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English Pages [208] Year 1985
Arnphoras from the 1970 Excavations at Colchester Sheepen
Paul R. Sealey
BAR British Series 14 2 1985
B.A.R.
5, Centremead, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 0ES, England.
GENERAL EDITORS A.R Hands, B.Sc., M.A., D.Phil. D.R Walker, M.A.
�-142,1985 :'Amphoras from the 1970 Excavations at Col chester Sheepen'
©
Paul R.Sealey, 1985
The author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860543480 paperback ISBN 9781407317557 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860543480 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com
f or m y m other a nd f ather
i ii
List of Contents List of Plates
V
List of Tables
V
List of Figures
vi
Introduction
1
The 1970 Excavations at Sheepen
7
Summary and Conclusions Chapter I II III
Dressel 1
V
Dressel 20
VIII IX X
THE AMPHORAS 21
27
Cam 184 Haltern 70
VII
PART I.
Dressel 2-4
IV VI
9
51 59 67
Salazan Amphoras
77
Cam 189
87
Richborough 527
91
Dressel 28 Unidentified Amphoras and Amphora Stoppers PART II.
XI XII XIII XIV
xv
99
CHRONOLOGY
The Dressel 1 Problem at Sheepen The Chronology of the Amphora Assemblage PART III.
95
101 109
ECONOMIC HISTORY
Quantification and Comparison Assemblages
113
The Wine Trade
125
The Ascendancy of the Spanish Provinces PART IV.
PETROLOGY
by Dr D.F. Williams
143 153
Appendix: London 555 Amphoras
167
Bibliography
169
Acknowledgements
189
General Index
191 196
Index of Amphora Inscriptions Index of Ancient Documentary Sources
198
Typed by Type-Rite Secretarial Services, 71 Maids Causeway, Cambridge iv
L ist o f P lates P 1
1
D ressel
2
Painted i nscription o n Dressel
2 -4 a mphora 4 7
3
S tamp on D ressel
4
C .
S empronius
3 1 2 -4 amphora 2 3
2 -4 a mphora 2 4
Polyclitus
3 2 3 2
s tamp on D ressel 2 0
amphora 9 4
7 1
5
Saturninus s tamp on D ressel
6
Pyp s tamp on D ressel 20 amphora 96
20 amphora 9 5
7 1 7 1
L ist o f T ables Table
1
Amphoras •f rom t he 1 970 Excavations
2
Amphora C apacities
a t Sheepen
3
Amphora C ontents by Form i n L itres
4
Volumes of Amphora-Borne Commodities
5
Chronological I ncidence of Amphora S herds
1 4
6
The Amphora Trade with S heepen AD 4 3-60/61
1 4 1 6
i n L itres
1 0 1 0 1 2
i n L itres
1 2
7
T he Wine Trade with S heepen AD 4 3-60/61
8
T he C ivilian Wine Trade with Sheepen AD 4 3-60/61
1 7
9
Spanish Amphoras
1 9
a t S heepen
10
Fabric Groups
i n Dressel 2 -4
3 4
1 1
Fabric Groups
i n Cam 1 84
5 4
1 2
Chronological I ncidence of Amphora Sherds by F orm
1 3
Chronological
1 4
Chronological
1 5
Amphoras
1 6
Amphora C ontents by Form f or Sheepen 1 930-39
1 15
1 7
Amphoras
1 19
1 8
Wine
1 9
Amphoras
20
Wine
2 1
Amphoras
2 2
D ressel
2 3
S alazones from La Longarina
2 4
Cargo Amphoras
2 5
Amphoras
2 6
Heavy M ineral R esults
I ncidence o f Amphora Sherds
1 09
i n
Dressel 2 -4 ' Fabrics
1 10
I ncidence o f Amphora S herds i n
Cam 1 84 Fabrics
1 10
f rom t he 1 930-39 Excavations
a t S heepen
f rom t he L exden Tumulus
i n t he L exden Tumulus f rom Rödgen
1 15
1 19 1 20
a t R ödgen
1 20
f rom La Longarina 2 -4 Amphoras
f rom La L ongarina
f rom t he P ort-Vendres B S hipwreck
f rom L ongthorpe
1 21 1 22 1 22 1 23 1 45 1 65
L ist of Figures
Fig.
1
The Dressel
2
Dressel
table o f a mphora f orms
1 amphoras
3 2 1
3
I talian Dressel
4
Italian
2 -4 amphor l a s
5
U nprovenanced Dressel 2 -4 amphoras
3 0
6
Cam 1 84 amphoras
5 2
a nd Baetican Dressel
2 8 • 2 -4 a mphoras
2 9
7
Cam 1 84 amphoras
5 3
8
Haltern
7 0 a mphoras
6 0
9
Dressel
20 a mphoras
1 0
Dressel
2 0 a mphoras
f rom Port-Vendres B
6 8
1 1
Dressel
20 a mphoras
6 9
1 2
Stamped Dressel
1 3
Belträn I amphoras
1 4
Belträn I -IIa amphoras
7 9
1 5
Kingsholm 1 17 amphoras
90
1 6
R ichborough 5 27 a mphora
9 1
1 7
Dressel
9 6
2 0 a mphoras
6 7
7 0 7 8
2 8 a mphoras
1 8
U nidentified amphoras
1 9
Type Specimens
f or C amulodunum a mphoras
a nd amphora s toppers
1 16
2 0
Type Specimens
f or Camulodunum amphoras
1 17
2 1
Type
Specimens for Camulodunum a phoras
v i
9 9
1 18
I NTRODUCTION
The
1 970 excavations
a t C olchester Sheepen
( Niblett 1 985)
brought to l ight a large group of amphoras
( Sealey
a ssemblage
a more c omprehensive
i s of more t han
l ocal
i nterest,
1 985).
A s t he
a ssessment t han i t was possible to i ncorporate i n t he excavation r eport was
f elt t o be j ustified .
No d oubt misgivings will be expressed
a bout publication i ndependent of t he excavation r eport proper but t here a re precedents Greene
( 1979)
a nd one n eed l ook no f urther t han Darling f or two well-received e ssays
a re of c ourse drawbacks;
i t
i s
brief a ccount of the 1 970 campaign r eport more
t he amphora s herds i cal
c ontexts
a re
or There
d ifficult t o a ppreciate pottery t o t he
f ull when i t i s d ivorced f rom i ts excavated c ontext. making t his
( 1977 )
i n t his n ew g enre.
i ntelligible.
i s g iven here;
One hopes
t hat a
a t Sheepen w ill g o s ome way t owards The
c hronological i ncidence of
further d etails o f t heir stratigraph-
available i n t he excavation r eport.
Such i s the neglect of a mphoras i n Britain t hat many a spects of t hose present a t Sheepen n eeded extensive s ignificance was to be grasped.
This
c ommentary i f their f ull
d eveloped i nto the
z ations of amphora f orms expounded i n Part I . d iscussed under the headings c apacity; i s
provenance;
( 1971,
was not to offer a g eneral
t here
o f t ypology a nd c lassification;
c ontents
t hat u sed by Peacock
c haracteri-
Each t ype i s
a nd c hronology. 1 62-70 ).
fabric;
I n e ssence t his
f ormat
The o bject of t he exercise
t reatise on a mphoras but t o a dopt a c on-
s istent exposition of t he evidence n eeded t o u nderstand t he Sheepen a ssemblage.
This brief was r elaxed f or c hronology because
t hought h elpful t o d escribe
f orm c hronologies
i t was
f or amphora t ypes
t hat
l asted beyond t he s ixties AD. The Latin word o ther than pottery
a mphora was sometimes used for vessels in materials ( Hilgers
1 969,
l ike t o know more a bout t he g lass ( Callender
t he s ynonym f or
1 02).
( Satyricon 3 4.6 ).
d escribed by P etronius volume
3 6,
1 965,
3 ;.White 1 975,
a mphora .
The word was a lso a u nit of
C adus seems t o have been
1 26).
The word nowadays
l arge a nd two-handled pottery j ars
I n particular one would
a mphorae bottled with Falernian wine
i s
i nvariably r eserved f or
t hat were bunged a nd which s erved
f or t he storage a nd transport of t heir c ontents; u sage i s more s pecific t han that of a ntiquity. a t echnical
t erm i n a rchaeological
t he writer prefers
t he
r eport
1 970 a mphoras ( Hawkes
& Hull
c ontemporary
d iscourse a nd f or t hese
a nglicized p lural
I t will s eem odd t hat f or t he
t he
I t has become i n f act r easons
a mphoras .
t he system of amphora c lassification u sed
d oes not r eproduce that o f t he 1 947).
C amulodunum
I n t he i nterests of c larity i t was
t hought more s ensible to prefer - wherever possible - t he
1
familiar
t erminology o f c ontemporary a mphorology t o a n i nsular s ystem. c lassification i s a troublesome t opic. by Parker
( 1972,
2 25;
1 973b,
a ble i n practice because a nd his
s cheme makes n o
l aypeople will fabric
3 63)
has
The r igorous l ogic o n i ts
amphoras o f t he same a llowance
Amphora
a pproach a dopted
s ide but i s u nwork-
t ype
a re s eldom i dentical
f or t ypological d evelopment.
Many
f ind i t a larming t hat so much l atitude of f orm a nd
c an be allowed i n our d efinition of s ome amphora t ypes.
easier t o pose the problem t han to e ssay s olutions.
I t i s
One must hope
t hat a s our u nderstanding of amphoras becomes more i nformed,
i t will
prove possible to put c lassification on a s ounder f ooting . The
f ounder of amphorology f or I taly a nd t he western provinces
was t he G erman s cholar, ( Blech 1 980 ).
H .
Dressel.
A biography i s now a vailable
Their s tudy i n t he Greek world a nd t he eastern
M editerranean has d eveloped a long d ifferent l ines u s here.
D ressel
excavated two major amphora d eposits
t he Castra Praetoria d itch a nd Monte Testaccio. i nscriptions him i n
1 899
a nd s tamps
f rom t hese
r evered not s imply a s
a pioneer;
s till move
by Dressel
( op.
c it.,
( C .I.L .).
h is s cholarship,
i s
t o proclaim t he
The table o f amphora f orms published
vol.15 tab.2)
pillars of amphorology.
D ressel
t horoughness a nd
c ontemporary amphorologists
a biding r elevance of his work.
a t Rome i tself,
T he many painted
a nd other s ites were published by
i n C orpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
i ntelligence
t hat n eed not c oncern
r emains t o t his
d ay one of t he
H e must rank a s one of t he greatest R oman
a rchaeologists but a lso - sadly - a s o ne of t he l east a pproachable or a ccessible.
His precious
c ommentaries o n t he Rome i nscriptions a re
c ouched i n Latin i n a rare a nd unwieldy t ome t hat c an never b e a r egular tool of t he pottery a nalyst. publications were n eglected . amphora i nscriptions
from R ome
After his d eath i n 1 920,
( and i ndeed e lsewhere)
Rostovtzeff hardly began to t ap t he r esource. borators
t ook a more
h is
Economic h istorians made f ar l ess u se of t han t hey s hould .
Frank a nd h is c olla-
s ustained i nterest but a ll t oo often t heir
a ttention culminated i n l ittle more t han a rid l ists of c ontents a nd c ommodities.
Unlike Dressel,
t hey f ailed t o s ee t he n eed t o r elate
a mphora i nscriptions t o a g iven f orm .
This m eant t hat excavated s herds
were s eldom r elated t o t he wealth of e pigraphic evidence f rom R ome a nd Pompeii. lated,
Although
amphorology The t he
a mphoras were published a nd data gradually a ccumu-
no s pirit of s cientific i nquiry a nimated t he
s ubject a nd
f ound i tself i n t he d oldrums.
r esurgence of i nterest i n a mphoras
a qualung i n 1 942.
f ollowed t he i nvention o f
When t he war i n Europe e nded three years
l ater,
i t a llowed t he exploration of M editerranean waters with a n ease t hat had h itherto been i nconceivable. Because
amphoras are
t hat were t his
day.
f ound .
Many R oman s hipwrecks were d iscovered .
large a nd r eadily d etected,
Other c raft
( notably warships)
An i nterest i n a mphoras was
t o the r esurrection of Dressel
t hus
a nd h is work
i t was m erchant s hips r emain rare f inds t o
r eborn: ( Zevi
i t l ed eventually
1 966 ).
But a rchaeo-
l ogists were a t f irst s low t o r ealize t he potential of maritime a rchaeology.
Although i t was not published u ntil
pleted h is work o n a mphoras i n 1 950 . archaeology g oes s ome way t o a ccount i n t he r eviews. l and.
Cargoes
Callender c om-
H is d isregard of s hipwreck f or t he note o f
a lmost i ncredulity
Nowadays t eams o f d iving archaeologists excavate a nd
publish s hipwrecks on
1 965,
t o s tandards quite t he equal o f t heir c ounterparts f rom t he M editerranean s hipwrecks have g iven u s
opportunity to write economic history i n a way t hat Frank or
2
a n
o 9
1 0
27
F ig .
1 T he D ressel t able o f a mphora f orms
3
Rostovtzeff c ould hardly have i magined.
Such i s t he p erspective f rom
which the c ontemporary s cene may be v iewed . The r evival o f amphorology i nspired by s hipwreck a rchaeology h as n ow extended t o a re otherwise f ar
l ess
f inds on l and .
t hriving,
I n Britain,
where R oman c eramic s tudies
i t i s d isappointing t o s ee that a mphoras excite
i nterest t han t hey s hould .
Rescue excavations h ere over t he
l ast f ifteen years have produced many t onnes o f R oman pottery. material were
t o be handled with i magination a nd s cholarship,
no r eason why we s hould n ot be a ble t o make
I f t his t here i s
a n i mportant c ontribution
t o a mphorology. M eanwhile i t i s by P eacock
( 1971),
ironic t o note
t hat
t hanks t o a magisterial paper
we have a more c oherent picture o f amphoras
Age Britain than w e do f or t he R oman province.
i n I ron
T hat paper brought
home to s tudents o f c eramics how f ar we had l ost t ouch with t he mains tream d evelopments
i n amphorology t hat had been taking place
M editerranean world . by Callender
( 1965),
i n t he
I t became a pparent t hat t he monograph published f or a ll i ts v irtues
impact i t had i n Britain,
a nd n otwithstanding t he
r epresented a b lind a lley.
The painstaking
a nd t horough r esearch on the petrology of amphora f abrics undertaken by Peacock i s
t he hallmark of h is
a new s trength.
s tyle;
i t has g iven the d iscipline
Typical of Peacock has been h is work on Cam 1 84
( Peacock 1 977b,
2 66-70 ).
I n a
t our d e f orce
of a pplied p etrology,
h e
r esolved a n e nigmatic c ategory of v essel t hat had v exed amphorologists f or g enerations. f abric a nalysis;
H is r esearch on the
t he wine t rade with R oman Britain .
I n this
of homage
t o e ndorse his v erdict .
catalogue
a ll his many a chievements
s ay t hat a t Dressel;
f orm d id n ot r est c ontent w ith
i t c ulminated i n a n i nsight of major i mportance f or r eport i t has been a n a ct
I t would be a n a rduous i n amphora s tudies:
l ast i n Britain we have
task t o
s uffice i t t o
f ound a worthy s uccessor t o
i f we h ave neglected a mphorology i n t he past,
h is
c ontinuing
s cholarship a lone i s r eason to v iew t he f uture w ith optimism. The petrological a nalysis advocated by P eacock s hould henceforth be r egarded a s a n i ntegral part of amphorology.
T his present project
would have been lame i ndeed w ithout t he l abours o f D r D .F. his
Williams;
s tatement o n petroldgy i s a major c omponent o f t he r eport.
a nalyses undertaken were part of t he
T he
c eramic p etrology c ontract between
t he U niversity of S outhampton a nd t he Ancient M onuments Laboratory ( now part of t he H istoric Buildings s ome instances t hough we have
a nd M onuments C ommission ).
I n
a greed t o d iffer over identifications:
unanimous v erdict has n ot been r eturned o n amphoras
3 1-4,
3 6,
a
4 9 a nd
1 03. Something s hould be s aid a bout the h istory o f t he S heepen project. Work on the
a mphoras began i n 1 978 but i t had t o b e a ccommodated with
many other museum d uties. c omplete;
The writer was
my d elay greatly added t o
t o whom my s incere
a pologies
of trust f or B .R . K.
s pring o f 1 984
t he l ast s pecialist t o
t ribulations of t he
a re offered .
e xcavator
I t was a r emarkable g esture
Niblett t o p lace s o important a n amphora a ssemblage
i n the hands of a n untried n ovice. c ates her c onfidence
t he
i n me.
One hopes
t he present work v indi-
the t ext i tself was
a nd t here has been
f inished i n t he
l ittle opportunity t o
material that has been published s ubsequently. of t he amphoras g iven here r eproduces
4
The
i ncorporate
summary a ssessment
t hat i n t he e xcavation r eport,
with s ome
f ew a mendments;
a dvice g iven by Jackson t wo of t he captions a mphoras f abric 4 ;
3 8-9
P lease note t hat blunders
i n t he excavation r eport:
i n Williams
Fig.
B oudica i s s pelt i n a ccordance w ith t he
( 1979). fabric
3 ,
F ig.
c rept i nto
5 4 s hould r efer t o
a nd t o amphora 40 i n Williams
5 6 s hould r efer to amphoras
6 9-70 i n Williams
fabric 7 .
Extensive r eference i s made i n the r eport t o i nscriptions on Roman amphoras.
I t may h elp r eaders who a re not c onversant with L atin
e pigraphy t o know that a bbreviated word;
( b)
( a)
l etters within r ound brackets c omplete a n
l etters within s quare brackets
i ndicate
l etters
not now extant but presumed to have been present i n t he original t ext . ; ( c )
a d ot beneath a l etter s hows t hat i ts r eading i s not c ertain;
a s traight l ine
a bove
l etters means
t hey a re l igatured,
( e )
a nd
( d )
a n
o blique s troke marks t he e nd o f a l ine. There r emain s ome minor points t o be s ettled.
The present
l ocation o f the amphora s herds i s t he Colchester a nd E ssex Museum. H enceforth t hat i nstitution i s t he
r ecommendations
a bbreviated t o C olem i n a ccordance with
of t he Museum Documentation Association.
n otation i n the r eport i s
t hat o f the Munsell S oil Charts,
t he t erms u sed f or hues do not f ollow Munsell u sage.
5
C olour
a lthough
THE 1 970 EXCAVATIONS AT S HEEPEN
Sheepen l ies o n t he north-western outskirts o f C olchester, between the
t own a nd t he r iver Colne.
I n 1 970 t en weeks o f r escue
excavations at TL 987 2 57 were d irected by B .R .K. of t erracing
f or playing f ields.
o f major excavations
Sheepen had of c ourse been t he s cene
i n t he years
c oncentrated on R egion I V D isappointment was
N iblett i n advance
( Hawkes
1 930-39
a nd t he
& Hull 1 947,
1 970 excavations
p is
1 09
f elt a t t he t ime because t he
f ound only meagre traces of I ron Age horizons.
a nd 1 12).
1 970 excavations
A t rackway t hat
c rossed the s ite had been laid out in the Iron Age a nd f our small rubbish pits had been f illed on the eve o f t he R oman i nvasion.
L ittle
t erra s igillata and Gallo-Belgic ware from the 1970 excavations
of t he
was earlier t han C . Sheepen
f rom c .
AD 2 5.
Occupation i s
AD 5 but no earlier,
a ttested e lsewhere a t
d espite c laims
t o t he
c ontrary
( see c hapter X I). After t he Roman i nvasion of AD 4 3, k ilometre of t he by.
Two f enced c ompounds were excavated i n 1 970.
o f metal-working;
O ne r evealed t races
t he other had been t oo s everely damaged by gravel
e xtraction f or i ts
f unction t o be e lucidated .
c ompound had a more was
S heepen f ound i tself within a
l egionary f ortress e stablished on higher ground n ear-
r obust perimeter;
Another c ontemporary
no h int o f i ndustrial a ctivity
f orthcoming a nd i t may have been r eserved f or t he protection of
l ivestock or stores. I n AD 4 9 t he garrison was withdrawn f rom the l egionary f ortress a nd a
c olonia created in its place.
At Sheepen a ll t hree c ompounds
were demolished but metal-working was t han hitherto. o f t he
f ound o n a n , even greater s cale
I t was i n t he period between AD 4 9 a nd t he d estruction
c olonia in AD 60/61 that life at Sheepen reached its zenith. c olonia period, a trackway of Iron Age ancestry
A t t he start of t he became
t he r egular m etalled h ighway
excavations.
t imber huts a nd s heds. m eration of r efuse pits. f inds
( Roman r oad I I)
O n i ts northern a nd western edges, Behind t hem l ay a d ense I t was
of t he
i t was
1 930-39
f lanked by
a nd e xtensive
c onglo-
f rom t hese pits t hat most o f t he
f rom t he 1 970 e xcavations were
r ecovered .
M etal-working u nder-
t aken at Sheepen encompassed not o nly i ron but bronze a nd brass well.
Military bronzes w ere present
i n quantity but i t
i s n ow
f rom t heir f ragmentary c ondition t hat t hey were s crap a nd n ot a rticles produced on t he s ite. personnel but c ivilians,
c olonia . t hriving
f inished
The Sheepen smiths were n ot m ilitary
notwithstanding
t heir l inks with
f ortress
The sum t otal of t he a rchaeological evidence s uggests a nd s uccessful
a s a pparent
c ommunity of i ndustrial
7
a rtisans.
a
a nd
O ther c rafts were undertaken. been raised f or t heir h ides; Much of this army.
Many o f t he
cattle
a t Sheepen had
a stamp f or embossing l eather was
f ound .
l eather may be presumed t o h ave been d estined f or t he
Both pottery a nd t ile wasters were f ound i n 1 970.
t iles were c ommon a s well: a llocated f or t he
Unflawed
t hey may have c ome n ot only f rom s tockpiles
c olonia but from the roofs of timber buildings at
Sheepen i tself . I n AD 60/61 I cenian a t Colchester; t he
i nsurgents under Boudica s acked t he
c onflagration were f ound i n 1 970 .
d estroyed ,
c olonia
Sheepen too was engulfed i n t he holocaust a nd traces of
n ever t o be r esurrected:
The i ndustrial quarter was
i ndeed s igns of a ny
l ife
a fter
Boudica i n t he area excavated i n 1 970 are s poradic a nd s light. c oins a nd s herds Sheepen i n the small
a re strays
f rom t he potteries
s econd c entury.
I n t he f ollowing t wo c enturies,
c emetery of i nhumation burials was
a fter Boudica had d estroyed s ome of t he
Sand a nd gravel pits
e arlier s tratigraphy;
a ggravated t he damage.
8
a
l aid o ut o n what may be pre-
sumed to have been open or d erelict ground. i ng a fter t he M iddle Ages
A f ew
f ound e lsewhere a t
c ut
quarry-
SUMMARY AND C ONCLUSIONS
Amphoras
a re
l arge,
two-handled pottery j ars t hat were u sed f or
the bulk s torage a nd t ransport of w ine, i n t he R oman period .
o live o il,
a nd other f oodstuffs
Wine a nd o il i n particular were s taple
t he s tudy of t hese c ontainers
f oods,
s o
c an provide c rucial s ource material f or
t he economic history of a ntiquity.
The
1 970 excavations
produced a l arge a ssemblage o f these v essels.
at Sheepen
Nearly a ll of t hem
r eached Britain i n t he brief period between t he R oman i nvasion o f AD 4 3
a nd t he AD 60/61 sack of C olchester by B oudica .
The
c onquest
period patterns of importation a re n ot o bscured beyond r ecognition by t he i ncidence of s herds
a s
r esidual e lements
a llows u s t o f ocus on trade s ome
i n l ater h orizons;
c larity a nd the magnitude o f t he a ssemblage makes
datum point
t his
i n the early years o f t he province w ith
f or a ssessing s ubsequent d evelopments.
i t a u seful
But t he
importance
of t he Sheepen amphoras ought not t o be e nvisaged s olely i n i nsular t erms.
The wine a mphoras offer a t elling
c ommentary on t he s cale of
Julio-Claudian i nvestment i n v iticulture a nd t he a ssemblage
i n i ts
e ntirety graphically i llustrates t he s ignificance o f t he t rade i n amphora-borne
c ommodities
f rom t he I berian provinces under C laudius
a nd Nero. There i s no s ingle s ystem o f amphora c lassification sufficiently c omprehensive provinces.
t o encompass
a ll
t he f orms
t hat s hould govern c lassification . f orm numbers
f ound i n I taly a nd t he western
Nor can t here even be s aid t o be a greement o n t he principles are not u sed here
With t wo exceptions,
Camulodunum
a nd t he n omenclature employed i s
c urrent among c ontemporary s tudents o f amphoras.
But t o make
t hat
c ompari-
C amulodunum r eport easier, Table 1 g ives Camulodunum a longside t he t erminology u sed i n t he t ext. S alazon amphoras r equire immediate explanation: s alazones i s a Spanish word
s on with t he
f orm numbers
f or high s alt-content f oods
s uch a s the marine sauces a nd s alted-fish
bottled i n amphoras made a long t he c oasts o f Portugal a nd Spain. S panish archaeologists
call
t hese a mphoras s alazones
g eneric t erm u sed f or t hem i n t his r eport.
a nd t hat i s t he
The word c an a lso of c ourse
be u sed f or t heir c ontents. Sherds
f rom s ixty-three o f t he a mphoras,
minimum number r ecovered,
were
.petrological microscope by Dr D .F.
Williams o f t he D epartment o f t he
E nvironment C eramic P etrology P roject . i s
j ust under half t he
t hin-sectioned a nd s tudied under t he H is
r eport on a mphora petrology
a major c omponent of t he present monograph. Exhaustive
l ists of t he
c ommodities
s tored or t ransported i n
a mphoras have been c ompiled but t hey t end t o o bscure t he a nd olive o il a s the principal amphora-borne
9
r ole o f wine
c ommodities of a ntiquity.
AMPHORA TYPE
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
D iessel 1 ( Cam 1 81) Dressel
2 -4
5
( includes Cam 1 82-183)
4 4
Cam 1 84
2 1
Haltern
7 0
Dressel 20
( Cam 1 85a )
8
( Cam 1 87)
B elträn I ( Dressel
2 1
7 -11 i ncludes Cam 1 86a-
1 86b)
1 6
Belträn I Ia
( Dressel
3 8-39 i ncludes Cam 1 86c )
1
Belträn I /IIa
4
Cam 1 89
7
R ichborough 5 27
1
Dressel
5
2 8
( Cam 1 72-173)
U nidentified
2
Total
1 35
T able 1 .
A mphoras f rom t he 1 970 E xcavations a t S heepen
AMPHORA TYPE
I NDIVIDUAL CAPACITIES
Dressel
1
2 2;
Dressel
2 -4
2 4. 0 2 8 .95;
3 3. 8;
1 8;
1 5;
3 1.5;
3 0 .5;
3 2.5;
2 9
1 3.6
Cam 184 Haltern
2 6
2 8.5; 2 8;
AVERAGE
2 5.5;
7 0
2 7. 58 1 3.6
3 0;
3 0;
3 4.75
3 0 . 06 6 6.31
Dressel 20 Belträn I
1 6.5;
1 8
Belträn I Ia
1 2.5;
1 5;
1 7.25 1 5
1 4.17 1 5.71
Belträn I /IIa Cam 1 89
3 .15
P glichet 4 7
3 0 .8
T able 2 .
3 .15 3 0.8
A mphora C apacities i n L itres
1 0
Tables
3 a nd 4 s pecify
S heepen amphoras i nvolved .
Wine
( where a scertainable)
t he
c ontents o f t he
a nd g ive t he overall v olumes o f t he c ommodities ( 1619.12
l itres)
a nd o live
o il
( 1392.51
l itres)
l ead
t he f ield by a w ide margin. Sheepen provided no d irect evidence o f c ontents but a D ressel 2 -4 has
a painted i nscription which a pparently t ells u s t hat i ts w ine was
t wo years
o ld
( amphora 2 3).
s alted-fish of t he
The h igh salt-content marine s auces
i mported on t he same s cale a s wine or o il. c erns the contents of Haltern c ontents e ndorses t o make
7 0 .
A more v exed question c on-
Painted i nscriptions naming t he
d efrutum do not make the f orm a wine amphora .
a s
a nd
s alazon amphoras were also important, a lthough not
r esearch t hat s hows
t hat t he boiling o f must
The
.
r eport
( grape j uice)
d efrutum would cause any alcohol present to evaporate, l eaving
behind a v iscous
a nd s weet s ubstance not unlike honey a nd h ere c alled
d efrutum syrup. Table s ometimes
1 g ives s aid,
t he minimum number of amphoras.
the c alculation of t his
j ective exercise
a nd s hould be
D espite what i s
s tatistic n eed not be a s ub-
r egarded a s
a precise s tatement of t he
l owest number of c omplete a mphoras t he excavated s herds Each amphora f rom S heepen has been g iven a number, numbers
1 36
a nd 1 37 are r eserved f or t he
traded f or t heir c ontents; welter of s herds l ished s ources
l itres.
Note t he r ange
A ll c alculations
The
each
i n c apacities:
i n t his
r eport a re
f rom 3 .15 t o 6 6.31
f orm r epresents
Multiplying t he m inimum numbers of
f or c apacities g ives t he volume o f c on-
( see Table
f urther i n Table 4 which g ives
3 ).
This
i s taken a s tage
total volumes of wine
d efrutum syrup and olive oil)
( as well a s
amphoras
c apacities o f i ndividual
t here a nd e lsewhere i n t he r eport a re
d ecimal places.
a mphoras by t he mean f igures
amphoras.
c ollected f rom pub-
a nd t he mean f igures u sed f or each c lass
c orrect t o t wo t ents
we n eed t o know t he c apacities
I nformation on t his was
a nd s upplemented by m easurements of c omplete
g iven i n Table 2 .
The
Amphoras were
to grasp t he e conomic truth behind the
i n t he Colchester a nd Essex Museum . a mphoras
t wo stoppers.
a n excavation produces,
of t he t ypes present.
c an r epresent.
f rom 1 -135.
a nd
s alazones
t hat r eached S heepen i n
Although e stimates o f t he v olume o f wine c arried on s hip-
wrecks with cargoes of amphoras are s ometimes made,
t he s ame
t echnique
has not hitherto been a pplied t o t he multiplicity o f f orms present on s ettlements.
The a dvantages of t his
s tyle of quantification will
b ecome a pparent l ater i n t he d iscussions of t he wine
t rade a nd t he
e conomy of t he I berian provinces. Any a ssessment of t he c hronology of t he f irst address
amphora a ssemblage must
i tself to the t iresome question of D ressel
New wine was not bottled i n t hat f orm a fter c . o n a s ettlement not f ounded u ntil i on.
The t erminal date of a ll
s econdary u se once the original
t he
1 a t Sheepen.
1 0 BC a nd i ts presence
f irst years AD merits explanat-
c lasses
o f amphora i s obscured by
c ontents were
c onsumed o r d ecanted .
T his may have extended the l ife o f a n amphora f or d ecades. i s
t he most sturdy a nd r obust of t he amphoras
t he I ron Age.
T his
D ressel
1
t hat r eached Britain i n
e nhanced t heir l ongevity a nd made t hem e specially
f avoured f or s econdary u se.
I n d istant r egions where a mphoras were
i nfinitely rarer t han i n t he Mediterranean
l ands,
i t i s u nlikely t hat
o pportunities t o make u se o f empty v essels would have been n eglected . T herg i s indeed archaeological evidence
1 1
f or t he s econdary u se of
AMPHORA TYPE
M INIMUM VESSEL NUMBER
Dressel 1 ( wine)
5
Dressel
2 -4
Cam 1 84
( wine)
Haltern
70
( defrutum syrup)
Dressel
20
( olive oil )
Belträn I
( wine)
Belträn I Ia
1 213.52
2 1
2 85.6' 2 40 .48
2 1
1 392.51
1 6
2 76.0
( salazones )
Belträn I/IIa
T able 3 .
1 20 .0
4 4
8
( salazones )
VOLUMES
1
1 4.17
4
6 2.84
A mphora C ontents b y F orm i n L itres
AMPHORAS
COMMODITY
Wine
Dressel 1 + 2 -4
D efrutum syrup
Haltern
7 0
2 40.48
Olive oil
Dressel
20
1 392.51
S alazones
Belträn I + I Ia + I/IIa
T able 4 .
+ Cam 1 84
VOLUMES
V olumes o f A mphora-Borne C ommodities i n L itres
1 2
1 619.12
3 53.01
D ressel 1 i n Britain. t he
The d etailed a ccount o f Iron Age
f eatures
i n
C amulodunum report gives no hint of a sequence of horizons that
c ould now be c urrent. S heepen
adjusted to take u s back t o when Dressel
I f Dressel 1 was
( as has been c laimed ),
R oman wares
I was s till
imported by a 1 st c entury BC s ettlement at
o f t he s ame date.
t hen s o t oo s hould have been other I t would be a patent a bsurdity t o postu-
l ate a s ettlement t hat imported wine i n quantity a nd yet d eclined t o
( terra s igillata and Gallo-Belgic
r eceive contemporary R oman f ine wares ware),
particularly a s
S heepen,
s uch pottery,
earlier t han that f ound a t
i s present o n o ther I ron Age
s ites i n Britain.
The
c oin l ist
s hows t hat t he duration of the I ron Age phase a t Sheepen was c oincid ent with Cunobelinus a nd n o earlier. back t o a period when Dressel
1 was
H is r eign cannot be e xtended
s till
c urrent.
There a re c learly
d ifficulties therefore a bout postulating a f irst c entury BC s ettlement a t Sheepen to account f or the Dressel 1 amphoras. t he
c oin l ist s how t hat s uch a s ettlement
Stratigraphy a nd
d id not exist.
A ll t he
D ressel 1 amphoras r eached Sheepen a s o ld vessels put t o s econdary u se a fter t he original c ontents had been c onsumed . Some may even have r eached S heepen f illed with o ld wine. T he f ive
Dressel 1 amphoras were not t he only v essels
1 970 excavations
t hat r eached Britain i n the Iron Age.
Dressel 20 amphoras were a lso present.
f rom t he
Two Augustan
A t t he other e nd o f t he
c hronological s pectrum i s a D ressel 2 0 r im of F lavian or early s econd c entury AD date.
A ll
t he other ampnoras may be d eemed t o have
r eached Britain i n t he period AD 4 3-60/61. Table
5 which g ives t he
c hronological
This
i s
apparent f rom
i ncidence of t he
amphora s herds
by period .
The only s herds
Dressel
Because t he majority o f t he s tratified s herds
1 .
s tratified i n I ron Age horizons a re both
AD 4 3-60/61 bracket,
the f ew s herds i n s ubsequent
r egarded a s d etritus
f rom v essels
t he a mphoras held t o have
f all in t he
l evels may be
t hat a rrived before AD 6 0/61.
A ll
r eached Britain between AD 4 3 and 60/61 a re
l isted i n Table 6 . When the s tart of t he dated C .
AD 10 ,
i t was
l ate I ron Age o ccupation at Sheepen was
i n t he belief t hat t he
l atest pottery
R oman m ilitary s ites a t Haltern dated t o AD 1 4-16. Haltern was
l ost f orever i n AD 9 ,
t o f all within t he
we must a djust t he s tart of Sheepen
l ifespan of the
f ortress.
AD 5 i s proposed h ere a s
a provisional r evised date f or t he beginning o f S eventy of t he Sheepen amphoras v essel c ount )
a nd they r epresent wine
( 44.91% of t he c ontents
t he Sheepen s ettlement.
a re wine vessels Wine was
a nt s ingle c ommodity r eaching Sheepen i n amphoras f orms:
Dressel
1 ,
Wine
i mports
D ressel 2 -4 a nd Cam 1 84.
t racts,
B ecause
l itres
t he most import-
a nd t he trade
a re accounted f or by t hree The
fabrics of each f orm
have been d efined on t he basis o f t heir petrology. groups a re present.
( 51. 85% by
i mports of 1 619.12
l isted i n Table 4 ).
d eserves extended s crutiny.
f rom t he
Now t hat we know
Nineteen f abric
s ome e ncompassed extensive g eological
t hese n ineteen groups must be r egarded a s
minimum number of wine-producing r egions
a statement o f t he
s upplying Sheepen.
The
c hronological i ncidence of the sherds s hows t hat t he majority of t he amphoras may be d eemed t o have r eached S heepen i n t he period AD 4 360/61.
But we must exclude a ll t he Dressel 1 a mphoras b ecause t hey
r elate to trade w ith I ron Age a nd not R oman Britain. i ngly/ omits t hat f orm f rom our wine
Table
7 a ccord-
amphora a ssemblage a nd g ives
1 3
CONTEXT
NUMBER OF SHERDS
Pre-AD 4 3
2
AD 43-60/61
5 05
AD 60/61
1 26
( Boudican Destruction Horizon)
Post-AD 60/61
4 3
Total of Stratified Sherds
6 76
Unstratified
6 12
Total
of Stratified and Unstratified Sherds
T able 5 .
C hronological I ncidence o f A mphora S herds
AMPHORA TYPE
Dressel
M INIMUM VESSEL NUMBER
2 -4
4 4
Cam 184
2 1
Haltern
70
Dressel
20
8 18
Belträn I /IIa
s alazones
21
Cam 189
7
Richborough Dressel
1 288
5 27
1
28
5
Unidentified
2
'Total
1 27
T able 6 .
T he A mphora T rade w ith S heepen A D 4 3-60/61
14
d etails
of t hose v essels
period AD 4 3-60/61. e ach s ource,
t hat supplied Sheepen with w ine
i t a llows one t o e stimate t he s ignificance o f t he d iffer-
e nt r egions.
Provided t he c omposition o f t he a ssemblage d oes not
r eflect l ocal predilections l east in part )
f or c ertain c rus,
i t s hould r eflect
the d iffering outputs of t he various
Cam 1 84 i n the t wo fabric groups before C laudius
t o
l ead u s t o
d id not participate
a ccounted f or a s wine
There i s n othing a c ontribution.
I t
t hat R hodian w ines were c onsumed i n
quantity on some early military s ites l ian s ettlements
a nd Nero.
a nticipate s o major
has been d emonstrated elsewhere
( at
s ource r egions.
f rom Rhodes supplied 1 4.52% of
t he wine drunk at S heepen under C laudius
This i s
i n t he
By stating t he p ercentage of wine supplied f rom
.
i n R oman Britain but t hat c ivii n t he trade t o t he s ame extent.
l evied by the Roman
s tate f rom t he
R hodians a s a penalty f or unrest t here early i n t he r eign o f C laudius. S heepen was not military but c ivilian t heless
( at l east t echnically );
n ever-
i t had sufficient a ffiliations with t he Roman a rmy f or t he
i ncidence of Rhodian amphoras there t o be c ited i n s upport of this t hesis.
The l ack of a fabric a t S heepen s hared between Cam 1 84 a nd
D ressel 2 -4 suggests t hat Cam 1 84 d oes n ot g ested )
( as has o ften been s ug-
i nclude imitations of t he R hodian prototype made i n I taly a nd
t he western provinces. not come
The t wo Cam 1 84 fabrics
a t Sheepen that d id
f rom R hodes must presumably therefore have c ome
where i n t he Aegean or the Greek world . need not t herefore have
a ny connection with t he
c ourse s hould we d eny t he possibility t hat wine r eached early Roman Britain i n t he
f rom e lse •
Amphoras i n t hese
fabrics
c ommissariat.
Nor of
f rom Rhodes c ould have
c ourse of c ivilian t rade.
The
R oman army had a lways been one of t he major c onsumers of wine, would be mistaken t o r epresent t he a s
s o i t
i mportance of t he R hodian c onnection
a d istorting f actor i n t he c omposition of t he Sheepen a ssemblage.
But it does mean t hat our wine amphoras a re typical n either of exclus ively military nor purely c ivilian m ilieux.
To gain s ome i nsight
i nto what may a pproximate t o c ivilian c ontexts, 1 84 i n t he t wo Rhodian fabrics
we s hould d elete Cam
f rom t he a ssemblage.
Table
8 i s
a ccordingly presented a s a n e ssay i n what may be t hought o f a s
t he
c ivilian w ine trade w ith S heepen. But t o r eturn t o Table
7 .
It may
c ome a s a r evelation to s ee
t hat Sheepen was supplied with wine from a t l east nineteen d ifferent s ources.
When D ressel
1 was
c urrent,
Britain had been supplied f or
a t l east a c entury w ith wine exclusively f rom I taly. t he last d ecades BC t hat t he picture begins
we e ncounter i n s o d eveloped a f orm a t S heepen. d iversity was a tive
A root c ause o f t his
t he growing r ecognition t hat wine was t he most r emuner-
c apital i nvestment
a bility o f w ine,
i n agriculture.
A n a ssessment o f t he profit-
based on t he epigraphic a nd d ocumentary evidence,
s hown that f or I taly,
wine c ould g ive a r eturn of
c ompared with ordinary d ividends of n ew v ineyards,
I t i s o nly i n
t o a ssume t he d iversity
not only
i n I taly,
5 -6%.
This
7 -10% on
l ed t o
but i n t he provinces
has
c apital,
t he p lanting o f a s well.
These n ew v ineyards e ncroached on l and t hat had h itherto b een d evoted t o grain. of grain.
Now i n AD 9 2 there was a g lut of wine a nd a d earth
D omitian a nnounced drastic m easures t o c ounter t he
c risis:
h e s tipulated that n o new v ineyards were t o be planted i n I taly a nd t hat up to half i n t he provinces were t o be d estroyed. evidepce t hat Domitian was s eeking t o protect t he
1 5
There i s
n o
I talian w ine i ndustry
M INIMUM V ESSELL ITRES
AMPHORA TYPE AND FABRIC GROUP
NUMBER
OF WINE
DRESSEL 2 -4 Peacock fabric 1
1 3
3 58.41
2 3.92
I talian
3 8.64
S panish
Peacock fabric 2
8
2 20.64
1 4.72
Catalan
4
1 10.32
7 .36
Williams f abric 1
4
1 10.32
7 .36
3
8 2.74
5 .52
2 0.24
( Baetican?) Williams fabric 2 ( Baetican?) W illiams
fabric
3
2
5 5.16
3 .68
Williams
fabric 4
1
2 7.58
1 . 84
Williams
fabric 5
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams
fabric 6
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams
fabric 7
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams fabric 8
2
5 5.16
3 .68
Williams
f abric 9
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams
fabric 1 0
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams
fabric 1 1
1
2 7.58
1 .84
Williams
fabric 1 2
1
2 7.58
1 .84
U nprovenanced
2 2. 08
CAM 1 84 Peacock fabric 1
1 1
1 49.6
9 .98
R hodian
1 4.52 Peacock fabric
2
5
68. 0
4 .54
Peacock fabric
3
3
40 .8
2 .72
2
2 7.2
1 .81
A egean?
4 .53 Williams
Totals
1 9
fabric 7
fabrics
T able 7 .
6 5 amphoras
1 499.12
l itres o f wine
T he W ine T rade w ith S heepen A D 4 3 -6 0/61
1 6
M INIMUM AMPHORA T YPE AND FABRIC GROUP
V ESSEL NUMBER
L ITRES OF W INE
DRESSEL 2 -4
I talian
S panish
P eacock fabric 1
1 3
3 58.41
2 7.97 4 5.19
P eacock fabric 2
8
2 20.64
1 7.22
Catalan
4
1 10 .32
8 .61
4
1 10 .32
8 .61 2 3.68
3
8 2.74
6 .46
Williams
f abric 1
( Baetican?) Williams
fabric 2
( Baetican?) Williams
fabric 3
2
5 5.16
4 .3
Williams
fabric 4
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
fabric 5
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
fabric 6
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
f abric 7
1
2 7.58
2 .15
U nprovenanced
2 5. 83 Williams
f abric 8
2
5 5.16
4 .3
Williams
fabric 9
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
f abric 10
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
fabric 1 1
1
2 7.58
2 .15
Williams
fabric 1 2
1
2 7.58
2 .15
3
4 0 .8
3 .18
2
2 7.2
2 .12
CAM
1 84 •
Peacock fabric
3
A egean?
5 .3 Williams
T otals
T able 8 .
1 7
fabric
f abrics
7
4 9 a mphoras
1 281.52
l itres of w ine
T he C ivilian W ine T rade w ith S heepen A D 4 3 -6 0/61
1 7
f rom provincial
c ompetition;
what l ay behind t he edict was h is p er-
c eption t hat i nvestment i n v iticulture had c reated a perilous i n t he e conomy.
The
a ssemblage of wine amphoras
Roman v iticulture t hriving a s n ever before; i s
i mbalance
f rom Sheepen s hows
t he multiplicity of f abrics
t angible e xpression of a massive a nd widespread i nvestment i n t he
wine trade a nd we c an s ee t he c risis of AD 9 2 i n t he making. s hows
t hat I taly was
t he most important s ingle
s umed a t S heepen i n t he period AD 4 3-60/61, c ontribution may eventually prove u nprovenanced Dressel earlier, stics
2 -4
7
supplying 3 8.64%.
I ts
t o be h igher because s ome o f t he
fabrics must surely be I talian.
I taly supplied a ll
Table
s ource o f t he wine c on-
A c entury
t he wine t hat r eached Britain.
Our s tati-
a pparently suggest a c risis of production i n t he peninsula .
But t he i nvestment i n v iticulture noted a bove
l ed to a s ubstantial
i ncrease i n t he volume of wine produced u nder t he Julio-Claudians. I taly produced more wine u nder C laudius
a nd Nero t han a c entury before.
Much of this n ew d emand may be a ttributed t o t he
i ncreasing adoption
of t he R oman way of l ife i n the young provinces of Gaul a nd I beria . I taly was no l onger t he s ole provider, but t he burgeoning wine t rade;
portionally l ess t han i t had been, e nhanced prosperity. a n a ttenuation of,
s enior partner i n a
a lthough her c ontribution t o t he whole was proa n i ncrease i n output must betoken
The debut o f provincial
or a n a ssault on,
c rus does not signify
I talian prosperity,
but rather a
widening participation i n one of t he buoyant s ectors o f t he JulioC laudian e conomy. Attention s hould be I berian provinces.
d rawn to t he important
wine drunk a t Sheepen under C laudius Haltern
c ontribution of t he
They a pparently supplied o ne-fifth
7 0 was n ot a w ine amphora
a nd Nero.
( 20.24%)
of t he
B earing i n mind t hat
( because s yrup was bottled i n i t ),
we s hould s eriously c onsider a new t he possibility t hat D ressel produced i n t he province of Baetica f or l ocal wines.
2 -4 was
Kiln products
r epresenting Baetican production of D ressel 2 -4 have i ndeed been publ ished but doubt has been expressed a bout Now Sheepen produced s even D ressel 2 -4 fabrics
( Williams
Baetican.
fabrics
1 a nd 2 )
t he validity o f t he
amphoras
i n t wo d istinct
t hat merit s erious
Without s tamps or painted i nscriptions,
of a n origin t here
c annot be d emonstrated .
c laim.
c onsideration a s
d ecisive evidence
But t heir petrology i s
s istent with a Baetican provenance a nd Williams
c on-
fabric 1 i s more or
s alazon amphoras
l ess identical i n t he hand s pecimen w ith one o f t he f rom Sheepen. The 6 1 amphoras
a t Sheepen t hat came
are l isted i n Table 9 . blage by v essel e nsis
c ount.
i n D ressel
f rom t he S panish provinces
They c onsistitute 4 5.19% of t he t otal a ssemThe wine
t hat came
f rom Baetica a nd Tarracon-
2 -4 a ccounted f or 2 0 .24% o f t hat
i n t he period AD 4 3-60/61.
c onsumed a t S heepen
But only when a llowance i s made
f or t he
volumes of c ommodities i nvolved c an t he s ignificance of t he I berian c onnection be t ruly a ppreciated: 4 c ame
f rom I beria.
of a mphora a t S heepen
6 3.5% o f t he c ontents
A lthough t he volume o f c ontents c ould not be e stablished,
i t
l isted i n Table
f or every c lass
i s
c lear t hat
Spain was t he most important s ingle s ource o f t he a mphora-borne c omr eaching Sheepen a nd t he only s ource o f o live o il, s alazones , d efrutum syrup ( assuming no d efrutum arrived in Dressel 1 and 2 -4
modities a nd
amphoras).
At Sheepen the s cale of o live o il
Baetican wine,
d efrutum syrup, and s alazones .
i mports eclipses This
t hat of
s uggests t hat by
t he r eign of C laudius olive o il may have b ecome t he mainstay o f t he
1 8
AMPHORA T YPE
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
Catalan D ressel Dressel 2 -4 D ressel
2 -4
4
i n Williams
fabric 1 ( Baetican?)
4
2 -4 i n Williams
fabric 2 ( Baetican?)
3
Haltern 7 0 D ressel
8
2 0
2 1
Belträn I
1 6
Belträn I Ia
1
Belträn I /IIa
4
Total
6 1
T able 9 .
S panish A mphoras a t S heepen
Baetican export trade i n a mphora-borne f oodstuffs. provid6d by t he Dressel
C orroboration i s
c ontemporary s hipwreck of Port-Vendres B ,
2 0 oil amphoras were t he major e lement o f t he
early olive o il amphoras
f or t here
cargo.
Two
f rom Sheepen a re Augustan i n f orm a nd s upple-
m ent evidence f rom V erulamium a nd Skeleton G reen t hat s hows t hat t he export of Baetican o il to Britain began t hat early. t he deposit of amphoras
a t La Longarina
( Ostia )
I t i s
c lear f rom
a nd f rom t hose a t
R ödgen in Germany that t he Spanish provinces were major e xporters of amphora-borne c ommodities under Augustus. d ramatic a nd t here i s
export of Spanish a gricultural late R epublic .
The r ise of S pain was
l ittle s ign i n the a rchaeological
r ecord o f t he
a nd f isheries products earlier,
Sheepen s hows how under C laudius
a nd Nero,
i n t he
S pain main-
t ained t he a scendancy s he had e stablished i n t he r eign of Augustus.
1 9
C HAPTER I .
Dressel
1 i s
DRESSEL 1
t he most c ommon I talian wine amphora of t he l ate
R epublic.
T ypo l ogy a nd C lassification The
c ollar r im,
g enerally with a s lightly c oncave outer s urface,
r epresents t he developed Dressel
1 amphora a nd vessels
confidently be identified a s the
l b variant.
our number 1 are not outlive the 1 979,
2 3),
handles, Dressel
s ometimes
f ound on the rarer l c,
f irst half of t he
i t i s
Slight c orrugations were
t o
but a s t hat f orm d id ( Charlin e t a / .
f irst c entury BC
unlikely t o be present here.
more or l ess oval i n s ection, 1 .
1 a nd 2 may
Rather s imilar r ims
The l ong s traight
of v essels
3 -5 a re t ypical o f
f ormed by t he pressure o f t he
hand a nd f ingers when the handle was drawn out f rom a ball of c lay. Handles of t his kind a ccordingly offer a more t he
c onvenient purchase t han
smaller a nd rounder handles of some other f orms.
t he ends of 4 a nd 5 s how t hey came f rom t he l ower end, r ose
from t he s houlder.
Stöckli
( 1979,
of handle s ections s howing t he gradual
Abb.24 )
The
curve a t
where t he handle
i llustrates
a s election
i ncrease i n s ize f rom Lamboglia
1
3
5
2
F ig .
2 .
A mphoras 1 -2 D ressel l b;
2 1
3 -5 D ressel 1 . S cale 1 :4
4 ( the f orerunner of Dressel 1 )
t hrough D ressel l a t o l b.
Dr D .P.S.
Peacock a sks m e t o c onsider t he possibility t hat l arge handles such a s t hose
f rom Sheepen would only c ome
i ng t he Stöckli handle s ize a s
d iagram )
f rom t he l b f orm but
t he writer r emains
s ceptical
a r eliable i ndicator o f precise
A wall s herd 2 c m t hick, i n a n identical
f orm f or Dressel
with a body d iameter o f
fabric to that of handle
3 .
( notwithstand-
a bout t he u se of
3 6
-c m,
1 .
i s present
Dressel I i nvariably has
a more massive a nd r obust c onstruction t han Dressel
2 -4
a nd i t i s note-
worthy t hat none of t he Dressel 2 -4 a t Sheepen have body walls a s sturdy a s t his. 2 -4
The greatest body wall t hickness a ttained by D ressel
a t Sheepen i s t he exceptional
1 .6 c m of amphoras 6 a nd 2 8.
This
heavy s tyle of c onstruction of Dressel 1 i s n oteworthy a nd i t i s worth i ndicating s ome of the implications. 1 i s
r elatively i nefficient because
A s a mode of packaging,
high a proportion of t he t otal weight o f t he f illed vessel. in t erms of package-weight t o c ontent-weight,
e t a / .
1 977,
8 6 n .201 ).
amphora s tudies l ess
t he ratio
1 :1
( Coils
a nd e xplain why empty weights a re s ometimes included
s pecimens .
With D ressel 2 -4,
i nefficient a nd goes s ome way t o account
placement of Dressel Dressel 2 -4,
i s
s o
Expressed
Such ratios a re a n important a spect of
i n t he publication of intact i s
D ressel
i ts empty weight c onstitutes
i t was
1 by 2 -4.
A s D ressel
t he ratio
f or t he eventual d is-
1 had t hicker walls
l ess prone to accidental breakage a nd i ts
t han s olid
c haracter made i t e specially f avoured a s a s econdary c ontainer once i ts original
c ontents had been decanted or c onsumed .
This
a ccounts
f or i ts presence a t Sheepen where occupation d id n ot begin until t he f orm was d efunct . Dressel t he r im .
1 was bunged with
a c ork d isc s et i nside t he n eck below
Over the c ork was l aid a c oat o f pozzolana c ement.
s eals were often s tamped before t he pozzolana d ried . n eck i s 1 978,
i llustrated i n the Madrague d e G iens r eport
p1.16 ).
These
A t ypical bunged ( Tchernia e t a l .
A n i nteresting variant i s r eported by Anstett
( 1976 ).
I t i s n ot immediately obvious why t he bung c ould be positioned s o d eep i n the n eck.
Belträn
( 1970,
may t hrow s ome l ight on t his
7 2)
suggests Cato
Although t he t ypology of D ressel equally a pparent variants were
( De A gri C ultura 1 13.2)
curious practice. I evolved with t ime,
f rom the s hipwreck c argoes t hat s ome
c ontemporaneous.
Thus
t he Spargi s hip sank i n t he
d ecades of t he s econd c entury BC with a c argo of D ressel amphoras
( Lamboglia 1 961,
1 58-60 ).
i t i s
t ypological l ast
la a nd l b
I t had b een s upposed t hat s uch
variations i n f orm s imply r eflected t he output of d ifferent potters or workshops. s ome s els.
Amphoras were of c ourse only c ommercial
But t his bland c onviction has been overturned by t he
t he Madrague d e G iens The s hip s ank i n t he i ants of Dressel l b. e nces
c ontainers a nd
l atitude of f orm i s only t o be expected i n such utilitarian v escargo by A .
H esnard
( Tchernia e t
graffiti
There were three rim f orms
i ncidence o f t he
cut before
s tudy of 1 978,
4 2-5).
f ifties BC with a c argo o f t hree t ypological var-
i n the c onfiguration of t he body a nd s pike.
a ssessment of t he
a / .
f orms,
f iring by t he potters,
s tamps,
a nd t wo s light d ifferI n a perceptive pozzolana s eals
s he was a ble
t hat t hese s ubtle variations of f orm were n ot gratuitous, fashioned d eliberately by t he
a nd
t o d emonstrate but had been
same potter a nd by d ifferent workshops.
The only c redible explanation i s
t hat t he amphoras were
d ifferentiated
typolbgically t o c onvey i nformation a bout t he wines t hat would event-
2 2
ually be bottled t herein. been
f ound on the s ite,
1 981,
2 51 n .32).
Since her s tudy,
Dressel l a a mphoras have
f rom t he s tern o f t he s hip
( Hesnard & L emoine
Whether or not t hese n ew amphoras have implications
f or her t hesis will presumably have t o a wait t he f inal r eport o n t his important s hipwreck.
F abric Peacock
( 1971,
1 64)
has d ivided D ressel
groups o n the basis o f their petrology. amphoras
a re i n his
of Campania, t errain,
L atium a nd Etruria.
i t i s of s ome
1 54-8 ).
f abric
f ive o f our Dressel
1
fabric 1 which i s t ypical o f t he volcanic tract As this
r epresents a n e xtensive
i nterest t hat Dr D .F.
t o identify d iscrete groups within t his pages
1 i nto t hree
A ll
Williams has attempted
c omprehensive fabric
Anyhow i n the hand-specimen a ll t he Dressel
( see
1 a mphoras
a t Sheepen s hare a hard a nd r ough fabric with c ommon t o a bundant i nclusions.
Amphora 1 i s
a braded l ighter s lip. o f s lip.
l ight red
( 10R .
Amphora 2 i s r ed
6 /8 )
( 10R .
with traces of a n 5 /6 ),
The handle o f amphora 3 i s l ight r ed
white s lip ( 7.5YR .
( 10YR .
8 /3).
Amphora 4 i s
r ed
( 10R .
( 10R .
5 /8 )
a lso with traces 6 /8 )
with a n off-
a nd 5 i s buff
7 /4).
C apacity Two Dressel l b amphoras i n C olem were measured . s pecimen f rom the L exden c emetery l itres, s econd r im .
( accession n o.
The Cam 1 81
PC 7 00 )
holds
measured t o within 7 .5 c m below t he t op of t he handle; ( from Sandon on l oan )
Average:
holds
2 6 l itres
t ype
2 2 t he
t o within 6 cm of t he
2 4 l itres.
P rovenance •
We know D ressel 1 i s
I talt m because t he painted i nscriptions
" name wines the d ocumentary s ources t ell u s When we a ssess t he epigiaphic evidence
came
f or t he
f rom t he peninsula. f orm,
i t i s
d ifficult
t herefore t o d isentangle the topic of provenance f rom t hat o f c ontents a nd so t he c omments here will perforce a nticipate t he d iscussion below of the wines bottled i n Dressel
1 .
Most of t he e pigraphic evidence
f or provenance r elates to s outhern Latium a nd Campania.
c ru from southern Italy is named
( see page
1 37)
u s here because petrological a nalysis s hows t hat a ll a mphoras
f ound a t R ome,
Because
1 966,
a ll the i nscriptions mentioned here w ere
f ifteenth volume o f C .I. L.
The c elebrated Falernian 2 14;
Panella 1 980,
i s named more o ften t han a ny o ther wine 2 58 n .30 )
t hink t hat t he majority of Dressel T his
a lthough i t would be wrong t o
1 amphoras hailed f rom t he a ger
Caecuban wine i s attested by t he
famous v ignoble was
t o t he east of Tarracina . t he
1
i t was n ot f elt n ecessary t o prefix t heir numbers w ith
a r eference t o t he
F alernus .
t he D ressel
a t Sheepen came from t he I talian volcanic tract o f Etruria,
Latium a nd Campania .
( Zevi
At l east one
but i t n eed n ot d etain
i nscription F vnd/XCII
i nscription C aec/CD
s ituated i n t he plain of Fundi Wine f rom Fundi ( 4569).
Another
2 3
i tself i s ( 4567)
has
( 4545).
( modern F ondi),
r epresented by a c onsular date
of 2 5 BC .
Nearby Formiae may be i ndicated b y t he
F o/mv A q c os u s
( 4556).
r esolving t he
was
f irst l ine a s F (alernvm)
c onsul i n 1 21 BC,
R epublican t imes 1 980,
0 (pimianvm) because Opimius
t he year of t he most a cclaimed v intages
( Hesnard & L emoine 1 981,
2 58 n .30 ).
i nscription
Aquillius was c onsul i n 1 01 BC a nd t his prevents i n
2 59-60 n .83 p ace Panella
Aricia presumably explains t wo i nscriptions with
A r ( 4537-8 ). Tuder i n Umbria s eems t o be a ttested by t he i nscription T vd/XX/Cae/cor ( 4546). O ne notes t hat P liny ( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.4.36)
c omments on the v ines cultivated t hereabouts.
with t he
i nscription i s t he t hird l ine.
we must s uppose t he a mphora bears
I f i t i s
The problem
r esolved a s C ae(cvban) ,
t wo d ifferent i nscriptions
i t was bottled with a d ifferent v intage a fter i ts original
a nd t hat
c ontents
had been c onsumed . F ield surveys wasters
i n I taly have brought t o l ight k iln d ebris a nd
from workshops
t hat made Dressel
1 .
R esearch s o
c entrated on t he p lain of Fondi a nd t he a ger F alernus Hesnard & L emoine 1 981). with work on rural t hese v ignobles
R esults have been e ncouraging.
s ettlement,
s hould eventually emerge.
Stamped s herds
yet provided evidence of Tuscan wines important
now t hat Dressel 1 amphoras ( Manacorda 1 978;
I n c onjunction
O ne would a lso hope to be
f rom t he workshops
t he ramifications of t he e xport trade. t he A lbinia k iln i s
c on-
a d etailed k nowledge of t he g eography of
a ble to gauge t he output of wine a t d ifferent periods material.
f ar has
( Hesnard 1 977;
f rom dated k iln
s hould a llow u s
t o
f ollow
Amphora i nscriptions have not i n D ressel 1 ,
( Peacock 1 977a,
s o t he d iscovery of
2 66-7).
I t i s
s tamped by S estius were made
a lso c lear
a t Cosa
1 980 ).
C ontents Most of t he wines a ttested by inscriptions on Dressel r eady been mentioned i n c onnection with provenance
1 h ave
( see a bove ).
a lThose
who would l ike t o l earn more o f t hese wines a re r eferred to Billiard ( 1913), bled .
where documentary evidence O ne f eels
-g ives
f or t he c rus of antiquity i s
a n i ncomplete picture o f i ts
c ontents.
we may r esume t he i nvestigation of c ontents. t ions
a ssem-
sure t hat our e xtant epigraphic evidence f or Dressel
c ited below c ome f rom R ome a nd s o
1
With t hat c aveat i n m ind, A ll t he D ressel
( as with provenance),
1 i nscripi t was
not f elt n ecessary t o prefix t heir numbers with a r eference t o t he f ifteenth volume of C .I.L. The R omans named s ome wines i nscription g em/DXCC
( 4572)
was
Thus
t he
r esolved by D ressel a s g em(ellvm
a fter t heir parent v ines.
or
i nvm) from a wine that took its name from t he v itis g emina or g er ne ha ( Cato D e A gri C ultura 6 .4; Varro R erum R usticarum 1 .25; C olumella D e R e R ustica 3 .2.10; Pliny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.4.21-2; 1 4.5.46). The v ine was one o f t he t ion i s
Dressel 1 . t his 2 4;
f ive t hat gave t he
case
Another i nscription r eads t he parent v ine was
C olumella D e R e R ustica
bottled i n a D ressel yard : Rom a ns
famous Aminean wine;
i n f act our only e pigraphic evidence f or t his
3 .2.23).
V / .../helveoli C V/XV ( 4574). I n ( Cato D e A gri C ultura
I n o ne i nstance a t l east t he w ine f rom t he proprietor o f t he vine-
The O xford L atin D ictionary
d escribed medium s weet wines
t he A vtocr(atvm)
i nscrip-
i n
t he v itis h elvola
1 t ook i ts name
O ccianvm/CDLXXIV ( 4584).
t he
v intage
a s Autocratan:
of a n i nscription dated 1 3 BC
2 4
s ays
t he
i t i s a ttested by
( 4539).
An important but n eglected i nscription r eads ( 4547).
The year i s
5 9 or 4 3 BC,
the
C aes c os/car(oenvm)
f irst c onsulship o f C .
Julius
C aroenum was a nona lcoholic s yrup made by boiling must; i t was a member o f t he d efrutum
Caesar or Octavianus family.
( Augustus)
Such s yrups were the
r espectively.
s tandard c ontents o f Haltern 7 0 amphoras.
We a lso know t hat o lives were preserved i n d efrutum This presumably accounts
f or t he o lives
D ressel l c amphoras o n the C .
100 BC Cavali re
s hipwreck:
Grains
v essels
came from Pompeii
o f black v olcanic s and i n t he Dressel ( see page
6 2-3).
4 1).
t hey were a lso
( Charlin e t a l .
present i n one of t he s even Dressel l a amphoras 2 3-4).
( see pages
f ound i n a ll e ight of t he 1 979,
l c fabric s how t he
I t i s worth n oting t hat t he
export of o lives preserved i n d efrutum from the Vesuvian c ities s eems otherwise unrecorded .
