

much

less.

That part

of the annual produce, therefore, which, as soon as it comes either from the ground or from the hands of the productive labourers, is destined for replacing a capital, is not only much greater in rich

than in poor countries, but bears a much greater proportion to that which is immediately destined for constituting a revenue either as rent or as profit. The funds destined for the maintenance of productive labour are not only much greater in the former than in the latter, but bear a much greater proportion to those which, though they may be employed to maintain either productive or unproductive hands, have generally a predilection for the latter.

The proportion between those different funds necessarily determines in every country the general character of the inhabitants are more inas to industry or idleness. dustrious than our forefathers; because in the present times the funds destined for the maintenance of industry are much greater in proportion to those which are likely to be employed in the maintenance of idleness than they were two or three centuries ago. Our ancestors were idle for want of a sufficient encouragement to industry. It is better, says the proverb, to play for nothing than to work for nothing. In mercantile and manufacturing towns, where the inferior ranks of people are chiefly maintained by the employment of capital, they are in general industrious, sober, and thriving; as in many English, and in most Dutch towns. In those towns which are principally supported by the constant or occasional residence of a court, and in which the inferior ranks of people are chiefly maintained by the spending of revenue, they are in general idle, dissolute, and poor; as at Rome,

We

Compiegne, and Fontainebleu. If you except Rouen and Bordeaux, there is little trade or industry in any of the parliament towns of France; and the inferior ranks of people, being chiefly maintained by the exVersailles,

pense of the members of the courts of justice, and of those who come to plead before them, are in general idle and poor. The great trade of Rouen and Bordeaux seems to be altogether the effect of their situation. Rouen necessarily the entrepot of almost all the goods which are brought either from foreign countries, or from the maritime provinces of

is

145

France, for the consumption of the great city of Paris. Bordeaux is in the same manner the entrepot of the wines which grow upon the banks of the Garonne, and of the rivers which run into it, one of the richest wine countries in the world, and which seems to produce the wine fittest for exportation, or best suited to the taste of foreign nations. Such ad-

vantageous situations necessarily attract a great capital by the great employment which they afford it; and the employment of this capital is the cause of the industry of those two cities. In the other parliament towns of France, very little more capital seems to be employed than what is necessary for supplying their own consumption; that is, little more than the smallest capital which can be employed in them. The same thing may be said of Paris, Madrid, and Vienna. Of those three cities, Paris is by far the most industrious; but Paris itself is the principal market of all the manufactures established at Paris, and its own consumption is the principal object of all the trade which it carries on. London, Lisbon, and Copenhagen, are, perhaps, the only three cities in Europe which are both the constant residence of a court, and can at the same time be considered as trading cities, or as cities which trade not only for their own consumption, but for that of other cities and countries. The situation of all the three is extremely advantageous, and naturally fits them to be the entrepots of a great part of the goods destined for the consumption of distant places. In a city where a great revenue is spent, to employ with advantage a capital for any other purpose than for supplying the consumption of that city is probably more difficult than in one in which the inferior ranks of people have no other maintenance but what they derive from the em-

ployment of such a

capital.

The

idleness of

the greater part of the people who are maintained by the expense of revenue corrupts, it is probable, the industry of those who ought to be maintained by the employment of capital, and renders it less advantageous to employ a capital there than in other places. There was little trade or industry in Edinburgh before the union. When the Scotch Parliament was no longer to be assembled in it, when it ceased to be the necessary residence of the principal nobility and gentry of Scotland, it became a city of some trade and industry. It still continues, however, to be the residence of the principal courts of justice in Scotland, of the Boards of Customs and Excise, etc. A considerable revenue, therefore, still continues to be spent in it. In trade and industry it is much inferior to Glasgow, of which the inhabitants are chiefly maintained by the employment of capital.

The Wealth

146 The inhabitants

of a large village, it has sometimes been observed, after having made considerable progress in manufactures, have become idle and poor in consequence of a great lord having taken up his residence in their

neighbourhood.

The proportion between

capital and revenue, therefore, seems everywhere to regulate the proportion between industry and idleness. Wherever capital predominates, industry prevails: wherever revenue, idleness. Every increase or diminution of capital, therefore, naturally tends to increase or diminish the real quantity of industry, the number of productive hands, and consequently the exchangeable value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country, the real wealth and revenue of all its inhabitants.

Capitals are increased by parsimony, and diminished by prodigality and misconduct. Whatever a person saves from his revenue he adds to his capital, and either employs it himself in maintaining an additional number of productive hands, or enables some other person to do so, by lending it to him for an interest, that is, for a share of the profits. As the capital of an individual can be increased only by what he saves from his annual revenue or his annual gains, so the capital of a society, which is the same with that of all the individuals who compose it, can be increased only in the same manner. Parsimony, and not industry, is the immediate cause of the increase of capital. Industry, indeed, provides the subject which parsimony accumulates. But whatever industry might acquire, if parsimony did not save and store up, the capital would never be the greater.

Parsimony, by increasing the fund which is destined for the maintenance of productive hands, tends to increase the number of those hands whose labour adds to the value of the subject upon which it is bestowed. It tends, therefore, to increase the exchangeable value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. It puts into motion an additional quantity of industry, which gives an additional value to the annual produce. What is annually saved is as regularly consumed as what is annually spent, and nearly in the same time too; but it is consumed by a different set of people. That portion of his revenue which a rich man annually spends is in most cases consumed by idle guests and menial servants, who leave nothing behind them in return for their consumption. That portion which he annually saves, as for the sake of the profit it is immediately employed as a capital, is consumed in the same manner, and nearly in the same time too, but by a

of Nations different set of people, turers,

and

artificers,

by labourers, manufac-

who reproduce with

profit the value of their

a annual consumption.

His revenue, we shall suppose, is paid him in money. Had he spent the whole, the food, clothing, and lodging, which the whole could have purchased, would have been distributed

among

the former set of people. By saving a it, as that part is for the sake of the profit immediately employed as a capital either by himself or by some other person, the food, clothing, and lodging, which may be purchased with it, are necessarily reserved for the latter. The consumption is the same, but the consumers are different.

part of

By what a frugal man annually saves, he not only affords maintenance to an additional number of productive hands, for that or the ensuing year, but, like the founder of a public workhouse, he establishes as it were a perpetual fund for the maintenance of an equal number in all times to come. The perpetual allotment and destination of this fund, indeed, is not always guarded by any positive law, by any trust-right or deed of mortmain. It is always guarded, however, by a very powerful principle, the plain and evident interest of every individual to whom any share of it shall ever belong. No part of it can ever afterwards be employed to maintain any but productive hands without an evident loss to the person who thus perverts it from its proper destination. The prodigal perverts it in this manner, By not confining his expense within his income,

he encroaches upon his capital. Like him who perverts the revenues of some pious foundation to profane purposes, he pays the wages of idleness with those funds which the frugality of his forefathers had, as it were, consecrated to the maintenance of industry. By diminishing the funds destined for the employment of productive labour, he necessarily diminishes, so far as it depends upon him, the quantity of that labour which adds a value to the subject upon which it is bestowed, and, consequently, the value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the whole country, the real wealth and revenue of its inhabitants. If the prodigality of some was not compensated by the frugality of others, the conduct of every prodigal, by feeding the idle with the bread of the industrious, tends not only to beggar himself, but to impoverish his country. Though the expense of the prodigal should be altogether in home-made, and no part of it in foreign commodities, its effect upon the productive funds of the society would still be the same. Every year there would still be a certain quantity of food and clothing, which ought to have maintained productive, em-

Accumulation of Capital ployed in maintaining unproductive hands. Every year, therefore, there would still be some diminution in what would otherwise have been the value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. This expense, it may be said indeed, not being in foreign goods, and not occasioning

any exportation

of gold

and

silver,

money would remain

the

same

country as before. But if the quantity of food and clothing, which were thus consumed by unproductive, had been distributed among productive hands, they would have reproduced, together with a profit, the full value of their consumption. The same quantity of money would in this case equally have remained in the country, and there would besides have been a reproduction of an equal value of consumable goods. There would have been two values instead of one. The same quantity of money, besides, cannot long remain in any country in which the value of the annual produce diminishes. The quantity of

money

in the

to circulate consumable provisions, materials, and finished work, are bought and sold, and distributed to their proper consumers. The quantity of money, therefore, which can be sole use of

goods.

By means

is

of

it,

annually employed in any country must be determined by the value of the consumable goods annually circulated within it. These must consist either in the immediate produce of the land and labour of the country itself, or in something which had been purchased with some part of that produce. Their value, therefore, must diminish as the value of that produce diminishes, and along with it the quantity of money which can be employed in circulating them. But the money which by this annual diminution of produce is annually thrown out of domestic circulation will not be allowed to lie idle. The interest of whoever possesses it requires that it should be employed. But having no employment at home, it will, in spite of all laws and prohibitions, be sent abroad, and employed in purchasing consumable goods which may be of some use at home. Its annual exportation will in this manner continue for some time to add something to the annual consumption of the country beyond the value of its own annual produce. What in the days of its prosperity had been saved from that annual produce, and employed in purchasing gold and silver, will contribute for some little time to support its consumption in adversity. The exportation of gold and silver is, in this case, not the cause, but the effect of its declension, and may even, for some little time, alleviate the misery of that declension. The quantity of money, on the contrary, must in every country naturally increase as

147

the value of the annual produce increases. The value of the consumable goods annually circulated within the society being greater will require a greater quantity, of money to circulate them. A part of the increased produce, therefore, will naturally be employed in purchasing, wherever it is to be had, the additional quantity of gold and silver necessary for circulating the rest. The increase of those metals will in this case be the effect, not the cause, of the public prosperity. Gold and silver are purchased everywhere in the same manner. The food, clothing, and lodging, the revenue and maintenance of all those whose labour or stock is employed in bringing them from the mine to the market, is the price paid for them in Peru as well as in England. The country which has this price to pay will never be long without the quantity of those metals which it has occasion for; and no country will ever long retain a quantity which it has no occasion for. Whatever, therefore, we may imagine the real wealth and revenue of a country to consist in, whether in the value of the annual produce of its land and labour, as plain reason seems to dictate; or in the quantity of the precious metals which circulate within it, as vulgar prejudices suppose; in either view of the matter, every prodigal appears to be a public enemy, and every frugal man a public benefactor. The effects of misconduct are often the same as those of prodigality. Every injudicious and unsuccessful project in agriculture, mines, fisheries, trade, or manufactures, tends in the same manner to diminish the funds destined for the maintenance of productive labour. In every such project, though the

consumed by productive hands only, by the injudicious manner in which they are employed they do not reproduce the full value of their consumption, there must always be some diminution in what would capital

is

yet, as

otherwise have been the productive funds of the society. It can seldom happen, indeed, that the circumstances of a great nation can be much affected either by the prodigality or misconduct of individuals; the profusion or imprudence of some being always more than compensated by the frugality and good conduct of others.

With regard

to profusion, the principle which is the passion for present enjoyment; which, though sometimes violent and very difficult to be restrained, is in general only momentary and occasional. But the principle which prompts to save is the desire of bettering our condition, a desire which, though generally calm and dispassionate, comes with us from the womb, and never leaves us till we

prompts to expense

148

The Wealth

go into the grave. In the whole interval which separates those two moments, there is scarce perhaps a single instant in which any man is so perfectly and completely satisfied with his situation as to be without any wish of alteration or improvement of any kind. An augmentation of fortune is the means by which the greater part of men propose and wish to better their condition. It is the means the most vulgar and the most obvious; and the most likely way of augmenting their fortune is to save and accumulate some part of what they acquire, either regularly and annually, or upon some extraordinary occasions. Though the principle of expense, therefore, prevails in almost all men upon some occasions, and in some men upon almost all occasions, yet in the greater part of men, taking the whole course of their life at an average, the principle of frugality seems not only to predominate, but to predominate very greatly. With regard to misconduct, the number of prudent and successful undertakings is everywhere much greater than that of injudicious and unsuccessful ones. After all our complaints of the frequency of bankruptcies, the unhappy men who fall into this misfortune make but a very small part of the whole number engaged in trade, and all other sorts of business; not much more perhaps than one in a thousand. Bankruptcy is perhaps the greatest and most humiliating calamity which can befall an innocent man. The greater part of men, therefore, are sufficiently careful to avoid it. Some, indeed, do not avoid it; as some do not avoid the gallows.

Great nations are never impoverished by private, though they sometimes are by public prodigality and misconduct. The whole, or almost the whole public revenue, is in most countries employed in maintaining unproductive hands. Such are the people who compose a numerous and splendid court, a great ecclesiastical establishment, great fleets and armies, who in time of peace produce nothing, and in time of war acquire nothing which can compensate the expense of maintaining them, even while the war lasts. Such people, as they themselves produce nothing, are all maintained by the produce of other men's labour. When multiplied, therefore, to an unnecessary number, they may in a particular year consume so great a share of this produce, as not to leave a sufficiency for maintaining the productive labourers, who should reproduce it next year. The next year's produce, therefore, will be less than that of the foregoing, and if the same disorder should continue, that of the third year will be still less than that of the second. Those unproductive hands, who should be maintained by a part only of the

of Nations spare revenue of the people, may consume so great a share of their whole revenue, and thereby oblige so great a number to encroach upon their capitals, upon the funds destined for the maintenance of productive labour, that all the frugality and good conduct of individuals may not be able to compensate the waste and degradation of produce occasioned by this violent and forced encroachment. This frugality and good conduct, however, is upon most occasions, it appears from experience, sufficient to compensate, not only the private prodigality and misconduct of individuals, but the public extravagance of government. The uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to better his condition, the principle from which public and national, as well as private opulence is originally derived, is frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural progress of things towards improvement, in spite both of the extravagance of government and of the greatest errors of administration. Like the unknown principle of animal life, it frequently restores health and vigour to the constitution, in spite, not only of the disease, but of the absurd prescriptions of the doctor. The annual produce of the land and labour of any nation can be increased in its value by no other means but by increasing either the number of its productive labourers, or the productive powers of those labourers who had before been employed. The number of its productive labourers, it is evident, can never be much increased, but in consequence of an increase of capital, or of the funds

destined for maintaining them. The producpowers of the same number of labourers

tive

cannot be increased, but in consequence

ei-

ther of some addition and improvement to those machines and instruments which facilitate and abridge labour; or of a more proper division and distribution of employment. In either case an additional capital is almost always required. It is by means of an additional capital only that the undertaker of any work can either provide his workmen with better machinery or make a more proper distribution of employment among them. When the work to be done consists of a number of parts, to keep every man constantly employed in one way requires a much greater capital than where every man is occasionally employed in every different part of the work. When we compare, therefore, the state of a nation at two different periods, and find, that the annual produce of its land and labour is evidently greater at the latter than at the former, that its lands are better cultivated,

manufactures more numerous and more and its trade more extensive, we may be assured that its capital must have its

flourishing,

Accumulation of Capital increased during the interval between those two periods, and that more must have been added to it by the good conduct of some than had been taken from it either by the private misconduct of others or by the public

extravagance of government. But we shall find this to have been the case of almost all nations, in all tolerably quiet and peaceable times, even of those who have not enjoyed the most prudent and parsimonious governments. To form a right judgment of it, indeed, we must compare the state of the country at periods somewhat distant from one another. The progress is frequently so gradual that, at near periods, the improvement is not only not sensible, but from the declension either of certain branches of industry, or of certain districts of the country, things which sometimes happen though the country in general be in great prosperity, there frequently arises a suspicion that the riches and industry of the whole are decaying.

The annual produce of the land and labour of England, for example, is certainly much greater than it was, a little more than a century ago, at the restoration of Charles II. Though, at present, few people, I believe, doubt of this, yet during this period, five years have seldom passed away in which some book or pamphlet has not been published, written, too, with such abilities as to gain some authority with the public, and pretending to demonstrate that the wealth of the nation was fast declining, that the country was depopulated, agriculture neglected, manufactures decaying, and trade undone. Nor have these publications been all party pamphlets, the wretched offspring of falsehood and venality. Many of them have been written by very candid and very intelligent people, who wrote nothing but what they believed, and for no other reason but because they believed it.

The annual produce was

of England, again,

of the land and labour certainly much greater

at the Restoration, than we can suppose it to have been about an hundred years before, at the accession of Elizabeth. At this period, too, we have all reason to believe, the country

was much more advanced in improvement than it had been about a century before, towards the close of the dissensions between the houses of York and Lancaster. Even then it was, probably, in a better condition than it had been at the Norman Conquest, and at the Norman Conquest than during the confusion of the Saxon Heptarchy. Even at this early period, it was certainly a more improved country than at the invasion of Julius Caesar, when its inhabitants were nearly in the same state with the savages in North

America.

149

In each of those periods, however, there

was not only much private and public profusion, many expensive and unnecessary wars, great perversion of the annual produce from maintaining productive to maintain unproductive hands; but sometimes, in the confusion of civil discord, such absolute waste and destruction of stock, as might be supposed, not only to retard, as it certainly did, the natural accumulation of riches, but to have left the country, at the end of the period, poorer than at the beginning. Thus, in the happiest and most fortunate period of them all, that which has passed since the Restoration, how many disorders and misfortunes have occurred, which, could they have been foreseen, not only the impoverishment, but the total ruin of the country would have been expected from them? The fire and the plague of London, the two Dutch wars, the disorders of the Revolution, the war in Ireland, the four expensive French wars of 1688, 1702, 1742, and 1756, together with the two rebellions of 1715 and 1745. In the course of the four French wars, the nation has contracted more than a hundred and forty-five millions of debt, over and above all the other extraordinary annual expense which they occasioned, so that the whole cannot be computed at less than two hundred millions. So great a share of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country has, since the Revolution, been employed upon different occasions in maintaining an extraordinary number of unproductive hands. But had not those wars given this particular direction to so large a capital, the greater part of it would naturally have been employed in maintaining productive hands, whose labour would have replaced, with a profit, the whole value of their consumption. The value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country would have been considerably increased by it every year, and every year's increase would

have augumented

still

more that

of the fol-

lowing year. More houses would have been built, more lands would have been improved, and those which had been improved before would have been better cultivated, more manufactures would have been established, and those which had been established before would have been more extended; and to what height the real wealth and revenue of the country might, by this time, have been raised, it is not perhaps very easy even to imagine. But though the profusion of government must, undoubtedly, have retarded the natural progress of England towards wealth and improvement, it has not been able to stop it. The annual produce of its land and labour is, undoubtedly, much greater at present than it was either at the Restoration or at the

The Wealth

150 The

capital, therefore, annually cultivating this land, and in maintaining this labour, must likewise be much greater. In the midst of all the exactions of government, this capital has been silently and gradually accumulated by the private frugality and good conduct of individuals, by their universal, continual, and uninterrupted effort to better their own condition.

Revolution.

employed

in

It is this effort, protected by law and allowed by liberty to exert itself in the manner that is most advantageous, which has maintained the progress of England towards opulence and improvement in almost all former times, and which, it is to be hoped, will do so in all future times. England, however, as it has never been blessed with a very parsimonious government, so parsimony has at no time been the characteristical virtue of its in-

habitants. It is the highest impertinence and presumption, therefore, in kings and ministers, to pretend to watch over the economy of private people, and to restrain their expense,

by sumptuary laws, or by prohibiting the importation of foreign luxuries. They are themselves always, and without any exception, the greatest spendthrifts in the society. Let them look well after their own expense, and they may safely trust private people with theirs. If their own extravagance does not ruin the state, that of their subjects

either

never

will.

frugality increases and prodigality diminishes the public capital, so the conduct of those whose expense just equals their revenue, without either accumulating or encroaching,

As

neither

increases

nor

diminishes

it.

Some

modes of expense, however, seem to contribute more to the growth of public opulence than others.

The revenue of an individual may be spent either in things which are consumed immediately, and in which one day's expense can neither alleviate nor support that of another, or it may be spent in things more durable, which can therefore be accumulated, and in which every day's expense may, as he chooses, either alleviate or support and heighten the effect of that of the following day. fortune, for example, may either

A man

of

spend his

revenue in a profuse and sumptuous table, in maintaining a great number of menial servants, and a multitude of dogs and horses; or contenting himself with a frugal table and few attendants, he may lay out the greater part of it in adorning his house or his country villa, in useful or ornamental buildings, in useful or ornamental furniture, in collecting

and

books, statues, pictures; or in things more frivolous, jewels, baubles, ingenious trinkets of different kinds; or, what is most trifling of all, in amassing a great wardrobe of fine

of Nations

and minister of a died a few years ago. Were two men of equal fortune to spend their revenue, the one chiefly in the one way, the other in the other, the magnificence of the person whose expense had been chiefly in durable commodities, would be continually increasing, every day's expense contributing something to support and heighten the effect of that of the following day: that of the other, on the contrary, would be no greater at the end of the period than at the beginning. The former, too, would, at the end of the period, be the richer man of the two. He would have a stock of goods of some kind or other, which, though it might not be worth all that it cost, would always be worth something. No trace or vestige of the expense of the latter would remain, and the effects of ten or twenty years profusion would be as completely annihilated as if they had never existed. As the one mode of expense is more favourable than the other to the opulence of an individual, so is it likewise to that of a nation. The houses, the furniture, the clothing of the rich, in a little time, become useful to the inferior and middling ranks of people. They are able to purchase them when their superiors grow weary of them, and the general accommodation of the whole people is thus gradually improved, when this mode of expense becomes universal among men of fortune. In countries which have long been rich, you will frequently find the inferior ranks of people in possession both of houses and furniture perfectly good and entire, but of which neither the one could have been built, nor the other have been made for their use. What was formerly a seat of the family of Seymour is now an inn upon the Bath road. The marriage-bed of James the First of Great Britain, which his queen brought with her from Denmark as a present fit for a sovereign to make to a sovereign, was, a few years ago, the ornament of an alehouse at Dunfermline. In some ancient cities, which either have been long stationary, or have gone somewhat to decay, you will sometimes scarce find a single house which could have been built for its present inhabitants. If you go into those houses too, you will frequently find many excellent,

clothes, like the favourite

great prince

who

though antiquated pieces of furniture, which still very fit for use, and which could as little have been made for them. Noble palaces, are

villas, great collections of books, pictures and other curiosities, are frequently both an ornament and an honour, not only to the neighbourhood, but to the whole country to which they belong. Versailles is an ornament and an honour to France, Stowe and Wilton to England. Italy

magnificent statues,

still

continues to

command some

sort of ven-

151

Stock Lent at Interest by the number of monuments of this kind which it possesses, though the wealth which produced them has decayed, and though the genius which planned them seems to be extinguished, perhaps from not having the eration

same employment.

The expense too, which is laid out in durable commodities, is favourable, not only to accumulation, but to frugality. If a person should at any time exceed in it, he can easily reform without exposing himself to the censure of the public. To reduce very much the of his servants, to reform his table from great profusion to great frugality, to lay down his equipage after he has once set it up, are changes which cannot escape the observation of his neighbours, and which are supposed to imply some acknowledgment of preceding bad conduct. Few, therefore, of those

number

who have once been

so unfortunate as to launch out too far into this sort of expense, have afterwards the courage to reform, till ruin and bankruptcy oblige them. But if a person has, at any time, been at too great an expense in building, in furniture, in books or pictures, no imprudence can be inferred from his changing his conduct. These are things in which further expense is frequently rendered unnecessary by former expense; and when a person stops short, he appears to do so, not because he has exceeded his fortune, but because he has satisfied his fancy. The expense, besides, that is laid out in durable commodities gives maintenance, commonly, to a greater number of people than that which is employed in the most profuse hospitality. Of two or three hundredweight of provisions, which may sometimes be served up at a great festival, one half, perhaps, is thrown to the dunghill, and there is always a great deal wasted and abused. But if the

expense of this entertainment had been employed in setting to work masons, carpenters, upholsterers, mechanics, etc., a quantity of provisions, of equal value, would have been distributed among a still greater number of people who would have bought them in pennyworths and pound weights, and not have lost or thrown away a single ounce of them. In the one way, besides, this expense maintains productive, in the other unproductive hands. In the one way, therefore, it increases, in the other, it does not increase, the exchangeable value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. I would not, however, by all this be understood to mean that the one species of expense always betokens a more liberal or generous spirit than the other. When a man of fortune spends his revenue chiefly in hospitality, he shares the greater part of it with his friends and companions; but when he em-

ploys it in purchasing such durable commodities, he often spends the whole upon his own person, and gives nothing to anybody without an equivalent. The latter species of expense, therefore, especially when directed towards frivolous objects, the little ornaments of dress

and

furniture, jewels, trinkets, gew-

gaws, frequently indicates, not only a trifling, but a base and selfish disposition. All that I mean is, that the one sort of expense, as it always occasions some accumulation of valuable commodities, as it is more favourable to private frugality, and consequently, to the increase of the public capital, and as it maintains productive, rather than unproductive hands, conduces more than the other to the growth of public opulence. ;

CHAPTER Of Stock Lent

The

IV

at Interest

stock which is lent at interest is always considered as a capital by the lender He expects that in due time it is to be restored to him, and that in the meantime the borrower is to pay him a certain annual rent for the use of it. The borrower may use it either as a capital, or as a stock reserved for immediate consumption. If he uses it as a capital, he employs it in the maintenance of productive labourers, who reproduce the value with a profit. He can, in this case, both restore the capital and pay the interest without alienating or encroaching upon any other source of revenue. If he uses it as a stock reserved for immediate consumption, he acts the part of a prodigal, and dissipates in the maintenance of the idle what was destined for the support of the industrious. He can, in this case, neither restore the capital nor pay the interest without either alienating or encroaching upon some other source of revenue, such as the property or the rent of land. The stock which is lent at interest is, no doubt, occasionally employed in both these ways, but in the former much more frequently than in the latter. The man who borrows in order to spend will soon be ruined, and he who lends to him will generally have occasion to repent of his folly. To borrow or to lend for such a purpose, therefore, is in all cases, where gross usury is out of the question, contrary to the interest of both parties; and though it no doubt happens sometimes that people do both the one and the other; yet, from the regard that all men have for their own interest, we may be assured that it cannot happen so very frequently as we are sometimes apt to imagine. Ask any rich man of common prudence to which of the two sorts of people he has lent the greater part of his stock, to those who, he thinks, will employ it

152 profitably, or to those and he will laugh at

The Wealth

of Nations

spend

however, the money is, as it were, but the deed of assignment, which conveys from one hand to another those capitals which the owners do not care to employ themselves. Those capitals may be greater in almost any proportion than the amount of the money which serves as the instrument of their conveyance; the same pieces of money successively

who

will

you

for proposing the

it

idly,

question. Even among borrowers, therefore, not the people in the world most famous for frugality, the number of the frugal and industrious surpasses considerably that of the prodigal

and

idle.

The only people

to

whom

stock

is

common-

without their being expected to make any very profitable use of it, are country gentlemen who borrow upon mortgage. Even they scarce ever borrow merely to spend. What they borrow, one may say, is commonly spent before they borrow it. They have generally consumed so great a quantity of goods, advanced to them upon credit by shopkeepers and tradesmen, that they find it necessary ly lent,

to borrow at interest in order to pay the debt. capital borrowed replaces the capitals of

The

those shopkeepers and tradesmen, which the country gentlemen could not have replaced from the rents of their estates. It is not properly borrowed in order to be spent, but in order to replace a capital which had been spent before.

Almost all loans at interest are made in money, either of paper, or of gold and silver. But what the borrower really wants, and what the lender really supplies him with, is not the money, but the money's worth, or the goods which it can purchase. If he wants it as a stock for immediate consumption, it is those goods only which he can place in that stock. If he wants it as a capital for employing industry, it is from those goods only that the industrious can be furnished with the tools, materials, and maintenance necessary for carrying on their work. By means of the loan, the lender, as it were, assigns to the borrower his right to a certain portion of the annual produce of the land and labour of

the country to be employed as the borrower pleases. is

The quantity of stock, therefore, or, as it commonly expressed, of money which can

be lent at interest in any country, is not regulated by the value of the money, whether paper or coin, which serves as the instrument of the different loans made in that country, but by the value of that part of the annual produce which, as soon as it comes either

from the ground, or from the hands of the productive labourers, is destined not only for replacing a capital, but such a capital as the owner does not care to be at the trouble of employing himself. As such capitals are commonly lent out and paid back in money, they constitute what is called the monied interest. It is distinct, not only from the landed, but from the trading and manufacturing interests, as in these last the owners themselves

employ

their

own

capitals.

Even

in the

monied

interest,

many different loans, as well as different purchases. A, for example,

serving for for

many

W

a thousand pounds, with which immediately purchases of B a thousand pounds' worth of goods. B having no occalends to

W

sion for the money himself, lends the identical pieces to X, with which immediately purchases of C another thousand pounds' worth of goods. C in the same manner, and for the same reason, lends them to Y, who again purchases goods with them of D. In this manner the same pieces, either of coin or paper, may in the course of a few days, serve as the instrument of three different loans, and of three different purchases, each of which is, in value, equal to the whole amount of those pieces. What the three monied men A, B, and C assign to the three borrowers, W, X, Y, is the power of making those purchases. In this power consist both the value and the use of the loans. The stock lent by the three monied men is equal to the value of the goods which can be purchased with it, and is three times greater than that of the money with which the purchases are made. Those loans however, may be all perfectly well secured, the goods purchased by the different debtors being so employed as, in due time, to bring back, with a profit, an equal value either of coin or of paper. And as the same pieces of money can thus serve as the instrument of different loans to three, or for the same reason, to thirty times their value, so they may likewise successively serve as the instrument of repayment.

X

A

capital lent at interest

may,

in this

man-

be considered as an assignment from the lender to the borrowers of a certain considerable portion of the annual produce; upon condition that the borrower in return shall, during the continuance of the loan, annually

ner,

assign to the lender a smaller portion, called the interest; and at the end of it a portion equally considerable with that which had originally been assigned to him, called the repayment. Though money, either coin or paper, serves generally as the deed of assignment both to the smaller and to the more considerable portion, it is itself altogether different from what is assigned by it.

In proportion as that share of the annual produce which, as soon as it comes either from the ground, or from the hands of the productive labourers, is destined for replacing

Stock Lent at Interest a

capital, increases in

any country, what

is

monied

interest naturally increases increase of those particular capitals from which the owners wish to derive a revenue, without being at the trouble of employing them themselves, naturally accompanies the general increase of capitals; or, in other words, as stock increases, the quantity of stock to be lent at interest grows gradually greater and greater.

called the

with

it.

The

As the quantity

of stock to be lent at interest increases, the interest, or the price which must be paid for the use of that stock,

necessarily diminishes, not only from those general causes which make the market price of things commonly diminish as their quantity increases, but from other causes which are peculiar to this particular case. As capitals increase in any country, the profits which can be made by employing them necessarily diminish. It becomes gradually more and more difficult to find within the country a profitable method of employing any new capital. There arises in consequence a competition between different capitals, the owner of one endeavouring to get possession of that employment which is occupied by another. But upon most occasions he can hope to jostle that other out of this employment by no other means but by

dealing upon more reasonable terms. He must not only sell what he deals in somewhat cheaper, but in order to get it to sell, he must sometimes, too, buy it dearer. The demand for productive labour, by the increase of the funds which are destined for maintaining it, grows every day greater and greater. Labourers easily find employment, but the owners of capitals find it difficult to get labourers to employ. Their competition raises the wages of labour and sinks the profits of stock. But when the profits which can be made by the use of a capital are in this manner diminished, as it were, at both ends, the price which can be paid for the use of it, that is, the rate of interest, must necessarily be diminished with

them.

