America Goes to War: A Social History of the Continental Army 9780814759264

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America Goes to War

The American Social Experience S

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General Editor: J A M E S KIRB

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Editors: P A U L A S . FASS , S T E V E N H . M I N T Z , C A R L PRINCE , JAMES W . REE D & PETE R N . STEARN S

/. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns J O S E P H T

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J. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology', 1870-1920 J O H N M

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4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 G R A H A M R U S S E L

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5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 C H R I S T I N E A

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6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 T H E O D O R E J

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7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture among the Gullahs M A R G A R E T W A S H I N G T O

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9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN H O U S E H O L D E

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to. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union E A R LJ

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/ / . Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing H E N R Y L

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12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, i8po-ipjo PAUL D A V I

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IJ. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 J O H N C

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14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N

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75. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-ippo G E R A L D SORI

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16. War in America to tyyy. Before Yankee Doodle J O H N M O R G A

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ly. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 A N N E FARRA

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18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist M E L V I N K A L F U

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19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy K E N N E T H A L L E

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20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells R O D N E Y D

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21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, iyjo-i8jo M E R R I L D

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22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, i8ios-ipjos ERIC C

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23. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 J A M E S M

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24. The Dutch-American Farm DAVID STEVE

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25. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-194$ STEVEN BIE

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26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving WILLIAM B

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27. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America KEVIN WHIT

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28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHN BURNHA

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29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HAL T

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JO. From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community MICHAEL SHIRLE

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31. The Social Dynamics of Progressive Reform: Atlantic City, 18S4-1920 MARTIN PAULSSO

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32. America Goes to War: A Social History of the Continental Army C H A R L E S PATRIC

K NEIMEYE

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America Goes to War A Social History of the Continental Army

CHARLES PATRIC K NEIMEYE

N E W YOR

K UNIVERSIT Y PRES

New York and London

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k and Londo n © 199 6 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Neimeyer, Charle s Patrick , 1954 — America goes to war : a social histor y o f the Continental Arm y / Charles Patric k Neimeyer . p. cm.—(Th e America n socia l experience serie s ; 33) Includes bibliographical reference s (p. ) . ISBN 0-8147-5780- 4 1. Unite d States . Continenta l Army . 2 . Unite d States—Histor y — Revolution, 1775-178 3 — Social aspects. I . Title. II . Series. E259.N45 109 6 6 973-3' 1 — d c 2 ° 95"44° CIP New Yor k University Pres s books are printed on acid-free paper , and their binding material s are chosen fo r strength an d durability. Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of Americ a 10

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To the Neimeyers— Janet, Kelli, Patrick, Christopher — and to Sam

Contents

List of Illustrations x

i

Preface xii

i

Prologue i A Cosmopolitan Community 3 Pay, Discipline, and Resistance 5 A rrangement of Chapters 5 O N E Few

Had the Appearance of Soldiers: The Social 8 Origins of the Continental Line The Colonial Military Tradition 9 Social Origins of the Enlisted Men 1 5

T W O The

Most A udacious Rascals Existing: The Irish 2 in the Continental Army Recruiting the Irish for the Continental Army 3 4

THREEA

True Pell-Mell of Human Souls: The Germans 4 in the Continental Army The Germans and America 4 5 Recruiting Germans forthe Army 4 7

7

4

F O U R Changing One Master for Another: Black 6$ Soldiers in the Continental Army Prewar Resistance 66 Recruiting African A mericansfor War 7 2 Conclusion 8 5 IX

x • Contents F I V E Scalp

Bounties and Truck Houses: The Struggle 8 for Indian Allies in the Revolution

S I X To

Get as Much for My Skin as I Could: The 10 Soldier as Wage Laborer

S E V E N Running Through the Line Like Wildfire: 1 Resistance, Punishment, Desertion, and Mutiny in the Continental Army

9 8 30

Conclusion 15

9

Notes 16

7

Selected Bibliography 2

21

Index 23

9

Illustrations

All illustration s appear following pag e 88. i. Guilfor d Cour t House , 1 5 March 1781 . Th e vetera n Firs t Marylan d regiment about to repulse a British attack with bayonets. 2. Surpris e attac k o n th e Hessian s a t Trento n o n th e da y afte r Christ mas, 1776 . 3. The Battle ofYorktown, by Howard Pyle . 4. Battle of Bunker's Hill, 177$, b y John Trumbull . 5. On the Road to Valley Forge y b y William Trego.

XI

Preface

D

uring th e earl y month s o f th e Revolution , whe n th e issu e o f manning an d maintainin g a nationa l arm y dominate d th e thoughts of many in and out of Congress, John Adams declared flatly tha t "w e mus t al l b e soldiers. " Wha t h e mean t wa s tha t al l tru e patriots agains t Britis h repressio n shoul d demonstrat e thei r loyalt y b y becoming arme d soldier s i n th e caus e o f freedom . Ye t whil e Adam s himself ha d severa l opportunitie s t o ac t upo n hi s declaration , h e neve r did. Whe n Congres s aske d hi m t o perfor m a modestly risk y missio n t o Canada i n 1776 , h e refuse d t o go , claimin g tha t hi s comman d o f th e French language w.as inadequate. (Curiously, thi s did not affect his subsequent mission s a s diplomati c ministe r t o th e Frenc h Court.) 1 Genera l Charles Le e eve n suggeste d tha t Congres s pas s law s tha t obliged ever y citizen to serve at least one term as a soldier.2 Ye t soo n after th e fighting began, Le e loudl y complaine d t o Congres s o f th e qualit y o f soldier s recruited fo r the army. Adam s and Lee, lik e many others of their revolutionary generation, talke d one way bu t acted another. Adams and others of his background an d class never served as soldiers because b y th e tim e o f th e Revolution , defens e ha d cease d t o b e a function o f th e entir e community . Th e myt h o f th e classless, independence minded farme r o r hard-workin g artisan-turned-soldie r ha s bee n a long standing legen d tha t i s difficul t t o overcome. 3 Contrar y t o popula r lor e and som e moder n commentators , th e well-to-d o an d "yeoma n farmers " seemed t o prefe r stayin g a t hom e rathe r tha n rushin g t o th e fron t line s after th e rage militare of th e first campaign ha d wor n off . Seizin g o n th e idea tha t a n arm y o f citizen-soldier s represente d tru e republica n virtue , xui

xiv • Preface

later generation s o f historian s skewe d th e histor y o f th e Continenta l army, ascribin g th e characteristic s o f th e first yea r o f th e wa r t o th e wa r as a whole. 4 In thi s boo k I hope t o separat e fac t fro m th e fire-eating rhetori c o f th e rebel elite , an d t o sho w wh o serve d i n th e arm y durin g th e Revolution , and why . I wil l demonstrat e tha t thos e wh o serve d i n th e arm y a s long-termed Continenta l soldier s wer e no t thos e who m historian s hav e traditionally associate d wit h th e defens e o f liberty . Rather , I wil l argu e that Adam s an d other s o f hi s clas s an d politica l persuasio n cam e t o rel y increasingly o n those not connected t o the communities tha t enliste d the m for nationa l service ; thes e group s include d Africa n Americans , ethni c minorities, an d "fre e whit e me n on th e move." 5 Thes e wer e precisely th e sort o f peopl e leas t abl e t o resis t th e blandishment s o f a recruitin g part y and mos t willin g t o part temporaril y wit h thei r civi l libertie s i n exchang e for a steady wage . Willing t o serve—thoug h no t fo r a n indefinit e perio d o f time—thes e groups struggle d agains t attempt s b y congressiona l elite s to force the m t o enlist fo r th e duratio n o f a n open-ende d war . B y th e late r year s o f th e war, th e commo n enliste d ma n woul d vie w th e Continenta l Congres s a s arbitrary an d capricious , jus t a s Parliamen t ha d bee n t o colonia l elites . Using even greater mean s of repression a s the war ground on , Continenta l officers attempte d t o kee p th e arm y togethe r b y force . Th e soldier s reacted b y employin g mean s o f resistanc e lon g used b y other s i n th e armed service s i n th e eighteent h century : insubordination , desertion , and mutiny . Resistance withi n th e arm y agains t th e variou s act s of Congres s paral leled th e rebellio n o f colonia l elite s agains t th e repressiv e policie s o f Parliament an d crow n an d culminate d i n th e grea t Continenta l arm y mutinies o f 1781-83 . Littl e scholarshi p ha s bee n devote d t o cataclysmi c events suc h a s th e variou s Continenta l arm y mutinie s tha t occurre d dur ing the las t thre e year s o f th e war . Perhaps , a s Revolutionar y Wa r histo rian Joh n Sh y ha s suggested , thi s i s becaus e th e "bedroc k fact s o f th e American Revolutionar y struggle , especiall y afte r th e euphoric first year , are not pretty." 6 This boo k demonstrate s tha t ou r understandin g o f th e traditiona l re publican fear s o f the tyranny o f a standing arm y need s som e revision. W e know tha t fro m th e mid-seventeent h centur y on , Whi g writer s extolle d the virtues of the citizen-soldier. The y wer e strongly influence d b y mem ories of Oliver Cromwell' s "Ne w Mode l Army. " Cromwell' s arm y swep t

Preface • x v

away th e supporter s o f a tyrannica l kin g (Charle s I ) bu t use d method s that showe d littl e concer n fo r huma n rights . Th e Ne w Mode l Army , more loya l t o Cromwel l tha n t o England , serve d a s a n exampl e o f th e dangers pose d b y standin g armie s t o liberty . Unlik e Cromwell' s Ne w Model Army , however , th e Continenta l arm y wa s no t feare d b y Whig gish elite s becaus e o f it s suppose d loyalt y t o th e commande r i n chief , George Washington . Rather , ne w evidenc e suggest s tha t th e conduc t o f the army durin g th e latte r year s of the war mad e colonial elite s (includin g Continental arm y officers) increasingl y afrai d o f the revolutionary tenden cies of an armed lower class army onl y slightl y connecte d t o the communi ties tha t enliste d them. 7 Moreover , whil e Whi g writer s consistentl y ex tolled th e virtue s o f a propertie d citizen-soldiery , the y neglecte d t o consider th e ramification s o f a soldier y tha t considere d it s ow n militar y labor as a form o f property an d thei r struggl e to preserve it from expropri ation b y Congress . The desperat e searc h fo r militar y worker s t o serv e th e Continenta l army a s long-termed soldier s cause d colonia l elite s to reconsider th e valu e of racia l an d ethni c minoritie s wh o cam e t o b e increasingl y attracte d to th e bountie s offere d b y Congres s an d stat e governments . Alexande r Hamilton an d Joh n Laurens , member s o f Georg e Washington' s staf f during th e war , bot h though t tha t th e larg e African America n populatio n of Nort h Americ a wa s a n asse t to o valuable t o b e ignored . Variou s Ne w England state s forme d unit s compose d entirel y o f Africa n Americans . The mid-Atlanti c state s ha d complet e battalion s o f Iris h an d Germa n immigrants. Th e state s o f Massachusett s an d Sout h Carolin a employe d whole tribe s o f Nativ e American s a s soldiers. 8 Thi s boo k wil l demon strate ho w thes e groups wer e affected b y arm y service . Many people , institutions , an d archive s provide d invaluabl e assistanc e i n the preparatio n an d researc h fo r thi s book . I ow e muc h t o th e stron g hand o f m y mentor , Marcu s Redike r o f Georgetow n University . Hi s keen ey e fo r detai l an d sag e criticism mad e thi s boo k a far bette r produc t in th e end . Davi d Fowle r an d th e entir e staf f o f th e Davi d Librar y o f the America n Revolutio n allowe d m e fre e rei n o f thei r vas t archiv e o f Revolutionary Wa r material , an d I canno t expres s enoug h m y tru e ap preciation o f thei r invaluabl e assistanc e i n nearl y ever y phas e of researc h for th e book . Mar k Lende r o f Kea n Colleg e wa s especiall y helpfu l i n providing some background fo r th e direction o f the research. James Kirb y Martin's wor k ha s probabl y influence d m e th e most . Hi s clea r under -

xvi • Preface standing o f th e importanc e o f studyin g th e arm y fro m "th e botto m up " enabled m e t o discove r insight s int o th e compositio n o f th e Continenta l soldiery tha t I had faile d t o se e before . Marti n als o provide d invaluabl e criticism in earlier drafts of this book; his advice and wisdom were greatly appreciated. I would lik e to give special thanks to Niko Pfund, m y edito r at New Yor k Universit y Press . Hi s suppor t an d positive attitud e towar d the entire project definitely mad e it much more enjoyable. My stronges t measur e o f thank s an d appreciatio n i s extende d t o m y family. First , I woul d lik e t o than k m y parent s fo r preparin g th e way . My father , no w lon g deceased, lef t m e with th e gift o f perseverance . M y mother provide d m e (and stil l does ) with th e capacity t o see beyon d th e surface of events and come to a deeper understanding of things. M y wife Janet, m y daughter Kelli , an d my son s Patrick and Christopher sacrifice d quality tim e together , vacations , an d trave l opportunitie s s o that I could spend tim e i n research librarie s and archives for the past five years. Janet was a n invaluabl e proofreade r an d soulmat e wh o encourage d m e ever y step o f th e way . Withou t he r suppor t an d tha t o f m y family , thi s boo k would no t have been possible.

Prologue

T

wo me n i n blue, member s o f a German baron' s military recruit ing party , notice d Candide , a wandering youn g ma n dow n o n his luck , sittin g i n a corne r o f a tavern . "No w there' s a well made fellow, " sai d on e t o th e other , an d the y quickl y move d i n o n their prey . Strikin g u p a conversation afte r offerin g t o bu y th e destitut e lad foo d an d drink , the y aske d Candid e whethe r o r no t h e wa s "a n admirer o f th e king? " "Good heaven s no, " said Candide , " I hav e neve r seen him. " Disregardin g hi s answer , th e recruiter s aske d Candid e i f h e would a t leas t drin k a toast, compliment s o f them , t o th e king' s health . Seeing no har m i n that , Candid e emptie d hi s glass . "That' s enough, " cried th e recruiters , "yo u ar e no w hi s support , defende r . . . an d her o in th e bargain . G o wher e glor y await s you. " Wit h that , th e re cruiters clappe d Candid e i n iron s an d haule d hi m of f towar d th e arm y barracks.1 At th e barracks, Candide wa s quickly taugh t t o "right turn, lef t turn , slope arms , orde r arms , ho w t o ai m an d fire." H e wa s "give n thirt y strokes of the cat" when he moved too slowly. Th e nex t day, h e received only twent y strokes , whic h mad e him think h e was making progress a s a soldier. Th e followin g day , h e receive d only te n an d "wa s though t a prodigy b y hi s comrades. " Soon afterward , Candid e decide d t o exercis e his belief in "free will." Thinking that "it was a common privilege to man and beas t t o us e [their ] leg s whe n [they ] wanted, " h e deserte d hi s regi ment. Hi s fre e wil l an d privilege d leg s too k hi m only si x miles . Recap tured, h e wa s throw n int o a dungeon wit h fou r othe r "six-foo t heroes. " Given th e choic e a t hi s court-martia l o f runnin g th e gauntle t o f hi s i

2 • Prologue

regiment thirty-si x time s o r "twelv e bullet s i n th e brain, " Candid e chos e the former. 2 Candide's experience s wer e no t s o differen t fro m thos e o f practicall y any soldie r i n a n eighteenth-centur y standin g army . Th e pa y wa s low , the mortalit y high , th e militar y justic e severe . Moreover , ther e existe d a yawning socia l ga p betwee n th e soldier s wh o labore d an d thei r officer s who managed . Alexande r Hamilton , futur e secretar y o f th e U.S . Trea sury an d membe r o f Washington' s persona l staf f durin g th e Revolution ary War , onc e wrot e tha t "wit h sensibl e officers , soldier s ca n hardl y b e too stupid . . . . Le t th e officer s b e me n o f sens e an d sentiment , an d th e nearer th e soldier s approac h t o machine s perhap s th e better." 3 Wha t Hamilton ultimatel y wante d wer e mindless automaton s tha t di d no t com plain whe n the y wer e no t fe d o r properl y discharged , an d di d no t leav e the field unti l victoriou s o r dead—somethin g tha t me n o f hi s ow n clas s and backgroun d wer e unwillin g t o do . H e wante d me n withou t passio n or history . Durin g th e Revolution , h e got neither . Eighteenth-century colonia l America n soldier s ha d mor e i n commo n with thei r Europea n counterpart s tha n the y di d wit h a "true " citize n army. However , America n soldier s differed fro m thei r Europea n cousin s in a t leas t on e respect—the y usuall y ha d se t ter m limit s fo r th e amoun t of servic e the y wer e willin g t o provid e th e state . Europea n armie s con sisted o f formation s o f me n whos e term s o f enlistment—i f suc h term s existed a t all—wer e quit e lon g compare d t o thos e o f Americans . Durin g the eighteenth century , i t was not unusua l fo r Britis h soldier s to enlist fo r twenty year s o r mor e i n a particula r regiment . Russia n soldier s wer e conscripted int o th e czar' s arm y fo r twenty-fiv e years , an d thei r familie s mourned thei r departur e fo r servic e as if they ha d alread y died. 4 Concentrating o n th e poore r segment s o f society , eighteenth-centur y recruiters o n bot h side s o f th e Atlanti c trie d t o induc e thos e withou t property t o enlis t a s long-terme d soldiers . Th e state s o f Sout h Carolin a and Maryland , fo r instance , passe d law s tha t induce d th e indigen t t o serve i n th e Continenta l forces : "Ever y vagran t o r ma n abov e 1 8 years of age, abl e bodied , an d havin g n o family , fixed battalion , o r visibl e mean s of subsistence" was subject t o impressment int o military service . I n orde r to attrac t th e lowe r sort s int o th e ranks , man y state s grante d immunit y from prosecutio n fo r debt s les s tha n fifty dollars . B y 177 6 Congres s passed law s tha t require d ne w recruit s t o serv e "fo r th e duratio n o f th e war," whic h mean t the y wer e require d t o serv e unti l a peac e wa s con cluded, meanin g the y serve d fo r virtuall y a n unlimite d ter m lik e Russia n conscripts.5

Prologue • 3

It wa s no t surprisin g tha t Congres s wa s notoriousl y unabl e t o ge t enough America n citizen s t o serve mor e tha n si x months . Manpowe r ha d to b e share d wit h th e rura l agricultura l an d urba n industria l sector s o f the economy , whic h le d t o a chroni c shortag e o f regula r arm y soldier s throughout th e war . Highe r bountie s an d othe r entreatie s wer e offered , but the y neve r effectivel y provide d Washington' s arm y wit h th e desire d number o f soldiers . However , th e shortag e o f labo r als o ha d th e side effect o f enabling thes e militar y wag e laborer s wit h a rare opportunity t o bargain fo r bette r condition s an d benefits . Starting out a s a diverse, disparate grou p of individuals , th e Continen tal soldier s wer e quickl y transforme d fro m unskille d o r itineran t laborer s to a wage d (an d armed ) grou p o f militar y worker s wh o sough t t o protec t their value d skill s fro m bein g expropriate d b y Congress . A s th e wa r progressed, th e militar y manpowe r tha t kep t th e Revolutio n goin g be came awar e o f it s ow n importanc e i n winnin g independence . Th e grea t Continental arm y mutinie s o f 178 0 and 1781 , for instance , wer e jus t tw o expressions o f thi s consciousness . Th e soldier s demande d and , i n man y cases, receive d jus t compensatio n fo r thei r militar y effort s an d sacrifices . However, the y wer e usuall y onl y successfu l whe n the y collectivel y threatened establishe d authorit y wit h violenc e suc h a s mas s mutinies , o r with wor k stoppage s suc h a s desertion o r refusa l t o reenlist . Yet, a s we shall see , there wer e som e member s o f the colonial commu nity wh o wante d desperatel y t o joi n th e army , a t leas t fo r a temporar y period o f time . Unemploye d (an d unskilled ) immigrant s too k thei r place s in the Continenta l rank s alon g with out-of-wor k nativ e agricultural labor ers, transients , an d fre e (an d unfree ) Africa n Americans . Malcol m Blair , an Iris h indenture d shoemaker , ha d ru n awa y fro m hi s master , Andre w Summers, durin g th e spring of 177 6 in Philadelphia . Crossin g th e Schuy kill River , h e wa s las t see n heade d i n th e directio n o f th e Continenta l army. Summer s logicall y surmise d tha t th e arm y wa s a n idea l refug e fo r runaways suc h a s Blair . H e state d i n a n advertisemen t tha t h e though t Blair "migh t tr y t o get int o th e army, " becaus e i n additio n t o his skill s as a shoemaker, u he coul d bea t th e drum ver y well." 6

A Cosmopolitan Community The Continenta l arm y ha d trans-Atlanti c roots . Thoma s Pain e remarke d in Common Sense tha t "Europe , no t England " shoul d b e considere d "th e parent-country o f America. " John Adam s state d i n a simila r wa y tha t a

4 • Prologue complete histor y o f th e America n Revolutio n woul d b e a "histor y o f mankind durin g tha t epoch." 7 Paine' s an d Adams' s comment s ar e a significant departur e fro m th e traditiona l historiograph y o f th e Revolution ary era. B y bursting the political confines of early American history, the y make th e Revolutio n appea r t o b e somethin g mor e tha n a disagreemen t between kindre d relations . Rather , the y conten d th e rebellio n wa s a European, o r at least an "Atlantic" phenomenon. Moreover , the y requir e contemporary historian s t o wide n thei r scop e o f inquir y int o the revolu tionary aspect s of al l Atlanti c culture s an d even int o the subculture s tha t existed withi n th e Britis h empire itself. B y doing so , w e can begin to see that th e America n Revolutio n wa s perhap s a rebellion withi n a broader cycle o f rebellio n goin g o n i n th e eighteenth-centur y world , i n whic h a larg e numbe r o f Atlanti c people s wit h variou s politica l an d cultura l sensitivities took part. 8 In 1776 , al l th e colonie s becam e communitie s o f increase d ethni c an d racial diversity. Th e sights , smells , an d clamor of a t least a dozen differ ent nation s an d tongue s i n th e large r America n port s woul d hav e le d visitors to conclude that they wer e in a truly cosmopolitan land. Enclave s of immigrant s dotte d th e frontiers . Germa n an d Iris h redemptioner s sullenly line d port city wharve s waitin g to be "redeemed" by a farmer or merchant. Convicts , slaves , an d variou s non-Britis h people s clun g t o ways that were alien to those descended fro m Englis h immigrants. I t was a multicultural societ y o f turmoil an d contrast. 9 These sam e groups wer e the usual targets for colonial recruiters . The us e o f foreigners , convicts , an d othe r represse d group s a s long termed, wage d soldier s wa s a common Europea n practice . Th e Spanis h army, fo r instance , customaril y owe d it s soldier s par t o f thei r wage s and eve n though t tha t withholdin g pa y woul d preven t desertion . On e commander remarke d tha t "i t i s a good thin g t o ow e the m something. " The peopl e of Antwerp, however , probabl y disagreed with him. I n 1576 , unpaid Spanis h soldier s loote d th e city whe n the y foun d ou t their wage s were no t forthcoming . Thi s "Spanis h Fury " cause d th e deat h o f mor e than six thousand civilians. 1() In eighteenth-centur y America , th e employmen t o f long-terme d sol diers hinge d similarl y o n a wage-based enlistmen t contrac t an d attracte d or coerced a significant numbe r o f foreigner s int o the rank s of th e army . Sought afte r fo r thei r valu e a s long-termed soldiers , Africa n Americans , immigrants, fre e whit e transients , an d eve n deserter s fro m th e opposin g army appeare d i n th e Continenta l rank s i n large r number s tha n com monly thought. x l

Prologue • 5

Pay, Discipline, and Resistance Because Americ a decide d t o emplo y a wage-base d militar y forc e t o wi n its freedom , man y colonia l elite s wer e shocke d t o lear n tha t th e enliste d man's idea s abou t freedo m an d "liberty " wer e vastl y differen t fro m thei r own. Soldier s whos e sol e possessio n wa s ofte n onl y thei r ow n bod y strongly reacte d t o governmenta l attempt s t o commandee r them . How ever, thei r struggl e wen t beyon d merel y avoidin g th e expropriatio n o f their ow n labor—the y als o fough t t o establis h a "moral economy. " Me n went of f t o war knowin g tha t America n soldier s wer e not only t o be paid , but wer e als o entitled t o a set ratio n o f food an d a n annua l sui t o f clothes. Furthermore, colonia l America n soldier s wer e no t lik e thei r Britis h o r Russian counterparts—the y serve d fo r distinctl y limite d terms , an d the y believed tha t mos t o f colonia l societ y recognize d thes e Americanize d traditions o f armed service . Violation s of customary right s became , a s w e shall see , a tremendou s sourc e o f tensio n betwee n th e soldier s an d th e army command. 12 Th e struggl e betwee n Continenta l arm y officer s an d their me n need s t o b e viewe d i n th e sam e sor t o f light . Wh y wer e th e men mutinying ? Wha t wer e their grievances , an d wh y di d s o few officer s share the common soldier' s poin t o f view ?

Arrangement of Chapters The chapter s i n thi s boo k ar e arrange d topically . Chapte r i analyze s th e social background s o f th e enliste d rank s wh o wer e recruite d i n thre e distinct geographica l regions—Ne w England , th e mid-Atlanti c states , and th e South—showin g ho w me n wer e recruite d fro m eac h are a an d why the y agree d t o the term s o f enlistment . Chapters 2 and 3 contain discussion s o f th e Continenta l appea l t o th e foreign born . Thes e chapter s us e enlistment an d pensio n record s t o sho w that larg e segment s o f th e Continenta l arm y wer e no t bor n i n th e Unite d States, whic h mean s that thes e soldiers could no t have been, a s traditional historiography woul d hav e it , citizen-soldier s wh o lef t thei r farm s o r businesses t o defend heart h an d home . Wha t advantag e di d servic e i n th e army provid e immigrants ? Ho w di d thei r participatio n revea l th e large r implications o f social struggle s tha t wer e no t merel y America n bu t Atlan tic in nature ? Chapter 4 review s th e issu e o f rac e an d th e army . Wha t effec t di d th e turmoil o f eigh t year s o f wa r hav e o n th e thousand s o f slave s an d fre e

6 • Prologue

blacks wh o entere d th e struggle ? Wer e th e Britis h i n fac t liberators , a s Lord Dunmor e style d himself ? Ho w di d th e Continenta l army , whic h fought th e force s o f "politica l slavery, " trea t th e thousand s o f black s i t employed? Ho w wa s th e Africa n America n communit y affecte d b y ser vice in the Continental army ? No discussio n o f rac e an d th e arm y woul d b e complet e withou t som e mention o f th e continuin g struggl e betwee n Nativ e American s an d th e resurgent Anglo-America n communitie s o n th e Revolutionar y wa r fron tier, a s i s don e i n chapte r 5 . Thi s i s th e shortes t chapter , becaus e ver y few Indian s serve d term s a s wage d Continenta l soldier s o r eve n a s red coats. Rather , Nativ e America n tribe s wer e viewe d b y bot h side s a s wartime allie s rathe r tha n a s reinforcement s fo r th e regula r ranks . W e learn whic h tribe s foun d i t i n thei r interes t t o all y themselve s wit h th e Continental forces . Ho w di d militar y servic e an d th e wa r a s a whol e affect th e futur e o f the fe w tribe s tha t di d becom e allies ? Chapter 6 extends th e discussio n o f soldierl y motivation . Continenta l soldiers wer e no t automaton s i n a military machine , a s Alexander Hamil ton ha d hope d the y woul d be . Rather , the y wer e activel y engage d i n a struggle wit h thei r officer s t o contro l thei r workplace , th e arm y camp . This chapte r highlight s th e contractua l natur e o f th e bargai n struc k be tween individual s an d th e governmen t upo n recruitment . Mos t scholar s now agre e that Washingto n wante d a n arm y tha t wa s simila r i n characte r to th e Britis h standin g forc e h e opposed ; h e wanted , abov e all , docile , obedient, an d discipline d soldiers . Whe n th e me n resisted , h e attribute d their behavio r t o th e "levelin g tendencies " o f th e "lowe r sorts " o r th e reactions o f an exceedingly "dirt y an d nasty " people. 13 Chapter 7 analyze s th e way s i n whic h Continenta l soldier s resiste d their officer s an d governmen t i n a n attemp t t o maintain thei r righ t t o sel l their labo r a s freel y a s possible . Ethni c soldier s wit h a broa d experienc e of resistanc e organize d an d le d mutinie s an d revolts , ye t thes e wer e no t the onl y form s o f rebellion . Soldier s als o engage d i n insubordination , desertion, an d wor k stoppages . Scattered , isolate d resistanc e too k o n a more collective natur e a s the wa r lengthene d an d a s soldiers wer e hel d i n the militar y agains t thei r contract s an d wills . Recognizin g th e desperat e need o f Congres s fo r militar y manpowe r an d knowin g tha t absolutel y no one was waitin g i n th e civilia n communit y t o replac e them , th e soldier s used scarc e militar y labo r t o bargai n collectivel y an d t o extrac t conces sions from th e government. 14 All th e chapter s ar e closel y associate d wit h on e anothe r i n scop e an d

Prologue • 7

purpose. Th e evidenc e reveale d tha t th e presenc e o f larg e number s o f non-white an d non-Anglica n group s tha t participate d i n th e conflic t caused th e wa r t o b e mor e Atlanti c tha n strictl y Nort h American . Ho w these group s wer e pulle d t o an d fr o i s important , becaus e i t ultimatel y allowed the m t o gai n som e socia l concession s fro m traditiona l colonia l power structure s eithe r durin g o r a t th e en d o f th e war . I t i s quit e obvious, fo r instance , tha t i f th e wa r ha d neve r take n place , th e numbe r of fre e African American s withi n th e colonie s aroun d 178 3 woul d hav e been muc h smaller . A t th e ver y least , th e turmoi l o f wa r change d th e status qu o for man y o f these unempowere d groups . An argumen t shoul d b e mad e against th e mythifie d vie w of th e Conti nental soldier . Ther e i s a need t o recove r hi s rea l histor y — his hope s an d fears, hi s origins , motivations , an d actions . Notin g th e experienc e o f th e majority o f me n wh o comprise d th e army—th e poor , th e illiterate , th e outcasts o f a colonial societ y lon g stratifie d int o classes—w e se e tha t th e Continental arm y wa s motivate d an d manne d primaril y b y thos e no t connected t o propert y o r settle d community . Bu t thi s ver y characteristi c also serve d t o mak e th e arm y mor e revolutionar y tha n it s creator s ha d intended. I n 1780 , Joseph Plum b Marti n aptl y describe d th e feeling s o f many i n th e army : "W e therefor e stil l kep t upo n ou r parad e i n groups , venting ou r splee n a t ou r countr y an d government , the n a t ou r officers , and the n a t ourselve s fo r ou r imbecilit y i n stayin g ther e an d starvin g i n detail fo r a n ungratefu l peopl e wh o di d no t car e wha t becam e o f us , s o they coul d enjo y themselve s whil e w e wer e keepin g a cruel enem y fro m them." ,5 Thi s i s a worm's-eye vie w of the Continental army .