A s pecialist i nterest i n o lives at Pompeii m ight
t hough be implicit i n the Catonian r eferences t o o live mills f rom t he ( Cato D e A gri
c ity
f rom a Dressel wreck.
l b
C ultura 2 2.3-4;
1 35.2).
Grapes have been r eported
amphora on t he c .60-50 BC Madrague d e G iens s hip-
They were d estroyed by c ontact with t he a ir but t he p ips have
been saved.
I t was suggested that t hey had s omehow miraculously e scaped
( Tchernia e t a l .
t he press
1 978,
t hat t he amphora i llustrates
1 3).
D r A .J.
Parker has
c onvinced me
i nstead t he practice described by
( say)
( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.3.17) who mentions t he preservation of grapes i n must a nd d efrutum . Taken i n c onjunction, t hese s trands of
P liny
evidence
( slight enough i n t hemselves)
s uggest t hat a n i mportant s ub-
s idiary e lement i n Dressel 1 c ontents may have been d efrutum a nd r elated s yrups, must). t imes
a s well a s o lives
The Haltern s eems
a nd grapes pickled t herein
( Charlin e t a l .
1 979,
1 amphoras
a nalysis o f
f rom the A lbenga a nd Madrague d e G iens
s hipwrecks has d etected traces of tartaric a cid a nd tannins original wines
( Lamboglia 1 952,
O ther evidence f rom t he c ontents.
1 54-5;
Tchernia e t a l .
ö yster valves
wreck c ontained hazel nuts P lanier C wreck i s
1 64 n o.15).
f anciful,
Another
( op . c it ., 164 no.13).
Dr A .J.
Parker has
( ibid .,
f ull o f
f rom t he I le Maire D A bung f rom t he
s tamped M r A lfi m f V ng(ventarivs?);
t he v essel held o intment or perfume s eems
1
( Parker & Squire 1 974,
l b f rom t he Archipel d e R iou was
( Benoit 1 962,
1 3).
n o doubt f or u se on board s hip a nd
s o presumably r epresentative of s econdary u se A Dressel
f rom t heir
1 978,
s ea amplifies our knowledge o f D ressel
At l east two held r esin,
3 2 with r efs).
i t s ome-
2 4 n .37).
I t will c ome a s no surprise t o l earn that c hemical r esidues i n Dressel
( or i n
7 0 phenomenon may not be a s unheralded a s
B enoit s uggested
1 53-4 no.6 ).
I f t his
t o r ead V ng as the
advised m e
f irst
l etters of the c ognomen .
C hronology The evolution o f Dressel
1 f rom Lamboglia 4 a mphoras
i n t he
s econd c entury BC a nd t he subsequent history o f t he f orm n eed n ot d etain u s unduly because i t i s o nly present a t Sheepen a s e lement i n a f irst c entury AD milieu.
a ttention t o t he t erminal date of t he f orm. f idence
e nd a bruptly with two of 1 3 BC nos
, e 1 39
We
c an say with s ome c on-
t hat new wine was n ot bottled i n Dressel
because t he many c onsular dates a nd 4 575).
This
a r esidual
Here we s hould c onfine our 1 l ater t han c . 10 BC
i n t he painted i nscriptions ( Zevi
1 966,
2 13
c iting C .I. L.
t erminal date i s v indicated by t he
2 5
f rom R ome vol.15 a bsence of
t he f orm f rom t he ( Hesnard 1 980 ,
3 60 amphoras buried i n a ditch a t La L ongarina C .
1 43).
One of t he l ast dated i nscriptions
( 4539)
AD 5
i s of
sufficient i ntrinsic i nterest t o be g iven i n f ull: T i C lavdio P Q vinctilio c o(n )s(vlibvs)/a(nte) d (iem ) X III k (alendas) i vn(ias) v invm d iff vsvm ( est ) q uod n atvm e st d Vobvs L entvlis c o(n )s(vlibvs)/Avtocr ( atvm ). A s with s ome other wine a mphoras, t here a re t wo d ates i n t he i nscription. born )
The vintage was
t hat of 1 8 BC
( the year t he w ine was
but t he wine was not racked off i nto t he amphora u ntil t he
t hirteenth day before Here we have o n wine
t he kalends o f June
1 3 BC i .e.
t he 2 0th May.
a n i llustration of t he e ntire rationale b ehind t he d ates
amphoras;
t he vintage had been r etained i n s torage
f or n early .
f ive years before being bottled i n i ts amphora f or sale. Stratigraphical pre-conquest. c onquest.
c ontexts o f i llustrated s herds.
Amphora 2 :
Amphora 4 :
r im,
handle,
AD 4 3-60/61. AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 :
Amphora 3 : Amphora 5 :
r im,
handle, prehandle,
AD 4 3-
60/61.
C omments Dressel
1 takes u s back t o t he l ate R epublican wine t rade o f
s econd a nd f irst c entury BC I taly. i ndependence,
I t belongs t o the
era o f British
a d ifferent world t o t hat o f t he early R oman period
s ettlement excavated a t Sheepen i n 1 970.
Earlier occupation i s of
c ourse attested t here but i t d id n ot c ommence u ntil t he b eginning o f t he f irst c entury AD, i ngly the D ressel
f orm.
Accord-
1 amphoras pose s omething of a c hronological
i mpasse ,
d iscussion of which i s
s ome y ears a fter t he demise of t he
r eserved f or t he t reatment of c hronology
c hapter X I).
2 6
( see
C HAPTER I I.
Dressel
2 -4
i s
DRESSEL 2 -4
t he most important I talian a nd western provincial
wine amphora of t he early Empire. a t Sheepen,
where i t was
No l ess t han f orty-four were present
t he most
c ommon t ype present.
T ypology a nd C lassification Three v essels
i n t he D ressel t able of f orms
a re
c losely r elated
a nd i t i s now s tandard practice t o c onflate t hem t o d enote c ategory of amphora,
Dressel 2 -4.
a s pecific
The a mphoras f igured by D ressel
o nly hint a t t he i nfinite t ypological variety within t he c lass. know f rom k ilns
i n I taly t hat t he potteries t hat made Dressel
eventually produced D ressel 2 66; i s
Panella 1 980,
2 54,
2 -4
( Hesnard 1 977,
2 58 n .21).
1 59;
Professor E .L.
We
1 a lso
P eacock 1 977a, Will t old me t here
a Dressel 1 with bifid handles i n t he Market o f Trajan a t Rome
t ype 4 b). D ressel
The r obust s tructure of D ressel 1 c ontinues i n s ome
2 -4
amphoras
( Panella & Fano 1 977,
1 55)
( her
f ew
but o therwise t here i s
no s ign of a ny category o f j ar that i s transitional between t he t wo. D ressel
2 -4 d id not evolve
f rom D ressel 1 .
We a re d ealing with a
major new d eparture i n the f orm of amphora with which I talian wine m erchants
c hose t o market t heir v intages.
modelled o n prototypes D ressel
2 -4 i s
s ometimes
d escribed a s Koan,
r arely)
a s Graeco-Italian.
But t he
t hese early amphoras
a re
r eason
( more
1 ,
s o t o a void a ny possible c on-
c alled Lamboglia 4 i n t his
I n c onnection with D ressel 1 t ypology, t hat Dressel 2 -4 was
For t his
p seudo-Koan or
l ast t erm i s n ow more c ommonly
u sed f or t he predecessors of Dressel f usion,
These n ew v essels were
f rom t he Aegean i sland o f Kos.
w e have
adopted by I talians because
i ts
r eport.
a lready i ndicated l ighter c onstruct-
i on made i t a more e conomical mode of transporting wine;
i t h eld more
wine
But a nother
t han Dressel
1 a nd i nvolved l ess packaging weight.
e lement i n t he a bandonment of Dressel l ess easily fathomed .
There was
f orm a nd c ontents of amphoras.
1 i n f avour of D ressel 2 -4
What i s
t he shift f rom Dressel 1 t o Dressel 2 -4 t ainer was
s o puzzling therefore a bout i s
t hat a foreign s tyle o f c on-
a dopted wholeheartedly t o bottle e stablished I talian v int-
a ges which had t heir o wn t raditional 1 977,
a nd d istinctive
amphora
( Hesnard
1 61-4). Sherds of D ressel 2 -4 c an be d istinguished from D ressel
t heir bead r ims, a nd g enerally
bifid
( double-barrelled or f igure-of-eight )
l ighter c onstruction.
adrift,
a s with amphora 1 3.
1 by handles
Handles e xhibit much variety.
T he most d eveloped bifid handles a re f ormed f rom two c ome
i s
a c onnection i n a ntiquity between t he
r ods which o ften
I n s uch i nstances t he
2 7
s car where t he
1
1 4 1 3
Z
F ig .
A mphoras 6 -7 , 9 -15 I talian D ressel 2 -4 i n P eacock f abric 1 ; 2 0 , 2 2-23 t he s ame i n P eacock f abric 2 . S cale 1 :4
2 8
2 5
)
3 2
\
3 4
3 6
F ig . 4 A mphoras 2 4-25 I talian D ressel 2 -4 i n P eacock f abric 2 ; 3 1-34 B aetican D ressel 2 -4 i n W illiams f abric 1 ; 3 5-37 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 2 . S cale 1 :4
2 9
4 1
4 2
4 7
F ig . 5 A mphoras 3 8-39 u nprovenanced D ressel 2 -4 i n W illiams f abric 3 ; 4 0 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 4 ; 4 1 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 5 ; 4 2 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 6 ; 4 3 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 7 ; 4 4-45 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 8 ; 4 6 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 9 ; 4 7 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 1 0; 4 8 t he s ame i n W illiams f abric 1. S cale 1 :4
30
P l .
1
D resse1 2 -4 a mphora 4 7
3 1
P is 2 -3
P ainted i nscription o n D ressel 2 -4 a mphora 2 3; s tamp o n D ressel 2 -4 a mphora 2 4 3 2
r ods s eparated i s u sually a pparent.
At t he
o ther e xtreme
i s
t he
handle of amphora 3 5 which o nly has a s hallow groove a long t he o uter surface. s pikes. 1 .
T he l ight
c onstruction emerges particularly
None a t S heepen i s a s massive a s t hose
Some a re n ot even solid,
a nd 4 5.
The body walls
Dressel
1 .
t ypes.
a s with t he hollow bases of amphoras
3 7
o f D ressel 2 -4 a re i nvariably t hinner t han
S ome c arry economy of packaging t o the
t o make D ressel
f rom t he basal
f ound on most D ressel
2 -4 one of the more
l imits o f s afety
f ragile o f t he major amphora
T his will be more r eadily a ppreciated by c onsidering t he
m easurements of body wall t hickness r ecorded b elow amphoras when t he fabrics Thirty-two of t he a re a mphoras
6 -7,
9 -15,
f or i ndividual
a re d escribed .
f orty-four D ressel 2 -4 a re i llustrated . 20,
Some of t he Dressel
T hey
2 2-5 a nd 3 1-47.
2 -4 a mphoras o n the s hipwreck a t La
Tradeliere were bunged with
c ork d iscs
( Fiori
& Joncheray 1 975,
6 1-2).
The rarity o f bungs on the Dramont D wreck s uggested a material perishable i n s eawater,
a lthough s ome t here were
bunged with pottery d iscs The D ressel 5 .
T his
( Joncheray 1 973a,
2 -4 category u sed t o be extended t o i nclude
i s no l onger t he c ase because
of Dressel
5 ,
suggests we are d ealing with a f orm imported f rom t he
Greek world a nd without western 4 70;
D ressel
t he d istinctive handle t ypology
a s well a s the f requent u se o f Greek i n i ts painted
i nscriptions, 1 969,
a lmost c ertainly
2 9-30 ).
Panella 1 973,
imitations
( Zevi
1 966,
2 16;
Tchernia
5 00 ).
F abric There a mphoras
i s
c onsiderable fabric d iversity a mong t he D ressel
a t Sheepen.
t he fabric of each amphora i s d escribed in turn. groups
a re present i n the a ssemblage.
f ollowing order: Etruria ) fabrics
A ll a re Spanish: 1 -2)
o ne
a re Baetican.
been a ssigned provenances
i s Catalan a nd t he other t wo
( Williams
fabrics
We begin with I talian amphoras ( 1971,
present i n D ressel P eacock f abric
1 i s
1 64,
2 -4.
( Williams
3 -12).
i n Peacock fabric 1 f rom t he
Latium a nd Etruria.
1 66)
The
t hree
r ecognized i n D ressel I a re
At Sheepen we have only t he
r epresented by a mphoras 6 -18 .
t here i s much variation i n t hese v essels r eport on their petrology,
Latium a nd
Then we turn to t he provincial
There f ollow t en fabrics which have n ot
volcanic tract o f Campania, which Peacock
F ifteen main f abric
They a re d escribed i n t he
I talian i n P eacock fabric 1 ( Campania,
a nd 2 ( Pompeii r egion ).
fabrics.
D r D .F .
f abrics a lso
f irst t wo.
One notes
Williams has
T his
a fter t he amphoras had been a ssigned t heir s ite
have c ompounded c onfusion t o h ave
I t would
a ltered t he o riginal numbers a gain,
s cheme has been r etained a t t he c ost of a l oss o f
s ynchronism between t he petrology r eport a nd t he a pologies
I n h is
d ivided t hese D ressel
numbers a nd t he e xcavation r eport s ent t o t he publishers. s o t he original
t hat
i n t he hand-specimen.
2 -4 amphoras i n Peacock fabric 1 i nto a further s even groups. d evelopment came
2 -4
Most were s ubmitted f or petrological a nalysis;
are offered.
3 3
r est o f t he t ext:
my
M INIMUM FABRIC
V ESSEL NUMBER
P eacock f abric 1
1 3
2 9.55
I talian
S panish
U nprovenanced
Totals
P eacock fabric 2
8
1 8.18
Catalan
4
9 . 09
Williams f abric 1 ( Baetican?)
4
9 . 09
Williams
fabric 2 ( Baetican?)
3
6 .82
Williams
fabric 3
2
4 .55
Williams
f abric 4
1
2 . 27
Williams
fabric 5
1
2 .27
Williams
fabric 6
1
2 .27
Williams
fabric 7
1
2 .27
Williams f abric 8
2
4 .55
Williams
fabric 9
1
2 .27
Williams
fabric 1 0
1
2 .27
Williams
f abric 1 1
1
2 .27
Williams
f abric 1 2
1
2 .27
1 5
fa brics
T able 1 0 .
4 4 amphoras
F abric G roups i n D ressel 2-4
3 4
Amphora 6 i s r ed d ense
fabric;
( 10R .
6 /8)
i nclusions a re
r ounded dark grey grains up t o 1 6 mm i n t hickness.
Amphoras
n eath a t hin off-white s lip
with paler s urfaces.
c ommon,
1 mm a cross. 8 /3).
some of t he l atter a re
Amphora 9 i s i nclusions, grains
l ight brown
6 /6).
e xceed
7 /4)
b e-
White a nd brown grains a re
3 -5 mm a cross.
( 5YR .
( 5YR .
A r ough fabric with a bundant
i nclusions s howing much variation i n s ize. c ommon,
The wall does n ot
7 -8 a re both l ight pink
( 10YR .
A hard a nd
t he most c onspicuous being t he
The wall i s
Abundant white,
e xhibiting s ome variation i n s ize,
a re a pparent on t he powdery surface,
8 mm t hick.
grey a nd brown
a re present.
The
s o g iving t he v essel
a
r ough f inish suggesting t he amphora had been wiped or brushed before f iring. pink
Amphora 1 0 has
( 5YR .
7 /4 ).
1 .25 mm across
a mottled grey s urface
under a thick off-white s lip
a gain a t t he c ore o f the handles
8 /3);
t o grey
i s
( 7. 5 YR .
with powdery surfaces.
o ften
i n excess of 1 mm a re scattered t hroughout. Amphora 1 3 i s
a nd powdery s urfaces. 1 mm.
Amphora 1 4 i s
( 5YR .
8 /4)
wall of t he n eck i s 8 /4)
( 5Y.
surfaces
a bove
7 mm t hick.
8 /2)
( 5YR .
a bove
8 /3).
i nclusions.
l ight yellow
S oft a nd f ine with much
Amphora 1 6 i s
l ight pink
t races of a l ighter a nd f ugitive s lip.
The i nner
( 7.5YR .
o f 3 4 cm . s lip.
7 /4).
This wall s herd i s
Amphora 1 7
Hard a nd
i s l ight r ed
f abric i n l ight pink 8 /4 ).
( 5YR .
I nside t he wall i s
The wall
s herd i s
The wall o f t he
3 4 cm .
7 /4)
( 5YR.
6 /8 )
with a thick o ff-white
with a t hin l ight y ellow s lip
We n ow turn t o I talian amphoras
matrix.
( 10YR .
All have
Identification of t his 2 4
7 /4)
( 2.5Y.
4 mm t hick. c m .
i n P eacock f abric 2 .
T his
( to a greater or
l esser e xtent )
f abric s hould u sually be possible i n
But t wo were submitted f or petrological a nalysis
a nd 2 6).
The
f irst because
t he rarity a nd f ineness of
t he black sand d id not immediately s uggest t his
f abric group;
t he
s econd because i ts off-white matrix i s quite d istinct f rom t he r ed or pink of t hese amphoras. r epresented by body s herds,
Some o f t he Sheepen amphoras
but their identification
s ecure because of t heir t hin walls. i nctive
fabric a re available
& Fano 1 977,
1 46 n os
Amphora 1 9 white s lip grains
i s
r epresented a t
f ine black volcanic sand i n a l ight r ed or l ight p ink
t he hand-specimen. ( amphoras
1 1 mm
Amphora 1 8 has a r ough a nd hard
a l ight brown band
1 9-26.
with
This wall s herd i s
t he black sand f abric of t he Pompeii r egion a nd i s i nclusions o f
n ihvs,
3 mm o f t he wall i s
1 cm t hick with a body d iameter of 3 4
S heepen by a mphoras
7 /6 )
1 c m t hick with a body d iameter
( 10R .
r ough with f ine i nclusions.
t hick with a body d iameter of
The
( 2.5Y.
At t he base of t he n eck i s t he graffito
s cratched a fter f iring. buff
with darker
a l ight p ink c ore
s urface pitting where i nclusions have f laked away. body i s 9 mm t hick.
7 /4)
many i n e xcess o f
Abundant f ine
Amphora 1 5 has
l ight pink
Amphora 1 2 i s
The wall o f t he
( 10YR .
Abundant grey i nclusions, l ight yellow
( 5YR .
Grey a nd brown i nclusions,
l ight brown
a nd has powdery s urfaces.
1 3 mm
l ight pink
8 /2).
( 2.5YR .
8 mm t hick.
l ight s ome
t he c olour c hanges
brown
n eck i s
6 /8 )
a bove
Wall s herds a re
Amphora 1 1
( 10YR .
6 /3)
l arge i nclusions,
s cattered s parsely t hroughout.
t hick with a body d iameter of 3 0 cm . 8 /4 )
( 10YR .
Soft a nd powdery f abric w ith
i s
( 10YR . c m.
a s D ressel
2 -4
i s
C olour photographs o f t his d ist-
( Tchernia
& Z evi
1 972,
3 9 nos
3 -6;
Panella
1 -3 a nd 6 ). l ight r ed
8 /2).
( 10R .
6 /8 )
with traces of a t hin o ff-
Hard a nd r ough with a bundant
s pread t hickly t hroughout.
d iameter of 3 4
s tandard
a re o nly
Amphora .20 i s
The wall i s l ight p ink
3 5
f ine b lack
1 c m t hick w ith
( 5YR .
7 /6 )
a b ody
with t races o f
a t hin a nd f ugitive
l ight s lip.
Surfaces
black sand i s c ommon throughout. Amphora 2 1 i s
l ight pink
black sand i s
s parse;
( 5YR .
Amphora 2 2
a bundant f ine black s and. 1 3 mm t hick. has
T he
7 /8)
w ith
some white grains
not e xceed 9 mm t hick.
i s
The wall
f abric of amphora 2 3 i s
e xceed 1 c m i n t hickness.
a a .
t wo
t ells u s t he w ine was two years old from Spain.
But i t i s
c omplete c onfidence. c ore
l etters.
( 10YR .
7 /1).
Hard a nd f ine
a nd s ome t iny white grains. proposed a s i ntended )
i s
s ense This
c annot be proposed w ith ( 10R .
6 /8 )
1 cm t hick.
( the
with a grey
The
On t he base i s
c artouche).
a
I TAU may b e
a are certain;
l igatured t a nd
a pparently i ( if i ndeed a l etter was The r emaining l etters a re not
t he position o f t he
i mply Dressel
s tamp d eserves
c omment
s tamp position c an have a bearing o n i dentification.
D ressel
r im or n eck a nd i t i s only with D ressel
2 -4 t hat stamps are r egularly f ound on t he Although a s tamped s pike
f orm-
s alazon
fabric with s parse b lack i nclusions
h is doubtful.
1 i s g enerally s tamped on the
i s
i nscription
c ontents o f
Although t he t hin wall o f t he body must
a nd not Dressel 1 ,
b ecause
Presumably t he
l ight r ed
a r eading of t he s tamp.
but the
r ecoverable.
t he i nscrip-
a pparently not otherwise a ttested f or
The wall i s
t he s hort s troke preceding i s
2 2 but
s o t he
( vinum a nnorum d uorum ).
worn stamp s et i n a r ectangular f rame
2 -4,
s imilar t o t hat o f
s o t he i nterpretation Amphora 2 4
w ith
The wall of t he n eck d oes n ot
s ometimes u sed t o i ndicate t he age o f t he
I talian wine amphoras,
( 7.5YR 7 /6 )
On t he s houlder i n grey paint i s
evidently e ncompassed i n t hese
amphoras
s herds d o
i s nowhere more t han
There are no o ther l etters i n t he v icinity,
u la was
The f ine
Wall
c ream t hroughout
o f t he n eck
F ine
1 1 mm t hick.
l ighter s urfaces. a re present.
i n a ddition a l ight surface f inish.
t ion
a re r ough but powdery.
The wall o f t he n eck i s
s pike
( Tchernia 1 967,
2 24-5).
f rom Frejus has been c laimed a s Dressel
( Brentchaloff & L equement 1 979,
2 22 n o.2),
a nd Joncheray
a llows t he possibility o f s tamps on Dressel
1 bases,
( 1976,
1 4 3)
t he positioning of
t he s tamp on t he base may e lucidate identification i f t he c hoice i s between Dressel 1 a nd 2 -4. 8 /4) t iny;
on l ight r ed
( 10R .
Amphora 2 5 has
6 /8 ).
The
a l ight y ellow s lip
f ine black grains
white i nclusions up t o 0 .5 mm a cross a re more
wall of t he neck i s
8 mm t hick.
with a bundant f ine black grains. exceed 1 c m a nd has
t he Cam 1 82b t ype
T his
i s
We t urn now t o t he provincial f abrics.
There 3 9 n .2;
Williams
1 981,
O ne
t he other i s
1 27-8;
f abric a nd
All such a re S panish a nd
( not present r ed a nd hard
Keay & Jones
extended treatment of t he petrology ).
The
t he more c ommon a nd i t i s h ere d escribed a s fabric.
a pronounced
a Catalan a nd t wo Baetican fabrics.
a re t wo Catalan fabrics.
a nd poorly f ired,
s ame
The 8 /3 )
s herd d oes not
There i s t he
( 10YR .
s pecimen.
t hey f all i nto t hree groups:
off-white
c onspicuous.
The wall of t his body
a body d iameter of 2 6 cm .
( 2.5YR .
s parse a nd
Amphora 2 6 i s off-white
horizontal groove o n t he outer f ace. f inish a s
a re
1 982,
a t Sheepen )
i s
( Tchernia 1 971a,
5 0-6 f or a more
r ed paste would s eem t o be t he
standard Catalan
A ll four of o ur Catalan amphoras exhibit t his
d istinctive
fabric which c an be r ecognized i n t he hand-specimen without u ndue d ifficulty.
Two were s ubmitted f or petrological
a more precise d efinition of t he fabric s hould be drawn to t he u seful Catalan fabric by J .M .
M irö
3 8-9 n os
a nalysis t o f acilitate 2 9-30 ).
c olour photographs o f t he
( Pascual Guasch 1 977,
c ircumstantial d escription of the ware c olour photographs:
( amphoras
( Tchernia
7 4 n os & Z evi
1 -5 a nd 1 -2 respectively ).
3 6
Attention
s tandard 1 -2) 1 972,
a nd t o 3 7;
Our f our
a
more
C atalan amphoras
a re r epresented by body s herds only a nd n o d irect o r
d ecisive evidence
f or t heir f orm i s
f orthcoming.
presumption t hat t hey r epresent Dressel t hey r epresent D ressel-Pascual
2 -4.
a cross 5 /8 ) i s
i s brown
( 2.5YR .
are c ommon.
1 6 mm t hick.
f ine white
( because o f i ts r arity ). white i nclusions up t o 1 mm
1 2 mm t hick.
Amphora 2 8 i s r ed
s parsely t hroughout .
a lso r ed
( 10R .
5 /8 )
1 4 mm t hick . There
Amphora 3 0 i s I ts
l ight r ed
( 10R . T he wall
a nd h ard but with a
White i nclusions up t o 1 mm a cross
with a l ighter surface. f laked a way.
a nd h ard;
i nclusions
Amphora 2 9 i s
l ighter surface. T he wall i s
6 /8 )
T he wall i s
a nd hard with
i s u nlikely t hat
1 ( because that f orm ended b efore t he
f loruit of Sheepen) or Catalan Dressel 7 -11 Amphora 2 7
I t i s i ndeed o nly
But i t
a re a bundant.
( 10R .
6 /8 )
a nd hard
s urface i s pitted where i nclusions have
a re a bundant f ine white i nclusions.
T he wall i s
1 cm t hick with a body d iameter of 2 6 cm . There a re a pparently t wo fabrics among t he D ressel 2 -4 amphoras a t Sheepen t hat a re Baetican; fabric 1 ( amphoras
3 1-4)
t hey a re d esignated h ere a s Williams
a nd 2 ( amphoras
3 5-7).
At a n early s tage o f t he project i t was n oticed t hat
s alazon
amphora 1 03 had a f abric s trikingly s imilar t o t hat o f t he f our Dressel 2 -4 amphoras
3 1-4.
T his
c ongruence o f fabric - a nd t herefore of pro-
v enance - has been v indicated by petrological a nalysis, D .F .
Williams
pages
1 64,
i s
r eluctant t o e ndorse a mphoras
1 66).
Belträn
has published Dressel
( 1977,
2 -4 s herds
Guardarranque i n Baetica. t ypological There i s
t he same
3 1-4 a s D ressel F igs
f rom t he k ilns
2 -4 material
t endency t o f latten the r ims;
i n towards t he s houlder.
2 -4
2 9 nos
( see
1 6-7)
a t E l R inconcillo a nd 3 1-4 have
s ome
f rom Guadarranque.
t he handles a re n ot
( there being o nly a n e xterior groove)
fully understood
2 6-8,
One notes t hat our amphoras
a ffinities with the Dressel
t rue bifids n eck s lope
Fig.21 no.1,
a lthough D r
When Baetican
a nd t he walls o f t he D ressel 2 -4 i s more
( we a wait t he publication of a n i ntact s pecimen ),
t hese f eatures may turn out
t o be part of a r egional s tyle o f product-
i on .
Hesnard t hough
1 54-5 n .64)
f inds
a nd suggested t hat t he a ssemblage
( Belträn
IV ).
( 1980,
has
It i s true t hat one o f t he
hollow s pike o f a
r epudiated t he Guadarranque
i n i ts entirety i s
D ressel
i llustrated s herds h as
1 4
t he
s alazon amphora but Belträn makes i t c lear i n his s alazones as well as Dressel 2 -4; h is
t ext t hat t he kiln produced f ailure
t o caption t he f igures n eed not u ndermine c onfidence i n h is
identifications. homogeneous c ream
( 7.5YR .
7 /6 )
f ine with sparse What 3 5-7.
Anyhow t he f abric o f our
a nd t hat of amphora
i s
on a brown
c ore
called h ere Williams
r egards
( 2.5YR .
6 /8 )
i s I t i s
a nd s oft a nd powdery;
i nclusions.
The petrology of a ll t hree
Williams
f our Sheepen a mphoras
3 3 may be described a s t ypical.
fabric 2 i s i s
r epresented b y
a mphora 3 6 a s Haltern 7 0 a nd emphasizes
of fabric with Dressel 20
( see pages
amphoras
evidently Baetican but Dr D .F . 1 64-5 ).
i ts
a ffinity
C learly the g roup a s
presented h ere must be r egarded a s s omething o f a c omposite.
S ome
e xplanation s hould be g iven f or t he i dentification o f amphora 3 6 a s D ressel
2 -4.
I t i s n ot unprecedented t o e ncounter D ressel 2 -4 handles
with o nly a s ingle groove down the exterior f ace, l oped bifid handles of c lassic s pecimens nos
1 -2,
Farinas
Fig. 8 no.1, d el C erro et
handle moreover
F ig.9 no.7;
r ather t han t he d eve-
( Pascual Guasch 1 977,
Panella & Fano 1 977,
F ig.3
F ig.52 no.480;
a / . 1977, pis 4 no.13, 5b no.36, 6a no.93).
Our
i s p erfectly s traight a nd i t r ises v ertically f rom t he
3 7
s houlder;
Haltern
( to my m ind )
such a v essel. f inish,
a s
Each has
7 0 handles d o not behave i n s uch a fashion a nd t his
precludes
a ny possibility of t he s herd having
Anyhow a ll
i f t he
t hick
( as
may be a l ight pink c ore i nclusions
( 7.5YR .
Amphora 3 5 i s off-white a t t he
( 5YR .
( 10YR .
8 /4).
The white,
8 /3).
Angular white,
White,
1 1 mm t hick.
w ith s ome grains a s much a s
t he s pike t he wall i s
1 1 mm t hick.
We s hall now d eal with t hose Dressel 2 -4 t en fabric groups. IV .
Williams
The
There a re t welve
fabric
( 5YR .
7 /6)
c ream They A bove
t hat have n ot r epresenting
i s t he work o f
8 /4 )
t he t wo fabrics
f rom
d iscussed .
3 i s
r epresented by a mphoras
with off-white s urfaces
3 8-9.
The s urface o f
on a l ight r ed c ore
exceed 1 3.5 mm i n t hickness; has
3 7 i s c ommon.
2 mm a cross.
fabrics
( 10R .
body a re 1 5 mm t hick with a d iameter o f 2 8 c m . ( 7.5YR .
a re
identification of t hese fabrics
a nd hard with powdery surfaces.
l ight pink
o ff-
a nd d etails o f t heir petrology will be f ound i n Part
Baetica we have a lready Williams
t here
i nclusions a re
s uch amphoras
T hey a re g iven numbers h ere that c ontinue
f ine
8 /3 );
Amphora 3 6 i s Amphora
a re variable i n s ize,
Dr D .F.
f rom
grey a nd brown
grey a nd brown
grey a nd brown i nclusions
been a ssigned provenances.
( 10YR .
j unction o f handle a nd n eck )
The wall of t he n eck i s
8 /4).
c ome
group have a r ough
a re c ommon a nd a pproach 1 .5 mm a cross.
t hroughout
a bundant.
i n t his
surface had been wiped o r brushed before f iring.
a powdery surface.
where s herds are
white
t hree amphoras
( 10YR .
Both a re
amphora 3 8 i s
6 /8 ).
The walls o f t he
Amphora 3 9
8 /3).
i s
c ream
Wall s herds
t he body d iameter i s
3 4
c m.
This
d o n ot a mphora
a fabric s imilar i n t he hand-specimen t o that of amphora 4 3
( Williams
fabric
a mphora 3 9 i nternal
7 ).
But a c lutch o f wall s herds
( without petrological a nalysis)
t hrow-marks
tallied with those o n t he
which was quite d ifferent from t he Williams off-white band
( 5YR .
t hins
t o
7 /6)
8 /3)
up t o 6 mm t hick o n t he i nside.
The
s urface i s
The
s houlder i s
Fine w ith
s parse
s turdy but t he body wall
1 5.5 mm .
8 /6)
fabric 5 i s r epresented by a mphora 4 1.
on a darker c ore.
brown i nclusions, Williams ( 2.5YR .
o f a mphora 3 9
becoming darker beneath a nd w ith a l ight pink
1 mm a cross.
Williams ( 7.5YR .
s pike
s tyle o f amphora 4 3.
fabric 4 i s r epresented by amphora 40 .
( 10YR .
white grains
c ould be a ssigned t o
because the character o f t he
6 /6)
variable
fabric
with
6 i s
i n s ize with s ome
traces of s corching.
hard a nd f ine but with powdery surfaces. of i nclusions a cross t he
a pproaching
r epresented by a mphora 4 2.
( apparently )
I t i s
There a re a bundant white,
s urface,
There i s
c ream
grey a nd 2 mm.
I t i s brown The
f abric i s
a n a bundant s pread
typically 0 .5 mm a cross but w ith s ome
r eaching 1 mm . Williams off-white f ine.
fabric 7 i s
( 10YR .
A bove
8 /3 )
r epresented by a mphora 4 3.
on a c ream c ore
t he s pike t he wall
Williams
i s
( 7.5YR .
7 /6 ).
The
s urface i s
I t i s h ard a nd
1 3.5 mm t hick.
fabric 8 i s r epresented by a mphoras
c ream
( 7.5YR .
7 /6 )
a nd f ine with powdery s urfaces.
brown
( 7.5YR .
6 /4)
a nd f ine with
( apparently)
3 8
4 4-5.
Amphora 4 4 i s
Amphora 4 5
i s
t races of s corching.
l ight
A bove t he base
t he wall
Williams brown
( 10YR .
mm a cross
i s
1 c m t hick.
fabric 9 i s
7 /4)
a re c ommon.
Williams
r epresented by amphora 4 6.
a nd powdery.
White,
I t i s
At t he s houlder t he wall i s
with powdery surfaces.
l ight
( 5YR .
s ome
grey a nd brown i nclusions particularly a pparent o n the s urface.
Williams ( 7.5YR .
7 /6)
f abric
L ockwood k indly r estored t he body. I t i s
c ream
s oft a nd powdery.
fabric 1 2
i s
( 7.5YR .
7 /6)
a re c ream
f ine but with
1 1 i s r epresented by a mphora 4 8.
a nd f ine;
Williams f aces
F . D.
f abric i s
I t i s
p ink
After t he base was d rawn,
T he
1 -2
1 1.5 mm t hick.
fabric 1 0 i s r epresented by a mphora 4 7.
7 /4)
l ight
grey a nd brown i nclusions
r epresented by amphora 4 9. a nd t he i nner,
a bundant grey a nd brown i nclusions
l ight r ed
a re variable
The
outer s ur-
( 10R .
6 /8 ).
The
i n s ize a nd r ange u p
t o 1 mm .
There are d ense i nclusion s preads o n parts of t he outer
s urface.
Wall s herds a re not more than 1 3 mm t hick with a body d ia-
m eter of 3 6 cm . D ressel
2 -4.
i dentified
The v essel has a c ylindrical b ody a nd i s
Dr D .F.
Williams i s more cautious
a pparently
a nd r egards
i t a s u n-
( see page 1 66).
C apacity The f igure o ffered here a s a n average l itres.
I t i s
f or c apacity i s
t he m ean of t he t en c ategories o f D ressel
( Panella & Fano 1 977,
1 51-6;
measured but t heir mean i s i n question hold 2 4.5,
s ee
a lso Table
2 ).
Four
1 8 a nd 3 3 l itres,
The average o f
c ity of Cam 1 82b
f or f orms 2 6 l itres
a nd f or t his
1 82b, i s
The
amphoras
m easured t o within 4 ,
5 .5 a nd - i n the last two c ases - 6 c m of t he r im. t he Camulodunum t ype s pecimens r espectively.
i n C olem were
t oo l ow t o be r epresentative.
2 8 . 5,
2 7.58
2 -4 a t Pompeii
The v essels
1 83a,
a re
1 83b a nd 1 83c
d epressed by t he l ow c apa-
r eason t he m ean o f
2 7.58 based o n t he
P ompeian measurements has been a dopted . The 28 .5 of t he a ncient 1 51). more
f luid m easure known a s
a n
o ne of the estimates
a mphora ( Panella & Fano 1 977,
Not t oo much s hould be made of t his because 2 5.9 a ccurate a ssessment of t he
a mphoras a n
l itres o f Cam 1 83a c orresponds with
l itres
a mphora ( Duncan-Jones 1 982,
d id not i n f act n eed t o have
i s
a
3 72).
Wine
a c apacity t hat c orresponded w ith
a mphora ( or exact f ractions a nd multiples t hereof ) because i t was
s tandard practice t o s ell wine wholesale not by v olume but by weight. T he wine m erchant t ook his amphoras t o t he
e state;
t here h e weighed
t hem empty a nd a gain when f illed with t he v intage. t he weight of wine purchased t he numerals a mphoras;
s ometimes
( Paterson 1 982,
S ubtraction gave This
a ccounts
f or
f ound i n t he painted i nscriptions o n w ine
i t a lso e xplains why i ndividual
d id not n eed t o have
1 55-7).
identical
amphoras o f a g iven
c ategory
c apacities.
P rovenance Amphoras that we would d escribe l oped i n t he Aegean i sland o f Kos
i n t he West a s D ressel
i n l ate H ellenistic t imes.
3 9
2 -4 d evePotters
making amphoras i onal wine D ressel
i n I taly a dopted t he
amphora o f
f orm i n preference
f irst c entury BC I taly
2 -4 s erved t o bottle w ines
t o t he t radit-
( see a bove).
Eventually
f rom t he w estern provinces
a s w ell;
no other amphora f orm i n a ntiquity a ttained s uch widespread production. A ny s izable a ssemblage of t hese v essels w ill t hus f rom a t l east s everal d ifferent s ources: i on of t he i nvestment Empire.
t hat t ook place i n v iticulture i n t he
Excavated s herds manifest t his
t ered by the pottery a nalyst. extent - i n t he
c ontain amphoras
t he phenomenon i s a n e xpress-
I t i s a pparent t oo - a t l east t o s ome
d iversity o f t ypology.
But
e xcavated s herds s eldom
a llow u s t o r etrieve e nough of t he v essel t o l et u s a nalysis
a s
a r esearch t ool;
o pposed t o t ypology)
e arly
i n t he r ange of fabrics e ncoun-
d evelop t ypological
h ence t he e mphasis o n f abric a nalysis
i n our t reatment of t he Dressel
2 -4 a mphoras
( as f rom
Sheepen. At Sheepen t he o utcome has b een t he r ecognition o f
f ifteen
s ources of s upply among t he f orty-four D ressel 2 -4 amphoras. of t he position will be f ound i n Tables ( 47.73% by v essel c ount ) g ent a re a mphoras of Campania,
c ome
7 -8 a nd 10 .
f rom I taly.
M ost of t he I talian c ontin-
i n P eacock fabric 1 f rom t he I talian v olcanic t ract
Latium a nd Etruria .
A further e ight a re r epresented by
Peacock fabric 2 f rom t he Pompeii r egion. a re Spanish:
f our c ome
f rom Baetica .
A s ummary
Nearly half
from Tarraconensis a nd s even
Twelve vessels
a ssigned provenances.
E leven o f t he a ssemblage ( it i s
a rgued )
i n a f urther t en f abrics have not b een
A ll we c an r easonably s peculate i s t hat t hey
f rom v ignobles within reach of r iver a nd s ea t ransport
came 1 41).
I t
amphoras
( see page
i s unlikely t hat a ny came f rom Kos i tself b ecause s uch a re rare i n the West
a ssemblage of
3 60 a mphoras
f rom Kos were present
( Paterson 1 982,
f rom La Longarina,
( Hesnard 1 980,
1 45,
5 1).
I n t he
c .
AD
o nly f our Dressel
5 2 -4
1 54 n .51).
We may now r eview t he evidence f or Dressel
2 -4 production i n
I taly a nd the Spanish provinces. A s with Dressel
1 ,
i t i s
d ifficult t o s eparate the
t opic o f pro-
v enance from t hat of c ontents because our most i mportant evidence f or t he
f ormer c onsists of painted i nscriptions
a fter localities s pecify wines Dressel
1 .
i n I taly.
t hat r ecord w ines named
Some o f t hese Dressel
t hat d o n ot f eature
i n t he
Here t herefore we s hall
2 -4
i nscriptions
e pigraphic evidence
c onfine ourselves
t o
a c ommentary on P eacock fabric 1 amphoras - t hose D ressel t ions
t hat supplement
c ome
2 -4 i nscrip-
t he D ressel 1 evidence f or t he g eography o f
v ignobles in Campania, Latium and Etruria. f rom Rome a nd Pompeii;
o n Schoene-Mau X II
f or
l isting - a s
t hose
( Dressel 2 -4)
Campania i n g eneral t erms
f rom t he
The
i nscriptions
l atter a re
t he
c ited
a ll o f c ourse
a mphoras. i s
i ndicated by t he i nscription
A minevm C ampan(vm ) on a Dressel 2 from the Castra Praetoria d itch a t R ome
( C .I. L .
vol.15 no.4532).
Pompeian
i nscription P etr/DI
pectively;
Frank
1 940,
vol.4 n os
f rom P etrinum n ear S inuessa i s
( C .I. L.
v ol.15 no.4625;
1 35 f or t he r esolution ).
a ttested by i nscriptions ( C.I. L .
Wine
P etr/XLVII on Dressel 3 and by the
r epresented by t wo amphoras:
s uch a s d /Svr ;
5 560-1 a nd 1 0312
i nscriptions
are
l isted below.
Puteoli gave
t he G avr(anvm )
v ol.4 n o.6137 r es-
Surrentine w ine
r espectively).
The r idge
Dated Surrentine
t hat overlooked Baiae a nd
of a n a mphora dated AD 4 3 o r 4 7
4 0
i s
S vr/cav/dr/pr a nd S vr/Metel
( op .
c it .,
n o.
5 511;
Day
1 932,
D ay 1 932,
1 96 f or t he r esolution). i nsciption L evc/vet/ctc
H ills explains t he
1 96 n .168 f or t he
w ine we have t o mention AD 6 0
( C .I. L .
t o t he
r eferences
i gnorant a s Wine
v ol.4
i s
f rom t he L eucogaeae vol.4 n o.
5 590a;
T he o nly other Campanian
t he T rifolinum of a n
i nscription dated
n o.5518 = I nscriptiones L atinae S electae no.8582;
t here
c ited,
a dd Juvenal S atires
9 .56 ).
i n Campania t he a ger T rifolinus was
t o where
f rom Latium i s
r esolution).
W ine
( C.I. L.
a ttested by a Dressel
t he i nscription A lb(anvm ), We r emarked a bove on t he Etruria i n D ressel 1 .
We r emain s ituated .
3 amphora d ated AD 2 6 w ith
a fter A lba L onga
( C.I. L.
vol.15 no.4531).
l ack o f epigraphic evidence f or wines
f rom
The d eficiency i s r ectified f or Dressel
2 -4 by
t he i nscription v /Veientani on an amphora from the a ger V eientanus; may a lso be i ndicated by a damaged i nscription on a Dressel vol. 15 no.4595 o n f ormae
Pompeii ( C.I.L. p ectively).
2 s imilis;
We have a lready made s ome r eference t o I talian volcanic tract
( see page 2 4).
i t
2 -4 f rom
vol.4 no.2719 r es-
a mphora k ilns
i n t he
T hose that manufactured D ressel
1 have i nvariably produced evidence o f D ressel 2 -4 production a s w ell. We s hould a dd h ere t he Sutri pottery of Etruria, s ome
f ew Dressel
6 nos
2 1 a nd 2 3,
2 -4 amphoras
i n t he s ixties AD
E ight of t he I talian D ressel
f abric I t i s
2 -4 f rom S heepen have t he b lack
fabric in t he Pompeii r egion s hould be i ndicated . s tamps
F ig.
T he evidence f or t he production of t his d is-
a t Pompeii bear stamps o f L . Eumachi
5 0,
8 8 ).
s and of P eacock fabric 2 . t inctive
which a pparently made ( Duncan 1 964,
Eumachius,
a l ocal magnate.
a re a lso f ound o n Dressel
( Tchernia
& Z evi 1 972,
3 7,
3 9-40;
2 -4 a mphoras
Many t iles These L .
i n t he
s ame
Panella & Fano 1 977,
1 49).
a lso e xemplified by a s eries of tall a nd s lender f lagons
( Schoene-Mau V I)
made a t Pompeii a nd which h eld g arum ,
Apart f rom t wo i n Gaul,
m uria a nd a lec:
t hey a re only f ound i n t he Vesuvian c ities.
Many painted i nscriptions o n t hem s pecify t he
c ontents a nd name t he
producers;
a man whose
t hey i nclude A .
Umbricius Scaurus,
a ttested i ndependently a t Pompeii
( Liou & Marichal
r efs).
T o
fa bric,
i ts production was more or l ess
j udge by t he d istribution of bricks
H erculaneum
( Peacock 1 977c,
1 53).
1 979,
a nd t iles
I t h as
s ince been s hown t hat t he
i n I taly has
o rigin of P eacock fabric 2 ( Velde
i n t his
c onfined t o Pompeii a nd
o nly garnets present i n black s and fabric amphoras T he d istribution of t his mineral
f amily i s 1 65-7 w ith
& C ourtois
are m elanitic .
c onfirmed t he V esuvian 1 983).
O ne notes t hat
t here a re o utcrops of v olcanic r ock with melanitic garnet H ills
of Latium,
e vidence t he
although t here s eems
t o be no other
i n t he A lban
( archaeological)
t o suggest t hat black s and a mphoras m ight have b een made i n
r egion
( op .
c it .,
5 35-7).
We turn now t o t hose D ressel
2 -4
a mphoras
t hat a re Spanish.
The
v ignobles on the coast of Tarraconensis were to be found among t he L aietani,
a n I berian race t hat d welt a long t he c oast between Tarraco
a nd Emporiae. o f t he name:
There was
c onfusion
t hat u sed here i s
a mphora k ilns have been l ocated; d ence a re now available E nough k ilns
i n a ntiquity over t he
j ustified by D olc two important
( Pascual Guasch 1 977;
( 1953,
c orrect f orm 5 3-5).
K eay
& J ones
1 982).
a re known to s uggest t hat t he Catalan v ignobles
r ange over t he e ntire
t erritory o f t he Laietani.
a re b lank between Tarraco a nd Saint Boi;
4 1
Many
s yntheses of t his evid id not
Our d istribution maps
n or have k ilns been r eported
f rom t he Laietanian 1 ;
Keay
& Jones
c oast north o f Calella
1 982,
F igs.
6 .3-4 ).
( Pascual Guasch 1 977,
a ttested i n the painted i nscriptions on C atalan amphoras T he precise Tchernia
l ocation of t he town of Lauro i s
( 1971a,
7 0-1 n .84)
F ig.
t he o nly c ru
A s we s hall s ee,
i s L auronense.
s till n ot beyond d ispute;
proposes L lerona d el Vallbs,
n orth o f
Barcelona a nd within some k ilometres of t he amphora workshop a t C aldes d e Montbuy.
t he r esolution o f L avr i nscriptions
Nor has
always been unanimous.
a s L avr(onense)
I t was once t hought t he a bbreviation m ight
r efer t o Laurentum i n Latium, c ounted f or t he r easons
but t his possibility s hould n ow b e d is-
g iven by Panella
( 1970,
c onfirmed by a n e xamination of t he fabrics o f
1 31-3).
T his h as b een
t wo a mphoras w ith L avr
i nscriptions because both have t he
s tandard Catalan fabric
& Z evi
K eay
1 972,
3 6-7 n .2,
3 8 nos
c ome from O stia a nd R ome;
4 -5;
& Jones 1 982,
t he l atter amphora i s
( Tchernia
5 7 n .7).
s tamped PHAE.
They D etails
of both a re g iven below. Seven Dressel Baetican. t here i s
2 -4
a mphoras a t Sheepen
Because t he case
l ittle t hat needs t o be a dded here.
R inconcillo a nd Guadarranque of Baetica; page
a re
3 7).
both made s alazon Williams
Belträn I amphora;
c onsidered t o b e
f or t his attribution r ests o n t heir f abrics, a re
The k ilns
a mphoras
a s well a s D ressel
fabric 1 e ncompasses
f our Dressel ( 1974,
c annot c laim t he g roup a s a product of t he k ilns be said t o be grounds
f or r egarding
I t would s eem t hat
i ndicated .
2 -4
t he d escrip-
2 41),
t here.
t hese f ive amphoras
s o w e
Nor c an t here a s Guadarranque
a nother s ource on t he Baetican c oast i s
Emphasis on t he s eaboard of t he province i s n ot misplaced
( De R e R ustica 1 1.2.60 )
because C olumella
s peaks o f v ineyards t here,
a pparently with the implication t hat t hey were s ignificant. s ource i n the province i s fabric
( see
2 -4 a nd a
i ts petrology d oes not c orrespond w ith
t ion of t he R inconcillo f abric g iven by P eacock
products.
a t E l
s ituated o n t he M editerranean c oast
A nother
i ndicated by the t hree a mphoras o f W illiams
2 but a more s pecific a ssessment o f t heir provenance c annot be
e ssayed a t t his
s tage.
C ontents Sketched here i s t he evidence f or t he
c ontents o f t hose D ressel
2 -4 a mphoras present a t S heepen t hat we have been a ble t o a ssign prov enances. o n t he
No a ttempt has been made t o offer a c omprehensive s tatement
c ontents of t he f orm i n g eneral.
o ur attention t o Dressel 2 -4
We s hall
I taly a nd t o t hose from t he Spanish provinces. i nscriptions on the origin
( still
l ess
1 a nd 2 f rom
Many o f t he painted
f orm c annot be r elated t o a s pecific g eographical a fabric group )
r eadily i ncorporated i n t he t ext .
a nd f or t his
r eason c ould n ot be
For Pompeii,
Tarraconensis a nd
Baetica,
u se has
a nd g ive
a more c omplete picture o f t he wines
But Dressel
a ccordingly c onfine
amphoras i n P eacock fabrics
a lso been made of i nscriptions o n other f orms t o t ry f rom t hese v ignobles.
2 -4 was not a lways bottled with w ine;
s ome r emarks on t he a rchaeological
we s hall e nd w ith
a nd epigraphic e vidence
t hat a mpli-
f ies our knowledge of t he c ontents of t hese v essels. Most of t he wines bottled i n Dressel f abric
2 -4
1 f rom t he I talian v olcanic tract have
amphoras i n P eacock a lready been i ndicated
i n our d iscussion of t he provenance of t he f orm. t he extant inscriptions g ive o nly a n bottled i n these v essels.
It s eems
r easonable t o
4 2
O ne
f eels s ure t hat
i ncomplete picture o f t he w ines a ssume
t hat t he c rus
f ound i n Dressel 1 were eventually bottled i n Dressel
2 -4 a s well.
many c ases we c an e stablish t his
f rom t he i nscriptions
T hus t he Autocratan of a Dressel
1 f rom Rome
I n
t hemselves.
a nticipates a D ressel
2 -4
f rom t he s hipwreck a t La Tradeli re with the painted i nscription
a vt(ocratvm)/h1 s q
( Fiori
& Joncheray
c . 15-10 BC date of t he wreck ). not f orthcoming, Caecuban
the s ame c ontinuity
( for i nstance )
1 975,
Even i n
L iou 1 975,
c an
603
f or t he i s
s ometimes be e stablished.
d oes not f eature i n Dressel
but we know i t was bottled i n the
2 -4
i nscriptions
f orm because t he pottery workshop a t
Canneto was s ituated i n t he y ignoble So t o t he c rus
6 1;
c ases where s uch e vidence
( Hesnard 1 977,
1 61).
a lready m entioned we may a dd Apian,
a wine
A pianv(m ) a nd v e(tys) A p(ianvm ) vol.15 nos 4 536 a nd 4 598, both o n f ormae 2 s imilis ). The parent v ines f rom which t he c ru took its name were r ecommended; t hey were
s pecified i n t wo i nscriptions
f rom Rome:
prolific a nd gave a s weet wine.
T heir grapes were i deal f or t he r aisins
n eeded t o make p assum wine.
V ignerons in Etruria had a special r egard f or t he v ine a nd i t was c ommon t here ( Columella D e R e R ustica 3 .2.17-8; 1 2.39.3; 1 2.47.6; Pliny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.4.24). We have
a lready n oted t hat
a nother of t he wines
bottled i n Dressel 2 -4 was V eientan. r ecords
t he wine
c ame from t he Castra Praetoria d itch,
t he c ru was drunk a t R ome by t he 2 11-2
f rom Etruria
The amphora i nscription t hat
f ifties AD
f or t he amended terminal date).
s o i t i s a pparent
( Dressel 1 879;
Z evi
1 966,
I t was known there earlier
because Horace s peaks of i t i n a poem written i n t he t hirties BC
( Satires 2 .3.143)
a s
i f i t were n othing worse t han a y in o rdinaire.
Presumably trade i n t his wine had s omething t o d o with t he of V eii under Augustus Nero,
a nd h is
d ynasty
( Potter 1 979,
Persius v iews t he wine with grave suspicion
With t he F lavians,
E pigrams 1 .103.9;
i t has become 2 .53.4;
l oved t o d isparage.
s uggest,
i t i s
d ifficult
a paradox here.
Yet were i t a s u npalatable c itizens of Rome.
P erhaps we a re
T here
( Martial
a c ru the
Evidently V eientan was
t o s ee how even l ocals at V eii
stomached i t - l et a lone t he
But by
( Satires 5 .147-8 ).
a byword f or t he d eplorable
3 .49.1).
a ncients
r enaissance
1 14-5 ).
a s t he poets c ould have
i s
s omething o f
d ealing with a r obust a nd uncouth
peasant wine t hat n ever a spired to c laim t he a ttentions of t he c onnoisseur.
At l east t he phenomenon s hows h ow s urveys of t he Roman w ine
trade ought not t o r est c ontent with s imply r epeating t he
l ikes a nd
d islikes of our d ocumentary s ources. Dressel 2 came
2 -4 amphoras with t he black sand paste o f Peacock
f rom t he Pompeii r egion.
They a re t he only wine
f abric
a mphoras
a t
S heepen that we c an a ssign exclusively t o a c ircumscribed g eographical s ource; i n t hese
this
justifies
a mphoras.
a more d etailed e xamination o f t he c rus bottled
At t he outset a ttention s hould be d rawn t o t he
s tudies of Pompeian wine by Day Etienne
( 1975,
( 1932,
1 69-72,
1 77-81,
The c elebrity o f Pompeian wines
i n a ntiquity a nd t he
t heir export a re n ot a lways
f ully a ppreciated n owadays.
c ribed t he vineyards there,
Columella
' those most
1 89-97)
and
3 09-11 ).
( De R e R ustica 3 .2.10 )
f amous s lopes of Vesuvius'
( Loeb translation ).
evidently much i nfluenced by a h eadache f ollowing noon.
4 3
i nduced by t he wine
Output was
d es-
s poke o f The o nly
( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.8.70 )
d iscordant note i s s truck by Pliny persisted until t he
s cale o f
When h e
who was
a nd which
f ormidable - a nd n o
wonder - because t he mountain was c overed with v ineyards 5 .4. 8;
Florus
1 .11.5).
Aminean wine was
c ula ;
v itis g emina
The
c ommon t here.
O ther v ines
a lso gave
i ts name t o a grape.
c ultivated were t he v eni-
Wines
f rom t he c ity were
( Columella D e R e R ustica
t o a ge well f or up to t en years
N aturalis H istoria 1 4.4.22; 1 4.4.34-5; Amphora i nscriptions
1 4.4.38;
supplement t his
painted i nscriptions on Dressel
evidence.
i s attested by t he D ressel
2 -4
Pompeii
( this
2 2640-67/8 ).
t ime i n Greek)
vol.4 no.2676 ).
c an r ecognize
has the
i nscription a mpay .
l ocal wine.
a s Pompeian
p1. 4 no.7;
v ol.4
2 -4 i nscription f rom
( Aminean ) c ity,
w ine
( C .I.L.
i t i s probable
A Dressel l c f rom A lgeria fabric,
This has been r esolved a s A m(inevm )
Belträn 1 980,
i nscription f rom Pompeii
( C.I.L.
f rom t he description of i ts
p a(ssvm ) v (etvs), old Aminean raisin wine 3 5,
i tself
s how t hat i t t oo r eached Africa
Another D ressel
a s peciality of t he
t he amphora was bottled with
( Etienne
a nd P ompe on amphoras
( attested t wice)
r ecords G emellan
A s t his was
that we
t here a re dated
P ompeian w ine
i nscription P ompei(anvm )
of unspecified f orm from Carthage, vol. 8 nos
A lthough o ur s uch,
t he wine r eached A frica
vol. 8 no.22640-31).
T he i nscriptions P omp
( C.I. L.
P liny
The inscription V es(vvinvum )/qpd on a n
l isted below.
3 09 n .6 c iting C .I. L .
no.5559).
a s
2 -4 that r ecord t he name;
amphora of unspecified f orm s hows 1 975,
s aid
3 .2.10;
1 4.8.70 ).
d ocumentary s ources d o not mention Vesuvian w ine e xamples are
( Strabo
that gave
called by some t he v itis P ompeiana .
a n i mport f rom S icily was
Pompeii
( or g emella )
( Carraze
203 n .61 e ndorses t his
o n a n
1 975,
F ig.9,
r eading ).
A n
amphora of unspecified f orm s uggested
t hat V esuvian wine m ight sometimes have been r esinated,
but
a m ore
c areful r eading of t he t ext o bliges u s to f orego t hat possibility ( C .I. L . t here
v ol.4 no.5599 amending 2 616 ).
i s
archaeological evidence
preserved i n d efrutum Before
( see page
t aking our l eave o f I taly, we s hould c onsider t he t opic o f
from Kos were made i n I taly Pliny
a r eminder t hat
e xport f rom Pompeii o f o lives
2 5).
Dressel 2 -4 amphoras with Koan wine. 1 05 ).
We may e nd with
f or t he
We know t hat imitations
( Cato D e A gri C ultura 1 12;
( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.10.79)
suggest i t was
c urrent in h is own d ay.
o f wine
s ee a lso 2 4
s peaks of i t i n t erms
We know s ome of t hese
i ons must have been bottled i n Peacock fabric 1 a mphoras
a nd
t hat
i mitat-
f rom t he
Italian volcanic tract because a n i nscription on a vessel o f u nspeci-
K ovm G ran(ianvm )/of (ficinae/ T he r esolution o f g ran i s d ifficult: i f i t i s not t he a bbreviated c ognomen of the v igneron, it may t ell u s t he wine had been f lavoured with s eeds ( granatum ). f ied f orm t ells u s
t hat i t
R omae A terio F elici
I t i s t here
c ame
( C .I.L.
from R ome:
vol.4 no.2565 ).
a pparent t hat Koan wine was enjoyed a t P ompeii because
are many i nscriptions o n D ressel
O ne may c ite a s examples C ovm/vet(vs);
2 -4 a mphoras
t hat name
C ovm/vet/L S extii S yrtico ; C ovm/csmn ; A tinio ( C.I. L . vol.4 nos 5 536-9, 5 n1b a nd 9 320 r espectively). s tock d escription of t he wine The
u se of Latin suggests f rom t he A egean.
f orm from Pompeii Herculaneum: ( C.I. L.
l eaves
T he
a s o ld has bogus o r f raudulent overtones.
t hat a t
l east s ome o f t he Koan w ines
s ented by t hese i nscriptions were I talian imports
t he wine.
C ovm/vet/P A ppvlei B assi; C hovm/vet/vo and C hoUM/vet/C
c ounterfeits,
An i nscription on a n
r epre-
r ather t han
a mphora of u nspecified
l ittle d oubt t hat Koan was
i ndeed made a t
C hovm/vet(vs) e xc(ellens)/Hercvl(ani)(L )ivi A lci(mi)
vol.4 no.10722).
Panella t hough i s
imports behind t he Pompeian i nscriptions
4 4
d isposed t o s ee Greek
( Panella & Fano
1 977,
1 53,
1 61;
s ee a lso Day 1 932,
2 -4 amphoras
( no.
1 94-5).
5 541b)
i s
S he points out t hat o ne of t he Dressel
s imilar t o a n a mphora f rom Kos
G reek i nscription i s present a s w ell, d escribed i n Latin.
even t hough t he wine
a nd t hat a i tself i s
We may now a ddress o urselves t o t he topic o f provincial w ines. T he only D ressel
2 -4 amphoras a t Sheepen t hat we h ave been a ble
i dentify a s provincial s ented :
Tarraconensis
a ll c ame
a nd Baetica .
S heepen where t hey a ccount C laudius a nd Nero
f rom Spain.
They a re of s ome importance
( see Table
7 ).
T he s cale o f wine production i n ( Strabo 3 .2.6 f or Baetican exports;
P liny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.8.71 f or Tarraconensis) m entary evidence f or Spanish wines Van Nostrand
a t
f or o ne-fifth o f t he w ine c onsumed u nder
S pain i s mentioned i n our s ources
f or I taly.
t o
Two s ources a re r epre-
( 1937,
a lthough t he d ocu-
i s modest i n c omparison with t hat
1 77-8 )
has t he
l argest s ingle c ollect-
i on of s ource material but i t i s n ot exhaustive a nd s hould be s upplem ented by other s tudies 5 5,
6 6-7;
e t a/.
C oils
( Andre 1 977,
1 958,
1 30-3;
106-7;
Tchernia & Z evi
Belträn
1 977,
1 972,
3 6,
1 13-6 ).
I n a ntiquity Catalan wine i n g eneral was known a s Laietanian. I t was d escribed by Martial
( Epigrams 1 .26.9). t hose of Tarraco I talicus P unica
i n d ownright u ncomplimentary t erms
But t he r egion c ould boast t wo a cclaimed c rus,
a nd Lauro 3 .369-70 ;
( Pliny N atura1is H istoria 1 4.8.71; 1 5.177;
Martial E pigrams
I t may be helpful t o l ist here t he o n Catalan a mphoras.
The
S ilius
1 3.118 ).
f ew extant painted i nscriptions
t hree f rom t he Castra Praetoria d itch a re a ll
L avr(onense) v et(vs) ( C.I.L. vol.15 no.4577 on f ormae 3 s imilis); L avr/IIII/ ... ( op . c it ., no.4578 on Dressel 2 ; no. 3 503 f or t he s tamp PHAE on i ts base); v etvs I III/Lavr/Lay ( ibid ., no. 4 579 o n f ormae 3 s imi1is). A D ressel 2 -3 f rom a Flavian horizon ( Vd ) a t O stia bears t he i nscription a cet(vm )/XI ; above this had been painted L avr/acet/lag . A cetum was vinegar; it inCluded vinegar wine. We have n o d ocumentary evidence f or a cetum from Lauro and s o t his i nscription i s important additional evidence f or t he o utput o f t he v ignoble o n D ressel 2 -4 a mphoras:
( Panella 1 970,
1 11,
1 31-3,
tay .36 n o.561).
A Schoene-Mau V III
a mphora
f rom Pompeii has the i nscription L avr/IIII/mpf ( op . c it ., 1 32 c iting Brizio & Schoene 1 872, 1 65 no.195 being C .I.L. vol.4 n o.5558b). There s eems t o be no o ther r eason t o t hink t hat t hese d istinctive a mphoras were
a Catalan product a nd one wonders
f ied .
Two
i f t he v essel has been m isidenti-
amphoras of unspecified f orm f rom the s ame d eposit a t
C arthage each have t he i nscription L avr/IIII . PLIE.
A t hird a mphora,
i nscription
with t he
( Tchernia 1 971a,
s ame s tamp,
F ig.23,
O ne has a s pike s tamped has
a n unintelligible
7 5 w ith r ef.).
S everal a spects of t his e pigraphic evidence W e have was
s ometimes bottled i n t hese amphoras.
i s a n unintelligible i nscription ), o f Tarraco,
t here i s no trace.
With one exception
t ions have
a n e lement
205 n o.1321;
( and t hat
t he c ru named i s a lways L auronense:
One must a sk i f t he output of t he V ig-
n oble was not the equal of i ts c elebrity. ( 1965,
c all f or c omment.
a lready r emarked t hat t he O stia i nscription t ells u s v inegar
F ive of t hese Lauro i nscrip-
c onsisting o f f our v ertical
s ee a lso Panella 1 980,
m eant t he c ontents were f our years o ld .
s trokes.
2 58 n .31)
I f s o,
Callender
s uggested t his
i t i s a n odd c oincidence
t hat s o many of our e xtant i nscriptions s hould s pecify wine o f exactly t he
same a ge.