Mr. Locke, Mr. Law, and Mr. Montesquieu,

many other writers, seem to have imagined that the increase of the quantity of gold and silver, in consequence of the discovery of the Spanish West Indies, was the real as well as

cause of the lowering of the rate of interest through the greater part of Europe. Those metals, they say, having become of less value themselves, the use of any particular portion of them necessarily became of less value too, and consequently the price which could be paid for it. This notion, which at first sight seems plausible, has been so fully exposed by Mr. Hume that it is, perhaps, unnecessary to say anything more about it. The following very short and plain argument, however, may

153

serve to explain

more

distinctly the fallacy

which seems to have misled those gentlemen. Before the discovery of the Spanish West Indies, ten per cent seems to have been the common rate of interest through the greater part of Europe. It has since that time in different countries sunk to six, five, four, and three per cent. Let us suppose that in every particular country the value of silver has sunk

same proportion as the rate of and that in those countries, for example, where interest has been reduced from ten to five per cent, the same quantity of silprecisely in the interest;

ver can

now purchase

of goods

which

just half the quantity could have purchased before. This supposition will not, I believe, be found anywhere agreeable to the truth, but it is the most favourable to the opinion which we are going to examine; and even upon this supposition it is utterly impossible that the lowering of the value of silver could have the smallest tendency to lower the rate of interest. If a hundred pounds are in those countries now of no more value than fifty pounds were then, ten pounds must now be of no more value

than

it

five pounds were then. Whatever were the causes which lowered the value of the capital, the same must necessarily have lowered that of the interest, and exactly in the same proportion. The proportion between the value of the capital and that of the interest must have remained the same, though the rate had been altered. By altering the rate, on the contrary, the proportion between those two values is necessarily altered. If a hundred pounds now are worth no more than fifty were then, five pounds now can be worth no more than two pounds ten shillings were then. By reducing the rate of interest, therefore, from ten to five per cent, we give for the use of a capital, which is supposed to be equal to one half of its former value, an interest which is equal to one fourth only of the value of the former interest. Any increase in the quantity of silver, while that of the commodities circulated by means of it remained the same, could have no other effect than to diminish the value of that metal. The nominal value of all sorts of goods would be greater, but their real value would be precisely the same as before. They would be exchanged for a greater number of pieces of silver; but the quantity of labour which they could command, the number of people whom they could maintain and employ, would be precisely the same. The capital of the country would be the same, though a greater number of pieces might be requisite for conveying any equal portion of it from one hand to another. The deeds of assignment, like the conveyances of a verbose attorney, would be more cumbersome, but the thing assigned would

The Wealth

154

be precisely the same as before, and could produce only the same effects. The funds

maintaining productive labour being the same, the demand for it would be the same. Its price or wages, therefore, though nominally greater, would really be the same. They would be paid in a greater number of pieces of silver; but they would purchase only the same quantity of goods. The profits of stock would be the same both nominally and really. The wages of labour are commonly computed by the quantity of silver which is paid to the labourer. When that is increased, therefore, his wages appear to be increased, though they may sometimes be no greater than before. But the profits of stock are not for

computed by the number

of pieces of silver

with which they are paid, but by the proportion which those pieces bear to the whole capital employed. Thus in a particular country five shillings a week are said to be the com-

and ten per cent the But the whole capital of the country being the same as before, the competition between the different capitals of individuals into which it was divided would likewise be the same. They would all trade with the same advantages and disadvantages. The common proportion between capital and profit, therefore, would be the same, and consequently the common interest of money; what can commonly be given for the use of money being necessarily regulated by what can commonly be made by the use of it. Any increase in the quantity of commodi-

mon wages of common profits

labour,

of stock.

ties annually circulated within the country, while that of the money which circulated them remained the same, would, on the contrary, produce many other important effects, besides that of raising the value of the money. The capital of the country, though it might nominally be the same, would really be augmented. It might continue to be expressed by the same quantity of money, but it would command a greater quantity of labour. The quantity of productive labour which it could

maintain and employ would be increased, and consequently the demand for that labour. Its wages would naturally rise with the demand, and yet might appear to sink. They might be paid with a smaller quantity of money, but that smaller quantity might purchase a greater quantity of goods than a greater had done before. The profits of stock would be diminished both really and in appearance. The whole capital of the country being augmented, the competition between the different capitals of which it was composed would naturally be augmented along with it. The owners of those particular capitals would be obliged to content themselves with a smaller proportion of the produce of that labour which their

of Nations respective capitals employed.

The

interest of

money, keeping pace always with the profits of stock, might, in this manner, be greatly diminished, though the value of money, or the quantity of goods which any particular sum could purchase, was greatly augmented. In some countries the interest of money has been prohibited by law. But as something can everywhere be made by the use of money, something ought everywhere to be paid for the use of it. This regulation, instead of preventing, has been found from experience to increase the evil of usury; the debtor being obliged to pay, not only for the use of the money, but for the risk which his creditor runs by accepting a compensation for that use. He is obliged, if one may say so, to insure his creditor from the penalties of usury. In countries where interest is permitted, the law, in order to prevent the extortion of usury, generally fixes the highest rate which can be taken without incurring a penalty. This rate ought always to be somewhat above the lowest market price, or the price which is commonly paid for the use of money by those who can give the most undoubted security. If this legal rate should be fixed below the lowest market rate, the effects of this fixation must be nearly the same as those of a total prohibition of interest. The creditor will not lend his money for less than the use of it is worth, and the debtor must pay him for the risk which he runs by accepting the full value of that use. If it is fixed precisely at the lowest market price, it ruins with honest people, who respect the laws of their country, the credit of all those who cannot give the very best security, and obliges them to have recourse to exorbitant usurers. In a country, such as Great Britain, where money is lent to government at three per cent and to private people upon a good security at four and four and a half, the present legal rate, five per cent, is perhaps as proper as any. The legal rate, it is to be observed, though

ought to be somewhat above, ought not to much above the lowest market rate. If the legal rate of interest in Great Britain, for example, was fixed so high as eight or ten per cent, the greater part of the money which was to be lent would be lent to prodigals and projectors, who alone would be willing to give this high interest. Sober people, who will give for the use of money no more than a part of what they are likely to make by the use of it, would not venture into the competition. A great part of the capital of the country would thus be kept out of the hands which were most likely to make a profitable and advantageous use of it, and thrown into those which were most likely to waste and destroy it. Where the legal rate of interest, on the conit

be

Different trary,

is

fixed

but a very

little

Employment

above the low-

market rate, sober people are universally preferred, as borrowers, to prodigals and projectors. The person who lends money gets nearly as much interest from the former as he est

dares to take from the latter, and his money is much safer in the hands of the one set of people than in those of the other. A great part of the capital of the country is thus thrown into the hands in which it is most

be employed with advantage. law can reduce the common rate of interest below the lowest ordinary market rate at the time when that law is made. Notwithstanding the edict of 1766, by which the French king attempted to reduce the rate of interest from five to four per cent, money continued to be lent in France at five per cent, the law being evaded in several different ways. The ordinary market price of land, it is to be observed, depends everywhere upon the ordinary market rate of interest. The person who has a capital from which he wishes to derive a revenue, without taking the trouble to employ it himself, deliberates whether he should buy land with it or lend it out at inlikely to

No

terest.

The

superior security of land, together

with some other advantages which almost everywhere attend upon this species of property, will generally dispose him to content himself with a smaller revenue from land than what he might have by lending out his money at interest. These advantages are sufficient to compensate a certain difference of revenue; but they will compensate a certain difference only; and if the rent of land should fall short of the interest of money by a greater difference,

nobody would buy

land, which

would

ordinary price. On the contrary, if the advantages should much more than compensate the difference, everybody would buy land, which again would soon raise its ordinary price. When interest was at ten per cent, land was commonly sold for ten and twelve years' purchase. As interest sunk to six, five, and four per cent, the price of land rose to twenty, five-and-twenty, and thirty years' purchase. The market rate of interest is higher in France than in England; and the common price of land is lower. In England it

soon reduce

commonly

its

at thirty, in France at twenty

sells

years' purchase.

CHAPTER V Of the Different Employment

Though

of Capitals

capitals are destined for the maintenance of productive labour only, yet the quantity of that labour which equal capitals are capable of putting into motion varies extremely according to the diversity of their employment; as does likewise the value which all

of Capitals

155

that employment adds to the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. A capital may be employed in four different ways: either, first, in procuring the rude produce annually required for the use and consumption of the society; or, secondly, in manufacturing and preparing that rude produce for immediate use and consumption; or, thirdly, in transporting either the rude or manufactured produce from the places where they abound to those where they are wanted; or, lastly, in dividing particular portions of either into such small parcels as suit the occasional demands of those who want them. In the first way are employed the capitals of all those who undertake the improvement or cultivation of lands, mines, or fisheries; in the second, those of all master manufacturers; in the third, those of all wholesale merchants; and in the fourth, those of all retailers. It is difficult to conceive that a capital should be employed in any way which may not be classed under some one or other of those four. Each of these four methods of employing a capital is essentially necessary either to the existence or extension of the other three, or to the general conveniency of the society. Unless a capital was employed in furnishing rude produce to a certain degree of abundance, neither manufactures nor trade of any kind could exist.

Unless a capital was employed in manufacturing that part of the rude produce which requires a good deal of preparation before it can be fit for use and consumption, it either would never be produced, because there could be no demand for it; or if it was produced spontaneously, it would be of no value in exchange, and could add nothing to the wealth of the society. Unless a capital was employed in transporting either the rude or manufactured produce from the places where it abounds to those where it is wanted, no more of either could be produced than was necessary for the consumption of the neighbourhood. The capital of the merchant exchanges the surplus produce of one place for that of another, and thus encourages the industry and increases the enjoyments of both.

Unless a capital was employed in breaking and dividing certain portions either of the rude or manufactured produce into such small parcels as suit the occasional demands of those who want them, every man would be obliged to purchase a greater quantity of the goods he

wanted than his immediate occasions required. If there was no such trade as a butcher, for example, every man would be obliged to purchase a whole ox or a whole sheep at a time. This would generally be inconvenient to the rich, and much more so to the poor. If a poor

The Wealth

156

workman was obliged to purchase a month's or six months' provisions at a time, a great part of the stock which he employs as a capital in the instruments of his trade, or in the furniture of his shop, and which yields him a revenue, he would be forced to place in that part of his stock which is reserved for immediate consumption, and which yields him no revenue. Nothing can be more convenient for such a person than to be able to purchase his subsistence from day to day, or even from hour to hour, as he wants it. He is thereby enabled to employ almost his whole stock as a capital. He is thus enabled to furnish work to a greater value, and the profit, which he

way, much more than compensates the additional price which the profit of the retailer imposes upon the goods. The prejudices of some political writers against shopkeepers and tradesmen are altogether without foundation. So far is it from being

makes by

it

in this

necessary either to tax them or to restrict their numbers that they can never be multiplied so as to hurt the public, though they may so as to hurt one another. The quantity of grocery goods, for example, which can be sold in a particular town is limited by the demand of that town and its neighbourhood. The capital, therefore, which can be employed in the grocery trade cannot exceed what is sufficient to purchase that quantity. If this capital is divided between two different grocers, their competition will tend to make both of them sell cheaper than if it were in the hands of one only; and if it were divided among twenty, their competition would be just so much the greater, and the chance of their combining together, in order to raise the price, just so much the less. Their competition might perhaps ruin some of themselves; but to take care of this is the business of the parties concerned, and it may safely be trusted to their discretion. It can never hurt either the consumer or the producer; on the contrary, it must tend to make the retailers both sell cheaper and buy dearer than if the whole trade was monopo-

by one or two persons. Some of them, may sometimes decoy a weak customer to buy what he has no occasion for.

lized

perhaps,

evil, however, is of too little importance to deserve the public attention, nor would it necessarily be prevented by restricting their numbers. It is not the multitude of ale-houses, to give the most suspicious example, that occasions a general disposition to drunkenness among the common people; but that disposition arising from other causes necessarily gives employment to a multitude of ale-houses. The persons whose capitals are employed in any of those four ways are themselves productive labourers. Their labour, when properly directed, fixes and realizes itself in the subject

This

of Nations or vendible commodity upon which it is bestowed, and generally adds to its price the value at least of their own maintenance and consumption. The profits of the farmer, of the manufacturer, of the merchant, and retailer, are all drawn from the price of the goods which the two first produce, and the two last

buy and

sell. Equal capitals, however, employed in each of those four different ways, will immediately put into motion very different quantities of productive labour, and augment, too, in very different proportions the value of the annual produce of the land and labour of the society to which they belong.

The

capital of the retailer replaces, together

with its profits, that of the merchant of whom he purchases goods, and thereby enables him to continue his business. The retailer himself is the only productive labourer whom it immediately employs. In his profits consists the whole value which its employment adds to the annual produce of the land and labour of the society.

The

capital of the wholesale

merchant

re-

places, together with their profits, the capitals of the farmers and manufacturers of whom he

purchases the rude and manufactured produce which he deals in, and thereby enables them to continue their respective trades. It is by this service chiefly that he contributes indirectly to support the productive labour of the society, and to increase the value of its annual produce. His capital employs, too, the sailors and carriers who transport his goods from one place to another, and it augments the price of those goods by the value, not only of his profits, but of their wages. This is all the productive labour which it immediately puts into motion, and all the value which it immediately adds to the annual produce. Its operation in both these respects is a good deal superior to that of the capital of the retailer. Part of the capital of the master manufacturer is employed as a fixed capital in the instruments of his trade, and replaces, together with its profits, that of some other artificer of whom he purchases them. Part of his circulating capital is employed in purchasing materials, and replaces, with their profits, the capitals of the farmers and miners of whom he purchases them. But a great part of it is always, either annually, or in a much shorter period, distributed among the different workmen whom he employs. It augments the value of those materials by their wages, and by their masters' profits upon the whole stock of wages, materials, and instruments of trade employed in the business. It puts immediately into motion, therefore, a much greater quantity of productive labour, and adds a much greater value to the annual produce of the land and labour of the society than an equal

Different capital in the

Employment

hands of any wholesale mer-

chant.

No equal capital puts into motion a greater quantity of productive labour than that of the farmer. Not only his labouring servants, but his labouring cattle, are productive labourers. In agriculture, too, nature labours along with man; and though her labour costs no expense, its produce has its value, as well as that of the most expensive workmen. The most important operations of agriculture seem intended not so much to increase, though they do that too, as to direct the fertility of nature towards the production of the plants most profitable to man. A field overgrown with briars and brambles may frequently produce as great a quantity of vegetables as the best cultivated vineyard or corn field. Planting and tillage frequently regulate more than they animate the active fertility of nature; and after all their labour, a great part of the work always remains to be done by her. The labourers and labouring cattle, therefore, employed in agriculture, not only occasion, like the workmen in manufactures, the reproduction of a value equal to their own consumption, or to the capital which employs them, together with its owners' profits; but of a much greater value. Over and above the capital of the farmer and all its profits, they regularly occasion the reproduction of the rent of the landlord. This rent may be considered as the produce of those powers of nature, the use of which the landlord lends to the farmer. It is greater or smaller according to the supposed extent of those powers, or in other words, according to the supposed natural or improved fertility of the land. It is the work of nature which remains after deducting or compensating everything which can be regarded as the work of man. It is seldom less than a fourth, and frequently more than a third of the whole produce. No equal quantity of productive labour employed in manufactures can ever occasion so great a reproduction. In them nature does nothing; man does all; and the reproduction must always be in proportion to the strength of the agents that occasion it. The capital employed in agriculture, therefore, not only puts into motion a greater quantity of productive labour than any equal capital employed in manufactures, but in proportion, too, to the quantity of productive labour which it employs, it adds a much greater value to the annual produce of the land and labour of the country, to the real wealth and revenue of its inhabitants. Of all the ways in which a capital can be employed, it is by far the most advantageous to the society. The capitals employed in the agriculture and in the retail trade of any society must always reside within that society. Their em-

of Capitals

15'

ployment is confined almost to a precise spot, to the farm and to the shop of the retailer. They must generally, too, though there are some exceptions to this, belong to resident

members of the society. The capital of a wholesale merchant, on

the contrary, seems to have no fixed or necessary residence anywhere, but may wander about from place to place, according as it can either buy cheap or sell dear. The capital of the manufacturer must no doubt reside where the manufacture is carried on; but where this shall be is not always necessarily determined. It may frequently be at a great distance both from the place where the materials grow, and from that where the

complete manufacture is consumed. Lyons is very distant both from the places which afford the materials of its manufactures, and from those which consume them. The people of fashion in Sicily are clothed in silks made in other countries, from the materials which their own produces. Part of the wool of Spain is manufactured in Great Britain, and some part of that cloth is afterwards sent back to Spain. Whether the merchant whose capital exports the surplus produce of any society be a native or a foreigner is of very little importance. If he is a foreigner, the number of their productive labourers is necessarily less than if he had been a native by one man only, and the value of their annual produce by the profits of that one man. The sailors or carriers whom he employs may still belong indifferently either to his country or to their country, or to some third country, in the same manner as if he had been a native. The capital of a foreigner gives a value to their surplus produce equally with that of a native by exchanging it for something for which there is a demand at home. It as effectually replaces the capital of the person who produces that surplus, and as effectually enables him to continue his business; the service by which the capital of a wholesale merchant chiefly contributes to support the productive labour, and to augment the value of the annual produce of the society to which he belongs. It is of more consequence that the capital of the manufacturer should reside within the country. It necessarily puts into motion a greater quantity of productive labour, and adds a greater value to the annual produce of the land and labour of the society. It may, however, be very useful to the country, though it should not reside within it. The capitals of the British manufacturers who work up the flax and hemp annually imported from the coasts of the Baltic are surely very useful to the countries which produce them. Those materials are a part of the surplus produce of those countries which, unless it was annually

The Wealth

158

exchanged for something which is in demand there, would be of no value, and would soon cease to be produced. The merchants who export

it

replace the capitals of the people

who

and thereby encourage them to continue the production; and the British manufacturers replace the capitals of those merproduce

it,

chants. A particular country, in the same manner as a particular person, may frequently not have capital sufficient both to improve and cultivate all its lands, to manufacture and

prepare their whole rude produce for immediate use and consumption, and to transport the surplus part either of the rude or manufactured produce to those distant markets where it can be exchanged for something for which there is a demand at home. The inhabitants of many different parts of Great Britain have not capital sufficient to improve

and cultivate

all

their lands.

The wool

of

the southern counties of Scotland is, a great part of it, after a long land carriage through very bad roads, manufactured in Yorkshire, for want of capital to manufacture it at home. There are many little manufacturing towns in Great Britain, of which the inhabitants have not capital sufficient to transport the produce of their own industry to those distant markets where there is demand and consumption for it. If there are any merchants among them, they are properly only the agents of wealthier merchants who reside in some of the greater commercial cities. When the capital of any country is not sufficient for all those three purposes, in proportion as a greater share of it is employed in agriculture, the greater will be the quantity of productive labour which it puts into motion within the country; as will likewise be the value which its employment adds to the annual produce of the land and labour of the society. After agriculture, the capital employed in manufactures puts into motion the greatest quantity of productive labour, and adds the greatest value to the annual produce. That which is employed in the trade of exportation has the least effect of any of the three.

The country,

indeed, which has not capital

sufficient for all those three

purposes has not

arrived at that degree of opulence for which it seems naturally destined. To attempt, however, prematurely and with an insufficient capital to do all the three is certainly not the shortest

way

for a society, no more than it an individual, to acquire a suffi-

would be

for

cient one.

The

capital of

all

the individuals of

a nation has its limits in the same manner as that of a single individual, and is capable of executing only certain purposes. The capital of all the individuals of a nation is increased in the same manner as that of a single in-

of Nations

by their continually accumulating and adding to it whatever they save out of dividual

their revenue. It

is

likely to increase the fast-

it is employed in the way that affords the greatest revenue to all the inhabitants of the country, as they will thus be enabled to make the greatest savings. But the revenue of all the inhabitants of the country is necessarily in proportion to the value of the annual produce of their land and labour. It has been the principal cause of the rapid progress of our American colonies towards wealth and greatness that almost their whole capitals have hitherto been employed in agriculture. They have no manufactures, those household and coarser manufactures excepted which necessarily accompany the progress of agriculture, and which are the work of the women and children in every private family. The greater part both of the exportation and coasting trade of America is carried on by the capitals of merchants who reside in Great Britain. Even the stores and warehouses from which goods are retailed in some provinces, particularly in Virginia and Maryland, belong many of them to merchants who reside in the mother country, and afford one of the few instances of the retail trade of a society being carried on by the capitals of those who are not resident members of it. Were the Americans, either by combination or by any other sort of violence, to stop the importation of European manufactures, and, by thus giving a monopoly to such of their own countrymen as could manufacture the like goods, divert any considerable part of their capital into this employment, they would retard instead of accelerating the further increase in the value of their annual produce, and would obstruct instead of promoting the progress of their country towards real wealth and greatness. This would be still more the case were they to attempt, in the same manner, to monopolize to themselves their whole exportation trade. The course of human prosperity, indeed, seems scarce ever to have been of so long continuance as to enable any great country to acquire capital sufficient for all those three purposes; unless perhaps, we give credit to the wonderful accounts of the wealth and cultivation of China, of those of ancient Egypt, and of the ancient state of Indostan. Even those three countries, the wealthiest, according to all accounts, that ever were in the world, are chiefly renowned for their superiority in agriculture and manufactures. They do not appear to have been eminent for foreign trade. The ancient Egyptians had a superstitious antipathy to the sea; a superstition nearly of the same kind prevails among the Indians; and

est, therefore,

when

the Chinese have never excelled in foreign commerce. The greater part of the surplus

Different

Employment

produce of all those three countries seems to have been always exported by foreigners, who gave in exchange for it something else for which they found a demand there, frequently gold and silver. It is thus that the same capital will in any country put into motion a greater or smaller quantity of productive labour, and add a greater or smaller value to the annual produce of its land and labour, according to the different proportions in which it is employed in agriculture, manufactures, and wholesale trade.

The

difference, too, is very great, according to the different sorts of wholesale trade in which any part of it is employed.

All wholesale trade, all sell

again by wholesale,

buying

may

in order to

be reduced to

three different sorts. The home trade, the foreign trade of consumption, and the carrying trade. The home trade is employed in purchasing in one part of the same country, and selling in another, the produce of the industry of that country. It comprehends both the inland and the coasting trade. The foreign trade of consumption is employed in purchasing foreign goods for home consumption. The carrying trade is employed in transacting the commerce of foreign countries, or in carrying the surplus produce of one to another.

The

capital

which

is

employed

in

purchas-

ing in one part of the country in order to sell in another the produce of the industry of that country, generally replaces by every such operation two distinct capitals that had both been employed in the agriculture or manufactures of that country, and thereby enables them to continue that employment. When it sends out from the residence of the merchant a certain value of commodities, it generally brings back in return at least an equal value of other commodities. When both are the produce of domestic industry, it necessarily replaces by every such operation two distinct

which had both been emsupporting productive labour, and

capitals

ployed in thereby enables them to continue that support. The capital which sends Scotch manufactures to London, and brings back English corn and manufactures to Edinburgh, necessarily replaces by every such operation, two British capitals which had both been employed in the agriculture or manufactures of Great Britain. The capital employed in purchasing foreign goods for home consumption, when this purchase is made with the produce of domestic industry, replaces too, by every such operation, two distinct capitals; but one of them only is employed in supporting domestic industry. The capital which sends British goods to Portugal, and brings back Portuguese goods to Great Britain, replaces by every such op-

of Capitals

159

eration only one British capital. The other is a Portuguese one. Though the returns, therefore, of the foreign trade of consumption should be as quick as those of the home trade, the capital employed in it will give but one half the encouragement to the industry or productive labour of the country. But the returns of the foreign trade of consumption are very seldom so quick as those of the home trade. The returns of the home trade generally come in before the end of the year, and sometimes three or four times in the year. The returns of the foreign trade of consumption seldom come in before the end of the year, and sometimes not till after two or three years. A capital, therefore, employed in the home trade will sometimes make twelve operations, or be sent out and returned twelve times, before a capital employed in the foreign trade of consumption has made one. If the capitals are equal, therefore, the one will give four-and-twenty times more encouragement and support to the industry of the country than the other.

The

foreign goods for

home consumption

may sometimes

be purchased, not with the produce of domestic industry, but with some other foreign goods. These iast, however, must have "been purchased either immediately with the produce of domestic industry, or with something else that had been purchased with it; for, the case of war and conquest excepted, foreign goods can ever be acquired but in exchange for something that had been produced at home, either immediately, or after two or more different exchanges. The effects, therefore, of a capital employed in such a roundabout foreign trade of consumption, are, in every respect, the same as those of one employed in the most direct trade of the same kind, except that the final returns are likely to be still more distant, as they must depend

upon the returns of two or three distinct foreign trades. If the flax and hemp of Riga are purchased with the tobacco of Virginia, which had been purchased with British manufactures, the merchant must wait for the returns of two distinct foreign trades before he can employ the same capital in re-purchasing a like quantity of British manufactures. If the tobacco of Virginia had been purchased, not with British manufactures, but with the sugar and rum of Jamaica which had been purchased with those manufactures, he must wait for the returns of three. If those two or three distinct foreign trades should happen to be carried on by two or three distinct merchants, of whom the second buys the goods imported by the first, and the third buys those imported by the second, in order to export them again, each merchant indeed will in this case receive the returns of his own capital more

160

The Wealth

quickly; but the final returns of the whole capital employed in the trade will be just as slow as ever. Whether the whole capital employed in such a round-about trade belong to one merchant or to three can make no difference with regard to the country, though it may with regard to the particular merchants. Three times a greater capital must in both cases be employed in order to exchange a certain value of British manufactures for a certain quantity of flax and hemp than would have been necessary had the manufactures and the flax and hemp been directly exchanged for one another. The whole capital

employed, therefore, in such a round-about foreign trade of consumption will generally give less encouragement and support to the productive labour of the country than an equal capital employed in a more direct trade of the same kind. Whatever be the foreign commodity with which the foreign goods for home consumption are purchased, it can occasion no essential difference either in the nature of the trade, or in the encouragement and support which it can give to the productive labour of the country from which it is carried on. If they are purchased with the gold of Brazil, for example, or with the silver of Peru, this gold and silver, like the tobacco of Virginia, must have been purchased with something that either was the produce of the industry of the country, or that had been purchased with something else that was so. So far, therefore, as the productive labour of the country is concerned, the foreign trade of consumption which is carried on by means of gold and silver has all the advantages and all the inconveniences of any other equally round-about foreign trade of consumption, and will replace just as fast or just as slow the capital which is immediately employed in supporting that productive labour. It seems even to have one advantage over any other equally roundabout foreign trade. The transportation of those metals from one place to another, on account of their small bulk and great value, is less expensive than that of almost any other foreign goods of equal value. Their freight is much less, and their insurance not greater; and no goods, besides, are less liable to suffer by the carriage. An equal quantity of foreign goods, therefore, may frequently be purchased with a smaller quantity of the produce of domestic industry, by the intervention of gold and silver, than by that of any other foreign goods. The demand of the country may frequently, in this manner, be supplied more completely and at a smaller expense than in any other. Whether, by the continual exportation of those metals, a trade of this kind is likely to impoverish the country from which it

of Nations is carried on, in any other way, I shall have occasion to examine at great length hereafter. That part of the capital of any country which is employed in the carrying trade is altogether withdrawn from supporting the productive labour of that particular country, to support that of some foreign countries. Though it may replace by every operation two distinct capitals, yet neither of them belongs to that particular country. The capital of the Dutch merchant, which carries the corn of Poland to Portugal, and brings back the fruits and wines of Portugal to Poland, replaces by every such operation two capitals, neither of which had been employed in supporting the productive labour of Holland; but one of them in supporting that of Poland, and the other that of Portugal. The profits only return regularly to Holland, and constitute the whole addition which this trade necessarily makes to the annual produce of the land and 7 labour of that country. hen, indeed, the carrying trade of any particular country is carried on with the ships and sailors of that country, that part of the capital employed in it which pays the freight is distributed among, and puts into motion, a certain number of productive labourers of that country. Almost all nations that have had any considerable share of the carrying trade have, in fact, carried it on in this manner. The trade itself has probably derived its name from it, the people of such countries being the carriers to other countries. It does not, however, seem essential to the nature of the trade that it should be so.

W

A Dutch

merchant may,

for

example, employ

transacting the commerce of Poland and Portugal, by carrying part of the surplus produce of the one to the other, not in Dutch, but in British bottoms. It may be presumed that he actually does so upon some particular occasions. It is upon this account, however, that the carrying trade has been supposed peculiarly advantageous to such a country as Great Britain, of which the defence and security depend upon the number of its sailors and shipping. But the same capital may employ as many sailors and shipping, either in the foreign trade of consumption, or even in the home trade, when carried on by coasting vessels, as it could in the carrying trade. The number of sailors and shipping which any particular capital can employ does not depend upon the nature of the trade, but partly upon the bulk of the goods in proportion to their value, and partly upon the distance of the ports between which they are to be carried; chiefly upon the former of those two circumstances. The coal trade from Newhis capital

castle to

in

London,

for example,

employs more

the carrying trade of England, though the ports are at no great dis-

shipping than

all

Different tance.

To

force, therefore,

Employment

by extraordinary

encouragements, a larger share of the capital of any country into the carrying trade than what would naturally go to it will not always necessarily increase the shipping of that country.

The capital, therefore, employed in home trade of any country will generally

the give

encouragement and support to a greater quantity of productive labour in that country, and increase the value of its annual produce more than an equal capital employed in the foreign trade of consumption: and the capital employed in this latter trade has in both these respects a still greater advantage over an equal capital employed in the carrying trade. The riches, and so far as power depends upon riches, the power of every country must al-

ways be

in proportion to the value of its annual produce, the fund from which all taxes must ultimately be paid. But the great object of the political economy of every country is to increase the riches and power of that country. It ought, therefore, to give no preference nor superior encouragement to the foreign trade of consumption above the home trade, nor to the carrying trade above either of the other two. It ought neither to force nor to allure into either of those two channels a greater share of the capital of the country than what would naturally flow into them of its own accord. When the produce of any particular branch of industry exceeds what the demand of the country requires, the surplus must be sent

abroad and which there

exchanged

for

something

for

a demand at home. Without such exportation a part of the productive labour of the country must cease, and the value of its annual produce diminish. The land and labour of Great Britain produce generally more corn, woollens, and hardware than the is

of the home market requires. The surplus part of them, therefore, must be sent abroad, and exchanged for something for which there is a demand at home. It is only by means of such exportation that this sur-

demand

plus can acquire a value sufficient to compensate the labour and expense of producing it. The neighbourhood of the sea-coast, and the banks of all navigable rivers, are advantageous situations for industry, only because they facilitate the exportation and exchange of such surplus produce for something else which is more in demand there When the foreign goods which are thus purchased with the surplus produce of domestic industry exceed the demand of the home market, the surplus part of them must be sent abroad again and exchanged for something more in demand at home. About ninetysix thousand hogsheads of tobacco are annu.

ally

of Capitals purchased

in Virginia

161 and Maryland with

a part of the surplus produce of British industry. But the demand of Great Britain does not require, perhaps, more than fourteen thousand. If the remaining eighty-two thousand, therefore, could not be sent abroad and exchanged for something more in demand at home, the importation of them must cease immediately, and with it the productive labour of all those inhabitants of Great Britain, who are at present employed in preparing the goods with which these eighty-two thousand hogsheads are annually purchased. Those goods, which are part of the produce of the land and labour of Great Britain, having no market at home, and being deprived of that which they had abroad, must cease to be produced. The most round-about foreign trade of consumption, therefore may, upon some occasions, be as necessary for supporting the productive labour of the country, and the value of its annual produce, as the most direct. When the capital stock of any country is increased to such a degree that it cannot be all employed in supplying the consumption and supporting the productive labour of that particular country, the surplus part of it naturally disgorges itself into the carrying trade, and is employed in performing the same offices to other countries. The carrying trade is the natural effect and symptom of great national wealth; but it does not seem to be the natural cause of it. Those statesmen who have been disposed to favour it with particular encouragements seem to have mistaken the effect and symptom for the cause. Holland, in proportion to the extent of the land and the number of its inhabitants, by far the richest country in Europe, has, accordingly, the greatest share of the carrying trade of Europe. England, perhaps the second richest country of Europe, is likewise supposed to have a considerable share of it; though what commonly passes for the carrying trade of England will frequently, perhaps, be found to be no more

than a round-about foreign trade of consumption. Such are, in a great measure, the trades which carry the goods of the East and West Indies, and of America, to different European markets. Those goods are generally purchased either immediately with the produce of British industry, or with something else which had been purchased with that produce, and the final returns of those trades are generally used or consumed in Great Britain. The trade which is carried on in British bottoms between the different ports of the Mediterranean, and some trade of the same kind carried on by British merchants between the different ports of India, make, perhaps, the principal branches of what is properly the carrying trade of Great Britain.