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Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers: The Social Origins of the Continental Line

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n 1776 , Captai n Alexande r Graydo n wa s sen t int o th e Pennsylvani a hinterlands o n a recruitin g tri p fo r th e Continenta l army . Findin g no one willin g t o sig n th e terms o f enlistment, h e slippe d acros s th e Maryland border , hoping , h e stated , "tha t [he ] might find som e seame n or longshoreme n there , ou t o f employ." 1 Hi s effort s yielde d onl y on e recruit, a ma n deeme d s o valueles s b y hi s communit y tha t a loca l wa g informed Graydo n tha t th e recrui t "woul d d o to stop a bullet a s well a s a better man , a s he wa s trul y a worthless dog." 2 Graydo n late r wrot e tha t his problems wit h recruitmen t serve d "i n some degree to correct the erro r of thos e wh o see m t o conceiv e th e yea r 177 6 t o hav e bee n a seaso n o f almost universa l patrioti c enthusiasm. " Loui s Duportail , a French volun teer an d chie f enginee r o f th e Continenta l army , notice d th e sam e trend . "There i s a hundre d time s mor e enthusias m fo r thi s Revolutio n i n an y Paris cafe than i n all the colonies together." 3 Whil e both officers probabl y exaggerated th e exten t o f patriotic decline, thei r assertion s ru n counte r t o traditional historica l account s concerning th e Continental arm y an d thos e who comprised it . While patriotis m an d politica l activis m a s motivatin g force s canno t b e rejected i n al l cases , hug e amount s o f evidenc e poin t t o a n America n army closel y aki n t o it s Europea n cousins . Tha t mean t thos e wh o serve d long term s a s soldier s wer e usuall y no t thos e bes t connecte d t o th e communities tha t recruite d them . Soldier s wer e obtaine d b y an y mean s 8

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 9 available; their officers certainl y di d no t consider their me n to be avenging killer-angels hell-ben t o n defendin g libert y fo r all . What inspire d th e Whiggis h elit e wa s no t alway s th e sam e a s wha t motivated th e averag e enliste d man . Thu s officer s lik e Anthon y Wayn e sometimes referre d t o thei r me n a s "Foo d fo r Worm s . . . , miserabl e sharp lookin g Caitiffs , hungr y lea n fac' d Villains. " Othe r officer s la mented tha t thei r me n wer e "th e sweeping s o f th e Yor k streets, " o r " a wretched motle y Crew." 4 Senio r officers , includin g Georg e Washington , feared thei r ow n men . Washingto n wa s especially war y o f foreigners wh o were attracte d (a s man y were ) to th e larg e stat e an d congressiona l bount ies offered fo r service . H e demanded tha t only native s form hi s headquar ters guard . Joseph Galloway , Genera l Willia m Howe' s intelligenc e chief , once estimate d tha t three-fourth s o f th e Continenta l deserter s wh o cam e into British-occupie d Philadelphi a wer e foreigners . Henr y Le e wen t s o far a s to label th e Pennsylvania battalion s "th e Line of Ireland. " Souther n states use d convict s a s soldier s an d wer e happ y t o get them . Prisoner s o f war wer e courte d b y bot h sides , an d Washingto n unsuccessfull y admon ished hi s recruiter s t o sto p acceptin g them . Nathanae l Green e though t that th e Carolin a militi a tha t oppose d Cornwalli s "wer e th e wors t i n th e world" an d questione d whethe r th e fe w wh o di d no t deser t wer e no t more intereste d i n plunde r tha n i n wha t h e deeme d t o b e thei r patrioti c duty. 5 Thes e observation s wer e certainl y no t indicativ e o f a patrio t o r classical "republica n army. " Wh y wer e thes e officer s s o vehemen t i n their condemnatio n o f th e me n the y commanded ? I f servic e connoted a n implicit patriotism , wh y wer e Continenta l arm y recruit s feare d b y thei r own officers ? T o answe r thes e crucia l questions , w e mus t examin e th e colonial militar y traditio n an d th e socia l origin s o f th e America n Conti nental soldier .

The Colonial Military Tradition Long befor e th e Revolution , th e Virgini a Assembl y use d t o requir e tha t every mal e wh o wa s fit t o carr y a weapo n t o brin g i t t o Sunda y service s so that h e could participat e afterward i n militia drill. This la w made sens e since a sudden attac k fro m Indian s wa s considered a plausible occurrence . It appeare d wit h th e passag e o f time , however , tha t growin g economi c demands an d a recession o f an activ e India n threa t cause d a distinction t o develop betwee n thos e wh o serve d lon g term s a s soldier s an d thos e

io • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers engaged i n commercial an d economi c enterprise . Th e comment s o f Lieu tenant Governo r Willia m Bul l o f Sout h Carolin a t o th e Britis h Boar d o f Trade underscore d th e dilemm a o f propertie d citizen s rathe r well . Bul l reported tha t althoug h h e thought th e loca l militi a wa s an effectiv e force , their participatio n i n extended militar y activitie s was 'inconsistent wit h a Domestick o r Country Life." 6 Struggles betwee n Europea n power s i n Nort h Americ a force d th e English colonia l militia s ou t o f thei r principa l rol e o f fighting th e loca l Indian threa t an d sometime s employe d the m agains t Frenc h o r Spanis h interests hundred s and , o n occasion , thousand s o f mile s fro m thei r homes. There wer e few compellin g reasons for me n of business (commer cial o r agricultural ) t o leav e thei r secur e locale s fo r som e far-flun g battle field. Georg e Burrington , a prewa r roya l governor , wa s eve n instructe d "to take especial care that neithe r th e frequency no r the unreasonablenes s of remot e marches , musterings, . & training s b e a n unnecessar y impedi ment t o the affairs o f th e inhabitants." 7 Befor e Burrington' s instructions , a repor t sen t t o th e roya l governmen t suggeste d tha t th e entir e militi a system b e abolished becaus e we learn from Experienc e that in a free Country [the militia] is of little use. The peopl e i n th e Plantation s ar e so few i n proportio n t o the land s the y possess, that servant s being scarce, and slaves so excessively dear, the men generally unde r a necessit y ther e t o wor k har d themselve s i n orde r t o provide th e Commo n necessitie s o f Lif e fo r thei r Families , s o tha t the y cannot spare a day's time without great loss to their Interest . . . wherefore a militi a ther e woul d becom e . . . burthensom e t o poo r people . . . . Bu t besides it may be questioned ho w far i t would consist with good Policy to accustom all the able Men in the Colonies to be well exercised in Arms.8 Those i n powe r di d no t fea r a standin g arm y a s muc h a s the y feare d that thos e who were held i n repression migh t on e fine day tur n thei r gun s and trainin g o n thei r oppressors . Rather , militia s worke d bes t i n loca l defensive situations . Despit e a 174 6 law tha t allowe d th e Nort h Carolin a militia t o com e t o th e ai d o f th e authoritie s o f Virgini a an d Sout h Caro lina, the y wer e not required t o do so. Fines were levied only i f militiame n failed t o aid i n the defense o f North Carolina . Whe n som e North Carolin a militia companies receive d order s t o march agains t the Cherokees in 1759 , they refuse d t o mov e becaus e i t mean t leavin g th e colony . Governo r Arthur Dobb s informe d Willia m Pit t tha t 42 0 ou t o f th e 50 0 me n re cruited t o fight the Cherokees eventually deserted. 9

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 1 1 Over time , colonia l government s revise d th e requirement s fo r veste d citizens t o serv e an d increase d th e numbe r o f exemption s t o "Person s o f Estates" so that i n practic e "n o Man o f a n Estat e i s under an y Obligatio n to Muster, an d eve n th e Overseer s o f the Ric h ar e likewise exempted; th e whole Burthe n lye s upon th e poorest sor t of people." 1() While the numbe r of exemption s varie d fro m tim e an d plac e accordin g t o th e militar y exi gencies o f each colony , th e ne w syste m favore d th e mos t powerfu l mem bers o f th e communit y an d squarel y place d th e burde n o f servin g o n th e least powerful . A comparison betwee n th e Nort h Carolin a Militi a Ac t o f 177 4 and th e original Carolin a militi a la w (drafte d b y John Lock e i n 1669 ) reveals thi s transition. Wherea s Locke' s origina l la w require d "al l inhabitant s an d freemen o f Carolina , abov e 1 7 years o f ag e an d unde r 60 " t o bea r arms , the 177 4 law exempted man y categorie s of freeholders suc h a s clergymen, overseers, millers , judges , commissioners , lawyers , rive r pilots , consta bles, an d s o on (person s deeme d necessar y t o run th e communit y i n bot h war an d peace ) fro m service . Furthermore , sinc e Carolin a ha d s o fe w whites compare d t o blacks , n o oversee r o f mor e tha n five taxabl e slave s was require d t o perfor m militar y service . Indeed , overseer s i n thi s cate gory wh o though t i t wa s thei r patrioti c dut y t o participat e i n colonia l military affair s wer e fined 40 shillings. 11 Exemptions expande d a t suc h a rat e tha t onl y one-hal f o f th e able bodied whit e male s i n a typica l Nort h Carolin a count y attende d muste r drills i n 1772. 12 The well-to-d o wh o decline d t o serv e could affor d t o pa y the militi a fine, whic h wa s modes t i n an y case . Peopl e wh o fel l int o th e exempted categorie s were , b y n o means , alway s ric h o r eve n member s o f the uppe r clas s (overseers, fo r example , wer e not particularl y well-to-do) , but the y di d hav e one thin g i n common : al l wer e connected i n som e wa y with th e commercial o r lega l functionin g o f the community . Changes i n the militi a syste m were , b y th e latte r hal f of the eighteent h century, inevitable . Th e colonie s ha d grown to o complex fo r th e situatio n to b e otherwise . Becaus e th e militia s tende d t o b e motivate d onl y whe n their parochia l interest s wer e threatened , an d larg e number s o f citizen s were exempte d b y th e communit y anyway , colonia l recruiter s turne d t o those group s o f me n wh o "fel l outside " th e clas s o f peopl e require d normally t o d o a tur n o r tw o i n th e militia . Thes e wer e Nativ e Ameri cans, mulattos , African Americans , whit e indenture d servants , an d "fre e white me n o n th e move, " sometime s know n a s itineran t laborers . Thes e were als o me n who , i f give n th e opportunity , wer e mos t willin g t o par t

12 • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers temporarily with thei r civil liberties—i f the y wer e accorded any to begin with—in exchang e fo r the steady wag e of a soldier. The y wer e precisel y the same people against who m th e militia syste m tende d t o discriminate. u In actuality, " a principle functio n o f th e militi a ofte n "turne d ou t t o be protecting th e propertie d an d th e privilege d i n colonia l societ y fro m the unpropertie d an d unprivileged." 13 Recruitin g thu s tende d t o avoi d circumstances tha t pu t th e privilege d communit y a t risk fro m thos e the y wanted t o control . Long-ter m soldiering , therefore , fel l t o thos e no t connected t o th e communit y o r militi a structur e bu t disadvantage d enough to be lured away fro m low-paying jobs. "The lowe r sort " was allowe d t o carry weapon s mos t ofte n whe n th e theater of conflict wa s far from th e local community. B y thei r removal as soldiers i n a distant campaign , itinerants , indigents , immigrants , racia l outcasts, an d other s considere d "surplu s population " b y th e propertie d during wartime served tw o purposes. First , th e unpropertied fulfille d th e political and military obligation of a community t o provide soldiers without havin g t o draf t me n o f means . Second , usin g th e lowe r sort s a s soldiers on distant campaigns remove d a potentially threatenin g source of discontent fro m one's own area. Moreover, th e very rea l prospect that the poorer sorts and not the propertied woul d fac e death or mutilation on the battlefield mus t hav e playe d int o the pictur e a s well. A n exampl e of thi s system at work occurred i n New Yor k in 1711 . On this occasion, soldier s were easil y recruite d b y th e Ne w Yor k Assembl y fo r a n expeditio n against Canada . The y vote d t o provid e "35 0 Christia n volunteers , 15 0 Long Islan d Indians , an d 10 0 Palatin e Germans. " On e hundre d addi tional German s wer e eventuall y adde d t o ma n frontie r posts . German s and Indian s had been lon g exempt fro m militi a duty, an d some had bee n arrested earlie r for disorderly conduc t b y loca l constabularies . Neverthe less, th e Ne w Yor k Assembl y wen t t o thes e group s first whe n soldier s were required fo r a long, distan t campaign. 14 These sam e groups eventually forme d ethni c buffe r communitie s betwee n Nativ e America n tribe s and Anglo-American communitie s i n the East. Likewise, durin g the Seven Years ' War, Virgini a sen t men most easily spared from the economic infrastructure . Georg e Washington complaine d in 175 4 that thes e me n wer e "loose , Idl e Person s [who were ] quite desti tute of Hous e an d Home. " General James Abercromb y though t tha t th e soldiers wh o forme d hi s arm y wer e th e "rif-ra f o f th e continent, " home less me n wh o came fro m part s unknown t o him. 15 Thos e calle d "rif-raf " by Abercromb y becam e "patriots" to colonial recruiters.

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 1 3 Who wer e thes e "loos e people " describe d b y Washingto n an d Aber cromby? Di d th e patter n observe d i n colonia l militia s als o appea r whe n the Continenta l arm y wa s formed ? Commo n soldier s i n th e eighteent h century, regardles s o f th e arm y fo r whic h the y fought , generall y cam e from th e lowes t strat a o f society . Description s o f eighteenth-centur y soldiers include d u the sweepin g fro m jails , ginmills, an d poorhouses , oaf s from farm s beguile d int o 'takin g th e King' s shilling, ' adventurer s an d unfortunates wh o migh t find a home " i n a regiment. 16 Whil e thi s thesi s was supporte d b y th e comment s o f Continenta l officers , a n in-dept h analysis b y a t leas t one recen t schola r reveale d tha t th e socia l structur e o f some eighteenth-centur y militar y organization s wa s mor e comple x tha n previously supposed . Fo r instance , ne w evidenc e ha s reveale d tha t u the majority o f Britis h conscript s an d Germa n mercenarie s (wh o forme d th e bulk o f th e Britis h expeditionar y forc e sen t t o quell th e rebellion ) did no t come fro m th e permanen t substratu m o f th e poor , bu t wer e member s o f the workin g classe s wh o wer e temporaril y unemploye d o r permanentl y displaced, an d thu s represente d th e les s productive , bu t b y n o mean s useless, element s o f society." 17 Wa s th e sam e tru e fo r Continenta l re cruits a s well? Two overarchin g an d interrelate d prewa r socia l trend s hel p t o explai n the origin s o f th e Continenta l army : a n expandin g populatio n an d immi gration. Durin g th e eighteenth century , Britis h Nort h Americ a ha d expe rienced a tenfol d increas e i n populatio n (fro m 250,00 0 i n 170 0 t o 2. 5 million i n 1775) . Th e colonies , especiall y th e middl e an d souther n re gions, ha d absorbe d a great man y immigrant s afte r 1700 . Som e scholar s have estimate d tha t fro m 172 0 t o 1770 , mos t colonia l countie s increase d their populatio n densitie s b y a facto r o f three . A s th e large r an d dense r population presse d agains t th e loca l lan d supply , th e resul t wa s a n ex haustion o f available , undivided , cultivatabl e land . A n ensuin g lan d shortage cause d a n increas e i n th e concentratio n o f wealt h a s larg e land owners an d speculator s sol d a t hig h prices . Thos e wh o lacke d lan d o r th e capital t o purchas e i t wer e denie d basi c economi c opportunities . Thu s many a ma n wh o cam e o f ag e i n 177 0 faced th e har d choic e of migratin g or acceptin g eithe r a nonagricultura l trad e o r lowe r standar d o f living . Land availabilit y shran k i n som e older Ne w Englan d town s t o extraordi narily lo w levels . " A degre e o f socia l polarization, " note d historia n Ken neth Lockridge , "accompanie d th e concentratio n o f wealth . Fo r a tim e the proportio n o f me n labele d 'gentlemen ' increase d faste r tha n eve r before, a s di d th e proportio n o f me n acceptin g poo r relief , bot h propor -

14 * Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers tions continuin g t o gro w unti l th e Revolution." 18 Lik e a rubbe r ban d stretched a t bot h ends , th e rank s o f ric h an d poo r increase d a s th e Revolution approached. In Kent , Connecticut , fo r instance , wher e prewa r economi c opportu nity wa s onc e bright , th e situatio n wa s "darkened " b y th e tim e o f th e Revolution "b y th e pressur e o f populatio n . . . agains t a limite d lan d supply."19 A n earl y eighteenth-centur y anonymou s write r wh o calle d himself "Amicu s Patriae " noted tha t "man y o f our old town s ar e too ful l of inhabitant s fo r husbandry ; man y o f the m livin g upo n smal l share s o f land. . . . And als o many of our people are slow i n marrying fo r want of settlements."20 In fact , a popular prewa r tren d amon g Ne w Englan d yout h wa s fo r young me n t o wor k fo r thei r familie s unti l thei r lat e teens , the n fo r themselves, unti l abou t ag e twenty-si x whe n the y eithe r marrie d o r moved on . Paymen t fo r service s wa s usuall y rendere d "i n kind, " whic h meant tha t youn g mal e famil y member s wer e hire d ou t b y thei r father s to fulfil l a deb t o r establis h credit . Har d currenc y rarel y exchange d hands. Fo r a father t o provide inheritanc e fo r all hi s children, h e had the choice of dividing u p his small holding s into even smaller portions (which ran the chance of "spoiling the whole" and lowering the standard of living for everyone ) o r h e coul d hir e ou t hi s childre n a s labo r t o ear n enoug h money or credit to purchase holdings for all. Th e ability of fathers to hire out son s wa s "indispensabl e t o th e functionin g o f th e famil y economy. " What wa s als o create d b y thi s syste m wa s a poo l o f temporaril y poo r young me n waitin g fo r som e sort of familia l release , inheritance , o r time to buil d u p enough capita l t o purchas e a small holdin g fo r themselves. 21 Mostly unskilled , thes e young laborers were exactly the type of men who might b e attracte d t o th e har d currenc y an d stead y wage s offere d b y a n army recruiter. Immigration wa s a second powerfu l prewa r socia l facto r an d added t o the proble m o f lan d shortage . I t increase d th e numbe r o f "loos e people " moving her e an d ther e i n searc h o f employment . A n estimate d 700,00 0 immigrants arrive d i n Nort h Americ a fro m th e beginnin g o f Britis h settlement t o 1760 . Thi s figure suggest s tha t a yearly averag e o f 4,50 0 people arrive d t o increase th e continental swell . Betwee n 176 0 and 1775 , American shore s wer e flooded b y immigrants . Approximatel y "221,50 0 arrivals" occurre d durin g thi s fifteen-year period , th e larges t portio n coming fro m th e Britis h Isles . Th e 40,00 0 Scot s wh o emigrated , fo r instance, constituted "thre e percent of the entire population of Scotland."

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 1 5 The 55,00 0 Iris h wh o lef t Irelan d fo r th e colonie s accounte d fo r 2. 3 percent o f thei r hom e population . Th e Britis h an d Iris h contributions , however, represente d onl y par t o f th e emigratio n equatio n fro m Europe . During th e sam e years , "a t leas t 12,00 0 German-speakin g immigrant s entered th e por t o f Philadelphia. " A t th e sam e time , mor e tha n 84,50 0 enslaved African s arrive d o n Nort h America n shores. 22 Al l told , "a n average o f 15,00 0 peopl e wer e arrivin g annually , whic h i s tripl e th e average of years befor e 176 0 and clos e to the total estimate d populatio n o f the tow n o f Bosto n i n this period." 23 In prewa r Philadelphia , a considerabl e degre e o f geographi c mobilit y was eviden t i n th e live s o f th e city' s laborin g immigran t poor . Jame s Cooper, a resident o f the city, too k i n hi s Scottish-born nephe w Tacey , a deserter fro m th e Britis h navy . Tacey , a sailo r sinc e th e ag e o f eight , "made hi s escap e t o th e America n Army " an d late r serve d wit h th e Continental navy . Afte r th e war , Tace y worke d nea r th e cit y dock s a s a mariner and late r heade d ou t t o newly opene d land s in Kentucky. 24 James Brown, a dispossesse d Iris h weaver , gav e furthe r evidenc e o f th e grea t mobility o f th e "lowe r sort. " Emigratin g t o a small tow n nea r Lancaster , Pennsylvania, afte r disembarkin g a t Philadelphi a durin g th e lat e 1760s , Brown decide d t o tr y hi s luc k i n Danbury , Connecticut , i n a line n factory. Whe n th e Britis h burne d th e factor y a t the beginning of the war , he returne d t o Pennsylvania , ou t o f work , wit h n o prospec t o f employ ment i n sight . A Continenta l recruitin g office r convince d hi m tha t hi s best employmen t opportunit y la y i n th e army . Befor e leavin g fo r service , Brown move d hi s wif e an d famil y t o Philadelphia , wher e the y coul d b e near friend s whil e h e wa s away . H e eventuall y cam e hom e fro m th e army, move d bac k t o Danbury , an d resume d hi s factor y job . H e die d i n Ontario County , Ne w York , i n 1815. 25 Late r chapter s wil l examin e immigration durin g th e Revolutionar y er a i n greate r detail . I t i s im portant a t thi s juncture , however , t o not e ho w immigrant s adde d t o th e masses of peopl e i n Americ a i n search o f a living wage.

Social Origins of the Enlisted Men The best wa y t o determine th e socia l force s tha t affecte d th e formatio n o f the Continenta l arm y i s t o divid e u p th e state s int o thre e distinc t geo graphic regions—Ne w England , th e mid-Atlantic , an d th e South—t o determine ho w eac h are a recruite d an d organize d it s potentia l militar y

16 • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers manpower. Eac h regio n use d it s ow n approache s fo r supplyin g me n t o the army, bu t the outcomes wer e remarkably similar . Ultimately , a complex patter n o f recruitmen t become s visibl e i n whic h age , class , an d social statu s playe d significan t role s i n determinin g wh o woul d serv e i n the army. In New England , wher e populatio n densit y wa s relatively high , ther e is evidence tha t those who made up a portion of the army at least for one term o f servic e wer e par t o f a n amorphou s grou p o f temporaril y unem ployed youn g men . A n analysi s o f 39 6 Massachusett s soldier s reveale d that their average age at the time of enlistment wa s twenty-three. O f thi s number, however , almos t 42 percent were under twenty-one years of age at enlistmen t time , an d 6 8 percen t wer e younge r tha n twenty-six , th e average age when mos t young me n from Ne w Englan d married. Onl y 2 4 percent of these men were in the 26 to 40 age bracket. 26 Most of this Massachusett s cohor t (88 percent) was native to the state. More than 91 percen t claimed to have been born in America. O f the eight soldiers wh o claime d foreig n birth , thre e wer e fro m England , tw o fro m Ireland, an d on e eac h fro m Scotland , Nov a Scotia , an d Jamaica. How ever, th e 178 2 muste r record s reveale d tha t nativ e soldier s enliste d fro m all part s o f th e stat e o f Massachusetts , includin g Maine , an d di d no t necessarily represen t th e tow n i n whic h the y signe d th e term s o f enlist ment.27 Moreover , record s fro m th e Fourt h an d Nint h Massachusett s Regiments showe d tha t th e soldier s came fro m th e lowes t socioeconomi c strata of Ne w Englan d society . Ove r 27 7 me n listed a prewar occupatio n in thei r enlistment records . On e hundre d forty-eigh t o f the m claime d t o have bee n engage d i n a n agrarian-relate d field befor e enlisting . Ye t les s than 1 0 percen t o f thes e me n ca n b e foun d i n postwa r ta x record s a s owners of any sizable parcels of real estate. Stephe n Brown, of Rehoboth , Massachusetts, an d formerly a private i n the Fourt h Massachusetts Regi ment, wa s wort h only $72.7 5 five years befor e hi s death i n 1825 . Bristo l Bennett, a n Africa n America n wh o serve d i n th e army , wa s wort h onl y $7.10 a t ag e sixty-three . Whe n h e die d i n 1835 , Bennett' s effect s ha d t o be sol d t o cove r th e cos t o f hi s funeral . I t wa s no t enough , s o h e wa s buried i n a pauper's grave. Anothe r Africa n America n soldie r from Massachusetts, Joseph Green , wa s convicted o f grand larcen y an d hange d i n Worcester only thre e years after hi s discharge from th e army—a sa d end to one who toiled i n the defense of liberty. 28 An examination o f the enlistment record s of two Ne w Englan d town s that provided long-terme d soldier s fo r the army showe d th e same general

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 1 7

recruiting pattern s foun d i n th e Fourt h an d Nint h Massachusett s Regi ments. Th e tow n o f Peterborough , Ne w Hampshire , fo r instance , ha d a population o f 54 9 in 1775 . Of thi s number , abou t 17 0 men wer e credite d as havin g serve d i n som e capacit y i n th e arme d forces . Ye t th e vas t majority di d no t enlis t beyon d a singl e campaig n o r on e year' s service . Some me n enliste d fo r thre e day s an d neve r serve d again . Fe w o f thes e Peterborough soldier s coul d b e terme d "yeome n soldiers" ; rather , th e large majorit y wer e "a n unusuall y poor , obscur e grou p o f men , eve n b y the rusti c standard s o f Peterborough." 29 It wa s no t uncommo n fo r mor e matur e an d settle d well-to-d o towns men wh o wer e liste d o n th e militi a role s t o pool thei r mone y t o procure a "down-and-outer" fo r thre e years' service. This practic e served mor e tha n one purpose . First , an y tw o militiame n wh o hire d anothe r ma n fo r long term servic e wer e usuall y excuse d fro m al l militar y responsibilit y fo r a s long a s thei r ma n serve d i n th e army . Second , th e hometow n o f th e recruit's "employers " receive d credi t fo r havin g provide d a soldier. Thus , a drifter wh o hear d o f someon e hirin g a substitute i n a neighboring tow n or county migh t find himsel f seate d i n a strange village tavern an d "hired " to fulfil l a differen t town' s quot a o r someon e else' s militar y obligation . Sometimes me n lik e Samue l Bake r o f Bolton , Massachusetts , conforme d to th e time-honore d practic e o f hirin g ou t thei r son s t o th e arm y jus t a s they ha d hire d the m ou t t o neighbor s t o fulfil l a debt o r socia l obligation . Others sen t servant s o r blac k slave s i n their stead. 30 The me n furnishe d b y th e tow n father s o f Peterboroug h wer e fo r th e most par t young , bu t a fe w wer e exceptionall y old . Th e age s o f tow n recruits varie d fro m ten-year-ol d Joh n Scott , so n o f Captai n Willia m Scott, t o th e captain' s sixty-nine-year-ol d uncle . Th e majorit y o f th e men, however , average d abou t twent y year s old. 31 Commo n soldier s were me n lik e John Alexander , James Gordon , Samue l Lee , an d Michae l Silk, al l o f who m represente d th e tow n i n th e enlistmen t record s bu t lef t no other documentar y trac e of thei r existence . The y owne d n o property , paid n o taxes , an d di d no t vote . The y served , som e deserted , an d a fe w died. Thos e wh o di d no t di e i n servic e di d no t retur n t o Peterboroug h after th e war. 32 I f no t fo r thei r servic e records , thes e me n woul d hav e been unknow n t o history . Concord, Massachusetts , sen t me n lik e Ezekia l Brown , a forme r in mate o f th e debtor' s prison , "wit h littl e o r nothin g t o lose " accordin g t o his ow n account , int o th e army . Brow n wa s unabl e t o participat e i n th e fight a t Concor d Bridg e an d probabl y hear d th e "sho t hear d roun d th e

18 • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers world" fro m th e windo w o f th e town' s debto r prison . Brow n wa s lik e many othe r landles s son s o f Massachusetts . Hi s famil y drifte d abou t Middlesex Count y i n searc h o f wor k i n th e year s leadin g u p t o war . "Warned out " o f Concord , h e wa s abl e t o prov e hi s wort h a s a scrivene r and wa s eventuall y allowe d t o settl e ther e b y th e tow n fathers . Du e t o the vagarie s o f th e marketplace , however , Brow n soo n los t al l h e owne d and ende d u p bac k i n deb t wit h nothin g t o sho w fo r nearl y te n year s o f labor. No r wa s Brow n th e only disadvantage d ma n Concord sen t int o the ranks. I n thi s stat e o f fe w blacks , a t leas t 8 percent o f th e me n Concor d sent int o the Continental arm y wer e Africa n American s bough t a s substitutes b y th e well-to-d o wh o di d no t wis h t o leav e thei r businesses . B y 1780, only eigh t me n out of sixteen wh o had signe d u p to fulfill Concord' s Continental quot a u had an y know n connectio n t o the town." 33 Where enlistmen t record s existe d an d soldier s liste d thei r ag e an d prewar occupation s (th e evidenc e i s fragmentary) , th e dat a reveale d tha t the majority o f New Englan d recruit s were , lik e the enlistees of Peterbor ough an d Concord , young , landless , an d unskilled . Th e conspicuousnes s of yout h wa s als o commo n i n earlie r wars . Younge r transient s "wer e often ex-servant s wh o sough t jobs i n a variety o f towns." Without capita l to bu y lan d o r skil l t o ear n a stead y wag e a s a n artisan , the y drifte d about commercia l town s lik e Beverly , Salem , an d Newbur y port seekin g employment wher e i t coul d b e found . One-fift h o f th e private s fro m Essex County wh o serve d i n the Seve n Years ' War ha d bee n servants. 34 Massachusetts wa s not the only norther n stat e that recruite d th e youn g and indigent . A n examinatio n o f th e arm y record s o f fifty-four me n o f the Firs t Ne w Yor k Regimen t reveale d tha t 7 2 percent o f recruits wer e in their teen s o r earl y twentie s whe n the y enlisted . Almos t a fifth o f th e enlistees o f th e fou r Ne w Yor k regiment s i n th e norther n arm y wer e teen-aged boy s wh o wer e formerl y par t o f "th e strollin g poor, " tha t is , transients wh o drifted fro m tow n t o town i n search of employment. The y listed a variet y o f occupations , bu t mos t commo n wa s tha t o f farme r o r laborer. Som e of the me n wer e simply classifie d a s "unemployed." 35 Moving fro m Ne w Englan d an d Ne w Yor k towar d th e middl e states , we find that Ne w Jersey's economi c structur e wa s similar t o that o f othe r states nort h o f Maryland . There , "th e riches t tent h o f th e Revolutionar y taxpayers alon e hel d abou t 4 5 percent " o f al l th e wealt h o f th e state— a figure similar t o other norther n state s of the period. Moreover , withi n th e middle thir d o f taxpayers , th e averag e perso n withi n thi s grou p hel d roughly "si x time s les s wealt h tha n hi s counterpart " i n th e uppe r brack -

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 1 9 ets. Ove r "2 0 percent o f the taxabl e populac e wa s propertyless." 36 More over, Ne w Jerse y ta x list s o f 1778-80 , analyze d b y age , "sho w tha t a significant numbe r o f landless or marginal me n wer e young." A n analysi s of six New Jersey town s reveale d tha t th e "yeoman farmer " o f revolution ary yore was largely a myth. Th e proportio n o f men wh o held insufficien t land fo r farmin g "varie d fro m 55. 5 percen t i n Piscatawa y t o 76. 2 percen t in Shrewsbury." 37 Data o n 71 0 enlisted soldier s o f th e Ne w Jersey Brigad e revea l tha t it s soldiers "reflecte d th e disparitie s o f th e civilia n world" ; a man' s wealt h determined th e likelihoo d o f hi s servin g a s a Continenta l soldier . Full y "90 percen t o f th e private s an d noncommissione d officer s cam e fro m th e poorest two-third s o f th e [tax ] ratabl e populatio n (6 1 percen t fro m th e poorest third , 2 9 percent fro m th e middl e third). " Nearl y one-hal f o f th e brigade owne d n o taxabl e propert y a t all . Whil e "som e 3 0 percent o f th e general taxpayer s owne d farm s o f 10 0 acres or more , onl y nin e percen t o f the soldier y ha d simila r holdings. " A mer e 2 0 percent o f th e troop s hel d even modes t asset s of twenty-five- t o thirty-acre farms . Fe w soldiers cam e from familie s tha t owned slave s (always a good indicatio n o f accumulatio n of capital) . Non e o f th e soldier s seeme d t o b e involve d i n manufacture : not on e soldier , fo r instance , liste d an y holding s i n "fishing , iron-work ing, o r othe r non-agricultural " ventures . Mor e tha n 14 6 (3 4 percent ) o f the soldier s di d no t com e fro m th e town s i n whic h the y wer e recruited . Only 4 1 percen t o f th e soldier s withi n th e brigad e ca n b e identifie d a s having ever bee n a residen t o f th e township s the y represente d i n th e army. Som e wer e lik e John Evans , a black soldie r wh o liste d Reading , Pennsylvania, a s hi s hom e o f record , thoug h ther e i s no evidenc e tha t h e ever live d there . Tw o soldiers , Private s Jame s Sarg e an d Willia m Gal laspe, wer e ostensibl y recruit s fro m loca l Ne w Jersey townships , ye t th e town record s containe d n o ta x o r genealogica l record s o f the m o r thei r families. Lik e th e soldier s fro m Peterborough , Ne w Hampshire , man y soldiers wh o represente d Ne w Jerse y i n th e rank s drifte d int o th e army , served o r deserted , o r both , an d the n disappeare d quickl y fro m th e historical record. 38 The brigad e ha d othe r simila r socia l characteristic s a s well. Mor e tha n half wer e unde r th e ag e o f twenty-on e a t th e tim e o f enlistment . Th e young wer e recruitin g target s becaus e the y ha d littl e to lose and certainl y no wealth , business , o r influenc e tha t kep t the m tie d t o thei r communi ties. I n fact , on e recruite r state d outrigh t tha t youth s wer e generall y sought becaus e "the y hav e little , an d som e n o property. " Thei r apparen t

2o • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers rootlessness, thei r ver y lac k o f connectio n t o communities , mad e the m "very prope r fo r th e Service. " Onl y fifty-three Jerse y men liste d thei r prewar civilia n occupations , i f i n fac t the y eve r ha d bee n anythin g othe r than unskille d laborers . Onl y eigh t o f th e fifty-three claime d t o b e farm ers. Th e larges t occupation liste d wa s labore r (18) , followe d b y shoemak ers (9) , tailor s an d cooper s ( 3 each) , carpenter s (2) , weaver s (2) , an d eight othe r miscellaneous , less-skille d occupations . O f th e entire roste r o f troops abou t who m ta x dat a wer e availabl e "onl y 3 1 percen t cam e fro m families wit h enoug h lan d t o farm." 39 Th e paucit y o f skil l couple d wit h the youthfulness o f th e recruit s suggest s tha t th e young me n ha d no t ha d enough tim e t o establis h a trad e bu t ha d alread y cu t thei r familia l ties , leaving them fre e t o join the army whe n th e opportunity arose . Moreover , the soldier' s lac k o f taxabl e wealt h suggest s tha t th e Ne w Jerse y Brigad e was manne d principall y b y th e lower classes. In sum , th e peoplin g o f th e Ne w Jerse y Brigad e owe d muc h t o th e class structure of the state. It s rank and file reflected thos e who compose d most o f th e populac e a t larg e an d wh o wer e mos t likel y t o en d u p i n th e army a s long-ter m soldiers—th e ver y sam e poor , dispossessed , drifting , or "loose " peopl e describe d b y Washingto n i n 1754 . A ! 77^ muste r rol l from Middlese x Count y underscore d th e tren d towar d usin g thos e wh o needed th e army' s money . Al l twenty-eigh t me n liste d wer e hirelings , that is , substitute s fo r thos e wit h mone y wh o wante d t o avoid Continen tal service . Th e "commo n denominator " o f th e Jersey soldier s wa s thei r lower-class origin. 40 In neighborin g Pennsylvania , th e preferenc e fo r youn g boy s an d me n remained consistent . A tota l o f 1,06 8 Pennsylvani a recruit s liste d thei r ages upon enlistment , rangin g from a s young as ten and a s old a s seventy. The larges t percentag e o f thes e extremel y youn g soldier s wer e no t fifers or drummer s bu t commo n soldiers . I t wa s no t unusua l fo r senio r officer s to employ youngster s a s waiter s (persona l servants ) an d the n lis t the m a s regular soldier s s o that the y woul d dra w a full soldier' s ration. 41 At leas t 12 2 soldiers (11 percent) of the total numbe r withi n th e sampl e joined th e arm y a t ag e seventee n an d under . Take n altogether , ther e wa s a marked preferenc e fo r soldier s i n the younger ag e brackets, du e t o thei r accessibility an d lac k of connection t o a community. Almos t three-fourth s of th e me n liste d thei r ag e a s bein g betwee n seventee n an d thirty-two ; 55 percen t wer e i n thei r twenties . A t twenty-five , th e averag e Pennsyl vanian wa s slightl y olde r tha n hi s comrade s t o th e north , bu t th e pres ence o f mor e tha n a fe w "grandfathers " may hav e skewe d th e sample .