P erhaps
f our years was t he o ptimum period t o
4 5
l ay d own
L auronense;
i t may have been best d runk young,
u nlike s o many o ther
f ine a nd great R oman wines. None of t he i nscriptions That t he f orm h eld wine i s c imen
( Tchernia 1 971a,
l isted a re on D ressel-Pascual 1 a mphoras.
s uggested by a v inous
4 6 with r ef.).
F oerster
r esidue f rom o ne s pe( 1976,
8 9)
r eported
t hat s imilar r esearch i s u nderway o n a r eddish f luid f ound i n a D resselPascual
1 f rom t he L os U llastres
e ntertained because
l eave s imilar r esidues, t hose of wine proper. who m entions i ronic, duct
l eads u s
s purned f or s ilver plate.
i t would be wrong t o
such a s
i n amphoras
t he b lack
t o Martial
( Epigrams 7 .53.6 )
i n a l ist of Saturnalia presents
t hat he
A lthough t he t one i s
c ite t he t ext a s a stricture on t he pro-
( pace Howell 1 980, 1 65 ).
r eached R ome
S ome caution s hould be
which m ight not e asily be d istinguished f rom T his
Laietanian s apa
would g ladly have
s hipwreck.
s yrups of t he d efrutum family would presumably also
l ikelihood must be t hat t his s apa
The
a nd t hat i t was t here d ecanted i nto v essels
l agoena described by Martial.
r elated s yrups s hould henceforth b e
I f s o,
d efrutum and
r egarded a s a c omponent o f t he
c ontents of Catalan amphoras. I nformation on t he w ines that would have b een bottled i n our Dressel
2 -4 a mphoras
f rom Baetica i s m eagre b ecause t here a re n o
painted i nscriptions on amphoras of t his S ilius
( Punica 3 .393-5 )
I talicus
i ts wine must have won s ome r enown. 3 .3.3)
l eaves
famous
f or i ts v ineyards.
w ith Caere
f orm f rom t he province.
s peaks of Nebrissa i n t erms s uch t hat Study of C olumella
( De R e R ustica
l ittle doubt t hat t he nearby t own o f C eret was
i n Etruria
H itherto c ommentators have
( Colls e t a / .
1 977,
a lso
c onfused t he
1 31-2 with r efs).
c ity
A painted
i nscription on a Dressel 9 amphora s hows t hat s ome Baetican wine t ook its name
f rom Gades
( see page
8 4;
f or t he possibility t hat G emellan
wine was produced i n t he province,
s ee Appendix ).
V ignerons in both Baetica a nd Tarraconensis were u nited i n t heir t he v itis b asilica, known a s t he c ocolobis in the Spanish provinces. T his was a hardy v ine t hat g ave much wine. The c ru aged well. S ome v intages c ompared f avourably with
predilection f or a particular wine,
t he A lban wines of Latium
( Columella D e R e B üstica 3 .2.19-20;
P liny
N aturalis H istoria 1 4.4.30-1 ). S ome more
i nscriptions
t hat s hed l ight o n t he wines bottled i n
D ressel 2 -4 may be c ited here.
v ignobles
T hey c annot b e r elated t o s pecific
but t he c haracter o f t he wines
i n question suggests t heir
production may have been unlocalized or even widespread. f rom R ome had been bottled with t erated by additives
( C .I. L .
v invm s implex ,
vol.15 no.4603).
A D ressel
A m edley o f d ifferent
wines may be i ndicated by t he i nscription C elemii/confVsv(m ) Pompeii
( C.I. L.
vol.
4 n o.5584).
The
2
presumably a wine u nadul-
s weet wine
f rom
t he Greeks e njoyed
( see page 56) i s a ttested by a Dressel 2 -4 i nscription i n Greek f rom g lukus o inos ( op . c it ., no.9723). A nother Pompeian i nscrip-
Pompeii,
t ion r eads
m vlsvm ( i bid .,
t he Roman palate
( Andre
no. 5 592),
1 981,
a b lend of w ine
a nd honey d ear t o
1 66 w ith r efs).
I t only r emains to draw a ttention t o evidence t hat s hows
D ressel
D efrutum syrup i s i ndicated by t he i nscription p av/defrit(vm ) and possibly by d (efrvtvm ) v (etvs ) ( C.I. L . vol.4 no.102 6; v ol.i5 no.4622 r espectively). M el t hyminum 2 -4 was not exclusively a wine amphora .
4 6
( thyme honey )
C aeseni
may explain t he D ressel
( C .I. L .
vol.4 no.10302).
2 -4
I t i s
i nscription T imi/LiVii
d efinitely a ttested by a nother
( op . c it ., no. ( = h alec or h alex ) was bottled i n a Dressel 2 -4 f rom Pompeii with t he i nscription C icer/hal ( ec ) ( ibid ., no.5728). The l ikelihood must be t hat i t i s S panish ( see i nscription from Pompeii, 5 741).
page
6 4),
8 3).
on a Schoene-Mau X a mphora sauce a lec
The high salt-content marine
a lthough a n o rigin i n Gaul cannot n ow b e precluded
I t may even have
c ome
f rom Pompeii
i tself b ecause a n
( see page
amphora of
u nspecified f orm f rom Rome had been bottled with a nother s alazon product,
g ar(vm ) P ompeian(vm )
H erculaneum i s
( C.I. L.
vol.15 no.4686).
a nother amphora of u nspecified f orm Thomas
1 983,
7 2
which bears t he
i n Dressel
2 -4
( C .I. L.
vol.4 no.5720 ;
I ts
B C DWman &
i s
( see page 4 1). i ndicated by a n a mphora f rom R ome
t wo i nscriptions L ic and L icin
on f ormae 4 s imilis ).
H erclanio, on
O ne might a dd that s alazones were
f or t he grammar ).
bottled i n pottery j ars at Pompeii O live o il
Production a t
i nscription h al(ec )
a pparent f rom t he
( C.I.L.
vol.15 no.4636
c ontents must have been o leum L icinianum .
L icinian o lives gave the best o il;
t hey were c onspicuous
i n t he
V enafrum o live groves of Campania which yielded t he f inest o il o f quity.
But t he variety was n ot c onfined t o Venafrum:
a s particularly s uitable f or d ifficult s oils Columella D e R e R ustica 5 . 8.3-4; Dressel
i t was
( Cato D e A gri C ultura 6 .2;
P liny N atural Es H istoria
1 5.1.8 ).
t hough would n ot entertain t he possibility t hat t he R ome
held o il:
he f elt i t n ecessary t o postulate
which there i s no authority i n our s ources.
a nti-
r ecommended
a v inum L icinianum , O ne
a mphora but f or
i s a lways r eluctant
t o part c ompany with Dressel but my own v iew i s t hat we s hould t ake t he R ome inscription a t f ace value a s evidence f or o il Shipwreck a rchaeology has 2 -4
c ontents.
a lso extended our knowledge o f D ressel
Some o n the Dramont D wreck of t he
f illed with dates
( Joncheray 1 972,
So t oo had s ome of t he Dressel
i n D ressel 2 -4.
20,
3 2;
1 973a,
f orties AD had been 2 4;
1 973b;
a nother f rom t he wreck
c ontained t he herb s age
6 2,
f or t he c .15-10 BC date of t he wreck).
6 7;
L iou 1 975,
603
C olchester burnt dates were
1 974,
3 3).
2 -4 o n t he s hipwreck a t L a Tradeli re; ( Fiori
& J oncheray
1 975,
At
f ound i n the Boudican d estruction h orizon
of AD 60/61 i n i nsula XXXVI.
I ndividual
f ruits were r ecognized t hat
s howed no s igns of having been c ompressed i nto blocks This would be consistent with storage
( Murphy
1 984).
i n amphoras a nd t he s hipwreck
evidence g ives a hint a s t o how t hey may have r eached C olchester.
C hronology On t he s ite of a pottery workshop a t Canneto i n L atium was a Dressel
2 -4 handle s tamped by P .
s ome of t he Dressel c .
60-50 BC.
Veveius Papus.
1 amphoras on t he Madrague
d e G iens
s hipwreck of
S ix s herds of bifid handles were present on t he Madrague
d e G iens but t he i nterim r eport d oes not s pecify i f t hey c ame I talian or A egean vessels.
Anyhow t he production of D ressel
Latium a t a bout the same t ime e stablished
( Hesnard 1 977,
f or t he Madrague d e G iens). early
a s
t his has n ow been
( Hesnard 1 980,
1 44 ).
a s
1 59,
f rom 2 -4
i n
t he Madrague s hipwreck has t hus been 1 62,
1 67 F ig.4;
T chernia e t a l .
Production of D ressel
2 -4
a t
1 978
l east a s
d emonstrated f or A pulia a nd C alabria
A painted i nscription
Falernian was bottled i n D ressel C .I. L.
f ound
The s ame d ie s tamped
2 -4 by
no.9313).
4 7
f rom P ompeii
3 5 BC
s hows
( Panella 1 980,
t hat
2 55
c iting
Our knowledge of the
c hronology o f t hose D ressel
t hat were made i n t he western provinces
2 -4 a mphoras
i s s till woefully i nadequate
but n o evidence has yet c ome t o l ight t o s uggest production before Augustus. I t would be mistaken to c onfine t he f loruit of Dressel Augustus
being painted i nscriptions early because t he
f rom Rome only).
i nscriptions
i n t he Castra Praetoria d itch 1 966,
2 11-2
C laudius, amphoras blage
i n t he
f ifties AD
2 -4
Nero a nd V espasian.
a re
t hat had b een buried
( Dressel
1 879;
Z evi
There a re many painted
( Schoene-Mau f orm X II)
d emonstrate t he u nabated production of t he
f rom P ompeii
f orm u nder
None of our f orty-four D ressel 2 -4
a t Sheepen need t herefore be r esidual a nd t he e ntire a ssem-
s hould be r egarded a s t ypically C laudio/Neronian.
i nscriptions with c onsular dates f ourth v olume of C .I. L .
Those a mphora
f rom P ompeii a nd Herculaneum i n t he
have n ever been e xtracted a nd presented a s
c oherent s tatement on the c hronology of t he Sheepen i s patent a nd the opportunity i s here.
Many o f t he Rome d ates
came f rom a mphoras
f or t he amended terminal d ate).
i nscription dates o n Dressel a nd t hey
2 -4 t o
( pace Panella 1 970, 1 19 based o n Z evi 1 966, 2 14-7
a nd T iberius
f orm.
a
Their r elevance t o
a ccordingly taken t o l ist t hem
They a re g iven with a minimum o f c ommentary a nd r esolutions of
their a bbreviations
are o nly offered i f t he date o f t he
would o therwise be o bscured . t he number of t he
i nscription
The bracketed f igure a fter each e ntry i s
i nscription i n t he C orpus .
3 5 BC
F ai L vcr/L C ornvf(icio )
c os
( 9313)
3 4 BC or AD 1 6
C vrt(ianvm )
( vinvm )/L L ibone/L ...Stro ( or S iro )
The i dentifiable c onsul
( 9314 )
( featured i n t he s econd l ine)
i s L .
S cribonius
L ibo. AD 4 3 or 4 7
T i C tavdio C ai ...r .../L V ite(llio)/Gavr ( 5511) I n AD 4 3 C laudius was c os
IV with L .
c os
I II with L .
Vitellius c os
I II
Vitellius c os
I I,
in 4 7 h e was
( see n ext e ntry).
AD 4 7
F ays/Ti C lavdio I III/cos/L V itellio I II ( 2553) AD 4 8
V itellio V ipstano c os AD 5 5
( 10718a )
( ?)
N C esti(o)/C/L A ntistio L . t he
Antistius V etus was emperor r esigned
( 5513) c onsul with Nero i n AD 5 5.
( Suetonius N ero 14)
t he s uffect who r eplaced h im . painted a fter February.
I f s o,
t he
i nscriptions AD .5 5 or 5 7
After t wo months,
C estius may h ave b een
i nscription w ill have been
R ecording t he year thus was
i t was o nly t he t wo c onsules o rdinarii names t o t he year.
a nd N .
The same blunder i s
( Liou & Marichal
1 979,
( not s uffecti )
i ncorrect because who gave t heir
f ound on s ome o ther
a mphora
1 27 n o.15 ).
a nd AD 5 8 or 6 0
S .../ ...n .../Nero ...cos/Neron ...III(or I III )...et .../ ...II ...
4 8
( 6911 )
The amphora bears two d ifferent dated i nscriptions. f ourth l ine
i s AD 5 8 or 60;
The y ear of t he
t hat of t he preceding l ine will be AD 5 5
or 5 7. AD 5 6
LA nneo/M T rebellio c os/Sventinv
( 5514)
AD 5 8
N erone I II c os/MY ( 2554) AD 60
T rifolinv/Tibvrtianvm/Cn P edanio L V ellei(o) c os
( 5518 )
AD 6 2
S vr/Met/Ner/Mario e t G allo c os/ace A lex ( 9315 ) The a mphora i s error because t hat it i s
d escribed a s i t i s
Dressel
f orm X I but
2 -4
( Panella & Fano 1 977,
i nscriptions on t he a mphora: canted,
t his i s presumably a printing
c lear f rom a photograph
( Maiuri
1 933,
1 59 n .46 ).
4 76 F ig.187 ) There a re two
a fter t he Surrentine w ine had b een d e-
it was r efilled with a cetum A lexandrinum .
AD 6 3
d ol(ivm ) I /dif (fYsvm ) e st i d(ibvs) i v(niis or L IIS)/L V erginio C R egvio/cos ( 5519) The i nscription t ells u s t hat t he wine bottled i n t he amphora was racked off f rom d olium I on the 13th June AD 63. AD 7 0 We have t wo i nscriptions
f or this y ear.
( i ) S vrr F ab/imp V espasiano I I c os ( 5521) ( ii) S yr F abian/imp V esp I I c os ( 5522) AD 7 1 We a pparently have two ( i)
( ii )
i nscriptions
f or t his year a s well.
c mr/ti c l d l .../imp V espasiano I II/M C occei(o) c os i mp I II c os ( 10719)
AD 7 1 s eems more
l ikely t han AD 1 8
( when T iberius was c os
4 o ( when Gaius was c os I II), or AD 4 3
( 5523 )
I II),
( when C laudius was c os
or AD
I II).
AD 7 2 We a pparently have s ix i nscriptions o ne
i s
( v )
f or t his year.
The only uncertain
( 9317b).
S yr F ab/imp V esp I V c os ( 2556 ) c ( 5524a ) i mp V espasiano I III/Propertianvm/amp n n C I I ( 5 5 24b) i mp V espasiano I III/Propertianvm/amp S abitri/imp V es 1 111 ( 9317a ) 9317b) [ imp V esp?' 1 111 ( consule/Sa(bitri) ( a b S abim/Ves I III ( 9317c ) AD 7 5 We have
t hree
( i ) ( ii) . ( iii)
i nscriptions
f or t his year.
V esvini/imp V esp V I c os ( 2557) V esvin/ ...Vesp V I c os ( 2558 ) V esvini/imp V esp V I c os ( 2559)
4 9
There a re two other i nscriptions on D ressel 2 -4
( nos
7 109
a nd 9 318 )
but
a t P ompeii with c onsular dates i n both c ases t he p ersonae i n
question c annot be r elated t o t he c onsular f asti. Our evidence f actory.
f or the
t erminal
date of Dressel
The l ast painted i nscription date
R ome
( Zevi
This
i s
1 966,
2 15 c iting C .I.L.
2 -4
i s u nsatis-
i s AD 1 46 o n a v essel f rom
v ol.15 n o.4585 o n f ormae
3 s imilis ).
a n emphatic outlier because t here a re n o other s econd c entury
AD i nscription dates. because t he
But s o
l ate a date
i s by no m eans
i ncredible
s tratigraphical evidence f rom O stia s uggests t hat D ressel
2 -4 was s till produced i n the f irst half o f t he s econd c entury 1 973,
4 99).
Production of t he
( Panella
f orm a t Pompeii e nded a bruptly i n AD 7 9
but otherwise our knowledge o f t he t erminal
c hronologies of t he many
r egional variants encompassed by the D ressel 2 -4
f ormula
i s
s adly
d eficient. Stratigraphical AD 4 3-60/61. Amphora 1 0:
c ontexts of i llustrated s herds.
Amphora 7 :
unstratified base.
s houlder w ith handle s tub,
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 2:
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 3:
unstratified handle r ods.
unstratified s houlder w ith handle
Amphora 1 4:
t ified r im a nd n eck with handle s tub. 2 4:
AD 4 3-60/61.
unstratified r im;
t ified r im .
Amphora 3 3:
s houlder with handle s tub,
3 5:
r im a nd n eck with handle,
s tub,
Amphora 3 7:
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 4 3-60/61;
unstratified base.
unstratified r im .
4 4:
AD
s houlder,
s houlder,
Amphora
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD
Amphora 4 7:
Amphora
unstratified
n eck with handle Amphora 40:
unstra-
unstratified r im.
Amphora 4 3: base, base,
unstra-
Amphora
unstratified base.
Amphora 3 8:
unstra-
AD 6 0/61.
Amphora 3 2:
Amphora 3 6:
Amphora 4 1:
Amphora 4 5:
u nstratified handle a nd s houlder. Amphora 4 8:
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 4 3-60/61.
unstratified base.
s tub.
Amphora 4 2:
4 3-60/61.
handle,
Amphora 2 0:
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 3 9:
t ified s houlder with handle handle,
Amphora 2 5: handle,
r im,
unstratified r im a nd handle s herds.
3 4:
handle.
base,
AD 60/61.
Amphora 1 1:
s tub.
Amphora 2 2:
shoulder with painted i nscription,
s tamped base,
Amphora 3 1:
r im,
unstratified r im a nd n eck with handle s tub.
Amphora 1 5: Amphora 2 3:
Amphora 6 :
Amphora 9 :
AD 4 3-60/61.
4 3-60/61. base,
Amphora
Amphora 4 6:
AD 4 3-60/61.
unstratified r im a nd n eck with handle s tub.
C omments Dressel a ccounts
2 -4
i s the most
c ommon w ine
a mphora a t S heepen a nd
f or 80 .95% of the w ine c onsumed t here under C laudius
Petrological
c onsiderations have
l ed t o t he
fabric groups among t hem a t Sheepen. i mportant a nd s hould be
This d iversity of f abrics
r elated t o t he d ocumentary evidence
i nvestment i n v iticulture
i n t he f irst c entury AD
5 0
a nd Nero.
r ecognition of f ifteen
( see pages
i s
f or growing 1 27-32).
C HAPTER I II.
CAM 1 84
I n I taly a nd t he western provinces t here a re t wo r elated but d iscrete t hem ;
f orms
t hat a re d escribed a s Rhodian.
t he other
i s our Cam 1 84
D ressel 4 3 i s o ne of
( which i s n ot present i n t he D ressel table o f f orms) ( Panella 1 973,
5 55-9;
L iou & Marichal 1 979,
1 59-65).
Apparently o nly t he l atter i s present a t Sheepen.
T ypology a nd C lassification The handles a re c ircular i n s ection a nd r ise t o a d istinctive a nd d iagnostic peak.
U sually t he handles
l engths
f ound .
a re s ometimes
S heepen t he l argest was
a re
c urved but s traight
T ypical handles a re s ome
3 .8 a nd t he smallest 2 .6 c m .
3 c m t hick.
At
C onfusion between
Cam 1 84 a nd Dressel 6 handles i s thus prevented by t he more massive c onstruction of t he l atter D ressel
6 handle
( Peacock 1 981,
H ertfordshire).
Necks
t apering body ends
F ig.81 no.13 f or a
a re c ylindrical with a s imple b ead r im.
i n a s olid s pike.
Wall
t han 1 cm a nd are often rather l ess. D ressel
2 02,
f rom a n I ron Age horizon a t Skeleton Green i n
2 -4 a nd,
A
s herds a re s eldom t hicker
Cam 1 84 s hares a bead r im with
u nless handles are present,
i t c an b e d ifficult t o
d istinguish t he t wo f orms with c ertainty.
I n s uch cases c onsideration
of t he
but o ften only by petrolo-
g ical
fabric will r esolve t he d ifficulty, a nalysis. Dressel 4 3
( Schoene-Mau XXXVI)
much smaller a nd t hinner-walled,
d iffers
f rom C am 1 84 i n t hat i t i s
with a bulging n eck t opped by a d imin-
u tive
c ollar r im .
r im .
But t he a ctual g irth of t he handles i s
T he handle p eak i s
t hrust emphatically a bove t he s ometimes a t l east a s
l arge a s t he s maller Cam 1 84 handles a nd s o t here i s a possibility of c onfusion here.
D ressel 4 3 t hough i s rare
i n Britain.
d raws my attention t o a n u npublished example f rom t he excavations
a t Balkerne
stratified i n P eriod Vb, i ng 60
( Crummy 1 984,
C ornhill in the C ity,
2 ,
Lane. c .
P .J.
Lockwood
Crummy k indly t ells me t hat i t was
AD 1 50-250,
1 32-4).
F .D .
1 975 C olchester
a nd was a ssociated with build-
Two other u npublished examples,
f rom
a re present in t he Museum o f L ondon c ollections.
The only published e xample f rom Britain noticed by t he writer c omes f rom Verulamium
( Wilson 1 984,
s eems not t o be a ttested h ere. have
f eatures
F ig.81 no.1920 ).
Otherwise t he
f orm
A nyhow none o f t he S heepen a mphoras
d iagnostic of D ressel 4 3 a nd w e may s afely a ssign t hem
a ll to t he Cam 1 84 c ategory.
5 1
5 2
r, -
5 5
5 8 t
F ig .
6 A mphoras 5 0 , 5 2 , 5 5-56 , 5 8 C am 1 84 i n P eacock f abric 1 ; 6 1-62 C am 1 84 i n P eacock f abric 2 . S cale 1 :4
5 2
6 4
6 5/
7 0
6 7
F ig . 7 A mphoras 6 3-65 C am 1 84 i n P eacock f abric 2 ; 6 6-67 C am 1 84 i n P eacock f abric 3 ; 6 9-70 C am 1 84 i n W illiams f abric 7 . S cale 1 :4
5 3
F abric O n t he basis of t heir petrology, d ivided Cam
1 84
P eacock
i nto s ix fabric groups.
been identified by Dr D .F.
Williams,
h ere i t i s
7 . At Sheepen we have Peacock fabrics Table 1 1 ).
FABRIC
1 1
Peacock fabric
3
3
fabric
7
2
T able 1 1 .
F abric G roups i n C am 1 84
I dentification of t hese
fabrics i n the hand-specimen i s n ot
But the most c ommon manifestation o f fabric 1 c an b e
r ecognized w ithout r ecourse to petrological Petrological
f abric
fabric 7 ( see
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
5
easy.
h as
c alled Williams
Peacock fabric 2
Williams
2 66-9)
1 -3 a nd W illiams
Peacock fabric 1
a lways
( 1977b,
A s eventh has s ubsequently
a nalysis,
a s c an fabric 2 .
a nalysis was n eeded t o identify t he r emaining f abrics.
I ndeed s ome of t he Cam 1 84 s herds would have r emained unidentified i f petrological
a nalysis had not been u ndertaken because
exhibited no d iagnostic f eatures. fabric 1 c an s ometimes
t heir t ypology
I t emerged f rom t hese a nalyses t hat
a ssume a f inish s uch t hat i t i s hardly possible
i n t he hand-specimen to d istinguish i t f rom s ome of t he other Cam 1 84 a nd D ressel 2 -4
fabrics.
But f or the Sheepen material,
has e stablished t hat t here a re no fabrics D ressel 2 -4. t his
2 -4 i f petro-
i s undertaken.
Peacock fabric ( 50-4 )
1 i s
r epresented by amphoras
c ould be i dentified a s
fabric
5 0-60 .
The
f irst
1 i n t he hand-specimen.
Amphora 5 0 i s hard a nd f ine with a smooth l ight y ellow s urface 8 /6 ). ( 5YR .
I nside the wall 7 /6 ).
s herds,
Amphora 5 1 i s
t ive c ream s lip s ents
( 7. 5 YR .
c ream s lip
( 7.5YR .
Vessels
7 /6 ).
( 5YR .
7 /6 )
with a f ugi-
I ts surface pitting presumably r epre-
f laking of t he white l imestone i s hard a nd brown
( 10YR .
t his s hade g ives way t o l ight pink
s oft a nd l ight pink
8 /4).
Amphora 5 2 t heme.
Williams
Bead r ims without a ny other d iagnostic f eatures c an a t
stage t herefore be identified a s Cam 1 84 o r D ressel
l ogical a nalysis
f ive
D r D .F.
s hared between Cam 1 84 a nd
i nclusions
( 2.5YR .
Amphoras
6 /8)
5 3-4
( Peacock 1 977b,
2 66 ).
with a t hin but a dherent
a re variations o n t he s ame
5 5-60 a re a lso P eacock fabric 1 but were s ubjected t o
petrological a nalysis t o e lucidate identification o f t heir fabric group.
Amphora 5 5 i s
s oft a nd powdery i n pale yellow
( 10YR .
8 /6 )
ually turning t o l ight pink on t he i nsides of t he t hicker s herds 7 /6 ).
Amphora 5 6 i s
l ight brown t hroughout
fabric without obvious Amphora 5 8 i s off-white
i nclusions. t hroughout
s parse white a nd l ight brown
( 5YR .
Amphora 5 7 i s ( 10YR .
i nclusions,
5 4
8 /3)
6 /6 )
grad( 5YR .
i n a powdery
s imilar but darker.
i n a s oft fabric with
t ypically 0 .5 mm a cross.
Amphora 5 9 8 /4)
i s hard with a smooth surface.
with a pink band
wall.
Amphora 60 i s
powdery
( 10R .
6 /6 )
I t i s pale yellow
4 -6 c m t hick i n the
l ight pink t hroughout
( 5YR .
( 10YR .
i nterior o f t he
7 /6 )
i n a f ine a nd
f abric.
P eacock fabric 2 i s
r epresented by a mphoras 6 1-5.
Their fabric
i s more or l ess homogeneous a nd t hat o f amphora 6 3 may be t aken a s t ypical.
I t i s
f ace i s
f ine a nd s oft i n l ight y ellow
d impled a nd p itted where l imestone
( 10YR .
8 /4).
The
s ur-
i nclusions have f laked
a way. Peacock fabric 3 i s r epresented by amphoras 6 6-8. a nd r ough. ( 5YR .
I t ranges
7 /8 )
of amphora 6 8.
T hey a re s parse s picuous
f rom l ight r ed
( 10YR.
6 /8 )
t o t he
The f requency of i nclusions
i n a mphora 6 6 but c ommon i n 6 7
I t i s d ense l ight pink i s variable.
a nd 6 8.
The most c on-
e lement a re t he white grains o f 6 6 a nd 6 7 which extend t o
1 mm a cross. Williams f ine
fabric 7 i s r epresented by a mphoras
6 9-70 .
I t i s a
fabric with white grains 0 .25 mm s cattered s parsely t hroughout.
Amphora 6 9
i s
l ight brown
( 5YR .
6 /6 );
7 0 i s
l ight r ed
( 10R .
6 /8 ).
C apacity The Cam 1 84 t ype s pecimen holds 4 cm of t he r im.
I t i s
1 3.6 l itres,
i n P eacock f abric
s wept i nto pit L 19 i n t he l ate f ifties AD & Hull 1 947,
2 51-2 n o.184,
105-6,
( Peacock 1 977b,
p 1.12 no.2 r ight).
a ting t hat no other c omplete Cam 1 84 amphoras measurement a t C olchester yet.
O ne
family.
a re a vailable
Hawkes
f or
a nd empty weights
I t i s a lso a pparent t hat t he
most other c ontemporary wine jars.
2 68;
I t i s exasper-
c an t ell f rom d rawings a nd photo-
graphs t hat t here was s ome range of c apacities t he Cam 1 84
measured t o within
3 a nd was part o f t he rubbish
i n
f orm held l ess
t han
Eventually we s hould be a ble t o
make a c omprehensive s tatement on t he m etrology o f t he f orm with i ts s everal
fabric groups,
but until t hen t he
1 3.6
l itres of t he t ype
s pecimen must do s ervice f or the c lass i n i ts entirety. Rhodian amphoras of t he Hellenistic p eriod held more wine Cam 1 84.
c omprehensive data o n c apacities A t c .
( Wallace Matheson & Wallace 1 982).
3 00 BC a Rhodian a mphora had a m ean c apacity i n t rade
f igures g iven here have been adjusted t o make s ome a llowance o f 2 5.5 l itres
t han
They a re i ndeed t he only c lass of amphora f or which we have
l itres,
( op .
a t c .
c it .,
2 00 BC of 2 4.5 l itres,
2 94).
By t he early Empire,
a marked r eduction i n c apacity. i ts Hellenistic predecessors.
a nd a t c .
( i.e.
the
f or bungs)
1 50 BC o f
2 6.5
there h ad evidently been
Our Cam 1 84 holds only a bout 5 0% of We d o n ot know what lay behind t his
r eduction a nd it may be wisest t o s uspend s peculation until we know more a bout Cam 184 m etrology.
P rovenance .
Peacock
( 1977b,
t he i sland of Rhodes. i tself a s
2 67-9)
has s hown that his
fabric 1 was made on
Production n eed not have been c onfined t o R hodes
the petrology would a lso be a ppropriate t o s ome o f t he
5 5
i slands
i n t he Rhodian L eague.
( although a d ifferent
Fabric 2 i s s imilar t o fabric 1
c lay s ource s eems
judged t o be Rhodian a s well. Sheepen )
i s
possessions
granitic:
t o h ave been u sed )
Fabric 6 ( which i s
a s t here a re n o granites on Rhodes,
( the Peraea )
a nd i s
not present a t h er mainland
or t he i slands of t he Rhodian L eague,
t his
fabric s hows t hat Cam 1 84 was made e lsewhere. I t has been suggested t hat t he f orm was made i n I taly f or w ines t hat were
l ocal imitations of R hodian v intages
Panella 1 973, Cam 1 84
5 58 with
a nd a Dressel
r efs).
( Peacock 1 977b,
2 66;
D iscovery o f a fabric s hared between
2 -4 of I talian or western provenance would o f
c ourse d emonstrate Cam 1 84 production i n t he West. P eacock ( 1971, 1 67) a pparently i mplies t hat there a re s uch fabrics a lthough he has s ubsequently explained t o me t hat h is
r esearches have not i dentified a
f abric c ommon to both
f orms.
gation of t he Sheepen
a mphoras l ed t o t he r ecognition o f s uch a f abric.
Most o f t he Dressel
2 -4
i nvesti-
fabrics a t S heepen may r easonably b e presumed
t o be I talian or western: 1 84 a nd D ressel
Nor i ndeed has t he petrological
t he a bsence o f a f abric c ommon t o both Cam
2 -4 a t Sheepen hardly promotes
e rn production of Cam 1 84.
c onfidence i n t he w est-
A lthough t he number o f r elevant
f abrics
a nalysed i s modest,
a nd bearing
1 84
f abric only once would r efute t he a rgument,
a nd D ressel
2 -4
worth noting t hat petrological
i n m ind t hat t he c onjunction o f a C am
western production o f Cam 1 84. number of amphora k ilns t he
i t i s
a nalysis h as d one n othing t o v indicate This would e xplain why t he growing
r eported i n t he West h ave n ot s o f ar i ncluded
f orm a mong t heir products. I f Cam 1 84 was not produced i n I taly a nd t he West,
v enanced fabrics
t he u npro-
3 a nd 7 a t S heepen will presumably have originated i n
t he A egean or e lsewhere i n t he eastern Mediterranean.
C ontents ( 1)
Wine.
A Cam 1 84
f rom P ompeii has t he painted i nscription
p assvm R hodivm/P(vbli)
C oeli G alli ( Maiuri 1 933, 4 85 -6 no.33 being C .I. L. vol.4 no.9327 ). P assum was a sweet wine made from dried grapes ( raisins). Maiuri ( citing C .I. L . v ol.4 no.5594a: p assvm L ycivm ) says
t he Greeks were particularly f ond of s uch have
t hat d escribe t heir c ontents 4 nos
s weet w ines.
c ited t hose Greek inscriptions o n a mphoras 5 881,
6 323,
6 489
a s g lukus o inos,
a nd 9 723;
Greek i nterest i n sweet w ine i s
v ol.15 nos
s weet wine
4 860-1
a lso a pparent
H e m ight a lso
from R ome
a nd P ompeii ( C.I.L.
v ol.
f or e xamples).
f rom Martial
A
( Epigrams
Cretan p assum . T here i s a n account of r aisin ( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.11.83-5 ) a nd Athenaeus s ingles out R hodian raisins f or a ttention ( Deipnosophistae 1 .27.6). I t s eems 1 3.106)
w ines
w ho mentions
i n Pliny
t o have g one unremarked t hat t he Pompeian rapturous wine
r eference
i n Virgil
i nscription e xplains
( Georgics 2 .101-2)
( because one d rinks s weet w ine with t he s weet c ourse o f a m eal ).
O therwise R hodian wines a ntiquity d espite t he
a ppear n ot t o have b een favourably r egarded i n
c elebrity of her t able grapes.
Her wines would
not bear c omparison with t he g rand c rus of Chios or Lesbos, s ome e nthusiasts
c ompared t hem with w ine
6 10;
1 1;
Grace 1 961,
Labrousse 1 971,
( Deipnosophistae 1 .32.5) Grace
a
t o Rhodian a s a d essert
( 1934,
1 99)
f rom Kos
a lthough
( Broughton 1 938,
4 3 w ith r efs).
A thenaeus
damns Rhodian w ines with f aint praise a nd
d escribes t hem a s
5 6
i ndifferent.
One gains t he
.
i mpres-
s ion t hat a lthough t he her output was tastes.
We
i sland produced a famous
d essert wine,
f ind this expressed i n t he
a rchaeological r ecord by t he
i ncidence of Cam 1 84 i n military c ontexts
( see pages
1 33-5).
I t i s by no means u ncommon to f ind i nscriptions Greek on the same amphora . nate u se of both l anguages word )
i s
( 1972,
i n Latin a nd
But w ith Cam 1 84 t he s eemingly i ndiscrimia nd s cripts
( sometimes even
i n t he same
a s triking f eature of t he e pigraphy of t he f orm .
1 14)
a mphoras
most of
u ndistinguished a nd c atered f or l ess d iscriminating
has
a pplied t he
r esearches o f Hatzfeld
a nd d emonstrated t hat r esident I talians
( 1919)
Baldacci t o t hese
i n t he G reek i slands
played a n important part i n producing a nd marketing l ocal w ines. H ence
t he hybrid l anguage a nd s cript o f Cam 1 84 i nscriptions.
To s uch
a n I talian family belonged t he s hipper on t he Pompeian i nscription with which we began
( Panella 1 973,
a lthough t he l anguage of the
5 57
c iting Hatzfeld 1 919,
i nscription i s Latin
c ontents will have been a n a uthentic R hodian wine
1 54).
S o
( not Greek ),
t he
a nd n ot a f oreign
i mitation. ( 2)
Figs.
Many of the Cam 1 84
wreck held not wine but f igs J oncheray 1 973b;
1 974,
had Greek s tamps
a nd t heir fabric i s
f ine
a mphoras on t he
( Joncheray
3 1-3).
1 973a,
D ramont D s hip-
2 6-7;
s ank c .
Three Cam 1 84 amphoras
d escribed a s yellow-pink with a
c ream s lip which t he r eport s uggests might instead be a c orrosion
product.
But a ssuming i t i s
by Peacock,
this
i ndeed a s lip,
c an only be his
o f t he fabrics
fabric 1 which
c ame
Rhodes
f illed with f igs
porates
f rom t he i sland.
c omments by D r V . R.
c entury BC papyrus 3 .74.6;
3 .75.5;
3 . 80 .3)
Athenaeus
r ecords
r ecommends Rhodian f ig trees. i n a mphoras.
Their s torage
mentary s ources 1 5.8.34;
C olumella
f rom Rhodes;
h e
( De R e R ustica 5 .10 .11)
We s hould n ot be surprised t o f ind f igs ( C.I.L.
vol.4 n o.
i s m entioned i n t he d ocuP liny N aturalis H istoria
Such i s the nutritional value of f igs t hat t hey
were one of t he s taple 1 76)
i t c ontained t he f ruit
i n pottery c ontainers
( Cato D e A gri C ultura 9 9;
1 5.21. 82).
( 1932,
f rom Rhodes
A painted inscription o n a small amphora o f unspecified
f orm f rom Pompeii t ells u s 2 568 ).
d ried f igs
( Deipnosophistae 1 .27.6;
a trade i n dried f igs
says they i nduced pleasant dreams.
i tself.
f rom
a n unspecified t hird
f rom Egypt which m entions
transported i n pottery j ars.
amphoras
The excavation r eport i ncor-
s he c ites
Grace:
d escribed
f rom R hodes
I t would s eem t hat t he Dramont D s hip c arried Cam 1 84
D ay
AD 40-50,
f rom t he wreck
f oods of a ntiquity
notes t hat f igs
Pompeian s till-life paintings.
a re
( White 1 970,
2 24,
2 28-9).
t he most c ommon f ruit i n t he
We know t hat f igs were eaten a t
C olchester because t he unpublished 1 971 e xcavations by G . M.R. i n i nsu1a XXVIII
f ound burnt
f igs
Davies
i n t he AD 6 0/61 Boudican d estruction
horizon. O ne
can only guess what proportion o f Cam 1 84
( as opposed to wine).
t han even dried fruit a nd this standard c ontents of t hese Cam 1 84 a mphoras
suggests t hat wine would have been t he
amphoras.
( see pages
f ore to d isregard t he possibilities ras
f rom R hodes
The D ramont D s hip s ank when
f rom R hodes were r eaching t he c ommissariat i n Britain
i n a t l east modest quantities i nvolved i n t his
a mphoras held f igs
But wine t ravels a nd a ges more a uspiciously
1 33-5).
We ought n ot t here-
t hat t he Dramont s hip
t rade w ith Britain o r t hat s ome of t he
i tself was
Cam 1 84
ampho-
f ound i n early m ilitary c ontexts t here c ontained f igs.
5 7
( 3 ) r esin
R esin.
One of t he Cam 1 84
( Joncheray 1 974,
Parker & Squire s econdary u se
1 974,
2 4)
a mphoras
f rom Dramont D c ontained
presumably f or u se on board s hip
3 2).
This would s eem t o be
( see
a lso
a n i nstance o f
a fter t he original c ontents had been c onsumed .
C hronology A steady a nd gradual t ypological evolution l ed t o t he emergence o f Cam 184 BC
f rom i ts H ellenistic predecessors by t he
( Grace 1 961,
p1. 62;
1 965,
F igs
2 -3 ).
l ate f irst c entury
The f orm was a pparently
exported to Italy a nd t he West u ntil t he early s econd c entury AD ( Grace
& Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1 970,
2 98;
L iou & Marichal 1 979,
1 59). Stratigraphical c ontexts of i llustrated s herds. with handle, Amphora 5 5:
AD 4 3-60/61. r im a nd base,
r im with handle. with handle, Amphora 6 3: f ied.
AD 4 3-60/61. handle peak,
handle
t ified handle. 6 9:
handle,
r im,
Amphora 5 6:
post-medieval.
Amphora 6 2: AD 4 3-60/61;
a nd s houlder,
AD 4 3-60/61.
u nstratified
Amphora 6 1:
r emaining f our s herds, Amphora 6 5:
both AD 4 3-60/61.
n eck
r im,
AD
unstrati-
unstrati-
Amphora 6 6:
s houlder with handle,
Amphora 7 0:
r im
AD 4 3-60/61.
unstratified n eck w ith handle.
unstratified r im a nd base.
Amphora 6 7:
Amphora 5 0:
n eck w ith handle,
both AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 5 8:
Amphora 6 4:
f ied r im;
Amphora 5 2:
unstra-
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora
4 3-60/61.
C omments At Sheepen there a re t wenty-one Cam 1 84 amphoras. f rom Rhodes account a nd Nero.
The s ixteen
f or 1 4.52% of t he wine o onsumed there u nder C laudius
Now there i s nothing before C laudius
t hat would have l ed one
to a nticipate t he scale of Rhodian wine exports
t o t he n ascent province
of Britain.
This
t opic i s examined below
( see pages
1 33-5)
where t he
opportunity i s taken t o e ndorse a suggestion made by P eacock
( 1977b,
2 69-70 )
i n e arly
t hat
t he Rhodian amphoras
R oman Britain r epresent a punitive
f ound i n m ilitary c ontexts
l evy of t he period AD 4 4-53 i mposed
o n Rhodes by Claudius.
5 8
C HAPTER I V.
Haltern
HALTERN 7 0
7 0 was only r ecognized a s a d istinct amphora t ype with
t he s tudy of t he cargo f rom t he Port-Vendres B s hipwreck 1 977,
3 3-8,
t o D ressel
7 1-8, 7 -11
8 6-91 ).
( Belträn I )
s till a cknowledged a s Baetican but a more c ontents
e t a l .
a nd a ssumed - l ike them - t o have h eld t he
s alazones .
h igh s alt-content marine f oodstuffs known a s raised when i ts
( Coils
H itherto i t had i nvariably been a ssimilated
a re d iscussed .
c ontroversial I t i s
The
f orm i s
i ssue will be
a rgued a t l ength below
d efrutum bottled in the form was not wine but a syrup.
t hat t he
T ypology a nd C lassification The d icular;
c ollar r im i s s ometimes
much i n height
d istinctive
a nd a lways everted,
t he o uter f ace o f t he
a nd a ngle o f i nclination .
f ied by the Cam 1 85a a nd Haltern 7 0 t ype t end t o be l ess emphatically c ollared
n ever perpen-
c ollar i s c oncave.
R ims vary
Early e xamples a re exemplis pecimens.
Later s pecimens
e t a l .
( Colls
1 977,
3 5 ).
The
writer u sed t o t hink t hat s ome Haltern 7 0 r ims had a pronounced horiz ontal groove below t he s uch v essels 1 930,
l ip,
but Dr D .P.S.
p1.55 no.5,
1 43;
s ee Appendix ).
w ith a grooved outer surface; i nner surface
a s well
it i s u nusual
( amphora 7 1 ).
a mphora 7 1 i s more or l ess
a nomalous.
Haltern
t o have
7 1-2,
a groove o n t he
The s pikes were
c ompleted by
( amphora 7 4 ).
T he s pike of
7 0 was bunged with a pottery d isc
identical t o t hose u sed o n Dressel
Amphoras
( Wheeler
I n s ection t he handles a re oval
p lugging a hollow c one with a ball of c lay
3 8-9).
P eacock explained t o me t hat
are e lucidated by a c omplete a mphora f rom L ondon
2 0
e t a l .
( Coils
7 4-6 a nd 7 8 i llustrate t he t ypological
1 977,
r ange
present. Haltern Hull
( 1932,
7 0 i s Cam 1 85a
3 5)
a lways
( Hawkes
& Hull 1 947,
d escribed such amphoras
d eveloped t he Camulodunum f orm number s eries. Haltern
7 0 i s
2 52).
Nowadays o f
currently u nderstood )
o pinion over
c ourse
t he a ccepted g eneric t erm f or t hese v essels i n a ccord-
a nce with t he u sage of t he Port-Vendres B r eport, where i t i s
At C olchester,
a s Haltern 7 0 before h e
was
d efined
t he f orm
( as
( in s pite o f d ifferences o f
t he c haracter o f d efrutum ).
Belträn i ncluded v essels t hat we would now c all Haltern 7 0 i n h is f orm I .
His
c lassification was
f ormulated before t he Port-Vendres B
r eport t ransformed our perception of t hese v essels.
This n eeds
t o be
made transparently c lear t o avoid t he a bsurdity o f r epudiating s ome amphoras
a s Haltern 7 0 a nd d efining t hem i nstead a s B elträn I on h is
a uthority.
I n t he past Haltern
7 0 has
Pascual 1 .
5 9
a lso been c onfused w ith D ressel-
7 2
7 5
7 8
F ig .
72
8 A mphoras 7 1-72 ,
7 4-76 ,
6 0
7 8 H altern 7 0 .
S cale 1 :4
Eight of t he
amphoras
f rom t he
Longarina have been c lassified a s 1 980 ,
1 47-8,
r ims have
p1. 5 no.3).
a broader d iameter,
a re hollow.
The
( where Haltern
f orm i s
group.
be difficult
not present
D ressel
10 or L ongarina 2 ( Hesnard r esemble Haltern
7 0 but t heir
i s plumper a nd the basal
a t Sheepen.
a s well),
H esnard i s
c ertainly justified a s
a s eparate
But u ntil we have evidence of t heir c ontents,
to evaluate
r eference
a bout Cam 1 85b
to t he
a s
t heir r elationship with Haltern
The Port-Vendres B r eport s tudiously
form a nd behind t his
s ilence
l ie misgivings
a n e lement i n amphora c lassification.
had no organic c onnection with them . it has
a neat nick, f or Peacock
The
The drawing
r im with neck
presumably indicating f rom where
( 1971,
1 69)
to publish
t ype specimen
( sic ).
t he body
t hat s eemingly provided the r est of the
original
drawings of the Cam 1 85 amphoras by M .R .
Cam 185b
i s
But
s ketch.
there
It i s
the
i s no trace
t he body
i s extant a nd
a petrological
Cam 185b
on t he prototype of the
t ypo-
i t will
70 .
of Cam 1 85b has breaks on the handle a nd n eck showing t hat
taken
s pikes
At La Longarina
1 0/Longarina 2 amphoras
But what of Cam 185b? avoids
a mphoras
t he body
70 was present
in presenting these l ogical
These
l ate Augustan d eposit a t La
D ressel
sample was analysis
o f
t he
i n t he museum o f
amphora.
Nor d o the
Hull cast a ny
l ight
impossible now t o guarantee that
the drawing of a c omplete v essel a nd f or t his
r eason one
f orm . It may be worth adding t hat t he Nijmegen vessel mentioned i n the C amulodunum report ( itself
i s reluctant to speak of Cam 1 85b a s only
a r im with neck and handles)
( Hawkes r ims
& Hull
1 947,
2 52
l ike Cam 185b were
a
does not
c orrespond with 1 85b
c iting Breuer 1 931, f ound in t he
p1.9 no.28 ).
Anyhow no
1 970 Sheepen excavations,
s o t he
problems posed here need not u nduly d istract u s.
F abric The
s tandard Haltern
to that of D ressel Green 1 980 ,
4 2).
20
70 fabric i s
( Hawkes
& Hull
Heavy mineral
a nalysis
high proportion of garnet inclusions ence of fabrics means that small t inguished with c ertainty; Dressel
20/Haltern
t his
7 0 s herds.
2 52;
s hows
( Peacock
chips of the explains
t he
70 wall
i n the hand-specimen
1 971, two
1 69).
f orms
The
a
c ongru-
cannot be d is-
column in Table
1 2
f or
t hough can u sually
s herds have
t ighter curves
that were unlike
t he standard Haltern
a nalyses undertaken by
have
Amphora 7 7 i s
c larified the s ituation.
unillustrated body s herds
1 .2
yellow
( 2.5Y.
f orms
inside
t he wall where
8 /4 ).
This
cm thick.
it adjoins
The outer surface
a l ight pink
( SYR .
But i ts
f abric i s
On the handles
a nd some of
l ight r ed
( 10R .
r eport on
i ts petrology by Dr D . F.
with a Baetican
6/8 )
a powdery
beneath t he
8 /4)
c losely with
f rom t he Port-Vendres B wreck t han do
Sheepen rims.
Dr D . F.
t he body
Williams
70 .
6 1
i s
l ight
3 a nd
7 mm
band.
The
the Haltern
a ny of the other
l ight brown
( 7. 5YR .
s herds,
l ight brown surface.
fabric and one need b e
Williams
r epresented by two
a band extending between
r im of amphora 7 8 actually corresponds more
Haltern
2 2;
20 .
Two amphoras had fabrics
t hroughout .
1 977,
that both f orms have
70 fabric but the petrological
70 amphoras
e t a l .
C oils
Larger body s herds
be d istinguished because Haltern than Dressel
identical
1 947,
t he
6 /8 )
fabric
i s
Again the
s hows that we
a re dealing
in no d oubt that the vessel
i s
C apacity O ne Three
f rom P ort-Vendres B h eld
i n C olem were m easured .
3 .5 a nd 4 c m o f t he r im, nos:
1 930 .212;
PC
7 01
3 4.75
l itres
( Coils e t a l .
Two h eld 3 0 l itres,
a nd 2 5.5 l itres,
1 977,
3 3).
m easured t o w ithin
t o w ithin 4 .5 c m.
a nd 1 931.2058 r espectively.
A ccession
Average:
3 0 . 06
l itres.
P rovenance The D ressel
most part ) one
c ongruence of f abric between most Haltern 7 0 a mphoras
20 e stablishes t hat Haltern
7 0 was produced
( at
i n t he s ame r egion a s t he Baetican o live o il
a nd
l east f or t he amphora.
I n
i nstance t he evidence of a stamp s uggests t hat t he same workshop
made both f orms
( Coils e t a l .
1 977,
1 42-3).
The Baetican origin i s
f urther exemplified by t he s hipwrecks i n which i t i s D ressel Two r ims
f rom t he k iln a t C erro d e
a pparently Haltern c oast
( op .
20 a nd other Baetican amphoras 7 0,
( Belträn 1 977,
t he d istinctive c ontents.
s o t he
104-6,
l os Martires,
a ssociated with
3 6-7 with r efs). n ear Cadiz,
a re
f orm may a lso have been made o n
F ig.4 no.4,
f orm o f Haltern
I f i ndeed s o,
c it .,
F ig .7 n o.44).
O ne
t he
f eels t hat
7 0 s erved t o i ndicate i ts s pecialized
v ineyards outside t he main production r egion
a long t he Guadalquivir may have r eserved t he f orm f or s uch of t heir output a s was boiled d own t o make d efrutum s yrup .
This would a lso
explain why s ome of t hese a mphoras exhibit a paste quite d istinct f rom t he standard Haltern 7 0 fabric.
C ontents I t i s h eld nowadays may be
t hat Haltern
7 0 was
f orgiven f or e ntertaining s erious
u nity i s
taken here t o
a mplify r esearch by D r A . J.
t he d efrutum bottled in t hese ( Parker
& Price 1 981,
necessary because t his i nvalid
( Liou 1 982,
2 23).
amphoras was
A d etailed exposition o f t he evidence i s
4 44 n .18 ).
7 0 a mphoras
( Coils e t a/.
1 977,
a re many r eferences
Parker t hat s hows
a n on-alcoholic s yrup
Three painted i nscriptions on Haltern
s erved i n d efrutum ;
But one
a nd t he o pport-
l ine of t hought has a lready been d ismissed a s
V endres B s hipwreck name d efrutum a s o n Haltern
a wine a mphora.
r eservations
t he
7 0 amphoras
c ontents.
s pecify t heir c ontents
t wo c ome
f rom t he P ort-
Other i nscriptions
a s black olives pre-
f rom Weisenau a nd a t hird f rom V indonissa
7 1-4 n o.31,
7 8 nos
i n the s ources
3 9-40,
8 7-8 w ith r efs).
t o the preservation o f o lives
There i n
d efrutum a nd its r elated s yrup, s apa ( Cato D e A gri C ultura 7 .4; Varro R erum R usticarum 1 .60; C olumella D e R e R ustica 1 2.49.3; 1 2.49.6-7; 1 2.50 .2-3; 1 2.50 .5; P liny N aturalis H istoria 1 5.4.16 ). The practice d oubtless
accounts
f or t he o lives d iscovered i n a H altern
f rom the AD 1 0-30 s hipwreck o f Sud-Lavezzi B ( Liou 1 982, i tself i s named a s Vasselle
1 976,
t he c ontents o f a Haltern 7 0 f rom Amiens
1 57-8;
( Massy
&
t hat grapes a nd s ome o ther
f ruits were preserved i n d efrutum but there t his
S apa
c orrectly identified by L equement & L iou 1 979).
We a lso know f rom the d ocumentary s ources t o d emonstrate
7 0 a mphora 4 44).
f or Haltern
7 0 .
6 2
i s
n o e vidence
a t present
Our evidence f or t he
c ontents o f t hese a mphoras i s
D efrutum was not only u sed a s a pre-
a nd o lives preserved t herein. s ervative.
I t s erved a s a s weetening a gent i n c uisine
t reatment of wines
a l.
1 977,
8 7-8;
a s well a s
Parker
a beverage
& Price 1 981,
( including n ew f ermenting wine). i n v olume.
There were
They were
f or r egard-
grape j uice
t hree k inds:
t rue
d istinguished by t he e xtent o f
We know t hat a volume
r eduction o f a half,
t hird a nd quarter was undertaken but our s ources
c ontradict t hemselves
( Columella D e R e R ustica 1 2.19.1;
a s t o w hich was which
P liny
N aturalis H istoria 1 4.11. 80; Palladius D e R e R ustica 1 1.18 ). a chieve s o drastic a r eduction i n volume,
To
a prolonged p eriod o f boiling
was n ecessary a nd i t i s no wonder t hat t he operation t ook p lace c auldrons.
There a re
( Virgil G eorgics s tops
t he
d etailed a ccounts o f t he process
1 .291-6;
a lcohol by the yeast .
a ny t ransformation o f
This - a s well a s t he
i s ethanol which boils
1 00 ° C ).
a t
l ower t han 1 00 ° C ( Amerine v iscous,
Now t he a lcohol a t
a nd a lcohol have boiling points
& Ough 1 974,
c ause a ny a lcohol
Boiling
s ugar i nto
7 8.3 ° C ( water of c ourse boils
A lthough m ixtures o f water
volume will
i n
s ources
r eduction i n volume -
a ccounted f or t he s weetness o f t he d efrutum produced. i n wine
i n t he
C olumella D e R e R ustica 1 2.19-20 ).
f ermentation a nd s o halts
e t
( Colls
Are t here a ny grounds
I t was made by boiling d own must i .e.
d efrutum , s apa and c aroenum .
a nd i n t he
i n i ts o wn r ight
2 23 with r efs).
But what exactly was d efrutum? i ng i t a s wine?
t he r eduction
t hus e xplicit
Haltern 7 0 was bottled with d efrutum - including s apa -
a nd c onsistent:
3 1-2),
boiling must to r educe i ts
f ormed t o evaporate,
l eaving behind a
s weet a nd non-alcoholic s yrup.
a s yrup c alled s apa or D efrutum was a product quite unlike wine; i t was more a kin t o honey ( Columella D e R e R ustica 1 2.11.1-2; 1 2.50 .3 ). D r A . J. Parker r eminds m e t hat v inum and d efrutum T raditional I talian c uisine
s aba ( Parker & Price 1 981,
s till has
2 23 with r ef.).
a re both nouns;
t hey are n ot s ynonyms a nd t here was no s uch t hing a s
v inum d efrutum .
O ne
c an u nderstand why t he O xford L atin D ictionary has
a bout t ranslating d efrutum a s s yrup.
no qualms
s elves n ever c onfused wine w ith d efrutum . c lear but t he
The a ncients t hem-
A l egal
t ext a lso makes
a uthors of t he P ort-Vendres B r eport d iscount
t his
i ts impli-
c ations a s s ubtilitd 's j uridiques ( Coils e t a l. 1 977, 8 9 n .222 c iting D igest 3 3.6.9). O nce wedded t o t he c onviction t hat d efrutum was a w ine,
t he a rgument i s
taken
a s tage
f urther with t he a ssertion t hat
Baetican wines
i n g eneral were bottled i n Haltern
There
l ess evidence
i s
s till
Dressel 2 -4 1 981,
The most o ne might a llow i s
o lives of s ome Haltern
( op .
c it .,
8 6-91).
a mphora
( Parker
& Price
t he possibility t hat t he
7 0 a mphoras were preserved i n s weet raisin wine
( Columella D e R e R ustica 1 2.49.3).
The by L iou
7 0
we s hould t urn i nstead t o
f or t he principal Baetican wine
2 23-4).
( passum )
f or t his;
r ecognition t hat d efrutum was
( himself one o f t he
barely i ntelligible
a s yrup has b een brushed a side
a uthors o f t he P ort-Vendres B r eport )
( Liou 1 982,
4 44 n .18 ).
O ne wonders how a s
l y a nd e xemplary a work a s the Port-Vendres B r eport c ould have s eriously m isjudged t he c haracter o f d efrutum . r eservations
O ne h opes
expressed a bove will be h eeded when t he
a s
s cholars o
t hat t he
f inal r eport on
t he s hipwreck i s prepared . What might have been a n interesting painted i nscription f or Haltern
7 0 s tudies
came
f rom t he
1 981 e xcavations 6 3
in L ondon a nd was
r ead a s m vr(ia) ( or m atr )/Met ( Hassall & Tomlin 1 982, 4 17 n o.61 s aid • ••• ••• t o be on Cam 1 85a ). T his r eading was proposed by E . R odriguez Almeida on t he basis of photographs Photographs
c an be m ischievous
supplied by t he Museum of L ondon.
and i t h as emerged f rom a n e xamination
of t he a ctual v essel that t he only possible i s m vr(ia).
a nd D ressel 20 amphoras; i ts
i ts Baetican origin i s
i nscription was published,
been made
r eading o f t he
f irst l ine
The s herd has t hat familiar fabric s hared by Haltern 7 0 other s herds
a vailable f or s tudy.
t herefore c lear.
S ince
f rom t he s ame v essel have
They i nclude
a b ifid handle with a
s harp a ngle where t he perpendicular l ength turns i n t owards t he n eck: i t i s
a pparent now t hat the v essel i s
a mphora of f orm Dressel
2 -4
D ressel
L ondon v essel will be published i n f ull i n r eport proper. D r P .A .
Tyers
2 -4.
s alazon
A Baetican
i s s uch a novelty t hat o ne h opes
t he
a dvance o f t he excavation
I t i s a pleasure t o r ecord here t he h elp a nd a dvice of a nd F .E.J.
R ichardson o f t he Museum o f L ondon,
a s well
a s t he happy c ircumstance t hat our v erdict o n t his amphora was unanim ous.
C hronology The e arliest Haltern 7 0 i s t hat f rom t he Madrague d e G iens wreck ( Tchernia 1 980, 7 ).
3 06 )
which sank c .
6 0-50 BC
( Tchernia e t a /.
The t erminal date of t he f orm has b een e stimated a s c .
e t a l .
( Colls
1 977,
3 5-8,
8 9).
One
f eels
c onfident t he
1 978,
1 5-
AD 5 0
f orm s urvived
t he f orties AD a nd t hat production petered out i n t he f ollowing d ecade. There i s
i ndeed n o r eason why t he
7 0 a t Sheepen, & Hull
1 947,
c hronological i ncidence o f Haltern
both f or t he 1 970 a nd t he
2 52,
2 80 f orm 1 85a ),
1 930-39 excavations
s hould not b e taken a t
( Hawkes
f ace value a s
i ndicative of c ontinued production u ntil a t l east t he e arly f ifties AD. Stratigraphical c ontexts of i llustrated s herds. a nd handle,
AD 4 3-60/61;
u nstratified s herds. AD 4 3-60/61;
Amphora
7 6:
handle, r im,
body w ith s pike
Amphora 7 2: AD 60/61.
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 7 1:
r im
r estored f rom twenty-eight
u nstratified r im .
Amphora 7 5: Amphora 7 8:
Amphora 7 4:
handle,
r im,
AD 4 3-60/61.
u nstratified r im a nd
handle.
C omments The e ight Haltern
7 0 a mphoras
2 40 .48 l itres of d efrutum syrup, Table
4 .
I ts export f rom Baetica was
t he province,
a lthough
a s t hat of s alazones , But t here
a t S heepen r epresent i mports of
6 .67% o f t he
i s no h int
i t d id not a nd s till
c ommodities
take place on quite
l ess
t he
t hat of o live o il
( wine
t hey d o m ention,
s ame s cale
( see Table
i n our d ocumentary s ources of t his
widespread t rade i n s yrup
l isted i n
a major e lement i n t he e conomy of 4 ).
important a nd
but n ever d efrutum ).
Our knowledge of t he trade has been e licited e ntirely f rom t he a rchaeol ogical evidence of a mphoras i ts
l eave o f t he
of Britain .
There
s lackened t owards
a nd t heir i nscriptions.
Haltern
7 0 takes
a rchaeological r ecord s hortly a fter t he Roman i nvasion i s no a pparent i ndication t hat o utput o f t he t he end of i ts h istory.
f orm
I t i s odd t herefore t hat
economic h istorians of a ntiquity have n ot a sked why t he t hriving t rade r epresented by t hese v essels cause under C laudius.
s hould have
t erminated without a pparent
But we n ow know t hat i n t he
7 0 d eveloped into t he smaller a nd l ess
6 4
f ifties AD,
Haltern
c ommon L ondon 5 55 amphora
( see
Appendix). These vessels continued the trade until the early second century AD, albeit on a diminished scale. This attenuation itself of course also cal ls for explanation but it poses less of a conundrum than the sudden end of Baetican defrutum exports to which we have hitherto been attuned. But there is more at stake here than Haltern 70 or London 555. The syrups bottled in these jars were not exclusive to Baetica but they seldom feature in surveys of ancient economic history. Defrutum, sapa and caroenum are nowhere to be found in the indexes to Rostovtzeff or Frank. To some extent this manifests the traditional confusion of defrutum with wine. One hopes we shall see the eventual rehabilitation of defrutum syrup as a significant element in the Roman economy: we have already tried to show that the trade represented by Haltern 70 was foreshadowed by the contents of some Dressel 1 amphoras (see page 25).
65
C HAPTER V .
Dressel
2 0 i s
DRESSEL 2 0
t he Baetican olive o il amphora .
.T ypology a nd C lassification The twenty-one Baetican o live o il amphoras
f rom Sheepen f all
i nto t hree t ypological a nd c hronological groups: ( i)
t wo pre-conquest v essels
( ii ) ( iii)
o ne l ater v essel
Amphoras height.
I ts handle s ection has a t
T he wall of
3 .5 c m.
7 9
with a l ong axis of 4 . 85
cm ;
l ight vessels
2 0
i s only 1 .15 c m t hick a t handle
a l ong a xis of
Amphora 8 6
9
a nd
3 .8 cm .
T hat of 8 0 i s
D eveloped C laudio/Neronian v essels
larger a nd more r obust.
F ig .
8 1-98 );
7 9-80 a re smaller a nd l ighter t han t he o ther D ressel
a t Sheepen.
smaller still,
7 9-80 );
( amphoras
( amphora 9 9).
amphoras
These
( amphoras
e ighteen C laudio/Neronian
( for i nstance)
t he wall i s
1 .7
has
a re
a handle s ection
cm t hick a t handle height.
a re the f irst Baetican olive o il
amphoras a nd o ne
D ressel 2 0 a mphoras f rom P ort-Vendres B a t 1 .10 s cale ( after C oils et a l. 1 977 , p 1 .9 n os 1 -2)
6 7
8 5
8 3
F ig .
1 0
A mphoras
N z
7 9-80 p re-C1audian D ressel 2 0; D ressel 2 0 . S cale 1 :4
8 1-83 ,
s hould t echnically d escribe t hem a s O beraden 8 3 o r Haltern t he l ine of d escent i s
f rom O beraden 8 3/Haltern
d irect a nd u ninterrupted,
prototypes
a s
( Simon 1 976,
taf.
f or t he c hronology ). oval
i n v ertical
smoother surface
2 0 .
Amphora 7 9
f rom Rödgen which was occupied c .
3 0 nos
8 13-29,
taf.
4 0 n o.70;
Such v essels have
s ection;
7 1.
But a s
7 1 t o t he t rue Dressel
2 0
i t will d o n o harm t o r egard t hese e arly
t ypological variants of D ressel
parallelled by v essels
8 5
t here
i s
Schönberger 1 976,
t he
4 9-50
s pike.
Our t wo h ave a
c ase with l ater v essels.
AD 5 d eposit o f a mphoras
6 8
a lso
a body t hat i s n ot g lobular but
a s hort basal
a nd f iner fabric t han i s
They a re a lso present i n t he c .
i s
1 0-8 BC
f rom L a
8 6
9 9 F ig .
1 1
L ongarina
A mphoras 8 6 , 9 2 D ressel 2 0; 9 9 F lavian o r e arly s econd c entury A D D ressel 2 0 . S cale 1 :4
( Hesnard 1 980,
t hese early v essels
p1.6 n os
1 -2).