162

The Wealth

of Nations

The extent of the home trade and of the capital which can be employed in it, is necessarily limited by the value of the surplus produce of all those distant places within the country which have occasion to exchange their respective productions with another: that of the foreign trade of consumption, by the value of the surplus produce of the whole country and of what can be purchased with it: that of the carrying trade by the value of the surplus

Projectors, indeed, in every corner of it, have within these few years amused the public with most magnificent accounts of the profits to be made by the cultivation and improvement of land. Without entering into any particular discussion of their calculations, a very simple observation may satisfy us that the result of them must be false. see every day the most splendid fortunes that have been acquired in the course of a single life by trade

produce of

all the different countries in the world. Its possible extent, therefore, is in a manner infinite in comparison of that of the other two, and is capable of absorbing the greatest capitals. The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the wholesale or retail trade. The different quantities of productive labour which it may put into motion, and the different values which it may add to the annual produce of the land and labour of the society, according as it is employed in one or other of those different ways, never enter into his thoughts. In countries, therefore, where agriculture is the most profitable of all employments, and farming and improving the most direct roads to a splendid fortune, the capitals of individuals will naturally be employed in the manner most advantageous to the

and manufacturers, frequently from a very small capital, sometimes from no capital. A

whole society. The profits of agriculture, however, seem to have no superiority over those of other employments in any part of Europe.

in their own neighbourhood, I endeavour to explain at full length in the two following books.

We

instance of such a fortune acquired in the same time, and from such a capital, has not, perhaps, occurred in Europe during the course of the present century. In all the great countries of Europe, however, much good land still remains uncultivated, and the greater part of what is cultivated is far from being improved to the degree of which it is capable. Agriculture, single

by agriculture

therefore, is almost everywhere capable of absorbing a much greater capital than has ever yet been employed in it. What circumstances in the policy of Europe have given the trades which are carried on in towns so great an advantage over that which is carried on in the country that private persons frequently find it more for their advantage to employ their capitals in the most distant carrying trades of Asia and America than in

the improvement and cultivation of the most fertile fields

shall

Book Three OF THE DIFFERENT PROGRESS OF OPULENCE

CHAPTER

The great commerce of every civilised society is that carried on between the inhabitants of the town and those of the country. It consists in the exchange of rude for manufactured produce, either immediately, or by the intervention of money, or of some sort of paper which represents money. The country supplies the town with the means of subsistence and the materials of manufacture. The

it

for

something

among them. The

else

which

is

in

demand

greater the number and revenue of the inhabitants of the town, the more extensive is the market which it affords to those of the country; and the more extensive that market, it is always the more advantageous to a great number. The corn which grows within a mile of the town sells there for the same price with that which comes from twenty miles distance. But the price of the latter must generally not only pay the expense of raising and bringing it to market, but afford, too, the ordinary profits of agriculture to the farmer. The proprietors and cultivators of the country, therefore,

DIFFERENT NATIONS

which lies in the neighbourhood of the town, over and above the ordinary profits of agriculture, gain, in the price of what they sell, the whole value of the carriage of the like produce that is brought from more distant parts, and they have, besides, the whole value of this carriage in the price of what they buy.

I

Of the Natural Progress of Opulence

town repays this supply by sending back a part of the manufactured produce to the inhabitants of the country. The town, in which there neither is nor can be any reproduction of substances, may very properly be said to gain its whole wealth and subsistence from the country. We must not, however, upon this account, imagine that the gain of the town is the loss of the country. The gains of both are mutual and reciprocal, and the division of labour is in this, as in all other cases, advantageous to all the different persons employed in the various occupations into which it is subdivided. The inhabitants of the country purchase of the town a greater quantity of manufactured goods, with the produce of a much smaller quantity of their own labour, than they must have employed had they attempted to prepare them themselves. The town affords a market for the surplus produce of the country, or what is over and above the maintenance of the cultivators, and it is there that the inhabitants of the country exchange

IN

Compare

the cultivation of the lands in the

neighbourhood of any considerable town with that of those which lie at some distance from it, and you will easily satisfy yourself how much the country is benefited by the commerce of the town. Among all the absurd speculations that have been propagated concerning the balance of trade, it has never been pretended that either the country loses by its commerce with the town, or the town by that with the country which maintains it.

As subsistence is, in the nature of things, prior to conveniency and luxury, so the industry which procures the former must necessarily be prior to that which ministers to the latter. The cultivation and improvement of the country, therefore, which affords subsistence, must, necessarily, be prior to the increase of the town, which furnishes only the means of conveniency and luxury. It is the surplus produce of the country only, or what is

over and above the maintenance of the cul-

tivators, that constitutes the

subsistence of the town, which can therefore increase only with the increase of this surplus produce. The town, indeed, may not always derive its whole subsistence from the country in its neighbourhood, or even from the territory to which it belongs, but from very distant countries; and this, though it forms no exception from the general rule, has occasioned considerable variations in the progress of opulence in different ages and nations. That order of things which necessity imposes in general, though not in every particular country, is, in every particular country, promoted by the natural inclinations of man.

163

If

human

institutions

had never thwarted

those natural inclinations, the towns could nowhere have increased beyond what the improvement and cultivation of the territory in which they were situated could support; till such time, at least, as the whole of that terri-

The Wealth

164

tory was completely cultivated and improved. Upon equal, or nearly equal profits, most men will choose to employ their capitals rather in the improvement and cultivation of land than either in manufactures or in foreign trade. The man who employs his capital in land has it

more under

his

view and command, and his

fortune is much less liable to accidents than that of the trader, who is obliged frequently to commit it, not only to the winds and the waves, but to the more uncertain elements of human folly and injustice, by giving great credits in distant countries to men with whose character and situation he can seldom be thoroughly acquainted. The capital of the landlord, on the contrary, which is fixed in the improvement of his land, seems to be as well secured as the nature of human affairs can admit of. The beauty of the country besides, the pleasures of a country life, the tranquillity of mind which it promises, and wherever the injustice of human laws does not disturb it, the independency which it really affords, have charms that more or less attract everybody; and as to cultivate the ground was the original destination of man, so in every stage of his existence he seems to retain a predilection for

employment. Without the assistance of some

this primitive

artificers,

indeed, the cultivation of land cannot be carried on but with great inconveniency and continual interruption. Smiths, carpenters, wheelwrights, and ploughwrights, masons, and bricklayers, tanners, shoemakers, and tailors are people whose service the farmer has fre-

quent occasion

for.

Such

artificers, too,

stand

occasionally in need of the assistance of one another; and as their residence is not, like that of the farmer, necessarily tied down to a precise spot, they naturally settle in the neighbourhood of one another, and thus form a small town or village. The butcher, the brewer, and the baker soon join them, together with many other artificers and retailers, necessary or useful for supplying their occasional wants, and who contribute still further to augment the town. The inhabitants of the town and those of the country are mutually the servants of one another. The town is a continual fair or market, to which the inhabitants of the country resort in order to

exchange their rude for manufactured produce. It is this commerce which supplies the inhabitants of the town both with the materials of their work, and the means of their subsistence. The quantity of the finished work which they sell to the inhabitants of the country necessarily regulates the quantity of the materials and provisions which they buy. Neither their employment nor subsistence, therefore, can augment but in proportion to the augmentation of the demand from the

of Nations country for finished work; and this demand can augment only in proportion to the extension of improvement and cultivation. Had human institutions, therefore, never disturbed the natural course of things, the progressive

wealth and increase of the towns would, in every political society, be consequential, and in proportion to the improvement and cultivation of the territory or country. In our North American colonies, where uncultivated land is still to be had upon easy terms, no manufactures for distant sale have ever yet been established in any of their towns. When an artificer has acquired a little more stock than is necessary for carrying on his own business in supplying the neighbouring country, he does not, in North America, attempt to establish with it a manufacture for more distant sale, but employs it in the purchase and improvement of uncultivated land. From artificer he becomes planter, and neither the large wages nor the easy subsistence which that country affords to artificers can bribe him rather to work for other people than for himself.

He

feels

that an artificer

is

the servant

of his customers, from whom he derives his subsistence: but that a planter who cultivates his own land, and derives his necessary subsistence from the labour of his own family, is really a master, and independent of all the

world.

In countries, on the contrary, where there either no uncultivated land, or none that can be had upon easy terms, every artificer who has acquired more stock than he can employ in the occasional jobs of the neighbourhood endeavours to prepare work for more distant sale. The smith erects some sort of iron, the weaver some sort of linen or woollen manufactory. Those different manufactures come, in process of time, to be gradually subdivided, and thereby improved and refined in a great variety of ways, which may easily be conceived, and which it is therefore unnecessary is

to explain any further. In seeking for employment to a capital, manufactures are, upon equal or nearly equal profits, naturally preferred to foreign commerce, for the same reason that agriculture is naturally preferred to manufactures. As the capital of the landlord or farmer is more secure than that of the manufacturer, so the capital of the manufacturer, being at all

times more within his view and command, is more secure than that of the foreign merchant. In every period, indeed, of every society, the surplus part both of the rude and manufactured produce, or that for which there is no demand at home, must be sent abroad in order to be exchanged for something for which there is some demand at home. But whether the capital, which carries this surplus produce

The Discouragement abroad, be a foreign or a domestic one is of very little importance. If the society has not acquired sufficient capital both to cultivate all its lands, and to manufacture in the completest manner the whole of its rude produce, there is even a considerable advantage that that rude produce should be exported by a foreign capital, in order that the whole stock of the society may be employed in more useful purposes. The wealth of ancient Egypt, that of China and Indostan, sufficiently demonstrate that a nation may attain a very high degree of opulence though the greater part of its exportation trade be carried on by foreigners. The progress of our North American and West Indian colonies would have been much less rapid had no capital but what belonged to themselves been employed in exporting their surplus produce. According to the natural course of things, therefore, the greater part of the capital of every growing society is, first, directed to agriculture, afterwards to manufactures, and last of all to foreign commerce. This order of things is so very natural that in every society that had any territory it has always, I believe, been in some degree observed. Some of their lands must have been cultivated before any considerable towns could be established, and some sort of coarse industry of the manufacturing kind must have been carried on in those towns, before they could well think of employing themselves in foreign commerce. But though this natural order of things must have taken place in some degree in every such society, it has, in all the modern states of Europe, been, in many respects, entirely inverted. The foreign commerce of some of their cities has introduced all their finer manufactures, or such as were fit for distant

and manufactures and foreign commerce together have given birth to the principal

sale;

improvements of agriculture. The manners and customs which the nature of their original government introduced, and which remained after that government was greatly altered, necessarily forced them into this unnatural and retrograde order.

CHAPTER II Of the Discouragement of Agriculture ancient State of Europe after the Fall

Roman

in the

of the

Empire.

When the German and Scythian nations overran the western provinces of the Roman empire, the confusions which followed so great a revolution lasted for several centuries. The rapine and violence which the barbarians exercised against the ancient inhabitants interrupted the commerce between the towns

of Agriculture

165

and the country. The towns were deserted, and the country was left uncultivated, and the western provinces of Europe, which had enjoyed a considerable degree of opulence under the Roman empire, sunk into the lowest state of poverty and barbarism. During the continuance of those confusions, the chiefs and principal leaders of those nations acquired or usurped to themselves the greater part of the lands of those countries. A great part of them was uncultivated; but no part of

them, whether cultivated or uncultivated, was without a proprietor. All of them were engrossed, and the greater part by a few great left

proprietors.

This original engrossing of uncultivated lands, though a great, might have been but a transitory evil. They might soon have been divided again, and broke into small parcels either by succession or by alienation. The law of primogeniture hindered them from being divided by succession: the introduction of entails prevented their being broke into small parcels

by

alienation. land, like movables, is considered as the means only of subsistence and enjoyment, the natural law of succession divides it, like them, among all the children of the family; of all of whom the subsistence and enjoyment may be supposed equally dear to the father. This natural law of succession accordingly took place among the Romans, who made no more distinction between elder and younger, between male and female, in the inheritance of lands than we do in the distribution of movables. But when land was considered as the means, not of subsistence merely, but of power and protection, it was thought better that it should descend undivided to one. In those disorderly times every great landlord was a sort of petty prince. His tenants were his subjects. He was their judge, and in some respects their legislator in peace, and their leader in war. He made war according to his own discretion, frequently against his neighbours, and sometimes against his sovereign. The security of a landed estate, therefore, the protection which its owner could afford to those who dwelt on it, depended upon its greatness. To divide it was to ruin it, and to expose every part of it to be oppressed and swallowed up by the incursions of its neighbours. The law of primogeniture, therefore, came to take place, not immediately, indeed, but in process of time, in the succession of landed estates, for the same reason that it has generally taken place in that of monarchies, though not always at their first institution. That the power, and consequently the security of the monarchy, may not be weakened by division, it must descend entire to one of the children. To which of them so important

When

166

The Wealth

a preference shall be given must be determined by some general rule, founded not upon the doubtful distinctions of personal merit, but upon some plain and evident difference which can admit of no dispute. Among the children of the same family, there can be no indisputable difference but that of sex, and that of age. The male sex is universally preferred to the female; and when all other things are equal, the elder everywhere takes place of the younger. Hence the origin of the right of primogeniture, and of what is called lineal succession.

Laws frequently continue in force long after the circumstances which first gave occasion to them, and which could alone render them reasonable, are no more. In the present state of Europe, the proprietor of a single acre of land is as perfectly secure of his possession as the proprietor of a hundred thousand. The right of primogeniture, however, still continues to be respected, and as of all institutions it is the fittest to support the pride of family distinctions, it is still likely to endure for many centuries. In every other respect, nothing can be more contrary to the real interest of a numerous family than a right which, in order to enrich one, beggars all the rest of the children. Entails are the natural consequences of the law of primogeniture. They were introduced to preserve a certain lineal succession, of which the law of primogeniture first gave the idea, and to hinder any part of the original estate from being carried out of the proposed line either by gift, or devise, or alienation; either by the folly, or by the misfortune of any of its successive owners. They were altogether unknown to the Romans. Neither their substitutions nor fideicommisses bear any resemblance to entails, though some French lawyers have thought proper to dress the modern institution in the language and garb of those ancient ones. When great landed estates were a sort of principalities, entails might not be unreasonable. Like what are called the fundamental laws of some monarchies, they might frequently hinder the security of thousands from being endangered by the caprice or extravagance of one man. But in the present state of Europe, when small as well as great estates derive their security from the laws of their

country, nothing can be more completely absurd. They are founded upon the most absurd of all suppositions, the supposition that every successive generation of men have not an equal right to the earth, and to all that it possesses; but that the property of the present generation should be restrained and regulated according to the fancy of those who died perhaps five hundred years ago. Entails, however, are still respected through the greater part

of Nations of Europe, in those countries particularly in which noble birth is a necessary qualification for the enjoyment either of civil or military honours. Entails are thought necessary for maintaining this exclusive privilege of the nobility to the great offices and honours of their country; and that order having usurped one unjust advantage over the rest of their fellowcitizens, lest their poverty should render it ridiculous, it is thought reasonable that they should have another. The common law of England, indeed, is said to abhor perpetuities, and they are accordingly more restricted there than in any other European monarchy; though even England is not altogether without them. In Scotland more than one-fifth, perhaps more than one- third, part of the whole lands of the country are at present

supposed to be under strict entail. Great tracts of uncultivated land were, in this manner, not only engrossed by particular families, but the possibliity of their being divided again was as much as possible precluded for ever. It seldom happens, however, that a great proprietor is a great improver. In the disorderly times which gave birth to those barbarous institutions, the great proprietor was sufficiently employed in defending his own territories, or in extending his jurisdiction and authority over those of his neighbours. He had no leisure to attend to the cultivation and improvement of land. When the establishment of law and order afforded him this leisure, he often wanted the inclination, and almost always the requisite abilities. If the expense of his house and person either equalled or exceeded his revenue, as it did very frequently, he had no stock to employ in this manner. If he was an economist, he generally found it more profitable to employ his annual savings in new purchases than in the improvement of his old estate. To improve land with profit, like all other commercial projects, requires an exact attention to small savings and small gains, of which a man born to a great fortune, even though naturally frugal, is very seldom capable. The situation of such a person naturally disposes him to attend rather to ornament which pleases his fancy than to profit for which he has so little occasion. The elegance of his dress, of his equipage, of his house, and household furniture, are objects which from his infancy he has been accustomed to have some anxiety about. The turn of mind which this habit naturally forms follows him when he comes to think of the improvement of land. He embellishes perhaps four or five hundred acres in the neighbourhood of his house, at ten times the expense which the land is worth after all his improvements; and finds that if he was to improve his whole estate in the

The Discouragement

167

of Agriculture

any

maintenance can be squeezed out of him by

other, he would be a bankrupt before he had finished the tenth part of it. There still remain in both parts of the United Kingdom

violence only, and not by any interest of his own. In ancient Italy, how much the cultiva-

estates which have continued without interruption in the hands of the same family since the times of feudal anarchy. Compare the present condition of those estates with the possessions of the small proprietors in their neighbourhood, and you will require no other argument to convince you

became to the master when it fell under the management of slaves, is remarked by both Pliny and Columella. In the time of Aristotle it had not been much better in ancient Greece.

same manner, and he has

little

taste for

some great

how unfavourable such

extensive property

is

improvement. If little improvement was to be expected from such great proprietors, still less was to be hoped for from those who occupied the land under them. In the ancient state of Europe, the occupiers of land were all tenants at will. They were all or almost all slaves; but their slavery was of a milder kind than that known among the ancient Greeks and Romans, or even in our West Indian colonies. They were supposed to belong more directly to the land than to their master. They could, therefore, be sold with it, but not separately. They could marry, provided it was with the consent of their master; and he could not afterwards dissolve the marriage by selling the man and wife to different persons. If he maimed or murdered any of them, he was liable to some penalty, though generally but to a small one. They were not, however, to

capable of acquiring property. Whatever they acquired was acquired to their master, and he could take it from them at pleasure. Whatever cultivation and improvement could be carried on by means of such slaves was properly carried on by their master. It was at his expense. The seed, the cattle, and the instru-

ments

of

husbandry were all his. It was for Such slaves could acquire nothing daily maintenance. It was properly

his benefit.

but their

the proprietor himself, therefore, that, in this own lands, and cultivated them by his own bondmen. This species of slavery still subsists in Russia, Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, Moravia, and other parts of Germany. It is only in the western and southwestern provinces of Europe that it has gradually been abolished altogether. But if great improvements are seldom to be expected from great proprietors, they are case, occupied his

least of all to

be expected when they employ

slaves for their workmen. The experience of all ages and nations, I believe, demonstrates

that the work done by slaves, though it appears to cost only their maintenance, is in the end the dearest of any. A person who can acquire no property, can have no other interest but to eat as much, and to labour as little as possible. Whatever work he does be-

yond what

is

sufficient to

purchase his own

tion of corn degenerated,

how

unprofitable

it

Speaking of the ideal republic described in the laws of Plato, to maintain five thousand idle men (the number of warriors supposed necessary for its defence) together with their women and servants, would require, he says, a territory of boundless extent and fertility, like the plains of Babylon.

The ineer,

pride of man makes him love to domand nothing mortifies him so much as

to be obliged to condescend to persuade his

Wherever the law allows it, and the nature of the work can afford it, therefore, he will generally prefer the service of slaves to that of freemen. The planting of sugar and tobacco can afford the expense of slave-cultivation. The raising of corn, it seems, in the present times, cannot. In the English colonies, of which the principal produce is corn, the far greater part of the work is done by freemen. The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania to set at liberty all their negro slaves may satisfy us that their inferiors.

number cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to. In our sugar colonies, on the contrary, the whole work is done by slaves, and in our tobacco colonies a very great part of it. The profits of a sugar-plantation in any of our West Indian colonies are generally much greater than those of any other cultivation that is known either in Europe or America; and the profits of a tobacco plantation, though inferior to those of sugar, are superior to those of corn, as has already been observed. Both can afford the expense of slave-cultivation, but sugar can afford it still better than tobacco. The number of negroes accordingly is much greater, in proportion to that of whites, in our sugar than in our tobacco colonies. To the slave cultivators of ancient times gradually succeeded a species of farmers known at present in France by the name of metayThey are called in Latin, Coloni parers. They have been so long in disuse in tiarii. England that at present I know no English name for them. The proprietor furnished them with the seed, cattle, and instruments of husbandry, the whole stock, in short, necessary for cultivating the farm. The produce was divided equally between the proprietor and the farmer, after setting aside what was judged necessary for keeping up the stock,

The Wealth

168

which was restored to the proprietor when the farmer either quitted, or was turned out of the farm.

Land occupied by such tenants is properly cultivated at the expense of the proprietor as much as that occupied by slaves. There is, however, one very essential difference between them. Such tenants, being freemen, are capable of acquiring property, and having a certain proportion of the produce of the land, they have a plain interest that the whole produce should be as great as possible, in order that their own proportion may be so. A slave, on the contrary, who can acquire nothing

but his maintenance, consults his own ease by making the land produce as little as possible over and above that maintenance. It is probable that it was partly upon account of this advantage, and partly upon account of the encroachments which the sovereign, alof the great lords, gradually envillains to make upon their authority, and which seem at last to have been such as rendered this species of servitude altogether inconvenient, that tenure in villan-

of Nations nished by the proprietor; but it could never be his interest to mix any part of his own with it. In France, where five parts out of six of the whole kingdom are said to be still occupied by this species of cultivators, the proprietors complain that their metayers take every opportunity of employing the master's cattle rather in carriage than in cultivation; because in the one case they get the whole profits to themselves, in the other they share them with their landlord. This species of tenants still subsists in some parts of Scotland. They are called steel-bow tenants. Those ancient English tenants, who are said by Chief Baron Gilbert and Doctor Blackstone to have been rather bailiffs of the landlord than farmers properly so called, were probably of the same kind.

To this

ways jealous

called,

couraged their

own

age gradually wore out through the greater part of Europe. The time and manner, however, in which so important a revolution was brought about is one of the most obscure points

in

modern

history.

The Church

of

claims great merit in it; and it is certain that so early as the twelfth century, Alexander III published a bull for the general emancipation of slaves. It seems, however, to have been rather a pious exhortation than a law to which exact obedience was required from the faithful. Slavery continued to take place almost universally for several centuries afterwards, till it was gradually abolished by the joint operation of the two interests above mentioned, that of the proprietor on the one hand, and that of the sovereign on the other. A villain enfranchised, and at the same time allowed to continue in possession of the land, having no stock of his own, could cultivate it only by means of what the landlord ad-

Rome

vanced to him, and must, therefore, have been what the French called a metayer. It could never, however, be the interest even of this last species of cultivators to lay out, in the further improvement of the land, any part of the little stock which they might save from their own share of the produce, because the lord, who laid out nothing, was to get one half of whatever it produced. The tithe, which is but a tenth of the produce, is found to be a very great hindrance to im-

provement. A tax, therefore, which amounted to one half must have been an effectual bar to it. It might be the interest of a metayer to make the land produce as much as could be brought out of it by means of the stock fur-

species of tenancy succeeded, though degrees, farmers properly so who cultivated the land with their

by very slow

stock, paying a rent certain to the landWhen such farmers have a lease for a term of years, they may sometimes find it for their interest to lay out part of their capital in the further improvement of the farm; be-

lord.

cause they may sometimes expect to recover it, with a large profit, before the expiration of the lease. The possession even of such farmers, however, was long extremely precarious, and still is so in many parts of Europe. They could before the expiration of their term be legally outed of their lease by a new purchaser; in England, even by the fictitious action of a common recovery. If they were turned out illegally by the violence of their master, the action by which they obtained redress was extremely imperfect. It did not always reinstate them in the possession of the land, but gave them damages which never amounted to the real loss. Even in England, the country perhaps of Europe where the yeomanry has always been most respected, it was not till about the 14th of Henry VII that the action of ejectment was invented, by which the tenant recovers, not damages only but possession, and in which his claim is not necessarily concluded by the uncertain decision of a single assize. This action has been found so effectual a remedy that, in the modern practice, when the landlord has occasion to sue for the possession of the land, he seldom makes use of the actions which properly belong to him as landlord, the Writ of Right or the Writ of Entry, but sues in the name of his tenant by the Writ of Ejectment. In England, therefore, the security of the tenant is equal to that of the proprietor. In England, besides, a lease for life of forty shillings a year value is a freehold, and entitles the lessee to vote for a Member of Parliament; and as a great part of the yeomanry have free-

The Discouragement holds of this kind, the whole order becomes respectable to their landlords on account of the political consideration which this gives

them. There is, I believe, nowhere in Europe, except in England, any instance of the tenant building upon the land of which he had no

and trusting that the honour of his landlord would take no advantage of so important an improvement. Those laws and customs so favourable to the yeomanry have perhaps contributed more to the present grandeur of England than all their boasted regulations lease,

of

commerce taken together. The law which secures the

longest leases against successors of every kind is, so far as I know, peculiar to Great Britain. It was introduced into Scotland so early as 1449, by a law of James II. Its beneficial influence, however, has been much obstructed by entails; the heirs of entail being generally restrained from letting leases for any long term of years, frequently for more than one year. A late Act of Parliament has, in this respect, somewhat slackened their fetters, though they are still

by much too strait. In Scotland, besides, as no leasehold gives a vote for a Member of Parliament, the yeomanry are upon this account less respectable to their landlords than in England. In other parts of Europe, after it was found convenient to secure tenants both against heirs and purchasers, the term of their security was still limited to a very short period; in France, for example, to nine years from the commencement of the lease. It has in that country, indeed, been lately extended to twenty-seven, a period still too short to encourage the tenant to make the most important improvements. The proprietors of land were anciently the legislators of every part of Europe. The laws relating to land, therefore, were all calculated for what they supposed the interest of the proprietor. It was for his interest, they had imagined, that no lease granted by any of his predecessors should hinder him from enjoying, during a long term of years, the full value of his land. Avarice and injustice are always short-sighted, and they did not foresee how much this regulation must obstruct improvement, and thereby hurt in the long-run the real interest of the landlord. The farmers too, besides paying the rent, were anciently, it was supposed, bound to perform a great number of services to the land-

which were seldom either specified in the lease, or regulated by any precise rule, but by the use and wont of the manor or

lord,

barony. These services, therefore, being almost entirely arbitrary, subjected the tenant to many vexations. In Scotland the abolition of all services not precisely stipulated in the

of Agriculture

169

lease has in the course of a few years very much altered for the better the condition of

yeomanry of that country. The public services to which the yeomanry were bound were not less arbitrary than the private ones. To make and maintain the high the

roads, a servitude which

still

subsists, I be-

everywhere, though with different degrees of oppression in different countries, was not the only one. When the king's troops, when his household or his officers of any kind passed through any part of the country, the yeomanry were bound to provide them with horses, carriages, and provisions, at a price regulated by the purveyor. Great Britain is, I believe, the only monarchy in Europe where the oppression of purveyance has been entirely abolished. It still subsists in France and lieve,

Germany. The public taxes

to which they were subwere as irregular and oppressive as the services. The ancient lords, though extremely unwilling to grant themselves any pecuniary

ject

aid to their sovereign, easily allowed him to tallage, as they called it their tenants, and

had not knowledge enough to foresee how much this must in the end affect their own revenue. The taille, as it still subsists in France, may serve as an example of those ancient tallages. It is a tax upon the supposed profits of the farmer, which they estimate by the stock that he has upon the farm. It is his interest, therefore, to appear to have as little as possible, and consequently to employ as little as possible in its cultivation, and none in its improvement. Should any stock happen to accumulate in the hands of a French farmer, the taille is almost equal to a prohibition of its ever being employed upon the land. This tax, besides, is supposed to dishonour whoever is subject to it, and to degrade him below, not only the rank of a gentleman, but that of a burgher, and whoever rents the lands of another becomes subject to it. No gentleman, nor even any burgher who has stock, will submit to this degradation. This tax, therefore, not only hinders the stock which accumulates upon the land from being employed in its improvement, but drives away all other stock from it. The ancient tenths and fifteenths, so usual in England in former times, seem, so far as they affected the land, to have been taxes of the same nature with the taille. Under all these discouragements, little improvement could be expected from the occupiers of land. That order of people, with all the liberty and security which law can give, must always improve under great disadvantages. The farmer, compared with the proprietor, is as a merchant who trades with borrowed money compared with one who trades

The Wealth

170

with his own. The stock of both may improve, but that of the one, with only equal good conduct, must always improve more slowly than that of the other, on account of the large share of the profits which is consumed by the interest of the loan. The lands cultivated by the

farmer must, in the same manner, with only equal good conduct, be improved more slowly than those cultivated by the proprietor, on account of the large share of the produce which is consumed in the rent, and which, had the farmer been proprietor, he might have employed in the further improvement of the land. The station of a farmer besides is, from the nature of things, inferior to that of a proprietor. Through the greater part of Europe the yeomanry are regarded as an inferior rank of people, even to the better sort of tradesmen and mechanics, and in all parts of Europe to the great merchants and master manufacturers. It can seldom happen, therefore, that a man of any considerable stock should quit the superior in order to place himself in an inferior station. Even in the present state of Europe, therefore, little stock is likely to go from any other profession to the improvement of land in the way of farming. More does perhaps in Great Britain than in any other country, though even there the great stocks which are, in some places, employed in farming have generally been acquired by farming, the trade, perhaps, in which of all others stock is commonly acquired most slowly. After small proprietors, however, rich and great farmers are, in every country, the principal improvers. There are more such perhaps in England than in any other European monarchy. In the republican governments of Holland and of Berne in Switzerland, the farmers are said to be not inferior to those of England. The ancient policy of Europe was, over and above all this, unfavourable to the improve-

ment and cultivation of land, whether carried on by the proprietor or by the farmer; first, by the general prohibition of the exportation of corn without a special licence, which seems to have been a very universal regulation; and secondly, by the restraints which were laid

upon the inland commerce, not only

of corn,

but of almost every other part of the produce of the farm by the absurd laws against engrossers, regrators, and forestallers, and by the privileges of fairs and markets. It has already

been observed

in

what manner the

prohibi-

tion of the exportation of corn, together with some encouragement given to the importation of foreign corn, obstructed the cultivation of

ancient Italy, naturally the most fertile country in Europe, and at that time the seat of the greatest empire in the world. To what degree such restraints upon the inland com-

of Nations

merce of

this

commodity, joined to the genmust have dis-

eral prohibition of exportation,

couraged the cultivation of countries less fertile and less favourably circumstanced, it is not perhaps very easy to imagine.