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 2 1

It i s importan t t o not e tha t al l bu t on e o f th e me n age d fifty-seven o r older enliste d afte r 1780 , whe n th e shortag e o f availabl e recruit s wa s greatest.42 Pennsylvania troop s differe d fro m Ne w England' s i n on e respect . A substantial portio n o f the Pennsylvani a soldier s wer e foreign-born. O f th e 582 Pennsylvani a soldier s wh o liste d thei r plac e of birth, tw o out o f thre e admitted the y wer e no t nativ e t o th e Unite d States . Th e sampl e upo n which th e poin t i s base d i s smal l compare d t o th e large r numbe r o f soldiers wh o liste d n o birthplac e a t all ; nonetheless, th e patter n remaine d consistent fo r ever y Pennsylvani a uni t i n whic h plac e o f birt h wa s re corded. 43 Becaus e Pennsylvani a ha d bee n a majo r clearinghous e fo r pre war immigrants , i t i s no t surprisin g tha t s o man y o f th e foreign-bor n ended u p i n it s ranks. Prewar occupation s o f recruit s ar e availabl e fo r 27 3 Pennsylvani a en listed men . Ninety-tw o me n (34 percent) wer e farmers, th e most commo n category. Th e next-closes t categor y wa s shoemake r (23) , followe d b y weaver (19) , blacksmit h an d carpente r (1 2 apiece) , the n b y variou s de scriptions tha t include d a grea t numbe r o f individua l "laborers, " on e clerk, an d a schoolmaster. I n all, almost 6 4 percent o f the Pennsylvanian s who liste d prewa r occupation s claime d t o b e tradesme n o r laborer s o f some sort . Whil e a n occasiona l vintne r o r sil k dye r coul d b e foun d i n th e lists (skill s tha t pai d considerabl y highe r wages) , the y wer e th e rar e exceptions.44 Again , whil e th e sampl e i s no t larg e compare d t o th e num ber of soldiers recruited , th e data remai n consisten t throughou t individua l units wheneve r a significant numbe r o f th e me n liste d thei r occupations . In sum , th e Pennsylvani a lin e als o reflecte d th e societ y tha t forme d it . The typica l Pennsylvani a soldie r wa s young, althoug h slightl y olde r tha n his comrade s t o th e north . Th e averag e Pennsylvani a soldie r wa s proba bly no t bor n i n the state , no r eve n th e Unite d States. 45 Passing fro m th e mid-Atlanti c state s t o the Uppe r South , w e find tha t the socia l origin s o f th e soldier s wer e similar , thoug h wit h a fe w mino r variations. A stud y o f a lis t o f recruit s raise d b y Genera l Willia m Smallwood reveale d tha t th e media n enlistmen t ag e o f hi s Marylander s was younger tha n th e Pennsylvanian s an d close r to the New Jersey troop s at twenty-one year s of age. Again , lik e the soldier s fro m Ne w Jersey, fe w of thes e souther n me n owne d enoug h wealt h t o appea r o n th e taxabl e lists. Man y ha d bee n unskille d laborer s o f som e sor t prio r t o thei r enlist ment; fe w ha d littl e mor e tha n th e clothe s o n thei r backs . A Baltimor e company o f 10 2 men liste d "n o farmer s a t all " and 3 5 percent a s laborers .

2 2 • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers

In largel y agricultura l Delaware , sixtee n o f twenty-fou r recruit s liste d "farmer" a s thei r prewa r occupation . Whil e tw o ou t o f thre e Delawar e soldiers ma y hav e claime d a n agraria n occupation , th e ter m "farmer " could b e misleading , fo r onl y on e soldie r ou t o f eigh t Marylander s fro m Somerset Count y wh o claime d t o hav e bee n farmer s lef t an y recor d o f property ownership . Th e media n valu e o f propert y owne d b y Small wood's soldier s wa s a mer e £45 , whic h testifie d t o thei r poverty , although thi s conditio n wa s commo n t o mor e tha n 3 3 percen t o f al l families i n 178 3 Maryland. 46 Smallwood's recruit s wer e simila r t o thos e raise d i n Pennsylvani a i n another respect : man y wer e no t bor n i n th e Unite d States . Althoug h enlisted lat e i n th e war , th e foreig n bor n comprise d 40. 1 percen t o f th e recruits, despit e instruction s fro m th e Marylan d Genera l Assembl y t o avoid enlistin g foreigner s i f a t al l possible . A t a n averag e ag e of twenty nine, thes e me n wer e older tha n thei r nativ e counterparts, whos e media n age wa s twenty-one . Th e majorit y o f th e foreigner s wer e recruite d i n urban Baltimor e o r i n rura l area s adjacen t t o the city. Onl y 9 0 of 30 8 (29 percent) soldier s claime d tha t the y cam e fro m Maryland . Te n cam e fro m Pennsylvania, Virginia , o r Ne w Jersey. Th e res t of the 30 8 merely liste d "America" a s thei r plac e o f birth . Onl y nin e foreign-bor n recruit s wer e identified a s having families o n the 178 3 tax assessment list . Furthermore , fourteen o f Smallwood' s recruit s ha d bee n recorde d earlie r i n a boo k o f convicts a t Annapoli s betwee n th e years 177 1 and 1775. 47 Although Smallwood' s Marylander s wer e recruited lat e in the war, th e pattern o f enlistin g foreign-bor n me n an d youn g boy s seeme d t o prevai l in othe r souther n unit s tha t ha d bee n recruite d earlier . A muste r rol l o f men recruite d b y Captai n James Bowi e for a 177 6 Flying Camp (a pool of soldiers recruite d fo r a specific emergenc y o r a single campaign) reveale d trends simila r t o thos e i n Smallwood' s roster . Sixtee n o f sixt y soldier s listed (2 7 percent ) wer e foreigners . Anothe r 177 6 list o f me n enrolle d b y Captain Jame s Youn g reveale d tha t fifty-two o f ninet y me n (6 0 percent ) were foreign-born . Al l th e nativ e soldier s liste d "America " a s thei r plac e of birth . The y ma y hav e enliste d i n Maryland , bu t tha t di d no t mea n they wer e actuall y nativ e t o th e state . A rol l o f me n "furnishe d b y th e Classes o f Princ e George' s Count y fo r filling u p th e Ol d Regiments , 1780," liste d fourtee n o f twenty-fiv e me n (5 6 percent ) a s foreign-born . Not includin g a thirty-five-year-ol d nativ e name d Thoma s Walls , th e average ag e o f th e American-bor n wa s eighteen , whil e th e foreign-bor n were nin e year s older. 48 Man y immigrant s ha d com e t o Americ a boun d

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 2 3

as indenture d servants , serve d thei r time , an d joine d th e arm y a t a mor e advanced age . An examinatio n o f th e muste r record s o f th e Firs t Compan y o f Mat rosses (artillerymen ) reveale d no t onl y a larg e foreign-bor n presenc e within th e unit, bu t th e average native-born Matross , lik e his comrades i n Bowie's Flyin g Cam p an d th e Princ e George' s Count y recruits , wa s als o only abou t twenty-on e year s old. Th e foreign-born , a s in other Marylan d units, wer e older b y a substantial margi n (twenty-seven ) tha n thei r nativ e comrades. O f th e 10 2 tota l enliste d i n th e unit , sixty-fou r (5 3 percent ) were foreign-born . Moreover , th e native s withi n th e uni t wer e a rea l hodgepodge of American youth . Onl y eightee n (1 7 percent) claimed t o be from Maryland . Anothe r thirtee n claime d Pennsylvani a a s home. A t leas t two me n cam e from a s far awa y a s South Carolina , whil e five hailed fro m Nova Scotia . "Laborer " wa s th e mos t frequentl y liste d occupation , a s declared b y nearl y hal f (4 6 percent ) o f th e entir e unit . N o recrui t liste d farmer o r an y othe r agraria n occupation . Mos t wer e apparentl y urba n la borers. 49 In sum , Marylan d soldier s wer e lik e the rest of the army: young, poor , and largel y landless . Ver y fe w o f Smallwood' s me n appea r o n th e 178 3 Fax Assessment . Mos t ha d recentl y emigrate d t o th e are a o r wer e hire d laborers i n othe r men' s households . Genera l Smallwood , wh o kne w hi s base o f recruitment , explaine d t o th e Marylan d Genera l Assembl y tha t he would no t b e able to raise as many troop s a s he had hope d becaus e th e Assembly ha d delaye d i n sendin g hi m bount y money . Mos t fre e laborer s in Maryland ha d lon g since committed themselve s t o local farmer s fo r th e year's wor k an d woul d no t b e availabl e fo r arm y servic e unti l afte r th e fall harvest. 50 Maryland counte d o n th e "lowe r sort " fo r it s soldier s s o thoroughl y that it s legislator s wrot e law s t o requir e thei r service . An y able-bodie d man wh o wa s judge d b y a court t o b e a vagabond wa s force d t o serv e a t least nin e months i n the Continental army . I f these men elected t o remai n in th e arm y fo r a t leas t thre e year s o r th e duratio n o f th e war , the y received th e standar d bount y offere d t o everyon e else . An d ye t th e issu e provoked a debat e withi n th e Assembly ; som e worrie d tha t th e la w would driv e out o f Maryland's able-bodie d vagrant s wh o migh t otherwis e become substitute s fo r drafte d militiamen. 51 Just ove r th e Potoma c Rive r i n Virginia , clas s wa s als o a facto r i n recruiting. Leve n Powell , a n unsuccessfu l aspiran t fo r a commissio n i n the army , remarke d tha t th e bes t office s wen t t o th e "bes t people, " bu t

24 * Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers

Powell himsel f apparentl y wa s no t on e o f them . Th e field officer s ap pointed i n th e first regiment s i n Virgini a wer e no t par t o f th e lowe r o r even middl e class . Eve n junio r officer s frequentl y too k a slave with the m to camp. 52 Like their brothe r soldier s to the north, th e Virgini a Continental s wer e young. A surve y o f 41 9 Virgini a pensio n record s indicate d tha t mor e than 9 0 percen t o f th e privat e soldier s wer e unde r twenty-fiv e year s o f age at their tim e of enlistment. Th e media n ag e of new recruit s "wa s only 20 years and a t leas t 2 1 recruits wer e mere boy s of 1 4 or 1 5 years of age." Few o f thes e youn g me n owne d land , bu t mos t claime d t o b e farmer s o r were son s o f poo r tenan t farmers . Th e socia l profil e o f th e me n varie d little over time . Th e mea n ag e of th e soldier s i n 177 6 remained th e sam e in 1781 . Tha t th e arm y di d no t age , despit e th e lengt h o f th e war , suggested tha t th e rank s turne d ove r a t a high rat e an d wer e replenishe d year afte r yea r b y youthfu l an d probabl y penniles s cohorts. 53 Fe w o f these me n serve d mor e tha n on e term . A t Valle y Forge , fo r instance , only fort y me n ou t o f on e thousan d signe d u p fo r anothe r term , despit e the promis e b y Governo r Patric k Henr y o f a n additiona l twent y dollar s above the reenlistment bount y offere d b y Congress. 54 Unlike soldiers i n New Jersey, Pennsylvania , an d Maryland , however , the majorit y o f th e Virgini a recruit s surveye d (8 2 percent ) wer e bor n i n the state . O f tha t number , hal f stil l live d i n the county i n which the y ha d been bor n whe n the y enlisted . Onl y five me n wer e identifie d a s foreign born. Du e t o geographi c siz e an d th e tendenc y fo r souther n settlement s to b e mor e dispersed tha n thos e t o the north , th e Virginian s wer e appar ently les s mobile . Fe w o f th e recruits , however , reside d eas t o f th e fal l line. Th e heavies t concentration s o f recruits came from th e piedmont an d the Shenandoa h Valley . Thes e tw o area s hel d thos e peopl e wh o fle d th e wealthier Tidewate r regio n onc e i t ha d bee n consolidate d b y th e gentr y into large plantations. 55 Again, th e statu s o f peopl e recruite d a s soldier s wa s reveale d b y th e extreme aspersion s cas t upo n the m b y senio r militar y leaders . Charle s Lee openl y despise d hi s me n an d referre d t o Virgini a recruit s a s "rif f raff—dirty, mutinous , an d disaffected." 56 Lee' s comment s wer e nearl y identical t o thos e mad e b y Genera l Abercromb y a generatio n earlier , "riff-raff, loose , an d idl e people. " Virginia's soldier s ma y hav e bee n sedentar y before th e war , bu t the y certainly wer e no t afterward . Fe w veteran s staye d i n th e Ol d Dominio n after the y wer e discharged, leadin g again to the conclusion tha t the y wer e

Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers • 2 5

similar i n circumstance s t o th e "loos e people " describe d b y Washingto n in 1754 . Record s tha t an y o f thes e soldier s acquire d lan d wer e nearl y nonexistent. Th e vas t majorit y claime d t o b e farmer s bu t wer e mos t likely itineran t laborer s o r tenan t farmer s o n someon e else' s estate . O f 658 soldier s surveyed , almos t hal f (325 ) move d ou t o f th e stat e immedi ately afte r th e war. 57 Th e soldiers ' willingnes s t o mov e (perhap s t o bounty land s i n th e Ohi o area ) indicate s tha t the y di d no t hav e muc h t o return t o after completin g thei r service . Virginia veteran s returnin g fro m th e wa r wer e highl y mobile . Privat e Martin Amos , fo r instance , wa s recruite d fro m hi s Albemarl e Count y home a t th e ag e o f sixteen . Afte r hi s discharge , h e move d wes t int o Kanawha Count y (no w West Virginia) , fro m ther e into the Ohio country , then bac k t o Maso n County , Virgini a (no w Wes t Virginia) , an d finally ended u p i n Gallia County , Ohio . Anothe r comrade , Danie l Barrow , wa s recruited i n Brunswic k County , wher e h e ha d bee n bor n i n 1757 . After the wa r h e move d fro m Virgini a t o Nort h Carolina , the n o n t o Kno x County, Tennessee , the n Wayn e County , Kentucky , an d finally t o Jackson County , Illinois. 58 Bot h Amo s an d Barro w wer e youn g whe n the y marched of f t o war . A s teenager s the y ha d probabl y le d margina l exis tences a s son s o f tenan t farmer s o r laborers . The y ha d ha d littl e tim e i n their shor t live s to accumulate wealt h an d n o prospect s o f an inheritance . Army servic e probabl y gav e the m stead y employment . Th e bountie s they earne d wer e likel y th e larges t amoun t o f cash the y ha d eve r seen . In conclusion , i t i s apparent tha t th e socia l origin s of the majorit y o f me n who comprise d th e Continenta l arm y (wher e record s ca n b e found ) wer e lower class . I n ever y geographi c are a excep t Virginia , th e larg e numbe r of "out-of-towners " withi n th e rank s testifie d t o th e mobilit y o f thes e "loose people " o r "fre e [an d unfree ] me n o n th e move. " Lookin g fo r work an d sustenanc e an d encounterin g a recruitin g party , the y foun d themselves joinin g th e rank s wit h other s unabl e t o resis t th e deman d fo r their service . Th e Ne w Jerse y regular , fo r instance , wa s neithe r u a yeo man no r a middl e clas s soldier—jus t a s Ne w Jerse y wa s no t a predomi nately yeoma n society." 59 Th e sam e can no w b e said o f Concord, Massa chusetts; Peterborough , Ne w Hampshire ; an d Princ e George' s County , Maryland. Men o f mean s avoide d servic e b y hirin g replacement s suc h a s Joseph Plumb Martin , a n out-of-wor k far m laborer . Martin , havin g littl e pros pect fo r work , sa w a stin t i n th e arm y a s a logica l choice . H e "endeav -

26 • Few Had the Appearance of Soldiers

ored," i n hi s words, t o get "a s much fo r hi s ski n a s he could," willin g u to become a scapegoat " t o th e highes t bidde r o n recruitin g day . Compare , for a moment , Privat e Martin' s comment s wit h thos e o f a tru e yeoma n farmer fro m Ne w York : "M y situatio n i n lif e wa s tha t o f a farme r i n respectable circumstance s an d rathe r abov e tha t whic h furnishe d th e usual recruit s fo r th e regula r army." 60 The hig h numbe r o f racia l an d ethni c minoritie s presen t i n th e Conti nental rank s deserves furthe r investigation . Th e middl e colonies in particular seeme d t o have heavily recruite d foreign-bor n soldiers . Plac e of birt h did no t appea r t o b e a facto r i n recruiting . A Ne w Jersey militi a colone l commented i n 177 7 tha t h e though t th e Jerse y Brigad e wa s comprise d "mostly" o f foreigners , wh o probabl y were , i n turn , eithe r deserter s from th e Britis h arm y o r immigrants. 61 Th e colonel' s commen t wa s a n exaggeration bu t nonetheles s doe s shed som e ligh t o n wh o ultimatel y ended u p i n th e ranks . B y th e en d o f th e wa r i n Maryland , fo r instance , it i s har d t o se e ho w th e stat e coul d hav e fielded troop s fo r th e arm y without recruitin g foreign-bor n soldier s becaus e the y comprise d nearl y half th e me n enliste d i n th e line . Th e typica l foreigner s i n America n service wer e Iris h o r German , bu t occasionall y the y wer e Canadian , French, Swiss , an d eve n no w and the n Scandinavian . Followin g chapter s will develop this hypothesi s mor e fully . What ultimatel y sustaine d th e arm y wa s th e shee r volum e o f Ameri cans wh o wer e temporarily willing , lik e Joseph Plum b Martin , t o becom e "scapegoats" s o others migh t sta y a t home . In th e Ne w Jerse y line , on e soldier i n five wa s i n th e rank s becaus e h e ha d becom e a substitut e fo r another ma n of better means . Th e hug e volume of National Pensio n File s (there were more than 80,00 0 claims) testified tha t a substantial portio n of American male s (bot h blac k an d white ) mus t hav e serve d a ter m i n th e army. Bu t only a tiny portio n o f the population performe d trul y extende d military service . Thu s th e origin s o f th e arm y ma y hav e bee n cloake d i n idealistic rhetori c becaus e the tru e fact s abou t th e Continental arm y wer e perhaps "painfu l an d embarrassing." 62 Lik e thei r civilia n counterpart s i n the lower classes, the youthful Continenta l soldier s drank, swore , fought , and gamble d i n cam p an d o n th e march . The y wer e a clas s apar t fro m their officer s an d wer e feare d b y the m nearl y a s muc h a s th e British . They were , however , willin g t o wor k fo r pa y a s soldier s whe n other s would not , takin g their chances , frequentl y dyin g i n th e "gloriou s cause " extolled b y late r generations of historians wh o celebrated a mythified sor t of fighting man .

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The Most Audacious Rascals Existing: The Irish in the Continental Army

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robably i n n o par t o f Europ e wa s th e effec t o f th e America n revolt an d Britis h polic y mor e deepl y debated , writte n about , o r considered tha n i n Ireland . Fo r man y Americans , Irelan d wa s a kindred spiri t an d a n entit y separat e fro m Grea t Britain ; i t wa s anothe r land hel d i n subjugatio n an d oppression . Storie s carrie d t o Americ a b y emigrants strengthene d th e connectio n betwee n th e tw o colonies . Th e British, o n th e othe r hand , viewe d Irelan d "wit h th e assuranc e o f a landowner speaking of the remote corners of his estate." l Past historiography o n Iris h participation i n the American Revolutio n has confine d itsel f t o argument s abou t th e exten t o f Iris h enlistmen t i n the Continenta l arm y o r th e mos t patrioti c ethni c subgrou p (Celti c o r Scotch-Irish). Numerou s historian s o f generation s pas t hav e commente d on th e revolutionar y fervo r o f Iris h immigrants . Th e Scotch-Irish , i n particular, wer e credited b y many observers as being active in the Continental army. Davi d Ramsey , a n eyewitness t o the Revolution, remarked , for instance , tha t "th e Iris h i n America , wit h a fe w exceptions , wer e attached t o Independence. " He note d tha t man y soldier s i n the Pennsyl vania lin e wer e o f Iris h descent , bu t h e wa s carefu l t o revea l tha t "the y were mostl y Presbyterians , an d therefor e mostl y Whigs." 2 Horac e Wal pole and even Georg e II I wer e unde r th e impressio n tha t th e whole wa r was "little more than an uprising of rabble-rousing Presbyterians , largel y Scotch-Irish: a sor t o f latter-da y Cromwellia n outburs t agains t th e du e civil, ecclesiastical , an d politica l orde r o f a sensibl e an d fre e Britis h 27

28 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing empire." 3 Fe w o f thes e eyewitnesse s t o th e Revolutio n attempte d t o support thei r impression s wit h har d evidence . However, mor e recen t scholarshi p ha s demonstrate d tha t th e Revolu tion di d indee d hav e th e trans-Atlanti c root s suspecte d b y Ramsay , Wal pole, an d Georg e III . A numbe r o f path-breaking studie s hav e conclude d that th e America n Revolutio n wa s jus t on e rebellio n i n a cycl e o f revol t that too k plac e throughout th e Atlantic community durin g th e eighteent h century. Thes e revolt s wer e le d b y a wid e variet y o f groups : sailors , slaves, artisans, farmers , an d wage d urba n workers. 4 There i s substantia l evidenc e tha t th e America n an d Iris h revolution ary movement s wer e connecte d i n a numbe r o f ways . Irishme n closel y followed event s unfoldin g i n Americ a throug h th e Freeman's Journal, ed ited b y th e Iris h radical , Charle s Lucas . Letter s fro m Irishme n t o th e Journal raise d question s abou t th e right s o f Englishme n whe n the y be came colonists . Th e Stam p Ac t wa s strongl y debate d i n it s pages . Luca s even ran a series of articles on the subversion of civil authority b y militar y forces quartere d amon g th e Americans . Followin g th e Bosto n Massacre , he aske d Jame s Bowdoi n an d Josep h Warren , tw o futur e prominen t leaders o f th e America n rebellion , "Wha t redres s d o yo u expec t fo r grievances i n America , whic h [ha d bee n long ] grown familia r i n England , and almos t th e establishe d sol e mod e o f governmen t i n Ireland? " Luca s equated "oppression " i n Americ a wit h "th e heav y Yok e o f Tyranny " in Ireland. 5 Ireland, i n fact , ha d bee n a hotbed o f discontent fo r a number o f year s preceding th e America n Revolution . I n County Antri m alone , mor e tha n 30,000 cottager s ha d bee n evicte d du e t o th e collaps e o f th e weavin g industry an d hig h rent s demande d b y landlords . A handloo m weavin g collapse i n Cor k i n 1769 , a potat o an d grai n failur e fro m 176 5 t o 1767 , and a line n industr y depressio n al l serve d t o caus e a grea t numbe r o f desperate Irishme n t o b e bound fo r Americ a a s servants. Disturbance s i n Munster i n th e 1760 s broke out intermittentl y i n Cork, Kilkenny , Limer ick, Tipparary, an d Waterford . Agraria n disorder s manifeste d themselve s in th e Whitebo y movemen t an d amon g th e "Levellers " wh o rod e abou t the countrysid e a t nigh t blowin g horns , pullin g dow n fences , an d at tacking Britis h ta x officials. 6 Ireland wa s a natura l poin t o f referenc e fo r th e American s t o dra w from an d a n obviou s quarte r fro m whic h t o expec t allies. 7 I t wa s als o morally advantageou s fo r American s t o appea r a s citizen s o f th e world . By presentin g thei r grievance s agains t th e Britis h wit h a n international ,

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 2 9 even universa l rhetoric , th e American s portraye d th e struggl e i n term s that woul d strik e th e mos t fea r i n th e heart s o f th e Britis h administratio n and generat e th e greates t solidarit y fro m othe r part s o f th e world . Whe n news o f celebration s o f th e Son s o f Libert y i n Bosto n reache d Ireland , toasts wer e raise d t o "th e Son s o f Libert y throughou t th e world. " Joseph Warren practicall y burs t wit h anticipatio n whe n h e contemplate d with holding flax seed fro m Irelan d tha t "migh t wel l thro w a million peopl e of Ireland ou t o f bread. " "W e consider, " h e wrot e a fe w day s later , "tha t a suspension o f trade through th e continent wit h Grea t Britain , Irelan d an d the Wes t Indies , a s th e gran d machin e tha t wil l delive r us." 8 Warren' s logic, o f course , wa s tha t foo d riot s i n Irelan d woul d forc e th e Britis h t o see their militar y weaknes s i n keeping a number of colonies i n subjugatio n and requir e the m t o cut thei r losse s befor e the y los t them all . There i s evidence tha t som e of th e Iris h recognize d a parallel betwee n their ow n situatio n an d tha t o f America . Afte r notin g tha t 15 2 ship s ha d departed wit h 37,00 0 passenger s fo r America , a n Iris h observe r adde d i n a lette r t o Dublin' s Freeman V Journal: "Read this , Ye ! Men i n Power , an d relieve thi s oppressed , sinkin g an d Betraye d nation . . . . Repea l th e Bos ton Por t Bill . . . . Restor e t o the Middlese x Freeholder s [Wilke' s usurpe d constituents] thei r Birth-rights . Restor e th e Charte r o f Boston." 9 Whe n one Iris h reade r wa s apprise d o f th e intentio n o f th e Britis h t o quarte r troops i n the homes of American colonists , h e asked whethe r i t would no t lead th e Britis h t o eventuall y d o th e sam e thin g i n Ireland . Wa s i t "par t of thei r plan, " h e asked , "o f Humiliatio n neare r t o home? " B y "tamel y submitting t o fix such shackle s o n . . . Americ a woul d [it ] not she w tha t we ourselves ar e ripe fo r th e sam e humiliation?" 10 Many Irishme n di d no t wai t fo r th e Britis h t o entirel y u fix thei r shackles" and use d thei r fee t t o depar t th e Emeral d Isle . Emigratio n wa s rapidly depopulatin g larg e part s o f th e country . Lor d Hillsborough , a secretary o f stat e fo r colonia l affair s durin g th e year s before th e Revolu tion, wa s particularl y "afrai d o f dispeoplin g Ireland. " A s a n owne r o f a huge Iris h estat e wit h thousand s o f tenan t farmers , h e strongl y oppose d settlement o f wester n land s wit h immigrants , especiall y Protestants , wh o provided a measur e o f securit y agains t th e Roma n Catholi c majorit y i n Ireland. Hillsboroug h surmise d tha t remot e colonie s establishe d fa r fro m imperial powe r an d contro l wer e difficul t t o kee p "i n jus t subordinatio n to and dependenc e upo n thi s kingdom, " an d tha t thes e settlements woul d become a magne t fo r emigratio n fro m Irelan d an d Scotland. 11 H e wa s more correct tha n h e ever imagined .