A s we d o not y et know i f
l asted until T iberius,
we s hould date ours
l ate
Augustan. There a re no a mphoras
f rom t he
1 970 e xcavations
a t Sheepen t hat
e lucidate how a nd when t he t rue D ressel 2 0 emerged f rom i ts Augustan prototype.
Another e lement i n t he early h istory o f t he Baetican o il
a mphora
( but whose presence c annot be d emonstrated a t Sheepen )
Dressel
1 9.
Amphoras of t his
d itch a t R ome which was 1 879;
Z evi
1 977,
2 6 ).
1 966,
2 11-2
By C laudius
f illed with a mphoras i n t he
have
r ims that
a nd 9 2 has
a re
a re
c onstruction.
a s imple plug,
The
Amphoras
8 1-3,
Handles a re
a pproaching 2 .5 cm,
C amulodunum r eport d id not i llustrate a ny of t he D ressel 2 0
6 9
8 5-6
s pike o f earlier t imes
a s with amphora 8 3.
Wall s herds a re t hick,
familiar
E ighteen of our o il amphoras
t ypically C laudio/Neronian.
r eceded to become
( Dressel
Coils e t a / .
t he Baetican o il amphora had d eveloped i ts
i llustrated a s r epresentative.
s hort a nd f lexed.
f ifties AD
f or t he a mended t erminal date;
g lobular body a nd massive
i s
f orm were present i n t he C astra Praetoria
T he
( Cam 1 87)
amphoras
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations.
excavations was r estorable i n t oto . C laudian f orm,
None o f t hose f rom t he 1 970
To i llustrate t he
we have r eproduced t wo o f t he
D ressel
c omplete
2 0 a mphoras
f rom
t he Port-Vendres B s hipwreck o f t he f orties AD. Amphora 9 9
i s
a d evelopment of t he C laudio/Neronian r im .
f lattened a nd s o has F lavians
Such r ims
a nd l ast until t he f irst d ecades o f t he
( Tchernia 1 967, 5 26;
a broader profile.
2 23 no.3;
Joncheray 1 976,
3 1;
B elträn 1 970,
s econd c entury
F ig.192 no.29;
R odriguez A lmeida 1 977,
I t i s
a ppear u nder t he Panella 1 973,
F ig.20 n o.3).
D ressel 20 was bunged with t hin pottery d iscs which have a c en( Coils e t a l .
tral protuberance
1 977,
3 8-9).
S tamps o n D ressel 2 0 F ive Dressel
2 0 s tamps were r ecovered f rom the
F our were s ituated t owards t he summit of t he handle; said t o be i n a nsa . d ownwards
T he s ame f our
a nd may t hus be said t o
9 5
9 6
F r ig .
hand handle.
1 2
S tamped D ressel 2 0 a mphoras .
2 7 ).
r ead
l ie o n t he r ight
S cale 1 :4
Nearly a ll t he D ressel 20 s tamps on t he P ort-Vendres B
s hipwreck of t he f orties AD a re 1 977,
( on a mphoras 9 4-5 a nd 9 7-8 )
( towards the body )
9 4
1 970 e xcavations. s uch s tamps a re
The
i n t he same position
( Coils e t a / .
s tamp on amphora 9 6 i s i llustrated i n t he
not e nough of t he handle was present d own t he handle.
same way but
t o s how i f t he s tamp r eads u p o r
Stamps o n D ressel 20 g enerally have c lear a nd n eat
l ettering with the name
i n r elief s et i n a r ectangular f rame
( the c ar-
t ouche). Amphora 9 4: Polyclitus. Both C .
C S EMP POL.
Amphora 9 5:
S empronius Polyclitus
V endres B s hipwreck d ies
Stratified,
SATVN.
a nd Saturninus
( Colls e t a l .
a re n ot f ound t here.
AD 4 3-60/61.
Stratified, 1 977,
Amphora 9 6:
7 0
S empronius S aturninus.
a re present on t he P ort-
2 7-30 no.3, PYP.
C .
post-medieval. 3 2 no.9)
Unstratified .
but our A t riangular
P is 4 -6 C . S empronius P olyclitus s tamp o n D ressel 2 0 a mphora 9 4; S aturninus s tamp o n D ressel 2 0 a mphora 9 5; P yp s tamp o n D ressel 2 0 a mphora 9 6
7 1
t he f irst p ,
stop i s v isible before
i n which case we may have a ll t he
l etters of a n a bbreviated c ognomen . will be b or r .
Amphora 9 7:
f irst l etter of t his Amphora 98:
C ...
l etter of t his
t his
a braded s tamp i s
l egible.
s tamped more
Not i llustrated .
5 3)
came
Many o f
f rom Dressel 2 0 a nd
f or t he s pace d evoted t o the f orm i n h is monograph.
f rom Oberaden,
f orty-six were f ound )
Haltern a nd R ödgen
a re s tamped
But
s tamped a t a ny g iven t ime.
c lear t hat t he earliest were n ever stamped:
2 0 amphoras
f irst
Not i llustrated.
f requently t han o ther f orms. ( 1965,
i t
O nly t he
L ikewise o nly t he
o ne would l ike t o know what proportion was I t i s
AD 4 3-60/61.
l egible.
AD 4 3-60/61.
c ompiled by Callender
accounts
I f t he l ast l etter i s n ot p ,
Stratified,
a braded s tamp i s
Stratified,
D ressel 2 0 i s t he s tamps
M ...
n one of t he
D ressel
( where n o l ess t han
( Belträn 1 980,
1 91).
S tamps may n ot
have become a r egular f eature o f t he i ndustry until p erhaps a s l ate a s C laudius
( Belträn 1 970,
our two Iron Age
4 90-2;
amphoras,
Parker 1 973a,
7 9).
( 26.32% being f ive of the n ineteen v essels). 1 930-39 excavations t wo v essels 407.
i s
5 . 68%.
s tratified i n I ron Age
( Hawkes
& Hull
half t he Dressel
1 947,
of stamp i ncidence A lmeida
( 1977,
2 0 amphoras i n the
( Coils
2 18 )
2 80 ).
1 977,
2 6 ).
i s made
a s a ccurate i s
more t han
I t i s not c lear i f s ubse-
f rom t he s ite have
& Lequement 1 980,
a ffected t his
1 77-9,
1 82).
e stimate
R odriguez
e stimates that half t he s econd c entury AD D ressel t he proportion
V iewed i n t his
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations
l ight,
r ecorded i s a ccurate.
t he e stimate of h ow many Dressel
f igure of 4 07 u sed here was
c onservative e stimate.
But the
t he
i s perturbing.
i n t he r eport t o worn a nd i llegible s tamps,
c onfident t hat t he number The
s tage,
f rom Monte Testaccio i n R ome were s tamped;
l ow i ncidence of s tamps
s ent .
A t one
f rom t he Port-Vendres B s hipwreck were
f ollowing c entury i s h igher s till.
R eference
f igure by d educting t he
f rom t he e stimated t otal o f
f ound i n t he 1 930-39 excavations a t
( Colls e t a l .
said to be s tamped
s tamped
The p ercentage f or t he
t his
c ontexts
2 14-5,
2 0 a mphoras
quent d iscoveries of s tamps
f eels
One r eaches
Twenty-three s tamps were
Sheepen
I f t hen we d iscount
a quarter o f t he r emainder a re
s o o ne
What may n ot be
2 0 a mphoras were pre-
r egarded by t he e xcavators a s
i ncidence o f s tamps s uggests
i nstead
t hat t he e stimate e rred s eriously on t he s ide of g enerosity.
Anyhow
When we have m ore data on t he Nero,
i t s hould be possible
D ressel 20 amphoras were
a
i ncidence o f s tamps under C laudius a nd
t o e stimate with s ome
c onfidence h ow many
a ctually r ecovered f rom t he 1 930-39 e xcavat-
i ons.
F abr ic The
s tandard Dressel
2 0 fabric i s
d istinctive a nd c an i nvariably
be r ecognized i n t he hand s pecimen without u ndue r ough,
hard a nd buff
( typically
i n s hade are present ), a re a bundant white, Peacock
( 1971,
petrology. c olour
7 .5YR .
s ometimes o n a grey c ore
grey a nd brown i nclusions,
1 68-9;
1 979)
I t s hould be
a nd G reen
I t i s
( 1980,
( 7.5YR .
7 /2).
There
g enerally 0 .5 mm a cross.
4 0 )
g ive a ccounts of t he
a dded t hat i n l ater p eriods t hough,
c an be quite d ifferent
but such a n effect i s not
d ifficulty.
7 /4 but many minor variations
t he
( red t hroughout or u nder a w hite s lip )
f ound a s early a s Sheepen
1 34 ).
7 2
( Panella 1 977,
1 20,
C apacity The
a verage
c apacity of t he D ressel 2 0 a mphoras o n t he P ort-
V endres B wreck o f t he f orties AD i s
6 6.31
l itres.
Vessels o f t he
s econd a nd t hird c enturies AD c an hold up t o t en l itres more
e t a / .
1 977,
( Colls
8 6 ).
P rovenance D ressel
2 0 came f rom t he province o f Baetica i n s outhern Spain.
M ost were made a long the banks o f t he r iver Guadalquivir between S eville a nd C orduba, t ributaries,
a nd a long t he
l ower r eaches of i ts navigable
m ost n otably the G enii.
Production was
immediate v icinity of these waterways 1 979).
( Bonsor 1 931,
c onfined t o t he
1 6;
Ponsich 1 974;
One s hould r epudiate maps t hat postulate more widespread pro-
duction northwards t o t he i nfertile h ills o f t he S ierra Morena ( Tchernia 1 967, i ng t hese Thgvenot
2 25 o n Callender 1 965,
F ig.25 ).
The
c ase
f or a ssign-
a mphoras e xclusively t o Spain has been t horoughly a rgued by ( 1950;
1 953;
1 964)
a nd Callender
The evidence f or t his
( 1965,
a ttribution i s
xxxiv-v,
d ecisive.
1 9-22).
Painted i nscrip-
t ions on D ressel 2 0 i nclude t he names o f t he Spanish t owns of A stigi, C orduba,
Hispalis,
Malaca a nd Saguntum .
a re not mentioned .
T owns
f rom o ther provinces
Further evidence i n t he painted i nscriptions
c omes
f rom t he expression f isci r ationis p atrimoni p rovinciae B aeticae . s ome
f ew i nstances
t he province s pecified i n this
Baetica but Tarraconensis:
I n
f ormula i s not
evidently production of Dressel
2 0 e vent-
ually extended f ar e nough up t he Guadalquivir t o r each t he n eighbouring province
( Belträn 1 980,
1 89 n .11 ).
large numbers of Dressel ( Clark Maxwell 1 899; 1 979).
I n f ield s urveys of t he Guadalquivir ,
2 0 have been f ound,
Bonsor 1 901;
1 931;
A punch f or s tamping QFR R IN was
s till t he only one known
d e
Ponsich 1 974;
f ound n ear Corduba;
( Remesal Rodriguez
Apart f rom t he odd Lusitanian imitation
t ogether w ith t he k ilns
l a Pena 1 967; 1 978,
( Parker 1 977,
t hat D ressel 20 was o nly made i n Baetica because
i t i s
9 7-8 with r efs). 4 0 ),
i t i s
c lear
t he s cripts o f t he
painted i nscriptions bear no r eal a ffinity t o t hose
f rom other parts o f
t he Roman world .
C ontents Painted i nscriptions on Dressel 2 0 f all
i nto f our s ections
d esig-
nated by t he f irst l etters of t he Greek a lphabet but here t ranscribed f or t he c onvenience o f our t ypist.
S ections a a nd
d are numbers.
D ressel measured t he capacities of c omplete amphoras which had painted i nscriptions.
H e
c onverted t he c apacities
f rom l itres
t o s extarii
a nd t hen multiplied t he capacity i n s extarii by the weight in Roman pounds of a s extarius of olive oil a s g iven i n t he
a ncient s ources.
f ound t hat t he f igure o btained t allied with t he number i n s ection T he number i n s ection a was
a lways
weight of t he empty a mphora . o f painted i nscriptions was P ort-Vendres B s hipwreck. a nd r esolved s ome ( Coils e t
a / .
l ower a nd turned out
H e
d .
t o be t he
Now a n i nteresting a nd important s eries f ound on the D ressel 2 0 a mphoras
Their s tudy has endorsed t hese
f rom t he
c onclusions
d ifficulties i n the r esults published by D ressel
1 977,
4 9-71,
8 3-6 with r efs).
7 3
A lthough t he
c ontents
a re
i nvariably taken a s understood i n the painted i nscriptions, have one
f rom Monte T estaccio i n Rome t hat s pecifies t he
olive o il
( Rodriguez Almeida 1 972,
2 17-9 no.47).
we d o n ow
c ontents a s
A s cientific t est h as
been d eveloped t o r ecognize v estiges of o live o il i n the walls of a mphoras: t hat
a pplied t o Dressel
t he contents were
e t a l .
Coils e t d. 1 977,
1 976; There
1 929,
1 4,
i t has d emonstrated beyond a ny d oubt
I t was highly r egarded . 1 2.63)
s econd only to Venafrum A topic t hat i s s ometimes
1 77;
B elträn 1 970,
( Naturalis H istoria 15.3.8; see also
Pliny
( both I talian o ils).
s eldom d iscussed i s t he possibility t hat o live
t raded i n D ressel 2 0 .
were f illed with olives.
Benoit
( Boyer & F evrier 1 971,
Dressel
2 0,
But i t i s n ot s pecified which o f
A lthough most o f t he c argo was a pparently
other a mphoras were present a s well a nd s o s ome
20 evolved into
t he rare a nd l ate D ressel
F ig .21,
1 40-6 f orm 1 3).
on the
f orm from R ome
C .I. L .
vol.15 nos
( Belträn 1 970,
5 14-7;
( Zevi
1 966,
2 22-3
c iting
I t s eems not u nreasonable to s uppose t hat
s ome D ressel 20 amphoras carried t he a dding t hat olives
2 3
d oubt must
Eventually D ressel
We know f rom painted i nscriptions
t hat i t h eld olives
4 803-4).
was e xpli-
t hird c entury AD wreck
r emain a s to t he precise s ignificance o f t he f ind . Keay 1 984,
4 5 )
a dding t hat t here were t wo k inds pre-
1 64 ).
c ontained t hem .
( 1960,
f rom t he V illepey wreck
The r eport on t his
c onfirms the presence of o lives, t he amphoras
( West
5 90-3 w ith r efs).
a cclaimed i t a s t he equal o f I strian a nd
c it t hat s everal of t he Dressel 2 0 a mphoras
s ent
C ondamin
t o Baetican o il i n o ur s ources
van Nostrand 1 937,
Martial E pigrams
( Condamin & Formenti 1 976;
2 3 n .13).
are many r eferences
2 2;
f ruit was
2 0,
i ndeed o il
r eached Britain;
f ruit a s well.
I t may be worth
t hey have been r eported f rom a
waterlogged horizon of t he l ate s econd c entury AD a t Southwark i n L ondon
( Willcox 1 978,
4 12).
C hronology What n eeds Amphoras t ypology;
r eferences t o major s tudies of D ressel
f ound there. s ome
t o be s aid a bout t he c hronology o f t he D ressel
Such t hough i s
2 0 t ypology w ill be
t he u biquity of t he
further c omments may not be out o f place.
f orm i n Britain t hat A lthough f or t he l ast
hundred years or s o of i ts history D ressel 2 0 t ypology s eems r emained s tatic,
Many D ressel
2 0 s tamps
a re known but more
c ompilation a nd r esearch a re n eeded before t hey a ssume a c hronological t ool.
There
with c onsular dates on t he f orm. Marichal 1 979,
t o have
until the m id s econd c entury AD t here was a c lear
t ypological progression. place a s
2 0
from Sheepen has been outlined a lready i n c onnection w ith
1 27-8 no.15;
t heir r ightful
a re many painted i nscriptions
The earliest i s AD 7 1
R odriguez A lmeida 1 980,
( Liou &
2 79-80 )
but most
a re s econd c entury a nd t he t rade i n Baetican o il i s g enerally t hought t o have peaked under t he A ntonines. c ome
from M onte T estaccio,
a n a rtificial h illock o f amphora s herds
t he dockside quarter of R ome.
I t s eems n ot t o have been u sed a s
dump after Valerian a nd Gallienus, belong to t his period . d oubtful
Most o f our painted i nscriptions
a nd t he
2 33 no.60 ).
i nscription dates
r ecord t he years AD 2 54
2 24
vol.15 nos 4 392-6).
c iting C .I. L .
Torlonia Gardens,
l ast i nscription d ates
O ne may c orrespond with AD 2 66 but t his
( Rodriguez A lmeida 1 972,
R odriguez A lmeida
7 4
i s
The l ast u nequivocal
a nd 2 55
( Tchernia 1 967,
A lthough t hey were
( 1977,
i n
a
2 15 n .1 )
f ound i n t he
t hinks t hey r eached
t here
f rom t he n earby M onte Testaccio a s a r esult o f d isturbances t o
t he h ill s ince a ntiquity. D ressel 20 amphoras V iallefond 1 958 ) o f t he
f orm
Punta A la
has been
( Zevi
1 967,
( Armand-Calliat
&
c ited i n d iscussions of t he t erminal date
2 34 ).
( Panella 1 977,
c oin hoard on t he
A c oin hoard f rom Autun buried i n two
a nd w ith i ssues of Gallienus The
2 77).
l ast s hipwreck w ith Dressel
D r A .J.
2 0 i s
Parker t ells me t here was
s hip a nd t hat i t i ncluded a n i ssue o f G ordian:
s hip evidently sank i n t he m iddle of t he t hird c entury AD .
Thus
a t he f inds
f rom both l and a nd s ea s how t hat D ressel 20 r emained i n production u ntil a t
l east the
2 50s.
Before t he e nd of t he c entury t he f orm has
evolved i nto the rare a nd smaller D ressel 2 3. Stratigraphical with handle, 8 1:
r im with handle,
60/61. 8 5:
Amphora 8 3:
Amphora 8 0:
AD 4 3-60/61. Amphora 8 6:
unstratified r im;
t ified r im .
The
handle,
Amphora 8 2:
u nstratified r im;
u nstratified r im .
Amphora 9 2:
c ontexts o f i llustrated s herds.
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 6 0/61.
AD 4 3-60/61;
AD 4 3-60/61.
handle,
r im
Amphora
r im with handle,
basal plug,
r im,
handle,
Amphora 7 9:
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 4 3-
Amphora AD 6 0/61.
Amphora 9 9:
unstra-
c ontexts of the s tamped s herds have b een g iven a bove.
C omments Dressel
2 0 i s
s o familiar t o u s
i n Britain t hat one
d oubt i t i s t he most c ommon f orm of amphora f ound h ere, f ormal s tatistics
t o s upport this
f rom Sheepen i ncludes
s herds
a re n ot a vailable.
i n no
The a ssemblage
from two v essels t hat hark back t o t he
beginnings of t he trade i n Baetican o il with Britain. a nd Nero,
i s
even though
t he data f urnished by Sheepen s hows D ressel
t he a scendant by eclipsing exports of wine,
z ones from Baetica.
7 5
For C laudius 2 0 moving i nto
d efrutum syrup and s ala-
C HAPTER V I.
SALAZON AMPHORAS
S alazones i s t he Spanish word f or h igh s alt-content f oods s uch a s
t hose marketed i n a n important s eries of a mphoras made
I berian c oast f rom Lusitania to Tarraconensis. f rom the s outhern province of Baetica. call t hese amphoras Baetica, 1 68 )
s o i t i s
s alazones .
a long t he
Most s eem t o have c ome
Spanish a rchaeologists
Many other amphoras were made
advisable to a bandon t he u sage o f Peacock
who once r eferred to this
s imply i n
( 1971,
category o f v essel a s s outh Spanish.
We s hould i n a ny case t hink of Spain i n t he R oman s ense of a s a pplicable t o t he e ntire peninsula because
s ome
ras w ere eventually made i n Portugal a s well. perhaps d escribe the e ntire c lass
a s
H ispania ,
f ew of t hese a mpho-
Technically we s hould
I berian.
T ypology a nd C lassification Many of t he
s alazon amphoras at Sheepen have typological f eatures
worthy of i llustration a nd t hose v itality of these v essels. are I berian
f igured d emonstrate t he typological
Many a mphoras i n t he D ressel table of f orms
s alazones: nos 7 -14 a nd 3 8-39.
u sed here i s mainstream of
t hat d eveloped by Belträn
But t he
( 1970,
c lassification
3 88-464)
who d ivided t he
s alazon amphoras thus: Belträn I • = Dressel Belträn I I B elträn I II
7 -11
= D ressel
3 8-39
= D ressel 1 2-13
'Belträn IV = Dressel 1 4 Belträn I V has s ince b een subdivided by Parker a nd I Vb,
Lusitanian ).
s ification i s that he supports his amphoras t he
f rom S pain.
S o even w ith r im sherds
s alazon form.
I t had been t hought t hat D ressel was over f astif orms
7 -11
1 966,
2 30 ).
s alazones that corresponded precisely with his forms 7 -10 a nd
( Hesnard 1 980,
1 46-8 ).
This
i nspires
r enewed c onfidence
validity of t he d ivisions r ecognized by D ressel. s herds
( Zevi
late Augustan d eposit of a mphoras a t La L ongarina produced
c omplete 1 2
i t i s
d ifficult t o be c onfident a bout a ssigning a v essel t o a par-
d ious to draw a d istinction between h is But t he
s alazon c lassification f or
a mple t ypological latitude e ncom-
passed by most of t he Belträn f orms. t icular
IVa i s Baetican,
categories with many c omplete
A d ifficult a spect o f
l ayperson to understand i s t he
s ometimes
( 1977:
O ne of t he great s trengths o f t he Belträn c las-
are s eldom amenable to s uch precise
c ategory of Belträn I i s t hough it i s
c lassification a nd t he broad
t he most a pt grouping
i n order to u se Dressel numbers
f orms within the Belträn I family.
7 7
i n t he
Nevertheless excavated
f or our purposes,
a l-
t o s pecify particular
F ig .
1 3
A mphoras 1 00 -1 07 ,
1 09 -1 10 B el -t rän 1 .
7 8
S cale 1 :4
15
%
16
F ig .
1 4
A mphoras 1 08 , 1 11-115 B elträn 4 1 16 B e1trän ha; 1 17 , 1 19 B e1trän I /IIa . S cale 1 :4
7 9
A puzzling wrecks
Sheepen i tself d emonstrates
such a s Lavezzi B ( Dressel
( Dressel 7 0
s alazones i s t heir c ontemporaneous t ypo-
f eature of
l ogical d iversity.
8 + 9 + Belträn I Ia + I II).
( Tchernia 1 969,
D ressel
8 + 1 0 )
8 ,
4 95-9).
Dressel 20 a nd D ressel
T he l atter a lso i ncluded H altern
A nother s hipwreck
9 a nd Belträn I Ia
t his but s o d o s hip-
a nd T our Sainte Marie i s Sud-Lavezzi B w here
s alazones were a ssociated with Haltern 7 0,
2 8 a mphoras
( Liou 1 982,
4 42-4).
S everal d is-
s atazon amphoras; i nscriptions s how t hat s ome were l eft f or years t o mature. I f different forms indicated d ift inct sauces were bottled i n f erent c ontents
( and t here
i s n ot at present d irect evidence f or t his),
i t i s easy t o s ee how the various permutations o f d ifferent s auces of various
a ges
c ould c all f orth such t ypological d iversity.
s alazones illustrated are best l eft t o s peak f or t hemselves
The
with o nly a minimum of c ommentary. a bsent.
Belträn I II
a nd IV a re a pparently
Belträn I a t Sheepen i s exemplified by s ixteen v essels a nd
s herds
f rom each are
i llustrated
( amphoras
100-15).
The
r ims a re o ften
c arefully moulded a nd belie t he c ommercial
c haracter o f t hese c ontain-
ers.
I t i s unusual t o f ind handles
The handles taper t owards t he body.
with pronounced grooves,
a s with a mphora 103,
even precisely identical.
t he rare r im f orm of a mphora 1 16. s trates
a c lose parallel
The t ypical I Ia r im t ops d oes
where the handles a re n ot
B elträn I Ia i s only d efinitely a ttested by Belträn
f rom Nyon.
( 1970,
F ig.167 no.4 )
i llu-
Note a lso t he hollow base o f 1 16.
a wide n eck a nd i s overhung.
Our amphora 1 15
l ook l ike a I Ia r im but i t i s t oo s mall a nd t he f orm i s e xplained
by a c omplete Belträn I w ith identical r im f rom Port-Vendres B ( Colls
e t a l .
1 977,
F ig.15 no.1 ).
Four v essels
be p laced i n t he category I /IIa . d ifficulty.
( amphoras
Amphoras
1 17-20 )
c ould o nly
1 17 a nd 1 19 i llustrate t he
G enerally t he body of Belträn I i s more or l ess ovoid i n
v ertical s ection with t he body f alling a way s harply f rom t he n eck, with amphoras below t he
1 09
a nd 1 14.
junction of n eck a nd body,
l edge from which the handles s pring,
providing a s light s houlder or a s with amphora 108 .
c an be f ound on both B elträn I a nd I Ia . u nequivocal
t ypological
f eatures,
c lassified a s Belträn I /IIa .
t he
s alazones.
This
f eature
I n d efault of other a nd
f our v essels
1 17-20 s hould b e
I t i s worth drawing a ttention t o t he
immensely thick wall of amphora 1 17. standard
a s
But s ometimes t here i s a break i n c urve
One presumes
i ts
At 2 .4
c m i t i s
c ontents were
far t hicker t han
t oo valuable t o
r isk s hipment i n a v essel w ith t hin walls.
S alazones were bunged with pottery discs. a mong t he kiln products of C erro d e l os Märtires. protuberance: 9 5-6).
one
i s hollow;
t he other,
s olid
Two
a re i llustrated
Each has a c entral
( Belträn 1 977,
F ig.8 nos
A Belträn I f rom t he Port-Vendres B wreck was bunged w ith a n
irregular pottery d isc positioned in t he a mphora with i ts u ppermost
( Colls
e t a l .
1 977,
c oncave f ace
F ig.15 no.1 ).
F abric T here
i s much
d iversity a mong t he
s alazones at Sheepen and t he
fabric of each will be d escribed i n turn.
But it i s worth d rawing
a ttention a t t he outset t o t he prevalence o f o ff-white, s hades of l ight yellow. powdery surfaces, i nclusions
One often meets
f ine
a lthough many o thers have
a nd a harder f inish.
8 0
c ream,
buff a nd
a nd s oft f abrics w ith
c ommon or even a bundant
Amphora 1 00 i s s herds)
0 .25 mm a cross, ( 10YR .
l ight y ellow
on a l ight p ink c ore 8 /4)
a re c ommon.
8 /4)
c lusions.
l arge a s
( 2.5YR .
Amphora 1 04
6 /8 ).
s ometimes
f iring. s el,
There a re s parse white a nd grey 2 mm.
Amphora 1 02
Amphora 1 03 i s
S oft a nd powdery;
i s off-white
f ine. ones
Amphora 1 05 i s
merging t o
( 10YR .
8 /3)
a re l ight pink
t he wall s herds.
c ream
( 7.5YR .
( 5YR .
7 /4)
l ight yellow
( 5YR .
7 /4)
l ight yellow ( 7.5YR .
7 /6 )
f ine with s parse i nwith a bundant white,
T he
s urface i s
r ough a nd
8 /4)
on t he outside o f t he v es-
i nside.
( 2.5Y.
l ight y ellow
Amphora 1 08 i s
( 5YR .
S oft a nd powdery a nd
8 /2)
outer s urfaces,
i nner
with t he s hift i n c olour m idway i nside
Amphora 107 i s
S oft a nd powdery a nd f ine. merging with l ight p ink
i s
c ream
a s i f i t had b een wiped or brushed before
l ight pink
Amphora 106 has
t ypically
l ight yellow t hroughout
grey a nd brown i nclusions up to 2 mm a cross. s prinkled with inclusions
( with t hicker
G rey i nclusions,
Amphora 101 i s
a nd powdery a nd f ine.
on a brown c ore
8 /2),
8 /4).
a nd powdery a nd f ine.
i nclusions with s ome a s ( 2.5Y.
( 2.5Y.
( 5YR .
8 /4)
on t he
( 5Y.
8 /2)
t hroughout.
l ight yellow
( 5Y.
i nsides o f t he
8 /3)
l arger s herds.
Soft a nd powdery with f ine i nclusions s cattered s parsely t hroughout. Amphora 109 i s
l ight brown
( 5YR .
6 /4)
with a l ight r ed
3 mm thick i n the middle of wall s herds. dant out
f ine grey a nd brown i nclusions. ( 5YR .
many 1 t o
7 /6 )
a nd powdery.
1 .5 mm a cross.
with a s oft a nd powdery o n the outer s urfaces, f aces. t he
Amphoras f inish.
1 11-2
are buff
turning t o l ight pink
7 /6)
( 5YR .
surface
( 5Y.
( 7.5YR .
l ight yellow
8 /3)
m idway t hrough t he
but otherwise harder t han many o f t he
Amphora 1 16 i s
8 /3)
o n i nner s ur-
( 2.5Y.
s ala-
7 /4). 8 /2)
Soft with a
s alazones at
Amphora 1 17 i s hard a nd d ense with a smooth l ight yellow ( 2.5Y.
surface.
8 /2)
powdery.
t urning t o l ight p ink
Amphora 1 18 i s
powdery a nd f ine. 1 20 i s
a nd f ine
( 10YR .
l ight yellow
8 /4 )
powdery surface but otherwise harder t han many o f t he Sheepen.
7 /4)
but o therwise harder than many of
Amphora 1 15 i s buff t hroughout
a nd powdery a nd f ine.
v ein
a re c ommon, with
( 7.5YR .
( 5YR .
Amphora 1 14 i s
turning to l ight pink
Fine a nd powdery,
z ones at Sheepen.
6 /8 )
l ight pink t hrough-
Amphora 1 13 i s o ff-white
Fine with a powdery surface,
s herd .
Amphora 1 10 i s
Grey a nd brown i nclusions
s alazon amphoras at Sheepen.
on outer surfaces,
( 10R .
Powdery surfaces with a bun-
Amphora 1 19
I nclusions
l ight brown
a re
( 10YR .
( 5YR .
l ight yellow t hroughout i s l ight pink
7 /4)
j ust below t he
( 5Y.
( 5YR .
8 /4).
7 /6 )
Soft a nd
a nd s oft a nd
c ommon a nd r ange up t o 1 mm a cross. 7 /3 )
Amphora
a nd powdery with a bundant white,
grey
a nd brown i nclusions ranging up t o 2 mm a cross.
C apacity Five
s alazones in Colem were measured.
and 1 8 l itres, ber of the
measured to w ithin
f irst i s
1 7.25 l itres.
1 932. 86;
t he
r im r espectively.
The
f lush with t he r im,
Average:
Average:
1 5 a nd 1 2.5 l itres,
The a ccession number o f t he
t he other t wo a re u ndocumented .
I hold 1 6.5
a ccession num-
s econd i s undocumented.
The t hree Belträn I Ia h old 1 5,
measured to within 2 .5 c m o f t he r im, of t he
Two Belträn
3 cm o f t he r im .
a nd 6 c m
f irst i s
1 889.46;
1 4.17 l itres.
P rovenance A lthough t here a re painted i nscriptions a nd
such a s g (arVm)
HiSp(anVm)
m vr(ia ) H isp(ana ), one is reluctant to cite them a s d ecisive
8 1
evidence of provenance because t hey n eed only s ignify t hat t he s auce was prepared t o
a Spanish r ecipe
( Zevi 1 966,
2 32 w ith r efs).
But many
o f t he
s hippers who f igure i n painted i nscriptions on Dressel 2 0
( which
f orm i s
a ssuredly Baetican of c ourse)
s alazones.
I a nd o ther
a re a lso f ound on Belträn
M oreover t he s cripts on both groups of a mpho-
ras,
where not identical,
with
s alazon and Dressel 20 amphoras from early contexts such as the
a re c losely r elated .
Castra Praetoria d itch a t R ome.
This i s particularly s o
Eventually the s cript on D ressel 2 0
evolved t he idiosyncratic s tyle r epresented by t he Monte Testaccio i nscriptions
a t Rome.
Anyhow t his
c oincidence o f s tyle
t ity of t he s hippers e stablish t hat a re e ssentially Baetican
( like
( Zevi 1 966,
i n addition Rodriguez A lmeida 1 972,
D ressel
2 32-9;
2 0 )
a nd t he iden-
s alazon amphoras
f or t he palaeography,
1 38-41;
C olls
e t a l .
1 977,
s ee
5 1 n .
1 39). This Spain
i s
c onfirmed by d iscoveries of k ilns
( Belträn 1 970,
3 88-464;
Peacock 1 974;
a ll with d iscussion and r efs).
f rom Portugal a nd
Belträn 1 977;
Parker
1 977:
s alazon foods
Factories t hat made
extended from S etübal on t he Atlantic to Javea i n Tarraconensis ( Ponsich
& Tarradell 1 965,
F ig .1);
t he k ilns
t hat s upplied t he a mpho-
ras must presumably have had a d istribution c oincident with t hat of t hese
i nstallations.
I t has proved possible t o d ifferentiate
ducts of s ome of t he k ilns by petrological t his
r esearch,
a nalysis.
t he pro-
A s a r esult o f
i t has been suggested t hat t he Cadiz r egion was of par-
t icular importance to Britain a s a s ource o f B elträn I a nd I Ia a mphoras ( Peacock 1 974,
2 41-2).
C ontents The principal c ontents of salted-fish. a wine
But t here
a re
s alazon amphoras were fish-sauces and
a lso i ndications t hat Belträn I i ncluded
amphora a nd s ome Belträn I I ( 1 )
F ish-Sauces.
c ertainly h eld
Many painted i nscriptions on Belträn I a nd I I
• have survived a nd t hey name t he contents
a s t he
f ish-sauces
( = l iquamen ), m uria and a lec ( = h alec or h alex ). t exts
d efrutum syrup.
( such a s t he AD 3 01 price edict of D iocletian )
t hat s how
l iquamen was aLatin synonym for g arum current in the West. 2 42-7) have
a nd Belträn
( 1970,
4 15-7 f or his
f orm I ,
g arum
I t i s bilingual Z evi
( 1966,
4 31-3 f or f orm I I)
c ompiled u seful s elections o f i nscriptions with i nformation o n
t heir c ontents. These sauces were made by packing f ish s craps a nd e ntrails, blood,
eggs
a nd a multiplicity o f other i ngredients
Much s alt was f action The
a dded .
( Grimal
T his
a cted a s
& Monod 1 952;
a limentary juices of t he
with t he other i ngredients. f rom t he
a lec .
i n c oncrete vats.
a n a ntiseptic a nd prevented putre-
p ace Pliny N aturalis H istoria 3 1.43.93 ). f ish eventually d igested t hemselves I n due
c ourse t he
s ediment i n the vats which was
a long
g arum was strained off
i tself bottled i n amphoras
a s
c it ., 3 1.43.94) i s often c ited t o d emonstrate t he expensiveness of g arum but it would be mistaken to take this a s t ypical. Pliny
( op .
Some emperors ( Etienne
1 970,
t han honey e lder Cato
tried t o lower t he price 3 10 );
f or t he benefit o f
i n the price edict of AD 3 01,
( Broughton 1 974,
2 6 n .36).
t he poor
l iquamen was cheaper
A lthough i n t he t ime o f t he
g arum was regarded with scorn as a foreign luxury, the
8 2
massive trade i n
s alazon amphoras shows that it eventually became a r eferences t o l iquamen i n t he
s tandard s easoning i n R oman c uisine; c ookery book by Apicius
a re u biquitous.
s alazones mention three other products L ymphatum presumably represents sauce d iluted with water ( hydrogarum ). Sauce f lavoured with t he h erb l acca may explain l accatum . Rather l ess t ractable i s t he s ignificance o f c od i n such i nscriptions a s c od v etvs and c od p or n v etvs . I t may c onceiva bly have been prepared from t he tails ( codae ) of f ish ( Manacorda Painted i nscriptions o n
t hat may be sauces
1 977,
a s well.
1 27-8 f or d iscussion of t hese c ontents). ( 2)
Salted-Fish.
Two Belträn I amphoras of f orm Cam 1 86a i n t he
Port-Vendres B wreck c ontained mackerel bones S ome Belträn I II s cales of tunny a s D ressel
amphoras f ish
( Coils
e t a l . 1 977, 4 0-2).
i n the T itan wreck c ontained t he b ones
( Tailliez
1 961,
1 84-5).
a nd
Some amphoras d escribed
1 0 f rom t he s ea off t he Bouches-du-Rhöne were f ull o f
bones
( Benoit 1 962,
c lams
( op . c it .,
1 48-9 F ig.2);
1 56 no. 8,
t wo more
1 58 F igs
f ish
f rom t he Planier E wreck had
2 0-1).
Other examples
c ould b e
s alazon amphoras could hold not only f ish-sauces but salted-fish a s well. The Latin word s alsamenta could
c ited .
It would s eem t hen t hat
a pparently embrace both c ontingencies, m entary s ources
s o i t i s
d ifficult t o c ite d ocu-
t hat explicitly r eport a trade i n Spanish s alted-fish.
A nyhow s uch a trade presumably a ccounts
f or t he Spanish mackerel bones
( Scomber c olias ) in an Iron Age well at Skeleton Green ( Hertfordshire) because s alazon amphoras reached there before the Roman invasion ( Wheeler 1 981 f or t he
f ish;
P eacock 1 981,
1 99-204
But i t d oes not account for t he mackerel bones with t he inscription i iqVam(en) t ions
i n L ondon,
f or t he amphoras).
i n a F lavian D ressel 2 -4
f rom t he 1 983 Winchester Palace excava-
because Dr P .A .
Tyers t ells m e
t he bones
t he heads of the f ish a nd s o presumably i llustrate t he
i n Gallia Narbonensis,
3 44 no .37, ( 3)
3 54 n .55;
There a re tantalizing i ndications
were i n f act wine
of a k iln a t T ivissa i n Tarraconensis i t s eems
7 -10 .
3 10 ).
r esin
6 8-9).
1 47,
1 55 n .75 )
a lthough not sauce
f or t hese
amphoras,
amphora of f orm Dressel
a s well a s
s tandard
At l east two were
a nd t his precludes
( Charlin
n ever l ined with r esin i n a ntiquity ), date
s alazon foods
Three Dressel 9 a mphoras i n t he
( Hesnard 1 980,
f or olive o il,
The products c losely r elated
But t he k iln i s more t han f ifteen km f rom t he s ea a nd
Catalan fabric were f ound a t La Longarina . with
amphoras.
i ncluded a mphoras
unlikely t herefore t hat t hese amphoras held
( Tchernia 1 971a,
t hat
t hat we would otherwise a ssimilate t o B elträn I
o n the grounds of t ypology, t o Dressel
( modern
s alazones trade ( Hassall & Tomlin
Frere 1 984,
Wine i n B elträn I ?
s ome Spanish a mphoras
f rom Antipolis
a s alutary r eminder that Baetica d id
not exercise a monopoly over t he 1 984,
f rom
g arum from parts of the f ish t hat were n ot normally c onsumed .
of making
The i nscription adds t hat t he amphora c ame A ntibes)
came
s tandard practice
l ined
t heir u se
e t a / . 1979, 2 1: o il amphoras
l eaving wine
a possible
f or t he T ivissa v essels.
c andiA w ine
7 -11 f rom Tarraconensis would explain a v essel
f ormae 10 s imilis, whose contents were Aminean wine, particularly a s i ts LV s tamp may be Catalan 1 5 no.4533;
s ee
s till s ometimes
a lso C oils implied,
( Tchernia 1 971a,
e t a / .
1 977,
6 9 n .76 c iting C .I.L.
8 8 n .219).
Aminean wine was not exclusively Campanian
because the parent v ines were t ransplanted e lsewhere 1 979,
1 45 ).
v ol.
D espite what i s
Anyhow t o judge by t he
8 3
s tatistics
( Liou & Marichal
furnished by La L ongarina ,
t hese presumed Catalan Dressel 7 -11 wine numbered by
a mphoras were greatly out-
s alazon Dressel 7 -11 u nder Augustus
( Hesnard 1 980,
1 49 ).
There may have been a Baetican c ounterpart t o t hese Catalan D ressel
7 -11 wine amphoras.
An amphora f rom R ome bears t he painted
T i C aesare V c os/Gaditanvm ( C.I.L. vol.15 no.4570 o n f örmae 9 s imilis ). The year i s AD 3 1. The d ocumentary s ources make i nscription
n o mention of Gades wine; 1 929,
t he name may only c ommunicate t he point o f
v ignobles elsewhere in the province ( West No other s alazon has a consular date, although the age
s hipment f or wines 1 7-8 ).
f rom
of sauces was s ometimes
i ndicated by s ome such f ormula a s AIIIA
( annorum t rium : three year old sauce).
s alazones were
Unlike wine,
not i nfluenced by t he vagaries of t he weather s o i t i s n ot c lear why a c onsular date would be n ecessary. a mphora might i ndicate not i ts
I f i ndeed sauce,
a ge,
the date on our
but rather s erve
a s
a guarantee
f reshness. But a s c onsular dates a re n ot otherwise a ttested on s alazones, the likelihood instead must be that this Dressel 9 was a o f i ts
wine
a mphora
l oathe t o
( Parker 1 973a,
c oncede
8 6 ).
Belträn t hough
t his possibility.
o ne notes t hat he grouped t he v essel with wine ( 4)
( 1970,
Dressel t oo was
D efrutum s yrup i n B eltran I I.
5 99)
i s
d oubtful,
a lthough
a mphora i nscriptions.
A Belträn I Ia f rom Pompeii
d efrutum ( Coils e t a l . 1 977, 8 7 c iting C .I. L . vol.4 no.9324). The painted inscription d efr(vtvm ) e xcell(ens) on an Iberian amphora said n ot to be Haltern 70 ( as one would n ow expect ), f rom t he s ea o ff
held
Fos
( Liou & Marichal
1 979,
F ig.17 no.35,
1 44-5),
i s presumably t he s ame
v essel a s that identified e lsewhere a s Belträn I Ib 4 9 n .130 ,
8 7 n .208 ).
Evidently s ome Belträn I I
( Coils
e t a l .
1 977,
a mphoras h eld
d efrutum .
C hronology Belträn I i s a pparently not a ttested until Augustus. has not been r eported f rom t he Augustan f orts
B elträn I I
i n G ermany a nd i ts
a bsence from t he l ate Augustan a mphora d eposit a t La Longarina ( Hesnard 1 980,
1 48 )
suggests
i t d id not a ppear until
a t l east T iberius.
Most of our Sheepen
s alazones are apparently Belträn I ( sixteen o f t he
t wenty-one v essels)
a nd Belträn I Ia i s only c ertainly r epresented by
t he a typical r im f orm of a mphora 1 16 . of I Ia
( Cam 1 86c )
The c haracteristic overhung r im
i s n ot f ound a t a ll.
Now a t Pompeii Belträn I i s
rare a nd it i s greatly outnumbered t here by B elträn 1 22-3).
Belträn I was
Buildings
i n London where much R oman pottery was
f rom d eposits ( Green 1 980, ( 1970,
dated c . 4 2).
F ig.151)
One n otes t oo t hat t he
i mpinge on t he F lavians.
a fter Nero.
A s t he
sack of Sheepen i n AD 60/61 a nd
t he
t ypical
i t was
i f B elträn I was
I Ia f orm i s not ( bearing i n mind
t he period between t he
d estruction of Pompeii
t hat saw t he d emise of Belträn I a nd i ts t he s tandard
f orm I d id not s ignificantly
i t would s eem t hat
a nd the Billingsgate Buildings)
with most
w as present
c hart published by B elträn
I t may be d oubted t herefore
d efinitely a ttested a t Sheepen, Pompeii
( Manacorda 1 977,
r ecovered,
AD 7 0-160 a nd where Belträn I Ia
s uggests production of his
produced on a ny s cale
I I
a pparently unrepresented a t t he B illingsgate
i n AD 7 9
r eplacement by Belträn I I
a s
s alazon amphora.
Stratigraphical
c ontexts of i llustrated s herds.
8 4
Amphora 1 00:
r im
with handle, 102:
r im,
AD 4 3-60/61.
AD 4 3-60/61;
r im a nd handles. t ified r im .
Amphora 1 01:
Amphora 104:
Amphora 106:
post-medieval.
unstratified r im.
unstratified handle.
Amphora
Amphora 1 03:
u nstratified r im.
unstratified
Amphora 105:
u nstratified r im with handle s tub;
Amphora 107:
r im with handle
s tub,
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 08:
r im,
Amphora 109:
unstratified body s herd .
Amphora 1 10:
r im,
Amphora 1 11:
unstratified r im;
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 12:
u nstratified r im .
AD 4 3-60/61;
u nstra-
handle,
handle,
Amphora 1 13:
u nstratified s houlder.
r im,
Amphora 1 15:
u nstratified r im a nd base. handle stub.
u nstratified s houlder with handle s tub.
Amphora 1 19:
AD 4 3-60/61. r im,
Amphora 1 17:
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 14:
AD 4 3-60/61.
Amphora 1 16:
unstratified s houlder with
unstratified s houlder with handle.
C omments G arum and its affiliated sauces had a l ong history i n a ntiquity. We know f rom Greek s ources t hat Spain was r enowned f or g arum a s early a s t he
f ifth a nd f ourth c enturies BC
Etienne 1 970,
2 97 with r efs).
trade i n amphora-borne s auces cargo of Belträn I II
t he T itan s hipwreck o f c .
a mphoras
a nd his Julio-Claudian s uccessors, most
9 8-9;
f irst i ntimation o f t he massive
f rom t he I berian provinces we e ventually
e ncounter i n t he early Empire i s i ts
( Ponsich & Tarradell 1 965,
But t he
( Tailliez 1 961 ). I berian s alazones
5 0 BC w ith
U nder Augustus a re one o f t he
c ommon c ategories of a mphora f ound i n I taly a nd t he western pro-
v inces.
But the
d emand f or t hese s auces,
a nd h ence t he i ncidence o f
s alazon amphoras, i s o bviously i nseparable f rom c onsiderations of d iet a nd c ookery.
From t he s ubstantial s caazon presence a t S heepen,
a ccordingly suggest t hat t he C laudius
s tyle o f c uisine
a nd Nero was much i ndebted t o Roman practice.
8 5
we may
c urrent t here u nder
C HAPTER V II.
Cam 1 89 t his
suffers
c hapter we
CAM 1 89
f rom n eglect a s well
a s m isunderstanding.
I n
s hall s ee how recent r esearch o n t hese jars has
c ast
t he s tudy o f t he f orm back i n the melting-pot.
T ypology a nd C lassification These d iminutive amphoras a nd s hape.
carrot-shaped a nd s o nowadays s imply a s
a re r emarkable by v irtue o f t heir s ize
With s ome justification,
c arrots.
Cam 1 89 has
a re s hort a nd f lexed ; t he f ingers,
t hey are
not t he hand.
t hey have often been d escribed a s
s ometimes s o small
d esignated The handles
t hey o ffer a purchase only f or
The outer s urface o f t he body has
r u ling made by f ormer or t emplate. t reatment,
f ind t hemselves
a plain r im with no n eck .
t he t iny s herds
Were i t n ot f or t his
r egular
s urface
i nto which t hese vessels s hatter might
easily be overlooked . s urvived i n s itu but Reusch
No bungs have
( 1970,
6 1)
points out
a Pompeian wall painting s howing what might be t he f orm s ealed by a l id s ecured with s tring attached t o t he handles.
F abric Amphora 1 21 i s brown a powdery surface. ment,
( 2.5YR .
6 /8 ).
I t i s
O n the basis o f t he s herds
f ine
i s
a lso brown
a powdery s urface.
( 2.5YR .
I t i s hard but has i nclusions.
2 2
a m.
1 8
with a hard a nd f ine
fabric.
a m.
6 /8 )
l ight brown
1 8 a m.
The
6 /1 ).
2 2
fabric.
c m.
f ine with
i n no d oubt t hat t he v essel i s ( SYR .
6 /6 )
a 1 1g 1t r ed r ed surface
( 10YR .
7 /4)
on
Amphora 1 26 i s brown
The m aximum body d iameter
r epresented by the surviving s herds of t he j ar i s l ight brown
I ts
The maximum body d iameter r epresented
jar i s
with a hard a nd f ine
f orm l eaves o ne
6 /6 )
fabric i s hard a nd r ough with s parse
f ine white a nd black i nclusions. surviving s herds of t he
s urviving
( 7.5YR .
Amphora 1 25 has
( 10YR .
eventually turning l ight brown
t he i nside of t he v essel.
6 /6 )
i s
5 /8 ).
f ine white
The maximum body d iameter r epresented by
o n a l ight grey c ore
c ontinues over t he r im,
( 2.5YR .
( 10R .
There a re s parse
Amphora 1 24
t he surviving s herds of t he jar i s
by t he
Amphora 1 23 i s r ed
The maximum body d iameter r epresented by t he
( 10R .
c m .
i n a hard a nd f ine fabric with
a powdery surface.
s herds of t he jar i s
surface
6 /8 )
The maximum body d iameter r epresented by t he s ur-
v iving s herds of t he j ar i s
I t i s
f or measure-
t he maximum body d iameter of t he v essel must exceed 1 9
Amphora 1 22
i s
a nd hard but w ith
a vailable
1 1.5 c m.
Cam 1 89.
with a t hin l ight y ellow s lip
a powdery s urface.
Its
( 2.5Y.
The maximum body d iameter
8 7
c onical
Amphora 1 27 8 /4). r epre-
s ented by t he s urviving s herds of t he
j ar i s
1 9
c m.
C apacity The
s pecimen
p1.54 n o.1,
1 41 )
f rom Gracechurch Street i n London
h olds
3 .15
l itres.
G .D .
( Wheeler 1 930,
Marsh m easured t he
c apacity
f or me by f illing i t with r ice until f lush w ith the r im .
P rovenance Petrological a nalysis has n ot proved r ewarding but examination of t he s urface t extures of t he quartz grains hot a nd sandy e nvironment the petrology ). a f ifth
( Shackley 1 975,
The quartz grains
Green 1 980,
f rom a 4 5 f or
examined were a ctually matched with
c entury BC Palestinian amphora .
But one has r eservations
Palestine a s t he home of these v essels: t hat t hey are
s hows t hey came
5 7-9;
F .D .
a bout
Lockwood k indly t ells m e
a pparently n ot f ound i n I srael.
He d raws my a ttention
t o a large a nd i mportant c ollection of a mphoras gathered o ver t he y ears f rom waters off t he c oast of I srael. ( Zemer 1 978 ). a s
Z emer d oes
Cam 1 89
carrot-shaped but i t i s not Cam 189
( op .
Empire
c it ., p1.14 no.40,
L ockwood,
Z emer has
i n Sinai,
Egypt o r Africa .
small
i s
a bsent a ltogether
a ctually d escribe a f orm i n t he c ollection 4 9).
a nd i s a ssigned t o t he l ate
I n
c orrespondence with F .D.
suggested we explore t he possibility of a n origin One notes
t hat t he horizontal r illing,
l oop handles a nd t hin walls of Cam 1 89 a re f eatures of s ome
a mphoras i n t he Punic tradition. painted i nscription on t he f orm C .I. L.
I t may be s ignificant t hat t he only ( Reusch 1 970,
vol.4 n o.2834 r eading kvf )
i s
5 4,
Abb.2 no.1 b eing
i n Latin s cript,
not Greek or
Aramaic a s one might expect of a n amphora f rom I srael.
C ontents M .D .
Card t ells me t hat his
in a mphora s herds has 1 89
amphora .
a nalytical work on o rganic r esidues
identified o live o il a s t he c ontents o f a Cam
The work was u ndertaken a t t he North East L ondon
Polytechnic u nder t he d irection of J . Dr D . F.
Williams.
Evans a nd i n c onjunction with
Now t hat we know s ome Cam 1 89
out t o be Kingsholm 1 17,
one i s
r eluctant t o u se
amphoras have t urned t his
a s
a basis
f or
further argument because o f t he possibility o f misidentification. I ndeed there i s n o satisfactory evidence f or t he c ontents o f t he f orm . An a mphora f rom Avenches which has 189
c ontained burnt dates.
held o lives, 1 970, priate more
a lso burnt
Abb.1 no.5,
5 8-9).
t o t he f orm,
s ome
t enuous
a ffinities with Cam
A Cam 1 89 variant f rom t he same d eposit
( Callender 1 965,
3 9,
3 18-9 F ig .20 n o.4;
Bearing i n m ind t he c limatic r egime
one would have
t hought t hat dates
R eusch
a ppro-
a nd f igs were
l ikely t o have been t he r egular c ontents t han o live o il o r o lives.
C hronology • Reusch
On the basis of t heir occurrence ( 1970 ,
t hey were
5 4,
rare)
5 6,
u ntil
5 9-60 )
has
i n t he n orthern provinces,
traced t he
f orm f rom Augustus
t he early s econd c entury AD .
8 8
( when
A lthough n ot u n-
c ommon i n R oman Britain,
c arrot-shaped a mphoras have n ot yet been
r eported f rom I ron Age c ontexts. c ommon u nder C laudius V espasian
( Hawkes
At C olchester,
a nd Nero.
& Hull 1 947,
Cam 1 89 i s most
I t s eems n ot t o be f ound h ere a fter 2 53;
Hull 1 963,
1 82).
t he f orm s till r eached t he s ite i n quantity a fter C .
A t F ishbourne, AD 7 5 a nd c on-
t inued imports until t he s econd c entury AD may be implied 1 971b,
2 08 t ype
1 52,
F ig.100 n os
i mported u ntil a t l east c .
1 52.1-2).
AD 1 50
( Wilson 1 984,
a ddendum ,
unstratified handle.
R eaders
Cam 1 89 was
202 n o.1917).
Stratified c ontexts of i llustrated s herds. AD 4 3-60/61;
( Cunliffe
A t Verulamium,
Amphora 1 25:
r im,
a re advised t o n ote t he
where i t i s explained t hat a mphora 1 25 r epresents not t he
t rue Cam 1 89 but a r elated j ar d escribed a s Kingsholm 1 17.
C omments The
t raditional r esearch t ools of amphorology a re of l ittle
a vail with Cam 1 89 because t he f orm i s n ever s tamped a nd we h ave only o ne painted i nscription o n t he f orm.
Maritime a rchaeology i s of no
h elp because Cam 1 89 s eems n ot t o h ave been r eported f rom M editerranean s hipwrecks. i s
R eusch
a pparently more
( 1970,
6 1 )
n oted how in t he n orthern provinces
c ommon on military t han c ivilian s ites.
gations a long t hese
l ines m ight be profitable.
with Palestine are a pparently i llusory. t he
i t
I nvesti-
The presumed l inks
R esearch on the origins of
f orm s hould n ow perhaps be d irected t owards Egypt a nd t he o ther
African provinces.
Not only a re we i gnorant o f where t hese
j ars were
made,
but we have n o s atisfactory i nformation on t heir c ontents.
T hese
t wo major gaps i n our knowledge o f t he
postpone
a ny a ttempts
I ndeed i t i s
a t a c omprehensive
f orm m ean t hat we must
a ssessment o f Cam 1 89.
d ifficult t o write a bout Cam 1 89 without s omething
a pproaching exasperation.
This
irritation i s heightened by t he
z ation t hat we have h itherto c onfused s ome Cam 1 89 a nother f orm,
K ingsholm 1 17.
This
t opic i s
r eali-
a mphoras w ith
d iscussed i n t he a ddendum
b elow.
A ddendum When t his
c hapter was
d rafted,
t he writer was u nder t he m istaken
impression t hat a t S heepen a ll r u led a mphora s herds f abrics would be Cam 1 89. March 1 985 when M . J.
The error o f my ways became a pparent i n
Darling examined t he Sheepen material.
pointed out t o me t hat many of t he Cam 1 89 e nt
amphoras
We have d ecided t o call t hese n ew amphoras K ingsholm 1 17,
a fter t he f irst published example
f rom t he province
2 8 no.117,
a re
7 5).
I llustrated here
D ramont D wreck o f t he f orties AD b e
She
r epresent a d iffer-
category of v essel t hat has only r ecently been r ecognized i n
Britain.
9 ).
i n r ed a nd brown
( Joncheray 1 973a,
I t will be i mmediately o bvious how s herds confused,
( Timby 1 985,
t wo c omplete s pecimens 2 2-3
t ype
I II,
2 8-
f rom t he t wo f orms
c an
particularly a s t he fabrics have much i n c ommon.
writer i s not c onfident t hat he can d istinguish t he basis o f r im a nd handle s herds
a lone.
Fig.
f rom t he
The
t wo f orms on t he
But body s herds
c an be d istin-
guished because C am 1 89 has a maximum body d iameter t hat d oes not exceed 1 4.5
a m.
Many a re
smaller.
mum body d iameters that range
K ingsholm 1 17 amphoras have maxi-
from 1 9
8 9
to 2 4
c m.
F ig . 1 5 K ingsholm 1 17 a mphoras . C omplete s pecimens f rom D ramont D a t 1 :10 s cale ( after J oncheray 1 973a , 2 2-3). A mphora 1 25 f rom S heepen . S cale 1 :4
Examination of the body d iameters of t he Cam 1 89 a mphoras Sheepen l eaves me i n no doubt t hat o nly amphora 1 26 i s t he 1 89.
I t i s
r epresented by two j oining s herds
t ruction horizon.
The
r emainder
s eem t o be Kingsholm 1 17.
I t i s
( amphoras
f rom t he Boudican d es-
1 21-5 a nd 1 27 )
Cam 1 89
( Sealey
F ig.60 no. 125 ). The identification of Kingsholm 1 17 a mphoras
came s o
publication schedule f or Sheepen t hat t here was no t ime r esearch t hese j ars. 1 17 amphoras, j ars
would a ll
a matter f or r egret t hat one o f t hese
j ars has been published i n the excavation r eport a s 1 985,
a t
t rue Cam
Others must have c onfused Cam 1 89 a nd K ingsholm
s o i t i s
i n Britain i s
l ate i n t he
a vailable t o
d ifficult
t o s ay i f t he rarity o f t hese n ew
r eal or only a pparent.
We a re l eft t o guess what
d irection r esearch o n Kingsholm 1 17 w ill t ake.
At l east we have
s ecure data on t he c ontents of the f orm because a s pecimen f rom t he s hipwreck a t La Tradeliere had been bottled with dates Joncheray 1 975,
6 2,
p 1. 1 no. 8;
of t he wreck ).
One f eels
L iou 1 975,
( Fiori
6 03 f or t he c .
&
1 5-10 BC date
t hat Cam 1 89 a nd K ingsholm 1 17 must b e
r elated but f urther work will be n eeded before the
d etails of t his
presumed r elationship a re e lucidated. M .J.
Darling expounded her v iews on t hese
a mphoras
i n a paper
r ead t o t he 1 985 Annual C onference of t he S tudy G roup f or R omano-
B ritish P ottery at L eicester. j ars
available t o m e
She g enerously made h er notes on t hese
i n advance o f t heir publication a nd t he writer
takes t his opportunity t o express h is
9 0
gratitude.
C HAPTER V III.
R ICHBOROUGH
S heepen produced f our s herds
5 27
f rom a n a mphora with a d istinctive
fabric a nd typology n ow c lassified a s R ichborough 5 27.
T ypo l ogy a nd C lassification The wall s herds of a mphora 1 28 range i n t hickness 2 9.5 mm .
I t has a body d iameter o f
2 4 c m.
a handle which i s more or l ess oval i n s ection, 4 4.5 mm .
A nother s herd has s hallow horizontal
t he t ype s pecimen
( Pearce 1 968,
1 19,
f rom 1 1 to
O ne s herd has
t he s tub of
with a l ong a xis o f f luting but,
p1.71 no.527 ),
need have been f inished t hus a nd s o t he s herds
a s with
not a ll t he body
a re taken to r epresent
a minimum of o nly o ne v essel.
J E F ig .
1 6
A mphora 1 28 R ichborough 5 27 .
I t was P eacock
( 1977b,
2 64-5,
a nd identified t hese vessels. Dressel 2 2 2 2
( with
Campania 2 2
i s
( Schoene-Mau IV )
f orm 2 1) ( Zevi
was
1 966,
d eceptive.
l ike
2 22).
who i solated
o n the basis o f t heir t ypology.
D ressel
But t he a pparent a ffinity with D ressel
of r eds a nd browns
P . R.
t he R ichborough 5 27
( which o ur v essels
2 1-
2 1-22
i n Britain
Arthur t ells me t hat i n h is experience n othing f abric i s
a pparent i n D ressel
i t would be c urious
2 1-22.
Even
f or i t a lone t o be r epre-
T his explains why P eacock has s ubsequently d ecided
t o d esignate t hese a mphoras table 10 ;
F ig.2a )
the f ruit amphora o f f irst c entury AD Latium a nd
were t here s uch a variant, s ented i n Britain.
1 -4,
At f irst h e t entatively r elated t hem t o
I n t he l iterature t he fabric c olour of Dressel
i s d escribed i n t erms patently a re not ).
F ig.1 nos
S cale 1 :4
Green 1 980,
a s R ichborough
5 27 i nstead
( Bidwell
1 979,
4 5 both i ncorporating r esearch by D r D .P.S.
Peacock ).
9 1
F abric The R ichborough
5 27 fabric i s most d istinctive a nd i t
be identified i n the hand s pecimen. l ight yellow with
( 5Y.
8 /3 )
l umpy surfaces.
volcanic gases
I t i s
l ight pink
i nterior a nd e xterior s urfaces. Short surface c racks were
l iberated during f iring.
a nd visible on the s urface; s ions exceed 1 mm . ( 1980, 4 5 ).
P etrology:
w ith
c aused by t he e scape o f I nclusions are a bundant
a ltogether f iner,
P eacock
8 /4)
Hard a nd r ough
t hey a re variable i n s ize,
The f abric of t he handle i s
c an r eadily
Brush marks made by w iping t he
surface a re present o n parts of the exterior. 3 mm .
( 5YR .
( 1977b,
extending u p t o
f ew o f t he
2 64-5 );
i nclu-
s ee a lso G reen
C apacity No example available f or measurement.
P rovenance Peacock
( 1977b,
2 65)
has
i nvestigated t he provenance o f t he f orm
o n t he basis of i ts petrology a nd c oncluded t hat Camapania, Africa a re u nlikely t o have been i ts home. known from n ine s ettlements L eicester a nd Sheepen ).
i n Britain
D r D .P.S.
s pecimen f rom R ennes i n Brittany except f or t he base; i s
a capital
( op .
c it .,
2 64 w ith r efs;
( Sanquer 1 979,
3 73).
I t i s
Marseille; s ea .
The s cript s uggests i ts production i n t he Latin There i s a
5 27 on d isplay i n t he M us e d es D ocks R ömains at
i t bears marine i ncrustations
My s ource i s
c omplete
( apparently before f iring)
West rather t han i n t he Aegean or eastern M editerranean. c omplete R ichborough
a dd
P eacock d raws my a ttention t o a
s cratched on t he body
l etter a .
Spain a nd
R ichborough 5 27 i s now
a nd evidently came
f rom t he
a c olour postcard k indly s ent m e by Dr P .A .
Apart from t his example,
t he form i s
a pparently '
T x mrs.
t e ncountered
h e
Mediterranean a nd i ts d istribution r emains exasP
'kingly northern.
Accordingly Dr Peacock has suggested t o me t hat
.c consider
bility the
f orm c ame f rom Gaul.
t he possi-
He points out t hat t he petrology would
be c onsistent with a n origin i n t he Massif C entral.
C ontents M .D . r esidues
Card k indly t ells me t hat h is a nalytical work on o rganic
i n amphora s herds has
two o f the R ichborough
identified w ine
i n o ne,
5 27 a mphoras s tudied i n h is
a nd o live o il i n
r esearch programme.
The work was u ndertaken a t t he North East L ondon Polytechnic u nder t he d irection of J .
Evans
a nd i n c onjunction with Dr D .F.
I n t he early days of R ichborough I talian Dressel
Williams.
5 27 s tudies when we t hought t he
2 1-22 might explain t he f orm,
i t was
l egitimate t o raise
t he possibility of c herry a nd a pple e xports t o Britain.
This
e xplains
t he i nclusion of f ruit i n a l ist of British i mports o f I ron Age date ( Haselgrove c ontents
1 982,
F ig.10 .1),
t o my d octoral
offer a pologies
t o C . C.
subsequent d evelopments
based o n a n early d raft o f t he
t hesis.
l ist o f
The writer t akes t his o pportunity t o
Haselgrove
f or not
d rawing his
a ttention t o
i n our c omprehension of t hese v essels.