CHAPTER Of the Rise and Progress after the Fall of the

III

of Cities

and Towns

Roman Empire

The

inhabitants of cities and towns were, fall of the Roman empire, not more favoured than those of the country. They consisted, indeed, of a very different order of people from the first inhabitants of the ancient republics of Greece and Italy. These last were composed chiefly of the proprietors of lands, among whom the public territory was originally divided, and who found it convenient to build their houses in the neighbourhood of one another, and to surround them with a wall, for the sake of common defence. After the fall of the Roman empire, on the contrary, the proprietors of land seem generally to have lived in fortified castles on their own estates, and in the midst of their own tenants and dependants. The towns were chiefly inhabited by tradesmen and mechanics, who seem in those days to have been of servile, or very nearly of servile condition. The privileges which we find granted by ancient charters to the inhabitants of some of the after the

Europe sufficiently show what they were before those grants. The peoprincipal towns in

whom it is granted as a privilege that they might give away their own daughters in marriage without the consent of their lord, that upon their death their own children, and not their lord, should succeed to their goods, and that they might dispose of their own effects by will, must, before those grants, have been either altogether or very nearly in the same state of villanage with the occupiers of land in the country. They seem, indeed, to have been a very poor, mean set of people, who used to travel about with their goods from place to place, ple to

fair to fair, like the hawkers and pedlars of the present times. In all the different countries of Europe then, in the same manner as in several of the Tartar governments of Asia at present, taxes used to be levied upon the persons and goods of travel-

and from

when they passed through certain manors, when they went over certain bridges, when

lers

they carried about their goods from place to place in a fair, when they erected in it a booth or stall to sell them in. These different taxes were known in England by the names of passage, pontage, lastage, and stallage. Sometimes the king, sometimes a great lord,

Progress of Cities and Towns

who

had, it seems, upon some occasions, authority to do this, would grant to particular traders, to such particularly as lived in their own demesnes, a general exemption from such taxes. Such traders, though in other respects of servile, or very nearly of servile condition, were upon this account called free-traders. They in return usually paid to their protector a sort of annual poll-tax. In those days protection was seldom granted without a valuable consideration, and this tax might, perhaps, be considered as compensation for what their

patrons might lose by their exemption from other taxes. At first, both those poll-taxes and those exemptions seem to have been altogether personal, and to have affected only particular individuals during either their lives or the pleasure of their protectors. In the very imperfect accounts which have been published from Domesday Book of several of the towns of England, mention is frequently made sometimes of the tax which particular burghers paid, each of them, either to the king or to some other great lord for this sort of protection; and sometimes of the general amount only of all those taxes. But how servile soever may have been originally the condition of the inhabitants of the towns, it appears evidently that they arrived at liberty and independency much earlier than the occupiers of land in the country. That part of the king's revenue which arose from such poll-taxes in any particular town used commonly to be let in farm during a term of years for a rent certain, sometimes to the sheriff of the county, and sometimes to other persons. The burghers themselves frequently got credit enough to be admitted to farm the revenues of this sort which arose out of their own town, they becoming jointly and sever2 ally answerable for the whole rent. To let a farm in this manner was quite agreeable to the usual economy of, I believe, the sovereigns of all the different countries of Europe, who used frequently to let whole manors to all the tenants of those manors, they becoming jointly and severally answerable for the whole rent; but in return being allowed to collect it in their own way, and to pay it into the king's exchequer by the hands of their own bailiff, and being thus altogether freed from the insolence of the king's officers a circumstance in those days regarded as of the greatest importance. At first the farm of the town was probably let to the burghers, in the same manner as it had been to other farmers, for a term of years only. In process of time, however, it seems to have become the general practice to grant 1

—

1

See Brady's Historical Treatise of Cities and Burroughs, p. 3, etc. 2 See Madox, Firma Burgi, p. 18, also History oj the Exchequer, ch. 10, sect, v., p. 223, first edition.

171

it to them in fee, that is for ever, reserving a rent certain never afterwards to be augmented. The payment having thus become perpetual, the exemptions, in return for which it was made, naturally became perpetual too. Those exemptions, therefore, ceased to be personal, and could not afterwards be considered as belonging to individuals as individuals, but as burghers of a particular burgh, which, upon this account, was called a free burgh, for the same reason that they had been called free burghers or free traders. Along with this grant, the important privileges above mentioned, that they might give away their own daughters in marriage, that their children should succeed to them, and that they might dispose of their own effects by will, were generally bestowed upon the burghers of the town to whom it was given. Whether such privileges had before been usually granted along with the freedom of trade to particular burghers, as individuals, I know not. I reckon it not improbable that they were, though I cannot produce any direct evidence of it. But however this may have been,

the principal attributes of villanage and slavery being thus taken away from them, they now, at least, became really free in our present sense of the word Freedom. Nor was this all. They were generally at the same time erected into a commonalty or corporation, with the privilege of having magistrates and a town council of their own, of making bye-laws for their own government, of building walls for their own defence, and of reducing all their inhabitants under a sort of military discipline by obliging them to watch and ward, that is, as anciently understood, to guard and defend those walls against all attacks and surprises by night as well as by day. In England they were generally exempted from suit to the hundred and county courts; and all such pleas as should arise among them, the pleas of the crown excepted, were left to the decision of their own magistrates. In other countries much greater and more extensive jurisdictions were frequently 8 granted to them. It might, probably, be necessary to grant to such towns as were admitted to farm their own revenues some sort of compulsive jurisdiction to oblige their

own

citizens to

make

payment. In those disorderly times it might have been extremely inconvenient to have left them to seek this sort of justice from any other tribunal. But it must seem extraordinary that the sovereigns of all the different countries of Europe should have exchanged in this manner for a rent certain, 8 See Madox, Firma Burgi: See also Pfeffel in the remarkable events under Frederic II and his successors of the house of Suabia.

172

The Wealth of Nations

never more to be augmented, that branch of their revenue which was, perhaps, of all others the most likely to be improved by the natural course of things, without either expense or attention of their own: and that they should, besides, have in this manner voluntarily erected a sort of independent republics in the heart of their own dominions. In order to understand this, it must be remembered that in those days the sovereign of perhaps no country in Europe was able to protect, through the whole extent of his dominions, the weaker part of his subjects from the oppression of the great lords. Those whom the law could not protect, and who were not strong enough to defend themselves, were obliged either to have recourse to the protection of some great lord, and in order to obtain it to become either his slaves or vassals; or to enter into a league of mutual defence for the common protection of one another. The inhabitants of cities and burghs, considered as single individuals, had no power to defend themselves; but by entering into a league of mutual defence with their neighbours, they were capable of making no contemptible resistance. The lords despised the burghers, whom they considered not only as of a different order, but as a parcel of emancipated slaves, almost of a different species from themselves. The wealth of the burghers

never failed to provoke their envy and indignation, and they plundered them upon every occasion without mercy or remorse. The burghers naturally hated and feared the lords. The king hated and feared them too; but though perhaps he might despise, he had no reason either to hate or fear the burghers. Mutual interest, therefore, disposed them to support the king, and the king to support them against the lords. They were the enemies

and it was his interest to render them as secure and independent of those enemies as he could. By granting them magistrates of their own, the privilege of making bye-laws for their own government, that of building walls for their own defence, and that of reducing all their inhabitants under a sort of military discipline, he gave them all the means of security and independency of the barons which it was in his power to bestow. Without the establishment of some regular government of this kind, without some authority to compel their inhabitants to act according to some certain plan or system, no voluntary league of mutual defence could either have afforded them any permanent security, or have enabled them to give the king any considerable support. By granting them the farm of their town in fee, he took away from those whom he wished to have for his friends, and, if one may say so, for his allies, of his enemies,

ground of jealousy and suspicion that he was ever afterwards to oppress them, either by raising the farm rent of their town or by granting it to some other farmer. The princes who lived upon the worst terms with their barons seem accordingly to have been the most liberal in grants of this kind to their burghs. King John of England, for example, appears to have been a most

all

1

munificent benefactor to his towns. Philip the France lost all authority over his barons. Towards the end of his reign, his son Lewis, known afterwards by the name of Lewis the Fat, consulted, according to Father Daniel, with the bishops of the royal demesnes concerning the most proper means of restraining the violence of the great lords. Their ad-

First of

vice consisted of two different proposals. One was to erect a new order of jurisdiction, by establishing magistrates and a town council in every considerable town of his demesnes. The other was to form a new militia, by making the inhabitants of those towns, under the command of their own magistrates, march out

upon proper occasions to the assistance

of the period, according to the French antiquarians, that we are to date the institution of the magistrates and councils of cities in France. It was during the unprosperous reigns of the princes of the house of Suabia that the greater part of the free towns of Germany received the first grants of

king.

It

is

from

this

and that the famous Hanseatic 2 became formidable.

their privileges,

league

first

The militia of the cities seems, in those times, not to have been inferior to that of the country, and as they could be more readily assembled upon any sudden occasion, they frequently had the advantage in their disputes with the neighbouring lords. In countries, such as Italy and Switzerland, in which, on account either of their distance from the principal seat of government, of the natural strength of the country itself, or of some other reason, the sovereign came to lose the whole of his authority, the cities generally became independent republics, and conquered all the nobility in their neighbourhood, obliging them to pull down their castles in the live, like other peaceable inhabitants, in the city. This is the short history of the republic of Berne as well as of several other cities in Switzerland. If you except Venice, for of that city the history is somewhat different, it is the history of all the considerable Italian republics, of which so great a number arose and perished between the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the six-

country and to

teenth century. In countries such as France or England, where the authority of the sovereign, though 1

See Madox.

2

See

Pfeffel.

Progress of Cities and Towns frequently very low, never was destroyed altogether, the cities had no opportunity of becoming entirely independent. They became, however, so considerable that the sovereign could impose no tax upon them, besides the stated farm-rent of the town, without their consent. They were, therefore, called upon to send deputies to the general assembly of the states of the kingdom, where they might join with the clergy and the barons in granting, upon urgent occasions, some extraordinary aid to the king. Being generally, too, more favourable to his power, their deputies seem, sometimes, to have been employed by him as a counterbalance in those assemblies to the authority of the great lords. Hence the origin of the representation of burghs in the states-general of all the great monarchies in Europe.

own

Order and good government, and along with them the liberty and security of individuals, were, in this manner, established in cities at a time when the occupiers of land in the country were exposed to every sort of violence. But men in this defenceless state naturally content themselves with their necessary subsistence, because to acquire more might only tempt the injustice of their oppressors. On the contrary, when they are secure of enjoying the fruits of their industry, they naturally exert it to better their condition, and to acquire not only the necessaries, but the conveniences and elegancies of life. That industry, therefore, which aims at something more than necessary subsistence, was established in cities long before it was commonly practised by the occupiers of land in the country. If in the hands of a poor cultivator, oppressed with the servitude of villanage, some little stock should accumulate, he would naturally conceal it with great care from his master, to whom it would otherwise have belonged, and take the first opportunity of running away to a town. The law was at that time so indulgent to the inhabitants of towns, and so desirous of diminishing the authority of the lords over those of the country, that if he could conceal himself there from the pursuit of his lord for a year, he was free for ever. Whatever stock, therefore, accumulated in the hands of the industrious part of the inhabitants of the

country naturally took refuge in cities as the only sanctuaries in which it could be secure to the person that acquired it. The inhabitants of a city, it is true, must always ultimately derive their subsistence, and the whole materials and means of their industry, from the country. But those of a city, situated near either the sea coast or the banks of a navigable river, are not necessarily confined to derive them from the country

in

their

173

neighbourhood. They have a much

wider range, and may draw them from the most remote corners of the world, either in exchange for the manufactured produce of their own industry, or by performing the of-

between distant countries and exchanging the produce of one for that of another. A city might in this manner grow up to great wealth and splendour, while not only the country in its neighbourhood, but all those to which it traded, were in poverty and fice of carriers

wretchedness. Each of those countries, perhaps, taken singly, could afford it but a small part either of its subsistence or of its employment, but all of them taken together could afford it both a great subsistence and a great employment. There were, however, within the narrow circle of the commerce of those times, some countries that were opulent and industrious. Such was the Greek empire as long as it subsisted, and that of the Saracens during the reigns of the Abass' the same neighbour-

[Empires

hood, continually tend to equality, 42; the ferences or inequalities

among,

dif-

specified, 42; the

constancy or precariousness of, influences the rate of wages, 43. [Emulation, good effects of, even in mean professions, 332; always excited by competition, 339.] [Enclosure, where scarce, may be specially profitable, 65.]

[Endowments, bad

lished in, 34.]

357.]

effect of,

England, the dates of

its

on education,

331-40.]

several species of coinage,

silver, gold, and copper, 17; why labour is cheaper there, than in North America, 29; the rate of population in both countries compared, 29-30; the produce and labour of, have gradually increased from the earliest accounts in history, while writers are representing the country as rapidly declining, 149; enumeration of obstructions and calamities which the prosperity of the country has surmounted, 149; circum-

commerce and manufaclaw in favour of agriculture, 180; why formerly unable to carry on foreign wars of long duration, 189; why the commerce with France has been subjected to so many discouragements, 212; foundation of the enmity between these countries, 213. Translation of the commercial treaty concluded in 1703, with Portugal, 234; inquiry into the value of the trade with Portugal, 234-5; might procure gold without the Portugal trade, 235; consequences of securing the colony trade stances that favoured tures, 179-80;

by the navigation act, 257. Copper Company of London,

the public ought to attend to the education of

[English

the people, 340; the different opportunities of education in the different ranks of the people,

Engrossing, see Forestalling. [Engrossing of land in ancient times, 165; in col-

341; the advantages of a proper attention in the

onies, 247.1 Entails, the law of, prevents the division of land

state to the education of the people, 343; [beneBcial to the

whole society and therefore not un-

by alienation, 165; intention

of, 166.

331.]

Index I

Enumerated commodities,

215, 248-9.]

manufactures, review of the restraints and pro-

[Ephesus, 244.]

lEphron,

hibitions of, 281-2.

11.]

French judges' emolu-

lEpices, the chief part of

ment, 313;

distributed

proportion to their

in

[Equipage, 71, 151; American colonies a showy, of the British Empire, 421.] [Equity demands that labourers should be toler-

of,

how

regulated

by

the

civil

many

compose more knowledge and experience than the generality of manufacturers, 55; in what their capital? consist, 118; articles that

their gain, distinguished, 22; require

the great quantity of producLive labour put

etc., 33.]

by

in-

[Esau, 178.]

to motion

[Eton College prices of corn, 80, 84, 86.] Europe, general review of the several nations of, as to their improvement since the discovery of America, 88; the two richest countries in, enjoy

sary to them, 164; their situation better in England than in any other part of Europe, 168; labour under great disadvantages every where,

the greatest shares of the carrying trade, 161.

Inquiry into the advantages derived by, from the discovery and colonization of America, 255; the particular advantages derived by each colonizing country, 256; and

by others which have

[Eustatia Island, 537.]

[Euxine,

10.]

Exchange,

the

operation

in

of,

the

commercial

intercourse of different countries, 183; the course

an uncertain criterion of the balance of trade between two countries, 202; [explanation of 'at par,' 'in favour of and 'against,' 203;] is generally in favour of those countries which pay in bank money, against those which pay in comof,

mon

currency, 208-9.

Exchequer

bills

a part of the unfunded debt, 404.]

Excise, the principle objects of, 387; the duties of,

more

and

distinct than the customs, 389; few articles of the most general consumption, 389; [embarrasses the smuggler more than customs, 390;] the excise scheme of Sir Robert Walpole defended, 391; the excise upon home made fermented and spirituous liquors, the most productive, 391; expense of levying excise duties computed, 396; the laws of, more vexatious than those of the customs. 397; [would require alteration if extended to the

clear

affects only a

colonies, 416.]

Executioner best paid of

all

Exercise, military, alteration

invention of

fire

Expenses, private,

common in,

trades, 42.]

produced by the

arms, 304.

how they

influence the national

advantages of bestowing them on durable commodities, 150-1. [Expilly, Jean Joseph, quoted, 400.] Export trade, the principles of, explained, 161; when rude produce may be advantageously exported, even by a foreign capital, 165; why encouraged by European nations, 191; by what means promoted, 192. The motives to, and tendency of, drawbacks capital, 150; the

of duties, 213-14; the grant of bounties on, considered,

216;

their capitals, 157; artificers neces-

169; origin of long leases of farms, 178; are

men

class of

least subject to the

wretched

a

spirit

of monopoly, 196.

Were forced by old statutes, to become the only dealers in corn, 227; could not sell corn cheaper than any other corn merchant, 227; could seldom sell it so cheap, 227-8; the culture of land obstructed by this division of their capitals, 228; the use of corn dealers to the

no colonies, 272.

I

article

magistrate, 348.

Famine, see Dearth. Farmers of land, the several

[Epicurus possessed gardens, 339.] [Equality of taxation defined, 361.]

ably well fed,

Faith,

Families, seldom remain on large estates for generations in commercial countries, 179.

diligence, 313.]

(Epictetus, a teacher, 355.]

I

439

exportation

of

the

materials

of

farmers, 228; how they contribute to the annual production of the land, according to the French agricultural system of political economy, 289.

Farmers of the public revenue,

their

character,

399, 407-8.

[Farm-rent paid by boroughs, 171, 173.] [Ferdinand and Isabella, 241.] [Fernambuco, 248.] [Fertile lands cultivated first, 39.] Fertility, rent of land varies with, 63.]

Feudal government, miserable state of the occupiers of land under, 144; trade and interest of

money

under, 144;

feudal chiefs, their power,

165; slaves, their situation, 167; tenures of land,

167-8; taxation, 169; original poverty

and

ser-

the tradesmen in towns, 170; immunities seldom granted but for valuable convile state of

siderations, 170-1; origin of free burghs, 171; the

power of the

by municipal and effect of ancient hospitality, 176; extensive power of the ancient barons, 176-7; was not established in England until the Norman conquest, 177; was silently subverted by manufacturers and commerce, 177. barons

reduced

privileges, 172; the cause

Feudal wars, how supported, 302;

military

exercises not well attended to, under, 304; stand-

ing armies gradually introduced to supply the place of the feudal militia, 307; account of the casualties or taxes under, 378;

[merchants de-

and envied, 387;] revenues under, how enjoyed by the great land-holders, 402. spised

Fiars, public, in Scotland, [supply evidence of the fall in the price of grain, 32, 106;] the nature of the institution explained, 79.

[Fidei

commissa,

[Fifteenths

166.]

and tenths resembled the

taille,

169.]

Index

440

Fines for the renewal of leases, the motive for exacting them, and their tendency, 364. [Finisterre, Cape, 215, 250, 266, 415.] Fire arms, alteration in the art of war, effected by the invention of, 304; the invention of, favour-

able to the extension of civilization, 309. (i.e., steam) engine, 5.]

[Fire

component parts of the price of, ex22; [case in which rent forms, a part of

the

plained,

their price, 62;] the multiplication of, at market,

by human industry, both limited and uncertain, 103; how an increase of demand raises the price of fish, 103.

observations on the tonnage bounties granted to, 221; to the herring fishery, 222; the boat fishery ruined by this bounty, 223. Flanders, [onions imported from, 33; wool exported

Fisheries,

to,

manufacture

70; fine

of wool,

109; English

wool exchanged for fine cloths of, 173; ancient manufacture of fine cloth, 174; carried on chiefly with English and Spanish wool, 174;] the ancient commercial prosperity of, perpetuated by the solid improvements of agriculture, 181; [importation of bone lace from, prohibited, 199.]

[Industry augmented

by

ca, 255; supplies linen to

Flax,

colonization of Ameri-

America, 272.]

the component parts of the price of, ex-

plained, 22.

Fleetwood, bishop, remarks on his Chronicon Preciosum, 79, 80; [quoted, 80, 101.] [Florence, a Roman colony, 244; paid Lorenzo's trading debts, 358.] [Florida,

in,

murdered by Span-

component parts

of the price of, ex-

French

settlers

iards, 245.]

[Flota, the Spanish, 263.]

Flour, the

plained, 21-2; [duties on,

common,

386.]

[Fontainebleau, 145.]

Food, will always purchase as much labour as it can maintain on the spot, 63; bread and butchers' meat compared, 64, 65; is the original source of every other production, 71; the abundance of, constitutes the principal part of the riches of the world, and gives the principal value to many other kinds of riches, 76. Forestalling

and engrossing, the popular

fear of,

when necessary

for the protection of

com-

merce, 319.

[Foundling hospitals, high mortality in, 33-4.] France [quality and price of corn, silks, hardware and woollens compared with Poland and England, 4;

in

there, during the course of the present century,

remarks on the trade and riches of, 38; [marrate of interest higher than in England, wages lower, richer than Scotland but not prof5S;

ket

88; silver preponderates in the coinage of, 93;

exports poultry to England, 98; price of pork nearly equal to that of beef, 98;] foundation of the Mississippi scheme, 137; [corn as cheap as in

England though there little

is little

paper money, 140;]

trade or industry to be found in the parlia-

ment towns

of, 145; [futile attempt to reduce the rate of interest, 155; lawyers have dressed

in the garb of substitutions and fidei commisses, 166;] description of the class of farmers called metayers, 167; laws relating to the tenure of land, [shortness of leases, 169;] services formerly exacted besides rent, 169; the taille, what, and its operation in checking the cultivation of land, 169; origin of the magistrates

entails

and councils of

cities, 172; [wine exchanged for English wool, 173; wine and brandy for Polish corn, 173; breeding of silk worms introduced in

of Charles IX, 174; allodial ownership preceded the feudal system, 176-7; cultivation and improvement inferior to that of England, 180;] no direct legal encouragement given to agriculture, 180; [prohibition of exporting coin, 184; exchange of wine for English hardware not supposed disadvantageous to England, 187; last war with, cost ninety millions, 188; Merovingian

reign

Kings had treasures, 190; established exclusive company for East India trade, 191;] ill policy of M. Colbert's commercial regulations, 199; French goods heavily taxed in Great Britain, 202; the commercial intercourse between France and England now chiefly carried on by smugglers, 202; the policy of the commercial restraints between France and Britain, considered, 202; [par of

exchange,

203,

204;]

state

of

the

coinage

[invasion of Holland, 207, 208; ad-

vantages of trade with, 209-10; cheap wine does not cause drunkenness, 211; wine discouraged by English in favour of Portugal, 211;] why the commerce with England has been subjected to discouragements, 212-13; [much more populous

than the American colonies and therea better market, 212;] foundation of the enmity between these countries [France and fore

money

in price of

was prohibited

1764, 86, 217;] the money price of labour has sunk gradually with the money price of corn, 87; [improved since the colonization of America,

and

the legal rate of interest for

fall

till

of coin, 15; ratio of gold to

rented vineyards, 26; fall in price of grain since seventeenth century, 32, 86, 106, 217;] fluctuations

corn, though exportation of grain

seignorage of 8 per cent, 19, 237; high

debasement

silver, 18;

the

38-9;]

there, 204;

like the suspicions of witchcraft, 229.

Forts,

Dutch.

seldom eat butcher's meat, 81;

[Fire insurance, 46.]

Fish,

by the nature of apprenticeships there, 52; the propriety of restraining the planting of vineyards, examined, 66-7; [corn carefully cultivated in the wine provinces, 67; vineyards need not be envied by Britain, 69;] variations in the price of grain there, 78; [labouring poor

gressing so fast, 38; carrying trade taken

rich

England], 213. [England unwilling to carry French goods, 214; no drawback allowed by England on exportation of French wines to America. 215; scarce ever necessary to restrain exportation of corn. 232; provisions of Methuen treaty as to wine

Index and wool,

Portugal to exclude British ships, 235;] remarks concerning the seignorage on coin, 237; standard of the gold required

234;

coin there, 237; [no gold or silver mines in the American colonies, 243; settlements in America, 245-6; plenty of good land there, 236; subject to

custom

of Paris, 247; no revenue from colonies,

248; policy of establishing exclusive companies,

French colonies, how reg-

248;] the trade of the

441 ain,

[might levy three times the British

400;

revenue, 400; 'billets d'etat' at a discount, 404;] the nature of tontines explained, 407; estimate of the whole national debt of, 407; [reason for

more

of the debt being in annuities than in

land,

407;

Engmore wealthy bachelors, 408; op-

pressive public debt, 412; augmentation of coin, 414.]

[Franciscans revived languishing faith, 344.]

ulated, 249; [refining sugar flourishes in colonies,

[Frederick of Holstein, 352.]

government of the colonies conducted with moderation, 253; the sugar colonies of, better governed, than those of Britain, 253; [slaves

[Freedom defined, 171.] [Freedom of trade would supply gold and silver as well as wine, 185; would supply an agricultural country with artificers and merchants,

251;] the

managed

better

there, 253; capital

there, 254; industry

accumulated

augmented by colonization

292.]

of America, 255; tobacco dearer than in England,

[Frezier, quoted, 73, 74, 89.]

257, navy, 258; tobacco imports, 261; invasion of

Frugality, generally a predominating principle in human nature, 147.

England, 262;] the kingdom

members

the

fence

of

of,

how

of the league, fought

their

own

taxed, 269;

more

importance, than

in

for

de-

any

other cause, 270-1; [supplies linen to America, 272; East Indian trade now open, 274; English import duty on yarn, 280; English prohibition of linen imports, 280; indigo, 280; exclusive trade

gum

by England,

286;] the

present agricultural system of political

economy

in

senega, etc., taken

[Fruit yields greater profit

treasure partly invested

view

of,

Gama, Vasco

for the repair of

tyranny of the corvee, 319; South Sea

Company

[Gabelle,

compounded

for,

398; one of the great

de, the first European who discovered a naval track to the East Indies, 240. [Ganges, 9, 241, 297.] Gardening, the gains from, distinguished into the component parts, 23; not a profitable employment, 66. [Garonne, 145.]

a professor

who

ment

Gemelli-Carreri, quoted, 244.

of the parliaments of, 349; measures taken

Gems,

vested in the funds, 356, 359; the economists,

[Geneva, respectable clergy

mode

taille,

366, 375;] account of the

of rectifying the inequalities of the pre-

dial taille in the generality of

the personal

Montauban, 366;

explained, 375; the inequalremedied, 376; how the personal taille discourages cultivation, 376-7; the Vingtieme, 377; stamp duties and the controle, 37980; [taille charged on workmen a direct tax on wages, 381;] the capitation tax, how rated, 382; [leather shoes not necessaries, 383; tobacco taxed fifteen times its value, 384; silk manufactures could be undersold by English, 390; peages, 395;] restraints upon the interior trade of the country ities

in,

by the

taille

how

local

variety of the revenue laws, 398;

the duties on tobacco and salt, how levied, 400; the different sources of revenue, 400; how the finances of, might be reformed, 855; the French system of taxation compared with that in Brit-

entered the church,

355.]

power of the clergy, 351; [Reformation, 352; only one professor whose works are worth reading, 355; treasure of Berne in364; the predial

Bernese

sources of French revenue, 400.]

[Gassendi,

to reduce the

38-9;

trade, the first principles of, 70.

ruined by the slave trade, 325;] the universities badly governed, 333; remarks on the managein,

in,

in, 359;] brief historical

404; operation of, politically considered,

the population agricultural, 298; veterans defeated by English standing army, 305; fees in parliament, 313; cost of Languedoc canal, 316;] the roads are placed, 317; general state of the roads, 317-18; [great roads only attended to, 318;

66.]

prohibited,

410; the practice of funding, has gradually enfeebled every state that has adopted it, 412.

Fur

under what direction the funds

why

285.

Funds, British, [Dutch holding

adopted by philosophers there, described, 288 [-96; type of agricultural country, 291; agriculture and corn trade relieved from restraints owing to the economists, 296; half or one-third of

and rent than corn,

Fuller's earth, the exportation of,

see Stones.

General fund,

in

the British finances, explained,

867. of,

354; eminent

men

of letters are professors, 355.]

[Gengis Khan, 182.]

Genoa, why corn is dear in the territory of, 83; [shipping encouraged by the Crusades, 173; small state obliged to use foreign coin, 204;

204;

386;

Columbus belonged to, enfeebled by debt, 412.]

bank

of,

240; tax on bread,

[Gentlemen, English university education not proper for forming, 337; would be better educated in the absence of public educational institutions, 340.]

[Gentoo, government of India, 297; religion, 297.] [Geometry should be taught in parish schools, 342.] cost of civil establishment, 247; not planted at time of Navigation Act, 258.] [Germany, improved since the discovery of Ameri-

[Georgia,

ca, 88; nation of,

species of slavery

overran still

Roman

Empire, 165; purveyance

exists in, 167;

Index

442 still

exists in, 169; free

towns

of,

172; expense

serve a due quantity

of, in

a country, no proper

188, 267; foreign trade,

object of attention for the government, 185; the

[Linen exported from England to the colonies receives a drawback, 252; linen exported to Ameri-

accumulated gold and silver in a country distinguished into three parts, 187; a great quantity of bullion alternately exported and imported for the

war

of last

laid

out

in,

202.]

255, 262, 272; drained by the Spanish Flota, 263; trade with America, 272; could have been conquered by Rome, 306; justice a source ca,

of revenue, 311; just

when Rome nent men of

fell,

beyond the shepherd stage

312; Reformation

in,

352; emi-

letters often professors, 355.]

[Ghent, 181.] [Gibraltar, straits of, 9; acquisition of, served to

unite the house of Bourbon, 323.]

Baron, quoted, 168.] Glasgow, [recent rise in the demand for labour, 32;] the trade of, doubled in fifteen years, by erecting banks there, 127; why a city of greater trade than Edinburgh, 145. [Gilbert,

[Glass grinding company, 331.] [Glaucus' armour cost 100 oxen, 10.]

[Goa, 276.]

[Golconda, 75.] Gold, not the standard of value in England, 17; its value measured by silver, 17; reformation of the gold coin, 18; mint price of gold in England, 18; the working the mines of, in Peru, very unprofitable, 74; qualities for

which

this

metal

is

valued, 75; the proportional value of, to silver, how rated before and after the discovery of the

purposes of foreign trade, 188; annual amount of these metals imported into Spain and Portugal, 189; the importation of, not the principal benefit derived from foreign trade, 190; the value of, how affected by the discovery of the American mines, 190; and by the passage round the Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies, 191; effect of the annual exportation of silver to the East Indies, 191; the commercial means pursued to increase the quantity of these metals in a country, 192, 201-2; bullion how received and paid at the bank of Amersterdam, 205; at what prices, 206; a trading country without mines, not likely to be exhausted by an annual exportation of these metals, 210. The value of, in Spain and Portugal, depreciated by restraining the exportation of them, 219; are not imported for the purposes of plate or coin but for foreign trade, 236; the search after mines of, the most ruinous of all projects, 242; are valuable, because scarce, and difficult to be procured, 242. Gorgias, evidence of the wealth he acquired by teaching, 58.