30 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing In Nort h America , Ambros e Serle , Lor d Dartmouth' s agen t i n America an d a civilian observer attached t o General Howe' s army during the war, als o feared th e large amounts of emigration and thought that the Irish exodus , "bot h voluntar y an d involuntar y . . . hav e bee n reall y alarming an d inconsideratel y allowed. " Serl e wa s fearfu l tha t th e emi grants, wh o he thought wer e mostly "Scotch-Irish , Presbyterian s i n Religion, dispose d absolutel y t o th e presen t factio n agains t th e government , and man y o f the m no w principa l agitator s i n thes e Confusions. " H e estimated tha t since 1771 , 33,00 0 had emigrated t o America. 12 Irish emigration t o America occurre d generall y i n four distinct waves : 1717-18, 1727-28 , 1740-41 , an d 1771-73 . I n eac h case , economi c de cline, politica l or religious discrimination, an d oppression b y landlord s of Irish estate s wer e cite d a s th e principa l reasons . I t wa s durin g th e las t period, however , tha t th e larges t exodu s o f immigrant s eve r t o leav e Ireland took place. Tw o trend s are revealed as well. Th e emigration fro m Ireland i n th e year s immediatel y precedin g th e Revolutionar y Wa r wa s large, and it was mostly Protestant. 13 Arthur Youn g undertoo k a "tour of Ireland " during th e heigh t o f th e 1770s' "America craze. " H e wa s intereste d i n finding out wh y th e Iris h were fleeing t o America . Youn g als o observed , withou t realizin g it , a growing Iris h resistanc e t o th e hom e governmen t an d describe d th e in creasingly violen t wa y the y expresse d thei r dissatisfaction. 14 H e foun d that "th e spiri t o f emigratin g appeare d t o b e confine d t o tw o circum stances: the Presbyterian religion , an d the [collapse] of the linen manufacture." Young thought tha t "the Catholics neve r went, the y see m not only tied t o the country bu t also to the parish where their ancestors lived." 15 Young wa s correc t abou t th e socia l condition s bu t wron g abou t th e level of Catholic emigration. Whil e it was true that Irish-Catholi c emigration occurred a t a lower rate during the 1770s , the number of involuntar y emigrations wer e no t considered . Durin g th e year s 177 0 an d 1775 , a t least 10,00 0 Iris h Catholi c convict s wer e transporte d t o Marylan d an d Virginia.16 Historia n Davi d Noe l Doyl e note d tha t man y Iris h wh o lef t their homelan d i n th e 1770 s ma y hav e starte d ou t a s Catholics bu t wer e not to o ferven t abou t thei r religion . Knowin g th e anti-papa l can t o f th e majority o f th e America n colonia l settlements , thes e men , upo n arrival , simply stoppe d practicin g Catholicism , marrie d lower-clas s Protestan t women, o r did not admit to practicing any religion at all. 17 The potentia l proble m pose d b y larg e number s o f disaffecte d immi grants wa s no t ignore d b y th e Britis h military . Th e bisho p o f Derr y

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 3 1 wrote t o Lor d Dartmout h i n 177 5 attributin g muc h o f "th e rebelliou s spirit" i n th e centra l colonie s i n Americ a t o th e emigratio n fro m Irelan d "of nea r thirt y thre e thousan d fanatica l an d hungr y republican s i n th e course o f a ver y fe w years." 18 Thoma s Gag e commente d t o Lor d Dart mouth i n Septembe r 177 5 that "emigrant s fro m Irelan d hav e arrive d als o at Philadelphia , wher e w e ar e informe d Arm s wer e immediatel y pu t i n their hand s upo n thei r landing." ,9 Evidence suggest s tha t th e Iris h emigrant s possesse d stron g separatis t sentiments before th e Revolutio n eve n began . Charle s Smith , a Britis h merchant, wrot e Lor d Dartmout h i n 177 3 informin g hi m tha t hi s busi ness require d hi m t o trave l throughou t th e colonie s ever y tw o o r thre e years. "Everywhere, " h e observed , wer e "disposition s whic h savor s to o much o f rebellion. " "Thes e rebelliou s sentiments, " he noted, "wer e espe cially prevalen t i n th e bac k settlement s particularl y o f Pennsylvania . Some 8,00 0 t o 10,00 0 peopl e wer e importe d ther e fro m Irelan d i n on e year. Thes e settlement s ar e compose d o f a n uncultivate d banditt i o n whom lawles s publication s tak e grea t effect . Ca n th e even t b e an y othe r in a few year s to throw of f thei r dependence? The y ar e ripe for it." 20 The existenc e o f backcountr y dissatisfactio n cause d a few member s o f Congress t o attemp t t o all y th e Scotch-Iris h Presbyterian s t o th e patrio t movement befor e Britis h emissarie s go t t o them . In Novembe r 1775 , Congress sen t Elih u Spence r an d Alexande r McWhorter , "tw o eminen t divines," a t a n extraordinar y salar y o f fort y dollar s a month , "t o g o amongst th e [Scotch-Irish ] an d Regulator s an d infor m the m o f the natur e of th e disput e betwee n Grea t Britai n an d th e Colonies." 21 Th e minister s appealed directl y t o the m i n term s the y understood . Comparin g th e ta x on te a t o th e impositio n o f th e heart h ta x i n Ireland , the y reminde d th e immigrants tha t i f they deserte d th e cause of libert y thei r minister s coul d have "n o fellowship " wit h the m an d tha t n o mor e missionarie s woul d b e sent t o thei r remot e settlements . Linkin g previou s revolutionar y activit y in Irelan d wit h th e situatio n i n American , fou r Philadelphi a Presbyteria n ministers told thei r congregations tha t i f the patriot movemen t wa s wron g in its conduct the n "ou r forefather s tha t fough t fo r liberty a t Londonderr y and Enniskille n i n Kin g James' time were wrong." 22 Wrong o r not , man y contemporar y observer s though t tha t th e Conti nental army' s compositio n ha d littl e t o d o wit h America n indignation . Rather, a substantial par t o f th e arm y appeare d t o b e predominate d b y a polyglot mixtur e o f disaffecte d Iris h Americans . Captai n Johan n Hein richs o f th e Hessia n Jaege r Corp s wrot e a frien d i n 177 6 tha t peopl e

32 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing should u not cal l th e wa r a n America n Rebellion , [for ] i t i s nothin g mor e than a n Irish-Scotc h Presbyteria n Rebellion." 23 Britis h Captai n Joshu a Pell described th e American force s as "chiefly compose d o f Irish Redemp tioners an d Convicts , th e mos t audaciou s rascal s existing." Captain Fred erick Mackenzie , a n office r i n th e Roya l Wels h Fuzileers , wrot e i n hi s diary afte r th e Lon g Islan d Campaig n o f 177 6 that "th e chie f strengt h o f the Rebe l Arm y a t presen t consist s o f Native s o f Europe , particularl y Irishmen: man y o f thei r regiment s ar e compose d principall y o f thes e men." 24 Lieutenan t Willia m Feildin g wrot e that th e rebel arm y "wa s sai d to b e hal f Iris h & Scotch , bu t fa r mor e o f th e forme r tha n th e latter , chiefly Emigrant s wh o settle d i n this Provinc e sinc e the last war." 25 Dr. Joh n Berkenhout , o n a tri p fro m Ne w Yor k t o Philadelphia , wrote i n 177 8 that th e America n arm y consiste d predominatel y o f "Iris h transports." Berkenhou t traveled , however , throug h th e middl e colonie s where Iris h immigratio n wa s stron g an d th e rank s o f th e soldier y mos t likely reflecte d th e colonies ' ethnicity . Ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t Ne w England troops , fo r example , ha d larg e Iris h element s withi n thei r rank s other tha n Britis h arm y deserter s an d a fe w nativ e Iris h redemptioner s who reside d i n th e area . In general , Ne w Englan d wa s no t conduciv e t o emigration o n th e scal e o f th e middl e state s o r eve n th e Souther n states . Nevertheless, Berkenhou t offere d hi s opinio n tha t Washington' s troop s were "a contemptible bod y o f vagrants, deserters , an d thieves." 26 Most o f th e abov e commentator s probabl y overstate d th e involvemen t of the Iris h presenc e i n the Continental army , no r were they al l deserters, vagrants, o r thieves . A s Iris h historia n Davi d Noe l Doyl e wryl y com mented, i t wa s probabl y easie r fo r th e Britis h t o thin k the y wer e killin g debauched Irishme n an d Presbyterian s rathe r tha n fello w English-de scended Anglicans . Wha t wa s importan t t o note , however , wa s tha t al l these officer s suspecte d tha t Irish-bor n emigrant s wer e bein g heavil y recruited b y th e Continental army . Indeed, th e Scotch-Iris h wer e i n th e forefron t o f those who , earl y on , declared fo r independence . A s a resul t o f th e outbrea k o f fighting a t Lexington an d Concord , a numbe r o f declaration s an d manifesto s ap peared amon g thei r settlement s o n th e frontier . On e grou p of Pennsylva nia Scotch-Iris h issue d th e "Westmorelan d Declaration " i n Ma y 1775 , fifteen month s before th e Continenta l Congres s go t aroun d t o declarin g independence. I n thi s document , th e resident s o f Hanna' s Tow n pro tested "th e oppressiv e act s o f Grea t Britain " an d expresse d thei r willing ness t o "oppos e thes e wit h thei r live s and fortunes. " Formin g themselve s

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 3 3 into militi a companies , the y organize d a battalio n o f associator s unde r Colonel Joh n Procto r an d declare d tha t althoug h "the y di d no t desir e any innovation, " the y woul d joi n an y concerte d pla n fo r th e defens e o f America.27 Th e Fair-Pla y settler s o f th e Susquehann a Valle y issue d th e "Pine Cree k Declaration." 28 Thes e Scotch-Iris h settler s wer e squatter s on the estates of wealthy absente e landlords. Havin g made some improvements t o th e land , the y forme d thei r ow n fiercely independen t commu nity an d signaled thei r willingnes s t o suppor t th e patrio t cause . Th e community member s haile d th e patrio t movemen t b y voicin g thei r ap proval an d endorse d i t i n a manner simila r t o the Westmorelan d Declara tion. A portio n o f the Tory-infested Carolin a back-countr y eve n se t fort h the "Mecklenber g Resolves, " a manifest o tha t supporte d th e caus e o f liberty bu t als o included reference s t o old regulato r grievances concernin g rules fo r lawyers , sheriffs , an d cour t officials. 29 Not onl y wa s Congres s anxiou s t o gai n th e loyaltie s o f thes e Iris h emigrants bu t sought , i n July 1775 , to "tamper " wit h th e Iris h homelan d as well . Issuin g "A n Addres s t o th e Peopl e o f Ireland, " an d listing , among other things , a number o f their ow n grievance s agains t th e crown , Congress sought t o find in the Iris h a common groun d an d mora l justifica tion fo r takin g u p arm s agains t th e mothe r country . "W e kno w tha t yo u are no t withou t you r grievances, " conclude d th e author s o f th e address . "We sympathiz e wit h yo u i n you r distress , an d ar e please d t o find tha t the desig n o f subjugatin g us , ha s persuade d th e administratio n t o dis pense t o Ireland , som e vagran t ray s o f ministeria l sunshine . . . . I n th e rich pasture s o f Ireland , man y hungr y parricide s hav e bee n fed , an d grown stron g t o labour i n it s destruction." 30 Americans insiste d o n seein g Irelan d a s the natio n mos t nearl y sharin g the sam e colonia l experience . Eve n Georg e II I though t tha t th e Iris h might dra w som e sor t o f paralle l betwee n thei r ow n situatio n an d tha t o f the Americans . "Shoul d Americ a succeed, " though t th e king , "th e Wes t Indies mus t follo w them , no t independence , bu t fo r it s ow n interes t b e dependent o n Nort h America ; Irelan d woul d soo n follo w th e sam e pla n and b e a separat e state. " A typ e o f domin o theor y wa s aliv e an d wel l i n eighteenth-century Britain. 31 Officers o f the Britis h arm y ha d thei r ow n fears . Captai n Mackenzi e of the Wels h Fuzileer s wa s ver y concerne d tha t th e Iris h wer e likel y candi dates fo r enlistmen t i n th e Continenta l army . Anglo-Americans , though t Mackenzie, ha d bee n isolate d fro m th e turmoi l o f eighteenth-centur y Europe an d wer e to o soft fo r arm y service . Th e Irish , o n th e other hand ,

34 * The Most Audacious Rascals Existing were use d t o the har d han d of warfare an d wer e "i n general muc h bette r able to go through the fatigues of a campaign, an d live in the manner they presently do , tha n th e Americans. " Moreover , h e note d tha t th e Iris h were willing t o enlist fo r the lo w wage s an d ration s offered b y Congress , and that "the prospect of acquiring som e property, an d becoming me n of some consequence " wa s a powerful motivato r towar d thei r recruitment . Mackenzie though t tha t "th e leader s o f th e Rebellio n hol d u p t o the m these flattering prospects , an d at the same time magnify th e dangers they are exposed t o i f conquered. . . . Amon g s o man y ignoran t peopl e thes e things have great weight." 32 Not onl y wer e th e Iris h use d t o th e har d han d o f wa r bu t th e on e wielded b y th e Britis h a s well . Arthu r Le e sen t a dispatc h fro m Cor k noting th e numbe r o f Iris h captive s forcibl y rounde d u p fo r transporta tion to the colonies a s soldiers for the British army: "Chained to ringbolts and fe d with brea d an d water ; severa l o f the m suffere d thi s torture " before finally agreein g t o sig n th e term s o f enlistment . Newspaper s re vealed wha t happene d t o man y o f th e impresse d soldier s onc e the y reached th e colonies . Liste d unde r th e headin g "Me n ru n fro m Hi s Majesty's ship s in Boston Harbor " were the names of twenty-one impres sed Iris h recruits. 33 Tw o Iris h soldier s wh o ende d u p in the Continenta l army a s a resul t o f thi s practic e wer e Thoma s Kincai d an d Thoma s Doyle. Desertin g th e Britis h arm y upo n landin g a t Boston , Kincai d joined th e patrio t arm y an d wa s eventuall y promote d t o sergean t durin g the war . Thoma s Doyl e wa s with th e Britis h troop s tha t cu t dow n th e patriot militiame n o n Lexingto n Green . Desertin g t o th e rebe l cause , h e caught a bullet i n th e Britis h assaul t o n Breed' s Hil l an d wa s bayonete d to death by his former comrades. 34

Recruiting the Irish for the Continental Army There i s substantia l evidenc e tha t Iris h immigrant s wer e highl y sough t after a s long-termed recruit s fo r the Continental army . Georg e Washing ton thought that if Congress did not provide native-born American s to fill the ranks , the n "w e mus t loo k fo r Reinforcement s t o othe r place s tha n our own states." 35 "Othe r places" obviously mean t engaging for Americ a the rich pool of immigrant manpowe r recently arrive d from Europe . The Irish , i n fact , le d th e wa y i n providin g recruit s fo r th e army . S o strong wa s the Iris h presenc e i n some unit s that Ambros e Serl e observed

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 3 5 that th e Continenta l arm y dre w th e greates t portio n o f it s strengt h fro m the numbe r o f "transported [Irish ] felons" sen t t o the colonies i n the earl y 1770s. "Grea t number s o f Iris h emigrants, " declare d Serle , wer e i n th e army fo r "mer e subsistence." 36 Privat e Danie l Barbe r style d th e Pennsyl vania an d Marylan d line s "Catholi c troops, " du e t o th e larg e numbe r o f Irish soldier s withi n th e ranks . Barbe r though t i t wa s marvelou s tha t th e troops got alon g so well wit h th e Presbyteria n force s o f New England. 37 An examinatio n o f Continenta l arm y muste r report s confirme d Lee' s and Serle' s assertions . In relativel y homogeneou s Ne w England , fe w records liste d th e soldiers ' plac e o f birth . Occasionally , Ireland-bor n soldiers wer e recruite d throug h newspape r ads , bu t nearl y 10 0 percent o f the actua l muste r record s mad e n o mentio n o f th e actua l nativit y o f Ne w England's Continenta l soldiers . Becaus e o f th e records , ther e i s n o wa y precisely t o determin e th e actua l leve l o f Irish-bor n me n i n th e Ne w England units . However , th e record s di d revea l hundred s o f Iris h sur names. Betwee n 1 0 and 2 0 percent o f ever y Ne w Englan d regimen t ha d such soldiers . I n Ne w York , th e patter n wa s th e same . I n Orang e an d Ulster counties , however , whic h b y thei r ver y name s indicate d tha t the y were settle d b y norther n Irish , mor e Iris h enlistee s liste d thei r plac e o f birth i n the muster reports . A July 177 5 muster rol l for these two counties revealed tha t thirt y o f on e hundre d men , o r 3 0 percent , ha d bee n bor n in Ireland. 38 In fact , th e Iris h presenc e i n th e Continenta l rank s seem s t o corre spond t o areas where prewa r emigratio n wa s encouraged o r allowed . Th e mid-Atlantic state s hav e lon g bee n recognize d b y scholar s a s prewa r clearinghouses fo r emigration . Pennsylvani a regiments , i n particular , contained larg e number s o f Iris h immigrants . In th e 1s t Pennsylvani a regiment, fo r example , 31 5 o f 68 0 enlistee s (4 6 percent ) wer e Irish . Another 21 8 soldier s suspiciousl y claime d "America " a s thei r plac e o f birth. Fou r companie s o f th e 7t h Pennsylvani a regiment , a unit o f nearl y 800 soldiers , reporte d tha t 7 5 o f 10 0 me n fro m fou r companie s claime d Ireland a s their plac e of birth . Th e muste r roll s of th e 1 it h Pennsylvani a recorded th e birthplace s o f 20 1 recruits; of this number , 4 5 percent (9 0 of 201) wer e Irish . Thi s regimen t appeare d t o b e a n especiall y divers e group. Recruite d i n 1778 , it s Iris h enlistee s range d fro m teen-age d drum mer boy s t o a sixty-year-ol d privat e an d forme r saddle r name d Jame s Todd. 39 A n Apri l 177 9 muste r repor t fo r th e Pennsylvani a Stat e Regi ment o f Artiller y reveale d tha t 6 5 o f it s 205-ma n complemen t (3 2 per cent), includin g it s commandin g office r Thoma s Procter , ha d bee n bor n

36 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing in Ireland . In fact , onl y 4 2 me n (2 0 percent) of th e entire uni t wer e fro m Pennsylvania.40 Muster record s fro m Maryland , anothe r well-know n nexu s fo r immi grants an d transporte d convict s fro m Ireland , reveale d th e sam e trend . The Marylan d 1s t Company o f Matrosses (artillery) muster roll s compiled from 2 4 January 177 6 t o 1 9 Februar y 177 6 showe d tha t Irishme n com prised 4 5 percen t o f th e entir e 101-ma n unit . Moreover , onl y 1 8 soldiers actually cam e fro m Maryland. 41 A revie w o f list s o f me n recruite d a s soldiers an d a s substitute s fo r American-bor n me n drafte d b y th e militi a for Continenta l servic e als o containe d significan t number s o f Irish-bor n enlistees. Me n recruite d i n Ann e Arunde l County , Maryland , fro m 3 1 December 177 7 to 1 8 November 177 8 showed tha t 2 9 out o f a total o f 5 0 recruits liste d thei r plac e o f birth ; o f thi s number , 2 0 wer e Iris h (7 0 percent).42 A roster of men of Captain Bowie' s Maryland militi a compan y enlisted a s par t o f th e "Flyin g Camp " intende d fo r Continenta l servic e showed tha t eve n militi a unit s utilize d Irish-bor n soldier s i f the y wer e intended fo r lon g servic e awa y fro m home . Th e Augus t 177 6 muste r records showe d tha t mor e tha n one-thir d o f 9 0 me n wh o liste d thei r birthplace upo n enlistmen t wer e fro m Ireland . O f th e 8 0 me n Thoma s Ewing ha d recruite d fo r th e "Flyin g Camp" in 1776 , nearly hal f ha d bee n born i n Ireland . I n a Delawar e compan y i n Colone l Davi d Hall' s regi ment, a uni t associate d closel y wit h th e Marylan d troop s throughou t th e war, nearl y hal f of this 28-ma n uni t liste d Irelan d a s their place of birth. 43 The tren d towar d recruitin g Iris h soldier s continue d throughou t th e war i n Maryland . In 1782 , th e stat e wa s face d wit h a possibl e Britis h seaborne invasion . Th e tas k o f organizing a renewed recruitin g effor t fel l to Genera l Willia m Smallwood . Smallwood' s instruction s containe d th e usual offe r o f an enhanced bounty , togethe r wit h a n admonition fro m th e Maryland Genera l Assembl y t o scrutiniz e foreig n volunteer s closely , because "man y o f thi s clas s o f me n mak e a practic e o f enlistin g wit h n o other vie w bu t t o g o of f wit h th e [bounty ] money." 44 Smallwoo d mus t not hav e looke d to o closely, becaus e immigrant s comprise d nearl y hal f of the 308-ma n complement . Ove r 8 0 percen t o f thi s hal f o f Smallwood' s Marylanders claime d Irelan d a s thei r birthplace . Fifty-nin e others , lik e their brothe r soldier s i n Pennsylvania , merel y liste d "America " a s thei r place o f birth. 45 Mos t o f th e Iris h enlistee s (65. 8 percent ) wer e urba n laborers wh o reside d i n o r nea r th e cit y o f Baltimor e o r th e surroundin g farmlands o f Baltimore , Ann e Arundel, o r Harfor d counties. 46 South o f th e mid-Atlanti c center s o f immigration , however , evidenc e

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 3 7 of Irishme n i n Continenta l unit s become s mor e fragmentary . Still , ther e were unit s i n souther n regiment s tha t ha d larg e number s o f Iris h enlist ees. I n th e cas e o f Genera l Danie l Morgan' s Virgini a riflemen , recruite d on th e frontier , 16 2 o f hi s tota l complemen t o f 41 8 me n wer e Ireland born. Fragmentar y evidenc e indicated tha t Sout h Carolin a recruite d som e Irish enlistee s a s well . Tw o companie s organize d i n 1775 , the Charlesto n Volunteer Compan y o f Ranger s an d Captai n Heatley' s Compan y o f South Carolin a Rangers , wer e each nearl y hal f Irish . Fort y percen t o f th e 500-man 1 st Regimen t o f Provincia l Troop s o f Sout h Carolin a wer e Irish.47 In sum , th e evidenc e indicate s tha t th e Iris h wer e sprea d liberall y i n all th e Continenta l line s bu t wer e mos t prevalen t i n th e brigade s an d companies o f the middl e states . Though th e fragmentary survivin g enlist ment record s mak e it nearly impossibl e to come up with th e exact numbe r of Iris h soldier s wh o served i n each unit , w e can mak e a rough estimation . The militar y strengt h o f Washington' s arm y fluctuated greatl y throughout th e war . Usin g th e yea r 177 7 a s a benchmark , th e arm y consisted o f thirty-eigh t regiment s totalin g 8,37 8 rank-and-fil e soldiers . Because o f a n arm y reorganizatio n undertake n b y Congres s i n lat e 1776 , a large r burde n wa s place d o n th e middl e state s t o provid e long-terme d troops fo r th e army. Thi s phenomeno n occurre d becaus e th e mos t south ern state s (Georgi a an d Sout h Carolina ) wer e allowe d t o kee p thei r regi ments a t hom e a s a defense agains t possibl e Britis h seaborn e invasion s o r slave insurrections . O f th e nin e regiment s sen t t o Washington' s arm y from Nort h Carolina , onl y tw o ha d mor e tha n tw o hundre d full-tim e soldiers. Virgini a sen t fifteen undersize d regiments . Ne w Yor k an d Ne w England's Continenta l quota s wer e generall y reduce d becaus e thei r sol diers ha d serve d a campaig n longe r tha n thos e o f othe r states . I t fel l t o the middl e state s (Ne w Jersey , Pennsylvania , Delaware , an d Maryland ) to provid e th e bul k o f th e post-177 6 Continenta l recruits . Delaware , du e to it s minuscul e population , merel y continue d t o fill th e vacancie s i n it s one existin g regiment . Maryland' s quot a wa s raise d t o eigh t regiments ; Pennsylvania provide d thirteen , an d Ne w Jerse y adde d four . Th e Penn sylvania line , however , wa s th e larges t singl e militar y organizatio n i n Washington's army. 48 Take n a s a whole , th e middl e state s contribute d nearly hal f o f th e tota l forc e o f th e mai n Continenta l arm y i n 177 7 anc * 1778. Th e Iris h presenc e withi n thes e middle-stat e regiment s averaged , according t o existin g records , aroun d 4 5 percen t o f thei r entir e strength . When thi s numbe r i s compared t o th e tota l ran k an d file of Washington' s

38 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing army, i t become s conceivabl e tha t roughl y on e ou t o f ever y fou r Conti nental soldier s wa s of Iris h descent. 49 Because th e Continenta l arm y relie d s o heavil y o n th e Iris h fo r long termed soldiers , Washingto n fel t hi s arm y wa s especiall y vulnerabl e t o desertion an d "tampering " b y th e enemy . Th e us e o f Iris h soldier s wa s so widesprea d b y 177 7 tha t whe n Washingto n attempte d t o for m hi s headquarters guard , h e tol d Colone l Alexande r Spot s wood tha t h e wa s "satisfied ther e ca n b e n o absolut e securit y fo r th e fidelity o f thi s clas s of people, bu t ye t I think i t most likel y to be found i n those who have famil y connections i n th e country. " Washingto n wante d onl y native s fo r hi s headquarters guard , "an d som e me n o f property , i f yo u hav e them. " H e did no t ge t them . A t n o tim e durin g th e wa r di d th e muste r roll s o f hi s guard eve r revea l a roste r entirel y fre e o f a t leas t som e Irish-bor n sol diers. 50 General Charle s Le e als o ha d a n extraordinaril y lo w opinio n o f th e abundance o f Iris h soldiers , eve n whe n the y stocke d hi s ow n ranks . H e ordered hi s deput y adjutan t "no t t o tak e an y native s o f Grea t Britain , o r Ireland, a s recruits , unles s the y hav e bee n som e tim e resident s i n thi s country, an d hav e wive s an d children . . . . A s thi s Sir , i s a matter o f n o small importance." 51 Lee' s order s wer e ignore d b y recruitin g officers , however, a s h e late r complaine d t o Washingto n tha t "th e me n ar e good , some Iris h rascal s excepted. " H e referre d t o th e ethni c element s i n th e American rank s a s "banditti " an d though t tha t th e "spiri t o f desertio n i n the bac k Country Troop s [was ] alarmingly great. " Le e stated tha t recruit ing officers ha d "injudiciously " filled thei r quota s wit h "Ol d Countryme n and particularl y th e Irish " and the y ha d "muc h contaminate d th e [native ] troops." 52 The "contamination " to which Le e referred wa s the restivenes s that man y Iris h soldier s seeme d t o demonstrat e withi n th e Continenta l army. Contentiou s an d pron e t o desert , Iris h Continenta l soldier s de manded tangibl e gain s fo r thei r service . No t connected , necessarily , t o the patrio t caus e b y ideology , th e Iris h soldier s wer e ap t t o use their fee t when thing s wer e no t t o their liking . The evidenc e suggest s tha t Iris h soldier s did , i n fact , deser t th e arm y at a higher rat e than th e American-born. A review of the Maryland Gazette from Ma y 177 7 t o Decembe r 177 7 foun d tha t 5 8 percen t (eleve n o f nineteen) o f th e advertisement s fo r deserte d soldier s mentione d tha t the y were Irish. 53 Th e advertisement s i n th e Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser revealed th e sam e patter n o f desertion fo r Pennsylvania' s Irish born soldiery . Discountin g repea t advertisement s fo r th e retur n o f sol -

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 3 9 diers, runawa y servants , an d slaves , the Journal liste d 11 2 deserters fro m various Pennsylvani a companie s an d recruitin g officers . O f tha t number , 33 percent o f those advertised wer e Iris h soldiers. 54 Nearly ever y editio n o f wartim e colonia l newspaper s advertise d fo r a number o f soldier s identifie d b y thei r officer s a s deserters. Th e followin g advertisements wer e typica l o f attempt s b y compan y officer s t o get thei r men back : — DESERTED fro m Captai n Joh n McGowan' s Compan y o f th e Sixt h Pennsylvania Regimen t th e followin g persons , viz. : JAMES WALLACE , born in Ireland, aged thirty years, five feet six or seven inches high, smooth in complexion, brow n hair , usuall y reside s in Derr y Township , Lancaste r County. Eranci s McClusky, bor n i n Ireland , abou t the same age and size, smooth complexion, light brown hair, and worked for some time at Captain William Old's forge. 55 —THREE HUNDRE D DOLLAR S REWARD : Deserted fro m th e 13t h Pennsylvania Regiment , th e followin g persons , viz. : JOHN MELVAIN , born in Ireland, five feet te n inche s high, sandy complexion, very talkative and drunken; resided i n East Nottingham, Chester County. 56 The reaso n fo r th e hig h desertio n rat e i s no t har d t o deduce . Havin g had littl e tim e t o establis h themselve s i n th e communitie s tha t recruite d them, Iris h soldier s wer e har d t o identif y an d blende d int o th e colonia l populace wit h littl e effort . Becaus e o f th e deserte r advertisements , how ever, w e can ge t a general pictur e o f the averag e Iris h soldie r wh o serve d in th e Continenta l army . Th e advertisement s o r entrie s i n orderl y book s not only gav e the soldiers ' physical descriptio n bu t include d thei r manne r of speech , suc h as , "speak s littl e English, " o r "ha s th e brogu e o n hi s tongue." 57 Mos t o f the m ha d bee n i n th e countr y les s tha n seve n years . While a fe w wer e liste d a s havin g deserte d earlie r i n th e war , th e larges t number (7 5 percent ) ha d enliste d an d deserte d towar d th e middl e an d end. Mos t wer e described a s generally shorte r (fiv e feet , five inches ) tha n the averag e Continenta l arm y recruit , wh o measure d five feet, seve n inches. Mos t likely , poo r diet s ha d contribute d t o th e Iris h soldiers ' shorter stature. 58 Henry Broderick , a Germa n office r i n th e Britis h army , confirme d that b y 177 7 large numbers o f Irishme n wer e movin g betwee n th e armie s at a high rate . Moreover , becaus e man y me n ra n off wit h thei r arm y rifle s and their congressional- or crown-issued clothing , th e loss of such soldier s increased th e cos t o f financing th e wa r effor t o n bot h sides. 59 However ,

40 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing Stephen Kemble , a Britis h arm y officer , though t tha t deserter s ha d a tendency t o overstat e th e cas e fo r Iris h desertio n fro m th e Continenta l army. H e note d tha t "severa l Deserter s latel y fro m th e Rebels , wit h thei r Arms, report , a s al l deserter s do , tha t mos t o f th e Iris h . . . will leav e them [th e Americans] on our takin g the field." 60 The British , o f course , wer e no t immun e t o th e allur e o f Americ a o n their ow n soldiers . B y 177 9 the y wer e havin g difficult y keepin g thei r units filled du e t o losse s incurre d ove r fou r year s o f fighting. Sendin g recruiting partie s t o Irelan d wa s viewe d b y som e Britis h general s a s a highly dangerou s policy . Genera l Pattison , i n a lette r t o Colone l Cleaveland, a recruitin g office r i n Britain , wrote : "If the y don' t sen d m e out sufficien t Drafts , ho w wil l i t be possible to carry o n the Servic e of th e ensuing campaign—As t o recruiting i n Ireland , I can only say , Necessit y has n o Law— I mos t certainl y shoul d giv e th e Preferenc e t o raisin g ou r Men i n Englan d o r Scotlan d i f possible." 61 Afte r th e arrival o f fifty-seven of hi s ne w Irish-bor n recruit s i n Ne w Yor k late r tha t year , Pattiso n changed hi s mind . H e lamente d t o Cleaveland tha t h e wished th e "Fifty seven . . . wer e agai n i n th e Bog s fro m whenc e the y spran g [meanin g Ireland]—hard Time s indee d & great mus t b e th e scarcit y o f Me n whe n the Roya l Artiller y i s obliged t o tak e suc h Reptiles. " Pattiso n wante d n o more Irishme n recruite d fo r hi s battalio n becaus e h e rightl y worrie d tha t they woul d deser t t o th e American s a t thei r first opportunity . " I hav e more alread y tha n I could wis h fro m tha t Country, " state d th e General , "and I am informe d b y Capt . Chapma n tha t 4 9 of the Me n enliste d ther e have Deserted." 62 Reptile s or not , thes e Iris h soldier s rapidl y becam e th e backbone of the line s of the middle states . Henry Clinton , commande r o f al l Britis h force s i n Nort h America , seemed t o b e especiall y concerne d abou t th e Continenta l army' s Iris h element. H e state d i n a letter t o George Germai n tha t h e was determine d to "tr y al l Mean s whic h shoul d appea r t o b e likel y t o dra w of f fro m th e American Army , th e Numbe r o f European s whic h constitute d it s princi pal Force. " "The Emigrant s fro m Ireland, " h e declared, "wer e i n genera l to b e looke d upo n a s ou r mos t seriou s Antagonists . The y ha d fled fro m the real or fancied oppressio n o f their Landlords ; Thro' Drea d o f prosecu tion fo r th e Riot s whic h thei r Ide a o f tha t Oppressio n ha d occasioned , they ha d transplante d themselve s int o a Countr y wher e the y coul d liv e without Apprehension." 63 Clinto n speculate d tha t "i t woul d b e a power ful temptatio n t o th e Irish , [i f h e were ] authorized t o hol d fort h t o the m His Majesty' s Pardo n fo r al l Crime s heretofor e committe d b y the m i n