9 2
H e
r egrets
t hat other i nnocent parties may have been m isled .
no grounds
There a re
f or thinking t hat t he f ruits bottled i n D ressel 2 1-22
r eached Britain a nd o ne hopes t he s ource m entioned will n ever b e i nvoked a s evidence to t he c ontrary.
C hronology Such i s
t he rarity of t he f orm,
t hat i t r eached Britain before r eported f rom Skeleton Green a fter C .
AD 2 5
i t i s of s ome i nterest t o note
t he R oman i nvasion;
( Hertfordshire)
( Peacock 1 981,
2 00-2).
s herds have been
i n horizons t hat
No l ess
f ied i n a n early f irst c entury AD c ontext a t Vannes, of Brittany
( Galliou 1 984,
3 2,
3 5 n .12).
c ontext with a t erminal d ate of c . At R ichborough c ontext
( Kent )
( Pearce 1 968,
f irst c entury AD d eposits
1 19 no.527).
( Bidwell 1 979,
T he
( Green
1 980,
i n a horizon dated C .
4 5).
in a l ate
t able
s pecimen f rom R ennes
t he f orum a t L eicester where t he f orm was
1 87).
f ound i n
l ate f irst a nd mid s econd
( Wilson 1 984,
Pollard has k indly s hown m e s herds
10,
i s a lso
f orm was
A s pecimen f rom V erulamium was
AD 1 45-55
f rom a
f irst c entury AD
At L ondon t he
a ssigned t o t he years between t he
c entury AD Dr R .J.
AD 8 0
3 73).
on t he west c oast
An Exeter s herd came
t he f orm was present
( Sanquer 1 979,
f ormed
t han e ight were strati-
s tratified
F ig.80 n o.1906,
f rom t he
202).
1 971 e xcavations o f
a ssociated w ith pottery rang-
i ng i n date f rom t he s econd u ntil t he middle o f t he t hird c entury AD . The evidence s uggests t herefore that t he f orm r eached Britain f rom T iberius until t he s econd c entury AD . Stratigraphical c ontexts of i llustrated s herds. handle s tub,
AD 4 3-60/61;
Amphora 1 28:
u nstratified wall s herd with f luting.
C omments _ ne r ecognition by P eacock t hat R ichborough 3 27 r epresents d istinct category Gf a mphora
( with a possible origin i n Gaul)
i s
a a
s triking i llustration of t he c ontribution t hat can be made t o a mphorol ogy by a rchaeologists working i n the northern provinces. c lear t hat the form will a lways be rare: ras
i s R ichborough
5 27
But i t
s eems
only o ne o f t he Sheepen a mpho-
( 0.73% by v essel c ount ).
Yet t he number of
s ites where
i t has been r ecognized i s growing a nd we s hould a cknowledge
t he f orm a s
a n i nteresting minor i ngredient i n t he trade o f
9 3
t he p eriod.
C HAPTER I X.
At f irst g lance,
a mphoras
DRESSEL 2 8
1 29-33 m ight be taken t o r epresent
Gaulish wine amphoras of f orm P glichet 4 7, i s by no means u ncommon i n Britain Pelichet
particularly a s t he
( Peacock 1 978,
4 9,
f orm
F ig.44).
But
4 7 i s not t he only a mphora with a f oot-ring s tand a nd a more
c onsidered a ssessment suggests we a re d ealing i nstead with D ressel
2 8 .
T ypology a nd C lassification A ll
f ive of t hese
amphoras
r est o n a r obust
a nd broad f oot-ring
stand i nstead of t he basal s pike found on s o many a mphoras. t he
f oot-ring t he base of t he body i s a rched
r emains
f lat
of a scent.
( 129).
( 132),
s agged
I nside ( 130-1)
or
The body walls r ise steeply with varying a ngles
Thick a t t he base,
t he walls t hin with height.
Amphoras
1 30-1 have s hort a nd f lexed handles with a groove on the outer surface. The f ew r emaining s herds
d o n ot e lucidate t he t ypology of t he o ther
parts of t hese v essels. D ressel
3 0 i ncludes Gaulish wine amphoras of f orm P glichet 4 7
( Pglichet 1 946,
1 93).
L ike Dressel 2 8,
s hort f lexed handles.
r ower than a ny of our f ive. have
f oot-rings
a minority
( Panella 1 972, 4 7,
F ig.9 no.11).
I t i s present i n F lavian horizons b e
1 973,
Any one of our bases
2 70 )
5 42).
a t l east c .
at O stia a nd rare
AD 5 0 .
a t Pompeii
1 82
which was a bandoned i n the mid-sixties AD
f orm 1 88;
Hawkes
excavated i n 1 970 c ame a nd c hronology oblige our f ive
amphoras
( Panella
I n Britain t he earliest i nstance would s eem t o
At Colchester i t has been r egarded a s 1 963,
c ould
d ealing i nstead with a nother
f rom t he military e stablishment a t Kingsholm i n G loucester
1 977b,
d o
t hey a re apparently i n
M oreover P glichet 4 7 d id not a ppear u ntil 7 5;
f ar nar-
but the a bsence o f t he n arrow f oot-ring base i n
a n a ssemblage of f ive s uggests we a re
1 972,
a f oot-ring a nd
A lthough s ome Pglichet 4 7 amphoras
a s broad a s the Sheepen bases,
t hen be Pglichet f orm.
t hat f orm has
But the standard Pglichet 4 7 base i s
& Hull
t ypically post-Boudican
1 947,
2 53).
t o a n e nd of c ourse
( Peacock
( see page
1 34).
( Hull
That part of Sheepen
i n AD 6 0/61.
Both t ypology
u s t herefore t o d iscount t he possibility t hat
a re P glichet 4 7.
What proved to be a prophetic c ontribution t o t he s tudy of Gaulish amphoras
c ame when Panella
( 1973,
5 51-5 )
f ocused a ttention on
a category of a mphora s he d esignated O stia L ( Nijmegen 1 32b ). picions of a Gaulish origin were v indicated by Brentchaloff when he published a F lavian k iln f rom Pauvadou a t Frejus.
H er sus-
( 1980 ) I ts products
i ncluded Ostia L a nd s o a llowed a more precise d efinition o f t he f orm. I t was
a lso made
i n t he Butte d es Carmes k ilns
9 5
a t Marseille;
t he
r eport
1 29
1 32
F ig .
dubs
1 7
A mphoras 1 29-133 D ressel 2 8 .
t he f orm Gauloise
( Bertucchi
1 983,
5 on the i nitiative of F .
F ig.13 nos
5 -8,
F ig.18 nos
a mphoras c ertainly r eached Britain: example
Panella
Laubenheimer 1 57).
( 1973,
5 52)
Pauvadou n oted a n
1 971b,
208,
F ig.100 no.157 ).
They g enerally have
a d istinct-
f oot-ring with the base emphatically a rched i nto a n omphalos
a nything o n t he S heepen v essels. a ppear t oo i s
1 -3,
f rom F ishbourne with t he f lange r im c haracteristic of t he f orm
( Cunliffe ive
S cale 1 :4
M oreover
l ate t o be present at Sheepen;
u nlike
( as with Pglichet 4 7)
Brentchaloff
c onfident t hey a re nowhere earlier t han F lavian.
( 1980,
t hey
9 8,
I t s eems
1 14)
t here-
f ore t hat we must a lso d ecline t o identify our S heepen v essels
a s
Pauvadou amphoras. Now i f c lassified i n t erms of Camulodunum f orm numbers, a ssign our f oot-rings 1 1-3,
2 50,
Panella
t o
f orms
p1.67 no.172).
( 1970,
1 18,
1 72-3
( Hawkes
& Hull
1 947,
we would
F ig.52 n os
These v essels were i n turn r ecognized by
1 40 no.30 )
a s part o f Dressel 2 8 .
A s
t here
a re
grave d ifficulties
i n proposing t he Sheepen v essels a s P glichet 4 7 o r
Pauvadou amphoras,
i t
i s her identification t hat s hould b e e ndorsed .
F abric Amphora 1 29 fabric beneath i s
i s
cream
( 7.5YR .
l ight pink
( 5YR .
8 /4) 7 /4
with a powdery s urface;
) .
on t he surface t o g ive a mottled effect. i nclusions.
Amphora 1 30 i s
a lso
c ream
l ight pink i n the c ore of t he handle
9 6
S ometimes A f ine
( 7.5YR .
( 5YR .
f abric with s parse
8 /6 )
7 /4).
t he
t he p ink a ppears but with
t races of
Powdery s urface;
s parse 8 /4 ),
i nclusions.
Amphora 1 31 has
turning l ight pink
T he f ine inclusions a re f ine;
( 5YR .
a powdery a nd c ream surface
7 /6 )
c ommon.
immediately below t he
Amphora 1 32
hard but with a powdery surface.
s oft a nd powdery with s parse f ine
i s buff
( 7.5YR .
s urface.
( 7.5YR .
Amphora 1 33 i s grey
7 /4)
a nd
( 10YR .
7 /3);
i nclusions.
C apacity No example a vailable f or m easurement.
P rovenance One of t he two painted i nscriptions on Dressel 2 8 f rom R ome r ecords t he name of a Spanish s hipper ( Zevi 1 966, 2 25 c iting C .I.L. v ol. 1 5 no.4700 ). There i s k iln evidence f or production i n Tarraconensis
( Tchernia 1 971a,
6 3-5;
Tchernia & V illa 1 977,
2 34).
The f orm was part of t he cargo of S panish exports on t he Port-Vendres ( Coils e t ca.
B s hip
1 977,
4 3-7).
There t he
f orm was r egarded a s
Baetican but the possibility of a n origin i n Tarraconensis b e
f orgotten
du-Rhone, 4 7
( Parker & Price 1 981, ( Tchernia & V illa 1 977,
2 38-9,
F igs
a ll but amphora 1 33 have fabrics t hat
( op .
V elaux paste
c it .,
2 32).
produced a longside D ressel ( Laubenheimer t he D ressel
Variant Dressel
5 -9).
2 -4 a nd P glichet Of t he Sheepen
c orrespond with t he 2 8 amphoras w ere a lso
2 -4 i n t he C orneilhan k iln i n Herault
& Widemann 1 977,
2 8 amphoras
6 6-71).
The fabric a nd petrology o f
f rom Sheepen e ffectively preclude t he possi-
bility of t heir production i n t he I berian provinces.
Petrological
a nalysis has not p roved they were made in southern Gaul, a provenance i s
s hould n ot
At Velaux i n t he Bouches -
a n undated pottery workshop made Dressel 28,
a mphoras
v essels,
2 22-3).
a lthough such
a t l east c onsistent with what we know o f t heir f abrics.
C ontents We have no d irect evidence
f or the
c ontents.
The Dressel
2 8
a mphoras on the Port-Vendres B s hipwreck were l ined w ith a r esinous s ubstance
a nd t his precludes t heir u se
1 977,
4 7 n .126;
4 5,
Charlin e t a l.
with r esin i n a ntiquity). s outhern Gaul were wine
f or o live o il
1 979,
2 1:
O ne s uspects t hat
amphoras.
One s ays
t hose D ressel
I n t his
c ontext,
amphoras
c onfirmed t hem a s wine a mphoras
1 75-7 ). n o.39),
O ne of t hem t hough i s a s Brentchaloff
with Massilian wine.
( 1980,
One f eels
( Dressel
2 -4 a nd
a ttention s hould be d rawn t o t he
i mportant group of painted i nscriptions on Pelichet have
2 8 made i n
t his because t he other t wo
f orms made i n the V elaux k ilns were both wine P elichet 4 7).
( Coils e t a l .
o il amphoras n ever l ined
4 7 from F os which
( Liou & Marichal 1 979,
a Pauvadou a mphora 98 n .25 )
notes;
( op .
1 45-59,
c it ., 1 47-9
i t had been bottled
i t would be odd i ndeed i f D ressel
i n turn transpires t o be a nything other t han a wine
2 8
a mphora .
C hronology I f our D ressel
2 8 a mphoras a re Gaulish,
what has been said a bove)
t hat t he
i t would s eem
( in v iew of
f orm d eveloped t here before both
9 7
Pglichet 4 7 a nd Pauvadou amphoras.
But a s w e have not been a ble t o
d emonstrate beyond a ny d oubt t hat t he Sheepen v essels d id i ndeed orig inate i n Gaul,
i t would be premature a t t his
s tage t o c omment f urther
o n their c hronology. Stratigraphical c ontexts o f i llustrated s herds. u nstratified base. 6 1.
Amphora 1 31:
Amphora 1 30:
u nstratified handle;
u nstratified base;
unstratified base.
Amphora 1 33:
Amphora 1 29:
handle,
base,
base,
AD 6 0/61.
AD 4 3-60/
Amphora 1 32:
post-AD 6 0/61.
C omments One treats Dressel of t he f orm i s Tchernia 1 971a, 2 34 ). d iscs
2 8 with trepidation because o ur c omprehension
so unsatisfactory 6 3-5;
( Panella 1 970,
Colls e t a l .
1 977,
4 3-7;
1 18;
1 973,
5 35-7;
Tchernia & V illa 1 977,
Those on t he Port-Vendres B s hipwreck were bunged with pottery ( Coils e t a l .
1 977,
40,
4 5 Fig.18 no.2)
a nd t his
t hat t hey were not traded empty i n t heir own r ight, t ents:
t hey were i ndeed true a mphoras.
s tration t hat t he many variants produced t o t ransport c ontents.
But one would welcome a d emon-
c ited i n d iscussions of t he
f orm were
The C amulodunum report originally
published t hese vessels a s massive
j ugs
a nd t here i s
t hat s ome such masquerade a s Dressel 2 8 amphoras. Dressel
e stablishes
but f or t heir c on-
a r eal possibility
We s uspect t hat our
2 8 amphoras at S heepen a re Gaulish wine j ars,
but a s atisfactory
demonstration of t his must a wait f urther r esearch a nd e vidence.
9 8
C HAPTER X .
U NIDENTIFIED AMPHORAS AND AMPHORA STOPPERS
Only t wo v essels c ategories o f
c ould not be r elated t o a ny of t he
a mphora c lassification.
The
e stablished
f abrics o f both were s ub-
mitted f or examination. Amphora 1 34 i s r epresented by e ight s herds. c omes
f rom a horizon dated AD 4 3-60/61.
sandy with powdery s urfaces.
s herd i llustrated
( 2.5YR .
There a re a bundant white,
grains of variable s ize ranging u p t o 1 mm. f rom t he j unction of neck a nd body.
a m .
The
6 /8 )
a nd
grey a nd brown
The walls a re
a nd a nother s herd g ives a body d iameter o f 2 8 c omes
The
I t i s brown
1 c m t hick
s herd i llustrated
I t suggests Cam 1 84 but i ts
petrology c annot a pparently be r elated t o a ny of t he s even fabric groups known f or t hat f orm a nd s o we must r elegate t he a mphora t o t he u nidentified .
1 36 1 34
1 37
F ig .
1 8
A mphoras 1 34-135 u nidentified . S cale 1 :4
Amphora 1 35 i s
r epresented by a s ingle handle s herd f rom a c on-
t ext dated AD 4 3-60/61.
I t i s
r ed
i nclusions s parsely t hroughout. r epresent
1 36-137 a mphora s toppers
a f lagon o r j ug;
( 10R .
5 /8 )
a nd h ard with
f ine white
I t i s s eemingly t oo s ubstantial t o
i nitially o ne h ad t hought i t was Dressel
but t he petrology has not v indicated t his.
D r D .F.
Williams
l c
s uggests
D ressel 2 8. Two t hin a nd f lattish s herds with a nd i ncomplete
amphora s toppers.
basis of t he complete bungs
e t a/.
1 977,
F ig .14 n os
dated AD 4 3-60/61. t hick a t t he edge. ( 5YR .
8 /3)
f rom t he Port-Vendres B s hipwreck
1 -2).
Stopper 1 36 was
I t i s off-white
with s cant i nclusions.
c urved edges will be s hattered
They are r econstructed here o n t he
( 10YR .
The d iameter i s
1 2
8 /4)
a nd powdery a nd f ine
c m a nd t he s herd i s
Stopper 1 37 was unstratified .
with a bundant f ine
i nclusions.
9 9
The
( Colls
s tratified i n a c ontext
I t i s
8 mm
l ight pink
d iameter i s
8 cm a nd
t he s herd i s
5 .5 mm thick a t t he edge.
1 36 will have
c ome
7 0 or Dressel
2 0.
f rom a
s alazon
Judging by t he
fabrics,
s topper
a mphora a nd t he s econd f rom Haltern
1 00
PART I I.
C HRONOLOGY
I n Part I I we s hall examine t he a mphoras t he
i n t heir e ntirety.
f orms present has
c hronology o f t he S heepen
Some i ndication of t he c hronologies o f
a lready been g iven i n Part I .
f ound t he c ontext dates
There t oo will be
f or t he s herds s elected f or i llustration.
brief a ccount of t he 1 970 excavations with which we began g ives
The
a n out-
l ine of t he h istory of t he s ite a nd r efers t o earlier work on i ts c hronology.
Table
5 s hows the i ncidence of amphora s herds by period;
t he data g iven t here s uggests t hat n early a ll i n t he period AD 4 3-60/61.
But t here
i s
a nd s o we must begin by addressing ourselves D ressel 1 a t S heepen t he amphoras
a s
( chapter X I)
a n a ssemblage
C HAPTER X I.
t he a mphoras were imported
a j oker i n t he amphora pack t o t he v exed t opic of
before examining t he c hronology o f
( chapter X II).
THE DRESSEL 1 PROBLEM AT S HEEPEN
I t was originally a rgued t hat t he l ate I ron Age o ccupation a t S heepen began c .
AD 1 0
( Hawkes
& Hull
1 947,
2 7-30 ).
F orty-six D ressel
1 a mphoras were r eported f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations 2 80,
p1.69
10 BC,
f orm 1 81 ).
c it.,
2 51,
s o i t i s not i mmediately o bvious why i t s hould be present i n
quantity o n a s ettlement not f ounded u ntil s ome ( Peacock 1 971,
Panella
( 1970,
1 16 )
*
l ater
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
suggested Sheepen might d emonstrate t he c on-
t inued production o f Dressel
1 a fter c .
1 0 BC,
d ecided i nstead t o r egard t he Sheepen s herds We have a lready s een t hat t he evidence
1 by the e nd of t he to r esolve
t wenty years
1 78-9). *
4 92) ..
( op.
New wine was not bottled i n t hat f orm a fter c .
c entury i s
but
a s
s he has s ubsequently
r esidual
( Panella 1 973,
f or t he d emise o f D ressel
d ecisive a nd i t would b e i nadmissable
t he problem by postulating c ontinued production of t he f orm
1 01
u ntil
l ater i n t he r eign of Augustus. *
*
*
*
*
*
None of t he Dressel 1 s herds i llustrated i n t he f ound in t he
*
*
*
*
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations were
r eport a nd t he t ype
I ron Age
*
f igure was
t aken f rom a n a mphora
c emetery a t L exden o n t he outskirts of C olchester.
M isidentification has
f or t his r eason been m ooted t o e xplain t he pro-
blem
1 1 ).
( Ettlinger 1 977,
excavations was r etained, 1 a mphoras
Although not a ll t he pottery f rom t he s herds
r epresenting a t l east s ixteen D ressel
a re extant i n Colem.
Quite a part f rom t he D ressel
f rom the 1 970 excavations t hen,
1 s herds
t he solution o f wholesale m isidentifi-
c ation must be d iscounted . But t his
i s by no means
imitation of Dressel
t he e ntire story.
D ressel-Pascual
1 ( Pascual Guasch 1 962;
Tchernia 1 971a,
3 8-57).
i s
There was a Catalan
I identified by Pascual Guasch a nd s o known a s 1 977;
B eltran 1 970,
3 29-38;
amphora s herd f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations
An
i n the s tandard Catalan fabric a nd c onsists o f a portion of n eck
with a l ength of handle;
t he handle i s oval i n s ection a nd has
s triation a long part o f i ts outer surface.
Handles such a s
f ound on both Dressel-Pascual 1 a nd Catalan D ressel 2 -4. c ertain therefore t hat t he Dressel 1 amphoras t ions
i ncluded t he Catalan imitation.
s herd d escribed would have t o D ressel
1 .
a
t his
a re
We c annot b e
f rom t he 1 930-39 excava-
But t he oval handle of t he
l ed t he excavators t o have a ssimilated i t
One of t he f orty-six Dressel 1 a mphoras
f rom t he
1 930-39
excavations may r easonably be s aid t herefore t o r epresent a nother f orm . I f o ur C atalan s herd was
D ressel
2 -4,
i t would o f c ourse be
u nexceptional on a f irst c entury AD s ettlement because t hat c entury
f loruit of the form.
saw t he
But would t here s till be i mplications
f or c hronology if the s herd was e nded by c .
1 0 BC,
D ressel-Pascual
imitation c eased then a s well. 1 outnumbered Catalan Dressel
At La L ongarina,
2 -4 by f ifteen a mphoras
l ate Augustan a ssemblage of 3 60 amphoras ( Hesnard 1 980,
1 45-6,
1 49).
duction of D ressel-Pascual 1 i n t he c oming
A lthough Dressel
1
I ndeed we n ow have evidence t hat i t
persisted until t he f irst years AD .
a ltogether
1 ?
t here would be n o r eason t o s uppose t hat its Catalan D ressel-Pascual t o e leven i n a
a nd where D ressel
1 was
a bsent
Confirmation of c ontinuing pro-
f irst c entury AD would be f orth-
f rom t he Cala Culip s hipwreck if t he a ssociation of post-
Augustan
t erra s igillata with the amphoras could be guaranteed ( Oliva
Prat 1 961,
2 33-8;
Catalan Dressel
Belträn 1 970,
3 30 ).
O ne n ptes too t hat one hundred
2 -4 amphoras have been r ecovered f rom t he Sud-Lavezzi
C s hipwreck,
a long with s olitary examples o f D ressel-Pascual
D ressel
L iou dates
1 4.
t he s ite C .
how i f t he f orty-six D ressel d id i nclude D ressel-Pascual f rom Britain:
Williams
1 -25
AD
1 a mphoras 1 28-30 ),
( the
Dressel
1 s herds
t he
c hronolo-
t he S panish i mitation o f D ressel
I r emained i n production until Sheepen was f ounded . u nequivocal evidence
Anyms
f orm has been r eported
i t would m itiaate
g ical d ifficulty explored here because
1 a 'd
4 46-50 ).
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavat
1 i n quantity
1 981,
( Liou 1 982,
But we have n o
f or Dressel-Pascual 1 a t Sheepen a nd t he s urviving
a re more
t han e nough t o s ustain t he
i mpasse . *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
c hronological
T he most popular r esolution of t he D ressel has been
t o i nterpret t he s herds a s
s ite i n t he f irst c entury BC
d etritus
( Peacock 1 971,
1 problem a t Sheepen
f rom o ccupation o f t he 1 78-9).
I t has s ubsequently
been suggested t hat this presumed early s ettlement i s a lso i ndicated by s ome of the native pottery a t S heepen, pokers f rom the s ite.
a s well
a s by t he i ron
The native pottery a t Sheepen i s Aylesford-Swarling ware. r eassessment of t his Belgic ware, s ome i s c urrent .
The v essels h e
horizons. t ous
( 1976,
2 36 )
has a rgued that
r esidual f rom occupation of t he s ite when D ressel
2 64 a nd 2 70a . o f t he
R odwell
I n h is
1 was s till
s ingles out f or a ttention a re Cam f orms
2 63,
He says t hey are u nstratified or c onfined t o pre-conquest
But the
r eport makes i t c lear t hat t he s tratified i ncidence
f irst t wo f orms
i s e ssentially early Roman.
Cam 2 70 was u biqui-
i n a ll periods but a s t he i ncidence of t he 2 70a variant was n ot
s eparately r ecorded,
it i s d ifficult t o c omprehend how Rodwell c an be
s o confident t hat i t was I ron Age
c ontexts.
f or t he most part u nstratified or c onfined t o
No i ndependent s tratigraphical evidence i s
by him t o s upport h is
c onviction t hat t hese t hree f orms
t ive occupation a t Sheepen i n the o n t hese s olace
f orms,
Thompson
( 1982,
f or Rodwell a nd there
f irst c entury BC.
2 29,
s eems
2 31,
2 59,
c ited
r elate t o puta-
I n h er c ommentary
2 89 )
offers
l ittle
l ittle t o be gained from t his
l ine
of i nquiry. T he pokers 4 9)
f inds
( Hawkes
f rom t he
1 930-39 Sheepen excavations
& Hull 1 947,
identified t hem a s
3 41,
3 43,
p1.104 nos
i ncluded t wo i ron
8 -9).
Rodwell
( 1977a,
d omestic hearth f urniture a nd a rgued t hat t hey
were r elics of occupation a t Sheepen i n the f irst c entury BC . early date r ests on the funerary evidence.
There i s
H is
a n i mportant
s eries of l ate I ron Age c remation burials i n s outhern Britain that have been d esignated Welwyn-type by Stead g oods
( 1967,
1 ,
4 4).
Their grave
s how a pronounced orientation towards hearth f urniture a nd o ther
a ccoutrements of t he otherworld f east
( Piggott 1 948,
2 2).
I ron pokers
of t he kind f ound a t Sheepen have n ever been r eported f rom such graves. Now a t Witham i n E ssex,
human s keletons
a nd t hree such pokers were d is-
c overed when t he railway was built i n t he n ineteenth c entury 1 846;
Spurrell
1 887,
2 1-2).
( Anonymous
R odwell suggests t he Witham d iscovery was
a small i nhumation c emetery where the d eceased had been provided with pokers
i n a nticipation o f t he more d eveloped r ite of Welwyn-type bur-
ials.
A s
t hese pokers are not f ound i n Welwyn-type graves,
s eem that t he Witham c emetery predates t hat r ite.
i t would
Thus - R odwell c on-
c ludes - t he Sheepen pokers h int a t a ctivity on the s ite well before t he traditional i nception date. Now t he pokers i n question a re not i n fact d omestic hearth t ure but t he s lices u sed by blacksmiths ( Saunders
1 978,
1 6).
f rom a n area where
f uel
( Hawkes
c ommon a nd where other t ools
& Hull 1 947,
3 41).
f ire
u nstratified but there s eems no r eason to d oubt t hat t he such s lice was r ecovered a t Sheepen i n 1 970,
f rom a
I t was a pparently s lice was
u sed by t he smiths who worked t here between AD 4 3 a nd 60/61. I t too was
f urni-
i n the
This explains why o ne of t he S heepen s lices c ame
i ron s lag was
smithy were r ecovered
t o manipulate
A nother
f rom a pit dated AD 4 9-61.
r elated by t he excavator t o t he i ron-working t hat had taken
place on the
s ite
3 : D7 no.7 ).
Because t hese s lices
( Niblett 1 985,
why t hey a re not f ound i n
1 13, a re
F ig.77 n o.7, i ndustrial,
microfiche a rchive i t should be
a ristocratic burials of W elwyn-type.
1 03
c lear
Approached f rom t his a ppears
l ess
a ngle,
c redible.
t he presumed i nhumation c emetery a t W itham
Our meagre a ccounts o f t he d iscovery d o n ot say
t he s keletons were a ssociated with t he metalwork.
C .
Saunders a sks m e
to c onsider t he possibility t hat t he Witham i ronwork was a hoard without d irect c onnection with t he human r emains; not u ncommon i n the
l ate
hoards of i ronwork a re
I ron Age a nd R oman p eriods
( Manning 1 972).
Graves i n northern Europe with t ools a ppropriate t o t he c alling of a blacksmith a re rare
( Kokowski 1 981).
Moreover t he i nhumation c emetery
c onjectured a t Witham f inds no parallels c ism here may be f orgiven.
i n t he C eltic r ealms;
Anyhow t here a re no valid grounds
s ceptif or
r egarding the S heepen s lices a s i ndicative o f e arly o ccupation on t he s ite. But we
are still
l eft with t he D ressel 1 a mphoras.
were r ecovered i n the 1 930-39 excavations.
Forty-six
Although wholesale m is-
identification i s not the s olution,
we have a lready e stablished t hat
o ne of these i s
Provided n o others were present
a Catalan a mphora .
( and a ssuming the s herds
f rom t he 1 970 excavations d id not c ome
a ny of t he Dressel 1 amphoras l ess than
a lready excavated ),
f ifty of t hese v essels.
This
f rom
S heepen c an boast no
i s no mean t otal:
no other
s ettlement i n Britain has produced s o many a nd i t exceeds even t he number from Welwyn-type burials.
We
a pparently have every r ight t o
a nticipate o ccupation a t S heepen on s ome s cale i n t he We may c ontinue
t herefore with a n
s hould belong t o t his
f irst c entury BC.
a ttempt t o l ocate t he horizons t hat
s ettlement.
Some scraps of native pottery were f ound i n t he original ground surface beneath the S heepen d yke a nd in t he rampart base proper, t hey were
ers t hemselves dated C .
( Hawkes
AD 1 0-43
( op .
& Hull 1 947,
2 7,
c it ., 28-32, 56)
60 ).
P eriod I a t Sheepen was
a lthough
now need to adjust the i nception date t o C . s ome
but
t oo f ew t o be a nything other t han r elics of t he d yke build( as we s hall
AD 5 .
s ee)
we
So we a lready have
f orty or s o years of I ron Age a ctivity a t Sheepen.
Reading t he
C amulodunum report, it i s d ifficult t o f ind s equences of f eatures within Period I t hat c ould now b e g iven n ew a bsolute dates t o c reate t he f irst c entury BC s ettlement s eemingly i ndicated by t he Dressel amphoras:
i t cannot have been e ntirely o bliterated by
of t he ground .
I ndeed i ndications of s tratigraphical s equences o f a ny
sort i n Period I are rare; modifications
t he most o bvious s eem o nly t o c oncern l ate
t o t he Sheepen d yke
( ibid.,
7 3,
I t i s s ignificant t hat t he 1 970 excavations o f a ny f irst c entury BC d eposits. a nt
a s
7 9,
8 3,
What i s
( Niblett 1 985,
1 ,
2 2-3,
t he identifiable British
c oins
a re h is.
& Hull 1 947,
1 33-4).
l onger history t han Sheepen, ( Hertfordshire).
f ew c oins o f earlier
( Goodburn 1 981,
1 21-6 ).
t erms of a bsolute dates?
came t o power
c oin l ist o f a s ettlement w ith a
we s hould turn t o Skeleton G reen
There Cunobelinus
i ssues of his
t hat i t
Between 8 5 a nd 90% of
The r emainder i nclude c ontem-
a nd s ome
F or t he
r eluct-
4 8-9).
kings which were still i n c irculation when Cunobelinus
c oins;
a s
1 18 ). t races
t o a ccount
c lear a bout the duration of I ron Age S heepen i s
porary i ssues of n eighbouring states ( Hawkes
1 10-4,
I ndeed t he excavator i s
c oincident with t he r eign of Cunobelinus.
C eltic
8 7,
a t S heepen f ound n o
t he writer to i nvoke early s ettlement on the s ite
f or t he D ressel 1 amphoras
was
1
l ater d isturbance
a ccounts
f or o nly
1 6.98% o f t he
father outnumber h im by t wenty t o n ine
But what a re t he
i mplications
f or S heepen i n
We know Cunobelinus was on t he
1 04
t hrone
i n AD
3 9/40
C aligula 44.2)
( Suetonius
D io 6 0.20 .1 ).
A llen
( 1944,
n ing of t he c entury, h is accession
c .
( Evans
4 5)
a nd t hat he d ied before AD 4 3 a ssigned his
AD 1 0.
1 864,
( Cassius
a ccession t o t he begin-
There have been e arlier e stimates o f
2 89 proposing C .
5 BC )
but h is
a lready
l ong
r eign cannot be extended back t o e mbrace t hose d ecades before c . when Dressel
1 0 BC
1 was s till r eaching Britain.
Had t here been a s ettlement a t S heepen i n t he f irst c entury BC, t here s hould be other R oman i mports But when one turns t o t he c eramics
a s early a s t he D ressel 1 amphoras.
t erra s igillata , Gallo-Belgic ware and other
f or s uch material,
one
s eeks
i n vain.
R oman f ine wares
r eached Britain earlier i n the r eign o f Augustus date of Sheepen
a re present a t S keleton Green
o ccupation began c . has been
1 5 BC
( Partridge
1 981,
t han t he
( Hertfordshire ),
3 2).
t hat
i nception where
Nothing c omparable
identified a t S heepen where we s hould s eek imports of even
earlier date - i f t he Dressel 1 amphoras a re taken a t f ace value s ource material have
f or t he history of t he s ite.
t he enigma of a s ettlement t hat i mported wine
f irst c entury BC but which had no u se
a s
Apparently a t Sheepen we i n quantity i n t he
f or c ontemporary R oman f ine
wares. I t i s d ifficult i ndeed to endorse
t he v iew t hat t here was
a
f irst c entury BC s ettlement a t Sheepen that imported w ine i n D ressel 1 a mphoras.
The c oin l ist s hows t hat t he history o f t he s ite
Age g oes back no earlier than Cunobelinus. s tart of his r eign i n t he f irst d ecade AD, massive Sheepen d yke was undertaken.
i n t he I ron
Occupation began a t t he when t he c onstruction o f t he
There i s nothing i n t he
graphy r evealed by extensive excavations t here that s pans t he between Cunobelinus f rom t hese
a nd t he period when Dressel 1 was imported .
a mphoras,
t here a re no other R oman imports
c ould l ikewise be c onstrued a s before C .
1 0 BC .
c hronological
r esidual from a s ettlement of t he p eriod
i s not s o much a n enigma a s
a nd y et
a n a bsurdity.
a re c reated t han s olved by a ttempting t o r esolve t he
i mpasse at Sheepen in this way.
There i s every r eason
t o t hink t hat s uch a f irst c entury BC s ettlement i s a s nare s ion;
A part
a t Sheepen t hat
T o postulate a c ommunity t hat i mported wine
d eclined other R oman i mports More d ifficulties
s tratiinterval
a nd d elu-
we must s eek a n e xplanation o f t he c onundrum i n a n a ltogether
d ifferent d irection. *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
When we d iscussed Dressel 1 t ypology, sturdy c onstruction. t hick.
Some
i s more prone
*
emphasis was
T he body s herd f rom t he
f rom the L exden Tumulus
i s
2 c m
r egularly a ttain 2 .7 c m a nd t his
t ypical of t he f orm i n g eneral.
t o casual breakage
l aid o n t heir
1 970 excavations
V essels
l ike t his would n ot b e
a nyway a nd t heir robust c haracter would make
t hem e specially favoured f or s econdary u se o nce had been c onsumed or d ecanted.
We
t he o riginal c ontents
d o i n fact have evidence f rom Iron
Age Britain f or t he s econdary u se of a mphoras.
I t has n ever been made
sufficiently c lear t hat t hose r ecovered f rom Welwyn-type burials were placed t here empty: t ion.
none have ever been f ound with t heir bungs
Their c ontents
t he l ack of bungs
c ould have been c onsumed a t a f uneral
i n posi-
f east,
s o
d oes n ot i n i tself of c ourse prove t heir a ntiquity.
A breakage among t he S nailwell someone was t he worse
( Cambridgeshire)
f or d rink a t t he
f uneral
grave goods hints ( Lethbridge
a lthough we now know t hat t he Belträn I a nd Haltern
1 05
1 954,
7 0 a mphoras
t hat 3 0 ),
i n t he
grave d id not hold wine. ( Buckinghamshire), two D ressel
2 -4)
I n t he Welwyn-type burial a t D orton
the necks of a ll t hree o f t he
had been d eliberately smoothed
( Farley 1 983,
t hat an a mphora i n the Mount Bures before burial
a mphoras
had been r emoved i n a ntiquity.
( Smith 1 852,
2 6).
( Essex )
( Dressel
Some o f t he
2 89-90 ).
1 +
f ractures
O ne n otes
t oo
g rave had l ost i ts n eck
I t must a lso have been a n o ld a mphora
put t o s ome s econdary u se a fter i ts
c ontents h ad been c onsumed .
The
a mphoras placed i n these Welwyn-type graves w ere a n i ntegral part o f t he otherworld f east r ite, old a nd broken, This
but a s
t hey were empty a nd s ometimes even
t heir i nclusion c ould only have been a t oken g esture.
a spect of C eltic funerary practice a ssumes
a cross
i ts most d eveloped f orm
t he C hannel i n s ome of t he Wederath burials.
There - i n what
may be styled d evolved Welwyn-type graves - t he grave g oods s ometimes i nclude a s l ess
f ew a s one or t wo a mphora s herds,
i ntact a mphoras
f or examples).
attested e lsewhere
i n place of t he m ore or
( Haffner 1 974,
9 ,
Mount Bures amphoras had been r emoved t o make t hem more r eceptacles.
The practice i s known e lsewhere.
Dressel la amphoras
1 981,
by s herds
c onvenient
a body s herd t here
a lso had a c ircular p er( Bulard & D rouhot
An i nsight i nto how d ecapitation was
f rom a Dressel
2 -4 i n P eacock
a chieved i s provided
fabric 2 f rom t he 1 930-39
Sheepen excavations kindly d rawn t o my a ttention by G .M .R . amphora came f rom a pit dated AD 60/61 2 ).
O n t he body,
( Hawkes
& Hull
between 2 a nd 4 c m below t he
notches picked out by a gouge or c hisel. been t o effect the
D avies.
The
1 947, p1.14 no.
s houlder,
Patently t he
r emoval of t he body f rom t he n eck.
i ntended had been f rustrated by t he premature a long a d ifferent
5 7
The d ecapitation of
both phenomena r elate t o s econdary u se
3 57 ).
3 4,
D orton a nd
a t t he s houlder has been r eported f rom a n I ron Age
s ettlement i n Belgic Gaul; f oration:
1 3-4,
There can be no d oubt t hat t he n ecks of t he
i s a s eries o f
i ntention had T he break
f racturing o f t he v essel
l ine.
L et i t n ot be overlooked t hat s econdary u se was not c onfined t o more or l ess i ntact amphoras. ( Dorset )
A Dressel
1 s herd f rom Gussage A ll Saints
had a pparently been u sed a s a whetstone
( Peacock 1 979).
d eed t he only d irect evidence f rom t he 1 970 Sheepen excavations s econdary u se i s g ive
a Dressel
2 0 wall s herd with edges c hipped a way t o
a n almost r ound a nd f lat d isc with a l ong axis o f 6 .6 c m.
stratified i n a c ontext dated AD 4 3-60/61. s hape i s present among the material t oo had been c ut f rom Dressel
2 0 .
Such pottery d iscs ( Crummy 1 983,
a t Sheepen,
t hat a hearth had been improvised f rom D ressel ( Hawkes
& Hull
1 947,
i t
Barford suggested t hey may
a t C olchester a nd e lsewhere
subject of s econdary u se of amphoras Boudica
I t was
A d isc of s imilar s ize a nd
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations; P .M .
have been c ounters or gaming pieces. c ommon f inds
I nf or
a re i n f act
9 3-5).
O n t he
i t i s worth r ecalling
2 0 s herds
t here
a fter
107).
R e-use extended t he l ife of a mphoras w ell beyond t he period when the c ontents were c onsumed .
I n t he Castra Praetoria r egion o f R ome
d itch had been f illed with t hem i n t he 1 966,
2 11-2
f or t he
f ifties AD
amended t erminal date).
t ion date of AD 4 5 but t he earliest s uch was
( Dressel
1 879;
a
Z evi
One had a painted i nscrip3 4 BC.
Evidently a n i n-
tact a mphora had survived f or s ome e ighty y ears before burial i n a d itch.
Amidst s ome
amphoras of C laudio/Neronian date a t Pompeii was
one w ith a date of 3 5 BC
( Zevi
1 967,
2 36).
O ne wonders what d estruct-
ion date might have been f ormulated f or Pompeii our only evidence.
Z evi
a dds
i f t his
i nscription was
t hat i n d istant lands where a mphoras w ere
1 06
rarer t han i n the M editerranean,
i t i s a ll t he more
u se would have been made of empty amphoras.
l ikely t hat g ood
I n I ron A ge Britain a n
empty D ressel
I would have been no l ess u seful t han t he massive s torage
pots
s o prominent a f eature o f t he Belgic c eramic r epertoire
t hat are
( Hawkes
& Hull
o ne Dressel 4 5 ), t he
1 947,
2 71-2
f orm 2 70 e specially).
1 a t Skeleton Green
where o ccupation began c .
1 5 BC
( Peacock 1 981,
2 00-2).
A t Sheepen
l arge number present s uggests activity was u nderway t here t hat made
t hese o ld a mphoras particularly welcome. storage
i n t he large r ectangular pits
( Hawkes
& Hull 1 947,
9 9-101).
more or l ess i ndustrial 7 )
Now t here was o nly
( stratified i n a c ontext dated AD 2 5-
Salt-making,
t he British m int a nd other
( op .
u ndertakings a t Sheepen
will have provided ample occasions
They may even have
They c ould have been u sed f or
l ined w ith t imber f ound t here
f or t he
c it ., 1 28-33,
r e-use of D ressel
c ontinued t o r each t he s ite a fter i ts *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
3 45-
1 .
f oundation.
*
Ageing of wine i n the amphora might a lso a ccount f or t he a rrival of D ressel
1 a t Sheepen a fter i ts
drunk when t hey are young.
f oundation.
One thinks
( say)
Some wines
a re b est
of t he r efreshing a nd
a greeable B eaujolais N ouveau which i s u sually drunk w ithin s ix m onths o f t he v intage.
S vrr(entinvm )
This
a nalogy may explain t he painted i nscription
C lod(ianvm) n ovvm on a n amphora f rom R ome which d escribes
i ts wine a s new
( C.I. L.
vol.15 no.4592).
But t he R omans a lso t ook
pains t o create wines t hat improved w ith age.
It was presumably a dvis-
a ble moreover not t o drink some of t he v intages until t hey had been l aid down f or some years. provision on t he e state t he w ine
( De A gri C ultura 1 1.1 )
Cato
t o be retained f or s ale
f etch a better price
R ustica 3 .21.6). i nvestment.
C olumella D e R e
durability of w ine e nhanced i ts value
a s a n
Later eras v iewed with i ncredulity a nd r esentment t hose
r eports
i n our s ources
tages.
But we need not d oubt t hem .
t hat d escribe the l ongevity of s ome Roman v inThus
C icero - s imply t o i llustrate
his point - t hinks n othing of making r eference 1 21 BC,
This a llowed
a t t imes o f d earth when i t would
( Varro R erum R usticarum 1 .49.1;
This
advised making
f or t he storage o f f ive vintages.
t o t he c rus
of 1 60 a nd
with t he evident implication t hat t hey had survived u ntil t he
l ate R epublic ( Brutus 8 3.287). Indeed Pliny ( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.6. 55 p ace Velleius Paterculus H istoriae R ömanae 2 .7.5) says t hat wines from t he
1 21 BC v intage were s till available i n h is
turies
l ater .
a s v etus
( old )
or even p ervetus
( very o ld ).
handed d own f rom father t o s on; such i nheritances ( White
ageing wines
n early t wo
c en-
c ontents
Amphoras of wine c ould b e
t here are r eferences
i n t he
s ources
t o
( Pliny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.17.96-7 f or e xamples).
Bequests o f wine were c ommon enough t o have wrangles
own d ay,
I nscriptions o n wine a mphoras often s pecify t he
1 975,
1 10-11 with r efs).
l ed t o a bsorbing l egal
I ndeed t he whole practice of
a nd i ts a ttendant s nobbery was s ometimes
( Petronius S atyricon 3 4.6;
Martial E pigrams
3 . 62.2;
l ampooned
1 3.111 ).
Wine bottled i n Dressel 1 amphoras may t hus have survived f or many years beyond t he t erminal date of t he ments i ons
f ounded after c .
10 BC .
f rom t he s tart a nd if a ny Britons
f ine or great wines b lessed with t he evidence on s ettlements how t he C elts may have
f orm t o have r eached s ettle-
Sheepen had r egal a nd d ynastic c onnecti n the I ron Age had a ccess
l ongevity,
s uch a s ours.
we
I t i s
treated t heir amphoras a s
even before t he w ine was
c onsumed .
t o
s hould expect t o f ind a lso worth c onsidering a positive r esource
I n t he Gallic Wars we know t hat
107
t he C elts
r egularly had r ecourse
t o c oinage t o w in support,
bribery,
i nstigate
i nsurrections
a nd s o
f orth
( Nash 1 975,
1 17 n .19
c iting Caesar D e B ello G allico
5 . 55;
6 .2;
( Naturalis H istoria 3 5.46.162)
Pliny
c ites t he
7 .37;
l ife.
c ase of o ne Quintus
Gaul might s ometimes s ecure g ifts of g old, d istribute them a mong f riends t hroat cut.
a nd family,
This gruesome r itual
t he r edemption of family d ebts.
s ocial l ife c oinage
1 976,
D eipnosophistae 4 .150 ).
ranean world,
wine
j ewellery o r
s ee a lso Athenaeus wine a mphoras
i n ways that r esembled c oinage; ( Tchernia 1 983, c urrency
9 9-102).
t hey
Even among
( Rostovtzeff 1 957,
4 90
I n t he M editer-
a mphoras p layed a part i n g ift exchange a s w ell of
At Masada,
BC,
i nscriptions
1 89).
1 3-5;
t hird c entury AD military a narchy).
c ourse. bore
whether a s bullion,
w ine s ometimes s erved a s
f or Egypt i n t he
a pparent t hat i n
Paradoxical a s i t may s eem,
r epresented portable wealth
t he R omans,
I t i s
c ould f ulfil t he same r ole i n C eltic
Nash 1 981,
c ould t hus b e u sed by t he C elts both
c onnection with
Anyhow i t i s noteworthy t hat amphoras
a mphoras
2 00-3;
a
a nd t hen submit t o having h is
c onceivably had s ome
a s d id g old a nd s ilver,
( Allen
d escribes how
s ilver or w ine a mphoras,
here f igure a longside t he precious m etals. s ome c ircumstances wine
O ne wonders
i n t he same way i n t heir political
( Athenaeus D eipnosophistae 4 .154)
Posidonius
1 976,
7 .63-4).
Coponius who tried to bribe a v oter with a wine a mphora . if Britons ever u sed wine a mphoras
effect
4 86;
I talian amphoras bottled w ith t he v intage o f t hat t ell u s
I ndeed among t he C elts,
t hey were f or K ing Herod
the u se of w ine i n g ift e xchange may have
been i nspired d irectly by R oman practice, f rom merchant venturers.
1 9
( Yadin 1 966,
t hrough d onations of amphoras
O ne will r ecall t hat t he c anny t rader of t he
P eriplus M an s E rythraei lists wine among the presents suited t o a n I ndian king.
Elsewhere h e
c oyly r ecommends wine
f riends with t he Barbaroi' 4 9.
Translation:
Huntingford 1 980 ).
This
i n making
c onsumption of t heir
it s hould c ertainly be taken i nto a ccount when a ssessing t he
Dressel
1 phenomenon at Sheepen. *
*
*
Before taking our l eave C .
' expenses
l atent f acility o f w ine
a mphoras may even have d iscouraged t he immediate wine;
f or
( Periplus M an s E rythraei 17;
of East Africa
AD 10 i s no longer t enable
date was proposed
( Hawkes
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
o f Dressel 1 ,
*
i t may be pointed o ut t hat
f or t he i nception of S heepen.
& Hull
1 947,
2 7-30 ),
When t his
i t was t hought t hat t he
l atest s igillata from Haltern reached there i n t he y ears AD 1 4-16 when t he f ortress was was
r e-occupied by Germanicus.
l ost to the Romans
after
i n AD 9 and t hat t he T iberian horizon i s 1 957,
9 7-100;
1 37-40;
1 982b,
Wells
1 972,
3 9-44;
We n ow know t hat Haltern
t he a nnihilation of Varus a nd h is
1 87-91;
i llusory
( Kraft 1 951,
von Schnurbein 1 974,
p ace Goudineau 1 968,
3 10-5 ).
7 7-9;
l egions 2 8-9;
1 982a,
The s imilarity of
t he earliest s igillata from Sheepen with that at Haltern i s
s uch t hat
we can hardly s tart t he occupation a fter t he d estruction of Haltern i n AD 9 .
We must adjust t he i nception date of Sheepen t o fall within t he
l ife of t he Haltern s ites
( c .
7 /5 BC t o AD 9 ).
Pending a r eview of
t he Sheepen s igillata and the accession date of Cunobelinus, may be proposed a s a provisional t o the other c onsiderations
r evised date t hat d oes
t hat s uggest occupation b egan
y ears AD .
1 08
c .
AD 5
l east i njustice i n t he
f irst
C HAPTER X II.
T HE C HRONOLOGY OF THE AMPHORA A SSEMBLAGE
Now t hat we have S heepen,
c ome t o t erms with t he question o f D ressel 1 a t
we may turn to t he wider t opic of t he c hronology of t he
a mphora a ssemblage i n i ts e ntirety. D ressel
r eached Sheepen before
t he Roman i nvasion:
a mphoras have t ypological f eatures before C laudius Table by period . f orm .
I t s hould be added t hat t he f ive
1 f rom t he 1 970 excavations were not t he o nly amphoras
5 s hows i n summary f orm t he i ncidence o f t he 1 3
a nd 1 4
t his
2 -4
amphora s herds
i ncidence of t he sherds by
i nformation will be f ound f or each o f
SHERD COUNT BY P ERIOD pre-43
Dressel
t hat a ssign them t o t he p eriod
Table 1 2 g ives the c hronological
AMPHORA TYPE
1
t hat 2 0
a s well.
I n Tables
D ressel
t wo o f t he Dressel
2
4 3-60/61
post-60/61
u nstratified
4 1 14
Cam 1 84
60/61
1 5
9
9 3
6 3
3
4
9 3
4
3
5 5
Haltern
7 0
2 9
D ressel
2 0
1 82
4 7
4 4
4 0
4
6 1
3 7
1 2
8
8 8
Haltern
7 0/
Dressel
20
Belträn I
1 4
Belträn I Ia
4
Belträn I /IIa
6
Cam 1 89
D ressel
1
1 5
R ichborough
1 83
5 27
6
3
1 6
3
2 8
1
1
1
1
8
U nidentified
6
3
Stoppers
1
1
Totals
T able 1 2 .
2
5 05
1 26
4 3
6 12
C hronological I ncidence o f A mphora S herds b y F orm
1 09
FABRIC GROUP
SHERD COUNT BY PERIOD
4 3-60/61
60/61
post-60/61
Peacock
1
1 3
2
1
Peacock
2
10
1
2
Catalan
unstratified 2 1 2
3
4
Williams
1
5
4
Williams
2
1
?
Williams
3
Williams
4
1
Williams
5
1
Williams
6
3
Williams
7
1
Williams
8
4
Williams
9
Williams
10
Williams
1 1
2
Williams
1 2
4
Totals
20
2 7 4
2
7
1
9
2 48
1 14
T able 1 3 .
1
1
8
1
4 3
15
9
93
C hronological I ncidence o f A mphora S herds i n D ressel 2 -4 F abrics
FABRIC GROUP
SHERD COUNT BY PERIOD
4 3-60/61
60/61
Peacock 1
2 3
1
3
3 2
Peacock 2
3 2
1
1
5 5
Peacock
3
Williams
7
T able 1 4 .
unstratified
1 7
6 3
Totals
post-60/61
4 1
3
2
4
C hronological I ncidence o f A mphora S herds i n C am 1 84 F abrics
1 10
9 3
t he
fabric groups
in Dressel
stratified amphora s herds, the
2 -4
9 3.34%
a nd Cam 184 c ome
Roman invasion of AD 4 3 and t he
AD 60/61.
The f ew sherds
of t he stratified total ) from amphoras C laudian t ext .
t his
t he typology of
20 stamp of Saturninus need n ot be so of
comes
a ll
treated a s
came
2 0 r im f ixes
amphoras
dated AD 4 3-60/61, a s
arrivals
the basis of their t ypology.
remaining
i ts
date
i t
amphoras
are
a s Flavian
s tratified
i s more satisfactory
the
a nyway),
l isted in Table
with
f ive
Dressel
1 ( two
t wo pre-Claudian
20 rim of F lavian or early second c entury date.
1 27
c on-
s ingled out a s misfits on
These e ight are
stratified i n Iron Age horizons
one Dressel
that the
of these nineteen years,
t he only exceptions being the e ight vessels sherds
Note
from a post-medieval
Yet s o high a proportion of the
from horizons
( 6.36%
r esidual d etritus
t he post-Boudican s herds because
a n unstratified Dressel
t o r egard a ll the
6 76
f ormed between
s ack of Colchester by Boudica i n
may r easonably be
or early s econd c entury. sherds
Of t he
stratified i n post-Boudican horizons
t hat r eached Sheepen before AD 60/61.
Dressel
But
amphoras.
from d eposits that
a nd
The
6 a nd may be deemed to have
r eached Britain in the period AD 4 3-60/61. If we knew more amphoras vessels
a s
we might be
imports of t he years before or
f 1oruit of Sheepen. i s
a bout the relationship between t he
a nd t heir c hronology,
I n particular the
c ontaminated by Iron Age
a ble
t o
a fter the AD 4 3-60/61
extent to which t he
a ssemblage
imports may have been underestimated .
without stratigraphical or typological evidence, r econstructing Iron Age
t ypology o f
s ingle out other
trade on the basis of t he
vided by the 1 970 excavations must be j ecture.
1 11
a ny
But
further e ssays
i n
s ource material pro-
r elegated t o t he
r ealms of
c on-
PART I II.
This
ECONOMIC H ISTORY
s ection of t he r eport e ndeavours t o i ndicate t he s ignifi-
c ance of t he S heepen amphoras
a s economic s ource material.
a spect of t he economic l ife r epresented by t hem i s t opics
a lone
t ion.
C hapter X IV i s
( albeit important ones)
Not every
c onsidered a nd t wo
have been s ingled out
f or a tten-
d evoted t o a n extended d iscussion of t he wine
t rade a nd we s hall e nd by examining - i n c hapter XV - t he i mportance of t he I berian provinces we begin with s ome
f or the t rade i n amphora-borne
c ommodities.
But
a ccount of the quantification t echnique employed a nd
of t he main a mphora a ssemblages
C HAPTER X III.
t hat a re presented f or c omparison.
QUANTIFICATION AND COMPARISON A SSEMBLAGES
I t i s not immediately o bvious t o the writer how s herd weights o f excavated amphoras
c an
c onvey s ignificant i nformation a bout a ntiquity.
Amphoras were t raded f or t heir c ontents a nd s o we n eed t o know i nstead t heir mean capacities
a nd t he minimum number of v essels present.
S heepen was o nly o ccupied f or a brief p eriod, m inimum v essel number was
A s
t he calculation o f t he
easier t han i t would have b een f or a s ite
w ith a history running i nto c enturies.
D ifferences between fabrics,
s hapes
a re u sually p erceptible a nd
a nd s izes of i ndividual
amphoras
t his proved i nvaluable i n e stablishing t he l owest number of amphoras t he excavated s herds
c ould r epresent.
t he amphora s herds were
To e stablish t his s tatistic,
a nd s orted i nto ever c hanging piles of s herds.
O ne n eeds ample
s pace
i ndividual matching
( no l ess
t han t ime)
operations involved i s
because t he number o f
c onsiderable.
t he minimum number of amphoras, volumes of amphora-borne t his
a ll
s eparated from t heir c ontext or f eature bags
G iven the
f loor
capacity of a f orm a nd
a s imple multiplication will g ive t he
c ommodities r epresented .
data f or the 1 970 Sheepen e xcavation.
1 13
Tables
1 -4 r ecord
a ll excavations quantify t heir a mphoras
Not
t he number of s ites available f or c omparison was
i n t his way a nd s o l imited .
One s hould
s eek t o c ompare t he volumes of amphora-borne c ommodities but t his r equires
data on the c apacities of a ll t he
s elected f or comparison i nclude s ome with
f orms present. f orms
The s ites
f or which such i nform-
a tion was not available a nd this has perforce prevented a c onsistent c omparison of data f rom d ifferent s ites. The
c apacities of t he amphoras were m easured by f illing t hem with
White Millet s eed .
Attempts
t o measure capacity by l ining t he v essel
i nternally with a polythene f ilm a nd f illing i t with water were u nsucc essful.
This was because t he thin polythene u sed a lways
s prang l eaks.
The eventual u se of s eed a llowed t he polythene t o be d iscarded t he attendant possibility of a d istortion of t he true amphora )
( with
c apacity o f t he
a nd provided a quick a nd e fficient t echnique o f m easurement.
I t emerged f rom t his exercise t hat a lthough t he f orms of amphoras a re various
a nd s ometimes even bizarre,
t hat a ir pockets
t hey a re a ll
d esigned i n s uch a way
a re not trapped when t he v essel i s
f illed.
The great
d ifficulty a bout e stablishing t he capacity o f a g iven a mphora i s knowi ng precisely where t he bung was placed . if i ndeed ever - f lush with t he r im .
I t was c ertainly not
were f illed f ar e nough u p t he n eck to g ive a r ound f igure. r eason t he d epth below t he r im to which a v essel was f ied i n t he t ext.
T his a pproach i s
i ously misleading because it i s t ype had their bungs
a lways -
I n practice t he v essels m easured F or t his
f illed i s s peci-
a rbitrary but i t n eed n ot be s er-
u nlikely t hat a ll a mphoras of a g iven
s et a t the same point i n t he n eck.
Only a f ew
a mphoras were available f or measurement a nd s uch s tatistics a re f ound i n t he published s ources.
Because
t he average f igures
c ity i n t he r eport
a re often based on a r estricted s ample,
not be r egarded a s
c anonical. *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
they s hould
*
The remainder of t he c hapter g ives - mainly i n table
f ormat -
d etails of f ive i mportant a nd r elevant amphora a ssemblages. t he groups Tumulus
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations
a nd
( moving overseas)
s eldom
f or c apa-
a t Sheepen i tself,
those f rom R ödgen,
They a re t he L exden
La L ongarina a nd t he
Port-Vendres B s hipwreck. Tables ( Hawkes
1 5-6 are a s ummary of t he 1 930-39 Sheepen amphoras
& Hull
1 947,
2 13-5,
s heer number of a mphoras
2 50-3,
2 79-80,
pis
1 2,
1 4,
6 7-72).
a ting r elevance t o a ny a ssessment of t he 1 970 a ssemblage. d ifficult to r ealize t his expectation. e stimates of course, has s ome misgivings t he
c ited i n t he
presented a s suggests page be
7 2 ).
But i t i s
The vessel t otals g iven were
rather t han precise s tatements of quantity. a bout t he Dressel
2 0 data i n particular.
f orm were said t o have been l iterally i nnumerable
vessels
The
r ecovered would s eem t o make t hem of i ntimid-
O ne
S herds of
a nd t he 407
C hronological T able o f I ncidence b y F orms were
a c onservative e stimate.
t hat in fact t he number was O ne of t he extant Dressel
But t he
L ikewise s ome L ondon 5 55 r ims
s herds
( see Appendix).
( see
1 amphoras h as t urned out t o
a Catalan v essel of f orm Dressel-Pascual
1 02).
i ncidence o f s tamps
e stimated t oo g enerously 1 or Dressel 2 -4
( see page
l urk a mong t he Haltern 7 0
A valid c omprehension o f t he
1 930-39 a mphoras
would be possible had t hey a ll survived but - a las - o nly a t iny s ample of t he a t
f orty tonnes of e xcavated pottery c ould r ealistically be r etained
t he t ime of t he excavations.
Anyhow t hose amphora s herds s till
1 14
AMPHORA T YPE
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
D ressel
1 ( Cam 1 81)
D ressel
2 -4
4 6
( cam 1 82-3)
1 73
Cam 1 84
3 1
P elichet 4 7 Haltern
7 0
( Cam 1 88 )
3
( Cam 1 85a )
4 6
Cam 1 85b
1 3
B elträn I ( Cam 1 86a-b)
1 38
D ressel 20
407
( Cam 1 87)
Cam 1 89
1 53
D ressel 2 8
( Cam 1 72-3 )
5 5
Total
1065
T able 1 5 .
A mphoras f rom t he 1 930 -3 9 E xcavations a t S heepen
AMPHORA TYPE
D ressel
V ESSEL NUMBER
1 ( wine)
D ressel 2 -4 Cam 1 84
( wine )
( wine)
Pelichet 4 7
( wine)
4 6
1 104.00
1 73
4 771.34
3 1
4 21.60
3
Haltern 7 0 ( defr-u tum syrup)
4 6
Cam 1 85b
1 3
Dressel 20
( olive o il)
VOLUMES I N L ITRES
9 2.40 1 382.76
407
2 6,988.17
Belträn I ( salazones )
1 38
2 380 .50
Cam 1 89
1 53
40 .92
Dressel 28
T able 1 6 .
5 5
A mphora C ontents b y F orm f or S heepen 1 930 -3 9
1 15
F ig .
1 9 C am 1 81 ( Dressel 1 ), 1 72 ( Dressel 2 8 ) a nd 1 88 ( Pglichet 4 7) a mphoras ( after H awkes & H ull 1 947 , p lc 6 9 a nd 4 7; H u// 1 958 , F ig . 1 18 ). S cales 1 :8 , 1 :4 a nd 1 :6 r espectively 1 16
c 9 2 4
1 1 1 11 U IP PPP
j
C O
1 17
1 18
a vailable
f or s tudy a re not without i nterest a nd i t i s
publish t hem i n due c ourse. 4 7
I t r emains
amphora m easured f or c apacity
t ype s pecimen
( Hull
1 963,
1 34,
( see Table
1 6)
F ig.74 no.2);
m easured t o within 2 .7 cm of t he
Hawkes
at Colchester
& Hull 1 947,
1 3 ).
e stablished by P eacock
I talian; 1 981,
( 1971,
1 78-9, i t i s
1 83)
l b
a re g iven i n Tables
t hey a re e xclusively a mphoras
( Williams
1 7-8.
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
( two each i n Peacock fabrics 4
2 -4
1 0
Cam 1 84
1
T otal
1 5
T able 1 7 .
AMPHORA TYPE
A mphoras f rom t he L exden T umulus
V ESSEL NUMBER
L ITRES OF WINE
4
9 6. 0
2 4.91
10
2 75.8
7 1.56
1 3.6
3 .53
Dressel l b D ressel 2 -4 Cam 1 84
1
T able 1 8 .
The grave 2 51)
2 51;
a pparently a handle s herd i n h is
1 a nd 2 ) Dressel
F ig.3,
who a lso i dentified t he
i ndeed t here i s nothing Spanish a mong t he D etails
2 44,
The m inimum v essel number o f f ifteen was
AMPHORA TYPE
Dressel
I ron Age burial of t he
p 1.51 no.1,
Examination of t he D ressel 2 -4 s uggests
1 26 ).
3 0 .8 l itres
r im .
( Laver 1 927,
R hodian amphora i n the grave: f abric 1 .
was t he C am f orm 1 88
i t holds
Many a mphora s herds were present i n t he L exden Tumulus
i ntended t o
t o b e a dded t hat t he P elichet
i ncludes
P ERCENTAGE
W ine i n t he L exden T umulus
a h ead of Augustus
( Laver 1 927,
p1.62 no.2,
said to have been c ut from a Roman c oin but which D r J .A .A .
t ells m e
i s
a copy.
Originally
( on t he advice of H .
dated c .
1 7 BC but t hat n ow n eeds
r evision b ecause parallels
youthful head of t he m edallion a re
f ound earlier.
the head on d enarii i ssued i n I taly Lusitanian mint of Emerita C . of t he
C .
2 5-23 BC,
' uncertain Spanish mint 2 '
Mattingly)
of C .
1 19
3 2-29 BC,
Foster i t was
f or t he
T he portrait r ecalls on t hose f rom t he
a s well a s 2 0-17/16 BC
t hose on t he
c oinage
( Sutherland 1 984,
5 -6,
2 5-6,
3 0-1,
p1.5 no. 2 50a ). t he
p 1.1 nos
2 a,
Other f inds
6 ,
8 ,
p 1.2 nos
3 7a,
7 5a,
p1.3 no.128,
f rom t he grave s uggest a date a s early a s
l ate t hirties or early twenties BC would be u ntenable.
r easonable t o a ssign t he burial t o a period l ater, i n t he penultimate d ecade BC
I t s eems
rather t han e arlier
( see a lso P eacock 1 971,
1 83;
page 1 50 ).