Spanish

[Gottenburg, tea smuggled from, 89; company, 185.] Government, civil, indispensably necessary for the security of private property, 309; subordination

Great quantities of, remitted annually from Portugal to England, 234-5; why little of it remains in England, 235; is always to be had for

equality of fortune introduces civil government

in the

American mines, 92; is cheaper market than silver, 93.

its

the prices of

silver,

how

affected

by the

increase of the quantity of the metals, 82; are commodities that naturally seek the best market, 82; are metals of the least value

among

the

poorest nations, 83; the increase in the quan-

by means of wealth and improvement, has no tendency to diminish their value, 83; the annual consumption of these metals very considerable, 90; annual importation of, into Spain and Portugal, 90-1; are not likely to multitity of,

ply beyond the demand, 91-2; the durability

of,

the cause of the steadiness of their price, 91-2;

on what circumstances the quantity

of, in

every

particular country, depends, 103-4; the low value of these metals in a country,

no evidence of

wealth, nor their high value of if

its

poverty, 105; not employed at home, will be sent abroad

notwithstanding

why European

all

its

prohibitions, 147; the reason

nations have studied to accumu-

late these metals, 182-3;

commercial arguments

favour of their exportation, 183; these, and all other commodities, are mutually the prices of each other, 185; the quantity of, in every counin

try, regulated

by the

effectual

demand,

185;

why

the prices of these metals do not fluctuate so

much

by what means introduced,

309; in-

for its preservation, 311; the administration of

revenue in early times, 311; not to have the management of turnpikes, 317; nor of other public works, 318; [expense of, like that of a great estate, 361; soon learns the art of draining its subjects' pockets, 379;] want of parsimony during peace, imposes a necessity of contracting debts to carry on a war, 403; must support a regular administration of justice to cause manujustice, a source of

value, 235.

Gold and

in society,

as those of other commodities, 185; to pre-

why government ought

factures

and commerce

to flourish, 403;

of a national debt, 404;

debts, 404; war,

why

origin

progression of public

generally agreeable to the

people, 408.

Governors,

political,

the greatest spendthrifts in

society, 150.

[Gracchi, 338.]

[Grapes might be grown in Scotland at sufficient expense, 195.] Grasses,

artificial,

tend

to

reduce

the

price

of

butcher's meat, 65. Graziers, subject to monopolies obtained by ufactures to their prejudice, 285.

man-

Greece, [ancient, had no word for apprentice, 52; slavery harsher than in the middle ages, 167; cultivation of corn degenerated, 167; citizens consisted of landed proprietors, 170; opulent and industrious, 173.]

Index Foreign trade promoted [prohibited] in several of the ancient states of, 298; [trade and manufactures carried on by slaves, 298; citizens long served in war without pay, 302;] military exercises, a part of general education, 303; soldiers not a distinct profession

in, 303; [individual military exercises, 304; militias defeated by Mace-

donian and

Roman

standing armies, 306; but

had defeated Persian

beyond

just

militia, 307;

shepherd stage at the Trojan war, 312;]

the

course of education in the republics of, 337-8; the morals of the Greeks inferior of those of the

Romans,

338,

sanguinary

[339;

factions,

338;

and elementary education, 338;1 schools of the philosophers and rhetoricians, 338; law no exercises

science

among

the Greeks, 339; courts of justice,

modern

339; [abilities of people equal to those of

nations, 339;] the martial spirit of the people,

how

supported, 343; [great men of letters were 355; public revenue largely obtained

teachers,

from state lands,

359.]

[Greek clergy turbulent, 348.]

Greek

colonies,

239;]

how

[reasons

for

distinguished from

them

Roman

out,

colonies,

tary force but seldom revenue, 256; England and

America might imitate the tie between mother country and colony, 256.] Greek language, how introduced as a part of uniphilosophy,

the

three

[Green glass, tax on, 387.] [Greenland seal fishery, 279; South Sea Company's whale fishery, 325.] [Granada sugar refinery, 251; new field for speculation, 419.]

[Grocer, high profits

Ground

rents,

of,

great

explained, 47-8.]

variations

situation, 369; are a

Hamburg, [houses

of,

supported by

of,

according to

more proper subject

of tax-

ation than houses, 370; [tax on the sale of, 379.] [Guastalla, 386.]

[Guernsey, 269.] [Guicciardini, quoted, 180.]

[Guienne, 67.]

foreign

coin,

204;]

agio

bank

ex-

of,

monopoly hampers the mertype of mercantile state, 291;] sources of the revenue of that city, 358; the inhabitants, of, how taxed to the state, 374. Hamburg Company, some account of, 320. 272;

[Hamilcar, 306.] [Hannibal, 306.]

[Hanseatic league, causes that rendered it formidable, 172; why no vestige remains of the wealth of the Hans towns, 181.] [Harbours, cost of, should be defrayed by a port

duty on tonnage of ships, 315.] [Hardware, 187, 210; Birmingham manufacturers buy wine with, 396-7.] [Hawkers, tax on, 374-5.] [Hawkins, Serjeant, quoted, 282.] [Hazard, capitalist paid for incurring,

sity education, 334-5.]

[Hebrides, wages

in, 32; herring fishery, 222.] [Henault, President, quoted, 270.]

Henry VIII

of England, prepares the way for the reformation by shutting out the authority of the Pope, 352; [adulterated the coin, 414.]

[Henry IV of France, had a treasure, 403.] [Henry, Prince, 65.] [Heptarchy, 149.] Herring buss bounty, remarks on, 221; fraudulent claims of the bounty, 222; the boat fishery the most natural and profitable, 222; account of the British white-herring fishery, 223; account of the busses fitted out in Scotland, the amount of their cargoes, and the bounties on them, 423[-4]. [Hesiod, quoted, 335.] Hides, the produce of rude countries, commonly carried to a distant market, 100; price of, in

affected

by circumstances,

Drum-

20.]

Hearth money, why abolished in England, 371. [Hebrew language not a part of common univer-

to

fresh ones.

102;

101-2; salted hides

the price

of,

in cultivated

how

and

in

uncultivated countries, 102.

for, 17.]

senega, review of the regulations imposed on 286, [388].

[Gumilla, 242.]

Gunpowder, great revolution effected in the art of war by the invention of, 304-5, 308; this inven-

Higgling of the market, 31. Highlands of Scotland, [could not support a nailer, 8; wages in, 32;] interesting remarks on the population of, 33; [high mortality of children, 33; cattle of, admitted to England by the Union,

common

tion favourable to the extension of civilization,

64, 96-7; old families

309.

character of the Highlanders, 305.

Gustavus Vasa, how enabled ormation of Sweden, 352. [Gymnasium, 303, 338, 342.]

bills

[British colonial

chants,

inferior

for,

the

of

England three centuries ago,

the trade

Eng-

by

plained, 205.

[Guinea coast, 211, 240, 323.] [Guineas, not used in computations, 17;

Gum

of

on Holland, 203; exchange with, formerly unfavourable, 204; a small state which must use

[Guilds, adulterine, 53.]

mond's notes

Bank

land, 138; goods imported from, paid for

[Hasdrubal, see Asdrubal.]

sending

240; rapid progress of these colonies, 244; [plenty of good land, 244; sometimes contributed mili-

versity education, 335; great branches of, 335.

443

[Halifax, 175.]

to establish the ref-

in,

[Highways originally maintained by

178;] military

six

days' la-

bour, 359.] [Hippias, lived in splendour, 58; peripatetic, 338.] [Hispaniola, 100.]

[Hackney coaches and chairs, taxes on, [Hale, Lord Chief Justice, quoted, 32.]

375.]

Hobbes, Mr., remarks on 13.

his definition of wealth,

Index

444

and sugar

luxuries of the poorest, 384;

Hogs, circumstances which render their flesh cheap

379; [tea

or dear, 98. Holland, [water carriage afforded

taxes on bread and necessaries ruined manufac-

by the Maese,

9;

ratio of silver to gold, 14 to 1, 18;] observations

on the riches and trade of the republic of, 38-9; [richer than England, wages high, profits low, trade

carrying

gained

amount

of

France,

holds

large

French and English funds not de-

in

amounts of taxes in, 386, 401; by licence to drink, 387; expense of preserving from the sea, 401;] its prosperity depends on the republican form of government,

tures, 386;] high [tea taxed

401. [Holstein, cattle of, exported to Holland, 295.]

276;]

[Holy land, 173.] [Homer, quoted, 10, 312.] Honoraries from pupils to teachers in colleges, tendency of, to quicken their diligence, 332. [Hop-garden, high profit of, 66.] Hose, in the time of Edward IV, how made, 108. Hospitality, ancient, the cause and effect of, 176,

England, 138; operation of carrying trade, 160;] enjoys the greatest share in the carrying trade of Europe, 161; [farmers not inferior to those of

[Hottentots, 276.]

caying, 38-9;] not to follow some business, unfashionable there, 41; [corn chiefly imported,

keep up the price, 68, 225, cause of the dearness of corn there, 83; [improved since the discovery of America, 88; expelled the Portugese from India, 89, 191; tea smuggled from, 89; houses supported by Bank of

64-5; spices burnt to

England, 170; legislature attentive to commerce and manufactures, 180; exchange with, 183; East India Company's tea smuggled into England, 185; imports lean cattle, 196; Dutch undertaker of woolen manufacture at Abbeville, 196;] how the Dutch were excluded from being the carriers to Great Britain, 197; [supplied other nations with fish, 197; bad terms with England, 197;] is a country that prospers under wine [French taxation, heaviest the 199; smuggled, 202; computation of state of credit and debit, 203;] account of the bank of Amsterdam, 205; [market price of bullion above the mint price, 206;] this republic derives even its subsistence from foreign trade, 213. [Buys English corn cheaper and can sell manufactures cheaper in consequence of the British corn bounty, 220; must carry on herring fishery in decked vessels, 222; position in regard to the Methuen treaty, 234; no gold, silver or dia-

monds Brazil,

American

in the

Curacoa and Eustatia sive

company

power

New

in

colonies, 243; attack

settlements in

245;

free

on

17th century, 245; ports,

246;

exclu-

commerce, 248; naval 1660, 258; possessed New York and for colonial

258; tobacco imports, 261; linen exported to America, 261-2; maintains monopoly of trade to the spice island, 274; would send more ships to the East Indies if the trade were free, 274-5; settlements at the Cape and Batavia the most considerable in Africa and the East Indies, 276; destructive policy in East Indies, 277; English duty on yarn, 280; gum senega clandestinely exported from England, 286; type of mercantile state, 291; subsistence drawn from other countries, 295; great cities the capiJersey,

tals of little republics, 353-4; respectable clergy,

354; 355;

eminent men of

monopoly

of

letters

often

madder owing

professors,

to existence of

on houses there, 371; 2 per cent tax on

tithe elsewhere, 367;] tax paid

371; [rate of interest,

capital paid voluntarily, 374; a tax intended to fall

on

capital, 374; servants' tax, 377;

of the tax

upon

successions, 378;

stamp

account duties,

402.

House, different acceptations of term

and some other

in

England,

countries, 50, [71]; houses con-

sidered as part of the national stock, 119; houses

produce no revenue, 119.

The

rent

of,

distinguished

368; operation of a tax

able

by the tenant,

two

into

upon house

parts,

rent,

pay-

369; house rent the best

test of the tenant's circumstances, 370; proper

regulation of a tax on, 370; land, 371; hearth

how taxed

money, 371; window

in

Hol-

tax, 371;

[tax on sale of, 379.] Hudson's Bay Company, the nature of their establishment and trade, 324; their profits not so high as has been reported, 325. [Hume, quoted, 229, 140, 153, 176, 189, 344-5.] [Hungary, Danube little use to, 10; serfs still exist in, 167; industry encouraged by colonization of America, 255; mines worked by free men, 299.] Hunters, war how supported by a nation of, 301; cannot be very numerous, 301; no established administration of justice needful among them, 309; age the sole foundation of rank and precedency among, 310; no considerable inequality of fortune, or subordination to be found among them, 310; no hereditary honours in such a society, 310; [minds kept alive by absence of di-

vision of labour, 341.]

Husbandmen, war how supported by a nation

of,

302.

Husbandry,

see Agriculture.

[Hutchinson, quoted, 418.]

[Hyder

Ali, 329.]

Idleness, unfashionable in Holland, 41;

among our

[why greater

ancestors, 145; prevails where revenue

predominates, 146.] [Iguana or Ivana, principal animal of St. Domingo, 241.]

Importation, why restraints have been imposed on, with the two kinds of, 192; how restrained to secure a monopoly of the home market to domestic industry, 192; the true policy of these restraints doubtful, 192-3; the free importation of foreign manufactures more dangerous than that of raw materials, 195; how far it may be

Index proper

to

continue

the

certain foreign goods,

199;

importation

free

how

far

it

of

may be

proper to restore the free importation of goods, after it has been interrupted, 200; of the materials of manufacture, review of the legal encouragements given to, 279; statistics of, untrustworthy, 389. Independents, the principles of that sect explained,

Gulf

better his conditions, will, in

if unrestrained, result the prosperity of the society, 232.

[Infanticide, in China, 30.]

Insurance, from

Indostan

152; [public

and West.

[violent

police

Interest for

compels every

man

to

follow the occupation of his father, 26; country

labourers better paid than most artificers, 55; labourers' real wages less than in Europe, 89-90;

quantity of gold and silver affected by American mines, 104; treasure commonly buried in, 121; wonderful accounts of its ancient wealth and cultivation, 158; its wealth obtained through exportation was in foreign hands, 165; more advanced than Mexico and Peru, 191; operation of foreign

[Vasco

commerce, 209.] de Gama arrived

by the Cape

in

kept distinct, 297; the natives of, how prevented from undertaking long sea voyages, 297; [revenue chiefly from land tax, 298; silk exports to Rome, 299; roads and canals, 318; land tax revenue stimulates the sovereign's interest in such works, 318; supposed necessity for forts to protect commerce, 319; silk should be admitted free to Britain, 390; see East Indies and East India Company.] [ndustry, the different kinds of, seldom dealt impartially with by any nation, 2; the species of frequently local,

8;

naturally suited to the de-

by the liberal reward of labour, 34; how affected by seasons of plenty and scarcity, 35; is more advantageously exerted in towns than in the country, 54; the average 24;

is

increased

produce of, always suited to the average consumption, 81; is promoted by the circulation of paper money, 125; three requisites to putting industry in motion, 126; how the general character of nations

is

estimated by, 145; and

idleness, the proportians between, is

employed

how

regulated,

for subsistence, before

it

ex-

tends to conveniences and luxury, 163; whether the general industry of a society, is promoted by commercial restraints on importation, 192-3; private interest naturally points to that employ-

ment most advantageous

to

that allowance explained, 22;

[varies

the society,

193;

but without intending or knowing it, 194; legal regulations of private industry, dangerous assumptions of power, 194; domestic industry ought not to be employed on what can be purchased cheaper from abroad, 194; of the society, can augment only in proportion as its capital augments, 195; when it may be necessary to impose some burden upon foreign industry, to

with the

rate of profit, 37;] historical view of the alterations of, in England, and other countries, 37

remarks on the high rates of, in Bengal, in China, 40; may be raised by defective laws, independent on the influence of wealth [-41];

40;

and

or

poverty,

40;

the

lowest

ordinary

rate

of,

must somewhat more than compensate occasional losses, 40; the

common

relative proportion

between interest and mercantile into, 41; [stock lent at, 151-2;]

1497, 240;] the several classes of people there

mand,

and trading distinguished promoted by private, 194, 273.] the use of monev, the foundation of

Interest, landed, monied,

[Indian seas, 274.] Indies, see East

fire, and sea risks, the nature and examined, 46; the trade of insurance be successfully carried on by a joint stock

profits of,

company, 330.

of, 10.]

[Indian corn, 241.]

146;

favour that at home, 197; the free exercise of industry ought to be allowed to all, 201. The natural effort of every individual to

may

346. [India,

445

profits inquired

was not lowered

consequences of the discovery of the American mines, 153; how the legal rate of, ought to be fixed, 154; consequences of its being fixed too high or too low, 154-5; the market rate of, in

regulates the price of land, 155.

[As a source of public revenue, 358; nominally to British land tax, 360;] whether a

subject

proper object of taxation, 373; of,

[fall

in the rate

406, 373.]

[Invisible hand. 194.]

[Ionian colonized Asia

Minor and the Aegean,

239.]

Ireland [land not cultivated by factors, 68; supplies strong porters and beautiful prostitutes, fed on potatoes, to London, 70; exports salt meat, 100; may not export wool except to England, 101;

may

export raw hides to England duty free, may export hides to other countries,

102, 279;

only

allowed

to export cattle to never likely to furnish cattle to the prejudice of Great Britain, 195-6; [discharged soldiers and seamen may exercise any trade in, 201.] [Bounty on hemp imported into Britain, 281;] the proposed absentee tax there considered, 395-6; [able to pay land tax, 415; extension of British custom duties to, proposed. 415;] ought in justice to contribute toward the discharge of the public debt of Great Britain, 420; expediency of a union with Great Britain, 420; [would get rid of an oppressive aristocracy and a spirit of party, 420.]

102;

lately

England, 180;]

why

[Isabella of Castile, 240.]

Isocrates, the ing, 57;

handsome income he made by teach

man

of letters also a teacher, 355.

[Isthmian games, 342.] Italy [corn chiefly imported during Roman prosperity, 65; question whether a new vineyard would be profitable, 66; olive plantations not

Index

446 to

be envied by Britain, 69; not gone backward

since discovery of America, 88; introduction of

wind and water mills, 108; artistic genius decayed but monuments remain, 150-1; cultivation degenerated when abandoned to slaves, 167; prohibition of exportation and encouragement to importation of corn obstructed cultivation, 170; ancient inhabitants were proprietors, 170; cities became independent, 172; cities the first which

commerce

raised to opulence, 173; silk

and

vel-

how

the whole expense of justice might be defrayed from the fees of court, 313; the interference of the jurisdictions of the several English

courts of law, accounted

for, 313; law language, corrupted, 314; the judicial and executive power, why divided, 313; by whom the expense

how of

the administration

[good

357;

flourishing

of,

administration

ought to be borne, of,

necessary

commerce and manufactures,

for

403.

[Jutland cattle exported to Holland, 295.]

vets exchanged for corn of Poland, 173; breeding of silkworms introduced, 174;] the only great country in Europe, which has been cultivated and improved in every part by means of its foreign commerce, 180; [sober, though wine is

cheap, 211.]

on export of corn be necessary, 232;] was originally

[In little states restraints

may sometimes

by the Dorians, 239; [Roman colonies, 240, 244; Greek colonies, 244; school of philosophers in a Greek colony, 244; result of admission colonized

of inhabitants to

Roman

citizenship, 271 ancient

from manufacturers might be

republics derived larger part of revenue state lands,

359;

silk

by English,

undersold

390;

small

on the Po, 395; republics

transit duties

levy

states

all

in

debt, 403; republics began the practice of funding, 412.]

Kalm, the Swedish traveller, husbandry of the British

his

account of the

colonies

in

North

America, 97. Kelp, a rent demanded for the rocks on which

it

grows, 62. [Kent, special restrictions on removal of wool, 62.] [Kidders of corn restrained, 226-7.]

King, Mr., [quoted, 32;] his account of the average price of wheat, 85. King, under feudal institutions, no more than the greatest baron in the nation, 176; was unable to restrain the violence of his barons, 176.

Treasure-trove an important branch of revenue to, 402; his situation how favourable for the accumulating treasure, 402; in a commercial country, naturally spends his revenue in luxuries, 402; is hence driven to call upon his subjects for extraordinary aids, 402.

[Jack of

all

Kings and

trades, 228.]

Jamaica, [trade with, more uncertain than that with North America, 47; circuitous trade ex-

ministers,

their

the

greatest

spend-

a country, 150. [Konigsberg, 193.] thrifts in

ample, 159.] [Increasing improvement, 249; desert in 1660, 258;] the returns of trade

from that

island,

why

irregular, 419.

[James I, his marriage bed, brought from Denmark, 150.] [Japan, copper exported to Europe, 73; ration of silver to gold 8 to 1, 92; no gold and silver mines, but richer than Mexico or Peru, 191.] [Batavia on the road to, 276; only country with which China carries on her own trade, 297; affords an example to China, 297.] [Jersey, 269.]

Jewels, see Stones.

[John,

King

of England, munificent benefactor to

towns, 172.]

King

[John,

pay

of

France, adulterated the coin to

his debts, 414.]

[Joint-stock, see

Company.]

Jurisdictions, territorial, did

not originate in the

feudal law, 176-7. [Jus majoratus, 247.] Justice,

administration

of,

abandoned

barons, 176-7; the administration

of,

to

feudal

a duty of

the sovereign, 309; in early times a source of revenue to him, 311-12; the making justice subservient to the revenue, a source of great

never administered gratis, 313; of, but an inconsiderable part of the expense of government, 313; abuses, 312;

is

the whole administration

Labour, the fund which originally supplies every nation with its annual consumption, 1; how the proportion between labour and consumption is regulated, 1; the different kinds of industry seldom dealt impartially with by any nation, 2; the division of labour considered, 3; this division increases the quantity of work, 4; instances an illustration, 6; from what principles the division of labour originates, 6; the divisibility of,

governed by the market, 8; labour the real measure of the exchangeable value of commodities, 13; different kinds of, not easily estimated by immediate comparison, 13; is compared by the intermediate standard of money, 14; is an invariable standard for the value of commodities, 14; has a real, and a nominal price, 14; the quantity of labour employed on different objects, the only rule for exchanging them in the rude stages of society, 20; difference between the wages of labour and profits on stock, in manufacturers, 21; the whole labour of a country never exerted, 23; is in every instance suited to the

demand,

24; the effect of extraordinary

deductions made from the produce of labour employed upon land, 27; why dearer in North America than in England, 29; is cheap in countries that are stationary, 30; the demand for, would continually decrease in a declining country, 30-1; the province of Bencalls

for,

25;

the

Index gal cited as for in

an instance,

31;

is

not badly paid

Great Britain, 31; an increasing demand

favourable to population, 34; that of freeto the employers than that of slaves, 34; the money price of, how regulated, for,

men cheaper

36;

is

liberally

common

rewarded

in

new

colonies,

39;

labour and skilful labour distinguished,

from one employment

43; the free circulation of,

to another, obstructed

by corporation laws,

58;

the unequal prices of, in different places, probably owing to the law of settlements, 60-1; can

447 how

founded, 21; the rent paid, enters into the price of the greater part of all commodities, 21; generally produces more food than will maintain the labour necessary to bring

food for men or cattle, regulates the rent of all other cultivated land, 66, 68; can clothe and lodge more than it can feed, while uncultivated, and the contrary when improved, 70; the culture of land producing food, creates a demand for

always procure subsistence on the spot where

the produce of other lands,

purchased, 63; the money price ferent countries, how governed, 82;

agriculture a

it

is

of, in difis

set into

motion by stock employed for profit, 110; the division of, depends on the accumulation of stock, 117; machines to facilitate labour, advantageous to society, 122; productive and unproductive,

men

distinguished,

specified,

142;

whose labour

unproductive labours 144; the price of,

raised

the national capital, 153; nally raised, Is liberally

may

various

orders of unproductive, 143;

maintained by revenue,

all

how

is

by the increase of though nomi-

its price,

continue the same, 154.

rewarded

in

new

colonies, 243; of

and manufacturers, never adds any value to the whole amount of the rude produce of the land, according to the French agricultural system of political economy, 290; this doctrine shown to be erroneous, 294-5; the productive artificers

powers of labour, how to be improved, 295; [forced,

division of,

319, 359;

see

Division of

and

everywhere proportioned to the capital stock on which they are employed, 1; share the produce of their labour, in most cases, with the owners of the stock on which they are employed, 21; their wages a continued subject of contest between them and their masters, 28; are seldom successful in their outrageous combinations, 28; the sufficiency of their earnings, a point not easily determined, 28-9; their wages sometimes raised by increase of work, 29; their demands limited by the funds destined for payment, 29; are continually wanted in North America, 30; miserable conditions of those in China, 30; are not ill paid in Great Britain, 31; if able to maintain their families in dear years, they must be at their ease in plentiful seasons, 31; a proof furnished in the complaints of their luxury, 33; why worse paid than artificers, 43; their interests strictly connected with the interests of the society, 110; useful

productive,

labour the only source of their revenue, 118; effects of a life of labour on the understandings of the poor, 340. [Labourers, statute of, 77.] [Lace, £30 worth made of a penny-worth of flax, 290.]

[Lacedaemon, 185.] [Lancashire, oatmeal Land, [appropriated,

of rent for,

produces by

the price of

it,

naturally divides

itself into rent,

wages, and profits of stock, 109; the usual price of, depends on the common rate of interest for money, 155; the profits of cultivation exaggerated by projectors, 162; the cultivation of, nat-

and manufacturers, on equal terms, 163-4; artificers necessary to the cultivation of, 164; was all appropriated, though not cultivated, by the northern destroyers of the Roman empire, 165; origin of the law of primogeniture under the feudal government, 165; urally preferred to trade

improvement of

entails, 165-6; obstacles to the

land

under

feudal

proprietors,

166-7;

feudal

tenures, 167-8; feudal taxation, 169; the improve169;

by the

of land checked in France

occupiers

of,

labour

the best

purchasers

of,

taille,

under great disad-

vantages, 169; origin of long leases proprietors,

improvers

of, 178;

of,

179;

small small

cannot hope to raise fortunes by

cultivation, 179.

Tenures 246;

is

of,

in

the British American colonies,

the most permanent source of revenue,

359; the rent of a whole country, not equal to

the ordinary levy upon the people, 360; the revenue from, proportioned, not to the rent, but to the produce, 360; reasons for selling the crown lands, 360-1; the land-tax of Great Britain considered, 363; an improved land-tax suggested, 364; a land tax, however equally rated by a general survey, will soon become unequal, 366; tithes a very unequal tax, 367; tithes discourage improvement, 367; [tax on the sale of, 379; one of the two great sources of revenue, 411.]

Landholders, [love to reap where they never sowed, 21; liberality and ignorance of, 62;] why frequently

inattentive to

interests, 110;

how they

their

own

particular

contribute to the annual

production of the land, according to the French agricultural system of political economy, 289; should be encouraged to cultivate a part of their

demand

75;

greater quantity of vegetable,

than of animal food, 81; the full improvement requires a stock of cattle to supply manure, 96; cause and effect of the diminution of cottagers, 98-9; signs of the land being completely improved, 99; the whole annual produce, or

own

land, 364-5.

Land-tax, additional

diet, 69.] 20;] the

much

of,

ment

labour.]

Labourers,

to market, 63;

it

good roads, and navigable canals, equalize difference of situation, 63; that employed in raising

[Amount

of

2s.,

188.

the British, 360;

proportioned to

448

Index

rent, 362-7; proportioned to produce, 367-8; the

on houses, 371; cannot

British,

raise rents, 372;

the British, intended to tax stock as well as

["Light

on

266.]

land, 373; the British, not intended to

fall

capital, 374; that of the king of Sardinia

on land held by ignoble tenure, 375; the

a tax

British,

resembles the vingtieme, 377, 400; the British, higher on officers, 382; additional Is. for three years, 409;

may make

landlord unable to main-

more equal, in Great augment the revenue, 414;

come

light go," applicable to high profits,

[Ligue, 270.]

Lima, computed number of inhabitants of that city, 89, 244.

Linen manufacture, [open to everybody, 58;] narrow policy of the master manufacturers in, 280;

tain improvements, 411; a

[high price in ancient

Britain might greatly

soap necessary, 385; duty on Scotch, 405.]

more could be paid in Great Britain were no tithe, 415.] [Languedoc, 67, 375.] [Languedoc canal, 316.] [La Riviere, Mercier de, quoted, 296.]

if

there

Latin language,

how

it

became an

essential part

ing sometimes taught in Scotch parish English charity schools, 342. [Latium, corn culture discouraged in, 65.]

and

improvement of Scotland, 137; quoted, 153. Law, the language of, how corrupted, 314; did not improve into a science in ancient Greece, 339; remarks on the courts of justice in Greece and 339.

why amply rewarded

44-5; great

amount

for their

labour,

of their fees, 45; [few

men

of fortune eminent as, 332.] [Lead smelting company, 331.] Leases, [for life, 168;] the various usual conditions of,

364; [registration of, 364.]

Leather, restrictions on the exportation of, unmanufactured, 285; [real necessary of life, 385;

duty on,

387.]

Lectures in universities, frequently improper for instruction, 333.

[Leeds, 175.]

Legal tender originally only in the standard of value, 17.]

199.]

[Leith, 9, 50.] I

Lerwick,

50.]

Letters,

men

[Lionnois, 73.]

trade example, 193;

bills

paid in

common

cur-

rency, 204.]

[Weekly amount of gold brought from, to London, 235; exorbitant profits at, 266; merLiterature, the rewards of, reduced 57;

was more

by competition,

profitable in ancient Greece, 57-8;

the cheapness of literary education an advantage to the public, 58. [Liverpool, represented

on the African Company's

committee, 322.] [Loango, 240.]

Loans of money, the nature extensive operation

of,

analysed, 152; the

of, 152.

[Local revenue, the proper source of maintenance for public works and services, 318, 357; sometimes maintains schools and colleges, 331; peages and duties of passage formed part of, 395.] [Lochabar, 177.]

[Lochiel,

Cameron

of, 177.]

Locke, Mr., remarks on his opinion of the differences between the market and mint prices of silver bullion, 18; his account of the cause of lowering the rates of interest for money, examined, 153; his distinction between money and

moveable goods, 182.

Leghorn, 204.] [Legislator contrasted with statesman or politician, I

I

makes

chants magnificent lord, 266.]

[Laverdy reduced the rate of interest, 38.] Law, Mr., account of his banking scheme for the

Rome,

299; use of,

residence of a court and a trading city, 145; gold could easily be brought from 185; carrying

of university education, 334; [a useless smatter-

Lawyers,

Rome,

[Liquors dearer owing to taxes, 33; brewed and distilled for private use, 392.] [Lisbon, gold and silver imported to, 90; both

ILastage, 170.]

I

[Licences to consume, Decker's plan of taxation by, 386.J

[Locri, 244.]

Lodgings, cheaper in London, than in any other capital city in Europe, 50. Logic, the origin and employment of, 181.

[Lombardy, unprosperous race, 57; drawn

181.]

[London, road and sea

51; flagrantly violated

advantages of different employments, 42, by the laws of settlement,

Edinburgh and wages lower than in New York, 29; wages, 31; early decay of carpenters, 34; bankers pay no interest, 38; great companies borrowed at 5 per cent after the late war, 39; wages of labourers and bricklayers and masons, 43; chairmen employed as bricklayers, 43; employment from day to day, 44; tailors often out of employment, 44; coalheavers, 44; wages of common labour, 44; wages of seamen and other labourers compared with those paid at Edinburgh, 46; lodging cheap, 50;

61 ;1 three duties only necessary for a sovereign to attend to, for supporting a system of, 300.

silkweavers' byelaw, 51; counties near, petitioned against turnpikes, 63; meat fallen in price com-

of,

from the universities by the large benefices fered

by the church,

of-

355.1

Levant, 174. Levity, people,

the

vices

and

of,

ruinous

therefore

to

severely

the

common

censured

by

them, 346. Lewis, the Fat, 172. Liberty, [perfect, necessary for correspondence of market and natural price, 23, 26; and for equality of

Calcutta,

9;

price

of

traffic to silver,

16;

Index pared with bread, 65; societies of merchants buy land in sugar colonies, 68; chairmen, porters,

and

coal-heavers,

prostitutes,

Irish,

70;

stone

quarry near, affords considerable rent, 70; paving stones from Scotland, 71; civil war raised the price of corn, 84; price of meat, 96, 98; merchants have not the advantage of Scotch cash accounts, 128; transactions of Scotch banks, 129; drawing and redrawing, 133; no bank notes under £10, 139; exchange with Carlisle and Dumfries, 141; residence of a court, but a trading city, 145; fire and plague, 149; trade with Scotland, 159; coal trade with Newcastle, 160; French cambrics may be imported, 202; exchange with Paris, 203; and other foreign towns, 204.] [Herring fishery company, 223; fifth of gold and silver found in colonies reserved to the king in the patent of the London company, 243; merchants not so magnificent as those of Cadiz and Lisbon, nor so parsimonious as those of Amsterdam, 266; entrepot for German and American trade, 272; streets better cared for by local

administration, 318; expensive port, 321; the committee of the African

represented on

Company,

322; land tax, 360, 373;

windows and 331.]