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 4 1 Ireland, excep t Murder. " Clinto n though t tha t th e "prospec t o f returnin g home withou t Apprehensio n t o thei r Families " fo r man y o f th e single , male immigrant s "migh t hav e considerabl e influence " amon g th e Iris h and "coul d produc e n o evil t o th e State." 64 Whil e ther e i s some evidenc e that Lor d Rawdo n wa s abl e t o recrui t a smal l uni t o f Irish-American s t o fight fo r th e crown , ther e wa s n o indicatio n tha t hi s "pardon " ha d an y effect o n Iris h soldier s i n th e Continental army. 65 The British , however , ha d t o wal k a fine lin e i n offerin g enticement s for gettin g th e Iris h t o join , becaus e the y riske d offendin g th e nativ e loyalists wh o first joine d thei r provincia l corps . T o ge t aroun d thi s prob lem, Clinto n decide d t o "wor k upo n th e nationa l attachmen t o f th e Iris h by invitin g the m int o a regimen t whos e officer s shoul d b e al l fro m tha t country." Muste r return s beginnin g i n Augus t 177 8 and continuin g unti l September 178 1 sho w tha t uni t strengt h ebbe d an d flowe d fro m a low of 240 me n i n 177 8 t o a hig h o f 61 2 i n Marc h 1779 . B y 1780 , th e Iris h American volunteer s wer e bac k dow n t o jus t 28 6 me n an d ende d u p a t the end o f the wa r wit h 398. 66 Desertion, n o doubt , wa s th e chie f caus e o f th e fluctuation , althoug h Clinton himsel f di d no t thin k so . The Iris h employe d b y th e Britis h wer e involved i n onl y tw o majo r engagements , bot h o f the m Britis h victories . Disease an d battle-relate d death s ma y hav e take n thei r toll , bu t certainl y not hal f o f thei r tota l strength . Th e fluctuation s i n number s confirme d that th e immigrant s wh o serve d th e Britis h ha d n o rea l loyalt y t o th e crown an d serve d onl y whe n i t suite d thei r interests . Ebeneze r Buck , a civilian observe r o f th e Continenta l army , note d tha t s o man y me n de serted bot h armie s tha t h e "believe d w e [th e Americans ] kee p about eve n with them." 67 The eb b an d flow o f Irishme n int o bot h side s o f th e conflic t le d a n unknown write r t o not e i n Captai n Rober t Kirkwood' s orderl y boo k tha t the Britis h arm y wa s i n realit y " a Motle y Collectio n o f Forreigners , i n a Land wholl y unknow n t o them , cu t of f fro m thei r Nativ e Country. " Kirkwood's autho r observe d tha t "w e [th e Americans ] shal l find amon g themselves a Reinforcemen t t o ou r army . Th e Irish , wh o ar e incorpo rated int o thei r forces , wil l throug h sham e o f thei r Country' s Caus e Deserted b y the m . . . leav e th e English. " Th e autho r note d tha t th e Scotch an d Hessian s wil l probabl y "follo w th e exampl e o f thei r Coun trymen [an d deser t th e Britis h also]." 68 Irish soldier s appeare d t o be everywhere. Thei r presenc e was so prevalent tha t Genera l Charle s Le e remarke d towar d th e en d o f th e wa r tha t

42 • The Most Audacious Rascals Existing the America n rebellio n wa s "nothin g mor e tha n a Mac-ocracy, meanin g that th e Revolutio n wa s dominate d b y th e Scotch-Irish." 69 Th e re nowned Tory , Josep h Galloway , evidentl y agree d wit h Lee . Appearin g before Parliamen t i n 1779 , h e declared tha t "abou t one-half o f th e Rebe l Army wa s Irish and only a quarter of it American." 70 Even though it was an exaggeration , Galloway' s remar k indicate d tha t th e Iris h presenc e i n the Continental rank s was a strong one. The revolutionar y generatio n o f Americ a was , a s Owe n E d wards onc e remarked, among the first to come to terms with the idea of Irish nationality. Th e translator of the journals of the Marquis de Chastellux, a French officer i n Rochambeau' s army , note d tha t whil e Englishme n an d Scots men wer e regarde d with jealous y o r distrus t i n America , th e Irishman , "the instan t h e set s foo t o n America n groun d becomes , ips o facto , a n American; this wa s uniformly th e case during the whole of the late war." This wa s becaus e th e Irishma n wa s "suppose d t o hav e a sympath y o f suffering" due to oppression extan t i n 1770 s Ireland. Thus , "hi s sincerity was never called int o question." 71 The reason s tha t Irishme n joine d th e arm y wer e a s varie d a s th e individuals themselves , thoug h th e Iris h di d hav e legitimat e grievance s against the crown. Th e sheer volume of emigration in the early 1770 s was an obvious indicatio n o f thei r dissatisfactio n a t home . Moreover , i f the y were fleeing oppression and high rents, as Arthur Young surmised, then , given thei r situation , the y coul d hardl y d o an y wors e i n th e colonies . Service migh t brin g "connections , land-grant s i n th e Wes t ( a traditiona l bounty, renewe d durin g th e Revolution) , perhap s o n demobilizatio n a manly swagge r an d a wif e t o replac e th e down-loo k note d i n s o man y descriptions of colonial Irishmen." 72 Perhaps th e Iris h chos e th e American s becaus e o f thei r antipath y toward th e British . Alexande r Gra y don, a Continenta l arm y officer , thought tha t "as to the genuine son s of Hibernia , i t was enough fo r them to kno w tha t Englan d wa s th e antagonist . Irishmen , lik e the mettlesom e coursers o f Phaethon , only require d reinin g in." 73 "Courser s o f Phae thon" (or unruly horses) seems to be an appropriate appellation. The Iris h soldier forme d a substantia l par t o f th e British , American , an d eve n French forces during the Revolution. 74 There i s littl e doub t tha t politica l leader s i n Irelan d an d Americ a fel t they ha d a common cause . Demand s mad e b y th e Iris h durin g th e war , particularly o n th e issue s o f fre e trad e an d toleranc e o f Roman Catholi -

The Most Audacious Rascals Existing • 4 3 cism, wer e inextricabl y connecte d t o th e prewa r turmoi l i n Irelan d an d the wartim e event s i n America . Charle s Lucas , a frien d o f Americ a i n Ireland an d edito r o f th e radica l Iris h newspape r The Freeman's Journal, kept aliv e th e feelin g o f commonalit y betwee n th e tw o countries . Wolf e Tone, th e Iris h revolutionar y o f th e 1700s , quote d Thoma s Pain e i n support o f politica l refor m i n Ireland . Ton e argue d tha t Americ a wa s a shining exampl e o f a countr y tha t ha d overcom e religiou s an d sectaria n strife an d wishe d tha t Irelan d migh t hav e its own versio n o f the America n Revolution. Revolutionar y ideas , manpowe r i n th e for m o f emigrants , and th e commo n struggl e fo r economi c an d politica l emancipatio n thu s flowed bac k an d fort h acros s th e Atlantic . A t th e en d o f th e war , th e Yankee Clu b o f Count y Tyron e sen t Washingto n a lette r o f congratula tions on th e achievemen t o f American independence . Washingto n replie d that h e hope d tha t Irelan d ha d receive d som e benefi t fro m th e America n struggle.75 Fo r Ireland , however , i t was a struggle that ha s not yet ended .

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A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls: The Germans in the Continental Army

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n a hot July day in 1775 , John Adams and several other members of Congress commiserated abou t the recruitment of men for the Continental army . A n ide a cam e t o Adams , however , whe n a Germa n citizen o f Pennsylvani a walke d throug h th e fron t door s o f Independence Hall . Wearin g the full unifor m of a Prussian "deaths-head" Hussar, th e Germa n soldie r "appeare d lik e a n apparition." "He wa s th e most warlik e person " Adam s ha d eve r seen . Afte r proclaimin g tha t h e could rais e fifty othe r me n jus t lik e himself , th e Germa n strod e ou t th e doors o f Congres s determine d t o recrui t som e o f hi s countryme n fo r Continental service . Adam s late r remarke d t o a fellow membe r o f Con gress tha t h e though t tha t th e Continenta l arm y shoul d mak e use of th e "multitude" of German s wh o ha d immigrate d t o th e colonie s durin g th e years leadin g u p t o th e Revolution . Admittin g tha t h e "wa s no t fon d o f raising man y Soldier s ou t o f Ne w England, " Adam s decide d tha t "b y engaging thei r ow n (German ) Gentleme n an d Peasant s the y shal l rive t their People to the public Cause." * Recent scholarshi p o n colonia l histor y ha s demonstrate d tha t Britis h America wa s no t simpl y a n Englis h bu t rathe r a multicultura l society . Far fro m bein g a homogeneou s monolith , colonia l societ y comprise d many divergen t race s an d ethni c groups . Fo r some , th e wa r wa s a n opportunity fo r socia l an d economi c mobility . Other s ma y hav e bee n inspired b y th e rhetori c o f colonia l revolutionaries . I t appears, however , that revolutionar y fervo r ha d littl e t o do wit h th e reason s wh y certai n 44

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 4 5 ethnic group s chos e t o ente r th e struggl e o r remai n neutral . Mor e often , their decision s wer e a matter o f surviva l o r a way t o even a score wit h a n old enemy . Thi s chapte r wil l sho w ho w America n an d Britis h recruiter s vied wit h eac h ove r a source of militar y labo r the y coul d no t ignore . Ethnic Germans , th e larges t non-Anglo-Saxo n ethni c grou p t o emi grate from Europ e i n the prewa r years , enliste d i n bot h armie s during th e Revolution. Pietisti c religiou s sect s lik e th e Dunkers , Mennonites , an d Moravians trie d t o remai n neutral . Whe n a loyalis t captai n inquire d i n 1776 whethe r th e Moravian s wer e incline d t o "joi n th e othe r party, " h e was informe d tha t "i t doe s no t accor d wit h [their ] characte r a s Brethre n to mi x i n suc h politica l affairs , w e ar e childre n o f peace , an d wis h peac e with al l men ; whateve r Go d lay s upo n u s w e bear." 2 Mos t Germans , however, wer e no t member s o f pacifis t sects . Th e Luthera n an d Re formed clergy , wh o le d thos e wh o constitute d 9 0 percen t o f th e Germa n population, "wer e virtuall y unanimou s i n thei r suppor t o f th e movemen t for America n Independence. " The y ofte n harangue d captiv e Hessia n prisoners o f wa r an d attempte d t o convinc e the m t o abando n th e Britis h and joi n th e Continental army. 3

The Germans and America The larg e prewa r Germa n populatio n o f Americ a convince d man y tha t this ethni c blo c wa s a resource to o valuabl e t o overlook. Fro m th e begin ning o f colonia l settlemen t t o th e yea r 1760 , a t leas t 700,00 0 immigrant s from variou s nation s ha d arrive d i n Nort h America . B y 1760 , however , American shore s wer e flooded b y newcomer s fleeing famine , war , an d pestilence i n Europe . German s affecte d b y th e Wa r o f th e Austria n Succession an d th e ravage s of the Sun-Kin g arrive d i n record numbers . I t has bee n estimate d tha t nearl y 58,00 0 Germans ha d com e to Philadelphi a alone. B y th e mid-eighteent h century , a t leas t seventee n Philadelphi a merchant house s wer e activel y engage d i n th e Germa n immigran t trade , which accounte d fo r 96. 6 percen t o f al l Germa n immigrant s t o Philadel phia afte r 1763. 4 A t leas t eighty-eigh t immigran t ship s carryin g betwee n 120 and 20 0 souls each arrive d a t th e por t o f Philadelphi a afte r th e Seve n Years' War. 5 Germans seeme d t o b e especiall y draw n t o th e colon y o f Pennsylva nia du e t o hig h deman d fo r servant s an d th e relativ e religiou s freedo m afforded the m b y th e stat e government . A s earl y a s 1677 , Willia m

46 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls Penn ha d toure d Germa n principalitie s t o recrui t immigrant s an d inden tured servant s fo r hi s colon y o f Pennsylvania . Offerin g religiou s tolera tion t o sect s tha t wer e no t tolerate d i n thei r homeland , Pennsylvani a attracted numerou s denominations . Thirtee n Mennonit e families , fo r in stance, founde d Germantown , Pennsylvania , i n 1683 ; man y othe r de nominations followed . I n 1742 , Heinric h Muhlenberg , founde r o f a large and prominen t family , arrive d t o organize th e Luthera n churc h i n Penn sylvania. B y 1745 , there wer e a n estimate d 45,00 0 German s i n Pennsyl vania. B y 1776 , th e German s comprise d nearl y one-thir d o f Pennsylva nia's entir e pre-wa r population . German s als o emigrate d t o Ne w York . They establishe d Neuberg—no w know n a s Newburgh—Ne w York , i n 1709. Arrivin g a s indenture d servants , man y eventuall y move d int o th e Mohawk valle y (th e frontier a t that time). 6 Taken together , i t is estimated that Ne w Yor k an d Pennsylvani a alon e hel d abou t 225,00 0 German s by 1775. 7 The German s lef t thei r homeland s fo r a variet y o f reasons , thoug h economic motivatio n an d relie f fro m th e ravage s o f contendin g armie s seemed t o predominate . Th e Palatine s ha d suffere d greatl y fro m th e devastation visite d upo n the m durin g th e Thirty Years ' War. Durin g th e War o f th e Spanis h Succession , Quee n Ann e o f Grea t Britai n ha d al lowed 10,00 0 Palatine refugee s t o settle i n England . Findin g i t difficult t o assimilate int o th e Englis h cultur e an d comin g unde r increasin g nativ e resentment, th e Londo n governmen t sen t the m t o th e colonies . Mor e than 3,80 0 wen t t o Ireland , th e res t t o Ne w Yor k an d Nort h Carolina . Roughly on e i n fou r die d e n rout e o r immediatel y afte r landin g i n America. Othe r immediat e cause s fo r mas s migratio n fro m th e Palatin e were relate d t o a har d winte r i n 1709- 1 o, restoratio n o f Catholicis m a s the officia l religio n o f th e region , an d floods. 8 Wa r taxes , robberies , an d war reparation s contribute d a s well. In general , eighteenth-centur y immigrant s avoide d Ne w Englan d an d the souther n plantatio n districts . No t onl y wa s les s lan d availabl e fo r newcomers there , bu t th e loca l inhabitant s wer e reputed t o be unfriendl y to non-Englis h people . Thu s th e primar y destinatio n fo r mos t German s and other eighteenth-century immigran t groups were the middle colonies. The German s favore d Pennsylvani a ove r Ne w Yor k du e t o it s mor e lenient religiou s policy , acces s t o fertile back-countr y lands , an d th e proximity o f similar, establishe d ethni c enclaves. 9 Peter Brunnholtz , a Germa n Luthera n pasto r i n Philadelphia , note d the surge of migration t o America fro m th e various Rhinelan d principalit -

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 4 7 ies. Th e numbe r o f thos e "wh o arrive d alive " durin g on e particularl y active mont h i n 1751 , state d th e pastor , "wa s 1,049. " Brunnholt z ob served tha t a grou p o f peopl e calle d "Newlanders " habituall y wen t ou t into th e Wurttember g distric t o f German y an d persuade d th e peopl e "t o come int o thi s countr y an d tha t everyon e woul d b e a s ric h a s noblemen , and etc." 10 "Thes e deceivers, " h e declared , "hav e thi s profi t i n it , tha t they wit h thei r merchandis e ar e brough t i n free , an d i n addition , fo r every hea d the y brin g t o Amsterdam o r Rotterdam , the y receiv e a certain sum fro m th e merchant s . . . whil e [th e immigrants ] ar e packe d int o th e ships a s i f the y wer e herring." 11 Brunnholt z recommende d tha t Germa n newspapers i n Americ a an d Europ e repor t suc h nefariou s recruitin g methods bu t lamente d tha t "th e farmer s don' t rea d th e papers , an d man y indeed woul d no t believ e it , a s they moreove r hav e a mind t o come." n

Recruiting Germans for the Army By 177 6 thousand s o f youn g Germa n me n wer e workin g i n th e urba n enclaves an d rura l countrysid e o f Nort h America . On e o f thes e youn g men wa s Johan n Car l Buettner . Th e experienc e o f Buettne r illustrate s vividly ho w man y youn g Germa n immigrant s mus t hav e ende d u p i n uniform durin g th e Revolution . I t appeare d tha t Buettne r ha d drifte d about th e town s o f German y durin g th e year s before th e outbrea k o f th e American wa r i n an attemp t t o find work a s a surgeon's assistant . Havin g little success, h e happened t o be near Hambur g one day an d wa s induce d by tw o "Newlander " recruiter s t o sail t o America t o find work. Promise d by the m tha t h e woul d onl y hav e t o indentur e himsel f fo r tw o year s to wor k of f th e cos t o f passage , th e gullibl e Buettne r signe d o n a s a "redemptioner" boun d fo r America . Disembarkin g at the port of Philadel phia, h e quickl y discovere d tha t th e ship' s captai n demande d tha t h e submit t o si x year s o f servitude . Whe n Buettne r an d si x other s refuse d these stee p terms , th e captain becam e enrage d an d threatene d t o ship th e recalcitrants t o Barbados , wher e the y migh t b e worke d t o deat h befor e their terms expired. Buettne r submitte d an d ende d u p working fo r a New Jersey Quake r farme r wh o pai d $15 0 to the ship' s captain i n exchange fo r his indenture . After severa l attempt s t o ru n away , Buettne r foun d a n opportunit y t o escape whe n h e learne d fro m severa l Hessia n deserter s tha t th e Congres s was enlistin g Germa n servant s i n th e Continenta l army , t o serv e unde r a

48 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls former Prussia n office r wh o calle d himsel f Baro n vo n Ottendorff . Th e only stipulatio n wa s tha t th e servant s ge t permissio n t o enlist fro m thei r masters an d tha t "thes e master s woul d receiv e during thei r servant s ter m of servic e a par t o f thei r pay." 13 Th e Unite d States , i n turn , promise d each redemptione r "1 3 acres of land fre e o f charge, t o be taken possessio n of a s soo n a s peac e wa s declared." 14 Buettne r wa s thu s "persuade d t o enter thi s voluntee r corps " although , a s h e late r admitted , h e "wa s les s concerned abou t th e freedo m o f Nort h Americ a tha n abou t hi s own." 15 Hoping, perhaps , tha t appeal s t o ethni c bloc s migh t hel p t o hol d th e forces o f rebellio n together , member s o f Congress an d stat e government s actively courte d me n lik e Johann Buettner . Nort h Carolina' s delegat e t o Congress, Joseph Hewes , wrot e t o James Iredel l tha t th e proceeding s o f Congress regardin g independenc e wer e "generall y approve d o f her e b y all ranks of people; the Germans wh o compose a large part o f the inhabit ants o f thi s provinc e [Nort h Carolina ] ar e al l o n ou r side ; th e sweet s o f liberty littl e know n i n thei r ow n countr y ar e here enjoyed b y the m i n it s utmost latitude." 16 Iredel l urge d Congres s t o tak e advantag e o f th e mili tary possibilitie s provide d b y th e larg e number o f ethnic Germans withi n their midst . In th e mind s o f colonial elite s lik e John Adam s an d Charle s Carrol l o f Carrollton, me n lik e Buettne r wer e idea l candidate s fo r servic e a s long termed soldiers . I f member s o f ethni c group s joine d th e army , though t Adams, the y woul d kee p th e burde n o f servin g fro m "th e Native s o f th e country wh o wer e neede d fo r Agriculture , Manufactures , an d Com merce." Charles Carroll aske d Benjami n Frankli n whethe r o r not i t would be prudent t o "engage 5 or 6 thousand men , Germans , Swiss , or the Iris h Brigade?" Informe d b y other s tha t hi s propositio n wa s to o expensive fo r the fledglin g Unite d States , Carrol l ha d t o conten t himsel f wit h thos e ethnic soldier s already i n the country. 17 To reac h ou t t o thes e soldiers , th e Pennsylvani a Committe e o f Safet y wisely ha d ever y proclamation , alarm , o r broadsid e printe d i n Germa n as wel l a s English. 18 Agent s fo r Heinric h Miller' s Germa n newspape r Staatesbote ranged throughou t th e frontie r settlement s o f Nov a Scoti a an d all th e wa y sout h t o Georgia . Usin g th e printe d medi a t o sprea d th e message to ethnic Germans livin g in the back-country settlement s of Ne w York an d Nort h Carolina , Mille r publishe d i n German , i n Augus t 1775 , "An Appea l . . . t o th e Germa n Inhabitant s i n th e Province s o f Ne w York an d Nort h Carolina. " Writte n b y Ludwi g Weiss , presiden t o f th e Pennsylvania-German society , Weis s an d Mille r ha d bee n urge d b y som e

A True Pell-Mell of Human So is • 4 9 members o f Congres s t o publis h thi s broadsid e s o a s t o counterac t Britis h propaganda i n N e w Yor k an d N o r t h Carolin a tha t wa s apparentl y mak ing som e German s les s "dispose d towar d th e commo n cause." 1 9 Weis s reminded hi s fello w German s tha t thei r brethre n i n Pennsylvani a ha d no t only establishe d militia s o f G e r m a n citizen s bu t als o a "selec t corp s o f Jagers [riflemen ] wh o ar e i n readines s t o marc h wheneve r i t i s re quired." 2 0 Weis s though t i t wa s particularl y importan t t o remin d th e N e w Yor k German s o f th e following : Little do th e German s i n Ne w Yor k governmen t hav e to gain fro m turnin g to certain ric h peopl e i n the City o f Ne w Yor k an d Alban y wh o are owner s of larg e plot s of ground o n whic h man y German s liv e as tenants. ¥ov it wil l do the German s mor e good i n the end i f the general freedo m o f the countr y is maintaine d tha n i f the y ar e t o liv e a t th e merc y o f thei r landlords . . . . At th e presen t time , however , ther e i s no better rul e fo r German s t o follo w both i n Ne w Yor k an d Carolin a tha n t o loo k wit h suspicio n o n th e counse l (of th e landlords ) an d rathe r g o th e wa y o f th e commo n peopl e wh o ear n their wa y o n thei r ow n land. 21 By 1776 , Britai n ha d introduce d it s ow n Germa n militar y force s int o the conflic t i n th e for m o f Hessia n mercenaries . Congres s move d quickl y to counterac t an y thought s th e Britis h migh t hav e entertaine d abou t recruiting o r impressin g German-American s a s replacement s fo r dea d o r deserted Hessians . Please d wit h th e resolut e congressiona l action , Georg e Washington wrot e t o th e presiden t o f Congres s tha t a regimen t mad e u p of German-American s "woul d g o fa r i n counteracting ] th e design s o f our Enemies." 2 2 Throughout th e war , Congres s usuall y respecte d th e prerogativ e o f each stat e t o for m it s ow n militar y units , althoug h som e provincia l unit s were eventuall y incorporate d a s "Continental " forces . O n rar e occasion s however, Congres s recognize d th e importanc e o f cultura l identificatio n with a particula r militar y uni t an d sanctione d recruitin g acros s politica l boundaries s o tha t recruiter s coul d tak e advantag e o f ethni c solidarities . T h e establishmen t o f th e G e r m a n Battalio n o n 2 5 Ma y 177 6 wa s suc h a n attempt t o persuad e member s o f a n ethni c grou p t o suppor t th e wa r effort. Fro m a militar y standpoint , thi s formatio n wa s significant , becaus e the responsibilit y fo r recruitin g an d supportin g Continenta l unit s i n th e field wa s generall y lef t u p t o th e individua l states . T h u s unit s recruite d across stat e boundarie s wer e ofte n unevenl y supported . Thi s cause d tre mendous dissatisfactio n amon g th e soldier s o f th e sam e uni t wh o wit -

50 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls nessed thei r comrade s gettin g bette r pay , clothing , an d equipmen t whil e sharing th e sam e campfires an d condition s o f life. Assigne d t o the Middl e Department i n June 1776 , the German Battalio n consiste d o f five companies fro m easter n Pennsylvania , tw o companie s fro m Baltimor e County , Maryland, an d tw o companie s fro m Frederick , Maryland. 23 Arm y re cruiters chos e thes e particula r area s fo r a n enlistmen t campaig n becaus e of their heav y concentration s o f ethnic Germans . Within week s after congressiona l approva l specificall y t o recruit ethni c Germans, th e "Germa n Battalion " bega n t o tak e shape . A revie w o f th e initial muste r rol l o f Captai n Phili p Graybill' s Compan y fro m Marylan d revealed tha t indee d al l o f hi s thirty-fou r enlistee s wer e German . Con gress issue d warrant s t o th e Committe e o f Observatio n fo r Baltimor e County tha t appointe d German s t o command th e companies an d ordere d the treasure r o f th e Committe e o f Safet y t o pa y the m a bounty o f 16 0 to 300 dollars eac h depending o n th e rank t o which the y wer e appointed. 24 During th e earl y stage s o f th e Revolution , recruitin g fo r th e battalio n was restricte d t o thos e citizen s wh o understoo d th e Germa n language . The reaso n fo r thi s wa s clear: the officers, noncommissione d officers , an d squad-mates wer e all German immigrant s or sons of German immigrants , many o f who m barel y understoo d English . A soldier name d "Jame s Fox " was ordered t o join another unit , becaus e "no t bein g a German o r the son of a German [he ] could no t serv e i n tha t Regiment." 25 Georg e Washing ton expresse d hi s satisfactio n wit h th e recruitin g o f th e uni t whe n h e reported t o Governo r Le e that "th e Germa n Battalio n ha d enliste d 1,07 4 men b y July 1776." 26 Another all-Germa n uni t tha t gaine d prominenc e durin g th e earl y months o f th e wa r wa s th e on e tha t Johann Buettne r joined , th e Otten dorf Corps . No t to o muc h i s know n abou t thi s uni t excep t tha t it s commander, Captai n vo n Ottendorff , a Germa n adventurer , allegedl y deserted th e arm y abou t midwa r an d joine d wit h Benedic t Arnol d afte r he als o ha d change d sides . Ottendorf f wa s authorize d b y Congres s o n 5 December 177 6 t o recrui t hi s uni t i n th e German-speakin g communitie s around Philadelphia ; th e grou p amounte d t o approximatel y five compa nies o f men , al l o f who m wer e German. 27 Congres s als o authorize d a second specia l Germa n uni t know n a s "th e Marechausse e Corps. " Thi s unit acte d a s Washington' s militar y polic e an d occasionall y a s headquar ters guard. Mounte d o n horseback , thes e men too k thei r plac e behind th e last file o f me n o n th e battlefiel d an d cu t dow n an y soldie r wh o lef t th e

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 5 1 line, deserte d o n th e march , o r flinched i n th e fac e o f th e enemy . Com manded b y Prussia n emigr e Bartholome w vo n Heer , th e uni t wa s re cruited i n th e Pennsylvania-Germa n neighborhood s o f Berk s an d Lancas ter counties . 28 After th e first yea r o f th e war , Pegg y Kunz e wa s amaze d a t th e number o f Germa n me n wh o ha d bee n recruite d b y th e Continenta l army, althoug h sh e hinted tha t no t al l went willingly . Observin g th e first Pennsylvania German s marc h of f t o joi n th e ne w army , sh e commente d that "th e Yager s [riflemen ] ar e mos t al l gone. Nex t Sunda y w e shal l hav e very fe w me n i n ou r Church , al l m y neabor s ar e gone . . . . Th e me n must go , o r b e take n t o gail , o r tar d an d fetheard." 29 Although , lik e th e Quakers, som e of th e mor e orthodox Germa n sects , suc h a s the Dunker s or Moravians , avoide d servin g i n th e arme d forces , Congres s an d th e Sons o f Libert y mad e i t har d fo r mos t German s t o sta y neutral . Thos e who refused servic e i n th e militi a o n religiou s grounds wer e force d t o pay triple taxes , an d thos e wh o wer e no t s o incline d serve d or , a s Pegg y Kunze noted , face d th e wrat h o f the loca l Committee o f Safety . Pennsylvania an d Marylan d wer e no t th e onl y state s t o recogniz e th e value an d revolutionar y tendencie s o f th e ethni c Germans . Whe n Vir ginia create d si x ne w regiments , i t designate d on e o f the m th e Germa n Regiment (th e Eight h Virginia ) an d directe d tha t th e regimen t u be mad e up o f German s an d othe r officer s an d soldier s (with ) Peete r Mulenber g [sic], Colonel." 30 Muhlenberg , destine d t o becom e on e o f Washington' s general officers , allegedl y climbe d ont o hi s Woodstock , Virginia , pulpi t in January 1776 , wearin g militar y gar b beneat h hi s ministeria l robes . H e ordered th e beating of drums outside the church door s and soo n had thre e hundred, mostl y German , volunteer s fo r Continenta l service. 31 The majorit y o f al l Germa n Continenta l arm y recruits , however , en listed i n Pennsylvania . Pennsylvani a German s playe d a substantial rol e in manning thei r stat e line . Th e muste r list s of the Firs t throug h Thirteent h Pennsylvania Regiment s reveale d tha t betwee n 1 0 and 2 0 percent o f thei r recruits ha d Germani c surnames . Regiment s recruite d i n th e easter n counties o f Berks , York , Northhampton , an d Lancaster ; area s nea r th e cities of Philadelphi a o r Readin g liste d eve n highe r level s of 5 0 percent o r more Germans . O n average , Pennsylvania' s regiment s containe d 1 3 per cent Germans . Th e Pennsylvani a companie s tha t ha d bee n par t o f th e German Battalio n wer e a t first 10 0 percen t German . In th e Sixt h Penn sylvania Battalion , recruite d i n th e Germa n neighborhood s o f Berk s