Extensive e xcavations o n t he Augustan f ort a t Rödgen i n G ermany produced 1 19 amphoras here a s
( Simon 1 976,
1 07-14).
That f igure i s t reated
a minimum v essel number a lthough t he r eport s hows t hat t he
numbers of a mphoras s hould be r egarded more a s e stimates.
The i mport-
a nce of Rödgen f or amphorology s hould be a ttributed t o i ts brief period of o ccupation a s well a s t o t he c ircumstance t hat i t c an be dated c losely a nd a ccurately t o c . summary of t he amphoras
1 0-8 BC
( Schönberger 1 976,
i s g iven i n Tables
4 9-50 ).
A
1 9-20 .
AMPHORA TYPE
M INIMUM V ESSEL NUMBER
Dressel
1
4
Dressel
2 -4
9
Cam 1 84
3
Haltern 7 0
1 5
Dressel
2 0
4 6
Belträn
I
3 9
D ressel
2 8
2
Cam 1 89
1
Total
1 19
T able 1 9 .
AMPHORA TYPE
A mphoras f rom R ydgen
V ESSEL NUMBER
L ITRES OF W INE
P ERCENTAGE
Dressel
1
4
9 6. 0
2 4.93
Dressel
2 -4
9
2 48.22
6 4.47
3
4 0 .8
Cam 1 84
1 6
T otals
3 85. 02
T able 2 0 .
A still
1 0 .6
W ine a t R ödgen
l arger a ssemblage of amphoras has been d iscovered a t L a
L ongarina n ear O stia. d itch which had been
Some f illed,
3 60 had been l aid i n f iles not piecemeal,
1 20
i n a drainage
but i n one operation:
t he
AMPHORA TYPE
Dressel
VESSEL NUMBER
2 -4
8 4
D ressel-Pascual
1
15
Dressel 6a
4 2
Cam 1 84 Haltern
8 70
3 2
Belträn I Belträn
9 9
I II
5
Dressel 6 b
1
Dressel
6
Brindisi Dressel
20 amphoras
3
2 6
2 7
Tripolitanian I
4
Tripolitanian I I
1
Dressel
2
2 1-22
Schoene-Mau VIII/X
( = Dressel
3 5?)
1
Punic amphora Amphoras
1
f ond p lat r esin4es
Unidentified:
8
d iverses a mphores c ylindriques
Total
2 1?
3 60
T able 2 1 .
A mphoras f rom L a L ongarina
1 21
PROVENANCE
VESSEL NUMBER
5 0
Southern Campania Northern Campania/Southern Latium
5
Northern Italy
3
Apulia
1
Tarraconensis
1 1
Kos
4
Unlocated Sources
10
Total
8 4
T able 2 2 .
D ressel 2 -4 A mphoras a t L a L ongarina
AMPHORA TYPE
VESSEL NUMBER
Longarina 2
8
Longarina
2 5
3
Dressel
7
2 5
Dressel
8
1 3
Dressel 9
2 5
Dressel 9 ( Catalan )
3
Dressel
5
1 2
Total
104
T able 2 3 .
Salazones a t L a L ongarina
1 22
amphoras may t herefore be r egarded a s more or l ess c iated f inds of Haltern,
to
o f t he f orms
c ontemporary.
A sso-
date t he d itch to t he early years AD within t he l ife-time ( let u s say )
c .
AD 5 .
The
a mphoras provide a panorama
c urrent i n I taly l ate i n the r eign o f Augustus.
L a
Longarina i s a rguably t he most i mportant s ingle d eposit o f a mphoras t hat has
c ome t o l ight s ince Dressel excavated t he Castra Praetoria
d itch over a c entury a go.
Hesnard
( 1980 )
s hould a ccordingly be c on-
g ratulated f or producing a u seful i nterim r eport s o s oon a fter i ts d iscovery i n 1 975. Tables
2 1-3 g ive a s ummary of t he d eposit a t L a L ongarina.
a spects of how t he data i s ( 1980,
1 41 )
numbers
says t hat
t here presented s hould be c larified .
e nviron 3 60 amphoras were f ound.
i n h er r eport t otal only
' missing'
3 39.
Some H esnard
But t he vessel
To make u p t he s hortfall,
t he
t wenty-one amphoras have been a rbitrarily a ssigned t o her
c ategory of
d iverses a mphores c ylinariques. Apart f rom Dressel 1 2 a ll t he s alazones may be regarded a s B elträn I ( Dressel
( Belträn I II), 7 -11). a s
Following H esnard,
t he Catalan Dressel 9 amphoras
a re presented
s alazones, notwithstanding the misgivings expressed above
8 3-4 ).
The Dressel
7 -9
a nd 1 2
a mphoras
( see pages
from t he d eposit c orrespond
exactly with t he v essels bearing t hose numbers published by D ressel.
s alazones d id not precisely match Dressel f orms a nd t hey have
But t wo
t herefore been d efined a s L ongarina 2 ( its a ffinities a re with Dressel 7 -8 )
a nd Longarina 3 ( its a ffinities
a re with Dressel
The Port-Vendres B s hipwreck was
1 0 ).
d iscovered i n 1 972.
An excel-
l ent s eries of interim r eports on t he excavation i s a vailable
( Coils
e t a / .
1 975;
water;
i ts Spanish c argo had been s everely damaged when i t was wrecked.
1 977;
C oils
Scattered r eferences
& L equdment 1 980 ).
i n the
The
s ite l ies i n 7 m o f
i nterim r eports t o t he number o f v essels
r ecovered suggest t hat t he c omposition of t he a pproximately a s g iven in Table
2 4.
cargo a mphoras
AMPHORA TYPE
V ESSEL NUMBER
Haltern 7 0 D ressel
1 5
20
3 21
Schoene-Mau V II D ressel
i s
Stamps o n t he t in i ngots have
8
2 8
1 4
T otal
3 58
T able 2 4 . provided a
C argo A mphoras f rom t he P ort -V endres B S hipwreck
t erminus p ost q ue r n of AD 4 1/42 a nd i t i s c lear t hat t he
s hipwreck belongs
t o t he
f orties.
The exceptional s ignificance of Port-
V endres B l ies not l east i n t he many painted i nscriptions on t he amphoras, 7 3 ).
r eference
t o which has been made a bove
( see pages
6 2
An important i ndependent a ssessment o f t he wreck has n ow
a ppeared
( Parker & Price 1 981).
1 23
a nd
C HAPTER X IV .
THE WINE TRADE AT S HEEPEN
Wine amphoras a re c ommon a t Sheepen a nd t hey a ccount f or j ust over half t hose present
( 51.85% being s eventy of 1 35 v essels).
amphoras whose contents were wine a re Dressel 1 , Expressed i n t erms of volume, ( see Tables a s well,
1 -4 ).
this r epresents
Not only by volume,
Those
2 -4 a nd Cam 1 84.
1 619.12 l itres o f wine
but n o d oubt i n t erms of c ost
wine was t he most i mportant s ingle c ommodity r eaching S heepen
i n amphoras a nd the s hould Haltern
t rade d eserves treatment a t s ome
7 0 be overlooked .
Although i ts
l ength.
Nor
c ontents were n ot wine,
d efrutum was made by boiling must and the resultant syrup was a s l egit imate a product of v iticulture a s wine i tself.
D ressel
1 i s not d is-
cussed h ere because t he wine bottled t herein was d runk i n t he I ron Age,
perhaps not even a t S heepen itself
( Hawkes
1 983,
1 2).
The s pecific
problems posed by the form may be best l eft u ntil a n opportunity a rises t o publish t he extant Dressel
1 amphoras
f rom t he 1 930-39 Sheepen e xca-
vations. Our d ocumentary s ources a re saturated with r eferences t o wine a nd Roman
a gronomists d escribe v iticulture
i n d etail.
But t here
i s
l ittle
d iscussion of the history of wines a nd s till l ess o f t heir trade.
A ll
t oo often the s ources o nly r ecord the name of a vintage with s ome bald c omments
a nd l eave t he matter there.
l aconic notices
I t i s
economic history worthy of t he name. a t a ll in how wine was marketed : amphora,
d ifficult t o t ranslate such
( however f elicitously expressed by t he poets)
t he s ilence d escends.
f elt by t he R oman
once n ew wine was bottled i n i ts This
i s mute t estimony t o t he d isdain
l anded g entry towards trade.
expressions of t his
i n t he s ources,
T here
a re s ome
none more s o t han t he
a nd u nabashed statement by Cato i n the preface t o D e A gri r edress
i nto
The a gronomists evince n o i nterest
candid
f orthright
C uitura .
To
t he omissions a nd bias of our s ources we must have r ecourse t o
a mphora a ssemblages a nd t heir s ignificance a s
s ource material
f or t he
wine trade i s i nfinitely e nhanced by t he possibility of extracting quantitative data f rom them . wine amphoras were
I t was in t his
s pirit t hat t he Sheepen
a pproached .
But we s hould be explicit a t t he outset a bout s ome o f t he d ubious a ssumptions behind what follows. a ll Dressel t his
1 ,
2 -4
A lthough t here i s
a nd Cam 1 84 amphoras h eld w ine,
a nd portray t hem exclusively a s wine v essels.
c ise s tatistics of Tables but rather a s
2 -4 s hould n ot be r ead a s
evidence Tables The
t hat n ot
3 -4 overlook
s eemingly pre-
canonical s tatements,
i ndications of magnitude because t oo f ew a mphoras have
been measured for t he mean c apacities u sed h ere
t o b e d emonstrably
r eliable. Rather more d isquieting i s t he premiss
1 25
t hat t he wine t rade with
Sheepen c an be r econstructed i n i ts e ntirety f rom amphora s herds a lone. Sheepen produced no evidence t hat barrelled w ine was barrels only s urvive
i n exceptional
( Naturalis H istoria 1 4.27.132)
( waterlogged )
r eports t he u se of barrels
Alpine r egions under t he Flavians. i n Strabo
r esidue f rom wine
( 5.1.12).
( if not earlier )
A s tave
( Hopf 1 970,
2 15;
a bandoned c .
l egionary base was
P liny
f or w ine i n
W e know t hey were u sed i n t he n orth-
e rn I talian wine t rade u nder Augustus r eference
i mported but
c ircumstances.
s ee a lso B oon 1 975,
8 /7 BC
b ecause o f a
f rom O beraden had a tartrate ( Wells
1 972,
5 5 ).
2 16,
A s t he
2 20,
2 72),
wine barrels were evidently current i n t he North earlier t han i s g enera lly r ealized. 8 .42.1 )
Tchernia
( 1983,
9 4 c iting Caesar D e B ello G allico
notes that barrels were known i n Gaul i n t he
suggests
t he C elts
amphoras;
I t i s
i nteresting t hat t he passage
i n the same breath a s pitch
have been l ined t hus. amphoras to barrels,
I f t he C elts
r egularly t ransferred wine
f rom
i t i s by n o means out o f t he question t hat t hey
r eached Iron Age Britain. 4 16 no.55).
c ited m entions
( pix ) because wine barrels would
A barrel l ined with p itch(? )
i n pre-Flavian L ondon a nd i t t oo may have h eld wine 1 982,
He
1
t his would a ccount f or t he l arge numbers of s uch a mphoras
f ound a t T oulouse. barrels
f ifties BC .
f illed t hem with wine d ecanted f rom D ressel
Anyhow i t i s
has been f ound
( Hassall
& T omlin
d ifficult t o j udge h ow c ommon w ine
barrels were u nder t he Julio-Claudians but we s hould c ertainly n ot prec lude t he possibility t hat s ome r eached Sheepen. Quantification of t he Sheepen a mphoras number a nd c ommodity volumes sumption of wine 1 619.12 ping. part)
i n t erms of minimum v essel
g ives one a n o pportunity t o put t he
a t Sheepen i nto perspective.
c on-
One may c ompare t he
l itres of Sheepen wine w ith t he v olume carried by a ncient s hipThe
cargo of t he Madrague d e G iens s hip c onsisted
of Dressel
1 amphoras.
t hat each held 2 4
l itres,
( Tchernia e t a l .
on board
i s s obering t o note c argo of t his
there will have been 1 44,000 l itres o f wine 1 978,
1 03;
Freighters of Madrague
t he grander Roman merchant s hips. was t he
Pomey & Tchernia 1 979,
t hat the Sheepen w ine a mounts
s ize.
( for t he most
I f we a ssume t here were 6000 on board a nd 2 33-5 ).
t onnage were of c ourse
Chretienne C s hip which sank C .
1 75-150 BC w ith a c argo o f s ome
a mphoras of Lamboglia f orm 4 ( Joncheray 1 975,
Carandini
6 -7 )
t he a ger C osanus
e stimates
A t hird c entury AD papyrus
amphoras
( Cockle 1 981,
numbers of amphoras Lucullus
9 6 ).
C hian wine
l argess.
t o his heir
C olchester i tself, L exden Tumulus
The number s tipu-
2 91,150 l itres o f wine
h e d istributed 100,000 a mphoras
Hortensius
( Pliny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.17.96-7).
( see Table
1 8 ).
When
( cadi )
of
l eft more t han 1 0,000 amphoras of
we may c ompare t he
a ssemblages may a ppear,
t o
The documentary s ources r ecord a stounding
a t t he d isposal o f t he R oman a ristocracy.
r eturned f rom A sia,
Greek wine a s
f or overseas
f rom Egypt s pecifies t he
t erms of a l ease of a pottery t hat made amphoras. lated i n the c ontract would have n eeded s ome f ill t hem
1 11).
t hat t he S ettefinestre v illa e state i n
c ould have produced 4 260 w ine
export each year.
a mong
Towards t he o ther e nd o f t he s cale
5 00 I talian wine ( 1980,
I t
t o o nly 1 .12% of a
s eventeen w ine
I mpressive a s
At
amphoras f rom t he
t he L exden a nd S heepen
their a pparent magnitude evidently r ecedes
i f
we r elate t hem t o t he s cale of a ncient production a nd d istribution. Crucial t o t he s tudy of the wine a mphoras d ivision i nto fabric groups. t he work of Dr D .F.
Williams
gations of their petrology.
a t Sheepen i s t heir
The present f abric s eries
i s
e ssentially
a nd i t i s based on h is painstaking i nvestiThis
i s patently a more r eliable procedure
t han s imply r esting c ontent with a c lassification based on t heir
1 26
a ppearance s cope.
i n t he hand-specimen,
even when a ssisted by l ens or m icro-
A d ivision of the fabrics on t hat basis would have l ed t o quite
d ifferent
( and misleading )
r esults,
e ffects present in I talian D ressel A lthough s ome of the
fabrics
l argely because o f t he range o f 2 -4
a mphoras i n P eacock f abric 1 .
( such a s t he C atalan )
i dentified i n t he hand-specimen,
c an b e
r eadily
t he present project s erves a s
r eminder t hat petrological a nalysis
i s
a t imely
a n i ndispensable r esearch t ool
of amphorology. I nasmuch a s variations i n fabric p etrology may r eflect t he d iverse g eologies of t he
v ignobles
f rom which t he wines hailed,
t he
many fabric groups hint a t a n ot i nconsiderable s pectrum of wines a t S heepen because d ifferent s oils t o a v intage.
i mpart t heir own bouquet a nd c haracter
Some of t he fabric groups will r epresent c ircumscribed
production r egions,
a lthough t his i s only d emonstrably s o o f P eacock
f abric 2 from t he Pompeii r egion.
O thers
a re t he products of m ore
extensive t errains. This i s c onspicuously t he case with Peacock f abric 1 f rom t he I talian v olcanic tract of Etruria, Latium a nd Campania . T hese r egions embraced many d ifferent t he fabric groups
a s
v ignobles
a nd s o we s hould r egard
a s tatement o f t he minimum number o f r egions t hat
supplied Sheepen w ith wine. Anyhow the wine
amphoras have been d ivided i nto n ineteen fabric
groups on t he basis of their petrology.
Under C laudius
a nd Nero,
n ineteen fabrics a re r epresented by s ixty-five amphoras
t hese
( see Table
7 ).
That the wine drunk a t Sheepen came f rom a t l east n ineteen d ifferent s ources i s
c learly a s upply pattern o f n o m ean c omplexity.
t oo on a d istant
only hazard a guess
t rade with Britain had not a lways been t hus. I talian wine
c an
But t he wine
When Dressel 1 was c ur-
a lone was imported a nd only t owards
l ife do we f ind other a mphoras a ssociated with t he a t the L exden Tumulus). i n D ressel
O ne
a t how i nfinitely more d eveloped a picture o btained
i n t he e stablished marts of t he M editerranean world . r ent,
A ll t his
a nd barely tamed f ringe of t he R oman world.
1 i tself
( as
A s there a re only t hree major fabric groups
( Peacock 1 971,
C laudio/Neronian wine
t he e nd o f i ts
f orm i n Britain
1 64-5 ),
the n ineteen fabrics of t he
amphoras a t Sheepen may j ustifiably be c ited a s
a n e xpression of n ew vitality in t he w ine trade o f a ntiquity. This n ew v itality must express t he r ecognition t hat wine was o ne of t he more g enerally a ble
l ucrative i nvestments
i n t he R oman world.
V ines
c rop.
But t he o nly writer who d iscusses t heir profitability a t
a ny l ength i s C olumella
( De Re Rustica
3 .3.1-15 ).
This t opic has been
t he object of sustained a nd c ritical s tudy by D uncan-Jones 5 9,
a re i ndeed
c onsidered i n the d ocumentary s ources to be t he most profit-
3 76-7 with r efs).
Julio-Claudians,
The c onclusion t here r eached i s
wine c ould g ive a r eturn on i nvestment o f s ome
c ompared with s tandard agricultural d ividends o f t horoughness
( 1982,
3 3-
t hat under t he
5 -6%.
7 -10%
I t was t ' le
and s cholarship of t his d emonstration t hat s erved a s the
s tarting point f or t he s tudy of t he S heepen wine C olumella wrote his t he Sheepen wine
tract on a griculture i n t he
a mphoras e nd i n AD 6 0/61,
amphoras.
A s
early s ixties AD a nd a s
they a re a dmirably placed t o
provide tangible expression of the i nvestment i n v iticulture t hat C olumella a dvocated.
I n t his r eport fabric d iversity i s
a f unction of quickening i nvestment i n v iticulture
was t o apply the important statement of Duncan-Jones of amphora s herds.
A s
i ntention
t o a n a ssemblage
i t became a pparent that t here was
pronounced diversity of fabrics
e nvisaged a s
a nd t he
a particularly
among t he Sheepen wine a mphoras,
1 27
f unds
f or petrological
a nalysis were g enerously a llocated by t he
o f t he Environment
( through t he good o ffices o f S .A .
hope t hat a t elling c omment c ould b e made on t he w ine a llowed t he project t o
D epartment
Butcher ) t rade.
r ecruit t he e xpertise o f Dr D . F.
i n t he This
Williams
a nd
t he outcome has been t he r ecognition of t he n ineteen fabrics a mong t he wine a mphoras.
This
l ends d efinition a nd f ocus
Duncan-Jones on i nvestment in t he w ine
t o t he
r esearches o f
i ndustry a nd may f airly b e
r epresented a s one of t he most i mportant r esults of t he Sheepen project. Some more s pecific a spects o f t he f ication.
i nvestment t opic d eserve a mpli-
A s v iticulture was s o r ewarding a n outlet f or c apital,
v ineyards will have been l aid out under t he Julio-Claudians output of w ine must have D uncan-Jones n otes 3 .3.11).
i ncreased .
Nor was t his
n ew
a nd t he
c onfined t o I taly,
a s
4 0-1 n .5 c iting C olumella D e R e R ustica
( 1982,
That t he expansion of v iticulture was positively d ramatic
s eems
c lear
1 970,
2 62).
f rom t he varieties of v ines r ecorded i n t he There are s even i n Cato
( first c entury BC )
s ources
( second c entury BC ),
( White
f ive i n Varro
but s ixty-three i n C olumella a nd s eventy-one i n
O ne notes t oo t hat P liny ( Natura l ie H istoria 14.1.7) remarks on how f ew varieties ( fifteen ) a re mentioned by Virgil ( Georgics 4 .108 ), a lthough he overlooks t hat t he poet d eclared P liny
( both f irst c entury AD ).
his intentions were not e ncyclopaedic.
One of t he r easons why w ine was
e specially favoured a s a n i nvestment was t he because t his
t he profit margin . pages
l ongevity of s ome v intages
facilitated t heir r etention until t imes of d earth i nflated
107-8 ).
This
i s
d iscussed a t greater l ength a bove
Grain a nd honey were a lso r ecommended a s
( see
i nvestments
( Varro R erum R usticarum 1 .22.4).
f or t he same r eason
But i t was not s imply the prospect of profit t hat s ustained v itic ulture.
Apart f rom t heir immediate needs,
peasant farmers were r eluct-
a nd t o c oncentrate on wine a s a c ommercial c rop. c apital a nd labour intensive.
V ine c ultivation i s
Only r ich proprietors
wait until n ew v ines produced a v intage
c ould a fford t o
a nd t hen s till have t he r eserves
t o c ope with t he pitfalls of g lut or c rop f ailure.
The
a ppreciation a nd
c reation of wine f eatured i n the p erception of t hemselves t he a ristocracy c herished; t heir s ocial
l ife.
a rchies of men; his host
i ts
There were h ierarchies of wine a s t here were h ier-
a guest might gauge h is
( Petronius S atyricon
3 4;
s tanding f rom t he w ine plied by
P liny N aturaiis H istoria 1 4.14.91;
P liny the Younger E pistulae 2 .6; Martial E pigrams
S atires 5 .24-37). c reation might ( Brunt
1 971,
l anded
c onsumption a nd d iscussion p layed a part i n
9 .2.5-6;
Juvenal
Wine was n ot s imply a n e conomic phenomenon:
i ts
c onfer nobility on t he e states t hat brought i t f orth
7 08-9).
I nvestment i n viticulture s eems t o have even i ncluded Britain. The evidence
c omes
2 -4 amphoras
a t Brockley H ill i n M iddlesex
f rom a dump of s ome twenty-five t o t hirty D ressel
a nalysis of t heir h omogeneous 90 )
e stablished t hat
Brockley Hill i tself,
i t was
potter Dares,
( op .
S cientific
c it .,
3 89-
a ctual e xcavated d eposit was n ot a
O ne o f t he
a mphoras bears t he s tamp o f t he
whom we know t o have been making mortaria a t Radlett/
Brockley Hill. a nd this
1 978 ).
Mackenna
a product of t he Roman potteries a t R adlett/
a lthough t he
waster dump from a k iln.
( Castle
fabric by S .A .
The d ie o n t he a mphora i s
e stablishes
s tamped by Dares
t he
c onnection.
a re Flavian or Trajanic
excavator t o place production of h is early s econd c entury AD .
1 28
f ound o n two of h is mortaria
K .F.
Hartley s ays
( ibid .,
a mphoras
3 88 )
i n t he
t hat mortaria
a nd t his l ate
l ed t he
f irst o r
Dressel 2 -4 a mphoras were made t hroughout bottle
l ocal vintages.
t he Roman world t o
I t i s e ntirely r easonable
t o t hink t hat t he
Brockley H ill amphoras had been produced with t he same end i n mind . T his
supposition would explain the c onifer r esin f ound o n t he i nner
f aces of s ome
s herds.
Analysis by R .
White
t hat i t had been heated i n a ntiquity. a mphora s herds had b een u sed a s workable,
p erhaps
I t i s
of j ust such a n i nternal
l ining.
Now i t was
t he pitch oven a t o ne Egyptian pottery
4 68 c iting
o peration n o doubt a lso explains ( Cockle
o f particular i nterest.
1 981,
9 4 ).
The a ccount
A f ire was l it beneath t he
amphora until t he pot became t oo hot f or t he naked hand . placed on i ts
earthenware
C ultura 6 9.2; M eiggs 1 982, T his
( not
t hat s urvives
Before being s o t reated,
( Cato D e A gri
i t
d oes s how
l ine w ine amphoras with r esin t o make t hat t he r esin i s a ll
Columella D e R e R ustica 1 2.18 .6 ). i n C olumella i s
s howed
t herefore worth d iscussing t he possibility
raised i n t he excavation r eport) v essels were heated
Examination of t he v essels
i nternal burn or s corch marks.
s tandard practice i n a ntiquity t o t hem impervious.
3 90-1)
c rucibles t o h eat t he r esin t o make
a s a n adhesive.
t hat some body s herds have
( Castle 1 978,
I t was s uggested t hat t he
Then i t was
s ide a nd hot pitch was poured i nto t he v essel.
The
a mphora was r olled u ntil t he entire i nterior s urface had b een c oated . T his procedure would explain t he Brockley H ill phenomenon. r esin f ound o n 3 88 ).
a handle had s plashed t here i nadvertently
P erhaps
( Castle
T he s corch marks t hat presumably e ncouraged t he excavator t o
s uppose t he r esin had been heated i n broken amphoras, v iew )
may
( on t his
r epresent s ome u nrelated episode i n t heir h istory. O ne f eels
c onfident t he Brockley H ill a mphoras had been t reated
with r esin t o prepare t hem f or t he v intage.
There would b e no point
i n d ecanting imported wine i nto t hese
We may opt f or t he
explanation: yards.
j ars.
the a mphoras were made t o bottle
Castle himself was d rawn t owards t his
t he wine
s implest
f rom l ocal v ine-
c onclusion a nd we may
e nd with a more c onfident a ffirmation of his o riginal suggestion 1 978,
t he
1 978,
( Castle
3 92). When t he Brockley Hill f ind was published,
t hese d istinctive S heepen.
F .E. J.
a mphoras
c ould be
c ited .
R ichardson t ells m e
I t i s of no l ittle i nterest
f rom a t
l east f ive such v essels were
r ecovered f rom t he 1 972 L ion Walk excavations s truck by t he
a lmost uncanny t ypological
L ion Walk a nd Brockley Hill a ssemblages. porary.
No bases w ere
a nd s o i t i s
a t C olchester.
One i s
c orrespondence between t he
B otn groups l ook t o be c ontem-
f ound a t Brockley H ill
gratifying t o
a t
t hat n o d efinite i ndications of
t hem have been f orthcoming a t L ondon. t herefore t o r eport t hat s herds
no other s ites with
They a re n ot present
( Castle
1 978,
3 86,
3 92)
f ind a s pike among t he L ion Walk s herds.
When my c olleagues a t t he C olchester Archaeological Trust drew t hese L ion Walk j ars t o my a ttention, t he s herds
J .G.W.
Prouse k indly pointed out t hat
included s ecure f irst c entury AD c ontexts.
L ion Walk e sta-
blishes b eyond a ny d oubt t hat t he Brockley H ill a mphora workshop began production before t he e nd of t he c entury.
None o f t he pottery f rom
t he Brockley H ill a mphora dump itself n eed be l ater t han c . I ndeed nearly a ll o f i t i s exclusively f irst c entury AD 3 83,
3 86,
3 88-9).
AD 1 00 .
( Castle
1 978,
I t makes eminent s ense t o place production o f t hese
presumptive wine amphoras
i n t he early years of t he province b ecause
t hat must have been the most propitious moment f or i nvestment i n v itic ulture i n Britain. AD a lways
An i nitial production date
i n t he
s econd c entury
s eemed u nlikely because t he AD 9 2 edict must have d iscouraged
1 29
f urther i njections of capital i n a s ector o f t he e conomy t hat may n ot have f elt immune
f rom t he possibility of r enewed f its o f o fficial d is-
pleasure. The picture t hat emerges amphoras
i s o ne o f a pottery workshop t hat made
a t Radlett/Brockley Hill i n t he
f irst c entury AD .
g ood r eason t o t hink t hey were produced t o bottle
T here i s
l ocal w ines.
S ome-
where i n t he V erulamium r egion there must h ave been v ineyards producing not
j ust grapes
f or the table,
but f or wine.
c onsider t he possibility that t he was
a n immigrant from Gaul.
s eems
4 63 s .v .
Marsh a sks m e to
H is name - Sullonios - i s
t he R oman name f or Brockley Hill Smith 1 979,
G .D.
e ntrepreneur behind t hese ( Marsh
S ulloniacis ).
& Tyers
1 978,
This v enture
5 34;
r eached C olchester .
R ivet &
i n provincial wine
to have e njoyed s ome m easure of success because t he
amphoras
i nnovations
e nshrined i n
a ppropriate
We c annot d emonstrate c ontinued product-
i on i n t he s econd c entury AD a nd i t i s not i mpossible t hat t his
i nfant
v ignoble was a casualty of sporadic enforcement of the AD 92 wine edict. Apart f rom Brockley H ill a mphoras,
t here i s but l ittle evidence
f or v iticulture a nd wine production i n Roman Britain. grape pips
a nd v ine r emains
i s i nconclusive.
imported i n r aisins or i n grapes or must.
P ips
The
t estimony o f
c ould have been
t hat had been preserved i n
R eports of v ine r emains
a re early a nd dubious
d efrutum
( Williams
1 977
with refs). Refuse f rom wine pressing a t G loucester has s hown to be m edieval, ( Hull
1 963,
exemplars
9 3,
not R oman
F ig.53 n o.13)
( Hurst 1 978 ).
s ubsequently been
Vintage s cenes on pottery
c ould have been i nspired by
a nd n eed not i llustrate
i mported
t he e conomic l ife o f t he province.
We s hould not f orget t he possible t hird c entury v ineyard a t N orth Thoresby i n L incolnshire mooted a s
( Webster
e t a l .
1 967).
a possible c rop f or s ome a llotments
2 75 outside t he t own walls were t his s o,
a t C olchester
not e nough grapes
V ines have
( Crummy 1 984,
1 38-41).
AD Even
c ould have b een harvested f rom t he
plots excavated t o make wine on a c ommercial basis. t hink
a lso b een
c ultivated until C .
P erhaps we s hould
i n t erms of table grapes instead. But however beguiling t he evidence may s eem,
c reate
a Romano-British wine i ndustry n eeds t o be
a ny d etermination t o t empered by t he c on-
s iderations t hat no v illa has produced r elated i nstallations
e xcellence wine presses) a rtefacts
( par
or that a c omprehensive s urvey o f a gricultural
f rom early Britain r ecords nothing s pecifically c onnected
with v iticulture
( Rees
1 979).
of R oman Britain t hat has
I n truth we a re d ealing with a n a spect
r eceived more
a ttention t han i t d eserves.
A lthough t he Brockley H ill amphoras a re arguably t he most c ogent e vid ence f or wine production i n t he province,
i t r emains
presumption t hat l ocal wine only ever s upplied a n percentage o f t hat
a r easonable
a ll but n egligible
c onsumed h ere.
But i nvestment i n v iticulture was n ot w ithout i ts baleful r epercussions
f or t he Roman e conomy.
D omitian promulgated h is draconian i n t one:
c ame
t o a h ead i n AD 9 2 when The
l egislation was
i t s tipulated t hat no n ew v ineyards were t o b e
planted i n I taly or t he provinces v ines
Matters
famous w ine edict.
a nd t hat a t l east half t he l and u nder
i n the provinces was t o be r azed
D espite t he c larity of i ts provisions,
1 30
( Suetonius
D omitian 7 .2).
t here has n ever been u nanimity
a bout t he objectives of t he
l egislation a nd f or t his
r eason i t n eeds
c onsideration a t s ome l ength. Such was t he s cale of i nvestment i n v iticulture under t he JulioC laudians t hat v ineyards encroached o n land t hat had h itherto been d evoted t o grain. c orn.
The
I n AD 9 2 there was a g lut o f wine a nd a d earth o f
a spiration behind t he
f ication of what D omitian economy.
edict i ssued that y ear was t he r ecti-
c onceived t o be
a perilous
H e s ought t o guarantee grain supplies by
i mbalance i n t he
c alling a halt t o
t he i ncursions that v iticulture had made i nto c ornland: D ionysius was expelling C eres f rom I taly a nd t he provinces ( Frank 1 940, 5 5, 1 41-2, 1 82-3).
So much i s
c lear f rom Suetonius who explicitly c redits Domitian
with t he c onviction t hat
c ornland
u ndue a ttention t o t he v ine. a pplauded D omitian a s d enied h er'
( arva )
had b een n eglected t hrough
( Silvae 4 .3.11-12)
L ikewise Statius
' he who r estores t o i nnocent C eres
I n t he R evelation o f S t J ohn
( Loeb translation ).
f ind a more f orthright a nd a ngry exposition of the edict:
' A whole
day's wage
f or a quart o f f lour,
t hree quarts of barley meal!
E nglish B ible translation, 1 443-4 n os
3 8-9;
1 970 ).
( Rostovtzeff 1 957,
201,
5 99-600;
s tate were t he c ivil d isorders 7 3 f rom C ibyra i n A sia i s f oundations 201-2,
1 83;
5 81,
t he one
Robinson 1 925, f amine
Hardly l ess d isquieting
2 57c ould
f or t he
t hat t hreatened i n c ities when grain Implicit i n a n i nscription of AD
a r ecommendation by Vespasian that c ity
s hould i nvest in the c ultivation o f grain
( Rostovtzeff
6 27 n .11 ).
The same c oncern i ssued i n Africa, ( Haywood 1 938,
i s
apparent i n a n i nscription o f AD 1 16 or 1 17,
a nd which a pplied t o c ertain imperial e states
8 9-94,
t o regulate t he ( the
1 950,
f rom Antioch in Galatia
Ramsay 1 924,
prices s oared a t t imes of s hortage.
1 957,
( Magie
f or
( New
i s enhanced i f we e nter-
Anxiety a bout c rop failures was endemic i n a ntiquity:
s pell d isaster f or e ntire populations.
we
day's wage
t he famine o f t he A pocalypse was
r ecorded i n a n i nscription of AD 9 2 or 9 3 8 ).
( 6.6 )
r ationale b ehind t he
a w hole
I ts r elevance 8 1-2 n .126 )
who
l ong
But s pare t he o live a nd t he v ine'
Tchernia 1 971a,
tain t he possibility t hat
a cres
9 8-100 c iting C .I.L.
l ives of t enants
l ex M anciana )
vol.8 no.25902).
I t s ought
and i s based on a n e arlier o rdinance
which has n ot s urvived .
One of i ts
c lauses
( 2.25 )
s tipulates t hat vines were only to be planted i f t hey r eplaced o ld I t was c onfirmed by t he l ex H adriana d e A gris R udibus ( op . c it ., 94-8, 100-1 citing C .I.L. vol.8 n os 2 5943 a nd 2 6416). The l ex H adriana did not extend to the proprietors of vineyards the concessions v ineyards.
granted to o live
a nd f ruit
farmers who brought back i nto c ultivation
f ields t hat had been a llowed t o become d erelict
( Rostovtzeff 1 957,
6 28 n .12;
9 -15 ).
C .I. L .
vol.8 no.25943
s ection 3 l ines
2 02,
C oncern f or t he adequate provision of grain was not t he o nly e lement i n the l egislation of AD 9 2.
G enerous
supplies of wine avail-
a ble f or c onsumption u nder t he Flavians may well have a ggravated t he i ncidence of t he more d isagreeable behaviour a ssociated with a lcohol. Pliny
( ever d isposed t o a ssume a puritanical t one)
polemic a gainst i ntemperance
H istoria 1 4.28 ).
c ontemporary i ndulgence
( the N aturalis H istoria was c ommended D omitian
t he c oncern t he
4 .3.12)
( Naturalis
d edicated t o Titus).
f or r estoring
s obriety a nd
emperor evinced f or public morality evidently f igures
i n his wine edict a s well Philostratus
i n a lurid
The excursus may have been prompted by t he s cale o f
Statius
( Si/Vae
i ndulges
a t t he e nd o f h is book o n wines
V ita S ophist .
( Duncan-Jones
5 20 ). 1 31
1 982,
3 5 n .4
c iting a lso
But t here
i s
a nother a pproach t o t he w ine
edict which i s s till
popular a nd c urrent i n much c ontemporary French a nd I talian w ork. i s
f ound t oo i n Callender
6 28 n .12)
( 1965,
5 1).
Rostovtzeff
( 1957,
l ent his massive a uthority t o t he same v iew.
t hat t he primary c oncern of t he edict was c ulture.
By Flavian t imes
( he
insisted )
I t
1 99-203,
H e c laimed
t he plight o f I talian v itie xports o f wine
f rom t he pen-
i nsular had dwindled i n the f ace o f c ompetition f rom t he western prov inces.
D omitian a ttempted to r estore the primacy o f I talian v iti-
c ulture a nd t o safeguard the i nterests of t he Italian w ine i ndustry. R eferences t o the d ecline o f I talian v iticulture a bound i n t he a ture
a nd i t i s
l iter-
i mportant t o r emember t hat t heir major s ource i s
t his
m istaken c onception of the edict. One
i s
at a l oss t o a ccount f or the v ogue
t hat t he R ostovtzeff
c onception of t he edict has e njoyed because Frank g rasped i ts s ignif icance
l ong a go i n his
tary s ources a ctually w ine from provincial s een t hat t he a nd it i s
i nroads
s ources
None o f t he d ocumen-
i nto i ts traditional markets.
We h ave
d o i n f act e lucidate t he c haracter o f t he
a pparent t hat D omitian was endeavouring
c ultivation. v ines
sane a nd l ucid a nalysis.
c redit Domitian with s eeking t o save I talian
He was not
e dict
t o e ncourage c ereal
c oncerned with v iticulture a s such a t a ll:
f eature i n the edict because t hey were t he most i mportant s ingle
f actor d eemed to be putting t he c orn supply i n j eopardy.
T hat t he
purpose of t he edict was not protectionist i s c lear f rom t he placed on I talian v ineyards. m ent but t his
i s
l imitations
f avoured t reat-
a f eature of other l egislation i ntended f or t he R oman
world i n i ts entirety edict a s
I taly c ertainly r eceives
( Duncan-Jones
1 982,
3 5 n .4 ).
R ostovtzeff s aw t he
a r esurrection of t he policy s eemingly i mplied by C icero
R e P ub1ica 3 .9.16) beguiling passage So
but r epudiation of t he ( see below )
r obs
t he
( De
a pparent s ignificance o f t hat
a rgument of i ts
impact.
f ar f rom I talian v iticulture enduring a F lavian r ecession,
t he
implications of t he i mportant s tatement by D uncan-Jones on t he profita bility of t he wine trade I talian
l eave no d oubt t hat more a nd more o f t he
c ountryside was g iven over t o v ines under the Julio-Claudians
a nd t heir s uccessors. r eported by Suetonius
A h int of growing d emand u nder Augustus i s
( Augustus 4 2.1:
a n u ndated a necdote)
who m entions
u nrest a t R ome when wine was i n s hort supply a nd expensive. not l ook f ar to f ind where n ew markets
nascent R omanitas of the young provinces of Gaul,
s ome way t owards
Much was s till
The n ew c rus from t he provinces went
satisfying d emand.
But i t would b e m istaken t o s up-
pose t hat their d ebut n ecessarily had menacing i mplications I talian wine trade. t hat
t he plurality of wines
c urrent u nder t he Julio-Claudians c ould c onnoisseur.
c ountries t hat r egularly exported w ines
importers.
I t i s
f or t he
Educated palates everywhere will have r ecognized
o nly m inister t o t he gratifications of t he Empire,
T he
n o l ess t han t hat o f
t he Spains must have i ncreased c onsumption manifold . exported beyond the frontiers.
O ne n eed
f or w ine were d eveloping.
I n t he
e arly
a lso f eatured a s
a d elusion to t hink t hat t he w ines marketed t hrough-
out t he Roman world were s omehow l ocked i n a protracted a nd i nternecine c onflict. overdue.
A more s ubtle evaluation of t he R oman w ine Provincial wines
f rom Tarraconensis
I taly i n quantity a s early a s Augustus.
a t
1 980,
i n I talian v iticulture
( Tchernia & Z evi
3 05-6 ).
1 32
l ong
Amphoras provide n o e vidence
t o support t he view t hat t heir a rrival was i nduced by a c risis
t rade i s
l east were r eaching
1 972,
( or precipitated ) 6 6-7;
Tchernia
To what extent D omitian e nforced his t hat t he I onians ( Philostratus
edict i s u nclear .
s ent a d elegation t o R ome
V ita A poll .
4 2)
t o l obby f or
a nd t hat Scopelianus
V ita S ophist .
5 20 ).
D omitian e ventually a bandoned a ny a ttempts i ts
f ormal r epeal
l egislation
( Domitian 1 4.2)
Suetonius
W e know r epeal
l ed a s uccessful
m ission which s ecured t he exemption of A sia f rom t he ( Philostratus
i ts
t o e nforce t he
says
l aw.
t hat
But
f or t he West may not have been f orthcoming u ntil
( Scriptores H istoriae A ugustae: P robus 1 8.8; A urelius V ictor D e C aesaribus 3 7.2; Eutropius 9 .17.2).
Probus
I f t he AD 9 2 edict was e nforced,
one would expect to f ind i t
r eflected i n t he c omposition of s econd c entury AD amphora a ssemblages. Such a n expectation may be d ifficult t o r ealize t hough b ecause t hat c entury s aw t he d isappearance o f Dressel
2 -4 everywhere
i n t he West .
I ndeed t he problems posed by t he period f or a mphorologists who s tudy t he wine
t rade a re
i n I taly a t l east, r as
d aunting.
We know f rom t he documentary s ources t hat
D ressel 2 -4 was s ucceeded by r egular pottery a mpho-
( Tchernia 1 980,
3 06-10 ).
S ome
of t hese e lusive amphoras by t he O stia
( Panella 1 981,
A rthur,
l ight has been cast on t he i dentity
study of
l ate Antonine d eposits
a t
a nd of kilns i n t he a ger F alernus by P .R .
7 9-80 )
who k indly s ent me proofs of his
important paper on t he a mphoras
produced i n t he r egion. Such then i s t he c ontext i n which t he d ata Sheepen provides t he wine trade must be a ssessed . t he c ontributions of R hodes,
We s hall n ow c onsider more
I taly a nd t he Spanish provinces
f or
c losely t o t he
s upply of w ine drunk a t Sheepen. *
*
*
*
*
Wine f rom Rhodes i n Cam 1 84
*
*
a ssurance;
*
*
amphoras
wine drunk a t Sheepen under C laudius o f t he s even fabrics i n Cam 1 84
*
*
a ccounts
a nd Nero
f or 1 4.52% of t he
( see Table
7 ).
one of the o thers was d efinitely made e lsewhere
v enances of t he r emainder r emain unlocated .
A s u seful
t ions
a re not a lways
( and s till
l ess petrological
publications of Cam 1 84
amphoras,
f rom Sheepen with other s ites.
O nly t wo
c an be a ttributed t o R hodes with a ny
a nalyses) i t i s
g iven i n
d ifficult t o c ompare t he data
But f or earlier periods,
i nvariable practice t o s tamp R hodian
a nd t he pro-
fabric d escrip-
i t was
t he
a mphoras a nd s o f or t he H ellenistic
p eriod i t i s possible t o r econstruct t he o utlines o f t he trade with s ome
a ssurance. R hodian wine was produced i n quantity
P etropoulakou 1 970, t he
2 81-2)
t hird c entury BC
major export of t he
( Magie i sland
( Grave
& Savvatianou-
a nd exported a ll over t he a ncient world f rom 1 950,
8 77 n .69 with r efs).
( Rostovtzeff 1 953,
2 36).
I t was t he
S tamped a mphoras
s how t hat i ts export t o the West goes back t o t he f irst half o f t hat c entury.
T hose
f rom t he Grand C onglou6
t hey presumably came ( Benoit 1 961,
3 0-1 ).
Benoit of c ourse
was only o ne s hipwreck; a rchaeology. 1 15 7 8 ).
T here
a re d ated C .
2 20-180 BC a nd
f rom the earlier o f t he two s hipwrecks o n t he s ite
i s
a c ause
c g . ›bre of nautical
a n outline of t he c ontroversy i n Stöckli
Rhodian a mphoras were
( 1979,
a lso present i n s ome quantity o n t he
westbound Antikythera s hipwreck of c . But by Augustus
c laimed t o t he end t hat t here
t he d ebate became
8 0-50 BC
( Grace 1 965).
t he export of R hodian w ine
1 33
t o t he West t ook
place o n a f ar more m odest s cale. amphoras
t hen
t he k nowledge
Stamps
a re s eldom f ound on R hodian
a nd t he task o f i dentifying t he trade i s t hat Cam 1 84 i ncludes
a mphoras
f ifteen Cam 1 84 were r ecovered from t he c . Tradeliere, amphoras l ogy ).
where Dressel
( Fiori
2 -4
The 3 60 a mphoras
( see Table 2 1).
6 1-3;
6 c omprised m ost of t he c argo
L iou 1 975,
F our a re said t o be R hodian
f rom Novara i n northern I taly of t he puzzling omissions Most of the a mphoras t he a mended t erminal
( Scafile 1 980,
f rom t he Dressel
i n t he table
f illed i n t he
( Hesnard 1 980,
came
f ifties AD
date).
2 20,
tay.69 no.21 ).
1 879;
Z evi 1 966,
u ndertaken,
2 11-2
f or
La Longarina s hows how r are Cam 1 84 was a ltogether f rom t he
It i s noteworthy t herefore t hat C am 1 84
( form 7 9)
O ne
i s Cam 1 84.
f rom t he C astra Praetoria d itch
( Dressel
o n the Augustan G erman m ilitary s tations of R ödgen Oberaden
1 45 ).
l arge a mphora d eposit
t able of f orms
i n Augustan I taly a nd i t may even have been a bsent Castra Praetoria.
6 03 f or t he c hrono-
f rom La Longarina i ncluded o nly e ight C am 1 84
L ikewise Cam 1 84 i s only a m inority e lement i n t he
which was
S ome
1 5-10 BC s hipwreck a t L a
a nd Dressel
& Joncheray 1 975,
a ggravated by
f rom o ther s ources.
a nd Haltern
( form 6 7).
U ntil
i s present
( see Table
1 9),
f urther r esearch i s
we will not know t o what e xtent t hese Cam 1 84 amphoras
i nclude v essels
f rom R hodes but i t s eems
r easonable t o presume
l east s ome must have c ome from t he i sland .
t ively more c ommon t han a t La L ongarina a nd s upplies c onsumed t here
( see Table
2 0 ).
t hat a t
A t R ödgen t he f orm i s r ela1 0 .60% o f t he w ine
I t would a lso s eem t hat Cam 1 84 was
present i n s ome quantity a t O beraden a nd Haltern.
T he s ignificance o f
t his a pparent d iscrepancy between I taly a nd G ermany i s explored b elow. Cam 1 84 i s one of t he rarest f orms of a mphora i n Iron Age Britain, where
i t i s a pparently
i tself
( Hawkes
L exden Tumulus would l ead u s
c onfined t o E ssex.
& Hull 1 947, ( see Table
1 7).
t o a nticipate
under C laudius
a nd Nero.
2 51-2,
2 80 )
Nothing i n Britain before C laudius
A t K ingsholm i n G loucester,
( Peacock 1 977b,
3 36 a re Cam 1 84, f orty-six .
f rom R hodes
M .J.
D arling has k indly made
available f or s tudy i n advance of
She t ells me t hat 1 431 t hirty a re D ressel
a mphora s herds were r ecovered:
2 -4,
a nd Dressel
The Cam 1 84 s herd c ount i ncludes
a nd 1 80 i n f abric 2 .
a t Sheepen
w ine
t he most s ignificant s ingle
2 69-70 ).
t he data on t he Kingsholm amphoras its publication.
f rom S heepen
t he s cale o f Cam 1 84 imports
was even more important because i t was source of supply
We have o ne
a nd a handle s herd f rom t he
Kingsholm was
2 8/30 a ccounts
a m ilitary e stablishment f ounded
a fter t he winter o f AD 4 7/48 a nd a bandoned i n t he mid-sixties, t he f oundation of t he
b efore
l egionary f ortress on h igher g round t o t he s outh,
i n what i s now the t own c entre o f G loucester with r efs).
f or
1 55 i n P eacock f abric 1
Peacock n otes
t hat Cam 1 84
s ome other pre-Flavian m ilitary bases
( Hurst 1 975,
f rom R hodes i s
2 67-9,
2 72
a lso present on
i n R oman Britain.
He s uggests we
a ccount f or t his by r elating t he amphora evidence t o u nrest o n R hodes early i n the r eign of C laudius.
Some Roman c itizens were k illed a nd
Rhodes was punished by i ncorporation i n the province o f A sia i n AD 4 4. Her a utonomy was Tacitus A nnals 60 .24.4). Rhodes
r estored i n AD 5 3
1 2.58 .2;
Suetonius
( Magie
P eacock c onjectures t hat t he punitive
i ncluded t he
s urrender o f wine
m ents
5 48,
1 406-7 n .24
c iting
s ome s eems
c ommissariat i n Britain.
i s present o n s ome
Dio
a ction taken a gainst
t o t he R oman s tate;
have f ound i ts way i nto t he hands of t he would explain why Cam 1 84 Britain,
1 950,
C laudius 25.3; N ero 7 .2; Cassius
This
early m ilitary s ites i n
a n i ncidence n ot d uplicated on c ontemporary c ivilian s ettle-
i n t he province.
1 34
t o
The t hesis expounded by Peacock i nvites u s of R hodian wine
a t S heepen i n a n ew l ight.
s ite but c ivilian was
( at l east t echnically ).
d estined f or t he
a rmy
( Luff 1 982,
t o c onsider t he t opic
S heepen was not a m ilitary But the l eather f rom S heepen
5 2,
102);
t he m etal-workers of
t he 1 970 excavations worked f or t he market provided by t he f ortress
( barely a k ilometre d istant)
v eterans
of t he
c olonia .
l egionary
a nd s ubsequently by t he
The 1 930-39 excavations
r etired
r evealed native
l abour t oiling a t brick a nd t ile k ilns under R oman s upervision. was t he R oman army t oo t hat i n AD 4 3 s lighted t he massive d yke S heepen a nd d estroyed t he m int of t he native k ingdom t here Hull
1 947,
3 0-2,
3 7-8,
1 29-33).
t o be c ited i n
&
f or t he number o f R hodian w ine
a mpho-
c onfirmation of t he Peacock t hesis.
Apart from a notable d essert wine, e ral
( Hawkes
C learly Sheepen had c lose e nough
a ffiliations with t he Roman a rmy r as t here
I t a t
f avourably r egarded i n a ntiquity
c rus
R hodian
( see pages
were not i n g en-
5 6-7).
1 1 )
suggests t hey were produced i n bulk f or wholesale
t he
a rmies of t he day.
Grace
( 1961,
c onsumers
The s ignificance of Hellenistic armies
s uch a s i n pro-
moting t he marketing of Rhodian wines has been explored by h er e lsewhere ( Grace 1 253)
& Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1 970, notes how 1 0,000
k eramia
3 00 ).
of wine were
R ostovtzeff
( 1953,
6 77,
i ncluded i n t he war supplies
a nd provisions d espatched by Rhodes
f or S inope when t he c ity was
besieged by M ithridates c .
Fraser t oo d escribes Rhodian wine
a s
a y in o rdinaire
we
f ind l ittle
2 20 BC .
f or Ptolemaic troops.
c rus
were exported empty f or better 2 83-4;
I t goes without s aying t hat
t o r ecommend h is odd t hesis t hat most Rhodian a mphoras
s ee a lso Garlan 1 983,
e lsewhere
4 3 n .2).
( Fraser 1 972,
Anyhow t here s eems
1 65-8,
t o have been
a n e stablished tradition i n t he l ast c enturies BC o f provisioning H ellenistic a rmies with R hodian wine. t he practice:
we have
Rome
a lready noted t he
a ppears t o h ave i nherited
a pparent a nomaly under Augustus
of Cam 184 being more s ignificant on German military bases c ontemporary I taly. C laudius
i ncluded a wine
have had i ts basis s upplier o f y in Cam 1 84
t han i n
That the r etribution m eted out to Rhodes under l evy - with t he c ommissariat i n m ind - may
i n a r ole e stablished by Rhodes over c enturies
o rdinaire
amphoras
a s
s how how patterns o f s upply i n amphora-borne
c ommodities c ould d iffer between m ilitary a nd c ivilian c onsumers. R hodian a mphoras t he
a t Sheepen t estify t o t he
a rmy a nd f or t his
c onnections
o f t he
a ll Cam 1 84
t ary s upplies w ine
a mphoras
( even i f o nly i ndirectly),
t o military s upplies,
d eleting t hem f rom t he
l ist o f
a more a ccurate picture of what may be
c ivilian wine trade
t o a scribe a ll Cam 1 84
I f we suppose
i n Rhodian fabrics a t Sheepen r elate t o mili-
amphoras ought to g ive
s tyled t he
The
s ite with
r eason t he Sheepen a mphora a ssemblage s hould not
be r egarded a s typical o f c ivilian milieux i n Britain. t hat
a
to t he a rmies o f t he day.
( see Table
amphoras
8 ).
But i t would be m istaken
i n Rhodian f abrics
without exception.
f rom R oman Britain
Evidence f rom London suggests
t hey were i mported u ntil t he a pparent end o f Cam 1 84 early i n t he s econd c entury AD .
A s herd f rom Southwark i s
suggest Peacock fabric
1 ;
i t was
d escribed i n t erms
c ontext t hat had been waste or open land until c . Murray 1 978,
3 46).
D r P . A.
i n what may be t he same
Tyers k indly a dds
fabric - was
AD C ontext a t Bishopsgate *
*
*
*
*
AD 1 00
( Hammerson &
t hat a nother Cam 1 84 -
s tratified i n a mid s econd c entury
i n London. *
t hat
stratified i n a n e arly s econd c entury
*
1 35
*
*
*
*
I taly s upplied 3 8. 64% of t he w ine a nd Nero.
I f we d educt R hodian w ine
c ontribution t o what may be 4 5.19%
( see Tables
7 -8 ).
d runk a t S heepen under C laudius
f rom t he t otal,
c alled t he
I taly t hen was
source of supply a t Sheepen.
t hen t he I talian
c ivilian wine t rade r ises t o t he most i mportant s ingle
A c entury earlier,
s he had s upplied a ll
t he wine imported by Britain a nd t his m ight s uggest a s lump i n h er f ortunes
a s a w ine exporter.
advanced t hroughout t his
But
t he model o f t he I talian wine
r eport proposes t hat output o f wine
peninsula i ncreased i n the f irst c entury AD . supply a ll t he wine a mphoras
That I taly d oes n ot
f rom a ssemblages of t hat date i n t he West
i s i n no way i nconsistent with i ncreased output. of I talian wines
r eflects
t rade
f rom t he
The l ower proportion
c ontributions by t he provinces
growing d emand f or t he product .
t o what was a
Advocates o f I talian d ecline
c ite t he
d isappearance of t he Caecuban v ignoble under the Flavians a s a manif estation of I talian r ecession ( Pliny N aturalis H istoria 1 4.8.61; 2 3.20 .35).
But we
c annot t ake
t he v ignoble to be a microcosm of the
I talian economy because t he major c ause of i ts c anal dug t hrough i t by Nero. r eported by Columella
( De A gri C ultura preface 1 : no
explicit r eference t o t he peninsula i s
( op .
t he s hip
( and which h e himself t akes pains to r efute)
t hat soil e xhaustion had beset I taly b emoans
d emise was
Too much has been made of t he o pinion
actually made).
I talian imports of wine from t he Cyclades,
So t oo when h e
Baetica a nd Gaul
c it ., preface 20 ) because h e has not c onsidered t he possibility
t hat he i s meet;
r eporting i ncreased d emand t hat t he peninsula c ould n ot
t he a ssumption i s made t hat f oreign
i mports i ndicate
l ocal r eces-
s ion. All t he d emonstrably I talian w ine s ented by P eacock fabrics I n t he opinion of P liny,
amphoras
1 a nd 2 f rom Etruria,
a t S heepen a re r epreLatium a nd Campania.
a ll but one o f t he I talian w ines
premier categories came from Latium a nd Campania Some of t he I talian amphoras
I n t his
that a painted i nscription on a D ressel
2 -4
t hree
3 46 n .2).
c ontext,
one r ecalls
f rom t he c olonia at
C olchester s hows that Falernian was d runk t here Sealey & Davies
i n h is
1 971,
a t Sheepen may well t herefore have been
bottled with f ine or even great wine.
1 47;
( Brunt
( Hull
1 944,
4 3;
1 958,
1 984).
Pompeian wines were bottled i n Dressel t inctive black sand fabric of the
r egion;
wine drunk a t Sheepen under C laudius
2 -4 a mphoras w ith t he d is-
t hey s upplied 1 4.72% o f t he
a nd Nero.
The c ity was e vidently
a n important s ource of supply f or Britain u ntil t he e ruption o f Vesuvius
i n AD 7 9 brought t he trade t o a n a brupt end.
have taken u s unawares b ecause t he a pparent
f rom Carthage.
s cale of t he
There no l ess
f irst c entury BC a mphora d eposit were Eumachius
( Etienne 1 975,
a l ong history: r ecord i s
t han f orty v essels
Overseas exports of Pompeian w ine had
( Liou 1 982,
a rchaeological
4 52-4).
f ive Dressel 1 amphoras
1 f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations 1 64)
f rom t he
1 970 e xcavations
i n P eacock fabric 2 a nd o nly o ne o f t he s ixteen e xtant
c ould c ite n o D ressel
i s Pompeian
l a amphoras
o f s ome i nterest
t herefore
that a Dressel
1 36
( 6.25%).
i n t his
Britain a nd it s eemed t hat i t was o nly present h ere i s
i n a l ate
s tamped by t he Pompeian L .
our f irst i ntimation of t he t rade i n t he
Now none of t he a t Sheepen i s ( 1971,
s hould n ot
a lready
the t hird c entury BC Tour d ' Agnello s hipwreck with i ts c argo
of Lamboglia 4 amphoras
Dressel
3 10 ).
This
trade was
P eacock
fabric f rom
i n t he
l a r im i n t his
l b f orm .
I t
f abric has
now c ome t o
l ight,
f rom D orset a t Lake Farm.
of t he wine r epresented by t he amphoras Tumulus
a t C olchester
( see Tables
1 7-8 ).
r emoved f rom t he Sheepen f igure o f a nd i t would be l ower still
P ompeii
i n t he c .
That percentage
1 4.72%.
i s
i f we a djust t he Sheepen s tatistic t o
t ypical of c ivilian patterns o f supply admittedly meagre evidence,
O n t he basis of ( from t he b eginnings
t he f loruit of Sheepen)
o f t he t rade i n t he I ron Age u ntil Rather t han a growing partiality
t hat t hey were not
( see a bove).
i t would s eem t hat
became progressively s ignificant a s
Pompeii
a s ource o f s upply f or Britain.
( and h ence d emand )
f or t he w ine h ere,
i t s eems more r easonable t o s uppose t hat we a re d ealing with output on the part of Pompeii hint of t his
i ncreased
( even t hough t here would a ppear t o be n o
i n t he d ocumentary s ources
we a pparently have
n ot f ar
But i t i s marginally l ower
1 7.22% by r emoving R hodian wines on the grounds t his
s upplied 1 2.45%
1 5-10 BC L exden
f or t he Vesuvian c ities).
a nother i llustration o f
H ere
t he Julio-Claudian i nvest-
m ent i n v iticulture t hat we explored a bove.
P erhaps t he
s ignificance
o f wine f or the e conomy of Pompeii has not been f ully a ppreciated . i t was of major importance was),
( and t here
i s
i t would l end a nother d imension t o t he
production there,
no l ess
f amiliar evidence f or wine
t han c ontribute t o our perception of t he
manifest a ffluence of t he
c ity known t o u s
from i ts a rchaeology.
would l ike t o know i f t he trade i n Pompeian w ine under t he Flavians.
T oo much has been made o f t he economic c onsequences The
c elebrity a nd
y ields of the Vesuvian v ignobles may have escaped a ltogether 3 10 ).
Martial
Anyhow i n a poem written
( Epigrams 4 .44)
previous
O ne
r etained i ts v itality
f or Pompeii o f the s erious earthquake of AD 6 2. 1 975,
I f
every r eason t o t hink t hat i t
f ertility.
( Etienne
a fter t he eruption of V esuvius,
c ompares the d esolation o f t he r egion w ith
i ts
H e dwells o n the v ineyards a nd wine t hat had
graced t he s lopes of t he volcano;
t he l oss may have been f elt k eenly
by c onnoisseurs t hroughout t he R oman world . T he sample of a mphoras
f rom Sheepen i s
c omment on s ome of i ts omissions.
l arge e nough to i nvite
I n particular i t
s worthy o r r emark
t hat P eacock fabric 3 i s not r epresented by a ny of t he D ressel amphoras.
This
f abric i s granitic a nd a s ource
( or s ources)
1 or 2 -4
i n t he
a ger B ruttius of the toe of Italy has been suggested ( Peacock 1 971, 1 64-5).
O ne of t he c rus
f rom t his
s ource i s i ndicated by a Dressel
i nscription f rom Rome with a c onsular date o f
L vcret(io)/M V inic(io)
c os
( C .I. L.
1 9 BC.
v ol.15 no.4590 ).
1
I t r eads R eg/Q R egium i s
a more
a uthentic s pelling t han Rhegium because t he name of t he c ity predates t he Greek c olonisation of s outhern I taly s .v .
R hegium ).
( Oxf ord C lassical D ictionary
I t i s a pparent t hat t he fabric i s
rare i n Britain.
notes t oo t hat petrological a nalysis of t he Lamboglia 4 a nd D ressel a mphoras
f rom Manching d id not i solate a granitic fabric
1 86-7 ).
I t has been i dentified i n one o f t he
f rom t he late s hire
( Stead 1 967,
F ig.5 no.3;
f ive D ressel
P eacock 1 971,
1 85 ).
1 a mphoras
I n E ssex i t i s
2 -4 amphora f rom H eybridge
Wickenden kindly t ells m e t hat h is
f ind suggests i ts
; Peacock 1 971,
i t was i ndeed a Welwyn-type burial but t hat d oubts
A nother amphora with a granitic fabric c ame
f rom t he
BC Welwyn-type burial a t D orton i n Buckinghamshire 1 983b ).
I t i s
l ate
a bout
d ate. f irst c entury
( Farley
1 983,
2 89-
c lear f rom a n examination of t he v essel
t hrough t he g ood offices of M .E. u nidentified i n t he r eport).
1 84).
i nvestigation of t he Heybridge
a ssociations preclude a s atisfactory a ssessment o f i ts
90; . Williams
1
( Stöckli 1 979,
f irst c entury BC grave a t Welwyn Garden C ity i n H ertford-
r epresented by a Dressel N .P.
O ne
Farley,
t hat
i t
i s
D ressel
2 -4
( it i s
A lso present i n t he grave were two other
1 37
wine amphoras,
f orms Dressel 1 a nd 2 -4,
examination of t heir fabrics.
r ecognized a s
I talian f rom a n
Now t he p etrology o f the granitic D ressel
2 -4 d oes not match t hat o f t he Heybridge a mphora: i s a nother product of t he a ger B ruttius,
i f t he D orton v essel
presumably a d ifferent s ource
t o t hat r epresented by H eybridge i s i ndicated .
Anyhow i f t he a bsence
of Peacock fabric 3 f rom S heepen d oes n ot s imply manifest i ts r arity, o ne wonders
i f wine
imports
f rom t he
f ordshire had c eased by C laudius. be a ssigned t o t he Iron Age.
t oe of I taly t o E ssex a nd H ert-
I f s o,
t he Heybridge
a mphora s hould
I t w ill be i nteresting t o s ee i f f uture
r esearch on wine amphoras identifies t his granitic fabric i n R oman period c ontexts
i n Britain. *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
A f ifth of t he wine a t Sheepen i s Spanish:
Tarraconensis
buted 7 .36% a nd the s outhern province o f Baetica 1 2.88%
c ontri-
( see Table
7 ).
The Catalan amphoras of Tarraconensis a re r epresented o nly by body s herds s umption,
a t Sheepen a nd their i dentification a s Dressel
a lbeit s ound a nd r easonable.
m eagre evidence,
w ine s eems
earlier t han e lsewhere of Dressel
( Santamaria 1 975,
1 90 ).
i s
Another was
40-30 BC
1 971a,
5 2,
s hip was bound f or Gaul
1 .
I t i s n ot immediately obvious how a
2 45).
f rom I taly w ith a
i t c ould have been provisions
F ig.7 no.273,
1 43-5;
Our earliest s hipwreck w ith
Cap d e Vol with i ts
( Foerster 1 980,
Parker t ells m e t hat
5 0 BC s hipwreck o f D ramont A
D ressel-Pascual
endorsed by Tchernia a c argo o f Catalan w ine i t s ank c .
1 a mphoras;
Eventually D ressel
2 0-15 BC
2 -4 was made i n Tarraconensis
a s well but we d o not know when production began.