[Lorenzo de' Medici, his trading debts paid by Florence, 358.] [Lorraine, 401.] Lotteries,

and the causes of [silver and gold min-

of,

their success, explained, 45;

ing the most disadvantageous [Lowndes quoted, 84, 85, 203.] [Lucayan Islands, 241.]

in the world, 242.]

Luck, instances of the universal reliance mankind have on it, 46. [Luctuosa hereditas, 378.] Lutherans, origin and principles of that sect, 353. Luxuries, distinguished from necessaries, 383; operation of taxes on, 384; [excise duties chiefly fall chiefly on middle and upper ranks, 391; of inferior ranks to be taxed, 391;] the good and bad properties of

on, 387; English taxes on,

taxes on, 395.

[Lysias, a teacher, 355.]

Macedon, Philip

of, liberality

to Aristotle, 58; the

superiority that discipline gave his

army over

those of his enemies, 305-6. [Machiavel quoted, 174, 344, 358.] for

facilitating

mechanical operations, 5; [men who have

how invented and improved,

to Hol-

North America

53, 171, 172.]

[Madras, 279, 327, 328.] [Madrid, 145.]

[Maese River, 9.] Magens, see Meggens.

[Mahometan

nations, high rate of interest

among,

40.]

[Maidservants, tax on, in Holland, 377.] [Majorazzo, 247.]

[Malacca, 276.] Malt, reasons for transferring the duty on brewing to, 392; distillery, how to prevent smuggling in,

393.

[Malta, the order

of,

land-tax paid by, in Silesia,

366.]

[Mamelukes,

240.]

[Manchester, 52.] [Mandarins' contempt

of

payments

commerce,

296;

em-

in kind, 368.]

[Manilla, 90, 91.]

Manufactures, the great advantage resulting from a division of labour in, 3; instances in illus-

why

6;

stages of, 22; of facturers

profits

increase

the higher

in

what parts the gains

consist,

23;

the

of

manu-

advantage

private

manufactures, 25-6; peculiar adand situation monopolies, 26; corporation privileges, 26; the deductions made from labour employed on manufactures, 28; inquiry how far they are affected by seasons of plenty and scarcity, 35; are not so materially affected by circumstances in the country where they are carried on, as in the places where they are consumed, 36; [price of, more raised by high profits than by high wages, 41;] new manufactures generally give higher wages than old ones, 49; are more profitably carried on in towns than in the open country, 54; by what means the prices of, are reduced, while the society continues improving, 107; instances in hardware, 107; instances in the woollen manufacture, 107-8; what of secrets

in

soil

manufactures, established in

118;

for

distant

North America,

on particular

why not why manu-

sale,

164;

factures are preferred to foreign trade, for the

employment

174.]

Machines

[Madox quoted,

into

fixed capitals are required to carry

339.]

[Lycurgus, 185.] [Lyons, distant from source of materials and destination of manufactures, 157; silk manufacture,

are ad-

[Madeira, 240.]

Madeira wine, how introduced and Britain, 215.

vantages of

[Lucca, 174.] [Lucerne, tax on the sale of land, 378.] [Lucian, quoted, 339.]

[Lyceum,

Madder, the cultivation of, long confined land by English tithes, 367.

tration,

the true nature

like, 42-3;]

vantageous to every society, 122. [Machpelah, 11.]

bezzle from

rent, 372; porter brewery, 392.]

lLondon Assurance Company, 330,

449 received expensive education

of a capital, 164; motives to the establishment of manufactures for distant sale, 174; how shifted from one country to another, 174; natural circumstances which contribute to the establishment of them, 174; their effect on the government and manners of a country, 1756; the independence of artisans explained, 178; [best commodities wherewith to pay armies in foreign parts, 189;] may flourish amidst the ruin

Index

450

and begin to decay on the return

of a country, of

its

prosperity,

[particular,

189;

may

be ac-

quired earlier by means of regulations, 195;] in-

manufactures might be affected thrown out of one business can transfer their industry to collateral employments, 200; a spirit of combination among them to support monopolies, 201. Manufacturers prohibited by old statutes from keeping a shop, or selling their own goods

how

quiry

far

of trade, 200; those

by a freedom

by

227; the use of wholesale dealers to

retail,

manufacturers, 228; British restraints on manufacturers in North America, 250, 251; the exportation of instruments in, prohibited, 287; manufacturers an unproductive class of the people, according to the French agricultural system of political economy, 290; the error of this doctrine shown, 294; how manufacturers

augment the revenue

of a country, 295-6;

why

the principle support of foreign trade, 297; require a more extensive market than rude pro-

duce of the land, 297; were exercised by slaves in ancient Greece, 298; high prices of, in Greece and at Rome, 299-300; false policy to check manufactures in order to promote agriculture, 299; in Great Britain why principally fixed in the coal countries, 385; [can lend

money

to gov-

partly superseded by the American trade, 258-9, 263;

tobacco

and

Gibraltar

from America exported Minorca intended to

to,

261;

protect

British trade with, 323.]

Meggens, Mr.,

account of the annual importasilver into Spain and Portugal, 90-1; his relative proportion of each, 92. [Memoires concernant les droits et impositions en Europe quoted, 358, 359, 364, 366, 371, 374, his

and

tion of gold

more accurate as regards French taxes than as regards those of other countries, 358.] [Mendicant orders zealous because supported by voluntary oblations, 344.] [Menservants, tax on, in Holland, 377.] 376, 378, 379, 381, 455;

Mercantile system [principles and practice of, 182288; law for the encouragement of coinage due to the vulgar prejudices of, 239; mean and malignant expedients of, 265; raised to splendour by the discovery of America and the Cape passage, 271-2; monopoly the sole engine of, 274; encouragement of exports and discouragement of imports the two great engines of, 279; sacrifices consumer to producer, 287; contrived by producers, 288; agreeable to a plodding man of business, 288; really encourages manufactures

and foreign

trade, 299-300;] explained, 388; [not

ernments, 403.] Manure, the supply of, in most places depends on the stock of cattle raised, 96.

favourable to the annual produce, 388.] Mercenary troops, origin and reason of, 303; the

[Marannon, 248.] [Marco Polo, quoted, 241.] [Maria Theresa, 366.] Maritime countries, why the first that are civilized and improved, 9. [Marriage, discouraged but not always prevented by poverty, 33; encouraged by high wages, 243.]

Merchants, [every man in some measure a merchant, 10; endeavour to suit their importation of bullion to the demand, 19; silent with regard

[Marseilles treated as foreign

Martial

spirit,

publics of Greece

now

by France,

how supported

399.]

in the ancient re-

and Rome, 342; the want of

it

supplied by standing armies, 342; the es-

tablishment of a militia

able to support

little

it,

739.

[Maryland, retail stores often belong to residents in England, 158; tobacco exports, 214, 257, 261; expense of civil establishments, 247; established

by Catholics,

254; revenue, 417.]

[Massachusetts, expense of civil establishment, 247; tax on importation of molasses, 416; paper

numbers

of,

how

to the pernicious effects of their

established to supply the want and afterward admitted as laws, 133; the manner of negotiating bills of exchange ex-

customs

of, first

of laws,

plained, 133; the pernicious tendency of draw-

ing

and redrawing, 133;

capitals

are employed,

their

their

capitals dis-

any particular country,

175;

[not

180; listened

to because supposed to understand trade, 184;]

342.]

[Medici, Lorenzo de\ 358.]

Mediterranean sea, peculiarly favourable for the first attempts in navigation, 9; [carries commerce of Europe and Asia, 10; British carrying trade between porta of, 161; expense of last war partly in, 188.]

fleets

fish

what method

when they turn country gentlemen,

their preference

American

in

155;

persed and unfixed, 157; the principles of foreign trade examined, 161; are the best of improvers,

[Meat, see Butchers' meat.] [Mechanics should be taught in the parish schools,

out

gains, 41;

regard to the public interest, 110; their capitals altogether circulating, 118; their dealings extended by the aid of bankers notes, 128, 130;

citizens of

[Venetian

own

clamour and sophistry of, 55;] their judgments more to be depended on respecting the interests of their particular branches of trade, than with

money, 418.] [Mazeppa, 190.]

laid

limited, 303.

scarcely

sent

to,

went beyond, 245;

249;

British

trade

to,

trade,

how

among

determined,

the different species of 193;

[derive

greatest

advantage from a monopoly of the home market, 195;] are actuated by a narrow spirit of monopoly, [197], 211. The several branches of the corn trade specified and considered, 224[-233l; the government of a company of, the worst a country can be under, 246; of London not good economists, 266; an unproductive class of men. according to the present agricultural system of political econ-

Index omy

France, 291; the quick return of mercantile capitals enables merchants to advance in

money

to

government, 403; their capitals

creased by lending

Mercier de

and

money

la Riviere,

in-

to the state, 403.

M., character of his natural

essential order of political societies, 296.

[Merovingian kings had treasures, 190.] [Messance, quoted, 36, 86, 106.] Metals, why the best medium of commerce, 10-11; origin of stamped coins, 11; why different metals became the standard of value among different nations, 16-17; the durability of, the cause of the steadiness of their price, 91; on what the quantity of precious metals in every particular country depends, 103-4; restraints upon the exportation of, 285; see Gold and Silver. Metaphysics, the science of, explained, 336. Metayers, description of the class of farmers so called in France, 167.

Methodists,

the

teachers

among,

why

popular

preachers, 344.

try, 288.]

[Metz treated as foreign by France, 398.] Mexico was a less civilised country than Peru, when first visited by the Spaniards, 88; [inferior to China, Japan, and Indostan, 191; Cortez attracted to, by quest of gold, 242; something like an Eldorado, 243;] present populousness of the capital city, 244-5; low state of arts at the first discovery of that empire, 245; [conquest projected by governor of Cuba, 254; natives beyond

hunting stage, 276.] [Milan surveyed, 366, 415; old church lands rated one third, 366; taxes on bread, 386; six different provinces with different excises, 399.] [Miletus, 244.] age,

proportion

of

population

within,

why allowed to be formed in cities, and its formidable nature, 172; the origin and nature of, explained, 304; how distinguished from the regular standing army, 304; must always be inferior to a standing army, 305; a few campaigns

Militia,

may make

a militia equal to a stand-

ing army, 305; instances, 306.

Milk, a most perishable commodity,

how manu-

factured for store, 99. Mills,

wind and water,

in

at less

Turkey,

298-9.

Mining, projects of, uncertain and ruinous, and unfit for legal encouragement, 242. [Minorca, the acquisition of, united the house of Bourbon, 323.] [Mint, origin of, 11; present hurry of the, 19; oper-

web

ations of, like the

of Penelope, 236.]

[Mint price, 18, 19.] Mirabeau, Marquis de, his character of the economical table, 296. Mississippi scheme in France, the real foundation of, 137; [fall of,

246, 249.]

[Mithridates, 306.]

[Modena, taxes on

Modus

for tithe,

a

necessaries, 386.] relief to

[Molasses, duties on beer

the farmer, 368.

made

from, 416, 417.]

[Moluccas, 89, 225, 277; see Spices.] [Monasteries, destruction of, deprived the poor of

Money, the

origin of, traced, 10;

their late introduction into

England, 108. [Mine Adventurers' Company bankrupt, 331.] Mines, distinguished by their fertility or barrenness, 71-2; comparison between those of coal and those of metals, 73; the competition between, extends to all parts of the world, 73; the working of, a lottery, 74; diamond mines not always worth working, 75; tax paid to the king of Spain from the Peruvian mines, 87; the discovery of mines not dependent on human skill or

the representa-

is

tive of labour, 13; the value of, greatly depre-

by the discovery

ciated

how different money of different 14;

money,

of the American mines, metals became the standard

nations, 16-17;

39; the great

[money makes

wheel of circulation, 123,

124, 126;] the only part of the circulating capital

a society, of which the maintenance can diminish their net revenue, 123; makes no part of the revenue of a society, 123; the term money, in common acceptation, of ambiguous meaning,

of

123; the circulating

money

in society,

no meas-

revenue, 124; paper money, 124; the effect of paper, on the circulation of cash, 124-5; ure of

its

inquiry into the proportion of the circulating

money

of any country bears to the annual produce circulated by it, 126; paper, can never exceed the value of the cash, of which it supplies the place, in any country, 128; the pernicious

practice

of

raising

money by

plained, 133; the true cause of

302.]

of service

why worked

expense than the neighbouring ones

charity, 59.]

Methuen, Mr., translation of the commercial treaty concluded by him between England and Portugal, 234; [his treaty obliges the consumer to buy a worse commodity from a more distant coun-

[Military

451 industry, 104; in Hungary,

circulation its

ex-

exportation,

147; loans of, the principles of, analysed, 151;

monied interest, distinguished from the landed and trading interest, 152; inquiry into the real causes of the reduction of interest, 153; money and wealth synonymous terms in popular lan-

guage, 182; and moveable goods compared, 182; the accumulation of, studied by the European nations, 183; the mercantile arguments for lib-

and silver, 183; the validity arguments examined, 184; money and goods mutually the price of each other, 185; erty to export gold of these

overtrading causes complaints of the scarcity of money, 186; why more easy to buy goods with money, than to buy money with goods, 186; [ridiculous to go about to prove that wealth does not consist in, 186;] inquiry into the circulating quantity of, in Great Britain, 188; effect of the discovery of the American mines on the

value 191-2;

money and wealth different things, bank money explained, 205; [value in

of, 190;

Index

452 to the necessaries

will

purchase,

proportion 390;J see Coins, Gold, and Silver. Monopolies in trade or manufactures, the tend-

ency

management, 63. making a monopoly of colony countries which have colonies,

are enemies to good

of, 26;

Tendency

of

263-4;

trade,

it

obliged to share their advantages with many other countries, 273; the chief engine in the mercantile system, 274; how monopolies de-

range the natural distribution of the stock of the society, 274; are supported by unjust and cruel laws, 282; of a temporary nature, how far justifiable, 329; perpetual monopolies injurious to the people at large, 329-30; [in particular produce of land, 394.] Montauban, the inequalities in the predial tallie [taille] in that generality, how rectified, 366. Montesquieu, reasons given by him for the high rates of interest

among

all

Mahometan

nations,

examination of his idea of the cause of lowering the rate of interest of money, 153; quoted, 40;

ised

society,

346;

every

civil-

the principal points of dis-

common

why

the morals of the

people are more regular in

sectaries

than under the established church, 347; the excesses of, how to be corrected, 347. [Moral philosophy debased in middle ages, 336.] [Moravia, 167.] Morellet, M., his account of joint stock companies, defective, 330.

New

[Mosaical law of inheritance in

[Mourning,

a public,

raises

the

England, 247.] of black

price

cloth, 25, 49.]

[Mum, tax on, 392.] Mun, Mr., his illustration of the operation of money exported for commercial purposes, 183. [Muscovia, trade with China by caravan, 89; yarn, 280.]

why

a part of the ancient Grecian educa-

tion, 338;

and dancing, great amusements among

Music,

barbarous nations, 338; [not of much quence in forming the Greeks, 339.] [Nails, effects of division of labour in

currency in a Scotch village,

conse-

making,

4-5;

10.]

[National debt, see Debts, public and Funds.] Nations, sometimes driven to inhuman customs, by poverty, 1; the number of useful and producin, always proportioned to the stock on which they are employed, 1; the several sorts of industry, seldom dealt with

labourers

capital

why the first ruined by a neglect of public 148; evidences of the increase of a

impartially by. 2; maritime nations,

improved,

economy,

8;

how

national capital, 148;

viduals

may

how

61,

140,

joint stock companies, 330. Navigation act of England, the principal dispositions of, 197; motives that dictated this law, 197; its political and commercial tendency,

197-8. Its consequences, so far as

it

affected the col-

ony trade with England, 257-8; diminished the foreign trade with Europe, 258; has kept up high

profits

in

the

British

trade,

259;

sub-

a disadvantage in every branch of trade of which she has not the monopoly, 259; [truly shopkeeper proposal enacted in, jects Britain to

266.]

[Navy

bills, 404.]

Necessaries, [effect of taxes on, 198-9, 383-4, 412;] distinguished from luxuries, 383; operation of

may

the expenses of indi-

increase the national capital, 150.

diminish landlord's revenue, 412.] and conveniences of life, 1, 13, 14,

[Necessaries 69, 412.]

slaves, why not much employed in raising corn in the English colonies, 167; why more

Negro

numerous on sugar, than on tobacco plantations,

167;

profitable,

[export of, to the 324, 325;

West

Indies un-

taxes on, 377; not worse

fed than the lower ranks in England, 417.] [Negroes on the coast of Africa, drunken, 211; addicted to music and dancing, 338.] [Nemean games, 342.] [Newcastle, colliers' wages, 44; price of coal at, 73; coal trade to London employs more shipping than all the carrying trade, 160.] [New England, in three provinces the eldest son has a double share, 247; councils chosen by the representatives, 253; more republican than England, 253; established by the Puritans, 254; progress not foreseen in 1660, 258; exports to Great Britain not equal to imports, 419.] [Newfoundland, dried cod currency, 10.]

[New Granada, 88.] [New Hampshire, cost of civil establishment, 247.] [New Jersey, established by Swedes, 245; progress obstructed by Dutch exclusive company, 246; cost of civil establishment, 247; possessed

Dutch

[Naples, 180.]

tive

unjust,

of,

and simple system of, 300.] Navigation, inland, a great means of improving a country in arts and industry, 9-10; the advantages of, 63; may be successfully managed by

on,

240.] of, in

tinction between them, 346; the ties of obligation in each system, 347;

violations

liberty,

228; obvious

taxes on, 383-4; principal necessaries taxed, 385; [value of, 390; ought not to be taxed, 391; taxes

298, 338.

[Montezuma, 245.] [Moors in Spain, 173; in Africa, Morality, two different systems

[Natural

in

by the

1660, 258; exports to Great Britain

than imports, 419.] province, high wages, 29; free labour found cheaper than slave, 34; swallowed up New Jersey and was acquired by England, 245; progress obstructed by Dutch exclusive company, 246; expense of civil establishment, 247;

less

[New York

possessed by the

Dutch

in 1660, 258;

exports to

than imports, 419.] [New York City, second great town of the Eng-

Great Britain

less

lish colonies, 245.]

[Nicuessa, 242.]

Index [Nightingale, a white, extravagant price paid for, 95.]

improvement of and manufactures in Egypt, 9; [famous irrigation works on, 297.]

Nile, river, the cause of the early

agriculture

[Nimeguen, peace of, 199.] master weavers restricted to two ap-

[Norfolk,

no greater than

lords, their jurisdiction

398.]

[North Carolina, expense of

civil

establishment,

247; revenue, 417.]

[Northumberland, Earl of, his household book, 78; mountains destined to be breeding country, 196.] [Northwest passage, 243.] [Norway exempted from Eastland Company's monopoly, 320.] [Norwich, master weavers restricted to two apprentices, 51.]

[Nova Belgia divided

into

New York

and

New

man

[Novae Tabulae, demand of

Roman

poor

for,

413-

goods for, 145;] enjoys little more trade than is necessary for the consumption of its inhabitants. 145; [exchange with London, 203.]

[Custom

with regard to inheritance, folcolonies, 247; defended itself against Henry IV, 270; parliament of, 349.] Parish ministers, evils attending vesting the elec-

lowed

in

of,

the

tion of, in the people, 353-4. [Parliament, intimidated by private interests, 201; managed by the sovereign, 268, 349; might be

extended to the colonies, 415.]

where they

Scotia, expense of civil establishment, 247.]

[Nugnes de Balboa, Vasco, 242.] [Nuremberg, bank of, 204-5.]

little

trade in the towns

are, 145; court fees

that of Paris

14.]

London, 50; work-

serves five years as apprentice and five as journeyman, 52; Rouen the entrepot of

[Parliaments, the French,

Jersey, 246.]

[Nova

Americans, 418. [Paraguay, 88.

more

that of the Saxons, 177.]

[Normandy,

does not affect the prices of goods. 140; account of the paper currency in North America, 141; expedient of the government of Pennsylvania to raise money, 141, 359; why convenient for the domestic purposes of the North of,

Paris, [lodging dearer than in

prentices, 51.]

[Norman

453 currency

managed by

and

salaries, 313;

Choiseul, 349;

mem-

Bordeaux quoted, 407.] [Parma, taxes on bread, 386; several provinces oir of that of

with separate excises, 399.] is the immediate cause of the increase of capitals, 146; oromotes industry, 146; frugal

Parsimony [Oatmeal, principal and best food of Scotch com-

mon

men

people, 32.]

made

not so suitable to the human constitution, as that made of wheat, 69-70. [Oceana as likely as free trade in Great Britain, Oats, bread

of,

and manufacturers can add and wealth of society, according cers

agricultural

201.] [Offices,

public benefactors, 147; [destroyed by high is the only means by which artifi-

profits, 265;]

salaries of public, taxable, 382.]

[Oieda, 242.]

[Olympic games, 342.] Ontology, the science

of,

explained, 336.

[Optional clause, 140.]

Duke

[Orleans,

[Ortolans,

[Overtrading

occurs

in

political

to the French economy, 291.

[Parthians, 306-7.]

[Passage duties, 170-1, 395.] Pasture land, [not so productive as corn-fields, 64;] under what circumstances more profitable than arable land, 64; why it ought to be enclosed, 65. [Patents, justification of, 329.]

of, 137.]

fattened

system of

to the revenue

France,

when

Patronage, the right

98.]

profits

are

unusually

high, 186.]

Oxford, the professorships there, sinecures, 332. [Oxfordshire, coal and wood mixed, 72.]

of,

why

established in Scot-

land, 354.

[Pawnshop, public, at Hamburg, 359.] Pay, military, origin and reason of, 302. [Peages, 357, 395.] [Pedlars, tax on, 374-5.]

[Pekin, caravans from Muscovy to, 89.] [Pelham, Mr., quoted, 87; redeemed six millions

[Palladius quoted, 66.] [Palos, 240.]

Paper money, the credit the operation of paper

how money

of,

established, 124;

explained, 124-5;

its effect on the circulation of cash, 124-5; promotes industry, 125; operation of the several banking companies established in Scotland,

126-7; can never exceed the value of the gold

and silver, of which it supplies the place, in any country, 128; consequences of too much paper being issued, 129; the practice of drawing and redrawing explained, with its pernicious effects, 133; the advantages and disadvantages of paper credit stated, 138;

small

issued

for

notes,

renders

sums,

money

effects of notes suppressing small more plentiful, 139; the

139;

ill

of debt, 409.]

[Peloponnesians served in war without pay, 302.1 [Peltry, 70.]

[Penelope, 236.]

Pennsylvania, account of the paper currency there. 141, 359, 418; [Quakers liberated their slaves. 167.]

[No right of primogeniture. 247; expense of establishment. 247; established by Quakers. 254; not planted in 1660, 258;] good consequences of the government there having no religious establishment. 346; derive a revenue from their paper currency. [359 418; imports from Great Britain exceed exports. 41 9.1 civil

1.

Index

454

[Pensions, a derivative revenue, 22; value of, equal to their power of purchasing, 124.]

how divided into productive and unproductive classes, according to the present French system of agricultural political economy, 289; the unproductive class, greatly useful to the

People,

291;

others,

unwarlike,

the great body the

304;

of,

how rendered

opportunities

different

of

education in the different ranks of, 341-2; the inferior ranks of, the greatest consumers, 391; the luxurious expences of these ranks ought only to be taxed, 391.

abhorred by English common law, 166; different kinds of, prevent division of great estates in Europe, 179.] Persecution for religious opinions, the true cause [Perpetuities

of,

Gulf

of,

10;

many

diers at the court of,

servants but few sol190; militia defeated by

the Greek militia, 307.] Peru, the discovery of the silver mines

king of Spain from these mines, early accounts of the splendour

in,

oc-

[74],

and state

87; the

of arts

country, greatly exaggerated, 88; present under the Spanish government, 88; the

state of,

working of the mines there become gradually

more expensive,

93; [food, clothing

and lodging

the price paid for gold and silver, 147; silver of, 160, 185, 210; less rich than China, Japan or

[Reason for conquest of, 242; like an Eldorado, 243;] low state of arts there when first discovered, 245; is probably more populous now, than at any former period, 245; [sums spent in receiving a new viceroy, 248; little contributed by Spain, 254; natives beyond the hunting stage, 276.]

[Peter the Great, his great reform the creation of a

standing army, 308.] quoted, 171, note

[Pfeffel

note

3, 171,

2.]

[Philadelphia, high wages, 34; third greatest city of

the English colonies, 245.]

Macedon,

[Philosophical

and

of,

to

new

236; [tax on,

plate

is

chiefly

made from

old.

most conveniently paid as an an-

nuity, 386.]

Academy assigned a teacher, 355.] [Play for nothing, better than to work for nothing, to, 339;

145.]

[Pliny, quoted, 11, 17, 95, 167, 299.]

Ploughmen,

their

knowledge more extensive than

the generality of mechanics, 55. [Plutarch, quoted, 58; a teacher, [Plymouth Company, 243, 249.]

355.]

Pneumatics, the science of, explained, 336-7. [Pneumatology, 336-7.] [Po River, transit duties, 395.] [Poacher everywhere in Great Britain a very poor 42.]

[Pocock, Dr., quoted, 176.] Poivre, M., his account of the agriculture of Cochin

China, 68. Poland, [corn as cheap as that of France, 4; disorders have raised the price of corn, 86;] a country still kept in poverty by the feudal system of its government, 105; [annual produce declining, 106; trade, 160; serfs still exist in, 167; corn exchanged for wines and brandies of France, 173.]

[Industry encouraged by colonization of Amer255;

partition

and

pacification

of,

263;

307.]

regulations of, keep market price above

natural, 25, 26; violent, of Indostan

and ancient

Egypt, 26; rules of consequent on statute of

Philosophy [subdivided, 5-6; philosopher not very different by nature from a porter, 7.] Natural, the origin and objects of, 335; moral, the nature of, explained, 335; logic, the origin and employment of, 335; [study of, should be universal among middle and upper ranks, 347; nothing so absurd as not to have been asserted by some, 386.] [Phocy Hides, 335.] sail

beyond Gibraltar,

apprenticeship,

51-2;

laws

of

settlement

the

wrong regbe advised by landlords,

greatest disorder of, in England, 59; ulation of, not likely to 110.]

and severe, will not retain gold and Spain and Portugal, 219; of Spain and Portugal lowers value of precious metals there, 232-3; maintenance of roads and canals a branch of, 318; particular town or district should pay [Vigilant

silver in

for its

own,

357.]

[Police of grain, quoted, 78, 86; see Herbert.l

9.1

Physicians,

it

supply state exigencies, an insignificant resource, 188; profusion of, in Spanish and Portuguese

[Police,

History, quoted, 91;

see Raynal.]

[Phoenicians long feared to

security

down

private families, the melting

90;] of

Russian invasion,

58, 306.]

Political

greater

than apprenticeship, 52; annual consumption

ica,

[Philip I of France, 172.]

44.

[Placentia bread-taxes, 386.]

[Piano Carpini, quoted, 182.] [Plate River, 64.] Plate [sterling mark on, gives

man,

Indostan, 191.]

[Philip of

[Pizarro, 242.]

[Plato, quoted, 58, 167, 338; the

casioned those in Europe to be in a great measure abandoned, 73; these mines yield but small profit to the proprietors, 73; tax paid to the

in this

[Piecework leads to overwork, 34-5.] [Piedmont, 366.] Pinmaking, the extraordinary advantage of a division of labour in this art, 3. [Pisa, shipping encouraged by the crusades, 173.]

houses, 219;

344.

[Persia,

Physics, the ancient system of, explained, 336. [Picardy, 398.]

why amply rewarded

for their labour,

[Policy of Europe, favourable to the industry of towns, 2. 296; nowhere leaves things at perfect

Index considers

liberty,

42,

common

labour, 43.]

51;

arithmetic, Gregory King's

(Political

author has no great faith

skill

in,

as 32;

and preju-

interests

men have

particular orders of

of

labour

in, 230.]

economy, [private

Political

dices

country

given

of, 2; system of, which represents national wealth as consisting in abundance of gold and silver, 104; the great object of, is to increase the riches and power of the country, 161;] the two distinct objects, and two different systems of, 182; [Mun's title a maxim in the, of England and other countries, 184; under the mercantile system, object of, to diminish imports and increase exports, 192.] The present agricultural system of, adopted by French philosophers, described, 288; classes of the people who contribute to the annual produce of the land, 289; how proprietors con-

occasion to different theories

tribute,

289;

how

contribute,

cultivators

289;

and manufacturers, unproductive, 290; the unproductive classes maintained by the others, 291; bad tendency of restrictions and artificers

how

system is bad effects of an injudicious political economy, how corrected, 294; the capital error in this system pointed out, 294; [this system the best yet published on the subject of, 296; very important science, 296; deals with the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, 296; of Europe favours manufactures and foreign trade, 296; to promote cheapness and encourage production, the great business of, 327; Morellet's great knowledge of, prohibitions in trade, 293;

delineated

by M. Quesnai,

this

293; the

330.]

and crafty animal,

[Politician, insidious

199.]

Poll taxes, origin of, under the feudal government,

negro

[on

170-1; profits,

377;]

a tax on particular esteemed badges of slavery,

slaves,

why

377; the nature of, considered, 382; [French, 400.] [Polybius, quoted, 338, 339.]

[Pondo, 12.] [Pontage, 170.] of, in

Pope

of

made

for the provision

England, 59; see Settlement.

Rome, the

great power formerly assumed

by, 49-50; his power

how

reduced, 351; rapid

and extreme poverty equally unfavourable to, 33; is limited by the means of subsistence, 34, 71; [encouraged by high wages riches

in colonies, 244;

taxation of luxuries of the poor,

no discouragement to the increase of

useful, 384.]

[Porree, Father, 355.]

Porter, [tax on, has not raised wages, 384; price of a pot of, 387;] the proportion of malt used in

the brewing

of,

392.

compared with philosophers, 7-8; can only employment in a town, 8; Irish, in London,

Porters, find 70.

Portico assigned to Zeno, 339,

annual produce of land and labour and with Poland, 160;] the cultivation of the country not advanced by its commerce, 180; [expense of last war laid out in, 188; British duties on wines, 191;

89,

declining, 106; trade with Britain, 159;

202, 211; foreign trade, 202.]

The value

of gold

by prohibiting

and

silver there, depreciated

their exportation, 219; translation

of the commercial treaty concluded in 1703 with

England, 234; a large share of the Portugal gold sent annually to England, 234-5; [examination of the advantages of the trade with, to Great Britain, 235-6;] motives that led to the discovery

of a passage

to

Good Hope,

240;

exclusive

the East round the [settlement

companies

of

recently

Fernambuco and Marannon,

Cape

Brazil,

established

of

245; for

248; prohibition of

import of tobacco except from the colonies, 251; banished Jews to Brazil, 254;] lost its manu-

by acquiring

factures

rich

and

fertile

colonies,

264; [trade with East Indies open, 274; and none the less prosperous, 275, 276; African colonies

exclusive

the American, though there is no company, 276; summary of effect of

Methuen

treaty, 288;

resemble

325; see Spain

slave trade unprofitable,

and Portugal.]