52 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls County an d Reading , mor e tha n on e i n fiv e soldier s ha d a Germa n surname. I n thi s battalion , Captai n Jaco b Moser' s compan y wa s com posed entirel y o f ethnic Germans. 32 Pennsylvania citizen s wh o observe d recruit s lik e thos e o f Captai n Moser an d other s o n thei r wa y nort h t o joi n Washington' s arm y a t Cambridge hear d the m recitin g a popular fol k rhym e as they passe d by : Kleine Georgel, Kaiser, Koenig , 1st fer Gott un uns zu wennich [Old England's Georgie, emperor, King , For God and us is a trivial thing]33 American recruiter s di d no t neglec t othe r German s wh o coul d b e enticed t o joi n th e Continenta l army . Wit h th e arriva l o f Hessia n forces , Congress conducte d a spirite d debat e abou t th e possibilit y o f recruitin g them or, a t the very least , enticing them t o desert th e British. Washingto n was i n favo r o f "raisin g som e Companie s o f ou r German s t o sen d amon g [the Hessians ] whe n the y arrive , fo r excitin g a spiri t o f disaffectio n an d desertion. I f a few trusty , sensibl e fellow s coul d get wit h them , I shoul d think the y woul d hav e grea t weigh t an d influenc e amon g th e commo n Soldiery . . . having received n o injury, no r cause of Quarrell fro m us." 34 Congress quickl y appointe d a committee o f member s "t o devise a plan for encouragin g Hessians , an d othe r foreigners , employe d b y th e Kin g of Great Britain , an d sen t t o Americ a fo r th e purpos e o f subjugatin g thes e states, t o quit tha t iniquitou s service." 35 Congress fel t tha t i f "the foreign ers" becam e awar e o f th e "practic e o f thes e states , [they ] would chus e t o accept lands , liberty , safety , an d a communio n o f goo d laws , an d mil d government, i n a countr y wher e man y o f thei r friend s an d relation s are alread y happil y settled." 36 Therefore , t o encourag e furthe r Hessia n desertion, Congres s publishe d a broadside tha t offere d eac h deserte r fift y acres o f lan d an d al l "foreig n mercenarie s wh o chos e t o leav e th e Britis h army fre e exercis e o f thei r respectiv e religions , al l th e rights , privileges , and immunitie s [that ] American citizenshi p offered." 37 In an effort t o win over th e Hessians , Congres s ordere d th e broadsid e disseminate d amon g the "foreign troops. " Copies were forwarded t o George Washington a t New York . Washing ton wrot e Joh n Hancoc k tha t h e "wa s persuade d tha t [th e broadside ] would produc e Salutar y Effects , i f i t ca n b e properl y circulate d amon g them." 38 Washingto n feared , however , tha t the circulars would b e merely

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 5 3 snapped u p by Hessia n officer s an d tha t th e troops—the tru e focu s o f th e broadside—would neve r ge t t o se e it. B y Augus t 26 , however, Washing ton announce d t o Hancoc k tha t "th e Paper s designe d fo r foreig n Troops , have bee n pu t int o severa l Channels , i n orde r tha t the y migh t b e con veyed t o them , an d fro m th e Informatio n I had Yesterday , I have reaso n to believ e man y hav e falle n int o thei r hand." 39 I t i s no t clea r wha t "channels" Washingto n used , bu t on e o f the m mus t hav e bee n Christo pher Ludwick , wh o woul d soo n becom e Baker-Genera l o f th e Army . Benjamin Rus h relate d tha t Ludwic k apparentl y crosse d ove r t o State n Island wher e th e Hessian s wer e campe d an d gav e the m "th e mos t capti vating description s o f th e affluenc e an d independenc e o f thei r forme r countrymen i n th e German countie s o f Pennsylvania." 40 The American s trie d t o entice Hessian s int o rebel servic e i n two ways . One way , a s previousl y noted , wa s t o persuad e th e ran k an d file wit h offers o f propert y an d propagand a abou t th e superiorit y o f America n lif e compared t o thei r live s i n Europe . Th e secon d wa y wa s t o encourag e Hessian prisoner s o f wa r t o serv e i n th e Continenta l force s o r wor k fo r American entrepreneur s i n war-relate d industrie s (farms , iro n forges , shoemaking, etc. ) an d thereb y directl y expos e the m t o th e republica n institutions o f America . Bu t whe n thes e mean s failed , th e American s were no t beneat h resortin g t o a thir d way : simpl e coercion . Lat e i n th e war, som e Hessia n ironworker s employe d b y th e infamou s Jaco b Faesc h at th e Moun t Hop e foundr y complaine d i n a letter t o General vo n Lossb erg tha t "a n America n Captain , wh o wa s a German . . . a Captain Dill e . . . cam e wit h a detachmen t o f eigh t men." 41 H e offere d th e prisoner s three choices : enlist i n th e Continenta l army , pa y thirt y dollar s i n Penn sylvania currenc y fo r th e cos t o f thei r provision s durin g thei r imprison ment, o r retur n t o jail . Whe n th e Hessian s though t tha t jai l wa s bette r than workin g fo r Faesc h o r th e Continenta l army , th e captai n becam e enraged an d "tol d the m tha t the y wer e a t hi s disposal." 42 Whe n th e me n steadfastly refuse d t o enlist, th e captain brok e hi s swor d ove r th e hea d o f one o f th e prisoner s an d stabbe d anothe r wit h th e broke n end . Cartin g them of f t o a jai l an d confinin g the m withou t foo d o r water , agent s o f Jacob Faesc h caugh t u p wit h th e part y an d offere d t o pa y th e thirt y dollars fo r th e men . Seein g n o othe r wa y ou t o f thei r dilemma , th e Hessians agai n agree d t o work fo r Faesch. 43 Despite th e offer s o f lan d an d graciou s living , onl y sixty-si x Hessian s (less tha n 2 percen t o f th e tota l numbe r o f mercenarie s i n America ) deserted i n 1776 , a remarkabl y lo w figure. 44 Eighteenth-centur y armie s

54 * A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls normally experience d muc h highe r rate s o f desertion, bu t th e wa r a t tha t point wa s going badl y fo r th e colonists, an d becaus e German soldier s ha d never befor e serve d a t suc h a great distance from thei r homes , mos t chos e initially t o ignor e th e America n appeals. 45 A s w e shal l see , thi s lo w desertion rat e changed a s the shock of being in a foreign lan d wor e off . The American s persevere d i n thei r attempt s t o recrui t Hessian s awa y from th e British . Ther e wer e tw o principa l reason s fo r thi s policy . First , every Hessia n wh o deserted th e Britis h serve d t o hurt th e crown doubly . It cos t th e Britis h tim e an d mone y t o recrui t other s t o fill th e deserter' s place an d increase d th e arme d strengt h o f America n rank s a t th e sam e time. Second , mos t America n emissarie s an d agent s i n Europ e kne w wel l that th e Hessia n soldier s wer e no t mercenarie s i n th e trues t sens e o f th e word. Becaus e of a liberal exemptio n polic y tha t favore d residen t taxpay ers, th e Germa n prince s impresse d an y luckles s perso n wh o happene d t o be withi n reac h o f thei r recruitin g parties. 46 The y ha d tremendou s diffi culty jus t getting thes e soldiers t o port fo r shipmen t t o America . The poe t Johan n Gottfrie d Seum e wa s on e wh o apparentl y fel l int o the hand s o f Hessia n recruiters . Seume' s memoir s reveale d hi s erstwhil e comrades t o b e u a tru e pell-mel l o f huma n souls. " H e describe d variou s members o f hi s uni t a s " a runawa y studen t fro m Jena , a bankrup t mer chant fro m Vienna , a haberdashe r fro m Hannover , a dismisse d pos t writer fro m Gotha , a monk fro m Wurzburg , a n official fro m Meinigen , a Prussian Hussa r guard , a cashiered Majo r fro m th e fortress, an d other s of a simila r stamp." 47 A disable d tailo r fro m Casse l admitte d t o hi s recruit ing officer tha t h e did no t com e int o hi s uni t t o b e a soldier bu t rathe r t o "collect debt s amon g the officers." 48 There wer e numerou s attempt s t o desert, an d ther e wer e als o a num ber o f recorde d mutinie s amon g th e soldier y o n thei r wa y t o port s o f debarkation t o America . Th e diar y o f Johann Conra d Dohl a o f th e An spach-Bayreuth Regimen t recorde d suc h a n episode . O n th e mornin g o f 10 March 1776 , after bein g packed aboar d shi p near one of the Rhinelan d ports t o preven t desertion , th e soldier s too k thing s int o thei r ow n hands , placing lon g board s fro m th e ship s t o th e lan d an d disembarkin g thei r members. Dohl a state d tha t th e officer s trie d t o appeas e th e troop s wit h offers o f foo d an d woo d fo r thei r fires bu t tha t th e "superabundanc e o f wine, whic h th e resident s o f Ochsenfurth furnished, " cause d th e soldier s to remai n defiant . "Eac h man, " state d Dohla , "mad e i t know n tha t h e would no t g o aboar d shi p agai n . . . an d i n thei r rag e an d drunkenness , took t o thei r heels. " Th e Jaege r Corp s wa s ordere d t o sto p th e escape .

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 5 5 They sho t a few o f th e mutineer s i n th e leg s an d ha d th e drawbridge s o f the cit y raised . Orde r wa s finally reestablishe d bu t th e inciden t was , according t o Dohla , a "sourc e o f grea t antipathy " betwee n th e Jaeger s and th e Anspacher s fo r man y year s afterwar d i n America. 49 One reaso n fo r th e fractious natur e of Hessia n recruit s wa s that a great many wer e no t eve n fro m Hesse . Som e o f th e Germa n soldier s sen t ove r by Germa n prince s ha d bee n physicall y seize d o n th e street s o f Germa n towns, place d i n a uniform , an d quickl y shippe d overseas . Occasionall y referred t o a s "foreigners," thes e ersat z Hessian s ha d littl e understandin g of how o r wh y the y wer e suddenl y i n th e employ o f the Princ e of Hesse . Colonel Geor g vo n Schleithe r fro m Hannove r wa s eve n authorize d b y George II I i n collusio n wit h th e Germa n prince s t o recrui t suc h me n a s replacements fo r deplete d Britis h unit s servin g i n America . O f hi s 1,86 7 "foreign" recruits , 1 4 percent deserte d befor e the y reache d th e Nort h Se a ports. 50 Quit e a few o f vo n Schleither' s me n wer e no t eve n German , an d others (3 9 percent ) ha d previou s militar y servic e i n variou s othe r coun tries. Vo n Schleither' s recruit s confirme d tha t "i n th e eighteenth-centur y young me n move d aroun d i n Europ e quit e a bit , especiall y withi n Ger man speakin g principalities." 51 Needles s t o say , vo n Schleither' s recruit s were no t ver y effective , an d deserte d t o the American s a t th e first oppor tunity. Thu s th e averag e Germa n recruits , throug h a serie s o f coinci dences, foun d themselve s boun d fo r Americ a wit h littl e conceptio n of th e circumstance s o f th e rebellio n othe r tha n wha t thei r officer s ha d told them . Thi s mad e the m prim e target s o f th e Continenta l arm y re cruiters. The first majo r opportunit y t o persuad e a larg e singl e bod y o f Hes sians t o change side s cam e whe n a substantial grou p o f prisoner s fel l int o American hand s afte r Trenton . Befor e 1777 , man y Hessian s ha d bee n convinced b y thei r officer s tha t horribl e end s awaite d the m i f the y fel l into th e hand s o f th e rebels . The y wer e tol d tha t the y woul d "hav e thei r bodies stuc k ful l o f piece s o f dr y wood , an d i n tha t manne r burn t t o death." Th e Hessian s wer e thu s naturall y apprehensiv e o f bein g cap tured. 52 Bu t afte r Trenton , 1,04 6 Hessia n prisoner s wer e expose d t o th e "virtues o f th e Republic." 53 Afte r 1777 , th e desertio n rat e bega n t o increase substantially . Republica n virtue , however , ofte n ha d ver y littl e to do wit h th e reason s fo r Hessia n desertio n (se e fig. 1). Johannes Reuber , a prisoner fro m th e Trenton engagement , state d tha t soon afte r thei r captur e th e Hessian s wer e allowe d t o wor k fo r America n farmers an d wer e given , i n turn , subsistenc e an d a monthl y wage. 54

56 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls 800-,

FT

700-4 600 -A

500-J

300 200 100 H

IIIill 11

400-]

YA T 1776

1777

1778

1779 178 0 WAR YEARS

1781 178

2

Id. 1783

Source: Archivschul e Marburg , Istitu t Fu r Archivwissenschaft , Hessisch e Truppe n I m Amerikanischen Unabhangigketskrie g (HETRINA) : Inde x nac h Familiennamen , 5 vols. , passim; Ellio t W . Hoffman , "Germa n Soldier s i n th e America n Revolution " (ph.D . diss. , University of New Hampshire, 1982) , appendix 2. Figure 1 . Hesse-Cassel l Deserter s

British prisoner s wer e no t offere d thi s option . Reube r note d tha t "th e English wer e th e enemie s an d w e Hessian s wer e treate d muc h bette r than they." 55 Hessia n quartermasters , wh o occasionally receive d passag e through America n lines , wer e amaze d t o se e th e prisoner s passin g o n horseback. Accordin g t o Quartermaste r Muller , thes e Hessia n prisoner s had hire d themselve s out t o the inhabitants an d wer e riding their employ ers' horse s to make their regula r Saturda y repor t a t the barracks. 56 In Novembe r 1777 , Genera l Israe l Putna m issue d a proclamatio n i n German tha t gav e Hessian s mor e tangibl e reason s t o desert . Putna m stated tha t th e peopl e o f th e Unite d State s wer e read y t o receiv e th e Germans "a s brothers and fello w inhabitants. " Moreover, Putna m offere d "as furthe r encouragement " that , i f desired, the y woul d b e "carrie d bac k to their Fatherland , a t publi c expense " and woul d pa y deserter s fo r thei r regimental equipmen t "accordin g t o [its] actual worth." 57 Upon arriva l a t Winchester , Virginia , th e Britis h wer e imprisone d while th e Hessian s wer e give n th e freedo m o f th e city . "W e Hessian s could wal k aroun d an d non e of th e inhabitant s bothere d u s or treate d u s

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 5 7 as enemies . . . . The y al l wer e o f th e opinio n tha t [we ] woul d neve r return t o th e Englis h arm y an d rathe r remai n i n America." 58 Reube r noted tha t eve n afte r the y wer e exchanged , man y o f th e prisoner s wh o went t o wor k o n th e loca l farm s marrie d America n women . Eve n afte r their exchange s wer e effected , man y deserte d agai n t o retur n t o thei r wives and thei r forme r place s of employment. 59 General Knyphause n observe d th e sam e thing . America n dragoons , sent ou t int o th e countrysid e t o collec t th e prisoner s fo r exchange , ha d difficulty locatin g an d convincin g man y t o com e back . Knyphausen , however, though t thi s wa s a n America n plo y fo r persuadin g mor e Hes sians t o deser t t o a manpower-shor t Continenta l army . Th e American s began t o valu e th e Hessian s a s an alternativ e an d reliabl e labo r forc e an d as bodie s t o b e exchange d fo r America n prisoner s o f war . After th e exchange, Knyphause n admitte d tha t a t leas t 1 32 prisoners (1 8 percent o f those exchanged) wishe d t o sta y wit h th e Americans. 60 Because o f th e larg e numbe r o f Hessian s wh o seeme d willin g t o aban don th e British , Congres s wa s le d t o believ e b y tw o estrange d Hessia n officers name d Kar l Fuhe r an d Kar l Kleinschmitt , that , wit h a littl e encouragement fro m th e Americans , a corps o f deserter s coul d b e easil y raised amon g them. 61 Th e forme r Hessian s claime d the y wer e motivate d by a desir e "t o She w [their ] gratitud e fo r th e Friendshi p [they ] receive d by th e American s durin g thei r imprisonmen t o f fifteen months." 62 The y further state d tha t "w e ca n flatte r ourselve s wit h grea t success a s a grea t many hav e already spok e to us in this City [Philadelphia ] and promise d t o [enlist]." A s a final sweetener t o thei r proposal , Fuhre r an d Kleinschmit t mentioned tha t " a grea t dea l o f expense " woul d b e save d b y recruitin g the Hessians , becaus e "all the German troop s received ne w clothing latel y and wit h a little alteration wil l completely [be ] clothed." 63 On 2 9 August 1778 , Congress resolve d t o allo w th e corp s t o b e raise d and fo r the m t o b e calle d "th e Germa n volunteers." 64 Events , however , soon cause d Congres s t o rescin d th e plan . A deserte r attracte d t o thi s offer wa s Lieutenan t Charle s Juliat . Julia t ha d ru n awa y fro m hi s uni t near Ne w Yor k i n hop e of getting a commission i n the Continental army . Count Pulask i offere d hi m a place i n hi s largel y foreig n America n legion . Juliat, however , spoile d th e deserte r corp s pla n whe n h e decide d t o redesert bac k t o the other side . Partiall y responsibl e fo r a military debacl e at Littl e Eg g Harbor , Ne w Jersey, Juliat's action s change d congressiona l minds abou t th e Germa n volunteers , convincin g the m i n Decembe r 177 8 to "la y aside " th e pla n fo r raisin g th e Germa n unit . Congres s the n in -

58 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls formed th e Boar d o f Wa r t o notif y Fuhre r an d Kleinschmit t tha t the y were to settle their accounts with the auditors at Philadelphia. 65 Whether Juliat' s defectio n wa s merel y a plo y b y Britis h intelligenc e will probabl y neve r b e known . No r wa s this th e first time tha t Congres s had been stung by foreig n officers i n the employ of the Continental army . Johann Car l Buettner' s commandin g officer , Majo r vo n Ottendorff , ha d also deserte d t o th e Hessians , late r turnin g u p i n Benedic t Arnold' s command afte r the latter's defection t o the British in 1780 . Until th e Germa n corp s fiasco, congressiona l appeal s t o th e Hessian s did no t actually requir e service in the Continental arm y bu t rather promised lan d an d citizenship t o the defectors. Afte r th e arrival of the Frenc h army unde r Rochambeau , a n appea l wa s mad e t o Germa n soldier s t o enlist in the French Roya l Deux-Ponts Regimen t of Germans. 66 The door was thus kep t open fo r the enlistment o f Hessians . Moreover , command ers suc h a s Colone l Charle s Arman d d u Tuffi n an d Coun t Casimi r Pu laski (unti l hi s deat h i n 1779 ) continued t o receiv e th e German s despit e the disapproval o f Congress. Congres s officially resume d Hessia n recruit ment in 1782 . Hessian desertion rate s rapidly increase d b y 1778 , although not necessarily becaus e o f th e Germa n voluntee r plan . Compare d t o th e first two years of the war, th e rate of desertion fo r 177 8 represented a 253 percen t increase over th e previou s rate . Al l th e diaries an d journals of the principal Hessia n commander s note d th e rising rates; all felt compelled t o offer reasons fo r th e increasin g desertions . Ba d food , imprope r clothing , lo w pay, an d eve n th e weathe r wer e cite d a s th e principa l causes . A t Mon mouth Cour t House , mor e tha n fou r hundre d German s deserte d i n a week du e t o th e heat , enem y pressure , o r a desir e t o remai n i n th e Pennsylvania are a where many ha d met and married American women. 67 Friedrich Muenchhause n reporte d i n February 177 8 that "the German recruits who have been distributed among the English regiments and who are ver y dissatisfie d ar e no w desertin g i n rathe r larg e numbers." 68 Th e Hessian headquarter s note d simila r trends with their own recruits: Most of the recruits, mainly foreigners, behave very badly and desert at the first opportunity ; therefore we cannot use them on outposts. Many of them may have intended t o take advantage of the chance of free passag e to this country, an d finallyto quit Europe . They woul d hav e had to work about four years to pay the costs of their crossing.69 After 1778 , Hessia n desertio n fro m Continenta l arm y priso n camp s became common. Frequentl y shuttle d fro m town t o town or hired out t o

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 5 9 civilian entrepreneurs , th e Hessian s create d somethin g o f a spectacl e wherever the y went . Thi s wa s especiall y tru e o f th e "Conventio n army " of prisoner s capture d a t Saratoga . Almos t fro m th e beginnin g o f thei r existence thes e prisoner s wer e subjecte d t o intensiv e recruitin g b y th e Continental arm y an d wer e force d t o mak e winte r marche s t o severa l prisoner o f wa r camp s durin g th e cours e o f th e war . No t coincidentally , these camp s wer e locate d nea r German-America n populatio n centers. 70 By Apri l 1778 , 77 3 German s abandone d th e Conventio n arm y prisone r camp. Genera l vo n Riedesa l decide d t o mak e an example of one deserter , who wa s stripped , lashed , an d ha d hi s Hessia n insigni a tor n fro m hi s uniform. Vo n Riedesa l though t tha t thi s punishmen t woul d dete r other s from contemplatin g desertion . T o hi s dismay, however , th e Hessia n wa s taken u p b y America n soldiers , reclothed , give n money , an d parade d about th e cam p a s a "martyr " an d "hero " i n th e caus e o f liberty . Vo n Riedesal lamente d tha t u the countr y no w abound s wit h deserters." 71 Individual saga s o f deserte d Hessian s abound . On e soldier , Johan n Kratz, mad e thre e trip s acros s th e Atlanti c i n th e proces s o f becomin g a North America n citizen . Abandonin g th e Convention arm y i n May 1779 , Kratz marrie d a n America n woman , move d t o Kentucky , wa s capture d by Indians , an d rejoine d Britis h force s a t For t Niagara . Repatriate d bac k to German y i n 1783 , Krat z deserte d th e Princ e o f Hess e a secon d time . He an d a comrad e sol d thei r militar y equipmen t fo r th e far e acros s th e Atlantic an d returne d t o America ; h e rejoine d hi s wif e an d chil d an d finally settle d i n Ontario , Canada. 72 Tw o Germa n cousins , Georg e an d Carl Zorbach , forme r Hessia n soldiers , sol d themselve s t o a n America n farmer a s indenture d servant s i n lat e 178 2 an d remaine d i n America. 73 Two othe r Hessia n soldiers , Johann Eickho f an d Johann Wedeking , wer e released fro m servic e an d imprisonmen t whe n John Thomas , a German American citize n of Frederick, Maryland , pai d th e required eight y dollar s for thei r release . No w indenture d t o Thoma s a s far m laborers , the y eventually marrie d tw o of his daughters an d resiste d repatriation. 74 During June 1782 , 35 0 Hessian prisoner s wer e marche d fro m Readin g to Lancaster , Pennsylvania . Durin g th e march , 13 0 (3 7 percent ) o f th e 350 men wer e enliste d i n th e Continenta l army . Nearl y al l th e res t wer e indentured ou t t o local farmers , s o few mad e it to Lancaster a t all. Johann Leibheit wa s on e o f th e prisoner s wh o mad e th e trek . Sometim e durin g the march , Leibheit , alon g wit h eight y o f hi s comrades , enliste d i n th e Second Canadia n (Congress' s Own ) Regiment . Th e uni t wa s originall y intended fo r recruitin g disaffecte d Canadian s bu t ha d change d ove r tim e to include anyone no t nativ e to the thirteen states . Moses Hazen , th e uni t

6o • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls commander, ha d hi s subordinate , Anthon y Selin , a Swis s adventurer , concentrate o n recruitin g Hessia n prisoners . Upo n recruitment , Johan n Leibheit becam e Joh n Lipehite , wa s eventuall y discharged , an d settle d near Pompton , Ne w Jersey, wher e h e live d ou t th e remainin g fifty year s of his life. 75 Hessians wer e recruited no t only fo r th e army bu t als o for th e navy. A Hessian office r reporte d tha t th e capture d Continenta l frigat e South Carolina hel d o n boar d fifty Hessia n prisoner s o f wa r o f th e Conventio n o f Saratoga wh o ha d engage d themselve s a s sailor s a t Lancaste r an d Read ing.76 Baro n vo n Lossber g reporte d t o th e Landgrav e tha t thes e me n enlisted a t th e behes t o f a Germa n ministe r wh o advise d the m tha t "neither th e Kin g o f Englan d no r thei r ow n Prince s woul d pa y fo r thei r maintenance, o r interes t themselve s i n the leas t i n their fate." 77 A Frenc h office r name d Charle s Arman d d e Tuffin sough t t o fill out a partisan corp s formatio n wit h som e of these convention soldier s unti l vo n Riedesal complaine d t o Genera l Willia m Heath , th e America n comman dant, wh o eventuall y forbad e Armand' s recruiter s fro m workin g th e prison camps. 78 Nevertheless , Continenta l arm y recruiters , i n despera tion, trie d a myria d o f subterfuge s t o entic e Hessian s int o thei r service . This include d dressin g u p som e o f th e deserter s i n fanc y uniform s an d parading the m abou t th e cam p i n th e compan y o f women , o r havin g them rid e i n coaches whil e shouting deprecation s a t thei r forme r officers . Congress als o printe d an d distribute d handbill s throughou t th e priso n camps tha t offere d additiona l mone y an d lan d t o thos e wh o woul d tak e service in the Continental forces. 79 And ye t whe n th e Hessia n officer s attempte d t o d o th e sam e thin g t o the Americans , the y wer e singularl y unsuccessful . Majo r Baurmeiste r noted tha t "th e experience s o f th e provincia l battalion s wer e sufficien t proof tha t i t [was ] useless t o enlis t th e German s amon g th e rebe l prison ers, fo r a s soon as they ar e fully equipped , the y ru n away." 80 Baurmeiste r lamented tha t "th e American s hav e a knac k o f attainin g thei r end s b y persuasion a s well a s by money . Genera l Washington' s arm y woul d hav e had al l it s companies ful l strengt h i f ten pound s sterlin g ha d bee n offere d per man." 81 Som e Hessia n deserters , however , enliste d i n th e Continen tal arm y onl y t o surrende r themselve s t o a Britis h o r Hessia n outpos t a t the earlies t opportunity , thu s sparin g themselve s a long sta y i n a notori ously unhealth y prisone r o f war camp . Certain Germa n troop s fough t a s separate unit s wit h America n force s but ha d bee n organize d outsid e th e colonies . Whe n th e Frenc h arm y

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 6 1 arrived i n Rhod e Islan d i n 1780 , i t brough t wit h i t a polyglo t forc e tha t was typica l o f mos t eighteenth-centur y armie s o f th e time . Thi s forc e o f about seventy-fiv e hundre d me n range d fro m th e Iris h regiment , Dillo n (sometimes know n a s th e Wil d Geese) , t o Frenc h regula r an d colonia l troops (whic h include d som e o f th e late r well-know n blac k Haitia n revo lutionaries), t o the German infantr y regiment , Roya l Deux-Pont s (Zwey brucken).82 "Tha t German-speakin g troop s fough t wit h a s well a s agains t Americans durin g th e Revolutio n i s sometime s overlooked . . . . I t ha s been estimate d tha t perhap s one-thir d o f Rochambeau' s arm y a t York town consiste d o f Germa n an d Swis s troops." 83 Eve n mor e unusua l wa s the situatio n a t Yorktown , wher e Hessia n troop s i n the employ o f Britai n fought fello w Hessian s servin g i n th e Zweybrucke n Regimen t o f th e French. Baro n vo n Close n o f thi s regimen t mentione d i n hi s journa l tha t the soldier s o f hi s uni t ha d "foun d man y relative s i n Philadelphi a . . . which necessitate d ou r redoublin g ou r effort s t o preven t desertion , fo r there ar e man y o f the m wh o woul d prefe r t o see k thei r fortun e i n thi s country. 84 By th e en d o f th e war , mor e tha n 30,00 0 Germa n soldier s ha d bee n shipped t o America . I t ha s bee n estimate d tha t a t an y give n tim e th e Germans "average d a minimu m o f 3 4 percent " o f th e tota l Britis h effec tive fighting forces. 85 Moreover , mor e tha n hal f o f th e Hessian s (14,532 ) did no t retur n t o Europe . O f thi s number , roughl y 7,55 4 die d o f natura l causes o r battle-relate d deaths . Thu s almos t a quarte r o f th e Germa n troops "mad e a consciou s decisio n t o no t retur n t o Europe." 86 Man y o f these me n ende d u p i n th e Continenta l rank s a t som e tim e durin g th e course o f th e war . Captai n Wiederhold , a Hessia n prisone r a t Reading , Pennsylvania, observe d Armand' s Legio n passin g by hi s barracks i n 178 0 and note d tha t al l fou r hundre d o f these me n wer e forme r Hessians. 87 Former Hessian s rovin g abou t th e tow n o f York , Pennsylvania , ma y have bee n typical . Lewi s Miller , a loca l wi t an d amateu r artis t (decade s after th e en d o f th e war ) too k i t upo n himsel f t o sketc h 29 3 prominen t residents o f th e city . O f thi s number , twenty-tw o me n wer e casuall y labeled b y Mille r a s Hessian s o r "abou t who m Mille r mad e som e com ment regardin g thei r servic e wit h th e Germa n armies." 88 Yor k ha d a large an d growin g ethni c Germa n community . A numbe r o f Hessians , "seeing ho w thei r German-speakin g Landslei t wer e livin g i n America , deserted an d settle d i n town s an d countrysides " tha t the y culturall y identified with . York' s labo r need s an d stron g ethni c tie s prove d irre sistible t o som e Hessians . A t leas t te n o f thes e forme r enem y soldier s

62 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls and thei r familie s ca n b e identifie d i n th e Yor k boroug h o n th e 179 0 census.89 The records of the Brunswick (Hessian) Regiment support the hypothesis that man y o f the deserters ended u p in the American service . O f th e 5,723 Brunswic k me n sen t t o Americ a durin g th e cours e o f th e war , 3,015 di d no t retur n t o Europe. 90 Man y o f thes e me n wer e capture d a t Saratoga b y America n force s an d eventuall y becam e par t o f th e famou s Convention arm y o f wa r prisoners . Initiall y quartere d a t Winte r Hil l Barracks nea r Cambridge, Massachusetts , th e Hessian s wer e transferre d as fa r sout h a s Virginia . Thus , durin g thei r year s o f captivity , the y ha d ample opportunity t o desert or be recruited b y American forces . German archives recorded the disposition of 1,70 0 of the 3,015 Bruns wickers who did not return to Germany. Thes e men had deserted, joine d the U.S . service , receive d discharge s i n Nort h America , becam e prison ers i n place s know n o r unknown , o r becam e disable d i n service . Si x hundred me n (35. 2 percent ) wer e know n t o hav e deserte d fro m thei r prisoner camp s o r whil e o n th e marc h wit h thei r units . A t leas t eighty three (5 percent ) were identifie d a s having serve d wit h America n comba t forces.91 Thu s nearl y 41 percen t of the positively identifie d Brunswicker s who did not return to Germany were found t o have assisted the American war effort i n some fashion. This tren d wa s th e sam e in other Hessia n formations . I n the Waldeck Regiment, mor e than 63 percent of its 758-man tota l complement di d no t return t o Germany. I n Johann Ewald' s Jager company, 4 3 percen t o f it s 83-man complemen t remaine d i n America . Mor e tha n 2,35 3 Germa n soldiers cam e t o Americ a fro m Ansbac h an d Bayreuth . O f thi s number , nearly hal f (1,170) did not return to their homeland. 92 The reason s for their defection ha d as much to do with their fear of an uncertain futur e a s it did wit h America n appeal s t o Republica n virtu e or offers o f land . Som e o f th e Hessian s ha d neithe r see n no r hear d fro m their officer s o r countryme n fo r mor e tha n five years . Becaus e i t wa s customary i n th e eighteent h centur y fo r th e opposin g force s t o pa y fo r the healt h an d welfar e o f thei r ow n prisoner s o f wa r (somethin g th e British government refuse d t o do for th e Hessians) , i t was no t unreason able t o assum e tha t th e prisoner s too k car e o f themselve s th e bes t wa y they could . I n lieu o f payment , th e prisoner s ofte n (conveniently ) joine d the Continental army . Th e Britis h offere d th e sam e "bargain" to Ameri can prisoners of wa r in order to fill up their provincia l forc e ranks . Thu s