The
have been present a t Haltern which was occupied c .
7 /5 BC t o AD 9
( Tchernia & Z evi 1 972,
f or
f ound a t V ieille-Toulouse i n a c ontext d ated
( Fouet 1 958, 5 4).
D r A .J.
The
a mphora c ame t o be on board;
t he c rew. c .
The province had a l ocal imitation
r ecovered f rom t he c .
c argo of wine i n D ressel Spanish
t o have been bottled i n a mphoras h ere
i n Spain.
1 known a s Dressel-Pascual 1 .
a specimen has been
2 -4 i s pre-
O n t he basis o f our admittedly
6 1-2,
f orm s eems t o
6 6 c iting Haltern f orm 6 6a ).
Both f orms
a re present i n s ome quantity a t La Longarina a nd were t herefore r eaching O stia a nd R ome by C .
AD 5 ( see Tables
2 1-2).
was more widespread t han Dressel-Pascual 1 971a,
7 0 )
Production of D ressel 2 -4
1 i n Tarraconensis
( Tchernia
a nd t his n o d oubt r eflects t he s cale o f Julio-Claudian
i nvestment i n v iticulture. R eference s hould be made here t o r esearch t hat s uggests C atalan wine may have been bottled i n amphoras
i n t he s econd c entury BC.
v essels i n question are a c ategory o f Graeco-Italian a mphoras 4 ),
group e i n t he c lassification proposed by Will
notes
t hat this s ub-group i s
c ommon i n S pain.
quarter of the s econd c entury BC a nd may have half of t he c entury.
c lear t hat s he fabrics.
S he
s ays t he l atter i s
I n
1 a nd Dressel
c onversation with Professor E .L.
c onfident o f t he validity of t his
i denti-
2 -4
Will,
a mphoi t i s
c ongruence o f
The writer has n o f irst-hand e xperience o f t hese Graeco-
I talian j ars i t places the kilns
i s
She
l asted until t he s econd
cal t o that f ound i n the l ater D ressel-Pascual f rom t he r egion.
3 53-5).
i n t he f irst
Will c laims a Catalan origin f or t he group o n t he
basis of their d istribution a nd fabric. ras
( 1982,
I t emerges
The
( Lamboglia
a nd s o c annot c onfirm h er c onviction . Catalan wine i ndustry i n a puzzling
a re known i n Catalonia.
Pascual Guasch
1 38
I f Will l ight.
( 1984,
2 45 )
i s r ight,
Many a mphora e stimates t he
t otal a t a round t hirty but n one has s o f ar produced evidence o f GraecoPresumably t he v ignobles
I talian j ars.
t hat s ustained t his presumed
s econd c entury BC i ndustry had t heir a mphora k ilns i n d ifferent l ocali ties.
I t i s odd t oo that t here would a ppear t o b e
a n h iatus
i n t he
Catalan wine trade between t he d isappearance of Will group e amphoras i n the s econd half o f t he s econd c entury BC a nd t he e mergence o f D ressel-Pascual Nowadays
1 i n the s econd half o f t he f ew Spanish wines
c an be s aid t o e njoy a n e nviable r epu-
But i n a ntiquity s ome o f t he c rus
tation.
s ubsequent c entury.
f rom Tarraconensis were
r egarded a lmost a s t he peers o f t he great I talian v intages
( Pliny
N aturalis H istoria 1 4.8.71 f or t he Balearic I slands; S ilius I talicus P unica 3 .369-70; 1 5.177; Martial E pigrams 1 3.118 f or Tarraco ). This r eadiness t o a cknowledge provincial a ble
a chievement expresses t hat equit-
faculty of t he R oman outlook t hat a llowed t he recognition o f
merit,
whatever t he s ource.
I t says much t oo f or t he
i ndustry a nd
expertise o f t he Spanish v ignerons that they should have taken their from o bscurity t o a cclaim within l ittle more t han a c entury.
CPUS
The question of Baetican w ine a t S heepen i s Haltern
7 0 was n ot bottled with wine
l ess s traightforward .
a nd a s ounder c andidate
s tandard w ine amphora of the province would be D ressel wine was exported i n quantity:
( De R e R ustica preface 20 )
Strabo
( 3.2.6 )
implies a s much.
r elevance t o Sheepen because he wrote h is s ixties AD .
i s e xplicit a nd C olumella C olumella i s of particular
t ract on f arming i n t he early
i t d eserves.
a lthough i t has n ot yet c ommanded t he
We have every r ight t herefore t o e xpect D ressel
2 -4 f rom Baetica among t he Sheepen a ssemblage. s tamps
2 -4 t hat m erit s erious
We have i n f act s even
c onsideration a s Baetican.
a nd painted i nscriptions has meant t hat t he
origin must r est on the s tudy of their f abrics. be said t o have
but
I ndependent evidence f or D ressel 2 -4 production
i n Baetica i s now available,
D ressel
Baetican
There i s much a t Sheepen t hat i s n ot just Spanish,
s pecifically Baetican. a ttention
f or t he
2 -4.
A l ack of
c ase f or a Baetican
Petrology a lone
c annot
a ssigned t hem t o Baetica b eyond a ny r easonable d oubt .
But what we c an d eclare with s ome
c onfidence
i s
l ikelihood t hese s even amphoras d id i ndeed hail
t hat t here
i s
every
f rom t hat province.
The d efrutum of Haltern 70 was a syrup made by boiling down must. Such a n amphora has been d iscovered o n t he Madrague d e G iens s hipwreck of c .
60-50 BC
( Tchernia 1 980,
D ramont A wreck,
3 06 ).
L ike
o f Italian wine a nd t he Spanish a mphora i s t hree
i ngots of Spanish
( Tchernia e t a l .
1 978,
( in the s ame fabric )
6 9-72).
There i s much
8 9).
l odged i n i ts
( Tchernia 1 969, from t he wreck
Parker t ells me t hat a n r osin l ining .
l ikely t o have been w ine i n the T itan wreck of c .
4 83-5).
c alled C adiz
c lass
a s
r epre-
Grape p ips have
( Colls e t a l .
a mphora of t he
( Chic Garcia 1 980 ).
1 977,
same k ind has been
I t t oo had grape pips,
The c ontents o f t hese a mphoras
a re l ess
t han grapes preserved i n must o r d efrutum .
Now.the a ssociation of amphoras I II
other a mphoras f rom t he s ite
t ypological variation within t he
f ound i n t he s ea off Cadiz
t he
From t he Grand C ongloug B s hipwreck were
f ound i n s ome of the ovoids Dr A .J.
But
c ontact with I beria
belong t o a c ategory of a mphoras h ere
s ented by t he C ongloug B f inds b een
c ontemporary
a distinct a nomaly.
l ead on board point t o s ome
r ecovered t wo Belträn I II s alazon amphoras; ovoids.
t he more or l ess
t he Madrague f reighter was bound f or Gaul w ith a c argo
5 0 BC
f ound a t Grand C ongloug B i s ( Tailliez
1 961).
amphoras were a ccompanied by a s olitary ovoid;
been t he only one on board because t he
1 39
r eproduced
There t he many Belträn i t n eed n ot have
s ite had been l ooted .
What we
s eem t o have here i s a nother early c ategory o f Baetican a mphora t hat c ontained d efrutum . Madrague d e G iens,
Taken in c onjunction w ith t he Haltern we must
7 0 f rom t he
s eriously c onsider t he possibility t hat t he
e xport of Baetican grape products began n ot w ith w ine,
but w ith
d efrutum and related c oncoctions i nstead . C oin types s hed s ome
l ight on t he origins o f Baetican v iticulture
a s well a s o n t he g eography o f t he v ignobles. BC,
I n t he p eriod c .
s ome Baetican c ities i ssued c oins with t ypes
From t he f ifties BC bunches o f grapes 1 977,
1 20-90
s howing v ine branches.
f igure on t he
( Coils e t a l .
c oins
Varro s erved i n S pain a nd t he r eferences i n h is R erum
1 29-30 ).
R usticarum to Spanish viticulture will relate to t he s econd quarter o f t he f irst c entury BC ( op . c it ., 1 30-1 ). Specific d ocumentary e vidence f or t he export of Baetican w ines overseas has t o wait ( Strabo
3 .2.6 ).
f or Augustus
But until we r each s ome measure o f a greement
identity o f the Baetican wine a mphora,
we will be u nable
progress on t he basis of the a rchaeological evidence.
Much c ould be
l earnt f rom a s hipwreck with a cargo o f Baetican a mphoras D ressel
2 -4.
M ost of i ts
a lso present were s alazones,
2 0;
t hat i ncludes
S o one has great e xpectations o f t he l ate f irst c entury
AD wreck o f t he T iboulen d e Maire. Dressel
a bout t he
t o make major
( Coils e t a/.
1 977,
4 7 n .125, *
*
*
c argo amphoras were
Dressel
2 8 a nd D ressel
2 -4
90 n .244). *
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
A ny d iscussion of the early history o f wine production i n t he western provinces would be i ncomplete without r eference t o a c elebrated passage
( De R e P ublica 3 .9.16):
i n C icero
most just of m en,
' We o urselves i ndeed,
t he
who f orbid t he races beyond t he A lps t o plant
t he
o live or t he v ine,
s o t hat o ur own o live groves
t he more valuable,
a re said t o act with prudence
with
justice'
( Loeb translation ).
C icero i s
a nd v ineyards may be i n d oing s o,
R ome t ook measures t o protect t he
I talian w ine a nd o il
western c ompetition.
( 1957,
passage s aw a s
a s i t s tands
R ostovtzeff
2 2,
i n the
f rom
t ook t he
a nd r elated i t t o the w ine edict o f AD 9 2 which he Now t he
i n question i s part o f a d ramatic d ialogue s et i n 1 29 BC .
a rguments of t he protagonist who d elivered t he d ence
i ndustries
5 48-9 n .17)
a r evival o f t he policy s eemingly implied by C icero.
passage
but n ot
a pparently explicit t hat
( lost )
fourth book of D e R e P ublica .
suggests t hat R ome s trove will
v ince t here.
The r efuted
f reedom o f t rade i n t he
T ransalpinae g entes
( 'races beyond
r efer t o Gaul a nd i n 1 29 BC t here was n ot even a pro-
But we d o know t hat i n 1 54 BC R ome
o f Massilia a gainst h er L igurian n eighbours. hostilities was
t o b e
No other documentary evi-
t o suppress
i nterests of I talian agriculture. t he Alps')
s peech were
d rawn u p by Massilia
i ntervened on behalf
The t reaty t hat t erminated
( in h er f avour )
a nd i ts
c lauses
will presumably have i ncluded s tipulations o f t he s ort d escribed by C icero.
They document n ot R oman,
1 72-4).
Tchernia
t ectionist policy
( 1983,
but Massilian policy
1 98 n .43)
( Frank 1 933,
o bjects on t he g rounds
t hat a pro-
f avouring Massilia i s not s uited t o t he p eriod b ecause
Massilian amphoras were t hen being d isplaced by I talian i n Gaul. G oudineau
( 1983,
7 9-80 )
Lamboglia 4 a nd Dressel hardly have
c onfirms
t he e clipse o f Massilian a mphoras by
1 i n t he s econd
a cted a gainst
c entury BC .
scious of t he i nroads made by I talian wine s ought a n
But Massilia would
t he interests o f h er patron; i n Gaul,
a lthough c on-
s he presumably
t o safeguard h er wine i ndustry by a cting i n a nother d irection -
a ttempt t o a rrest t he d evelopment o f v iticulture a mong t he C elts.
1 40
R eference t o Gaul i s t hat petrological evidence of wine Williams a nces. Table
a n opportune moment t o r emind o urselves
a nalysis of t he S heepen a mphoras has produced n o f rom Gaul.
among t he Dressel A s
7 ),
T en of t he
f abrics d efined by D r D .F.
2 -4 a mphoras have n ot been
t hey a ccount f or a f ifth
( 22. 08%)
a Gaulish c ontribution may l ie h idden t herein.
t he D ressel
2 8 amphoras
wine a nd we
c annot prove t hey a re Gaulish.
a re
evidence t he f orm came f rom Gaul. o f Gaulish wine
a pparently c omes *
There r emains one d eserves examination: s tudies will
*
At l east one R ichborough
*
*
a nd t here i s
i s
f rom a n unexpected d irection. *
*
*
*
*
*
*
f inal a spect o f t he wine
c larify t he phenomenon. s ea .
t rade a t Sheepen t hat
v ignobles.
t he primacy o f c oastal
f ar f rom t he
c ircumstantial
So a t Sheepen t he most vocal h int
Some
The Rhodian wines
a lthough s ome of the v ineyards may have
on R hodes
A propos Spain,
c ase
came
f rom a n
l ain i nland,
nowhere
one a lso n otes
t he
proximity of the
v ignobles to the coast and navigable waterways.
Tchernia
7 8 c iting S trabo
( 1971a,
( see
O ne s uspects
r elevant h ere but we d o n ot know t hey held
5 27 f rom Britain had been bottled with w ine
i sland;
a ssigned proven-
o f t he S heepen wine
3 .4. 8 )
points out t hat t he Catalan
v ignobles ranged along a coastline blessed with fine harbours.
I n
Baetica the Guadalquivir a nd i ts tributaries played n o s mall part i n t he emergence of t he r egion a s t idal
a s
t here i s
f ar a s
a major overseas exporter.
1 20 km f rom t he s ea
c ircumstantial evidence
a t Sheepen
( Parker 1 973a, f abric 1 )
of t he province.
L ikewise t he I talian
had d irect a ccess
t o the s ea .
i f not o n t he Here we h ave
f ar n orth a s Nola
c oast i tself,
( Strabo
r eviewed by Duncan-Jones
I t i s
i nland waterway a nd r oad.
( 1982,
3 66-9 with r efs)
waterway
( 4.9)
cations
f or t he Sheepen wine
There i s no n eed t o
t rade.
M oreover a s t he
s upplied Sheepen with wine evidently t ended t o
r elative c osts The evidence i s
who c oncludes t hat t he
c ost of moving freight may b e e xpressed t hus: ( 34-42).
t o
f or
impossible t o u nderstand
r elative
a nd r oad
5 .4. 8 ).
t hen w ith c onvenient a ccess
i n a ntiquity without c ontinual a wareness of t he
of f reight transport by s ea,
c oast
a t Sheepen hailed f rom r egions
a graphic i llustration of t he a ttractions
a ncient c ommerce of water transport . exchange
a ctual
o wn port a t the mouth o f t he Sarnus
I ndeed a ll t he provenanced wine a mphoras t he s ea .
c ame f rom t he
v ignobles of Latium and Campania
At Sheepen a s ource of particular s igni-
It had i ts
with a hinterland t hat extended a s which l ie,
The r iver i s
I n addition
t hat most of t he Baetican w ine amphoras
( Dressel 2 -4 i n Williams
f icance was Pompeii.
5 ).
s ea
( 1),
l abour t he
i nland impli-
v ignobles that
l ie within r each o f t he
c heaper transport facilities provided by navigable
r ivers a nd t he s ea,
we may attack t he problem of t he unprovenanced wine amphoras b y s eeking a s olution i n t he g eology and history of s imilarly placed l ocales.
1 41
C HAPTER XV.
T HE A SCENDANCY OF T HE S PANISH PROVINCES
At Sheepen t he importance of the I berian provinces
i s patent.
Spain was t he most i mportant s ingle s ource of t he a mphoras 1 970 excavations.
Table 9 l ists t he Spanish c ontingent.
t hat t he s even Dressel i ndeed Baetican,
2 -4 amphcras i n Williams
( 45.19% being s ixty-one of 1 35 v essels). t he v olumes of c ontents, a pparent :
6 3.5% of t he
provinces.
The Dressel
olive o il.
This
s ources) came
the
When a llowance i s made f or
l isted i n Table
2 0 a mphoras
a lone
4 came
s till more
f rom t he Spanish
r epresent 1 392.3
l itres o f
f igure i s only eclipsed by t he wine imports
( from a ll
But i t was not j ust o il o f c ourse t hat
D efrutum syrup arrived from Baetica in Haltern 70.
f rom Spain.
The many s alazon amphoras
came f illed with s auces a nd s alted-fish.
a re presumed t o be D ressel
f rom Tarraconensis. ras
1 a nd 2 a re a re Spanish
s ignificance of Spain becomes
c ontents
of 1 619.12 l itres.
Catalan a mphoras
fabrics
t hen n early half t he Sheepen amphoras
f rom t he I f we a ssume
Apart f rom t hese
f our,
a nd t o have brought w ine
a ll
t he o ther S panish ampho-
c ould have c ome f rom t he s outhern province of Baetica. The i nterim r eport o n the Port-Vendres B wreck of t he
( Colls e t a l .
1 977 )
t rade i n amphora-borne
c ommodities.
A summary of i ts
i n Table 2 4.
s hore
c ounterpart t o P ort-Vendres B :
cargo amphoras i s
S heepen may n ot u nreasonably be r egarded a s a n ons alvation f or t he e conomic h istory
( pace Colls e t a l .
of a ntiquity will n ot only c ome f rom t he s ea 1 29;
f orties AD
d rew a ttention to t he i mportance of Spain f or t he
g iven
s ee a lso Parker & Price
1 981,
2 27;
Paterson 1 982,
1 977,
1 46).
But a c entury before t he R oman i nvasion o f Britain i n AD 4 3, i s
F our
2 -4
l ittle s ign i n t he a rchaeological r ecord o f amphora-borne
f rom Spain.
A lthough we
c an now t race t he h istory o f Haltern
Dressel-Pascual 1 a nd Cadiz ovoids back t o C .
5 0 BC,
t here
c ommodities 7 0,
t he evidence
i n
question would s eem to r elate only t o t he v ery b eginnings o f t he trade ( see pages amphoras Cadiz
1 38-40 ).
i s
t he c .
ovoid
The
amphora.
Its
Grand Congloug B wreck sauce a re
f irst s hipwreck with a c argo of Spanish
5 0 BC T itan wreck with i ts Belträn I II s alazones c argo amphoras
( see page
i mplicit i n Horace
1 39).
Pre-Augustan exports of marine
( Satires 2 . 8.46 )
g arum in a poem written in the thirties BC. c argoes are
c onspicuous
Pascual Guasch 1 980 ) of t he t rade. I talian Dressel
I ( see page
Tarraconensis had a l ocal 102).
The
( and a pparently a lso i n Baetica)
i f not d irectly, Dressel
2 -4
( Parker 1 980,
5 0-1,
5 6-7;
f ew which d ocument t he origins
Some of the amphoras made i n t he Spanish provinces were
i nspired by f oreign models. l ater
a ll t oo
who mentions Spanish Shipwrecks with Spanish
i n t he early Empire
but we have
a nd
a re duplicated i n t he u ndated
D ressel were
Nor were
1 43
t hese
f ound t here
i nspired by Greek a mphoras,
then through i ntermediaries
( see page 2 7).
c opy o f t he
2 -4 a mphoras
t hat will have b een I talian
t he only I berian a mphoras
t hat may have d eveloped i n imitation o f I talian prototypes. ( for instance )
r esemblance to early Dressel 1 980,
p1.6 F igs
c onfused
1 -3 ).
( Belträn 1 980,
f orts.
t han Sheepen.
( Parker 1 973b,
3 76;
H esnard
1 95 ). f ind Spanish a mphoras present i n quantity on t he
At R ödgen,
d emonstrably I berian
2 0 a mphoras
Understandably t he t wo f orms have s ometimes been
With Augustus we German
O ne n otes
t hat t he ovoid Brindisi v essels have m ore t han a passing
o ne hundred of t he 1 19 amphoras
( see Table 1 9).
But t here
This i s
( 84. 03%)
a re
a n even h igher proportion
i s no r eason t o t hink t hat R ödgen i s
a nything
o ther t han t ypical of t hese s ites. I t would a ppear t hat t he Augustan a rmies supplied with t he bulk o f t heir amphora-borne I berian provinces.
Parker
by the Augustan wars
( 1973b,
3 66 )
a cross
t he R hine were
c ommodities
f rom t he
s uggests t hat t he market c reated
i n G ermany played a major part i n promoting the
emergence of Spain a s
a major exporter.
I n t his
c ontext o ne
s hould
mention the unstratified marine f ind o f a Belträn I w ith a painted i nscription t hat s hows 1 979,
1 31,
i t
came f rom a n i mperial e state
But we now have the a mphoras I berian amphoras
f rom La L ongarina.
There t he
1 68
c omprise 4 6.67% of t he a ssemblage by v essel c ount.
Spain supplied I taly to s uch a n extent by c . a fresh
( Liou & Marichal
1 34-5 n o.27 ).
a t t he G erman evidence.
AD 5 ,
A s
we s hould l ook
I t may well emerge f rom f uture r esearch
t hat t he role of t he army has been exaggerated a nd t hat f rom t he outset c ivilian markets were a t l east a s
important f or Spain a s was
t he
c om-
m issariat. Sheepen s hows how u nder C laudius t he
a nd N ero,
Spain maintained
a scendancy s he had e stablished u nder Augustus.
t he proportions of I berian amphoras more or
l ess identical
l ook more
a t Sheepen
( 45.19 a nd 4 6.67% r espectively).
c losely a t t he Spanish amphoras
f rom Rödgen )
By v essel
c ount,
a nd La L ongarina a re We may now
f rom both s ites
( as well a s
t o s ee i f i t i s possible t o i dentify production trends
within t he s pectrum of Spanish exports. At Sheepen, olive o il exports of volume, a nd wine
t he v essel numbers d ominate
more o il was
( see Tables
v essel numbers
f or
a lone belie the extent t o which
t he f ield o f S panish production.
i mported f rom Spain t han
4 a nd 7 ).
Y et we have precisely t he
s alazones and Dressel 20.
I n t erms
s alazones, d efrutum
This i s
s ame minimum
a s tark i llustra-
t ion of t he n eed t o u se m inimum v essel numbers i n c onjunction w ith m ean c apacities s herds.
t o grasp t he economic truth behind a ssemblages o f a mphora
Sheepen suggests t hat by C laudius a nd Nero,
f rom Baetica r egularly exceeded t he exports
f rom t he province.
where Dressel Table
2 4 ).
s cale of
I n c onfirmation o ne may c ite Port-Vendres B
2 0 amphoras outnumber both
O n t he l ate
s alazones and Haltern 70 ( see
f irst c entury AD wreck a t t he T iboulen d e Maire,
D ressel 20 i s a lso t he major c omponent o f t he But u nder Augustus, L ongarina only s ix of t he R öd en t hough This
t he t rade i n oil
s alazon , d efrutum and wine
Dressel
c argo
f orty-six of t he
2 0
( 1.67%).
1 19 amphoras w ere D ressel particularly a s o live o il
a ny f orm a re u ncommon at La Longarina. s eem o nly t o be r epresented by t he
1 40 ).
2 0 was of l esser s ignificance.
3 60 amphoras were D ressel
d iscrepancy i s puzzling,
( see page
( 38.66%).
amphoras of
Apart f rom D ressel
t hirty-five Brindisi,
1 44
2 0
At La At
2 0,
they
Tripolitanian
I ,
Dressel
6 b a nd D ressel
2 6 a mphoras
o f t he r easons why D ressel 20 i s
( Hesnard 1 980,
r elatively more
1 44,
1 49-50 ).
O ne
c ommon a t R ödgen i s
t hat i t was a military s ite. A lthough wine was part o f t he m ilitary d iet ( Davies 1 971, 1 24-5, 1 31-2, 1 34 ), one would not of c ourse e xpect w ine
amphoras t o be a s
c ommon a s t hey a re o n
c ivilian s ites.
But t he
i ncidence of Dressel 20 i n military c ontexts might a lso r eflect t he u seful r ole i t played i n t he l ife of t he t he body before f rom t he c old,
army.
Application of o il t o
c ombat was held to make i t supple a nd t o protect o ne a s
r eferences i n t he s ources explain
Frontinus S trategemata 1 .4.7;
( Livy 2 1.55.1;
2 .5.23 f or examples).
P .M .
Barford a sks
m e t o c onsider t he possibility t hat o live o il might a lso h ave b een u sed t o maintain l eather a nd a rmour i n s erviceable a n Egyptian papyrus dated AD 2 15 d escribes s tatues with o il
( Hunt
& Edgar 1 956,
c ondition.
O ne notes t hat
t he polishing o f bronze
5 29).
Presumably c opper-alloy
f ittings on military g ear would a lso have b een t reated i n the s ame way. The outcome
i s
t hat D ressel
2 0 i s
i nvariably t he most c ommon s ingle
category of amphora on military s ites before t he d emise o f t he f orm. One notices this phenomenon i n Britain. l egionary
f ortress
a t L ongthorpe
4 8-62,
were Dressel
5 1 nos
1 -5;
2 0
Half t he amphoras
( Cambridgeshire ),
( Frere & St Joseph 1 974,
s ee Table 2 5).
The only a mphoras
AMPHORA TYPE
Dressel
2 -4
1 ,
3 6-9,
4 2,
AD 4 4/
9 7,
F ig.
r eported f rom t he
V ESSEL NUMBER
( both
2
I talian )
2
Belträn I ( Cam 1 86a ) D ressel
f rom t he
o ccupied c .
a t l east 4
2 0
Total
8
T able 2 5 .
Nanstallon f ort
A mphoras f rom L ongthorpe
( Cornwall),
occupied C .
AD 5 5/65-80,
a t l east e ight s eem to have been present F ig . 2 2 nos
1 7-9,
104-5).
At R ödgen,
Spanish amphoras by v essel number.
( Fox
D ressel
were D ressel
& Ravenhill 2 0 a ccounts
1 972,
2 0;
8 8,
f or 4 6% o f t he
What exactly t his m eans i n t erms o f
c ommodity v olumes has not been e stablished because n o pre-Claudian Dressel
2 0 was
available
f or measurement.
t han the developed C laudian f orm a nd one i s o live o il i t d oes
d oes not overshadow o ther Spanish e xports
I f o live oil was 104 of t he
t wice a s
a mphoras, Pompeii, 1 33)
l ess
smaller
t o t he extent t hat
s ignificant f or t he Baetican e conomy b efore
i t would s eem t hat t he c onverse holds
L ongarina,
1 31,
a re
c onfident t hat at R ödgen
a t Sheepen.
C laudius, a re
But s uch amphoras
3 60 a mphoras
c ommon a t Rödgen a s
3 2.77
f or s alazones.
a re I berian s alazones
a t Sheepen
( thirty-nine
a nd 1 5.56% of t he entire a ssemblages
I berian s alazones
greatly outnumber Dressel
r espectively). 2 0
They
a nd t wenty-one At
( Manacorda 1 977,
a lthough t here t he African o il amphoras may h ave made
1 45
A t La
( 28.89% ).
i t d if-
f icult f or Spanish o il t o have gained a f oothold
( Panella 1 977,
1 47-8 ).
s alazon amphoras tend to be more common than Dressel
Z evi t oo notes how
20 i n early contexts
a nd he suggests t hat i nitially f or Baetica t he
s alazones was more important than oil ( Zevi 1 966, 2 30, 2 40-1).
export o f
O ne w ill r ecall t hat t he earliest s hipwreck with a c argo o f Spanish a mphoras T his t he
i s
t he C .
5 0 BC T itan wreck with i ts B elträn I II
f acet of t he Baetican economy i s
s alazones .
i lluminated by c onsideration of
s alazon factories along the coast of Spain.
None of t hose e xcava-
t ed i s earlier than Augustus a nd t he major i nstallations s eem t o be c onfined to t he period before t he mid f irst c entury AD Tarradell
1 965,
( Ponsich &
1 13-5 ).
A lthough formal statistics a re not available, t inct i mpression t hat I berian
s alazon amphoras
one gains t he d is-
( whatever t he
produced on a r educed s cale a fter t he Julio-Claudians
f orm )
5 08 ).
I t may not be hyperbole t o s peak of a F lavian r ecession
1 973a,
9 6).
I n turn t he prevalence o f Dressel
were
( Panella 1 973, ( Parker
2 0 b ecomes more pro-
nounced . I n t he
f ifties AD Haltern 7 0 d evelops i nto t he s maller a nd l ess
c ommon L ondon 5 55 Nero,
amphora
t he export trade
( see Appendix ).
i n a mphora-borne
I t would s eem that a fter
c ommodities
l ess broadly based than i t had been hitherto. t he s hift i n emphasis:
f rom Baetica was
At Sheepen we c an s ee
o il i n Dressel 2 0 eclipses other Baetican
exports on a s ite occupied in t he period t hat s aw t he d emise o f Haltern 7 0 .
But s o far from being a perilous
on o il e xports amphora-borne
s pecialization,
l ead to a rguably t he most i mpressive
c oncentration
t rade of a ntiquity.
Two of the Baetican o live o il amphoras t he d eveloped Dressel 7 9-80 ).
t he
a chievement i n t he
f rom S heepen r epresent n ot
2 0 but a smaller a nd l ighter predecessor
We have dated t hem l ate Augustan.
v essels a t Sheepen i nvites u s t he t rade i n Baetican o il,
t o
l ook more
( amphoras
The presence o f t hese early c losely a t t he o rigins of
with particular r eference t o e xports
i n I ron
Age Britain. D ressel Dressel
2 0 i s by n o means a s
1 ( Peacock
t o u nderestimate
1 971,
1 70-1,
c onspicuous
1 80-5 ).
in I ron Age Britain a s
But t here has been a t endency
t he extent o f t he trade,
l argely because t he
f orm has
n ot y et been r eported a mong t he many amphoras r ecovered f rom r ich graves of Welwyn-type.
But j ust s uch a grave with c oins of Augustus
Wederath i ncluded a n early Dressel a nd t his encourages eventually be
t he hope
t hat
2 0
( Haffner 1 974,
3 4,
a t
Taf.170 no.12)
a Welwyn-type burial i n Britain may
f ound w ith t he f orm .
Our two a mphoras presumably r eached
Britain a fter the f oundation of S heepen C .
AD 5 ( see page 108 ),
u nless
of c ourse they were o ld v essels t hat had r eached t he s ite i n s econdary u se,
a s d id t he Dressel
t o t he r im with handle a fter C . 1 84).
AD 5 ( Wheeler
D ressel
Hertfordshire ), f eature o n t he
20 was
1 ( see pages
1 05-8 ).
Amphora 7 9
& Wheeler 1 936,
F ig.13 n o.29;
f ound i n e arlier c ontexts
s imilar
Peacock 1 971,
a t Skeleton Green
where s herds were present i n d itch I , s ite
i s
t hat had been d iscarded i n a d itch a t Prae Wood
a nd which had f illed by C .
10-5 BC
t he
( also
earliest
( Partridge
1 981,
4 8, 8 0 ). A nother early D ressel 20 r im was r ecovered f rom Gatesbury Track ( Hertfordshire ). I ts s tratigraphical c ontext i s n ot r ecorded but s herds of t he f orm were present i n c ontexts t hat date t o t he l ast y ears BC ( Partridge 1 980, 1 01, 1 16; Williams & Peacock 1 980, 1 14, F ig.34 no.4).
1 46
( Athenaeus D eipnosophistae
Posidonius
4 .151)
Gauls had not a cquired a taste f or o live o il, s carcity.
But o il presses
r emarked t hat t he
partly because o f i ts
i n t he Saluvian s ettlement of Entremont s how
t hat s ome o f t he C eltic c ommunities o f Provence had mastered o live culture
( Benoit 1 968,
1 8-9;
Gaul i n the n ineties BC
G oudineau 1 984).
( Labrousse
1 971,
When Posidonius v isited
4 5 n .7),
t he C elts may have
f ound i t d ifficult t o i mport o il because R oman I taly a pparently waited until t he e nd o f t he R epublic b efore embarking o n i ts t hen t he quantities s eem t o have been modest.
e xport.
Lamboglia 2 was t he R epublican olive o il amphora because o f s ional r ole a s
a minority element i n D ressel 1 cargoes
held s ome c ommodity d istinct f rom, t he Dressel held wine
1 amphoras)
The
i ts occa-
( suggesting i t
a nd c omplementary t o t he wine o f
but i t has now been e stablished t hat t he
f rom Apulia a nd Calabria i nstead
Formenti e t a l .
( Charlin e t a l .
1 979,
D ressel 2 6 a mphoras
before Augustus
2 1-2;
a t La L ongarina may have been t he
( Hesnard 1 980,
1 50 ).
have been marketed i n t he Dressel
I talian o live o il s eems
6 b amphoras
( op .
present at La L ongarina
c it.,
Both t oo have histories
1 44,
1 48;
f orm f rom a t l east C .
1 979,
C s hipwreck of c .
90 ).
5 0 BC
Brindisi
earlier c ontexts.
5 98 ).
This
p ace Frank 1 933, 284). to c ommand belief
c ontemporary
implies t hat R oman
The guild o f I talian o learii on
5 2 BC.
D elos i s no r efutation because t he evidence r ecords 1 254;
c entury
T hey d o n ot s eem t o b e present i n
t he m erchants a nd not the provenance o f t he o il f ails
s hould
L iou 1 973 f or s ubsequent exca-
( Naturalis H istoria 15.1.3)
Pliny
I taly d id not export o il until
2 2-3
a mphoras were f ound on t he Planier
( Tchernia 1 971b;
( Liou 1 975,
1 979,
5 0 BC b ecause Lamboglia 2
A s olitary example has been r ecovered f rom t he
Dramont A wreck
a s
l ate R epublic.
d oes not s eem t o have l asted much beyond t he middle of t he ( Charlin e t a l .
a lso t o
Both were
Charlin e t a l .
t hat r each back t o t he
D ressel 6 s eems t o have been i nspired by Lamboglia 2 . imply production o f t he
f orm
f rom I stria a s well
t he s o-called Brindisi a mphoras of Apulia a nd Calabria .
vations).
f orm
1 979).
Venafrum o il a mphora but we know nothing of t he history o f t he
n .31 ).
Even
I t had been t hought t hat
t he nationality of
( Rostovtzeff 1 953,
A lthough t he t estimony of Pliny s till
( Paterson 1 978,
4 58 n .39),
i n t his paragraph s hould encourage a more
t he
evidence r eviewed
s ympathetic a ssessment of h is
r eport. Spain i s not a ttested a s
a major exporter of o live o il u ntil w e
e ncounter t he f orty-six Dressel
2 0 a mphoras a t R ödgen
The s cale o n which Baetican o il
i s present there s uggests perhaps
( see Table
1 9). a n
e stablished i ndustry rather t han i ts beginnings.
But we s till have n o
c onclusive evidence
2 0 before Augustus.
f or t he production of Dressel
A s pheroidal amphora f rom t he c . c laimed a s a n o il a mphora
5 0 BC T itan s hipwreck has b een
( Tailliez
d ence a nd i t now s eems t hat
i ts
1 961,
1 85 F ig.5 )
sumed d efrutum amphoras of the kind found at Cadiz The d ocumentary evidence
B ellum H ispanum 2 7) t ext.
i s r elevant h ere:
d raws
but without evi-
a ffiliations may l ie
i nstead w ith pre-
( see pages
Bläzquez
( 1978,
1 39-40 ).
2 05 c iting
a ttention t o a n important l ate R epublican
It r ecords events of 4 5 BC a nd makes i ncidental r eference
two occasions) t he . Baetis
to o live groves n ear t he
( Guadalquivir ).
A rchia P oeta 26)
Broughton
r iver Salsum,
( 1974,
1 8 c iting C icero P ro
s uggests t hat t he quip C icero makes
t ones of t he Corduba poets
i s only intelligible
known outside Spain when the oration was
1 47
( on
a t ributary o f a bout t he o ily
i f Baetican o il was
d elivered i n 6 2 BC .
But t heir
poetry i s not i n fact d escribed i n s uch t erms a nd o ne suspects t hat A nyhow t he B elium H ispanum passage i s a t imely r eminder that o live c ulture was e stablished
Broughton may have u sed a d efective translation. i n Baetica before Augustus.
We ought t herefore
s ibility t hat t he earliest Dressel
t o a cknowledge t he pos-
2 0 amphoras may y et c ome t o l ight i n
l ate R epublican c ontexts. U nlike grain, well.
honey a nd wine,
I t s hould be
o live o il d oes not carry i ts a ge ( Pliny N aturalis H istoria
u sed w ithin a y ear
C olumella D e A gri C uitura 5 .8.4).
1 5.3.7;
B ecause o f a l imited l ife,
i t c ould not be s tored u ntil t imes of s hortage when price i nflation would magnify t he profit margin. l east,
This may explain why i n I taly a t
olives were not highly r egarded a s
culture 1 8.38 )
( Duncan-Jones even goes s o
profit f rom t hem .
1 982,
f ar a s
a c apital
3 6 with r efs).
i nvestment i n a gri-
( Naturalis H istoria
P liny
t o say t hat i t c an be d ifficult t o make a
This a ttitude t o o live c ulture may
f ind e xpression
i n t he meagre evidence f or a t rade i n amphora-borne I talian o il. a lso places
t he Dressel
I t
2 0 phenomenon i n a puzzling l ight because i t
i s n ot immediately o bvious why capital i n Baetica s hould have been i nvested i n olives w ith such evident r esolution a nd s uccess.
A nyhow
t he trade i n Baetican o il c an no l onger be r egarded a s r eplacing I talian
( pace Callender 1 965,
o il exports
4 7-9)
because s o f ew I talian o il
amphoras have been f ound i n the western provinces. *
There i s
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
an i mportant s eries of r ich c remation burials of l ate
I ron Age a nd early R oman date i n Britain whose grave goods i nclude amphoras. 1 ,
4 4).
Such graves have been d esignated W elwyn-type by Stead
( 1967,
More exhaustive gazetteers have b een c ompiled s ubsequently by
Peacock
( 1971,
1 75-85 )
been overlooked i s
a nd R odwell
( 1976,
3 18-24).
t hat t hese graves a llow u s t o
t he I berian provinces
a s a major s ource of t he
What has h itherto
c hart the
e mergence of
a mphora-borne
c ommodities
r eaching Britain. The
f irst Welwyn-type burials have o nly D ressel
are f irst c entury BC i n date. t he Welwyn B grave with i ts Stead 1 967,
Fig.6 n o.2;
a lso produced f ive 1 980,
1 41
( 1967,
4 6-7)
( Stead 1 967,
f irst c entury BC .
date of c .
1 i n
( Smith 1 912,
p1.2b;
P eacock 1 971,
1 85;
Branigan Stead
O ne
f eels
c onfident t hey p redate t he 1 amphoras.
f ind Spanish a mphoras a ssociated w ith
f unerary c ontexts.
s ible i nstances of t his.
There would o nly
a ppear t o be t wo pos-
They a re o ld d iscoveries
i n E ssex a nd i n
both cases t he i ntegrity of t he a ssociation c annot be guaranteed . 1 931 a Haltern
v ided t he t ype specimens belongs
I t i s
I n
7 0 a mphora was acquired by C olem f rom t he L exden c emetery
o n t he outskirts of C olchester . f lagon.
3 -5;
a nd Welwyn Garden C ity which
s urvey o f their c hronology,
1 0 BC f ixed f or Dressel
Now i t i s exceptional t o Dressel
7 -8,
I n his
l b amphoras
1 85 )
has been a ble to a nchor both t hese Hertfordshire graves
s ecurely i n t he t erminal
f ive Dressel
P eacock 1 971,
f or photograph ).
1 amphoras a nd
Particularly s triking examples i nclude
The grave produced v essels which pro-
f or t he Cam
7 6a pedestal b eaker a nd f orm 1 61
a pparent f rom these Gallo-Belgic v essels t hat t he grave
t o t he f irst c entury AD .
t he Roman i nvasion
A date a s
c annot be precluded.
l ate
t he n eck - w ith r im a nd handles - of a D ressel
1 48
a s
t he
a ftermath o f
A ccessioned with t he group was l b a mphora .
The base o f
t he n eck s hows quity.
a neat f racture that was c arefully e ngineered i n a nti-
Evidently part of a n o ld wine a mphora had been
g rave
a t t he
funeral.
f inds were d iscovered when a t ennis o ne 0 .
L ocke.
burial. 1 81)
But we need not d oubt t hat t hey r epresent a Welwyn-type
& Hull 1 947,
s eems
D ressel
t hat t he
c ourt was built i n the garden of
A lthough h e n owhere explained why,
Hawkes
c ast i n t he
The a ccession r egister s imply r ecords
1 3-4 n .5 grave
5 ,
Hull
( 1932,
2 14 F ig.45 no.7,
t o have e ntertained s ome r eservations
1 i n t he grave.
2 6-7, 2 51
3 2,
s . v.
3 5;
f orm
a bout i ncluding t he
We cannot now i n truth v erify t he
i ntegrity
o f t he a ssociation but i t i s worth r ecalling t hat broken or i ncomplete a mphoras have been r eported f rom other Welwyn-type graves 1 06 ).
Anyhow t he grave
date of Dressel f orm ),
i s
1 amphoras
c learly l ater t han t he C . a nd s o
c ommodities
Our s econd burial was of t he f ind a re C .J .
( if t he group d id i ndeed i nclude t hat
t he grave has n othing t o t ell u s
t o i mport amphora-borne
d iscovered a t Thaxted i n
marked A72 g rave
f ull a ccess
Dressel
a Catalan amphora
l b
( see
a nd 1 835.179
r espectively.
5 0 BC because
( see page
t ime of Dressel
r ecords
I t i s
1 ,
1 38 ).
1 981,
f uneral
1 30 ).
a nd base
i mpossible
2 -4) A ll
s herd,
t o date t he
But i t c an hardly be
such Catalan amphoras
I f t he
I ts a pparent
1 or Dressel
a lso W illiams
c losely because no other f inds a re extant.
u ntil t hen
1977b ).
i n t he Saffron Walden Museum i s a handle
earlier t han c .
The
t o his n otes on t he
( Rodwell
( form D ressel-Pascual
broken a t t he t ime of t he d iscovery t hat survives
1 792.
s ingularly muddled but t hey have been r esolved by
One of t he amphoras was
c ompanion was
a bout when I ron Age E ssex b egan
f rom Spain.
Going who g enerously a llowed m e
f ind.
( see page
1 0 BC t erminal
a re n owhere a ttested
t ook place within t he
l ife-
the grave s hould be a ssigned t o t he period c .
5 0-10
BC. I n Welwyn-type burials a re c onspicuous.
of the
f irst c entury AD,
Some examples may be c ited.
i n t he grave d iscovered a t Mount Bures
Spanish amphoras
S ix a mphoras were present
( Essex )
i n 1 849.
None
s urvive
a nd t heir identification must r est on t he s ketches made by t he C olchester artist Josiah Parish a t t he t ime of t heir d iscovery. d rawn in his plan of t he grave, Belträn I II
s alazones
( Belträn
a nd c annot be identified .
The
1 970,
( Smith 1 852,
60;
I ts
1 84).
2 -4
A f ifth i s
s hown broken
s aid t o be D ressel
2 5-8,
3 1;
V .C.H.
1 but only
E ssex vol.3,
s ketch s hows t hat t he t erminal o f the basal
s pike s plays out to f orm a knob. Dressel
4 48-56).
s ixth i s
t he body had been buried Peacock 1 971,
Such a f eature i s
a mphoras but would be most exceptional
f ound on s ome f or D ressel
1 .
would suit t he evidence of t he Gallo-Belgic ware i n t he grave. kindly t ells m e t hat t he d ominant p latter f orm i s Cam 8 . t he
s tamp published by Smith r ecords
s pans
t he period c .
AD 2 5-50
( Cambridgeshire)
where a ll
adds
This R igby t hat
m icrofiche a rchive
1 :E6).
f irst c entury AD i s S nailwell
t hree a mphoras a re Spanish. 7 0
She
V .
t he potter Benios whose output
( Rigby 1 985,
Another Welwyn-type burial of t he I a nd t he t hird i s Haltern
A s
f our bear a n evident r esemblance t o
( Lethbridge
1 954,
p 1.4;
Two a re Beltran P eacock
1 974,
2 41-2). O ne of t he s hire ).
I ts
l ast W elwyn-type burials
i s S tanfordbury A ( Bedford-
f loor was paved with Roman t iles
must post-date AD 4 3„
( Dryden
1 845,
1 5)
a group of t hree v essels dated l ate Tiberian/Claudian by B . R. ( Stead 1 967,
4 7).
a nd s o
T erra s igillata from the grave may have included
An a djacent Welwyn-type burial
1 49
Hartley
( Stanfordbury B )
i ncluded a R oman 1 845,
1 8 ).
Stead
( 1967,
c oin
( now
l ost )
believed t o h ave b een of T itus
The S tanfordbury A amphoras were 48 n .2;
P eacock 1 971,
which we now know a s Belträn
I V
were part-measure or m iniature
1 82
f or petrology)
s alazon amphoras.
a s Dressel
Dressel Thus
a mphoras but t he v essels
1 4 a ppears positively massive a longside
t he a mphoras
i n Welwyn-type burials
i n t he D ressel
major exporter of amphoras. to Britain.
Those
progression w ithin BC. has 1 2,
But Welwyn-type burials a re not
t he c onfines of a small c emetery of t he 1 .
1 1 a nd 5 2 r espectively, Thus the picture
Taf.12,
t hat emerges
f ind Spanish amphoras
i s
f irst c entury AD.
( B)
( one o f
( Thill 1 967b,
c onsistent.
t o be r epresented
T af .2 n os
I t i s e xceptional One of t he graves
( grave
5 i n t he
a re a pparently d ealing w ith
1 t hat had f ound i ts way i nto a grave i n t he
At Sheepen i tself we h ave s een h ow D ressel
s urvived through s econdary u se well 105-8 ).
I II
from a c onsideration o f t he a mphoras
a nomalous because we
part of a n o ld Dressel
s ame
l ast d ecades
a longside Dressel 1 i n Welwyn-type burials:
a ssociation s eems
Lexden c emetery )
c onfined
208-9).
i ndeed t he a ssociation i s nowhere r eliably a ttested . where s uch a n
A s a
But a nother grave Belträn I ,
a nd a pair of Dressel-Pascual 1 amphoras
a ssociated i n r ich graves i s more or l ess t o
c onspicuous.
f rom Goeblingen-Nospelt i n Luxembourg s how t he
There graves A a nd D both have D ressel
9 ,
c ompanions.
emergence o f Spain a s
a n i nteresting group of Spanish a mphoras:
each)
a nd by s ome i ts
f rom B ritain begin
exclusively with I talian a nd e nd with Spanish a mphoras such t hey offer a n i nsular c ommentary on t he
1 4,
S tead s uggested t hey
table of f orms were not published a t a c onsistent s cale quirk,
( Dryden
c orrectly identified by
i nto t he
1 amphoras
f irst c entury AD
( see pages
The Lexden grave would t herefore a ppear t o be a f unerary
c ounterpart t o t he phenomenon met with t here. more straightforward grave but i t cannot b e
Thaxted may have b een a
c losely dated,
l ikelihood must r emain that i t b elongs t o t he f eels that t his
a lthough t he
f irst c entury BC.
One
a spect of B elgic f unerary a rchaeology can most s imply
be explained i f we suppose t hat Spanish amphoras were not imported i n more t han negligible quantities t o t he d emise of Dressel This
u ntil
t he y ears
immediately s ubsequent
1 .
l ine of thought l eads u s
Spanish i s apparent i n the amphoras
t o t he L exden Tumulus. f rom t he grave
Tables
1 7-8).
became
t he trade i n Spanish amphora-borne c ommodities,
i n the l ogic of t he a rgument:
f irst c entury BC a nd t he
( Peacock 1 971, My
i t i s d ifficult
l ast d ecade BC .
a n earlier a ssessment of t he date of t he burial,
a s hift of emphasis suggest t he
a nd
When we b ear i n mind how widespread a nd s ignificant
t o s ee how t he grave c an be a ny l ater t han t he only endorse
Nothing
( see page 1 19
t he
One
c an
but with
Dressel 1 amphoras
l ack o f Spanish a mphoras proves
1 83).
c onviction t hat t he Tumulus
tact with Spain i s
i s e arlier t han s ignificant c on-
l ent s ome s upport by a n a djacent a nd l esser grave
f ound by c hance immediately t o t he n orth. that its Belträn I amphora
( Colem 6 .1964)
D .T .-D . was
C larke t ells me
d iscovered s tanding u p-
r ight a f ew c entimetres below ground l evel when a trench f or a n e lectricity cable was dug n ext t o t he Tumulus. Haltern 4 5
f lagon a nd a C am 7
were brought t o 1 974,
6 ).
P .J.
Crummy a dds t hat a
t erra n igra platter from the same grave
l ight i n 1 973 after more w ork by c ontractors
( Crummy
The platter i s a rare variant of Cam 7 f ound a t S heepen.
1 50
i t
But t he f lagon burial
i s n ot present t here
s hould be
a t Sheepen C .
a ssigned t o
AD 5 ,
f eels t his Welwyn-type t he
s tart of o ccupation
i f not s ome f ew years earlier.
ed t o me
t hat the Tumulus
a mphora )
l ie s ome
P .J.
a nd t his Welwyn-type grave
2 00 metres
i n S t C lare Road.
a nd one
a period t owards
Crummy explain-
( with i ts Spanish
s outh of t he main c oncentration o f graves
I t l ooks a s
i f t he Tumulus was
d eliberately s ited o n
t he periphery of t he c emetery a t Lexden a nd t hat our a djacent Welwynt ype grave
r epresents a l ater f uneral,
be earlier t han c .
i n w hich
case
t he Tumulus must
AD 5 .
I t i s odd t hat t he potential o f t hese r ich graves
f rom Britain
has n ot been fully r ealized a s s ource material
f or e conomic h istory.
T heir s ignificance i s
r ecall t hat most of t hem
belong t o t he
further enhanced when we
c entury or s o before Britain became a R oman province.
I t
emerged f rom t he d iscussion a bove t hat we c annot e stablish t hat Spanish a mphoras
r eached those parts o f Britain where the Welwyn-type burial
r ite was practised, i ng twenty years
before C .
10 BC.
I t will have b een i n t he
f ollow-
t hat Spain began t o make a n impact a s an e xporter of
a mphora-borne commodities t o Britain.
One notes that t he earliest
s ecure c ontext f or S panish a mphoras i n e astern England c omes f rom S keleton Green
( Hertfordshire),
where D ressel
i n d itch I which had f illed by c . *
*
*
*
*
1 0-5 BC *
*
*
2 0 s herds were s tratified
( Partridge 1 981,
*
*
4 8,
80 ).
*
But we s hould e nd with a r eturn t o matters of l ess parochial c onc ern.
It w ill be
a pparent by now t hat t he s cale of S panish exports of
a mphora-borne c ommodities was
f ormidable.
t o t he wealth of t he S panish provinces. part t o play i n d ocumenting t he r iches. t he
M etals,
I t made n o mean c ontribution Sheepen has
i ts own modest
ramifications o f Spanish trade
s how-piece of Julio-Claudian prosperity i n the West.
background to t he growing i nfluence of S panish f amilies l ife of Rome
( Colls e t ca .
with men such a s L . notorious
1 39).
I t b egins
Julius
C aesar
c onsummated by Trajan,
d oes
a t
wine,
s yrup a nd s auce but
t he
The
a scend-
( whose parents
I t would b e
fatuous
a r ising t ide of pro-
s tudy o f I berian a mphoras
l east g ive a n opportunity t o g limpse
s omething of t he economic
f oundations of Spanish a chievement a nd greatness.
1 51
c elebrity
5 43).
Hadrian t oo
may have been born t here.
t o suppose t hat both m en were s wept t o power o n v incial o il,
l ate R epublic
t he e mperor born a t I talica i n
t he h eart of the Baetican olive c ountry. were r esidents of Gades)
t he
l ifetime he was
l asting
( Syme 1 952,
Such was
i n t he political
i n t he
I n h is
but he achieved a more
s ervices t o C .
a ncy of Spain was
1 977,
C ornelius Balbus o f Gades.
f or his wealth,
t hrough his
a nd
agriculture a nd f isheries made Baetica i n particular
PART I V
P ETROLOGICAL EXAMINATION OF AMPHORAE FROM COLCHESTER SHEEPEN
D .F.
Williams,
Ph. D .,
F .S. A .
( DOE C eramic Petrology Project) D epartment o f Archaeology,
U niversity o f S outhampton
I ntroduction Sixty-three s herds of amphorae
f rom t he
1 970 e xcavation a t
Colchester S heepen were submitted f or t hin s ection s tudy under t he petrological microscope. j ected
I n addition,
t hree o f t he s herds were s ub-
to a heavy mineral s eparation.
The total number o f s amples
a nalyzed r epresent j ust u nder half o f t he m inimum number of amphorae r ecovered f rom t he s ite. f old :
( 1 )
T he main o bject of t he e xamination was
t o c haracterize i n d etail t he
possible t o suggest l ikely source a reas
fabrics i nvolved,
a nd
t wo-
( 2)
i f
i n each c ase.
At t he present t ime only a c omparatively small number of a mphorae t ypes
c an
c onfidently b e
on f orm a lone.
P erhaps
a llocated t o a r estricted a rea o f production t he most o bvious
c ase i n t his
r espect i s
t he
familiar g lobular D ressel 2 0 which was only made i n R oman Baetica, more particularly a long that s tretch of t he Guadalquivir R iver a nd i ts tributaries between C orduba a nd S eville 1 979;
Williams
& P eacock 1 983).
( Bonsor 1 931;
I n r ecent years,
Ponsich 1 974;
t herefore,
become i ncreasingly c ommon t o take i nto account t he various
i t has fabrics
i nvolved when a llocating amphorae to t heir l ikely s ource a reas.
I n
s ome cases a hand-specimen s tudy will be e nough t o i dentify c onspicuous fabrics.
T he
' black s and '
fabric of D ressel 1 a nd Dressel
t he Pompeii-Herculaneum r egion
( Peacock 1 971;
t he granitic
2 -4 a nd Dressel
fabric o f Dressel
Barcelona r egion
( Tchernia & Z evi
1 972).
1 977c ),
s ource areas
f or many amphorae,
r ecourse has
petrological or c hemical a nalysis 1 981;
Laubenheimer e t a / .
of d istinctive
f abrics
1 981;
1 -Pascual
or
fabrics
a nd when suggesting
i ncreasingly been made t o
( Peacock 1 971;
Williams
f rom
1 of t he
Not a ll amphorae
r espond to s tudy i n t he hand-specimen however,
2 -4
f or i nstance,
1 983a ).
1 977b;
Fontes e t a / .
I ndeed,
i n t he
c ase
t hese methods may additionally be u seful i n
identifying a mphorae f orms
f rom small undistinguished body-sherds.
Once a n amphora has been t ied d own t o a particular r egion i t i s g enerally a ssumed t hat t his
i s
a lso t he s ource a rea f or t he c ontents,
1 53
i .e.
wine,
o live-oil,
f ish products,
s idering t hat t here may be a c ase
etc.
However,
i t i s worth c on-
f or s ome e xportation o f empty
amphorae from o ne r egion t o a nother.
Fraser
( 1972),
f or example,
a rgues persuasively t hat many R hodian w ine a mphorae of t he
t hird a nd
s econd c enturies BC may n ot i n f act have c arried Rhodian wine but c ontained i nstead t he better quality Laodician v intages. period,
I n a l ater
t he a pparent d earth of known R oman a mphorae k ilns
( Ponsich
& Tarradell 1 965),
f rom M orocco
a r egion which had a t hriving f ish i ndustry
a nd would t hus have been expected t o have u sed amphorae f or c arrying i ts products, perhaps
m ight be explained by t he
f rom n earby S pain.
i mportation o f empty a mphorae,
I n modern t imes t here i s evidence f or empty
amphorae being traded a long what i s now t he L ebanese f or s heep-dung
( Mallowan
1 939).
a ntiquity s uch a trade i n empty m inor s cale.
I ndeed,
However,
c oast i n r eturn
t here i s n o s ign t hat i n
c ontainers was on a nything but a v ery
on the c ontrary t here i s
i ncreasing evidence f or
amphorae k ilns being s ited c loseby t o t he production c entres a mphora-born c ommodities
a l .
Laubenheimer e t
( Ponsich
1 974;
1 979;
P eacock 1 974;
f or 1 977a;
1 981 ).
P ETROLOGY OF THE COLCHESTER SHEEPEN AMPHORAE
D ressel l b Two r im s herds Previous by Peacock
( nos.
a nd t hree handles
( nos.
d ivided t he
' black sand'
fabric.
s uggested f or t his
a Campanian origin, Herculaneum,
a lso
( cf .
granite,
D orset,
Fabric 3 i s
fabric i s
i n t he
T his
However,
i t i s
a nd
a nd ( 1977c ). The r ecent
' black s and ' l a
A s
f ar a s Britain
rarely e ncountered .
l argest of Peacock's
Campania a nd Latium,
However,
c haracterized by i nclusions of
fabric groupings,
broadly based group c overing a wide g eographical ( 1977a ).
1 978 ).
fabric a lso r eached Britain i n t he
presumably from a s ource i n s outhern I taly. t his
t o t he
f urther s outh,
l a a nd l b f orms.
l a r im f rom Lake Farm,
Peacock 1 971 ).
c oncerned, The
& V elde
c onvincingly a rgued by P eacock
fabric d emonstrates t hat t his
i s
( Courtois
a f eature of t he s ands
i n particular t he a rea a round Pompeii
has been more
c harac-
on the basis of t he presence of yellow
fabric occurs both i n t he Dressel
f ind of a D ressel
it i s
g iving r ise
An origin i n t he Latium r egion has been
fabric,
yellow-brown garnet i s
f orm
1 wine a mphorae
t he most d istinctive i n t he hand-specimen a s
garnet when v iewed i n t hin s ection
This
4 a nd 5 )
f orm i nto t hree main fabric groupings.
t erized by numerous i nclusions of dark green a ugite, t erm
3 ,
t hin s ection work o n t he I talian D ressel
( 1971 )
Fabric 2. i s
1 a nd 2 )
h is Fabric 1 ,
i s a
a rea which i ncludes
l ater extended t o e ncompass Etruria a s w ell
l arge a rea i s
c overed by f airly s imilar volcanic t racts.
c lear f rom t he S heepen r esults a nd e lsewhere t hat
i t i s
possible to r ecognize nuances of fabric variation s uggesting a variety of sources,
perhaps
a ll
s ituated within t his g eneral r egion .
F or t his
r eason i t has been thought worthwhile t o d escribe t he S heepen D ressel l b
fabrics i n detail.
1 54
Fabric 1 No.
1
T hin s ectioning s hows numerous grains of subangular quartz, a verage s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .30 mm,
a nd s ome
s lightly
l arger grains,
f elspar,
o f m ica a nd volcanic r ock, baked c lay.
a dark brown a nisotropic matrix o f
Fabric
2 No.
s et i n
pyroxene,
a mphibole,
w ith a
s catter of potash a nd plagioclase
f lecks
2
T hin s ectioning s hows
a f airly c lean
c lay matrix c ontaining a
s catter of subangular quartz g rains,
average s ize 0 .10 mm - 0 .50 mm,
s ome potash
black i ron ore,
f elspar,
f lecks o f mica,
a l ittle cryptocrystalline
l imestone,
v olcanic r ock a nd
s et i n a dark r eddish-brown a niso-
tropic matrix of baked c lay.
Fabric
3 Nos
3 a nd 4
Thin s ectioning s hows a groundmass 0 .20 mm a nd under i n s ize, a cross,
t ogether with pyroxene,
of m ica,
o f s ubangular quartz grains
with a s catter of l arger grains u p t o 0 .50 mm potash a nd plagioclase
amphibole a nd volcanic r ock,
f elspar,
f lecks
s et i n a r eddish-brown a niso-
t ropic baked c lay matrix .
Fabric 4 No.
5
T hin s ectioning s hows s ize 0 .30 mm a nd below, f oraminifera,
f requent subangular quartz grains,
a nd c ryptocrystalline
together with f lecks o f mica,
plagioclase f elspar a nd volcanic r ock, t ropic baked c lay matrix. The a bove r esults Campanian, ( 1971; s herds)
A s
s et i n a r eddish-brown a niso-
f our s eparate
a c heck o n t hese r esults,
f rom Hengistbury . Head
a nd the
L exden Tumulus
average
i ncluding
pyroxene, potash a nd
Latium a nd Etrurian a rea which was
1 977a ).
1 a mphorae
i ndicate
l imestone,
s ources w ithin t he s uggested by P eacock
t he petrology o f Dressel
( twenty-three s herds),
( four s herds)
D anebury
( six
was s tudied i n d etail.
Hengistbury Head
Dressel
1 Fabric
5
T hin s ectioning s hows a v ery c lean c lay matrix with a s parse s catter of i nclusions which grains,
f lecks of m ica,
a re made u p of a f ew subangular quartz
potash f elspar a nd v olcanic r ock,
s et i n a
straw y ellow a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
D ressel
1 Fabric 6
Thin s ectioning s hows s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .40 mm,
f requent subangular quartz grains,
t ogether with pyroxene,
1 55
a verage
potash a nd plagioclase
f elspar,
f lecks of m ica,
volcanic r ock a nd l imestone voids,
with a hazy white r eaction r im,
n ormally
s et i n a dark r eddish-brown a niso-
t ropic baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
l a a nd l b Fabric
7
T hin s ectioning s hows quartz grains, 0 .80 mm a cross,
a groundmass o f t ightly packed s ubangular
0 .20 mm a nd u nder,
with a s catter of l arger g rains
together with plagioclase a nd potash f elspar,
f lecks of m ica a nd v olcanic r ock,
s et i n
u p t o
pyroxene,
a dark brown a nisotropic
baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
l a Fabric
8
Thin s ectioning shows 0 .10 mm a nd u nder, mica ,
a groundmass o f subangular quartz grains
with a s catter of s lightly l arger grains,
potash f elspar,
volcanic r ock a nd l imestone voids,
a hazy white r eaction r im,
s et
f lecks of
normally with
i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked
c lay matrix .
D ressel 1 Fabric 9 Thin sectioning shows
a s catter of s ubangular quartz grains,
average s ize 0 .30 mm - 0 .80 mm, a nd v olcanic
D ressel
r ock,
s et i n
f lecks of m ica,
potash f elspar,
pyroxene
a brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
1 Fabric 10
Thin s ectioning s hows
a f airly c lean c lay matrix c ontaining a
s catter of subangular quartz g rains, f lecks of m ica,
average s ize 0 .20 mm - 0 .60 mm,
potash f elspar a nd v olcanic r ock,
s et i n a r eddish-brown
a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
l a Fabric
1 1
Thin s ectioning s hows
f requent subangular . grains of quartz,
average s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .40 mm, x ene,
potash a nd plagioclase
s et i n
a nd f lecks o f mica,
f elspar,
t ogether w ith pyro-
brown a mphibole a nd v olcanic r ock,
a r eddish-yellow a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
1 a nd la Fabric 1 2
T hin s ectioning s hows s ize 0 .10 mm - 0 .50 mm, pyroxene,
f requent subangular quartz grains,
average
t ogether w ith potash a nd plagioclase f elspar,
f lecks of m ica,
amphibole
a nd v olcanic r ock,
s et i n a
r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
l a Fabric 1 3
Thin s ectioning s hows numerous equal-sized subangular quartz
1 56
grains 0 .20 mm a nd u nder, p lagioclase a nd potash
a nd f requent f lecks of m ica,
f elspar,
t ogether with
pyroxene a nd volcanic r ock,
s et i n a
dark r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
D ressel l b Peacock's ' Black s and ' All
t he
s ample each,
( 1971)
Fabric 2
f abric.
a bove f abric groups
f rom H engistbury H ead c ontain one
w ith t he exception of Fabric
Fabric 1 2 which c ontains
7 which c ontains t hree
a nd
1 2.
Danebury
Dressel
1 Fabric 1 4
T hin s ectioning s hows a s catter of s ubangular quartz grains up t o 1 .20 mm a cross, s par,
together with f lecks
volcanic r ock,
a nd a l ittle
of m ica,
pyroxene,
cryptocrystalline
potash f el-
l imestone,
s et i n
a dark brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Dressel
1 Fabric 1 5
S imilar t o Fabric 1 4 but with more quartz grains
a nd c rypto-
c rystalline l imestone. At Danebury,
Fabric 1 4 i s
r epresented by one
s herd a nd Fabric 1 5
by f ive.
L exden Tumulus Dressel
l b s imilar t o Fa bric 1 2
Dressel
l b Peacock's
' Black sand '
( 1971 )
Fabric 2
f abric.
At Lexden the t wo f abric groups
a re
r epresented by t wo s herds
each.