[Postlethwaite, quoted, 137, note Post-office,

[affords a

1; 409.]

revenue to the

state,

315;]

a mercantile project well calculated for being managed by a government, 358. Potatoes, remarks on, as an article of food, 69; culture, and great produce of, 69; the difficulty of preserving

tivating [Potosi,

[Pots

them

mines

them the great

obstacle to cul-

for general diet, 70.

of, 64, 83, 87.]

and pans,

187.]

is a more important article of rural economy in France than in England, 98. [Pounds, various, 12; accounts kept in, 17.] Poverty sometimes urges nations to inhuman customs, 1; is no check to the production of children, 33; but very unfavorable to raising them,

33.

Pragmatic sanction

progress of the reformation, 352.

Population,

[Porto Bello, 326.] Portugal, [small part of Europe, 88; in 16th Century the only nation regularly trading with East Indies, 89; lost that trade to the Dutch,

Poultry, the cause of their cheapness, 98;

[Pondicherry, 327.]

Poor, history of the laws

455

is

in France, the object of, 351-2;

followed by the concordat, 351.

Preferments, ecclesiastical, the means by which a national clergy ought to be managed by the civil magistrate, 348; alterations in the mode of electing to them, 349.

Presbyterian church government, the nature of, described, 354; character of the clergy of, 354, 356; [countries

exempt from

tithe, 367.]

Present State of the Nation, quoted, 188. [Press-gang, 49.] Prices,

[natural,

market, and nominal, 12, and nominal, of commodities

real,

13-20, 23-27;] real

distinguished, 14; [of labour, 15, 63, 87;1

money

Index

456

price of goods explained, 20; [component parts

how

land enters into the price of the greater part of all commodities, 21; the component parts of the prices of goods explained,

raised, 156; private, the sole

of,

20-3;] rent for

and market

21; natural

prices distinguished,

how governed, 23-4, [26-7], 37. Though raised at first by an

increase

165-6;

interests

none in England,

New

of

improvement in Europe, Pennsylvania, and restricted in

247.]

not well calculated to manage mercantile projects for the sake of revenue, 358. Prodigality, the natural tendency of, both to the individual and to the public, 146; prodigal

men

enemies to their country, 147. Produce of land and labour, the source of all revenue, 143; the value of, how to be increased,

stock,

1;

and unproductive,

Professors

universities,

in

which

determine their merit, 354-5. [must be obtained by the undertaker who hazards his stock, 20; not merely a different name for wages of direction, 21; one of three original sources of revenue, 22;] the various articles of gain that pass under the common idea of, 22-3; [sometimes included in wages, 23;]

an average rate of, in all countries, 23; [how affected by fluctuations of prices, 25; name usually given to gains resulting from possession of secrets in trade, 25-6; raised

by monopolies

and corporation laws, 26; depends on price of provisions, 35; general theory of, 37-41;] averages extremely

money

difficult to

ascertain, 37; interest

the best standard

of, 37;

the diminu-

tion of, a natural consequence of prosperity, 38; clear

and gross

profit,

mo-

34.]

Projects, unsuccessful, in arts, injurious to a country, 147.

Property,

[of

dation of sions

man

a

all

in his

own

labour, the foun-

other, 52; sacred rights of, 74;] pas-

which prompt mankind to the invasion of, government necessary for the protec-

309; civil

reasonable

deemed

mercantile

in

profit,

in

thriving

cause differences of wages], 42; large profits must be made from small capitals, 47-8; why goods are cheaper in the metropolis than in country

great

48;

fortunes

in

rich,

London,

more

went from

58;

place to place, 338.]

[Provence,

taille in, 375.]

[Proverbs of Solomon, 335.] Provisions, how far the variations in the price

and industry,

affect labour

cheaper

31, 35, 36;

in the metropolis, or in

country

of,

whether villages,

by competi-

48; the prices of, better regulated

than by law, 61; [parliamentary inquiry causes of the high price of, 65;] a rise the prices of, must be uniform, to show that proceeds from a depreciation of the value of

tion

into in it

silver,

105;

[price

of,

and wages,

380-1,

390.]

Provisors, object of the statute of, in England, 351.

frequently

veteran,

307;]

mode

the land-tax

of assessing

and valuation, 366, 415.] [Public good, not much good done by those who there, 366; [survey

affect to trade for the, 194.]

[Public schools, the English, less corrupted than

the universities, 334.] Public works and institutions, tained, 315; equity of tolls

how

to be mainpassage over roads, bridges, and canals. 315-16; why government ought not to have the management of turnpikes. 317; nor of other public works. 318-19: [deficiencies in the receipts from, must be made

good from taxes. 357;

a charge before rent, 63; lower in remote in great towns. 63;] is naturally and high in poor countries, 110;

sufficient for all. 359.]

towns than

70.]

splendour,

in

in small ones,

in large

48; [high, a cause of high prices, 63;

which COlnefl Country thai]

lived

[Protagoras,

acknowledged superiority of troops, 305; troops

may compensate the high wages of labour, 41; the operation of high profits and high wages, compared, 41; [inequalities of, between different occupations, 42-62;] compensates inconveniences and disgrace, 42; of stock, how affected, [by the five circumstances which

villages.

[Prostitutes, Irish, in

of, defined,

countries, low profit

marie by trade

more than 200

years, 180.]

Prussia, [king of, accumulates treasure, 188. 402-3;

40;

Great Britain a 41;

311. [Proprietor, a great, seldom a great improver, 166.]

the

distinguished,

nature of the highest ordinary rate 41; double interest,

low

colonial

on particular, 374-77; custom duties originally intended as a tax on, 387. [Progressive state best for the body of the people,

[Prosperity, does not usually last

142-51.]

circumstances

Profit,

of

by the

tion of, 309; wealth a source of authority, 310,

148.

[Production, consumption the sole object of, 287.] [Productive, and useful labourers proportioned to

of,

in British trade

ment of land, 265;] when raised by monopolies, encourages luxury, [high rate everywhere destroys parisomony, 265-6;] small republics derive considerable revenue from, 358; one of three sources of private revenue, 361; surplus over interest not taxable, 372; taxes on, 372-4; taxes

why

Princes,

[Kept up

of

families, 166; [obstructs

179;

ing capitals in any branch of business, 162.

nopoly, 259; high, subjects a country to a disadvantage in trade, 259; and discourages improve-

government,

by, under the feudal contrary to the real

is

is

motive of employ-

and

demand, are always reduced by it in the result, 36-7; [of necessaries and labour, 380-1, 390.] Primogeniture, origin and motive of the law of succession

that of the different classes of traders

[Puritans founded

New

Purveyance, a service of Europe. 169.

six

for

days' labour originally

England. 254.1 still

exacted

in

most parts

Index

457

their

mines, 73; and metal mines, 73; mines of precious stones frequently yield no rent, 75; [rent of mines in proportion to relative, but land rent in proportion to absolute fertility, 75;] how paid

their negro slaves,

in ancient times, 79; is raised, either directly or

167; [established the colony, 254; in a majority

indirectly, by every improvement in the circumstances of society, 109; gross and net rent distinguished, 121; how raised and paid under feudal government, 144; present average propor-

[Pythagoras,

school

of,

established

a colony,

in

244.]

Quakers

Pennsylvania,

of

resolution to emancipate

inference all

from

there, 346.]

Quesnai, M., view of his agricultural system of political economy, 293; his doctrine generally subscribed

296.

to,

tion of,

[Quintilian, a teacher, 355.]

compared with the produce

of the land,

144.

Quito, populousness of that city, 244.

[In

Great Britain, estimate of the amount

of,

360; one third of the produce, 360; revenue of

[Racked rent takes part of the farmer's share, 289.]

[Raleigh, his dream of an Eldorado, 242.] [Ramazzini, his book on the diseases of workmen,

cumstances, 370; [house-rent taxable under the

35.]

[Rates, the

Book

[Raynal, quoted,

of,

231, 286, 388, 389.]

land-tax, 371.]

91.]

[Recoinage, of gold, 18; of

silver,

under William

III, 85, 404.]

[Recovery, common, 168.] [Reformateur, Le, quoted, 386.]

Reformation, rapid progress of the doctrines in

Germany,

of,

Sweden and Switzerland, and Scotland, 352-3; origin of

352; in

352; in England

the Lutheran and Calvinistic sects, 353.

[Reformers found Greek and Hebrew more favourable than the Latin, 335.] [Regiam majestatem, quoted, 80.]

versions

revenue, 378.] Religion, [corn laws resemble laws respecting, 232; in,

343-356;] the object of instruction

343; advantage the teachers of a

enjoy over those of one that

is

new

religion

established, 343;

origin of persecution for heretical opinions, 344;

how of

the zeal of the inferior clergy of the church

Rome

tical

Retainers, under the feudal system of government described, 176 [-178]; how the connexion be-

tween them and their lords was broken, 177.

when

[Retaliation,

expedient, 199.]

[361, 411;] of a country, of

of,

what

pointed out, 22; it

consists, 121;

the net revenue of a society diminished by supporting a circulating stock of money, 123; money

[Registration, duties on, 337-8, 379, 380.]

instruction

[Rents (French rentes), 377.] [Representation unknown in ancient times, 271.] [Republican government supports the grandeur of Holland, 401.]

Revenue, the original sources

Regulated companies, see Companies. [Relief, a feudal casualty once a source of public

in,

the people not proportioned to, 360;] of houses distinguished into two parts, 368; difference between rent of houses, and rent of land, 370; rent of a house the best estimate of a tenant's cir-

is kept alive, 344; utility of ecclesiasestablishments, 345; how united with the

power, 345; [instruction in, may be paid from taxes without injustice, 357.] Rent, reserved, ought not to consist of money, 14; but of corn, 15; of land, constitutes a third part of the price of most kinds of goods, 21; [sometimes confounded with profit, 22;] an average rate of, in all countries, and how regulated, 23; [less affected by fluctuations of prices than wages and profit, 25; of particular vineyards, 26; causes which regulate, 27;] makes the first deduction from the produce of labour employed upon land, 27; [depends on price of provisions, 35; highest rate of profit eats up, 41;] the terms of, how adjusted between landlord and tenant, 62; is sometimes demanded for what is altogether incapable of human improvement, 62; is paid for, and produced by, land in almost all civil

situations. 63; [varies with fertility, 63; of rice

lands, 69;] the general proportion paid for coal

no part of revenue, 123; is not to be computed in money, but in what money will purchase, 123; how produced, and how appropriated, in the first instance, 143; produce of land, 143; produce of manufactures, 143; must always replace capital, 143; the proportion between revenue and capital, regulates the proportion between idleness and industry, 146; both the savings and the spendings of, annually consumed, 146; of every society, equal to the exchangeable value of the whole produce of its industry, 194. Of the customs, increased by drawbacks, 215; [severity of the laws for the security of the, 282;]

why government ought ment

not to take the manage-

turnpikes, to derive a revenue

from them, 317; public works of a local nature, always better maintained by provincial revenues, than by the general revenue of the state, 318; the abuses in provincial revenues trifling, when compared with those in the revenue of a great empire, 319; the greater the revenue of the church, the smaller must be that of the state, 355; the revenue of the state ought to be raised proportionably from the whole society, 356-7; local expenses ought to be defrayed by a local revof

enue, 357;

inquiry into the sources of public

revenue, 357; of the republic of Hamburg, 358; whether the government of Britain could under-

take the management of the Bank, to derive a revenue from it, 358; the post office a mercantile project well calculated for being managed by

Index

458

government, 358; princes not well qualified to improve their fortunes by trade, 358; the English East India Company good traders before they became sovereigns, but each character now spoils the other, 358; expedient of the government of Pennsylvania to raise money, 359; rent of land, the

most permanent fund, 359; feudal

revenues, 359; Great Britain, 360; revenue from land proportioned, not to the rent, but to the

ly imported, 65; cultivation discouraged

nature of and effect of tithes explained, 367; why a revenue cannot be raised in kind, 368;

when raised in money, how affected by different modes of valuation, 368; a proportionable tax on houses, the best source of revenue, 370; remedies

for

the diminution of, according to their

causes, 389-90;

bad

effects of

farming out public

revenues, 399; the different sources of revenue

France,

in

400;

how expended,

in

the

rude

65;

silver

by low

mines work by,

79;]

the extravagant prices paid by them for certain luxuries for the table, accounted for, 95; the

value of silver higher among them than at the present time, 95; [fall of Western empire, 165; no right of primogeniture, 165; entails un-

known among,

slavery

166;

medieval Europe,

produce, 360; reasons for selling the crown lands, 361; an improved land-tax suggested, 364; the

of corn,

price

[Colonization

harsher

than

in

167.]

by,

239-40;]

the

republic

of,

founded on a division of land among the citizens, 239-40; the agrarian law only executed upon one or two occasions, 239-40; [cultivation by slaves, 239-40;] how the citizens who had no land subsisted, 239-40; distinction between the Roman and Greek colonies, 240; the improvement of the former slower than that of the latter, 244; [dependency of the former on the mother state, 244; slaves more protected under the emperors, 254; colonies furnished both men

and money,

state of society, 401-2.

[Revolution, the, of 1688, 404.]

256;] origin of the social war, 270; the republic ruined by extending the privilege

[Rhine,

of

9.]

[Rhode Island expense of

Roman

citizens

to the greater part of the

establishment, 247; representatives elected the governor, 253.]

inhabitants of Italy, [270], 271; [wisdom of the senate, 279; discouraged manufactures and for-

Rice, a very productive article of cultivation, 69;

eign trade, 298; used slave labour in manufac-

civil

requires a soil unfit for raising of food, 69; rice countries

any other kind

more populous than

corn countries, 89. Riches, [measured by the necessaries, conveniences and amusements which can be enjoyed, 13;] the chief employment of, consists in the parade of, 75.

man consumes no more

[Rich

food than the poor,

71.]

[Riding school inefficient because generally a public

institution, 334.]

[Riga, 159, 203.]

[Riquet,

Languedoc Canal entrusted to, 316.] mankind pay to

Risk, instances of the inattention it,

46.

[Rivers, earliest

banks

improvements of industry on the remote parts of the country,

of, 8; benefit

63.]

Roads, good, the public advantages of, 63; [anciently maintained by compulsory labour, 169.] How to be made and maintained, 315; [-318;] the maintenance of, why improper to be trusted private interest, 316; general state of, in France, 317-18; in China, 318; [may not unjustly be paid for from taxes, 357; anciently maintained by six days' labour, 359; good in ancient

to

pound, 299;] when contributions

tures, 298; the

were

first

raised to maintain those

who went

the second great historical revolution, 306; Carthaginian wars, 306;] improvement of the Roman armies by discipline, 306; how that discipline was lost, 307; the fall of the Western empire, how effected, 307; [abandonment of personal administration of justice by the consul, 314;] remarks on the education of the ancient Romans, 338; their morals superior to those of the Greeks, 338; [teachers of military exercises not paid by the state, 338, 342;] state of law and forms of justice, 339; lequal to any modern people in ability, 339;] the martial spirit of the people, how supported, 342; [eminent men of letters were teachers, 355; comfortable without linen, 383;] great reductions of the coin practised of,

by, at particular exigencies, 413-14; [poor people

in

debt to the rich and demanded

Rome, modern

[i.e., church of, pay of priest in England, 56; claims merit as to the emancipa-

tion of serfs, 168.]

[Clergy obliged

to

study Greek and Hebrew,

335;

demanded persecution

how

the zeal of the inferior clergy

[Roman Catholic, see Rome, modern.] [Roman law developed with respect to

alive,

precedent,

Romans, [had no coined money Servius

Tullius,

11,

till

the time of

why copper became among them, 17; [incor-

12;]

the standard of value porated trades, 51; no apprentices, 52-3; Athenian philosophers, ambassadors to, 58; corn chief-

new

tables, 414.]

Bengal and Egypt, 367.] [Robert Capet, 352.]

339; position of emancipated children, 378.]

to

the wars, 302; [Campus Martius, 303;] soldiers not a distinct profession there, 303; [elevation

of Protestants, 344;] of,

is

kept

344; [turbulent, 348;] the clergy of, one

great spiritual

army

dispersed in different quar-

Europe, 349; their power during the feudal monkish ages similar to that of the temporal barons, 350; [most formidable combination against civil government, 350-1;] their power how reduced, 351; [richest church in Christendom, 355.] ters over

Index [Rome, modern city consequently

Rouen,

residence of a court and

of,

idle, 145.]

and

[statistics of silk

the generality

of, 36;]

why

linen

manufacture

in

a town of great trade

[though the seat of a parliament], 145.

93, 127.

[Rum, and molasses expected

79.]

to defray the cost of

the great antidote

is

the

to

poison

of

enthusiasm and superstition, 347. Scipio, his Spanish militia, rendered superior to the Carthaginian militia by discipline and serv306.

ice,

Rouge, Cape, 322, 323.] [Royal Caroline, 325.] [Royal Exchange Assurance Company, 330.] Ruddiman, Mr., remarks on his account of the ancient price of wheat in Scotland, 80; quoted, [Ruffhead, his edition of the statutes,

459

Science,

Scotland,

the Highlands every farmer a butcher.

[in

where nails are currency, 10; reduction of value of the coin, 12, 15; wages in village in,

etc.. 8;

low country vary

less

than

England,

in

31;]

compared with England, as to the prices of labour and provisions, 32; [grain dearer in 17th century, 32; wages in 17th century 5d. to 6d., 32; wages in different parts, 32;] remarks on the population of the Highlands, 33; [workmen less

sugar cultivation, 68; foreign article of common 389; excise duties, 390; proper subject of

diligent than in England, 34; linen manufacture,

taxation, 416, 417.]

36;]

use,

Amer-

Russia, [improvement since the discovery of ica, 88; serfs still exist in, 167;

peace with Turkey,

263; fleet in the Archipelago, 263; soldiers not inferior to the Prussian, 307;]

was

civilised

under

Peter I by a standing army, 308; [early embassies to, 319.]

Company,

[Russian

much

poorer and advancing less rapidly than England, 38, 82; wages of colliers and common labourers compared, 44;] the situation of cottagers there, described, 50; [knitted stockings in many places cheaper than woven, 50; wages of

320.]

the market rate of interest, higher than the [wages lower than in England, 38;

legal rate. 38;

spinners,

tions,

why no

Sailors,

great

sensible inconvenience felt

numbers disbanded

by the

at the close of a war,

200.

paid, 57;

50;]

respectable

and corporathough poorly

easy migration of labour, 61; assize

of bread could not be fixed there, 61, incorporation of bakers

Christopher island,

apprenticeships

[church,

52;

in,

61; rent for kelp shores, 62;

of

desert moors yield rent, 63; union with, opened

the French in 1600, 258; completely cultivated,

English market to cattle of, 64, 96-7; high rent of enclosed land, 65; land could not be culti-

[Saint

half

in

possession

419.]

[Saint in,

Domingo, mines abandoned,

241; stocks accumulated

Columbus

73;

in, 254.]

[Saint James's Palace, land-tax on, 360.]

[Saint-Maur, Dupre de, quoted, 78, 81, 86, 106.] [Saint

Thomas

[Saint Vincent,

Danish settlement,

island,

new

245.]

speculation, 419.]

field for

[Sallee, 322.]

[Salmon fishery pays a rent,

22.]

Salt [currency in Abyssinia, 10; dearer on account of the tax, 33;] account of foreign salt imported into Scotland, free,

and

duty Append., 424; is an

of Scots salt delivered

for the fishery, [222;]

object of heavy taxation everywhere, 385; the collection of the duty on, expensive, 396; [the

French tax on, 398,

400.]

[San Domingo, see Saint Domingo.] [Santa Cruz island, Danish settlement. 245.] [Saracens, 173.] Sardinia,

the land-tax

how

assessed

there,

366,

[375, 415.]

[Savoy surveyed, 366.]

Saxon

lords,

their

authority and jurisdiction

great before conquest, as those of the

as

Normans

were afterward, 177. [Scandinavians, the ancient, practised music and dancing, 338.] [Scarcity, effect of years of,

on industry and wages,

35, 36-7.]

[Scholarships, effect of, on earnings of labour, 56, 57.]

Schools, [English public, 334;] parochial, observations on, [charity. 342.]

vated by factors, 68; oatmeal said to be better food than wheat flour. 69;] the common people of, why neither so strong nor so handsome as the same class in England, 69; [stone quarry affords no rent in some parts, 70; bark the only part of wool sent to market in parts of the Highlands, 71; rent for quarries of London paving stones, 71; many coal mines yield no sixth

rent,

72;

lead

mines,

part a

common

conversion

73;

rent of fertile

prices,

79;

wages

higher than in France, 81; price of corn in England and Scotland compared, 82;] cause of the frequent emigrations from, 83; [proportion of gold

and

silver in the coinage, 93; price of cattle affect-

ed by the union, 96-7;] progress of agriculture there before the union with England, 97; present obstructions to better husbandry, 97; [dairy farming, 99; calves formerly killed young, 102;] the price of wool reduced by the union, 103. 283; operation of the several banking companies established there. 126 [-137;] amount of the circulating

money

there before the union;

amount

of the present circulating cash, 127; course of

dealing in the Scots bank. 126 [-137;] [cash accounts do not exclude bill discounting, 128; twenty-shilling notes lowest paper rent, 128;] difficulties occasioned

issuing too tion

for

much

money

cur-

by these banks

paper. 129-30; necessary cau-

some time observed by the banks

in

giving credit to their customers, with the good effects of

it,

131; [limit of paper

money reached

twenty-five years ago. 132;] the scheme of draw-

Index

460

ing and redrawing adopted by traders, 133; its pernicious tendency explained, 133; history of

Ayr bank, 135; Mr. Law's scheme to improve the country, 137; [issue of small notes extends the paper circulation to retail trade, 139; the

and banishes gold and

silver, 139];

the prices of

goods

in,

not altered by paper currency, 140;

effect

of

the

optional

clauses

in

notes,

their

140-1; [union caused nobility to cease residing

Edinburgh, 145; wool manufactured in Yorktrade with London, 159; one fifth or one third of the land entailed, 166; steel bow tenants, 168; long leases, 169; no leasehold carries a preliminary vote, 169; hospitality in the Highlands, 176; small rent for Highland farms, 176; territorial jurisdictions in the Highlands, 176-7; prohibition of export of gold and silver, 183; manufacturing wine in, 195; mountains destined for breeding grounds, 196.] [Herring fishery, 222-3, and Appendix; salt duty, 222; herrings an important part of food of common people, 223; English bounty on hemp imported from, 280; judges' salary from interest of money, 314; parish schools, 342;] cause of the speedy establishment of the reformation there, 353; the disorders attending popular elections in

shire, 158;

of the clergy there, occasion the right of patron-

age to be established, 354; [respectable clergy, 354;

eminent

amount

men

of

letters

professors,

355;]

of the whole revenue of the clergy, 356;

character of church, 356; forisfamiliated children, 378; shoes not a necessary of life [excellent

to

women

in,

383; linen subject to duty

on im-

portation into England, 405;

little malt liquor consumed, 417; more smuggling than in England, 417; redundant paper money the consequence of enterprising spirit, 418; has banished gold and silver in, 418; less spirit of party than in England, 420.] [Scythia, barbarous became inland, 10; overran Western Empire, 165; if united could conquer Europe and Asia, 302; militia of Mithridates,

306; military organization preserved after

fall

of

"Western Empire, 307; administration of justice a source of revenue, 311; not much beyond

shepherd stage at

fall

of

Western Empire,

[Sea-coast, earlier civilisation of,

312.]

8.]

Sea service and military service by land, compared, 46. [Secrets in trade, 25-6.]

more numerous, the better

Sects in religion, the for society, 346;

why they

generally profess the austere system of morality, 346. [Seignorage, none in England, 18, 129, 204; but

some delay equivalent to one,

19;

would

in-

crease the superiority of coin above bullion, 19; 8 per cent in France, 19, 204, 237; diminishes or

Servants, menial, distinguished from hired workmen, 142-3; the various orders of men, who rank in the

former

class, in reference to their labours,

Men-

143; their labour unproductive, 294; [see

servants and Maidservants.] [Servius Tullius, 11, 12.] [Sestertius, silver coin estimated in copper, 17.] Settlements of the poor, brief review of the English laws relating to, 59 [-61;] the removals of the poor, a violation of natural liberty, 61; the

law of, ought to be repealed, 201. [Seymour, 150.] Sheep, frequently killed in Spain, for the sake of the fleece and the tallow, 100; severe laws against the exportation of them and their wool, 281-2.

produces necessary

[Sheffield

articles,

master

49;

cutlers only allowed one apprentice, 51; reduc-

tion in price of goods, 107; manufactures

up naturally,

grown

175.]

[Shells, currency on coast of India, 10.] Shepherds, war how supported by a nation

of,

301;

[much leisure among, 304;] inequality of fortune among, the source of great authority, 310; birth and family highly honoured in nations of shepherds, 310-11; inequality of fortune

began and

first

to take place in the age of shepherds, 311;

introduced

government, 311; [every among, 341.]

civil

man

exerts his capacity

Shetland, [wages and price of stockings, 50;] how rents are estimated and paid there, 62; [herring fishery, 222.] [Shilling, 12.]

[Shopkeepers, prejudice against, unfounded, 156; nation of, 266; navigation act inspired by, 266;

proposed tax on, 375.] [Shropshire, 73.]

[Siam, Gulf of, 10.] [Siberia

barbarous because inland,

through,

[Sicily, price of

factures

ported

10;

caravans

89.]

wheat

imported,

silk

in ancient, 95; silk

manu-

Venice originally imfrom, 174; colonized by Dorians, 239; 157;

greatness of Greek colonies

in, 244.]

lawns of, 202; land-tax, 366.] Silk, [weavers in London allowed only two apprentices, 51;] manufacture, how transferred from Lucca to Venice, 174; [expensive in Greece and Rome, 299; English manufacturers could undersell French and Italians if duty free, 390.] Silver, [varies greatly from century to century but not from year to year, 15; used for purchases of moderate value, 16.] the first standard coinage of the northern subverters of the [Silesia,

Roman

empire,

gold regulated

17;

by

its

law,

proportional 17;

is

value

to

the measure of

coin, 237-9.]

the value of gold, 17; mint price of silver in England, 18; inquiry into the difference between

Self-love the governing principle in the intercourse

the mint and market prices of bullion, 18; how to preserve the silver coin from being melted

removes the

profit

on melting new

[Seius, 95.]

of

human

society. 7.

[Senegal, 286, 322, 388.]

down for profit, 19; the mines of, in Europe, why generally abandoned, 73; evidences of the

Index small profit they yield to proprietors in Peru, 73; Iseldom found virgin like gold, and consequences thereof, 74;] qualities for which this metal is valued, 74; the most abundant mines of, would add little to the wealth of the world, 75; but the increase in the quantity of, would depreciate its own value, 76; circumstances that might counteract this effect, 76-7; historical view of the variations in the value of, during the four last centuries, 77; remarks on its rise in value compared with corn, 78; circumstances that have misled writers in reviewing the value of silver, 79; corn the best standard for judging

of the real value of silver, 82; the price of,

by the increase of quantity, 82; the sunk by the discovery of the American

affected

value

how

of,

461 obstruct more than tnose of the customs, 391;] the crime of, morally considered, 397; |more op-

portunities for, in thinly peopled countries, 417.] [Soap, dearer in consequence of taxes, 33; rendered necessary by the use of linen, 385.] [Society,

human, the

first

principles of,

venience

felt

bers after a first

in

by the disbanding of great numwar is over, 200; reason of their

serving for pay, 302; [possible proportion of,

civilised

distinct

society,

of

class

303;1

guished from the militia, 304; alteration in their exercise produced by the invention of fire-

arms, 304-5. [Solomon, Proverbs of, 335.] [Solon, laws of, 233, 338.]

Spain, 87; the value of silver kept up by an is the most profit-

[Solorzano, quoted, 87.J [Sou, 12.]

able

commodity that can be

the value

of,

sent to China, 90;

how proportioned

to that of gold,

before and after the discovery of the American

mines, 92; the quantity commonly in the market in proportion to that of gold, probably greater

than their relative values indicate, 92; subject of taxation, 93;] the value rising,

and why,

ation of

The

its

proper probably

fa

of,

a depreci-

93; the opinion of

value, not well founded, 106.

degraded by the bounty on the exportation of corn, 218; [tax on, in America, 242;] has not varied since the imposition of the English land-tax, 363; not necessary to the Americans, 418; see Gold and Silver.] Sinking fund in the British finances, explained, 406; is inadequate to the discharge of former debts, and almost wholly applied to other purposes, 408; motives to the misapplication of it,

real value of,

408-9.

Slaves, the labour of, dearer to the masters than

that of free men, 34; under feudal lords, circumstances of their situation, 167; countries where this order of

men

service of slaves

is

why

167; their labour

of

the

abolishing

why

remains, 167;

still

the

preferred to that of free men, unprofitable, 168; causes

of

slavery

throughout

the

greater part of Europe, 168.

[Cultivation under the

Romans by,

239;] receive

more protection from the magistrate trary government, than in one that

why employed

an

arbi-

free,

253;

in is

manufactures by the ancient Grecians, 298; why no improvements are to be expected from them, 298; domestic pedagogues usually slaves in Greece and Rome, 338. [Smith,

Charles,

in

Tracts

on

the

Corn

Trade,

quoted, 87.] [Smith, John, Memoirs of Wool, quoted, 101, 283.] Smuggling, a tempting, but generally a ruinous employment, 47; of tea, 89; moderate tax does

not encourage, 238; encouraged by high duties, [362], 388; remedies against, 389-90; [excise laws

how they became a how distin-

the people, 304;

mines, 83; when the reduction of its value from this cause appears to have been completed, 84; tax paid from the Peruvian mines to the king of extension of the market, 88;

7.]

remarks on their motives for engaging in the military line, 46; comparison between the land and sea service, 46; why no sensible incon-

Soldiers,

[Sound, the, transit duty, 395.] [South Carolina, expense of

civil

establishment,

247; duty on molasses, 416.]

South Sea company, amazing capital once enjoyed by, 323-4, [325;] mercantile and stock-jobbing projects of, 325; assiento contract, 325; whale fishery, 325; the capital of,

turned into annuity

stock, 325-6, 405, [406.]

Sovereign and trader, inconsistent characters, 358. Sovereign, three duties only, necessary for him to

supporting a system of natural is to protect the society from external violence, 301, 308; and the members of it, from the injustice and oppression of each other, 309; and to maintain public works and

attend

liberty,

to,

for

300;

how he

institutions, 315.

Spain [mark on ingots of gold, 11; tax of one fifth on Peruvian mines, 73, 87; avidity for gold in St. Domingo, 76; declension not so great as is commonly imagined, 88; saying of Charles V that everything was wanting, 88; colonies, 88; sheep killed for fleece and tallow, 100;] one of the poorest countries in Europe, notwithstanding its rich mines, 105; [wool, 107, 157, 174, 175, 283; ambassador gave Queen Elizabeth stockings, 108;] its commerce has produced no considerable manufactures for distant sale, and the greater part of the country remains uncultivated, 180; Spanish mode of estimating their American discoveries, 182; [wealth according to the Spaniards consisted in gold and silver, 182; prohibition of English woollens in Flanders, 199; sober, though wine is cheap, 211.] The value of gold and silver there, depreciated by laying a tax on the exportation of them, 219; agriculture and manufactures there, discouraged by the redundancy of gold and silver, 219; natural consequences that would result from taking away this tax, 219; [attempt to deprive Britain of Portugal trade, 235-6; representations of

Columbus

to the court. 241;]

Index

462

the real and pretended motives of the court of for taking possession of the countries discovered by Columbus, 242; the tax on gold Castile

and all

silver,

how

reduced, 242; gold the object of new world, 242 [-243;

the enterprises to the

Crown derived some revenue from

colonies, 244;]

of, less populous than those of any European nation, 244; asserted an ex-

the colonies other

clusive claim to

all

America, until the miscararmada, 245; policy of

riage of their invincible

Stage, public performers on, paid for the contempt

attending their profession, 45; the political use of dramatic representations, 347. [Stallage, 170.]