A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls • 6 3 for man y Hessian s "i t wa s onl y a smal l ste p fro m prisone r o f wa r t o American citizen." 93 Despite tremendou s effort s b y officer s suc h a s Majo r Baurmeiste r t o recover thei r prisoner s o f war , th e en d o f th e fighting increase d rathe r than decrease d defections . Baurmeiste r note d tha t 24 0 me n fro m th e Frederickstown (Maryland ) prisone r barrack s ha d deserte d sinc e the Hes sians bega n thei r marc h t o th e embarkatio n port s o f Ne w York . Further more, one-sixt h o f Burgoyne' s arm y ha d faile d t o sho w u p fro m th e other camps , an d man y o f th e prisoner s ha d bee n "farme d out " t o th e countryside wher e i t wa s nearl y impossibl e t o locat e them. 94 Man y for mer Hessia n prisoner s ha d lon g sinc e abandone d th e locale s wher e the y were supposedl y bein g interned . Some , a s w e hav e seen , wer e wearin g Continental arm y uniforms . Other s ha d marrie d o r becom e a n integra l part o f th e loca l economi c infrastructure . Moreover , t o protec t loca l farmers wh o ha d bee n supportin g th e Hessians , Willia m Jackson , assis tant secretar y o f war , informe d Majo r Baurmeiste r a t a meetin g i n Jul y 1783 that "th e Wa r Counci l ha s n o jurisdictio n ove r th e Hessian , Bruns wick, an d Hesse-Hana u soldier s wh o hav e been sol d out of imprisonmen t to th e inhabitants, " an d tha t "n o Germa n soldier s ma y retur n t o th e British arm y unles s thei r [American ] owner s ar e reimburse d i n cas h fo r their outlay." 95 A n analysi s o f th e Vo n Lossber g Regimen t confirme d Baurmeister's dilemma . Th e return s o f th e regimen t reveale d tha t onl y one soldier i n five who was "farme d out " chose to return t o his unit. 96 T o overcome economi c hardshi p o r t o survive , man y Hessian s joine d th e American arm y o r serve d i n a war-relate d industr y i n th e countryside . These men , an d other s lik e them i n simila r situations , becam e citizens of the new republic . The participatio n o f ethnic German s i n th e Revolutionar y Wa r wa s critical fo r th e succes s o f th e America n army . Whil e Hessia n desertio n wa s certainly a legac y o f th e war , th e formatio n o f purel y Germa n militar y units represente d congressiona l recognitio n o f th e necessit y o f keepin g the Germa n elemen t o n th e colonia l side . Servic e i n th e America n arm y enabled redemptioner s lik e Johann Buettne r t o surviv e i n a world wher e survival wa s no easy matter . I t offered Hessian s wh o had littl e connectio n with thei r communitie s i n Europ e a new star t i n a new world an d perhap s a bette r prospec t fo r prosperity. 97 Motivate d b y economic s o r perhap s merely tryin g t o sta y aliv e i n a n English-dominate d foreig n land , Ger -

64 • A True Pell-Mell of Human Souls mans wer e willin g t o serv e th e Unite d States—bu t onl y whe n suc h service was in their interest . The exact leve l o f Germa n recruitmen t int o th e Continenta l arm y i s nearly impossibl e t o determine . Many , lik e Johan n Leibheit , change d their name s t o Anglicize d version s o r simpl y disappeare d int o th e Penn sylvania-German communities , lik e thos e Hessian s who m Lewi s Mille r sketched i n th e earl y nineteent h century . A roug h estimat e can b e made , however, b y comparin g th e extan t record s o f Germa n enlistee s wit h th e total numbe r o f me n Washingto n ha d availabl e at a given tim e and place . Fifteen percen t o f al l th e Pennsylvani a me n wh o claime d t o hav e ha d a foreign birthplac e wer e fro m Germany . A large r number , aroun d 2 5 percent o f Pennsylvania' s tota l force , wer e probabl y first generatio n Ger man Americans . Becaus e one-thir d o f Pennsylvania' s entir e populatio n was German , thi s numbe r make s sense . Usin g 177 8 a s a benchmark , Washington's entir e mai n arm y totale d approximatel y 7,60 0 effectiv e rank an d file. O f thi s number , perhap s on e o f ever y eigh t soldiers , o r about 1 2 percent, wa s German o r of German heritage. 98 These Germa n soldier s serve d i n th e Continenta l arm y bu t ha d th e reputation o f being a contentious lot . On e of the first mutinies quelled b y Washington (an d ther e woul d b e many ) occurre d i n th e predominatel y German Pennsylvani a Rifl e Battalion . A s w e shal l se e i n chapter s 6 an d 7, Continenta l soldier s demande d a viable wag e fo r thei r services . Whe n their labo r wa s stole n fro m the m b y Continenta l official s unable , o r unwilling, t o pay the m thei r price , th e soldiers demonstrated thei r dissat isfaction b y insubordination , desertion , an d mutiny. " The hig h level s o f Germa n immigratio n resume d afte r th e en d o f th e war. N o doub t influence d b y th e idealisti c tale s o f returnin g wa r veter ans, ol d storie s simila r t o thos e tol d b y "Neulanders " befor e th e wa r surfaced again . Convenientl y forgettin g abuse s b y me n lik e John Faesch , the forme r soldier s describe d a lan d wher e a "simpl e ma n enjoye d afflu ence seemingl y unattainabl e b y a farmer fro m Hess e o r Ansbach. " Mos t of th e Hessia n state s wen t t o grea t length s t o reaffir m prewa r ban s o n emigration t o America. "I t wa s probably no t accidental, " state d historia n Horst Dippel , "tha t i n 1784-8 5 emigratio n t o America mad e itsel f fel t i n exactly thos e states whos e soldiers ha d returne d shortl y before." 100

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Changing One Master for Another: Black Soldiers in the Continental Army Tell them that if I am Black I am free born American & a revolutionary soldier & therefore ought not to be thrown intirely out of the scale of notice.x

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ash Africa, a free Africa n America n citizen of Litchfield, Connect icut, joine d th e Continenta l arm y alon g with thousand s o f othe r young me n i n th e earl y month s o f th e war . Hi s decisio n t o become a soldie r wa s no t har d t o understand . Afte r livin g nearl y hand to-mouth i n a societ y wher e racia l prejudice , bigotry , an d povert y abounded, a few months ' servic e i n th e arm y fo r goo d wage s seeme d lik e a very lucrativ e offe r indeed . Remainin g i n th e rank s unti l 2 3 Novembe r 1775, Africa wa s forcibly discharge d du e to a congressional polic y chang e that ha d previousl y allowe d Africa n American s th e righ t t o enlis t i n th e Continental arm y a s regular soldiers. 2 Ye t ther e were hundred s lik e Cash Africa wh o eventuall y followe d hi m int o th e ranks . Th e desperat e nee d for militar y manpowe r overrod e an y concern s tha t th e army comman d o r Congress ha d fo r th e propriet y o f usin g enslave d o r fre e Africa n Ameri cans a s comba t soldiers . Thes e soldier s worke d fo r th e wage s offered , enlisted fo r longe r period s o f servic e tha n thei r whit e counterparts , an d took th e chance to become free. 3 The America n Revolutio n wa s a wa r tha t shoo k th e foundation s o f the colonia l concept s o f arme d struggle , privat e property , an d slavery . Confronted wit h a conflic t tha t presente d opportunitie s t o al l racia l an d ethnic group s o f th e Nort h America n population , th e colonia l elit e wer e forced t o dea l wit h a crisis o f militar y labo r i n whic h the y ha d t o decid e how t o emplo y Africa n American s i n a n America n arm y o f liberatio n while maintainin g an d defending th e institutio n o f slavery . 65

66 • Changing One Master for Another Recent scholarshi p has revealed tha t the African America n Revolution ary Wa r experience wa s more complex tha n ha s been previousl y thought . Social pressure s cause d b y th e wa r create d condition s tha t enable d Afri can Americans t o gain some leverage in their continuing negotiations wit h the dominant whit e culture. A number of important question s concernin g race an d th e armie s o f th e Revolutio n remai n t o b e answered : Ho w di d slave resistanc e durin g th e wa r affec t th e recruitmen t o f Africa n Ameri cans int o th e Continenta l army ? Di d th e participatio n o f African Ameri cans i n th e Revolutio n resul t i n an y appreciabl e socia l gains ? Ho w di d the crisi s o f militar y labo r affec t th e situatio n o f African American s during th e war ? I n sum , th e Revolutionar y Wa r need s t o b e see n a s a multisided struggl e i n whic h slave s an d fre e Africa n American s too k initiatives agains t Britis h an d America n elite s t o create th e condition s fo r their ow n liberatio n o r an improvemen t o f their immediat e situations. 4

Prewar Resistance During th e perio d leadin g u p t o th e America n Revolution , historian s have usuall y viewe d th e struggl e betwee n Britai n an d Americ a a s bipo lar—that is , th e colonie s versu s Britain . Sinc e numerou s colonia l law s prohibited th e armin g o f Africa n American s a s militiamen , man y faile d to appreciate thei r rol e i n th e conflict. Th e Ne w Yor k colonial assembly , for instance , threatened—on e hundre d year s before Lexington—t o pun ish "grievously " an y slav e o r servan t wh o used "a s Pretens e o f goin g t o the war s agains t th e Enem y t o ru n awa y fro m hi s Master' s service." 5 I n Virginia, African American s wh o appeared a t militia muster s wer e "fine d one hundre d pound s o f tobacco. " A n earl y grou p o f Carolin a patentee s feared Africa n America n retribution . The y note d tha t militar y employ ment o f slave s mus t b e exercised wit h "grea t cautio n les t our slave s whe n armed migh t becom e ou r masters." 6 Provincia l legislatures , "sensitiv e t o the propert y right s of th e master , wer e impresse d b y claim s tha t tamper ing with hi s labor suppl y struc k a t the roots of colonial prosperity." 7 The struggl e was , i n fact , a complex "triangular " o r even multiangula r process tha t involve d people s o f man y colors , includin g thos e fro m Afri can America n an d Nativ e America n communities. 8 They seize d upo n th e opportunity provide d b y th e war t o participate i n the fervor o f the times . Resistance b y slave s an d othe r represse d group s wer e par t o f a broade r cycle o f rebellio n tha t existe d throughou t th e eighteent h century . Th e

Changing One Master for Another • 6 7 American Revolutio n wa s no t onl y shape d b y th e British-versus-whit e colonial struggl e bu t b y th e exigencie s o f racia l an d ethni c communitie s as well. 9 The revolutionar y participatio n o f represse d group s residin g i n th e colonial communit y wa s greate r tha n ha s bee n assumed . Moreover , th e fervor o f th e time s wa s absorbe d b y thes e group s an d transforme d b y them fo r thei r ow n purpos e o f gainin g concession s fro m th e dominan t white culture . Followin g i n th e pat h o f friend s an d relative s wh o partici pated i n earlier revolutionar y activit y suc h a s the 174 7 Knowle s Riot , th e Boston Massacre , an d th e Ston o Rebellion , Africa n American s partici pated i n the Revolutio n i n a number o f ways, al l of which helpe d the m t o reduce or control whit e dominance an d oppression . Between 176 5 an d 1776 , Nort h America n slav e resistanc e becam e a "major facto r i n th e turmoi l leadin g u p t o th e Revolution. " Th e 400,00 0 African American s o f Nort h Americ a were , b y 1775 , too large and activ e a group t o b e ignored . Th e socia l upheava l tha t le d u p t o th e Revolutio n found correspondin g expressio n i n increase d slav e unrest. I n 1765 , whe n Christopher Gadsden' s Son s o f Libert y demonstrate d agains t th e Stam p Act an d chante d "Liberty , Liberty " throughou t Charleston , African Americans soo n bega n t o do the same , causin g th e militi a t o be mobilize d for a t leas t a week. 10 The slave s wer e fa r fro m passiv e observers o f th e impendin g struggle . Using an informal bu t effectiv e networ k o f communication, th e America n slaves, after 1772 , passed aroun d new s of Lor d Mansfield' s decisio n i n th e Somerset case . Wit h notion s of freedom an d libert y bein g bantere d abou t by whites , ther e were reported instance s of slaves attempting t o run awa y to Englan d "wher e the y imagin e the y wil l b e free. " Archibal d Bulloc k and John Houston , Georgia n delegate s t o Congress , note d i n correspon dence t o John Adam s tha t slave s manage d t o carr y informatio n "severa l hundreds o f miles in a week or fortnight. " n No t surprisingly , th e revolu tionary idea s o f th e patrio t movemen t mad e thei r wa y int o thi s networ k in a rapid manner. 12 At leas t fou r colonie s reporte d escalatin g amount s of slave resistance i n the 1770s , which followe d a n earlier perio d o f revolt tha t occurre d durin g the 1 7 30s an d 1740 s an d corresponde d wit h simila r tension s withi n th e white community . In 177 3 Abigai l Adam s mentione d a conspirac y o f Boston's African American s wh o volunteere d thei r service s t o th e roya l governor i n exchang e fo r liberatio n "i f h e conquered." 13 Thoma s Gage , military governo r o f Massachusetts , note d wit h interes t th e "grat e Num -

68 • Changing One Master for Another ber o f Blacks " who , afte r observin g th e intens e politica l unres t eviden t within th e whit e community , offere d thei r service s i n exchang e fo r free dom i n th e even t o f conflict . Likewise , i n Novembe r 1774 , James Madi son wrot e o f a grou p o f Virgini a slave s wh o me t secretl y t o selec t thei r own leade r fo r th e comin g conflic t betwee n th e Britis h an d Americans . Acting a s a n informa l committe e o f correspondence , th e slave s appro priated form s fro m th e patrio t movemen t bu t applie d the m t o mor e revolutionary ends . Th e planters , no t necessaril y th e British government , were thei r primar y enemy . Thei r plans , however , wer e discovere d an d "proper precaution s take n t o preven t th e Infection. " Whit e society , wel l aware o f th e slave' s undergroun d communicatio n networks , purposel y withheld new s of growing Africa n America n unrest . After th e Novembe r incident, Madiso n cautione d hi s correspondent , Willia m Bradford , tha t "it i s prudent suc h thing s shoul d b e concealed a s well a s suppressed." ,4 Turmoil cause d b y whit e revolutionar y unres t corresponde d wit h sim ilar slav e turbulenc e i n th e souther n colonies . O n 7 Decembe r 1774 , a group o f te n slave s i n St . Andre w Paris h kille d thei r oversee r an d hi s wife, an d "dangerousl y wounde d a carpenter name d Wright " an d a bo y who late r die d o f hi s wounds . The y the n marche d t o th e neighborin g plantation o f Angu s Mcintosh , woundin g hi m a s well . Proceedin g fur ther, the y attacke d th e hom e o f Roderic k M'Leod , "wounde d hi m ver y much," and kille d hi s son. Finall y capture d b y th e militia, tw o slaves (one of who m belonge d t o Mcintosh ) though t t o hav e bee n leader s o f th e revolt wer e burne d alive : a method o f death designe d t o inflict maximu m pain an d generat e maximu m terror. 15 Perhap s a s a result o f thei r experi ence with slav e resistance, bot h Angu s Mcintos h an d hi s brother Lachla n later becam e ver y activ e i n revolutionar y activities , th e latte r servin g eventually a s a general i n the Continental army . The excitemen t o f th e time s wa s als o evident i n th e slav e population s of Sout h an d Nort h Carolina . Anticipatin g imminen t liberatio n b y th e British, slave s wer e though t t o b e conspirin g agains t th e whit e maste r class in two North Carolin a counties. 16 In Sout h Carolina , th e Committe e of Safet y hange d an d burne d a fre e blac k rive r pilo t name d Thoma s Jeremiah, wh o wa s suspecte d o f offerin g t o lea d Britis h ship s ove r th e harbor bar . Thi s even t occurre d i n St . Bartholomew' s Parish , wher e th e conspirators allegedl y planne d a general insurrectio n "t o take the Countr y by killin g th e whites. " Thos e prosecute d alon g wit h Jeremia h include d several Africa n America n preachers , tw o o f who m wer e wome n owne d by prominen t planter s i n th e Cheraw regio n o f Sout h Carolina . Wit h th e

Changing One Master for Another • 6 9 exception o f on e absente e landowner , al l th e conspirator s ha d owner s who wer e activ e i n th e patrio t cause . Whe n th e roya l governor , Willia m Campbell, attempte d t o defen d Jeremiah , h e wa s warne d t o "kee p quie t unless h e wanted th e hangin g t o take plac e at th e door o f hi s mansion." 17 In a simila r incident , Christophe r Gadsden' s Son s o f Libert y ha d tarre d and feathere d tw o Iris h Roma n Catholi c loyalists , James Deal y an d Laug hlin Martin , wh o reportedl y favore d armin g Catholics , Indians , an d slaves.18 Janet Schaw , a n upper-clas s Scottis h visitor , note d tha t th e threa t o f black unres t seeme d t o pul l th e whit e communit y togethe r despit e thei r previous politica l differences . "Ever y ma n i s i n arm s an d th e patrole s going thro ' al l th e town , an d searchin g ever y Negro' s house , t o se e tha t they ar e al l hom e b y nin e a t night. " Scha w wa s escorte d t o he r hom e b y a patriot militi a squa d commande d b y a local Tory. Othe r Nort h Carolin ians suspecte d tha t thei r depose d roya l governor , Josia h Martin , wa s somehow involve d i n the unrest. 19 Stephen Bull , a membe r o f th e Sout h Carolin a Committe e o f Safety , related t o Henr y Lauren s i n a rather incredibl e lette r tha t mor e tha n tw o hundred slave s ha d deserte d thei r plantation s an d wer e encampe d o n th e Georgia se a islan d o f Tybee , wher e the y mad e contac t wit h th e Britis h ships alon g th e coast. Bul l though t tha t i t woul d b e bette r fo r everyon e i f the runawa y slave s wer e shot , fo r i f the y wer e capture d b y th e Britis h and sold , "i t woul d enabl e a n enem y t o fight us with ou r ow n mone y an d property. Therefore , al l wh o canno t b e taken , ha d bette r b e sho t b y th e Creek Indians , a s it . . . may deter othe r negroe s from deserting , an d wil l establish a hatre d o r aversio n betwee n th e Indian s an d negroes." 20 Bul l and othe r planter s sa w obviou s advantag e i n pittin g Africa n American s against Indian s i n deadl y conflict . Repressiv e measure s agains t slave s were commonplace a s the patrio t elit e responde d t o slave unrest . The greates t pani c amon g th e whit e communit y wa s cause d b y Vir ginia's depose d roya l governor , Lor d Dunmore . I n lat e 1775 , Dunmor e proclaimed, i n n o uncertai n terms , libert y t o al l slave s wh o joine d hi s standard. Virginia' s slave-ownin g elit e responde d t o Dunmore' s less than-veiled threa t o f socia l upheava l i n shar p an d predictabl e ways . Nu merous broadside s wer e publishe d i n th e Virginia Gazette urging whit e slaveowners t o war n thei r slave s agains t joinin g th e forme r governor . O n November 23 , 1775 , the editors of the Gazette printed a stronger warning , recommending tha t owner s remin d potentia l runaway s tha t thei r familie s would b e hel d hostage : "Th e aged , th e infirm , th e wome n an d children ,

70 • Changing One Master for Another are still t o remain th e propert y o f their masters,—o f master s wh o will b e provoked t o severity , shoul d par t o f thei r slave s deser t them. " Finally , the editor s addresse d th e slave s directly : "Whethe r w e suffe r o r not , i f you deser t us , yo u mos t certainl y will." 21 A Virgini a surgeo n describe d in hi s diar y th e typ e o f treatmen t tha t Dunmore' s blac k soldier s coul d expect. "Slave s wh o joi n o r assis t th e [British]," remarked Rober t Hony man, "ar e t o b e transporte d t o th e Wes t Indies , o r otherwis e deal t with , as the Committe e o f Safet y shal l thin k fit, an d th e Master s o f suc h ar e t o receive the value of them." 22 Disregarding th e warning s o f Virginia' s slaveowners , slave s flocked i n large number s t o Dunmore' s ranks . I t i s difficul t t o estimat e ho w man y slaves actuall y escape d th e plantations , bu t th e forme r governo r himsel f related i n a letter t o the Britis h secretar y o f state that h e was endeavorin g to raise two regiments o f troops, "on e of white people , th e other o f black . The forme r goe s on ver y slowly ; but th e latter ver y well , and woul d hav e been i n great forwardness , ha d no t a fever crep t i n amongst them , whic h carried of f a great man y fine fellows." 23 B y th e first o f Decembe r 1775 , Dunmore wa s able, nevertheless, t o outfit mor e than thre e hundred slave s who, accordin g t o th e Maryland Gazette, ha d emblazone d a "Libert y t o Slaves" inscription acros s th e breas t o f thei r unifor m coats. 24 The gover nor dubbe d the m hi s "Ethiopian Regiment. " Dunmore's endeavor s mus t hav e bee n moderatel y successful , a s hi s implied threa t o f slav e rebellio n kep t th e Tidewater , Virginia , are a i n a state o f upheava l fo r th e bette r par t o f th e war . Lando n Carte r com plained i n hi s diar y tha t a numbe r o f hi s slave s escape d t o Dunmor e i n a skiff : 26 Wednesday, June 1776 . Last night after goin g to bed, Moses , my son's man, Joe, Billy , Postillion , John, Mullatto , Peter , Tom , Panticove , Man uel, and Lancaster Sam, ran away, to be sure to Lord Dunmore. 25 Carter wa s especiall y upse t b y th e defectio n o f Moses , who m h e fel t h e had treate d rathe r benevolentl y "thes e pas t si x or seve n years." 26 Moses ' desertion hinte d a t th e precariousnes s o f th e entir e patriarcha l slav e system. Dunmore's threa t wa s no t confine d onl y t o Virginia . Withi n a fort night o f hi s pronouncement , Africa n American s i n Philadelphi a wer e aware of it as well. A few days later the Pennsylvania Evening Post reported an inciden t betwee n a whit e woma n an d a blac k ma n wh o apparentl y

Changing One Master for Another • 7 1 refused t o giv e wa y o n a narro w sidewalk . Whe n sh e demande d tha t h e take t o th e street , th e ma n shouted : "Sta y yo u d[amne] d whit e bitc h 'til l Lord Dunmor e an d hi s black regimen t come , an d the n w e will se e who is to tak e th e wall. " Pete r Leacock , a Philadelphi a silversmith , late r pub lished a pla y tha t lampoone d Dunmor e an d hi s Africa n America n sol diers. Th e pla y wa s ful l o f hatre d fo r th e governo r an d include d " a ver y black scen e betwee n Lor d Kidnappe r (Lor d Dunmore ) an d Majo r Cudj o (an escaped slave)." 27 The America n diploma t Sila s Dean e als o recognize d th e efficac y o f "tampering" wit h represse d peoples . In Decembe r 177 6 h e suggeste d that, i n certai n geographi c area s at least , th e Britis h wer e as vulnerable t o attack alon g racia l line s a s th e souther n colonies . I n a letter t o John Jay , Deane outline d a bold revolutionar y polic y b y stating , "Omnia tentanda i s my motto , therefor e I hin t th e playin g o f thei r ow n gam e o n them , b y spiriting u p th e Carib s i n St . Vincent's , an d th e Negroe s i n Jamaic a to revolt." 28 In fact , ther e wa s a slav e insurrectio n scar e i n Jamaica i n 1776 . Th e conspiracy wa s centere d i n th e Hanove r paris h an d wa s precipitate d ostensibly b y th e remova l o f a Britis h arm y uni t t o Nort h America . Other evidence , however , indicate s tha t th e leader s o f th e revol t wer e apparently informe d o f th e progres s o f th e America n wa r an d seeme d t o have bee n inspire d b y revolutionar y event s o n th e mainland . Th e Rever end Joh n Lindsey , recto r o f th e paris h o f St . Catharin e an d Spanis h Town, wrot e i n a lette r t o Dr . Willia m Robertso n tha t "i n ou r lat e constant dispute s a t ou r table s (wher e b y th e b y ever y Perso n ha d hi s own waitin g ma n behin d him ) w e hav e I a m afrai d bee n to o careles s o f Expressions, especiall y whe n th e topi c of American rebellio n ha s been b y the Disaffecte d amongs t us , dwelt upo n an d brandishe d o f with strain s of Virtuous Heroism." 29 Lindse y conclude d hi s lette r b y warnin g tha t "Dear Libert y ran g i n th e hear t o f ever y House-bre d Slave , . . . an d a s soon a s w e cam e t o blow s [meanin g th e commencemen t o f America n Revolution] we find the m fas t a t our heels . Suc h ha s been th e seed s sow n in th e mind s o f ou r Domestic s b y ou r Wise-Acr e Patriots." 30 Tw o year s later, anothe r conspirac y wa s discovere d a t St . Kitts . Accordin g t o th e governor, Willia m Mathe w Burt , th e slave s intende d t o "murde r th e Inhabitants, delive r th e Islan d t o th e French , o r an y Perso n wh o woul d make them free." 31 The cumulativ e effec t o f th e slav e unres t o f th e mid-i77os , an d espe cially Lor d Dunmore' s proclamation , cause d som e whit e revolutionarie s

72 • Changing One Master for Another to se e th e Africa n America n populatio n withi n thei r mids t mor e a s a liability tha n a n asset. James Madison though t tha t Dunmore , b y tamper ing wit h th e slaves , ha d discovere d th e wa y t o militar y success i n Vir ginia. H e lamente d tha t "i f w e shoul d b e subdued , w e shal l fal l lik e Achilles b y th e hand o f one that know s that secret." 32 John Adam s feare d that "i f a Britis h commande r lande d on e thousan d regula r troop s i n Georgia, an d woul d proclai m freedo m t o al l th e negroe s wh o woul d joi n his camp , twent y thousan d [slaves ] would joi n i n a fortnight." 33 Plante r William Henr y Drayto n note d wit h satisfactio n tha t th e Firs t Provincia l Congress, determine d t o smas h th e slaves ' "hig h notion s o f liberty, " appointed a specia l committe e t o investigat e potentia l Africa n America n insurrections. The y forme d thre e regiment s no t onl y t o guar d agains t British amphibiou s invasion s bu t t o "kee p thos e mistake n creature s [th e slaves] i n awe. " Meanwhil e th e merchant s o f Charlesto n ordere d thre e companies o f militi a t o patro l th e city' s streets , on e b y da y an d tw o a t night, "t o guar d agains t an y hostil e attempt s tha t may b e mad e b y ou r domesticks."34 "Mistake n creatures " or not , slave s used th e turmoil o f th e times to their bes t advantage , an d thei r resistanc e force d th e colonial elit e to consider thei r valu e as combatants fo r liberty .

Recruiting African Americans for War Despite facin g pervasiv e racia l prejudic e an d whit e fear s o f insurrection , African America n soldier s were heavily recruite d fo r servic e in the Continental arm y a t Cambridge , an d late r i n othe r areas . A t first, America n recruiters resiste d enlistin g Africa n American s becaus e i t wa s though t that suc h a polic y wa s "inconsisten t wit h th e principle s tha t ar e t o b e supported." I n July 177 5 Horatio Gates reminde d recruiter s no t t o accept "any deserte r fro m th e Ministeria l army , no r an y stroller , negro , o r vagabond." Africa n Americans , however , stil l appeare d i n sizabl e num bers i n nearly al l Continental regiments. 35 One o f th e reason s fo r thi s phenomeno n wa s tha t Africa n American s often too k th e initiativ e t o joi n th e manpower-starve d army , wit h o r without thei r master' s permission . Israe l Ashle y o f Westfield , Massachu setts, wa s drafted b y hi s town's militi a fo r Continenta l service . Intendin g to furnish hi s slave Gilliam a s a substitute, Ashle y soo n discovered, t o his chagrin, tha t Gillia m ha d alread y enliste d withou t hi s consent . Ashle y complained t o Horati o Gates , requestin g tha t Gillia m b e sen t bac k t o

Changing One Master for Another • 7 3 Westfield. Gate s declined , insistin g tha t Massachusett s ha d no t define d its polic y o n suc h volunteer s no r ha d i t passe d a la w u on behal f o f slave s who hav e or will assis t u s i n securin g our freedo m a t the ris k of their ow n lives." A law wa s needed, continue d Gates , becaus e of the "great numbe r of soldier s i n tha t clas s i n thi s department , an d i n you r ow n [Massachu setts] troops." 36 By th e fal l o f 1776 , the youn g Unite d State s face d a full-scale crisi s i n military manpower . Congres s ha d ordere d th e formatio n o f a n eighty eight battalio n army , t o whic h eac h stat e wa s require d t o contribut e a n assigned numbe r o f me n o n th e basi s o f thei r prewa r whit e mal e popula tion. Th e states ' responses to their assignment , however , wer e inadequat e and remaine d s o throughou t th e war . No t havin g th e powe r t o forc e th e states t o compl y wit h thei r quotas , Congres s enjoine d the m t o us e thei r militia "an d t o pursue every Mean s i n their Powe r i n order t o forward th e recruiting service." 37 Frederic k MacKenzie , a Britis h office r i n occupie d Rhode Island , observe d tha t th e Continenta l arm y wa s havin g difficult y obtaining (white ) men . The y were , however , doin g a brisk busines s wit h African America n recruits. 38 How bris k a busines s depende d o n th e locatio n o f th e recruiter . In New England , severa l officer s note d th e presenc e o f Africa n America n recruits i n the ranks. Willia m Heath , on e of Washington's generals , note d the grea t diversit y o f unit s fro m th e northeaster n Unite d States : "Ther e are i n th e Massachusett s Regiment s som e Negroes . Suc h i s also th e cas e with th e Regiment s fro m th e Other Colonies , Rhod e Islan d ha s a number of negroe s an d Indians , Connecticu t ha s fewe r negroe s an d a numbe r o f Indians. Th e Ne w Hampshir e regiment s hav e les s of both." 39 A Hessia n officer observe d i n 177 7 "tha t th e Negr o ca n tak e th e field instea d o f hi s master; and , therefore , n o regiment i s seen i n which ther e are not negroe s in abundance , an d amon g the m ther e ar e able-bodied , stron g an d brav e fellows."40 Compared t o thei r number s i n Ne w England , Africa n American s joined th e Continental arm y i n significant numbers . Th e fre e blac k popu lation o f Massachusett s durin g th e wa r year s wa s onl y abou t forty-fou r hundred; o f these some five hundred serve d i n the Continental army. 41 I n Connecticut, "clos e t o thre e hundre d Africa n America n soldier s ca n b e unmistakably identifie d a s serving i n Connecticut' s regiment s o f the Con tinental army." 42 Thes e me n wer e identifie d b y th e typica l Africa n American surname s o f th e perio d suc h a s Cuffe, Jack , o r classica l name s like Jupite r o r Cato . Som e African Americans , however , ha d adopte d

74 * Changing One Master for Another European names , s o ther e i s n o certainty tha t a larger numbe r wer e no t in Connecticut's ranks. More tha n an y othe r region , th e Ne w Englan d state s seeme d t o en courage African American s to join the Continental army . Wit h small fre e black and slave populations, the y did not have the extreme fear of arming African American s experience d b y state s farthe r t o the south. Moreover , by 177 8 the crisis in military labo r in New Englan d ha d escalated to such a leve l tha t eve n cas h bountie s o f ove r on e thousan d dollar s wer e failin g to attrac t enoug h fre e white s t o ma n th e ranks . Th e patriot s wer e thu s forced t o consider larger recruitment of slave and free black manpower . From th e beginnin g o f th e war , however , slaveowner s ha d bee n dis couraged from allowing their slaves to serve as soldiers. Law s were passed that defende d th e right s o f propert y holders , an d slaveowner s wer e re quired t o post one hundre d pound s t o "guarantee tha t their forme r chat tels would no t become publi c charges" in the event they becam e disabled through battle or disease. Th e exigencies of the war, however , cause d the Assembly o f Rhod e Islan d t o pas s a ne w la w quickl y tha t "absolve d masters of thi s responsibilit y an d mad e the stat e liable for th e support o f such slave s a s should com e t o want." 43 Th e stat e also resolved th e problem o f indemnificatio n b y purchasin g th e slave s a t a price no t exceedin g four hundre d dollar s i n Continenta l currency. 44 Th e wa y wa s finally cleared fo r ful l Africa n America n recruitment . I n Februar y 1778 , th e Rhode Islan d Assembl y passe d a la w tha t allowe d "ever y able-bodie d Negro, Mulatt o or Indian Man slave, i n this State [to] enlist int o either of the . . . tw o [Continental ] Battalions " the n bein g raise d b y th e stat e i n fulfillment o f its congressional quota. 45 Noting perhaps the success that the Continental arm y had in recruiting a battalio n o f ethni c German s i n 1776 , Genera l Jame s Varnu m recom mended t o Georg e Washingto n tha t on e b e forme d entirel y o f Africa n Americans a s well . Becaus e bot h o f Rhod e Island' s regiment s wer e se verely undermanned , Varnu m wante d t o consolidat e the m int o on e an d recruit a new regiment composed primaril y of African America n soldiers. He assure d Washingto n tha t " a battalio n o f Negroe s coul d easil y b e raised [i n Rhod e Island]." 46 Varnum' s proposa l me t oppositio n a s si x slaveholders petitione d th e Rhod e Islan d Assembl y agains t it . The y op posed th e decision t o purchase slaves to defend "th e Rights and Libertie s of th e Country. " Mor e importantly , th e petitioner s fel t tha t "grea t diffi culty an d uneasines s woul d aris e i n gettin g master s t o sel l thei r slaves. " In fact , th e petitioner s believe d tha t "som e owner s woul d no t sel l thei r