The petrological
r esults
f rom a n a nalysis of D ressel
u ndifferentiated D ressel 1 amphorae from Sheepen, Danebury a nd t he L exden Tumulus r egion of I taly. manufactured a t
i n the Campania - Latium - Etruria
The number of d ifferent l arge
f urther s uggests
' factory-type'
f abrics t hat t he
potteries
v illa e states where the wine was produced, c lay r eadily a vailable.
1 57
i nvolved,
s ixteen out
amphorae were not
( cf.
i nstead were made a t smaller s cattered c oncerns. l ocal
l b a nd
suggest t hat t hese v essels were
imported f rom a variety o f places of thirty-eight s amples
l a,
H engistbury H ead,
P eacock 1 971),
but
Possibly a t t he
providing t here was
s uitable
A nother implication t o be d rawn
f rom t hese r esults
c argoes of amphorae packed by t he n egotiatores t o a c onsiderable d egree. t here
a re
v essels H ead,
T his
implies
came from f our d ifferent I talian e states.
out of twenty-three samples, l east n ine
r eached t he s ite. groups
t hat t he
T hus a t S heepen out o f f ive v essels
f our d ifferent fabric groups.
implying t hat a t
i s
a ppear t o have b een m ixed
n ine
t hat t he
t ested, f ive
At H engistbury
fabric groups
a re r epresented
I talian e states s upplied t he wine t hat
While a t D anebury a nd t he L exden Tumulus
t wo fabric
are r epresented a t each s ite on a smaller t otal o f amphorae.
Of c ourse,
the r eal possibility exists
a t a ny one
s ite may be t he r esult of more
t hat t he
a mphorae r epresented
t han o ne
c argo.
H owever,
t he
numbers of amphorae d ealt with here a re r elatively s mall a nd s o a re possibly l ess
l ikely t o
r epresent a r egular trade t o t he
s ites men-
t ioned .
D ressel 2 -4 Twenty-nine
samples o f Dressel
s ubmitted f or a nalysis. s hown to have
Of t hese,
a n I talian origin.
2 -4 a mphorae
f ourteen c an Dressel
f rom S heepen were
a lmost c ertainly be
2 -4 a mphorae were made i n
t hose s ame I talian r egions a s D ressel 1 a nd f it i nto P eacock's broad fabric groups e stablished f or t he
l atter f orm
( 1971).
t hree
I n s ome
cases t he new Dressel
2 -4 t ype c an be s hown t o be t he d irect s uccessor
o n I talian kiln s ites
t o t he earlier D ressel 1 f orms
This
c learly s hows t hat t he a doption o f t he n ewer
( Peacock 1 977a ).
' Koan-type'
not necessarily mean a c hange o f l ocation f or i ts production. t his
r eason those v essels
t o s ee if t he number o f postulated s ources d iffers
f rom t hose r esults
I talian Dressel Fabric 1 No.
d iffer-
f undamentally
l isted a bove f or t he D ressel 1 s eries.
2 -4
6
T hin s ectioning s hows 0 .20 mm a nd below i n s ize, together with
For
f rom Sheepen which f all i nto Peacock's Fabric
1 grouping have again been subdivided o n t he basis o f t extural e nces,
f orm d id
a groundmass o f s ubangular quartz grains
with a s catter o f s lightly l arger grains,
f lecks of m ica,
l imestone a nd volcanic r ock,
potash f elspar,
a l ittle c ryptocrystalline
s et i n d ark r eddish-brown a nisotropic
baked c lay matrix .
Fabric
2 Nos
9 ,
1 3,
1 4,
1 6,
Thin s ectioning s hows s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .60 mm, c lase
1 7 a nd 1 8 f requent s ubangular quartz grains,
with f lecks of m ica,
f elspar a nd volcanic r ock,
pyroxene,
average
potash a nd p lagio-
s et i n a greyish-brown a nisotropic
baked c lay matrix.
Fabric
3 No.
1 5
Thin s ectioning s hows
a f airly c lean c lay matrix c ontaining a
1 58
s catter of subangular quartz grains, f lecks of mica, r ock,
potash
f elspar,
a verage s ize 0 .10 mm - 0 .80 mm,
pyroxene,
r ed i ron ore a nd volcanic
s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 4 No.
1 2
Thin s ectioning shows s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .20 mm, a nd v olcanic r ock,
f requent subangular quartz grains,
a nd f lecks o f mica,
a verage
t ogether with potash f elspar
s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay
matrix .
Fabric
5 No.
7
Thin s ectioning shows a s catter o f subangular quartz grains, average s ize 0 .20 mm - 0 .40 mm, i ron ore,
f lecks of mica,
phyllite a nd volcanic r ock,
s et
potash f elspar,
r ed
i n a greyish-brown a niso-
t ropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 6 No.
1 1
Thin s ectioning s hows f requent subangular quartz grains ranging i n s ize f rom 0 . 05 mm - 1 mm,
f lecks of m ica,
r ock a nd a f ew l imestone voids, r im ,
potash f elspar,
v olcanic
normally with a hazy white r eaction
s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric
7 No .
1 0
Thin s ectioning shows
a groundmass of numerous subangular quartz
grains,
0 .20 mm a nd u nder i n s ize,
grains,
pyroxene,
s andstone
f lecks of m ica,
a nd volcanic r ock,
w ith a s catter of s lightly l arger amphibole,
potash
f elspar,
s ome
s et i n a dark brown a nisotropic baked
c lay matrix.
P eacock's
( 1971)
Fabric 2 Nos
' Black sand '
These
r esults
s uggest t hat t he t welve
i nto s even f abric groups. I talian Dressel
2 -4
' black s and'
p etrological Tumulus I ron Age
( 1971)
r esults
I talian D ressel 2 -4 s amples
Fabric 1 c an b e
Eight f abric groups
further
t wo s amples
Taken with t he
from H engistbury H ead, this would s eem t o
s ubdivided
a ltogether f or t he
a t S heepen taking i nto a ccount t he
of Peacock's Fabric 2 .
a nd Sheepen,
a rea of Campania,
a nd 2 6
fabric.
which fall i nto P eacock's
t he
2 4
D anebury,
i ndicate
i n
Dressel 1
t he L exden
t hat n o o ne particular
Latium a nd Etruria d ominated t he e xport market t o
a nd early R oman Britain o f t he w ine
Furthermore,
t he evidence a lso s uggests
many s ources
f or Dressel
1 a s
d istributed Dressel
2 -4.
f urther t he
1 a nd 2 -4
Dressel
t here w ere
Work i s
a mphorae Dressel
f or t he
l ater,
c urrently i n progress
f abrics
1 59
1 a nd 2 -4.
t hat t here may have b een
t hat were
a s
more widely t o e xamine
r eaching Britain.
D ressel
2 -4 of Catalan origin
T wo body s herds
( nos
2 9
a nd
3 0 )
Thin s ectioning s hows numerous i nclusions of quartz both plagioclase a nd potash, granite,
s et i n a dark r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
T he s herds hard, w ith
a re v ery d istinctive i n t he hand-specimen,
r ough dark r ed t o r eddish-brown f abric l arge white grains of quartz
T hese
p oints b lancs
a re t he
2 -4 amphorae fabric i s
( Munsell
a mphorae k ilns
of Tchernia a nd Z evi
( o p . c it .;
amphorae probably held wine, f rom was praised by Martial
R im
1 0R .4/4 t o 4 /6 ),
( 1972).
T his D ressel
c haracteristic of t he Catalan r egion of S pain,
are known
t hat of Campania
a nd a re i n a
a nd f elspar s cattered t hroughout.
i n particular t he granitic r egion a round Barcelona,
Dressel
a nd f elspar,
a l ittle m ica a nd small f ragments of
where a number o f
Pascual Guasch 1 977).
These
a s t he Layetania area where t hey c ome a s having a quality o f wine
s econd o nly t o
( Epigrams 1 3.118 ).
2 -4 of possible Baetican origin
( no.
3 5)
a nd s pike
( no.
I n t hin s ection these
3 7 ) s amples are s imilar i n c omposition a nd
t exture to t he Camulodunum 1 85a handle below
( no.
3 6 )
a nd to D ressel
20 amphora which c ome f rom t he a rea of t he Guadalquivir R iver & Peacock 1 983).
T he main i nclusions
quartzite a nd f elspar, mica-schist .
Baetican origin,
Dressel
together with a l ittle
I n v iew of t he
s andstone,
c hert a nd
fabric s imilarities with amphorae of k nown
a s ource i n Baetica a ppears
l ikely f or t hese v essels.
2 -4 of i ndeterminate o rigin
All of t he c ommon minerals
s amples
l isted below c ontain l ittle
a s grains of quartz
i nclusions
i n pottery,
cal origins on t his
e lse e xcept s uch
a nd f lecks o f m ica,
t he odd piece of f elspar a nd l imestone.
t o be
i t i s n ot possible
i nformation a lone.
t ogether w ith
D ue t o t he u biquity o f t hese t o be s pecific a bout g eologi-
T exturally,
t here would a ppear
c onsiderable variety a mongst t hose D ressel 2 -4 t ypes with c ommon
i nclusions,
s uggesting t hat s everal d ifferent c lay s ources were u sed,
a nd implying t hat t hese v essels were made i n s everal d ifferent a nd unlikely t o be t he products t his
( Williams
c onsist of l arge grains of quartz,
l ocations
f rom a s ingle production c entre.
F or
r eason a number of fabric groupings have been made based o n a
t extural
Fabric
a nalysis of t he s amples.
3
Part handle
( no.
3 8 )
a nd s pike
Thin s ectioning s hows l imestone,
3 9)
a s catter of subangular quartz grains,
average s ize 0 . 10 mm - 0 .40 mm, c rystalline
( no.
s ome
f lecks of m ica a nd a l ittle
s et i n a dark brown a nisotropic baked c lay
matrix.
1 60
c rypto-
Fabric 4 Body s herd/part handle
( no.
40 )
T hin s ectioning s hows s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .20 mm, a l ittle plagioclase
f requent subangular quartz grains,
a verage
w ith a s catter of s lightly l arger grains,
f elspar a nd f lecks of m ica,
a nd
s et i n a dark brown
a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 5 R im
( no.
4 1 )
Thin s ectioning s hows numerous s ize 0 . 05 mm - 0 .10 mm, sandstone
s ubangular quartz grains,
a verage
with a s catter of s lightly l arger grains,
a nd f lecks of m ica,
s et i n a dark b rown
a l ittle
a nisotropic baked
c lay matrix.
Fa bric 6 R im
( no.
4 2)
T hin s ectioning s hows of mica,
f ragments of mica-schist,
s ome f elspar a nd a l ittle quartz,
p lentiful
f lecks
s et i n a dark brown a niso-
t ropic baked c lay matrix.
Fa bric 7 S pike
( no.
4 3)
Thin s ectioning s hows u p to 1 mm i n s ize,
a l ittle
i ll-sorted subangular quartz grains ranging f elspar a nd f lecks o f m ica,
s et i n a
greyish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 8 Handle
( no .
4 4 )
a nd s pike
( no.
4 5 )
Thin s ectioning s hows plentiful f lecks o f mica, c lase
f elspar,
c hert a nd a s catter of quartz,
a l ittle plagio-
s et i n a r eddish-brown
a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 9 Handle
( no.
4 6 )
ectioning s hows a groundmass o f s ilt-sized quartz grains Thin s catter of l arger grains o f quartz a nd a nd f lecks of mica, with a s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix. quartzite, s •
1 61
Fabric 1 0 Spike
( no.
4 7)
T hin s ectioning s hows 0 .10 mm - 0 .50 mm,
f requent grains o f quartz i n t he
a l ittle c hert a nd f lecks of mica,
s ize-range
s et i n a greyish-
brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
Fabric 1 1 R im a nd handle
( no.
4 8 )
Thin s ectioning s hows
a groundmass of s ilt-sized quartz grains,
with a f ew s lightly l arger grains,
a nd plentiful f lecks of m ica,
s et
i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix.
C omments Of t he twenty-nine s herds of D ressel 2 -4 sampled, be a ttributed to a n I talian origin, f rom Baetica a nd e leven a re
t wo
f rom u nknown s ources.
s herds are r epresentative of t he
f ourteen c an
a re f rom C atalonia,
t wo p ossibly
I f these Dressel
t otal S heepen v essels o f t his
during t he period AD 4 3-60/61,
t hen we
c an s ee t hat
Dressel
2 -4 wine a mphorae r eaching t he s ite were being i mported f rom
I taly.
M oreover,
possible
a bout half t he
i t would a ppear t hat t he v intages were being drawn
f rom a variety of e states a nd Etruria.
2 -4
f orm,
The
t otal
t hat s ome
i n t he wine growing a reas of Campania,
I talian i mport may e ven be higher,
a s
Latium
i t i s
I talian v essels a re i ncluded i n the i ndeterminate
c ategory,
perhaps c oming f rom the n on-volcanic a reas of s outhern I taly
( cf.
1 966 ).
Z evi
I t i s
i nteresting t o c ompare t hese r esults w ith s elective t hin
s ectioning of the t en Dressel dated t o t he
2 -4 amphorae f rom t he L exden Tumulus,
l ast years o f t he f irst c entury BC
( Peacock 1 971),
w hich
• suggests t hat a t t his date t he f orm was probably exclusively imported f rom I taly.
This i s not t o say t hat during t he l ast years of t he
f irst c entury BC a nd early years o f t he f irst c entury AD I taly was t he s ole supplier of wine t o Late I ron Age Britain.
T he presence i n
Britain a t t his t ime of R hodian a mphora f rom t he e astern A egean a nd Dressel
1 - Pascual
Italian wine was suggest,
however,
1 from Catalonia
( Williams
a lso r eaching t he c ountry.
1 981),
s hows t hat n on-
The Sheepen r esults d o
t hat by t he m iddle years o f t he f irst c entury AD i n-
r oads were being made i nto t he I talian D ressel 2 -4 trade, by Spain,
a nd t hat a s well a s
f ish products
from Baetica,
particularly
r eceiving t he traditional o live-oil a nd
Britain was
a lso importing D ressel 2 -4 w ine
amphorae f rom t hat province.
R hodian s tyle a mphorae A number of R hodian s tyle amphorae h ave been t hin s ectioned a nd a llocated t o P eacock's out t hat u nlike
( 1977b)
t he Dressel
f abric d ivisions.
2 -4 t ypes,
1 62
I t i s worth pointing
based on t he Koan f orm but made
a t a variety of places i n Britain
( Castle
a round the western M editerranean a rea a nd e ven
1 978 ),
t he
R hodian s tyle
t o have been c opied i n t he West, r epresents
o f a mphora d oes n ot
a ppear
a nd s o t he d istribution of t his
f orm
importation f rom t he eastern A egean.
Fabric 1 Four r ims s herd
( nos
( no.
5 5,
5 6,
5 8 a nd 6 0 ),
one handle
( no.
5 7)
I n t hin s ection a ll t he samples r ed a nd brown grains of s erpentine
c an b e s een t o
c ontain f requent
a nd a l ittle quartz a nd l imestone,
s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix. s uggests Peacock's
Fabric
a nd a body
5 9)
( 1977b)
Fabric 1 ,
The mineralogy
with a n origin i n Rhodes i tself.
3
Two handles
( nos
6 6 a nd 6 7)
a nd one
Thin s ectioning r eveals a nd s ome potash f elspar, c lay matrix. Fabric 3 , t han i s
All t hree
with
u sual
s pike
l ittle
( no.
6 8 )
e lse but grains of quartz,
m ica
s et i n a dark r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked samples probably belong
a n A egean origin,
t o Peacock's
( 1977b )
a lthough t hey a ppear s lightly s andier
f or t his group.
Fabric 7 O ne handle
( no.
6 9)
a nd one
r im
( no.
I n t hin s ection both samples phyllite,
7 0 )
c ontain frequent s mall f ragments o f
a s catter of f ine quartz a nd a l ittle mica,
r eddish-brown a nisotropic baked c lay matrix. d escribed i n Peacock's
( 1977b )
This
s ix R hodian s tyle
these two s herds have been d esignated Fabric 7 . i s
i ndicated by the presence o f phyllite i n t he
A egean area i s a t t his
c omposed of m etamorphic d eposits
s et in a l ight
c omposition i s not
fabric groups,
a nd s o
A m etamorphic origin c lay,
but much o f t he
a nd i t i s not possible
stage t o be more precise a bout l ikely s ource a reas.
Comments The majority of Rhodian a re i n Peacock's Fabric
1 ,
S tyle sherds examined
which he suggests
early military s ites i n Britain
( 1977B).
( six o f t he
The S heepen s ite was
c ally c ivilian but with a s trong military c onnection, explain the l arge percentage of Fabric 1 . of Fabrics
3 a nd 7 may possibly r eflect t he
1 63
e leven)
i s particularly c ommon on t echni-
which might
The presence o f
f ive s amples
c ivilian e lement
a t S heepen.
P robable D ressel 2 8 Two handles 1 32
a nd 1 33).
Dressel
( nos
1 30 a nd 1 35 )
a nd f ive bases
2 8 a nd P glichet 4 7,
i t
s imilarities of t ype.
l ogy i s not a ltogether helpful i n t his matter, t o have been made
i n s outhern France,
( Tchernia & Villa 1 977), i n Spain i n Tarraconensis 1 982)
I n t his D ressel
a t V elaux,
1 981).
1 30,
1 31,
T he p etro-
2 8 a re k nown
Bouches-du-Rhöne
D ressel
( Tchernia 1 971a;
a nd possibly Baetica
a lso Parker & Price
a s Dressel
i n a n area where P glichet 4 7
( Laubenheimer e t a l .
have been made
1 29,
amphorae f orms
c an often be d ifficult t o d ecide t o
which f orm a s herd belongs d ue t o t he
& J ones
( nos
When d ealing with non-rim s herds of t he
i s a lso known t o
2 8 was
a lso made
T chernia & V illa 1 977;
( Coils e t a l .
1 977;
K eay
a lthough s ee
1 981).
c ase i t was
d ecided t o a llocate t he material t o t he
2 8 f orm because of t he l arge s ize o f t he f lat-bottomed bases,
which gave t he a ppearance of being wider t han t hose n ormally a ssociated with t he Pglichet 4 7 f orm. plentiful f lecks of mica, morphic r ock,
while no.
I n t hin s ection s amples a l ittle quartz
1 32
1 29-133 a ll
a lso has s ome
l imestone.
This
i s s imilar to s ections of P glichet 4 7 t he writer has made possible that samples 1 35 s hows
1 29-133 a ll
f elspar,
amphibole
c omposition a nd s o i t i s
from s outhern France.
a d ifferent c omposition to t he l atter,
subangular grains of quartz, c lase
c ome
Sample
c ontaining f requent
average s ize 0 .10 mm - 0 .30 mm,
a nd f lecks
c ontain
a nd s mall f ragments o f meta-
s ome
p lagio-
of mica.
C amulodunum 1 85a/Haltern 7 0 Handle
( no.
3 6)
a nd body s herd
Both s herds 7 0 .
This
f rom t he a mphora t ype Camulodunum 1 85a Haltern
( Peacock
1 971). t o
s imilarity i n fabric
T hin s ectioning of both s herds s howed a c ompo-
t hat f ound i n D ressel
namely l arge grains of quartz,
sandstone,
c hert a nd m ica-schist.
sample no.
3 6 confirms
with previous
t he
2 0 suggesting a s ource i n t he r egion of t he Guadalquivir
s ition identical 1 983),
7 7)
f orm has i ts origin i n Baetica,
with Dressel R iver
a re
( no.
2 0
Williams
& P eacock
a nd f elspar,
w ith s ome
A h eavy m ineral s eparation o n
t he s imilarity of fabric with Dressel
a nalysis of Camulodunum 1 85a
f or it produced a suite of m inerals Amphorae of the
( cf.
quartzite
( cf .
P eacock 1 971,
r ich i n garnet
( Table
f orm Camulodunum 1 85a/Haltern
V endres B s hipwreck c arry i nscriptions
2 0 a nd table
2 6 n o.
1 ),
1 ).
7 0 f rom t he P ort-
d escribing t he
c ontents a s
d efrutum , a sweet l iquid o btained by boiling d own the must a / . 1 977; Parker & Price, 1 981).
( Coils
e t
B ettren 1 /Camulodunum 1 85b Three r ims a nd handles patt handle a nd s pike The
f our r ims
( nos ( no.
3 1,
3 3 a nd 103 ),
one
r im
( no.
3 2)
a nd o ne
3 4).
i n t his group s eem t o
1 64
f all mid-way between t he
s u -r e .xf )
• oN
a q uoaneqs
a To T rqd luv
a q . -r sniEl puv
q . auaes
1
C \ I
e q -TZed ‘ i
0 C V
e
p l.
I A
L f )
d
C V
O D
O D
— 1
( N
r ;
O D
I A
( 5 )
L c ) H
L t ) r i
N r n
( Sheepen 1 03)
10 0 .X T Z
C O f n
( 4 1 a ) c z
U
o z
— 1
1 85b/Belträn
4
g Ug
1 65
g • H N 1
a l >
0 N
a ) 4 . 1 o c l
Heavy Mineral
a r rgnu
N
N C V
7 8 )
G uTr e lax no t ' ,
L C I
( Sheepen
e qopTda
1 85a/Haltern
paqunoo
s outhern Spanish f ish-produce a mphorae B elträn I a nd Camulodunum 1 85b. T he
f abric i s v ery s imilar f or a ll t he
s lightly gritty treat
t hem a ll under o ne h eading. f lecks
of m ica,
baked c lay matrix. s uite
group,
s oft,
w ith a s catter o f s lightly
i ncluding quite
c hert a nd occasional m ica-schist,
i n t his
a nd i t i s probably b est t o
I n t hin s ection t hey a ll c ontain a
groundmass o f s ilt-sized quartz grains, l arger grains,
s herds
a nd r eddish-buff i n c olour,
l arge grains,
s andstone,
s et i n a r eddish-brown a nisotropic
A h eavy m ineral s eparation of n o.
c omparatively r ich i n e pidote
( Table 2 6 no.
1 03 produced a
2 ), and recalled the
heavy m ineral r esidue o btained f rom t he Camulodunum t ype s pecimen f or w hich a n origin i n t he Cadiz ( Peacock
1 971,
1 85b,
a rea was t entatively suggested
table 1 ).
H altern 7 0 v ariant R im
( no.
7 8 )
A t hin s ection a nd h eavy mineral s eparation
( Table
2 6 n o.
3 )
pro-
duced c ompositions not greatly d issimilar t o t he B elträn 1 /Camulodunum 1 85b group a bove.
A southern Spanish origin a ppears l ikely.
U nassigned s herds Two body s herds I t i s
( nos
4 9
a nd 1 34 )
d ifficult t o t ell from hand-specimen s tudy a nd petrology
t o which amphorae f orms
t hese
t wo body s herds belong.
A cknowledgements I am grateful t o Dr David Peacock f or a llowing m e t o s tudy t hin -s ection
Prof .
s lides
f rom H engistbury H ead a nd t he L exden Tumulus a nd t o
Barry Cunliffe
f or providing material
f rom D anebury.
D r D avid
Peacock a lso k indly c ommented o n a n earlier draft o f t he t ext .
1 66
A PPENDIX .
T his
5 55 AMPHORAS
a ppendix i s a s ynopsis of current r esearch by M .L .
( National Maritime Museum ), Museum )
LONDON
a nd D r P .A .
full e lsewhere.
T yers
D r P . R.
S ealey
( Museum of L ondon )
has been made e lsewhere 1 2.9
i n this
( Wheeler 1 930,
A L ondon 5 55 Fitzpatrick has
p 1.55 no.5,
f rom Soissons drawn t o our a ttention by A .P.
d efrutum .
& Massy 1 980 ).
Thames Estuary a t Pan Sand olive stones.
I t i s
c ontents
said t o be Haltern
a s
7 0 but
I n 1 983 a s pecimen was r ecovered f rom t he ( Dean
1 984,
7 8 ).
I nside w ere s ome
Analysis of t he i nternal r esidues by M .D .
6 000
Card a nd J .
a t t he North East L ondon Polytechnic has d etected what we believe
are vestiges o f example
d efrutum .
A f aint a nd incomplete i nscription on a n
f rom L ondon s uggests i t may have been bottled with G emellan
( Wright
1 965,
1 43).
c onfident t he v essel s hould now be d escribed a s L ondon 5 55
( Lequgment
wine
R eference t o t hese vessels
a painted i nscription that s pecifies i ts
black o lives preserved i n
Evans
5 55.
r eport a nd t hat justifies t his brief
T he t ype s pecimen i s a jar f rom L ondon w ith a capacity o f
l itres
we are
t hat will be published i n
A new category of Roman a mphora has been identified
which we have d ecided t o c all L ondon a ppendix .
D ean
( Colchester a nd E ssex
1 951,
20 n .3,
1 44 no.7;
Brailsford 1 964,
3 6,
p1.5 no.20;
Callender
p 1.2a ).
Enough s tratified examples of t he f orm a re known to u s Britain t o be a ble to tr ce i ts h istory f rom t he
f rom
f ifties AD u ntil C .
AD
1 25. There Baetica .
i s d ecisive evidence t hat L ondon
Some have
a fabric t hat i s
5 55 amphoras
f rom t hat familiar t o u s f rom Haltern 7 0 a nd D ressel graphy of t he L ondon i nscription i s t he
2 0 .
i nscription i s positioned
L ondon 5 55 amphoras d o not 1 970 excavations at S heepen,
f rom
The palaeo-
unmistakably Baetican.
l ight surface preparation t hat had been painted on t he
where t he
came
i ndistinguishable by t ouch a nd e ye S o t oo i s s ame
( Rodriguez A lmeida 1 972,
f eature i n t he
but t here a re s ome
a ssemblage
amphora
1 29).
f rom t he
among t he extant s herds
f rom t he 1 930-39 excavations. So l ike Haltern 7 0, t he contents of both f orms Analogy with Haltern
L ondon
d efrutum .
t he d ecade when L ondon 5 55 makes
i ts
t hat i t d evelops from Haltprn
gression.
We
a l-o Baetican a nd we k now t hat
d efrutum syrup.
7 0 s uggests t hat L ondon 5 55 must a lso have been
bottled with u naccompanied minds
5 55 i s
i ncluded olives preserved i n
c an now s ee that t he
We
l ose s ight o f Haltern
7 0 i n
d ebut a nd t here i s no d oubt i n our 7 0 by a r egular t ypological pro-
t rade
r epresented by Haltern
7 0 d id
not e nd under C laudius but c ontinued f or a nother s eventy-five years
1 67
i n
a nother c ategory of amphora .
1 68
B IBLIOGRAPHY
Allen,
D .F.
1 944
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D . F.
1 975
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D .F.
1 976
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M .A .
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York 1 958
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Paris
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1 846
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M .
1 976
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d ' amphore D ressel 5 ,
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( Collection d e
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1 980
Ebro a f inales d e
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I mperio r omano'.
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F .
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1 960
' Nouvelles epaves d e Provence
1 961
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G a/Zia,
( II)'
4 1-56
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1 962
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( Gallia
Paris
' Nouvelles e paves d e Provence
G allia ,
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1 968
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1 946-1967' Bertucchi,
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1 983
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P . T.
.
T he L egionary B ath-House a nd B asilica a nd
1 979
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Bläzquez,
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Exeter
L a V igne d ans l 'Antiquitg
1 913
E conomia d e / a H ispana R omana
1 978 1 980
Lyons
' Heinrich Dressel'.
I n J .M .
B ilbao
B läzquez Martinez
( ed .)
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G .E.
1 901
a lfercrias
R evista d e A 2 -chivos, B ibliotecas y M useos,
r omanas'
G .E.
T he A rchaeological E xpedition a long t he
1 931
G uadalquivir 1 889-1901 Boon,
G . C.
1 975
New York
' Segontium 5 0 years o n:
I ,
a R oman s tave of
l archwood a nd other u npublished f inds,
mainly of organic materials,
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A rchaeol C ambrensis,
1 24, Bowman,
5 2-67
A .K .
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8 27 -5 7
5 , Bonsor,
' Los pueblos
R .
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& Thomas,
& Fevrier,
d e Frejus
P .-A .
( Van )'.
1 971
' Epave r omaine
ä V illepey prbs
I n A tti d e I II C ongresso I nternazionale d i
A rcheologia S ottomarina .
B arcelona 1 961,
1 70
1 59 -6 6.
Bordighera
Branigan,
K .
R oman B ritain : L ife i n a n I mperial P rovince
1 980
L ondon Brentchaloff, potiers 1 3,
D .
1 980
D .
& L equement,
' Timbres amphoriques d e 2 21-31
U bbergen ' o res
L eiden
& Schoene,
f ictilibus 1 ,
1 979
2 f or 1 978,
L es O bjets A ntiques D gcouverts
1 931
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N im gue E .
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A rchaeonautica ,
Frejus'
Brizio,
U ne officine d e
R evue A rchgologique d e N arbonnaise,
7 3-114
Brentchaloff,
Breuer,
' L ' Atelier d e Pauvadou.
f laviens a Frejus'
R .
1 872
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i nscriptos Pompeiis
E phemeris E pigraphica,
r eperto'
1 60-81
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T .R .S.
1 938
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T .R .S.
1 974
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l 'Ile-Ronde a Vaires-sur-Marne
( ed .)
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M .H.
1 4
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R oman A mphorae w ith I ndex o f S tamps
1 965
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A .
1 980
v igneto e la v illa d el
Settefinestre nel Cosano:
un caso d i produzione
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I n J .H.
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& E . C.
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Rome Carraze,
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1 975
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d iArchgologie S ubaquatique, Castle, 9 , C harlin,
S .A .
1 978
C ahiers
"Grand R ibaud A "' 4 ,
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1 9 -5 8 f rom Brockley H ill'
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3 83-92 G .
e t a l .
Cavaliere
1 979
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a ntique d e
l a baie d e
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Var )'
9 -93 Chic Garcia,
G .
1 980
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encontrada e n l a Punta d e l a Nao
. d e C adiz,
1 ,
3 7-42
1 71
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d e uvas
B oletin d el M useo
C lark Maxwell, Baetis, C lavel,
W . G.
1 889
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A rchaeol J ,
between C ordoba a nd S eville'
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5 6,
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1 970
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1 981
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JR oman S tud ,
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1 978
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a mphore ä grenat j aune du
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1 02,
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P . J.
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Crummy,
R eports, Cunliffe,
B .W.
S ite
No.3 )
C olchester
E xcavations a t F ishbourne 1 961 -1 969 .
1 971a
Antiquaries of L ondon, Cunliffe,
B .W.
F inds
No.26 )
L ondon
E xcavations a t F ishbourne 1 961 -1 969 .
1 971b
T he
( Reports of t he R esearch C ommittee of t he S ociety o f
Antiquaries of London, Darling,
T he
( Reports of t he R esearch C ommittee of t he S ociety o f
M .J.
1 977
No.27)
London
A G roup o f L ate R oman P ottery f rom L incoln
( Lincoln Archaeological Trust,
M onograph S eries,
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L incoln Davies,
R .W.
1 971
' The R oman m ilitary d iet'
1 22-42
1 72
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1 932
C lassical S tudies, D ean,
M .L .
1 984
1 65 -208
3 ,
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Bird e t a / .
( eds )
late 2 nd c entury pit F 28
S outhwark E xcavations
( London a nd Middlesex Archaeological Society
Archaeological
Society,
Joint Publication No.1 ),
& Surrey
4 11-3.
London
Williams,
D .
1 977
' A consideration of the
sub-fossil
r emains
V itis v inifera L . a s evidence for viticulture i n Roman Britain' B ritannia , 8 , 3 27-34 of
Williams,
D . F.
1 981
Age Britain'.
' The Roman amphora trade with
I n H .
Howard & E . L.
D istribution: a C eramic V iewpoint Reports, Williams,
I nternational Series,
D .F .
1 983a
amphorae: Cedac ), Williams,
D . F.
S oc , 49, D .F .
Partridge
D . F.
1 23-32.
Oxford
c ertain Byzantine
I n C olloque s ur l a C arthage 2 3rd-24th J une 1 980 ( Dossier I
1 983b
a s
to origins'.
' Report on t he
a t Dorton,
amphorae'.
Buckinghamshire'
I n M .E.
Farley
P roc P rehist
2 91 & Peacock,
D .P.S.
' Excavations
H erts A rchaeol, Williams,
Iron
9 9-110.
' A mirror burial
Williams,
l ate
P roduction a nd
( British Archaeological
No.120 ),
' The petrology of
s ome suggestions
C gramique A ntique .
( eds)
Morris
7 f or 1 979,
& Peacock,
1 980
at Puckeridge
amphorae'.
I n
C .R .
1 13-5
D .P.S.
olive-oil into Iron Age
' The
a nd Braughing 1 975-79'
1 983
' The
a nd Roman Britain'.
importation of I n J .M .
Bläzquez
( eds) P roduccion y C omercio d el A ceite e n l a A ntigUedad : S egundo C ongreso I nternacional ( Sevilla, Martinez
& J .
R emesal Rodriguez
2 4-28 F ebrero 1 982 ),
263-80 .
Madrid
187
Wilson,
M . G.
1 984
' The other pottery'.
V erulamium E xcavations V ol . Archaeology, Wright,
R .P.
Yadin,
Y .
A .
F .
F .
201-66.
f or
Oxford I I.
I nscriptions'
M asada : H erod's F ortress a nd t he Z ealots' L ast
London
S torage J ars i n A ncient S ea T rade
1 978
1 966
C lassica , Zevi,
Frere
1 40-5
printing r evised ) Z evi,
I n S .S.
( Oxford U niversity Committee
' Roman Britain i n 1 950 .
41,
1 966
S tand Z emer,
Monograph No.1),
1 951
JR oman S tud ,
I II
1 8,
1 967
( second
Haifa
' Appunti
sulle
A rchaeologia
a nfore r omane'
208-47
R eview of M .H.
w ith I ndex o f S tamps London.
Callender 1 965 R oman A mphorae In J R oman S tud ,
188
5 7,
2 34-8
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This
r eport r epresents
r esearch on t he
t he Colchester a nd Essex Museum .
r eserve
Work on t his
c ollections of
scale would have been
i nconceivable without a curator with a belief i n museum scholarship and so the writer takes pleasure Clarke.
Parts
of t he text have
3 2-33 of my doctoral t hesis. Bristol was Dr A .J. his
express my gratitude researches. many
Its
Parker .
inspired t eaching ;
in r ecording his drawn heavily on
t o D . 1 -7,
T .-D . 2 4
a nd
supervisor at t he University of
My interest in Roman amphoras
it i s
impossible to f ind words
f or t he years
d erives
Frere
a nd B .H.
Warmington for the
they delivered when examinining the thesis.
I take this opportunity t o
r ecord my belated thanks
Williams
the
publication of t he amphoras
r eport i tself owes a massive d ebt t o Dr
his
Peacock.
thesis years.
t o M .A .
for her l ove a nd support i n D .P.S.
My gratitude i s
The preparation a nd
a lso extended t o Dr D . F.
investigation of t he petrology of t he amphoras.
from t hem both in the c ourse of our meetings Southampton.
Professor C . F. C.
Hawkes has
l ength over the tangled problems Hassall kindly made ions
from Rome
f rom
adequate to
of tuition he i nvested i n my
I thank Professor S .S.
c onstructive c omments
t hanks c hapters
Williams
I have
f or
l earnt much
a t t he University of
c orresponded with me
of chronology at Sheepen.
a t
M .W.C.
a vailable the unpublished index of amphora inscript-
a nd Pompeii
c ompiled by I .
Marriott.
F . H.
Thompson of
the Society of Antiquaries graciously gave permission f or me to r eproduce drawings
of amphoras
Roman Colchester . D istrict t o
D .A .
from Research Reports on Camulodunum and
Wilde devoted part of her holiday in the
t he c ompletion of t he general
from the Colchester C ounty High sorting of the
amphoras
Beales,
Mullins
C .B. C.
Dobie.
School helped with t he preliminary
a nd C . A.
The writer a ssumes
Wright.
the photographs, Holby.
It i s
with
t he graceful has been Binks, A . J.
Fawn,
Heath, G .D .
P . V.
Marsh,
Dr R .P.
in this
( Cambridge)
a nd e legant Butcher,
A .P.
Symonds,
C .M .
Pole, H .S.
Thorn,
Arthur,
C .J.
Johns,
F .E.J. Toller,
S . M.
report.
A .F.
2 which i s
H .
A . L.
Bacon,
the work of C .
P .M .
M . L.
Going,
Dr S .J.
Greep,
Dr P .A .
189
V .
Tyers
S .
t ext i nto
Generous advice
Davies,
Johnson,
i n the
Waites of Type-Rite
G .M .R .
Richardson,
Hooper a nd
Colchester produced
who translated my original
Clarke,
K . L.
a re the
f or a ny i neptitudes
t ypescript published here.
Fitzpatrick,
Irving, L .M .
A .J.
J . C.
t o report t hat i t was A .M .
f orthcoming from P .R .
S .A .
Gardiner:
t he exception of pl.
a pleasure
Secretarial Services
The i llustrations
responsibility
mounting of the i llustrations
Lake
Three young ladies
a s part of a Community S ervice Scheme:
work of a team d irected by F .J.H. J .
i ndex.
Jordain,
R igby, a nd S .M .
Barford,
D ean,
L .
J .
P . R. Hall,
F .D . Ring,
Wade.
G . Drury, J .J.
Lockwood, C .
Saunders,
G ENERAL I NDEX
Amphoras
t o which s pecific
not been i ncluded i n t he g eneral
c hapters a re a llocated i n Part I have i ndex.
a cetum 45, 49 a ger B ruttius 1 37 -8 a ger C osanus 1 26 a ger F alernus 23 -4 , 1 33 a ger T rifölinus 41 a ger V eientanus 41 Albinia
a iec
Gauloise 5 Haltern
4 1,
4 7,
8 2
d efinition
1 -2,
1 ,
m easurement of f orm
1 1,
5 55
5 9,
Brindisi
1 1,
2 7,
1 26,
1 14,
1 46,
1 14
O stia L
9 5
1 3,
2 2,
2 5
1 21,
1 23,
1 0,
9 5-7,
1 39,
1 47
1 23
Cam 1 85b
1 14,
6 1,
1 43
A ntibes
5 1,
Dressel
1 4
3 7,
Dressel
1 9
6 9
Dressel
2 1-22
1 21,
1 45,
1 47
1 22-3 1 50
9 1-3,
1 21
8 3
a pples
9 2
a rmour
P .R .
9 1,
D ressel 2 3
7 4
2 6
1 21,
Dressel
3 0
9 5
Barford,
P . M.
Dressel
3 5
1 21
barrels
1 26
3 8-39
Dressel
4 3
1 33
7 5
D ressel
Dressel
2 5
1 45
Arthur, Autun
1 44-5
1 21
8 3
Apicius
Archipel d e R iou
102,
5 1 1 21,
Tripolitanian I I
3 3
1 2-13
4 8
Tripolitanian I
1 64-6
1 21
1 21
Schoene-Mau XXXVI
1 19
D ressel
4 5,
4 7,
S choene-Mau X II
1 28-30 1 39-40,
Aylesford-Swarling pottery 1 45,
1 47
1 07
7 7
1 43,
1 06,
Belgic pottery
5 1
Benios
Dressel-Pascual 1
3 7,
102,
1 49-50,
1 19,
9 1
Schoene-Mau V II Schoene-Mau X
1 44,
1 15,
1 64
1 50
Cadiz ovoids
1 38-9,
9 5
Schoene-Mau V III
1 21,
1 23
1 23
9 5-7
Pglichet 4 7
1 54
1 21,
6 8
S choene-Mau I V 8 0,
Brockley H ill
Dressel 6
1 21,
8 3
1 48-50,
3 7,
5
6 1,
Longarina 3 Oberaden
1
Belträn IV
1 21,
2 5,
6 4-5,
Longarina 2
4
1 49-50
Cam 188
2 1-2,
Pauvadou
1 29,
Belträn I II
Dressel
Lamboglia 4
Nijmegen 1 32b 2 ,
1
s econdary u se 105-8,
9
9
history of study
1 43,
1 47
1 67-8
c lassification
s ynonym
8 8-90
Lamboglia 2
L ondon
amphoras
5 8,
2 7
6 8
1 36-40
6 2
plural
7 1
Kingsholm 1 17
2 4
Amiens
9 6
Graeco-Italian
1 14
blacksmiths
1 53,
Boudica
1 62
brass
1 91
1 03,
1 49 5 , 7
1 03 8 -9,
4 7
1 45 1 07
1 03,
Brockley H ill bronze Butcher,
6 2,
c adus
1 ,
8 2,
1 39-40,
F oster,
1 66
c aroenum
2 5,
Carthage
4 4-5,
9 2,
6 3 2 ,
108,
c herries c lams
1 23, 1 26,
4 3,
4 5,
4 8,
1 47
9 2
1 06 8 1-2,
4 1,
Genii 1 50
4 7,
R oman
1 3,
7 5,
C olchester
1 04,
1 19, 7 -8,
1 29-30,
1 08
1 40, 8 9,
1 35-6, 5 1
i nsula i nsula
4 7
XXVIII
C orneilhan
1 35
Guadarranque
h alec h alex
1 53
P .J.
Danebury
L .
5 1,
Dares
1 3,
1 55,
dates
4 7,
Davies,
M .L .
d ebt
1 08
8 8,
8 4,
1 64,
D elos
1 47
5 7,
106
1 8,
2 5, 1 30,
El R inconcillo
H erod
1 08
honey
1 1,
6 3,
4 4,
1 26 8 3
4 6,
5 9,
1 55, 4 4,
1 57-9
4 7-8,
1 28,
1 48
105,
1 31
i n o live o il
1 39-40
1 48
i n wine
1 5,
1 27-32,
1 37-8
7 ,
1 8,
4 0,
5 0,
C .
1 51
3 7,
4 1-3,
2 3 7, 4
8 0,
1 8,
8 2-3,
2 4, 9 5,
9 7,
1 26,
1 54 Kingsholm
Evans,
8 8,
9 2,
1 67
Kos
2 7,
l acca 8 3 l accatum Lake F arm
1 92
1 07,
1 03-4
k ilns
1 37
1 53-4
i nvestment
1 36
1 31
1 34,
8
4 1,
M .E.
1 23,
9 2
8 2,
h ydrogarum
1 47
famine
1 53,
1 06
1 08,
4 1,
Hortensius
L .
Farley,
1 47,
4 7
9 3
1 39-
1 06
Entremont
Exeter
7 2,
2 5
Eumachius, J .
1 30,
Julius Caesar,
1 31-3 2 ,
4 2
C .C.
i ron
8 2
H .
3 7,
hazel nuts
I ceni
1 25,
1 5,
1 41,
Haselgrove,
1 67
D iocletian Dressel,
8 2
1 3,
i ntemperance
1 43-4,
D omitian
1 34
90
1 1,
7 3,
Hengistbury Head
108
1 67
d efrutum 7 5,
8 2
4 7,
Herculaneum
8 9-90,
G .M .R .
D ean,
4 7,
h earth
1 50-1 1 04-5,
1 57-9
M .J.
6 2,
1 38
1 51
1 28
Darling,
1 48
5 6,
1 51
Haltern
9 7
Cunobelinus
6 2-5,
7 ,
1 45
1 47,
1 34
1 60
1 06
Crummy,
4 3,
Guadalquivir
2 4
c ounters
1 31-2,
2 5,
Hadrian
C ornelius Balbus, C osa
1 28,
Gussage A ll Saints
7 ,
7 3,
1 30,
1 49
1 08
grapes
108
c opper-alloy
1 08
9 5,
C .J.
grain
1 29
Q .
C orduba
106,
1 43
1 46
40
l egionary f ortress C oponius,
g old
1 50
9 5,
5 7
XXXVI
L ion Walk
G oing,
1 49
Balkerne Lane
1 05,
1 08
G loucester
Iron Age
1 3,
7 3
g ift e xchange
c oins
1 26,
gaming p ieces
Germanicus
D .T .-D .
7 ,
g arum
Gatesbury Track
9 3
C larke,
1 51
1 07-8
1 48-51
1 34
C elts
8 4,
Gallo-Belgic ware 1 36
6 9,
1 06,
1 67
1 19
9 5
4 6,
Gallic Wars
1 67
Castra Praetoria 8 2,
3 6,
Gades 8 8,
9 6
A .P.
J .A . A.
Frejus
4 3
M .D .
8 9,
F itzpatrick,
1 28
1 26
Canneto
5 7
F ishbourne
S .A .
Cadiz
Card,
f igs
1 28-30
1 45
95, 3 9-40,
1 34 4 5,
8 3 1 37,
1 54
1 22
4 7,
1 35,
6 2, 1 38-9,
L a L ongarina 6 8-9, 1 34,
7 7,
1 9,
8 3-4,
1 38,
1 44,
Laubenheimer, l ead
4 0, 1 14,
6 1,
o yster valves
1 20-3,
Pan Sand
1 47 9 6
F .
1 39
l eather
8 ,
L eicester
1 35,
1 45
9 2-3 2 3,
Lexden Tumulus 1 26-7,
1 34,
1 02
1 05,
1 37,
1 19-20,
1 55,
1 57-
1 62
Lockwood, London
p erfume
2 5
1 26,
1 29,
Lucullus
7 4,
1 35,
8 3-4,
8 8,
1 67
l ymphatum
Pollard,
R .J. 2 5,
4 ,
8 9,
Marsh,
G .D .
Masada
1 95
8 8,
J . G.W.
M ithridates
5 6, 1 35
mortaria
m uria must
2 5,
7 2,
7 4-5,
8 2
1 1,
2 5,
Niblett,
8 1-2 6 3,
1 30,
1 39,
1 64
4
Novara
7 2, 2 5
1 30
o learii
1 26,
9 2,
African
1 1,
L icinianum u se of
2 5,
6 4,
9 ,
7 5,
1 8,
7 3-4,
8 3,
1 34,
1 5,
4 7-8,
5 0,
1 40
1 03,
1 34-5,
1 1,
1 8,
3 6-7,
1 22,
4 7,
1 39-40,
8 3
4 6,
8 3,
6 2-3,
1 43 6 5
1 41 C .
S eville
7 3,
6 4,
6 7,
7 3-5,
1 04 1 53
2 5
Antikythera
1 33 1 02
Cap d e V ol 7 4,
1 40,
1 47-8
Cavaliere
4 7 4 7,
1 38 2 5
C hretienne C 7 4,
2 5,
4 4,
1 47 1 47
6 2-3, 50,
otherworld f east
9 5, 1 03,
1 26
Dramont A
1 38-9,
D ramont D
3 3,
Grand C ongloug 7 4,
8 8,
1 31,
1 33,
1 38
La Tradeliere
1 06
Lavezzi B
1 93
8 0
1 47
4 7,
5 6-8,
8 9
1 33
Grand C ongloug B I le Marie D
4 5,
4 3-4,
1 38,
7 7-85,
2 4
1 67 1 9,
1 20,
1 39
A lbenga
o live presses
O stia
7 ,
S estius
1 45
Venafrum
4 0,
1 06,
Cala Culip
7 4
1 14,
4 7
Sarnus
1 62 4 7,
7 2,
Shipwrecks
1 9,
I talian
olives
2 3-5, 9 7,
s alazones
1 45
I strian
1 40,
1 34
1 54
Baetican 1 43-8,
6 8,
1 47
Saunders,
9 ,
9 7,
1 29
1 49
salted-fish
1 47
olive o il
6 4,
9 3
1 9, 2 ,
sapa
o intment
1 29
1 43-6
1 34
Oberaden
9 7, 1 33-5
F .E. J.
s alsamenta
1 41
North Thoresby
8 3,
1 44-5
5 9,
B .R .K .
1 25-6
1 30
5 5-7,
V .
8 4,
s age
1 45
5 6,
5 8,
1 5,
r osin
6 4,
Nanstallon Nola
2 ,
1 28
4 1,
4 3,
R oman army
M onte T estaccio
1 13-4,
1 28
R ichborough
R ome
1 40
4 3-8,
1 36-7,
9 2-3
1 44-5,
108
Massilia
3 9-41, 1 06,
1 29
quantification
R ödgen
1 30
9 5,
Prouse,
R igby, 9 2,
9 2
1 45
R ichardson, 2 ,
1 33 Marseille
8 4,
1 33
r esin
1 37
1 39 5 6,
9 3 3 5-6,
Probus
R hodes
archaeology
7 5, 2 2,
1 53-4
r aisins
8 3
Manching maritime
5 6-7,
R ennes
8 3
4 ,
1 29
Pompeii
Radlett
1 45
1 45 2 5,
1 03
1 41,
1 26
mackerel
1 26,
Prae Wood
8 8
2 ,
D . P. S.
1 31
6 3-4,
1 26,
P eacock,
1 31
F .D .
5 1,
Longthorpe
8 8,
A .J.
5 0,
l ex H adriana l ex M anciana l iquamen 8 2
9 3,
5 7,
Parker,
pokers
1 14,
1 50-1,
2 5
1 67
papyrus
p itch
L exden c emetery
9 ,
2 6,
1 02,
1 39,
1 43
4 3,
4 7,
2 5 3 3,
9 0,
1 34
L os U llastres
4 6
H eybridge
Madrague d e G iens 6 4,
1 26,
2 5,
P lanier E
8 3
7 0,
1 23,
Spargi
Sandon
1 9,
8 0,
5 9,
8 3,
9 7-9,
1 43-4
102
8 3,
C
8 0
1 49 1 49-50
Stanfordbury B
1 49-50
Will,
1 49-50 1 48 2 7,
E . L.
1 39,
Tour d ' Agnello
1 36
T our Sainte Maire
1 44
1 43,
AD 9 2
1 46-7
edict a nd
a geing of
3 6,
1 5,
barrelled
d ocumentary s ources 5 1,
8 3,
9 3,
1 26
i n g ift exchange
1 51
i nvestment i n
103-4
1 07,
1 27-32,
1 5,
1 67
named a fter v ines
1 30
profitability of
1 1,
8 4,
1 25,
2 5,
1 39-40,
5 9,
6 2-5,
s hortage o f
7 ,
u sed a s 1 3,
1 02,
105,
4 6-7
1 23
T itus
1 50
Trajan
7 4
2 4,
4 4,
4 3
1 36,
tunny
8 3
T yers,
P .A .
1 41
6 4,
Umbricius S caurus,
1 35,
A .
1 67
4 1
2 4, 1 8,
1 38-9,
1 41,
Catalan
1 9,
5 1,
8 9,
9 3,
1 30
V eveius Papus,
1 41,
4 7
P .
V ieille-Toulouse
1 38
1 39 1 36
1 47
1 37
1 8,
4 3,
4 0-1,
4 5-6,
4 6
C hian
5 6,
1 26
C yclades
v inegar
d essert w ine
5 6-7,
Etruscan
4 3
2 4,
v ineyards warships
4 3,
4 6,
8 3,
1 28,
1 5,
6 2,
1 30-1,
1 30
1 40
Falernian
2
Wederath
1 06,
Weisenau
6 2
Formiae 1 46 1 03-6,
1 46,
G auranum 1 06,
1 37-8
G oeblingen-Nospelt
G emellan 1 50
G eminan
1 94
4 7-8,
1 36
2 3
4 6,
Gaulish
1 48-51 Dorton
2 3-4,
1 35
2 4
F undanum Gades
Welwyn-type burials
1 36 2 4,
8 4
9 5, 4 0, 2 4, 2 4,
9 8,
1 36,
1 41
4 6,
1 67
4 8 4 4, 4 4
1 36
1 38-9,
5 6
V indonissa 6 2 v ines
4 3-4,
1 32,
1 43
C eret C retan
4 5
8 4,
4 6 2 3-4,
V erulamium
7 5,
1 44 1 07
2 3-4,
Campanian 1 64
4 3
6 3,
Caecuban Calabrian
V esuvius
2 6,
B eaujolais N ouveau C aere
1 26
8 3
4 6,
9 3 9 7,
4 3-4,
1 47
1 08
V elaux
4 3-4 1 27
108
Balearic I slands
8 3,
5 0,
2 4
Baetican
1 51
Vannes
Aminean
A pianum
Autocratan
1 26
t ransport c osts
Varus
4 6
Aricia
T orlonia Gardens T oulouse
1 25
1 32
4 1,
Apulian
1 31,
4 0,
2 4, 1 5,
c urrency
A lbanum
1 49
t hyme honey t in
4 6,
1 67
t erra s igillata 1 08,
1 8,
s cale o f production 1 8,
4 3,
1 37-8
Sullonios 4 1
a nd
108
Soissons
s yrup
4 3,
1 28
7 4
1 46,
1 30-3
1 07-8
a ttitudes t o i n a ntiquity 80
1 9,
1 48
1 8,
4 4-6,
108
Skeleton Green
Sutri
1 37,
1 38
w ine 1 40,
8 5,
1 07,
1 05,
Welwyn Garden C ity
T iboulen d e Maire
4 6,
1 49
S tanfordbury A
Welwyn B
Sud-Lavezzi
V illepey
1 06,
2 3
Thaxted
7 5 6 2,
104-5,
6 1-2,
2 2
Titan
1 37-8
1 48-51
Mount Bures
Sud-Lavezzi B
s lices
L exden
Snailwell
7 2-3,
Punta A la
s ilver
4 7,
1 47
Port-Vendres B 1 14,
2 5,
1 39-40
P lanier C
6 7,
2 2-3,
g lukus o inos Greek
5 6
Pompeian
2 4
honey wine I talian
1 8,
2 3-5,
1 62
4 4-5,
R hodian
5 6,
Romano-British Spanish
4 2,
4 5 -6
5 6
40,
s weet wine
5 6-7,
Tarraco
4 5,
4 1
T rif olinum Tuder
9 7
4 6
Umbrian
4 1, 4 4,
O ccianum
2 4
v inegar wine
40
1 35
4 9
2 4
V eientan V esuvian
P etrinum
1 07
1 39 4 1,
4 6 2 4
4 9,
2 4
Nebrissa
p assum 43-4, 56, 63 p assum L ycium 56
1 38-41,
Surrentine
4 7
Opimian
1 36-7,
1 29-30
4 5-6,
L eucogaeae Massilian
4 4
1 33-5,
5 6
L icinianum m ulsum
1 41 6 3
1 37
4 5 1 54
L auronense L esbian
4 0-5,
5 6,
1 54
Laietanian Laodician
1 36-7,
4 3-4,
r esinated wine
R heginum
4 6
1 5,
1 36-41,
4 3-4,
r aisin wine
Helveolan
Koan
4 6,
1 26
4 3 4 9,
1 37
4 5
v in o rdinaire 4 3, 1 35 v inum c onfusum 4 6 v inum s implex 46 W itham
1 95
1 03-4
1 44
1 41,
I NDEX OF AMPHORA I NSCRIPTIONS
All t he
i nscriptions
I nscriptionum L atinarum ). S tabiae, Vol.
vol.
8 Africa,
l isted a re published i n C .I. L . Volume 4 c overs Pompeii,
a nd vol.
( Corpus
H erculaneum a nd
1 5 Rome.
4
I nscription N umber
A mphora F orm
P age
2 553
Dressel
2 -4
4 8
2 554
Dressel
2 -4
4 9 4 9
2 556
Dressel
2 -4
2 557
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
2 558
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
2 559
Dressel
2 -4
2 565
f orm not known
2 568
f orm not known
5 7
2 616
f orm not known
4 4
2 676
Dressel
2 -4
4 4
2 719
Dressel
2 -4
4 1
2834
Cam 1 89
5 511
Dressel
2 -4
4 1,
5 513
Dressel
2 -4
4 8
4 9 4 4
8 8
5 514
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
5 518
Dressel
2 -4
4 1,
5 519
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
5 521
D ressel
2 -4
4 9
5 522
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
5 523
D ressel
2 -4
4 9
5 524a
Dressel 2 -4
4 9
5 524b
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
5 536
Dressel
2 -4
4 4
5 537
Dressel
2 -4
4 4
5 538
Dressel
2 -4
4 4
5 539
Dressel
2 -4
4 4
2 -4
4 4-5
5 541b
Dressel
5 558
Schoene-Mau V III
4 5
5 560
Schoene-Mau V III
4 0
5 561
S choene-Mau V III
4 0
5 584
S choene-Mau V III
4 6
5 590a
S choene-Mau V III
4 1
5 592
S choene-Mau V III
4 6
5 594a
S choene-Mau V III
5 6
5 599
f orm n ot k nown
4 4 4 7
5 720
f orm not known
5 728
Dressel
5 741
Schoene-Mau X
2 -4
4 7 4 7
5 881
Dressel 2 -4
5 6
6 137
D ressel
4 0
2 -4
6 323
Schoene-Mau V
6 489
f orm not known
5 6
6 911
Dressel
4 8
2 -4
1 96
5 6
4 8
4 9
I nscription N umber
Vol.
A mphora F orm
P age
7 109
Dressel 2 -4
5 0
9 313
D ressel
2 -4
4 7-8
9 314
Dressel
2 -4
4 8
9 315
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
9 317a
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
9317b
D ressel
2 -4
4 9
9 317c
Dressel
2 -4
4 9
9 318
Dressel
2 -4
5 0
9 320
Dressel 2 -4
4 4
9 324
B elträn I Ia
8 4
9 327
Cam 1 84
9 723
Dressel
5 6 2 -4
4 6,
1 0266
Dressel 2 -4
4 6
1 0302
Dressel
2 -4
4 7
10312
Dressel
2 -4
40
1 0718a
Dressel
2 -4
4 8
1 0719
Dressel 2 -4
4 9
10722
f orm not known
4 4
8
2 2640-31
f orm not known
4 4
2 2640-67
f orm not known
4 4
2 2640-68
f orm n ot known
4 4
4 5
Vol.
1 5 3 503
Dressel
4 392
D ressel 20
2
7 4
4 393
Dressel
20
7 4
4 394
Dressel
2 0
7 4
4 395
D ressel
2 0
7 4
4 396
Dressel
2 0
7 4
4 531
D ressel
3
4 1
4 532
Dressel
2
4 0
4 533 4 536
f ormae 1 0 s imiiis f o r mae 2 s imi1is
4 3
4 537
Dressel
1
2 4
4 538
Dressel
1
2 4
4 539
Dressel 1
2 4-5
4 545
Dressel
2 3
4 546
Dressel 1
2 4
4 547
D ressel
1
2 5
4 556
Dressel
1
2 4
4 567
Dressel
1
2 3
4 569
D ressel
1
2 3
1
8 3
4 570
f ormae 9 s imi1is
8 4
4 572
Dressel 1
2 4
4 574
D ressel
1
2 4
4 575
Dressel
1
4 577
f ormae 3 s imi/is 2
2 5 4 5
4 578
Dressel
4 579
f o r mae 2 s imi1is
4 5
4 584
Dressel
2 4
1
1 97
4 5
5 6
I nscription N umber
A mphora FO IT
P age
4 585
f ormae 3 s imilis
5 0
4 590 4 592
Dressel
1 37 1 07
1 3 s imilis
4 598
f ormae f ormae 2 s imilis f ormae 2 s imilis
4 603
D ressel
4 622
D ressel 2 -3
4 595
4 1 4 3
2
4 625
D ressel
4 636
f ormae 4 s imilis
4 6 4 6
3
4 0 4 7
4 686
f orm not k nown
4 7
4 700
Dressel
2 8
9 7
4803
Dressel
2 3
7 4
4 804
Dressel 2 3
7 4
4 860
f orm not k nown
5 6
4 861
f orm not k nown
5 6
I NDEX OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTARY SOURCES
p age Athenaeus
Aurelius V ictor ( Anonymous) Caesar
D eipnosophistae
D e C aesaribus B ellum H ispanum D e B ello G allico
Cassius D io Cato
D e A gri C ultura
1 98
1 .27.6
5 6-7
1 .32.5
5 6
3 .74.6
5 7
3 .75.5
5 7
3 .80 .3
5 7
4 .150
1 08
4 .151
1 47
4 .154
1 08
3 7.2
1 33
2 7
1 47-8
5 .55
1 08
6 .2
1 08
7 .37
108
7 .63-4
108
8 .42.1
1 26
6 0.20.1
1 05
6 0 .24.4
1 34
preface
1 25
6 .2
4 7
6 .4
2 4
7 .4
6 2
1 1.1
1 07
2 2.3-4
2 5
2 4
2 4,
6 9.2
1 29
9 9
5 7
1 05
4 4
4 4
page
C icero
C olumella
1 12
4 4
1 13.2
2 2
1 35.2
2 5
Brutus
8 3.287
1 07
D e R e Publica
3 .9.16
1 32,
Pro Archia P oeta
2 6
1 47
D e R e Rüstica
preface 1
1 36
p reface 2 0
1 36,
3 .2.10
2 4,
3 .2.17-8
4 3
3 .2.19-20
4 6
3 .2.23
2 4
D igest
3 .3.1-15
1 27
3 .3.3
4 6
3 .3.11
1 28
3 .21.6
1 07
5 .8 .3-4
4 7
5 .8 .4
1 48
5 .10 .11 1 1.2.60
5 7 4 2
1 2.11.1-2
6 3
1 2.18 .6
1 29
1 2.19-20
6 3
1 2.19.1
6 3
1 2.39.3
4 3
1 2.47.6
4 3
1 2.49.3
6 2
1 2.49.6-7
6 2
1 2.50.2-3
6 2
1 2.50 .3
6 2-3
1 2.50 .5
6 2
3 3.6.9
6 3
Eutropius
9 .17.2
1 33
F lorus
1 .11.5
4 4
1 .4.7
1 45
F rontinus
Strategemata
H orace
Satires
J uvenal
Satires
L ivy M artial
Epigrams
1 99
2 .5.23
1 45
2 .3.143
4 3
2 .8.46
1 43
5 .24-37
1 28
9 .56
4 1
2 1.55.1
1 45
1 .26.9
4 5
1 .103.9
4 3
2 .53.4
4 3
3 .49.1
4 3
3 .62.2
1 07
4 .44
1 37
7 .53.6
4 6
9 .2.5-6
1 28
1 2.63
7 4
1 3.106
5 6
1 3.111
1 07
1 3.118
4 5,
1 40
1 39 4 3-4
1 39,
1 60
page Palladius ( Anonymous)
P ersius P etronius Philostratus Pliny
Pliny t he Younger
S criptores H istoriae A ugustae S ilius
S tatius
Italicus
D e R e R ustica P eriplus M an s E rythraei S atires S atyricon V ita S ophist . V ita A poll . N aturalis H istoria
E pistulae R evelation o f S t J ohn P robus P unica
S ilvae
S trabo
200
1 1.18
6 3
1 7
1 08
4 9
1 08
5 .147-8
4 3
3 4.6
1 07
3 4
1 28
5 20
1 31,
4 2
1 33
1 4.1.7
1 28
1 4.3.17
2 5
1 4.4.21-2
2 4
1 4.4.22
4 4
1 4. 4.24
4 3
1 4.4.30-1
4 6
1 4.4.34-5
4 4
1 4.4.36
2 4
1 4.4.38
4 4
1 4.5.46
2 4
1 4.6.55
107
1 4. 8.61
1 36
1 4. 8 .70
4 3-4
1 4.8.71
4 5,
1 4.10.79
4 4
1 4.11.80
6 3
1 4.11.83-5
5 6
1 4.14.91
1 28
1 4.17.96-7
107,
1 4.27.132
1 26
1 4.28
1 31
1 5.1.3
1 47
1 5.1.8
4 7
1 5.3.7
1 48
1 5.3. 8
7 4
1 5.4.16
6 2
1 5. 8 .34
5 7
1 5.21.82
5 7
1 8.38
1 47
2 3.20.35
1 36
3 1.43.93
8 2
3 1.43.94
8 2
3 5.46.162
1 08
2 .6
1 28
6 .6
1 31
1 8. 8
1 33
3 .369-70
4 5,
3 . 393-5
4 6
1 5.177
4 5,
4 .3.11-12
1 31
4 .3.12
1 31
3 .2.6
4 5,
1 33
1 39
1 26
1 39 1 39
1 39
p age
Suetonius
A ugustus C aligula C laudius D omitian N ero
Tacitus Varro
V elleius Paterculus V irgil
A nnals R erum R usticarum
H istoriae R omanae G eorgics
2 01
3 .4.8
1 41
5 .1.12
1 26
5 .4. 8
4 4,
4 2.1
1 32
4 4.2
1 05
2 5.3
1 34
7 .2
1 30
1 4.2
1 33
7 .2
1 34
1 4
4 8
1 2.58.2
1 34
1 .22.4
1 28
1 .25
2 4
1 .49.1
1 07
1 .60
6 2
2 .7.5
1 07
1 .291-6
6 3
2 .101-2
5 6
4 .108
1 28
1 41