[Stamp Act, the American,

Stamp

36, 262.]

duties, [on proceedings in law courts might

maintain the judges, 314; loans taxed by, 378; in England and Holland, remarks on, 379; [on wills in Holland, 379; in France, 379, 380; have become almost universal in Europe in the course |

the trade with the colonies, 248; the American of, effected by private adventurers, who received little beyond permission

of a century, 379; often taxes on consumption,

from the government, 254; [Flota drained Germany of many commodities, 263;] lost its manufactures by acquiring rich and fertile col-

[Stamps on linen and woollen cloth, 11, 52.] [Standard money, 17.] [Statesman or politician, who attempts to direct

establishments

onies, 264; [veterans equalled

by the American

with France by the British acquisition of Gibraltar and Minorca, 323; transaction with South Sea Company, 325-6; Greek not taught in universities, 335;] the Alcavala tax there explained, 398; the ruin of the Spanish manufactures attributed to it, 398; [large national debt, 412; see Spain and Portugal.] [Spain and Portugal, supposed to have gone backwards, 88; beggarly and misgoverned countries though the value of gold and silver is low, 105; ineffectual attempts to restrict exportation of gold and silver, 183, 185, 233; quantity of gold and silver annually imported, 189.] [Gold and silver naturally a little cheaper there than elsewhere, 219; exports of gold and silver nearly equal to the imports thereof, 219; agriculture discouraged by the cheapness of gold and silver, 219; would gain by abandoning the restrictions, 219-20; history of the American colonies, 244-5; colonies have more good land than the British, 246; right of majorazzo in the colonies hinders improvement, 247; some revenue drawn from the colonies, 247-8, 256; colonial commerce confined to one port and to militia, 305; united

licenced ships, 248; American fish trade, 249; absolute government in colonies, 253; benefited

colonization of America, 255; colonial monopoly has not maintained manufactures, 264; and its bad effects have nearly overbalanced the good effects of the trade, 264; capital not augmented by the exorbitant profits of Cadiz

by

and Lisbon, 266; the colonies give greater encouragement to the industry of other countries, 272;

only the profits of the linen trade with

America spent [Sparta, iron

in, 272.]

money

at, 11.]

Speculation, a distinct

employment

society. 10; speculative [Spices,

Dutch

in improved merchants described, 48.

are said to burn, in plentiful years,

imported into Great Britain, 389.] to retail, 375; wages not affected by taxes on, 384; taxes on, paid by consumers, 386; policy of Great Britain to discourage consumption of. 393.] Spihilficlds. silk manufacture, 174.] 68, 225, 276;

[Spirits, licence

380; one of three principal branches of British taxes, 415; extension to the colonies, 415.]

the employment of private capital, 194; insidious and crafty animal, 199; in barbarous society

every

man

341 .]

a,

Steel-bow tenants [Stewart,

House

in Scotland,

what, 168.

of, 349.]

Stock, [early state preceding accumulation of, 20;] the profits raised on, in manufactures, explained, 21; in trade,

an increase

of,

raises wages,

and

diminishes profit, 37; [profits of, 37-62;] must be larger in a great town than in a country village, 38;

natural

stock in affected

a trade,

consequences

of

a

deficiency

of

new colonies, 39; the profits on, little by the easiness or difficulty of learning 43; but by the risk, or disagreeableness

of the business, 47; [circulation of, obstructed, 58;] stock

employed

for profit, sets into

motion

the greater part of useful labour, 110; no accumulation of, necessary in the rude state of

accumulation of, necessary to the division of labour, 117; stock distinguished into two parts, 117; the general stock of a country or society, explained, 119; houses, 119; im-

society, 117; the

proved land, 119; personal abilities, 119; money and provisions, 120; raw materials and manufactured goods, 120; stock of individuals, how is frequently buried or concealed,

employed, 121;

in arbitrary countries,

121; the profits on, de-

crease in proportion as the quantity increases, 145; on what principles stock is lent and borrowed at interest, 151-2. That of every society divided among different employments, in the proportion most agreeable to the public interest, by the private views of individuals,

273-4;

the natural distribution

of.

deranged by monopolizing systems, 274; every derangement of, injurious to the society, 275; mercantile, is barren and unproductive, according to the French agricultural system of political economy, 290; how far the revenue from, is an object of taxation, 372; [easily removed. 373;1 a tax on, intended under the land tax, 373. Stockings, why cheaply manufactured in Scotland. 50; when first introduced into England, 108. [Stomach, desire of food bounded by narrow capacity of the, 71.]

Index Stone quarries, their value depends on situation, 70-1, 76.

Stones, precious, of no use but for ornament, and

how

the price

of,

abundant mines

is

regulated,

the

75;

would add

of,

little

most

to

the

wealth of the world, 75. [Stowe, 150.]

introduced into society, 309; qualifications, 309; age and fortune,

309-10; birth, 310; birth and fortune

two great

sources of personal distinction, 311. Subsidy, old, in the English customs, the draw-

backs upon, 214; origin and import of the term, 388. [Succession, laws of, 165.] [Successions, tax on, in Holland, 378.] 10;]

a very profitable article of cultivation, 67-8. Drawbacks on the exportation of, from England, 214; might be cultivated by the drill plough, instead of all hand labour by slaves, 253; [tax on, does not affect wages, 384; yields considerable customs revenue, 389; duty on,

on middle and upper ranks, 391;

chiefly

say the duty falls on the producer, 394;] a proper subject for taxation, as an ar-

planters

ticle sold at

necessary of

a monopoly life,

price, 394;

[nowhere a

416.]

Sumptuary laws superfluous

mon

on the compeople, 150; [resemblance of taxes on luxrestraints

uries to, 386.]

Surinam, present state of the Dutch colony there,

on transport of wool, 282-3.] [Sweden, improved since the discovery of Ameri-

[Sussex, restrictions

smuggled from, 89; established exfor East Indian trade, 191; settlements in New World, 245; pitch and tar company of, 250; without an exclusive company would never have sent a ship to East Indies, 274; and would have suffered no loss, 275; exempted from Eastland Company's exclusive privilege, 320; Reformation in, 352; eminent men ca,

88; tea

company

of letters professors, 355.] [Swift, quoted, 388.]

Switzerland [farmers not inferior to the British,

became independent, 172; sometimes be necessary to restrain export of corn,

170; cities

may

militia regimented, 304; militia defeated Austrian and Burgundian militia, 307; whole people exercised in use of arms, 343;] establishment of the reformation in Berne and Zurich,

232;

352;

[many

cities

capitals

of

little

republics,

353-4; respectable clergy, 354; eminent letters

professors

in

men

of

Protestant cantons, 355;]

the clergy there zealous and industrious, 356; [both religions established in some cantons, 356;] taxes

how

the lowest order of artificers, wages in

paid there, 374, 378.

44;

wages

in

London regulated by

stat-

ute, 61.]

Talents, natural, not so various in different is

supposed,

men

as

7.

[Tallage, 169.]

exchequer, 404.]

[Tallies,

[Tarentum a great colony, 244.] [Tartar Khan, history written by

a, 178.]

common among, 178; shepno regulations of law as to trans-

170; ancient families

herds, with

mission of property, 179; wealth considered to consist in cattle, 182; chiefs

have treasures,

190.]

Their manner of conducting war, 301; their invasions dreadful, 302; [militia serves under ordinary chieftains, 305; obedience in the field superior to the Highlanders, 305; most formidable enemies to the Romans, 306; conquests of civilised Asiatic countries, 308, 344; chiefs can only use surplus revenue in maintaining more

men, 310; Khans despotic, 310; justice a source fall of Western empire, 311;

of revenue after

hungry, 344; chief's revenue

profit, 357.]

Tavernier, his account of the diamond mines of Golconda and Visiapour, 75.

Taxes, [derivative revenue, 22; on gold and silver very proper, 93;] the origin of, under the feudal

246.

[Surmullet, high price paid for, 95.]

clusive

labourers a tax on wages, 381; not farmed, 400; should be abolished and replaced by an increase of vingtiemes, 400.]

Tartars, [barbarous because inland, 10; ignorant, 88; caravans passing through, 89; taxes on travellers,

Sugar, [currency in some West India Colonies,

falls

its

workmen and day

London,

how

Subordination,

nature of that tax, and

operation, explained, 169, 375; [real or predial, 169; real and personal, 375; on the industry of

[Tailors,

[Suabia, house of, 172.]

personal

463

Taille, in France, the

government, 170-1. [Moderation of, a cause of the prosperity of

American

British

colonies, 247; ruinous, of pri-

vate luxury and extravagance, 248; American, generally insufficient to defray the cost of the colonies, 256; on exportation of wool would cause little inconvenience, 284; imposed by

means

of a monopoly, 329; general discussion of,

sources from whence they must unequal taxes, 361-2; ought to be clear and certain, 361-2; ought to be levied at the times most convenient for payment, 362; ought to take as little as possible out of the pockets of the people, more than is brought into the public treasury, 362; how they may be made more burdensome to the people than beneficial to the sovereign, 362; the land-tax of Great Britain, 363; land-tax at Venice, 364; improvements suggested for a land-tax, 364; mode of

the

361-98;]

arise,

361;

assessing the land-tax in Prussia, 366; tithes a very unequal tax, and a discouragement to improvement, 367; operation of tax on house rent, payable by the tenant, 369; a proportion-

able tax on houses, the best source of revenue, 370;

how

[Syracuse a great colony, 244.]

object

of

ISyria, 306.]

money

is

far the

revenue from stock is a proper 372; whether interest of

taxation,

proper for taxation, 372;

how

taxes

Index

464 Hamburg, upon particular employments, 374;

374; in Switzerland, 374;

are paid at

taxes

badges of

taxes, 377; taxes,

upon the

transfer

whom

on

duties, 379;

principally

fall,

labour, 380;

taxes

liberty, 377;

property,

of

poll

stamp

377-8;

the several kinds of taxes

upon the wages of taxes upon conupon necessaries, 384;

379; taxes

capitations, 382;

sumable commodities, 383; upon luxuries, 384; principal necessaries taxed,

mines of Peru, 73; regulations under which mines are worked, 74. Tithes, [great hindrance to improvement, 168; none in British American colonies, 247;] why an unequal tax, 367; the levying of, a great discouragement to improvements, 367; [confined silver

tin

the cultivation of madder to Holland, 367;] the fixing a modus for, a relief to the farmer, 368. Tobacco, [currency in Virginia, 10;] the culture of,

384; absurdities in taxation, 385; different parts

why

Europe very highly taxed, 386; two different methods of taxing consumable commodities, 38G; Sir Matthew Decker's scheme of taxation considered, 386; excise and customs, 387; taxation sometimes not an instrument of revenue, but of monopoly, 388; improvements of the customs suggested, 389; taxes paid in the price of a commodity little adverted to, 396; on luxuries, the good and bad properties of, 396; bad effects of farming them out, 399; how the finances of France might be reformed, 400; French and English systems of taxation compared, 400-1;

an

of

new far

taxes always generate discontent, 408;

the British

how

system of taxation might be the different provinces of the

applicable to

all

empire, 415;

such a plan might speedily dis-

charge the national debt, 416-7. Tea, great importation and consumption of that drug in Britain, 89; [quantities smuggled, 185; tax on, does not affect wages, 384; Dutch licences to

drink,

387;

affords

revenue, 389; duty

customs on middle and upper

large

falls

part

of

ranks, 391.]

Teachers [earnings of, 57-8;] in universities, tendency of endowments to diminish their application, 332; the jurisdictions to which they are subject, little calculated to quicken their diligence, 332; are frequently obliged to gain protection

by

lishments,

servility, 333; defects in their estab-

333;

teachers

among

the

ancient

Greeks and Romans, superior to those of modern times, 339; circumstances which draw good ones to, or

their

drain them from, the universities, 354-5; employment naturally renders them emi-

nent in letters, 355. [Tenths and fifteenths, 169.] Tenures, feudal, general observations on, 144; described, 165-6.

[Terra Firma, 241.] [Terray, Abbe, raised rate of interest in France, 38.] [Teutonic order, land-tax of, in Silesia, 366.] [Thales, school established in a colony, 244.]

restrained in Europe, 68; not so profitable

West Indies as amount and course of the British

article of cultivation in the

sugar, 68; the

trade with, explained, 161; [profits of, can afford slave cultivation, 167; trade in, 210.]

The whole duty upon, drawn back on exportation, 214; consequences of the exclusive trade

Maryland and Virginia

Britain enjoys with

in

this article, 257; [tax on, does not raise wages,

amount to customs revenue, 389; Walpole's scheme for levying the tax on, 391; monopoly in France, 400; nowhere a 384; contributes large

necessary of

life,

but a proper subject of taxa-

tion, 416.]

[Tobago, a new

field for speculation, 419.]

and navi-

Tolls, for passage over roads, bridges,

shown, 315-6; upon carriages of luxury, ought to be higher than gable canals, the equity

upon carriages

of,

of utility, 316; the

management

of turnpikes often an object of just complaint,

316;

why government ought

management

not to have the

of turnpikes, 316-17, 395; [on car-

riages an unequal general tax, 317; lay expense of maintaining roads on those who benefit, 357.]

Tonnage and poundage,

origin of those duties, 387.

[Tonquin vessels at Batavia, 276.] Tontine in the French finances, what, with the derivation of the name, 407. [Toul treated as foreign by France, 398.] Toulouse, salary paid to a counsellor or judge in the parliament of, 313. Towns, the places where industry is most profit-

ably exerted, 54 prevalent ing to

[-55];

the spirit of combination

among manufacturers,

54, 55; accord-

what circumstances the general character is

formed,

145; the reciprocal nature of the trade

between

of the

inhabitants, as to industry,

them and the country, explained, 163; subsist on the surplus produce of the country, 163; how formed, 164; are continual fairs, 164; [rise of, 170-5;] the original poverty and servile state of the inhabitants of, 170; their

first

and progress

[Theocritus, quoted, 42.] [Theognis, 335.]

early exemptions

Theology, monkish, the complexion of, 336. [Thorn, William, quoted, 77.] [Thrasymenus, battle of, 306.] [Thucydides, quoted, 302.] [Timaeus, quoted, 11.] ITimber, rent for land producing, 71.] Tin, average rent of the mines of, in Cornwall, 73; yield a grealer profit to the proprietors than the

earlier

and

privileges,

how

obtained,

171; the inhabitants of, obtained liberty

171;

than the occupiers of land

origin of free burghs,

porations, 171;

how

why

171;

in the

much

country,

origin of cor-

allowed to form militia, 172;

the increase and riches of commercial towns contributed to the improvement of the countries to which they belonged, 175 [-181; favoured by Colbert at the expense of the

country, 289.]

Index Tracts on the Corn Trade quoted,87, 196, 216, 217. Trade, double interest deemed a reasonable mercantile

profit

in,

41;

equally necessary

to,

other,

155;

four

general

wholesale,

159;

the

of,

and dependent on, each three different

159; the different returns of trade,

classes

nature

sorts

home and

and operation

of,

foreign

of

the

carrying trade examined, 160; the principles of foreign trade examined, 161; the trade between

town and country explained, 163; original povand servile state of the inhabitants of towns, under feudal government, 170; exemptions and privileges granted to them, 171; extension of commerce by rude nations selling their own raw produce for the manufactures of more civilized countries, 173; its salutary effects on the government and manners of a erty

country, 175-6; subverted the feudal authority, 177;

the independence of tradesmen and arti-

178; the capitals acquired by, very precarious, until some part has been realsans, explained,

ized 180;

by the cultivation and improvement overtrading,

the

cause

of

of land,

complaints of

the scarcity of money, 186; the importation of

gold and silver not the principal benefit derived

from foreign trade, 190; effect produced in trade and manufactures by the discovery of America, 191; and by the discovery of a passage to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope, 191;

465 example, 297;] nature of the trading intercourse

between the inhabitants of towns and those of the country, 299. [Trade, Board

of, 321.]

Trades, cause and effect of the separation

of,

4;

origin of, 7.

[Traites in France, divide the country into three parts, 398; are farmed, 400.]

[Transfer of property, taxes on, 378.] Transit duties explained, 395.

Travelling

education,

for

summary view

of

the

effects of, 337.

Treasures, [of princes formerly a resource in war, 188; no longer accumulated evcept by king of Prussia,

why

188;]

formerly

accumulated

by

princes, 190.

Treasure-trove, the term explained, 121;

why an

important branch of revenue under the ancient feudal governments, 402. [Treaties of commerce, 233-4.] [Trebia, battle of, 306.] [Triclinaria, high price of, 299.] [Troll,

Archbishop of Upsal, 352.]

[Troyes [Truck,

and weight,

fair

12.]

7.]

[Trust remunerated, 21.]

[Tumbrel and

Pillory, statute of, 79.]

error of commercial writers in estimating national

[Turdi fed by the Romans, 98.] [Turkey, treasure buried and concealed, 121; conquest of Egypt, 173, 240; peace with Russia,

wealth by gold and silver, 191; inquiry into the cause and effect of restraints upon trade, 192; individuals, by pursuing their own interests,

Turkey company, [commerce of, ambassador at Constantinople,

unknowingly promote that of the public, 194;

263.]

historical

view

legal regulations of trade, unsafe, 194; retaliatory

[Turnips reduced

regulations between nations, 199; measures for

Turnpikes,

laying

trade

open,

ought to

be carried

into

of,

required 319;]

an

short

320.

in price, 33.]

near

counties

London

petitioned

against, 63; see Tolls.

execution slowly, 201; policy of the restraints on trade between France and Britain considered,

[Tuscany, commerce and manufactures diminished,

202; no certain criterion to determine on which

[Tutors, private, lowest order of

between two countries turns, 202; most of the regulations of, founded on a mistaken doctrine of the balance of trade, 209; is generally founded on narrow principles side the balance of trade

employs

of duties, 213-14; the dealer

of letters,

[Twelve Tables, 339.]

[Two and two

make

the arithmetic of the customs

in

one, 388.]

who

whole stock in one single branch an advantage of the same kind with the workman who employs his whole labour on a single operation, 227; consequences of drawing it from a number of small channels into one great channel, 262; colony trade, and his

of business, has

the monopoly of that trade, distinguished, 263; the interest of the consumer constantly sacrificed to that of the producer, 287; advantages attend-

ing a perfect freedom of, to landed nations, according to the present agricultural system of political economy in France, 292; origin of foreign trade, 292; consequences of high duties

and

men

340.]

[Tyrrell, quoted, 311.]

of policy, 211.

Drawbacks

181.]

prohibitions,

in

landed nations, 293;

how

trade augments the revenue of a country, 295; [foreign, gives opportunity for improvement by

[Ukraine, 88, 190.] [Ulloa, quoted, 64, 73, 81, 244, 248.]

[Undertakers

let

[Unfunded debt,

the furniture of funerals, 119.] 404.]

[seven years' apprenticeship at, 51; proper name for any incorporation, 51.]

Universities,

The emoluments

of the teachers in,

how

far

calculated to promote their diligence, 332; the professors at Oxford have mostly given up teaching,

competent

332;

those in

France subject to

in-

jurisdictions, 332-3; the privileges of

graduates improperly obtained, 333; abuse of lectureships, 333; the discipline of, seldom calculated for the benefit of the students, 333; are, in England, more corrupted than the public schools, 334; original foundation of, 334; how

Index

466

Latin became an essential article in academical education, 334; how the study of the Greek language was introduced, 334-5; the three great branches of the Greek philosophy, 335; are now divided into five branches, 336; the monkish course of education in, 336-7; have not been very ready to adopt improvements, 337; [improvements more easily introduced into the poorer, 337;] are not well calculated to prepare men for the world, 337; how filled with good professors, or drained of them, 355; where the worst and best professors are generally to be

met with, 355; see Colleges and Teachers. [Unproductive, see Productive.] [Unterwald, taxes publicly assessed by the con-

suitable

for,

moderns,

the most profitable part of among the ancients and great advantages derived from

26;

both

agriculture, 66;

peculiarities of soil in, 67.

[Vingtieme resembles English land-tax, 377; not farmed, 400; should be increased in place of the taille

and capitation,

400.]

tobacco currency, 10; evidence of a merchant trading with, 65; tobacco more profitable than corn, 68; with Maryland, the chief source of tobacco, 68; stores and warehouses belong to residents in England, 158; trade with, 159-60, 209; tobacco trade, 161, 214, 257, 261.] [Expense of civil establishment, 247; progress unforeseen in 1660, 258; no necessity for gold

[Virginia,

and

money, 419.] diamond mines,

tributor, 374; moderate tax, 374.] [Usury prohibited, 402; see Interest.]

[Visiapour

[Utopia, 201, 415.]

[Voltaire, quoted, 355.]

[Utrecht, 208.]

[Vulgate, 334.]

silver

75.]

[Utrecht, Treaty of, 325, 409.]

Wages Value, the term defined, 12; [rules which determine the relative or exchangeable value of goods, 12-26.]

[Varro quoted, 66, 98.] Vedius Pollio, his cruelty to his slaves checked by the Roman emperor Augustus, which could not

have been done under the republican form of government, 254. [Veii, siege of, 302, 303.]

would be from duty,

[Velvet, prohibition of importation of,

unnecessary

raw

if

silk

were

free

the silk manufacture in that city, 174; [exchange with London, crusades,

173;]

origin

of

bank of, 204.] Traded in East India goods before the sea track round the Cape of Good Hope was discovered, 240; [envied by the Portuguese, 240; fleets kept within the Mediterranean, 245; draws

204;

from a bank, 358;] nature of the land-tax

profit

in that republic, 364; [enfeebled

by public debt,

412.]

Venison, the price of, in Britain, does not compensate the expense of a deer park, 98. [Vera Cruz, South Sea Company's trade at, 326.] [Verd,

Cape

de, islands, 240.]

[Verdun treated as foreign by France, 398.] [Versailles, idle because the residence of a court, 145; an ornament to France, 150.] Vicesima haereditatum among the ancient Romans, the nature

of,

how

first

formed, 164.

that tenure in Europe, 168; villain

who

freedom obtained

resided a year in a town, 173;

dependence on proprietors, 176. Vineyard,

high

rent

of

some

land

for

hardship

state of society, 27; general discussion of, 2737:]

how

28;

the

with

settled

between masters and workmen, generally obliged to comply

workmen

the

terms

opposition of 28;

of

their

workmen

employers,

28;

the

outrageous, and seldom

circumstances which operate to

raise wages, 29; the extent of

wages limited by

the funds from which they arise, 29;

North America, than

why

higher

England, 29; are low in countries that are stationary, 30; not oppressively low in Great Britain, 31; a distinction made here between the wages in summer and in winter, 31; if sufficient in dear years, they must be ample in seasons of plenty, 31; in

in

different rates of, in different places, 31; liberal

wages encourage industry and propagation, 34; an advance of, necessarily raises the price of many commodities, 37; an average of, not easily ascertained, 37; [continually increasing since the of Henry VIII, 38; higher in North American and West Indian colonies than in England, 39; do not sink with profits there, 39; very low in a country which could advance no further, 40;] the operation of high wages and high profits compared, 41; causes of the variations of, in different employments, 42 [-62]; are

time

58;

in, 145.]

Villenage, probable cause of the wearing out of

by a

made

money, accommodated to the average price of corn, 15; value which workmen add to materials pays their wages, 20; of inspection and direction, 21; one of three original sources of revenue, 22, 361; sometimes confounded with profit and rent, 23; ordinary, average or natural rate of, 23; how affected by 13;

generally higher in new, than in old trades, 49, legal regulations of. destroy industry and

explained, 378.

[Vienna, small capital employed Villages,

labour [allowance

successful,

390-1.]

Venice, [history different from that of the other Italian republics, 172; shipping encouraged by

the

of

and ingenuity,

[Vacations, French fees of court, 313.]

peculiarly

ingenuity, 61; [high, a cause of high prices, 63;1 [Merchants complain of high, but say nothing

about profits, 259; reduced by the colonial monopoly, 264-5;] natural effect of a direct tax upon, 380; [382. 383-4; connexion of, with price of provisions, 380.]

Index no rent, 70; old families common, 178; mountains destined to be breeding ground of Great Britain, 196.] Walpole, Sir Robert, his excise scheme defended, [Wales,

stone

quarries

afford

391.

Wants

of

mankind, how supplied

men's labour, 117. Wars, foreign, the funds

through

the

for the

commodities, 188-9.] How supported by a nation of hunters, 301; by a nation of shepherds, 301; by a nation of

husbandmen, 302; men of military

age,

what

proportion they bear to the whole society, 302; feudal wars, how supported, 302; causes which in the advanced state of society, rendered it impossible for those who took the field, to maintain themselves, 302-3; how the art of war became a distinct profession, 303; distinction between the militia and regular forces, 304; alteration in the art of war produced by the invention of fire-arms, 304-5, 308; importance of discipline, 305; Macedonian army, Carthaginian army, 306; Roman army, 306; feudal armies, 307; a well-regulated standing army, the only defence of a civilized country, and the only means for speedily civilizing a barbarous country, 308; the want of parsimony during peace, imposes on states the necessity of contracting debts to carry on war, 403, 408; why war is agreeable to those who live secure from the immediate calamities of it, 408; advantages of raising the supplies for, within the year, 411;

and how

[popularity of,

it

might be removed,

411.]

[Warwick, the Earl

Watch movements,

of, his hospitality, 176.]

great reduction in the prices

owing to mechanical improvements, 107.

[Waterworks, a business suitable

company, 330, 146,

[real,

150,

for

a joint-stock

331.]

the annual produce,

192;

national,

2,

represented

105,

106,

by one

system of political economy as consisting in the abundance of gold and silver, 104; land the most important and durable part of, 106; real,

England much increased since 1660, 149;] and money, synonymous terms, in popular language, 182, 191; Spanish and Tartarian estimate of, compared, 182; [wealth of a neighbouring nation advantageous in trade, 212; accumulated produce, 304; makes a nation 109; that of

[sugar

own

estates,

England,

39;

39;

currency, 22-3;

British

sugar

10; planters farm wages higher than in

acquisitions

raised

in,

resemble

colonies

esteemed

vineyards, 67; interest fallen since the discovery 153; carrying trade between, and Europe,

of,

161;

would have progressed less rapidly own had been employed

capital but their

if

no

in the

trade, 165; slavery harsher than in medieval Europe, 167; high profits of sugar and consequent greater number of slaves in sugar colonies,

from

185;

of

and

gold

expense

of

last

silver

war

in

sugar

of,

273;

Madeira

settlements, 240; discovered by Columbus, 241;

how they obtained this name, 241; the original native productions of, 241; the thirst of gold the object of all the Spanish enterprises there. 242; and of those of every other European nation, 243; [plenty of good land, 244, 246;] the

remoteness of, greatly in favour of the European colonies there, 244; [Dutch originally under an exclusive company, 246; St. Domingo the most important of the sugar colonies, 246; price of

European goods enormous in Spanish, 248; some most important productions non-enumerated,

249;

freedom of trade with

British

American colonies, 250;] the sugar colonies of France better governed than those of Britain, 253; [effects of colonial monopoly, 260; returns of trade with, more irregular and uncertain than with any part of Europe, 261; expense of preventing

smuggling,

267;

proposal

for

ob-

war contributions from, 269; natives not benefited by the European discovery of, 271; gum senega treated like an enumerated commodity from, 286; colonial system sacrifices consumer to producer, 287; slave trade a loss to the African Company, 324; French and Portuguese companies ruined by slave trade, 325; South Sea Company's trade to the Spanish, 325; some productions of, yield large portion of British customs revenue, 389; more able to pay taining

land-tax than Great Britain, 415.1 [Westminster land-tax, 360, 373-4.] [Westminster Hall, Rufus' dining-room, [Westmoreland, price of coal in, 73.1 [Wheat, see Corn.] [Whitehall, palace

of,

176.]

land-tax, 360.1

[William Rufus dined in Westminster Hall, 176.] [William III, unable to refuse anything to the country gentlemen, 86.] [Wilton,

Weavers, the profits of, why necessarily greater than those of spinners, 22. [Weigh and pay, maxim of the port of London,

monopoly

British

Window

310.

importation

Spanish,

wine imported directly, 215; interest which caused settlements in, 239; no necessity for

conferred by the possession

of,

167;

the

largely laid out in, 188.]

obnoxious to attack, 304;] the great authority

261.]

Indies,

their

in, 32.]

export

maintenance of, in the present century, have little dependence on the quantity of gold and silver in a nation, 187-8; [expences abroad defrayed by export of

Wealth,

West

profits,

operation of labour, 10; how extended, in proportion to their supply, 71; the far greater part of them supplied from the produce of other

of,

467

[Western Islands, wages

ornament

to England, 150.1

how rated, 372; tends to reduce house-rent, 372. Windsor market, chronological table of the prices of corn at, 114-16. Wine, the cheapness of, would be a cause of tax in Britain,

Index

468

sobriety, 211; the carrying trade in, encouraged

by English

statutes,

214;

[cellar,

a public, a

source of revenue to Hamburg, 358; licences to sell, 375; tax on, paid by consumers, 386;

tonnage on, 387; foreign article commonly used in Great Britain, 389; Walpole's scheme for levying the tax on, 391; duty on, falls on middle and upper ranks, 391.] [Witchcraft, fear of,

compared

to that of engross-

not within the statute of apprenticeship, 52; manufactures

upon the coasting trade

282; restraints

of,

283; pleas on which these restraints are founded,

the

283;

price

of

wool

depressed

by

these

regulations, 283; the exportation of, ought to be

allowed, subject to a duty, 284.

Woollen

cloth, the present prices of, compared with those at the close of the fifteenth century, 107-8;

three mechanical

the

manufacture

much

ing and forestalling, 229.] [Wolverhampton, manufactures

improvements introduced of,

108;

[in

ancient

in

Rome

higher in price than now, 299.]

of,

grown up naturally, 175.] [Women's education contains nothing

[Yeomanry,

superior

position

of

the

English,

168, 170.] fantastical,

[Yorkshire,

wollen manufacture, 36; cloth fallen 108; small paper currencies, 139,

in price, 107,

340.]

Wood, the

of,

price

of,

rises

in

proportion

as

a

country is cultivated, 72; the growth of young trees prevented by cattle, 72; when the planting of trees becomes a profitable employment,

141; Scotch wool manufactured there, 158.] [Young men's generosity to their teachers, 334, 339.]

[Yucatan,

88.]

72.

[Woodcocks could not be much increased, 95.] Wool, the produce of rude countries, commonly carried to a distant market, 100; the price of, in England, has fallen considerably since the time of

Edward

III,

101;

causes of this

diminution in price, 101; the price of, considerably reduced in Scotland, by the union with England, 103. Severity of the laws against the exportation of, 281-2; restraints upon the inland commerce

Zama,

battle of, 306.

French wine smuggled from, expense of protecting from the sea, 401.]

[Zealand,

202;

[Zemindaries, 368.] [Zeno of Citta. the Portico assigned to, 339.] [Zeno of Elea, travelled from place to place, 338.] [Zurich, the reformation in, 352; tax on revenue assessed by the contributor, 374; moderate tax, 374.]

[Zwingli, 353.]

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