Changing One Master for Another • 7 5 slaves at an y price , fearfu l o f the effect i t would hav e upon thos e [Africa n Americans] still i n bondage." 47 On 2 5 February 1778 , the first three African American s enliste d unde r Rhode Island' s ne w law . Cuf f Greene , Dic k Champlin, an d Jack Champ lin, al l former slave s residing i n Sout h Kingstown , joine d th e Continenta l army. Th e stat e of Rhod e Islan d reimburse d thei r forme r owner s fo r th e maximum valu e of 12 0 pounds (Jac k wa s purchase d fo r te n pound s less) . The genera l treasurer' s account s fro m 2 5 Februar y t o 1 4 Octobe r 177 8 revealed seventy-fou r enlistees . Th e larges t numbe r o f these (63) occurred during th e month s o f May , June , an d July . Thirty-on e o f th e enlistee s came fro m th e Nort h an d Sout h Kingstow n townships . Thi s tren d re flected th e larg e concentratio n o f African American s i n tha t par t o f th e state.48 The unevennes s o f African America n enlistmen t ca n b e explaine d i n two ways . First , t o kee p thei r slave s fro m runnin g awa y an d enlistin g without thei r consent , slaveowner s bega n t o indentur e thei r slave s t o other whites , whic h greatl y complicate d matters . Slave s owne d b y a n individual bu t worke d fo r secon d partie s a s wel l wer e no t authorize d t o enlist becaus e o f th e complexit y o f reimbursemen t fo r thei r militar y service. Second , ther e was a concerted effor t o n the part of some disgrun tled white s t o derai l th e enlistmen t proces s b y spreadin g disinformatio n among th e slave s regardin g Continenta l service . Captai n Elija h Lewis , a recruiting office r presen t i n Kingstow n o n 1 9 February 1778 , reported t o state officials tha t a Mr. Hazar d Potte r tol d th e slave s gathered fo r enlist ment tha t "the y wer e [t o b e used ] a s Breastworks " an d that , i f take n prisoner, the y "woul d b e sen t t o th e Wes t Indie s an d sol d a s slaves." 49 Virginians ha d use d th e sam e argumen t agains t Dunmore' s recruitmen t of slave s fo r hi s "Ethiopia n Regiment " i n 1775 . Now , however , i t wa s being used agains t th e patriot' s recruitin g schemes . White reactio n t o Rhod e Island' s ne w Africa n America n enlistmen t policy wa s s o strong tha t th e Assembl y repeale d th e Februar y enlistmen t law o n 1 0 June 1778 . Nevertheless , th e stat e treasurer' s record s showe d that a t leas t forty-fou r mor e slave s manage d t o enlis t betwee n 1 2 Jun e and 1 3 Octobe r 1778 . Th e precis e numbe r o f African American s wh o actually serve d i n th e Rhod e Islan d uni t remain s uncertain , th e estimate s ranging fro m 13 0 t o 300 . Takin g int o accoun t al l th e incomplet e muste r rolls, treasurer' s lists , payrolls , an d casualt y lists , th e mos t probabl e number wa s betwee n 22 5 and 250. 50 Rhode Island' s black regimen t serve d fo r th e duratio n o f th e war .

j 6 • Changing One Master for Another African American s wer e highl y value d a s soldiers , no t onl y fo r thei r fidelity bu t als o because the y dre w "n o other allowanc e than wha t i s paid them b y the continent." Other soldiers , wrot e Governor Willia m Greene , "received subsistenc e money , th e amoun t o f which ha s bee n mor e i n on e year than eithe r of them [slave s or soldiers] were valued at. " Significantly , Washington turne d dow n Governo r Greene' s reques t fo r th e retur n o f the blac k regimen t t o Rhod e Island , an d h e assigne d th e uni t t o dutie s with th e mai n army. 51 Following th e lea d o f Rhod e Island , othe r Ne w Englan d colonie s als o seriously considere d th e enlistmen t o f Africa n American s a s a wa y o f alleviating thei r manpowe r dilemmas . I n th e sprin g o f tha t year , th e General Cour t o f Massachusett s debate d th e issue . Thoma s Kench , a n artillery office r the n a t Castle Island , addresse d th e court : A re-enforcement ca n b e quick raise d o f tw o or thre e hundre d men . . . . And wha t I refe r t o i s negroes . W e hav e diver s o f the m i n ou r service , mixed with white men. But I think it would be more proper to raise a body by themselves, than to have them intermixed with the white men; and their ambition woul d entirel y b e to outdo the white men i n every measur e that the fortune of war calls a soldier to endure.52 Kench outline d fo r th e court jus t ho w h e intended t o organize Africa n American recruit s an d eve n hinte d a t usin g racia l competitio n t o ge t maximum effort s fro m th e men . Th e uni t woul d b e commande d b y whites, bu t th e noncommissione d officer s woul d b e Africa n American . They woul d serv e fo r th e duratio n o f th e wa r an d "the n b e fre e men. " African America n enlistmen t "will be far better," continued Kench , "tha n to fill u p ou r battalion s wit h runaway s an d deserter s fro m Genera l Bur goyne's army , who , afte r receivin g clothin g an d th e bounty , i n genera l make i t their busines s t o desert fro m us." 53 Th e court , however , wa s no t persuaded; i t voted t o reject Kench' s proposal . Instead , i n order t o appea r less threatenin g t o white s wh o feare d Africa n American s wit h gun s i n their hands , Massachusett s recruiter s enliste d Africa n American s a s individuals rathe r tha n a s whole units. Besides Christophe r Greene' s Rhod e Islan d regiment , ther e i s frag mentary evidenc e tha t a t leas t a fe w all-blac k unit s wer e forme d durin g the war . Know n a s th e "Buck s o f America, " suc h a uni t wa s raise d i n Massachusetts. N o servic e records remai n excep t fo r a battle flag that ha d been presente d t o th e uni t b y Joh n Hancock . In 1781 , Connecticu t

Changing One Master for Another • 7 7 also forme d a compan y o f Africa n America n soldiers . Th e officer s an d noncommissioned officer s wer e white , bu t th e privat e soldier s wer e solidly Africa n American . Afte r th e arriva l o f Frenc h force s i n Nort h America, th e Paris Gazette noted tha t ther e wer e 2,97 9 "Europeans " an d 545 "Colored : Voluntee r Chausseurs , Mulattoes , an d Negroes , newl y raised a t St . Domingo." 54 While employmen t o f Africa n American s a s soldier s wa s a generall y recognized polic y i n Ne w England , suc h suggestion s wer e me t wit h resentment i n th e south . A 177 9 congressional proposa l t o ar m souther n slaves wa s receive d "wit h horro r b y th e planters , wh o figured t o them selves terribl e consequences." 55 Christophe r Gadsden , radica l membe r o f the Sout h Carolin a patrio t movement , agreed : "W e ar e muc h disguste d here at Congress," he wrote t o Samue l Adams , "recommendin g u s to arm our Slaves , i t wa s receive d wit h grea t resentment , a s a ver y dangerou s and impoliti c Step." 56 Th e Sout h Carolin a Priv y Counci l eve n wen t s o far a s t o offe r t o th e Britis h General , Andr e Prevost , tha t th e colon y would remai n neutra l fo r th e res t o f th e wa r i f th e Britis h woul d no t invade i t an d liberat e th e slaves . Face d suddenl y wit h invasio n an d th e possibility o f slav e seizure s b y th e British , th e Priv y Counci l wa s willin g to ris k th e revolutio n an d continenta l unit y fo r th e sak e o f maintainin g racial an d socia l dominance . Eventually, th e slave s themselves , wit h th e hel p o f th e Britis h durin g their abortiv e invasio n o f th e souther n colonies , provide d th e impetu s fo r full recruitmen t int o th e Continenta l army . I t wa s th e threa t o f self liberation, whic h migh t hav e bee n achieve d wit h Britis h help , tha t opened th e wa y fo r th e whit e rulin g classe s t o us e arm y enlistmen t a s an alternative mean s o f control . Eve n hardene d slaveowner s suc h a s Henr y Laurens change d thei r opinio n abou t th e employmen t o f Africa n Ameri cans durin g th e cours e o f th e war . Togethe r wit h hi s soldier-so n John , the elde r Lauren s le d th e movemen t fo r enlistin g blac k soldier s i n th e South. No t onl y wer e America n arm s losin g th e wa r i n th e South , but th e Britis h ha d als o mad e slav e seizure s a n integra l par t o f thei r southern strategy . John Laurens , Washington' s aide-de-camp , ha d lon g thought tha t arm ing African American s wa s appropriat e fo r th e Continenta l army . T o hi s practical mind , th e obviou s reaso n fo r Britis h succes s i n th e souther n theater wa s tha t th e Sout h Carolin a an d Georgi a legislature s faile d t o make good us e of thei r African America n manpower . I t appeare d t o bot h John an d Henr y Lauren s tha t larg e portions of the militia wer e tied dow n

78 • Changing One Master for Another garrisoning th e frontie r o r tidewater , wher e the y fearfull y awaite d slav e or Indian insurrections. Moreover, th e younge r Lauren s wa s presen t whe n Jame s Varnu m discussed raisin g th e Africa n America n Rhod e Islan d battalio n wit h George Washington . Joh n Lauren s implore d hi s slaveownin g fathe r t o "cede m e a numbe r o f you r abl e bodie d me n slaves, " t o begi n trainin g them a s soldiers . Thi s would , though t Laurens , pu t Africa n American s on th e wa y t o "perfec t liberty " an d a t th e sam e tim e "reinforc e th e defenders o f libert y with a numbe r o f gallan t soldiers." 57 Lauren s in formed hi s fathe r tha t "eve n Washington wa s convinced tha t the numer ous tribes of blacks in the southern part s of the continent offer a resource to u s tha t shoul d no t b e neglected." 58 Washington , however , di d no t offer an y o f hi s ow n slave s (h e owne d hundreds ) fo r th e defens e o f the south. But jus t a s had happene d i n Rhod e Island , th e right s of privat e property, indemnificatio n t o owners , an d racia l prejudic e overrod e coopera tion, despite the fact that the British army was ransacking the countryside and attractin g slave s b y th e thousands . Th e reason s fo r souther n reluc tance t o ar m Africa n American s wer e no t har d t o understand . Ther e were man y i n Sout h Carolin a wh o woul d rathe r hav e los t th e wa r tha n give up their dominant positio n i n the social hierarchy of the colony. Th e legislatures o f Sout h Carolin a an d Georgia , dominate d b y th e plante r class, woul d b e th e leas t likel y t o agre e t o any pla n tha t involve d libera tion of slaves. Nevertheless, o n 2 5 Marc h 1779 , a congressiona l committee , le d b y Henry Laurens , reporte d tha t becaus e n o troop s coul d b e spare d fro m Washington's mai n army fo r the defense o f the Sout h an d because i t was necessary "fo r th e grea t proportio n o f citizen s . . . t o remai n a t hom e t o prevent insurrection s amon g th e negroes , an d t o preven t desertio n o f them to the enemy," at least three thousand slave s should b e immediately recruited fo r th e souther n army , i n exchange fo r freedo m a t the clos e o f hostilities.59 Significantly , th e recruite d Africa n American s di d no t re ceive a lan d bounty ; instea d the y receive d fifty dollar s an d freedo m i f they survive d the war. Alexander Hamilto n note d that Laurens's plan would "hav e to combat much oppositio n fro m prejudic e an d self-interest. " Hamilto n observe d that a "thousan d arguments " wil l b e offere d agains t recruitin g Africa n Americans. "I t shoul d b e considered, " h e warned , "tha t i f w e do no t

Changing One Master for Another • 7 9 make us e o f [them ] i n thi s way , th e enem y probabl y will ; an d tha t th e best wa y t o counteract th e temptation s the y wil l hol d ou t wil l b e to offe r them ourselves. " "An essentia l par t of this plan," he continued, "i s to give them thei r freedo m wit h thei r muskets . Thi s wil l secur e thei r fidelity, animate their courage , an d I believe will hav e a good influenc e upo n thos e who remain, b y openin g a door t o emancipation." 60 Soon afte r Congres s resolve d t o recommen d raisin g Africa n America n battalions, Henr y Clinton , commande r o f al l Britis h force s i n America , struck back , declarin g tha t becaus e "th e enemy hav e adopted a practice of enrolling Negroe s amon g their troops, " he would sel l all captured Africa n American Continenta l soldiers , "th e mone y t o b e pai d t o th e captors. " Moreover, Clinto n proclaime d a genera l emancipatio n o f al l slave s wh o escaped t o hi s lines , wit h th e interestin g provis o tha t eac h runawa y could choos e "an y occupatio n [wit h th e Britis h army ] whic h h e shal l think proper." 61 To counte r Clinton' s offe r o f emancipation , Congres s agree d t o ap point "a n office r t o lev y a Corps o f on e thousan d abl e bodie d negroe s i n Georgia an d Sout h Carolina " unde r th e authorit y o f thei r respectiv e governors; th e sam e offer s o f pa y an d provision s wer e t o b e provide d t o them. 62 Th e ne w resolv e wa s tw o thousan d Africa n America n soldier s fewer tha n th e origina l Lauren s pla n calle d for . Ther e is , moreover , evidence tha t th e legislature s o f Sout h Carolin a an d Georgi a refuse d t o arm th e men , usin g the m instea d a s labor an d pionee r troops. 63 Predictably, Laurens' s pla n receive d onl y twelv e votes fro m th e Sout h Carolina legislature . Th e pla n ha d been , a s Henr y Lauren s stated , "blown u p wit h contemptuou s huzzas. " In 178 2 John Lauren s trie d onc e more t o convinc e Sout h Carolin a t o enlis t th e slave s before th e Britis h seized them . Thi s time , however , h e propose d tha t "on e of th e bes t way s to emplo y th e profit s fro m amon g th e confiscate d estate s wa s t o rais e a corps of 2,50 0 troops fro m amon g th e slave s on them. " Lauren s evidentl y offered thi s revisio n o f his original pla n t o secure the loyalty an d propert y of the planter class in the state legislature. Hi s whol e plan wa s now linke d to th e sequestratio n an d confiscatio n o f loyalis t estate s an d woul d no t force th e planter s themselve s t o mak e an y sacrifices. 64 Despit e wha t Governor Rutledg e describe d a s " a har d battle, " Laurens' s proposa l wa s once again easil y defeated. 65 Immediately befor e hi s deat h i n a n obscur e skirmish , Lauren s wrot e to Washington an d suggeste d tha t th e stat e of Georgia migh t b e receptiv e

8o • Changing One Master for Another to hi s ne w plan , becaus e i t admitte d i n 178 0 tha t armin g slave s wa s a necessary militar y step . Washington' s reply , however , reveale d a dee p pessimism ove r the whole affair : I mus t confes s tha t I am no t a t al l astonished a t th e failur e o f you r Plan . That spiri t of Freedom whic h a t the commencement o f this contest woul d have gladly sacrifice d ever y thin g t o the attainmen t o f it s object ha s long since subsided , an d ever y selfis h Passio n ha s taken it s place; it i s not th e public but private Interest which influences th e generality of Mankind . . . under th e circumstance s i t woul d hav e bee n rathe r surprizin g i f you ha d succeeded, nor will you I fear have better success in Georgia. 66 Rather tha n recrui t Africa n Americans , th e Sout h Carolin a legislature , in an "Act t o Procure Recruit s an d Preven t Desertion, " use d th e slave s of Tories a s a bounty t o encourage whit e enlistment. 67 Th e stat e of Virgini a offered " a negro e wort h 6 0 pound s speci e a t th e en d o f th e war " i n addition t o cas h an d lan d t o stimulat e enlistment s durin g th e souther n invasion.68 Afte r Yorktown , however , th e manpowe r emergenc y wa s over. Th e momen t Cornwalli s surrendered , Washingto n poste d guard s on th e beache s t o preven t black s fro m escapin g aboar d Britis h men-of war. 69 Wit h th e bul k o f th e Britis h force s no w heade d fo r priso n camps , all plan s fo r Africa n America n enlistmen t becam e essentiall y moo t an d no les s agreeabl e t o planters , wh o wer e no t abou t t o chang e thei r mind s now tha t th e Britis h threa t ha d diminished . If the Continenta l force s di d no t alway s ope n thei r arm s t o blacks, th e British certainl y did . Slave s too k advantag e o f th e turmoi l o f wa r t o liberate themselve s b y desertin g thei r plantation s fo r th e Britis h army . The colonia l historian , Davi d Ramsey , estimate d tha t Sout h Carolin a lost "twenty-fiv e thousan d negroes. " Georg e Abbo t Hall , a Charlesto n merchant, estimate d tha t mor e tha n 20,00 0 slave s (abou t one-quarte r o f the entire slave population o f South Carolina) ran awa y fro m thei r planta tions whe n th e opportunit y presente d itself . I n Georgia , th e los s wa s even proportionatel y greater , wit h estimate s o f "three-fourth s t o seven eighths o f al l slave s free d b y th e British. " Thoma s Jefferson , a s th e wartime governo r o f Virginia , estimate d tha t durin g 177 8 alone , th e British ha d enable d mor e tha n 30,00 0 Virgini a slave s t o fle e fro m bond age. A s lat e a s 1786 , a corp s o f runawa y Africa n American s callin g themselves th e "Kin g o f England' s soldiers " forme d a Nort h America n "maroon" communit y i n th e swampland s o f th e Savanna h River , harass ing settlements wel l afte r th e Treaty o f Paris. 70

Changing One Master for Another • 8 1 Many African American s mus t hav e hope d fo r th e succes s o f Britis h arms. Henr y Melchoi r Muhlenberg , a Luthera n pastor , wrot e i n hi s journal o f a conversatio n h e ha d wit h tw o black servant s o f a n Englis h family leavin g Philadelphia . "The y secretl y wishe d tha t th e Britis h arm y might win, " state d Muhlenberg , "fo r the n al l Negr o slave s wil l gai n thei r freedom. I t i s sai d tha t thi s sentimen t i s almos t universa l amon g th e Negroes i n America." 71 Durin g th e Britis h occupatio n o f Philadelphia , a correspondent fo r th e Pennsylvania Packet observe d tha t "th e defectio n o f the Negroe s [t o th e British] , [even ] o f th e mos t indulgen t master s . . . shewed wha t littl e dependence ough t t o b e placed o n person s deprive d o f their natura l liberty." 72 Despite the "universal sentiment " that th e British were liberators, thei r policy concernin g th e enlistmen t o f Africa n American s wa s nearl y a s hesitant an d disjointe d a s tha t o f th e colonists . Wit h th e exceptio n o f Dunmore's "Ethiopia n Regiment " o f 1775-76 , mos t African American s were no t arme d b y th e Britis h a s red-coate d comba t soldiers . Group s o f former slaves , however , operate d a s guerrilla s i n th e "neutra l ground " near occupied Ne w York , whil e mounte d forme r slave s served th e Britis h near Savannah , roundin g u p deserters. 73 Thre e item s i n patrio t newspa pers o f 178 0 relate d th e depredation s o f a n Africa n America n guerrill a leader b y th e nam e of Ty, a veteran o f Dunmore' s Ethiopia n Regimen t o f 1775- Wit h a forc e o f "twent y black s an d whites, " i n th e vicinit y o f occupied Ne w York , T y wa s credited wit h "carryin g of f prisoners , Capt . Barns Smoc k an d Gilber t Vanmater ; a t th e sam e tim e spike d u p th e iro n four pounde r a t Capt Smock' s House . . . . The abov e mentione d T y i s a Negroe, wh o bear s th e titl e o f Colonel , an d command s a motle y cre w a t Sandy Hook." 74 Thoma s Peter s wa s th e slav e o f on e Willia m Campbel l in Wilmington , Nort h Carolina . H e fough t fo r th e Britis h an d wa s twic e wounded. 75 Thoma s Bee , a Sout h Carolin a planter , complaine d t o stat e authorities abou t "Blac k Dragoon s wh o hav e bee n ou t fou r time s withi n the las t te n day s plunderin g an d robbing." 76 Africa n America n labo r wa s fully utilize d b y th e Britis h agains t th e colonists whereve r possible . British militar y personne l eve n engage d i n slav e trading : "Durin g th e occupation o f Georgia , Genera l Andr e Prevos t acquire d 10 0 slave s an d put the m t o wor k o n hi s plantatio n o n th e Ogeeche e River. " Anothe r general gav e a fello w office r a "twenty-tw o yea r ol d blac k ma n a s a present." Frequently , Africa n America n prisoner s fro m th e Continenta l forces wer e markete d t o provid e cas h fo r sustainin g th e Britis h army. 77 Many Britis h officer s regarde d thei r blac k servant s a s thei r persona l

82 • Changing One Master for Another property. Genera l Lesli e warne d tha t "ever y departmen t an d Ever y Of ficer, wishe s t o includ e hi s slave s i n th e Numbe r t o b e brough t off. " Leslie propose d th e appointmen t o f officer s t o supervis e th e transporta tion of runaway slave s to places such as Jamaica, Eas t Florida, St . Lucia , and other parts of the empire where slavery wa s still legal. 78 British effort s a t slav e seizures , however , shoul d no t b e confuse d with an y sentiment s o f emancipation . Joh n Cruden , a loyalist wh o ha d previously use d slave-soldiers to guard the property of sequestered estates in th e South , wrot e Lor d Dunmor e an d propose d tha t th e Britis h rais e and ar m 10,00 0 Africa n American s t o regai n th e Sout h "wit h it s ow n force." Cruden revealed , however , som e underlyin g reason s fo r hi s pro posal. Th e recruitmen t o f forme r slave s change d nothin g i n th e socia l order. "'Ti s onl y th e changin g on e maste r fo r another, " he stated , "an d let i t b e clearly understoo d tha t the y ar e to serv e th e Kin g fo r ever, an d that those slaves who are not taken for his Majesty's servic e are to remain on th e plantation , an d perform , a s usual , th e labo r of th e field." Cruden significantly adde d a side benefi t t o hi s pla n i n tha t b y employin g slave s as a military force , the y wer e "discipline d an d brough t unde r comman d . . . [an d were ] prevente d fro m raisin g cabals , tumults , an d eve n rebel lion, wha t I think might b e expected soo n after a peace."79 Despite resistance from southern slaveowners and the tendency fo r the slaves themselve s t o tak e thei r chance s with th e British , blac k soldier s were scattere d liberall y throughou t th e line s o f al l th e state s excep t fo r South Carolin a an d Georgi a an d appeare d i n greate r number s tha n ha s been previousl y supposed . I n n o othe r are a o f th e Unite d States , how ever, with the exception of New England , wer e African Americans incorporated into completely blac k units. Historians have estimated tha t five thousand black s probably serve d in the Continenta l arm y durin g th e Revolution. 80 A n examinatio n o f th e muster roll s o f th e variou s regiment s o f th e Continenta l arm y reveale d that recruiter s (wit h th e exception o f Rhod e Island ) took Africa n Ameri can enlistee s a s the y foun d them , i n one s an d twos , t o fill chronicall y undermanned Continenta l battalions . Benjami n Quarles' s five-thousandman estimate represent s approximatel y on e Africa n America n soldie r for every sixt y whit e soldiers . Blac k soldiers, however , generall y serve d fou r and a half years in the Continental army , thre e years longer than whites, who, however , sa w substantiall y mor e militia service . Th e percentag e of African American s t o white s i n Continenta l servic e a t an y give n time , therefore, wa s much higher than one in sixty. 81 One wa y t o determine a more exact percentag e o f Africa n American s

Changing One Master for Another • 8 3 in Continenta l servic e i s t o loo k a t th e roll s o f black s wh o wer e presen t for dut y i n th e arm y a s liste d b y Alexande r Scammell , adjutant-genera l of th e army , o n 2 4 August 1778 . Thi s i s th e onl y know n militar y docu ment i n existenc e tha t identifie d (i n a general personne l return ) th e num ber o f African American s i n eac h regiment . W e can compar e Scammeir s total figure o f blac k ran k an d file presen t fo r dut y wit h th e overal l figure of th e ran k an d file fo r eac h brigad e o n th e army' s monthl y personne l return t o com e u p wit h th e percentag e o f African American s presen t i n each brigade . Parson' s Brigad e (Connecticu t troops) , fo r example , re ported fo r th e month o f September 177 8 a total of 1,06 5 ran k and file (117 of whom wer e African American ) present fo r duty, 82 o r nearly 1 0 percent of this single unit. 83 Mos t of the other brigade s listed fel l within Connecti cut's rate. The Nort h Carolin a Brigad e showe d 67 0 men presen t fo r duty , Scammell listin g 4 2 African Americans , fo r a tota l o f 6. 2 percen t o f th e unit. Muhlenberg' s Virgini a battalion s wer e 1 3 percen t African Afri can. 84 Whe n compare d agains t th e tota l numbe r o f whit e soldier s presen t for duty , Africa n American s appeare d i n large r number s bu t wer e scat tered throughou t th e whole army (se e fig. 2). In February 1778 , Washington's arm y wa s estimate d t o hav e onl y 7,60 0 ran k an d file fit fo r duty . The 75 5 African American s withi n i t thu s comprise d nearl y 1 0 percen t of the entire army. 85 Several foreig n officer s commente d o n the racial diversity o f the Amer ican arm y i n th e latte r year s o f th e war . Th e Marqui s d e Chastellux , a French officer , observe d th e Continenta l arm y i n 178 1 an d commente d that th e larg e numbe r o f African American s i n th e rank s "wer e strong , robust men , an d thos e I sa w mad e a ver y goo d appearance. " Anothe r French office r a t Whit e Plains , Ne w York , commente d tha t "three-quar ters o f th e Rhod e Islan d regimen t wer e negroes , an d tha t regimen t i s th e most neatl y dressed , th e bes t unde r arms , an d th e mos t precis e i n it s maneuver" of any uni t h e had eve r seen. 86 Despite th e paucit y o f forma l records , ther e i s evidenc e tha t African Americans wer e rather commo n i n the ranks. Contemporary ar t depictin g scenes fro m th e Revolutio n nearl y alway s reveale d th e presenc e o f blac k combatants. I n bot h th e Sull y an d Leutz e painting s o f Washington' s Christmas Ev e crossing of the Delawar e Rive r in 1776 , an African Ameri can soldie r wa s present . Th e soldie r ha s sinc e bee n identifie d a s Princ e Whipple, th e bodyguar d o f a Ne w Hampshir e general. 87 Trumbull' s famous paintin g o f th e Battl e o f Bunke r Hil l (painte d i n 1786 ) promi nently feature d a n Africa n America n soldier , purporte d t o b e Pete r Sa lem. A portrai t o f Lafayett e b y Jean-Baptiste L e Pao n show s Lafayette' s

84 • Changing One Master for Another black assistant , James Armistea d Lafayette , t o b e both arme d an d exqui sitely turne d ou t i n perfec t uniform . Particularl y interestin g i s a watercolor drawing entitled "costume r de PArmee Americaine en 1782, " which portrayed th e unifor m an d equipmen t o f fou r America n soldiers , on e o f whom wa s unmistakably black. 88 A portrai t o f th e Battl e of Cowpens b y William Ranne y (painte d i n 1845 ) revealed a n unknow n Africa n Ameri can cavalryman saving the life of Lieutenant Colonel Willia m Washingto n by firing a pistol int o a British dragoon. 89 Most artist s of th e Revolution ary era routinel y portraye d Africa n American s a s combatants an d no t as auxiliaries in their paintings.

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I African-Americans Figure 2. African-America n Soldier s in the Ranks

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BRIGADES LEGEND

Changing One Master for Another • 8 5 While a remarkable numbe r o f black s serve d a s long-termed Continen tal soldiers , fe w serve d i n the stat e militias . Steve n Rosswurm' s definitiv e study o f th e militi a i n th e cit y o f Philadelphi a reveale d onl y on e Africa n American enrolle e on an y o f its muster rosters. 90 This disparit y indicate d that Africa n American s fulfille d th e onerou s continenta l manpowe r quo tas fo r th e state s bu t wer e stil l discriminate d agains t o n th e loca l level . Moreover, Continenta l servic e place d African America n soldier s unde r strict militar y disciplin e an d transporte d the m t o region s remot e fro m their plac e o f recruitment. 91 Militi a duty , o f course , woul d hav e kep t them i n the sam e locality. Thes e condition s fo r African America n servic e apparently satisfie d th e objection s an d fear s o f member s o f th e whit e master clas s i n every are a excep t th e Dee p South , wher e armin g slave s i n any wa y remaine d anathem a throughou t th e war . Instead o f bein g use d a s genera l militar y manpower , African Ameri cans wer e used a s a specifi c kin d o f manpower . Fillin g th e arduou s military role s o f infantryman , pionee r an d wagoner , thei r socia l charac teristics wer e remarkabl y simila r t o th e horde s o f Iris h an d Germa n immigrants wh o serve d th e Continenta l arm y a s well . Mos t African American enliste d me n wer e i n the lowe r socioeconomi c strat a o f colonial society. A survey o f fifty black soldiers ' pension record s showe d tha t onefifth ha d liste d labore r o r servan t a s thei r prewa r occupation . Othe r occupations mentione d wer e th e semi-skille d occupation s o f weave r o r wagoner. On e famous soldier , Cuf f Tindy , calle d himsel f a farmer . H e was a slav e befor e th e Revolution , receive d hi s freedo m a s a resul t o f service an d liste d on e horse , thre e sheep , thre e lambs, an d on e rake as his only asset s upo n applyin g fo r a pensio n i n 1819 . Cato Freedom , Africa n by birth , wo n hi s freedo m an d las t nam e b y servic e an d liste d ownershi p of thirty-three acre s of land, a plough, cow , ax , and other small househol d articles whe n h e applie d fo r a pension , wherea s Devonshir e Freema n merely liste d a n "ol d violi n o r fiddle" a s th e su m o f hi s worldl y assets. 92 In n o cas e di d an y o f th e pensioner s indicat e tha t the y achieve d an y sor t of financial succes s during thei r lifetimes .

Conclusion How ha d th e war , arm y servic e (British an d American) , an d th e Revolu tion affecte d th e overall situatio n o f blacks i n America? Gar y Nash , i n hi s study o f African American s i n Revolutionary-er a Philadelphia , recentl y offered evidenc e t o show a subset o f African American s wh o were proba -

86 • Changing One Master for Another bly affecte d mos t b y th e war . Comparin g a lis t o f black s wh o wer e evacuated wit h th e Britis h arm y with informatio n o n thos e slave s wh o did no t seek refug e with th e British , Nas h foun d tha t of those stil l i n the city b y 1779 , 7 2 percen t ha d bee n unde r th e ag e o f sixtee n whe n th e British occupied Philadelphi a i n 1777 . O f thos e wh o lef t with th e Britis h when the y evacuated , two-third s wer e singl e male s betwee n th e age s o f seventeen an d thirty-five ; th e averag e ag e o f th e male s wa s aroun d twenty-seven. Take n together , th e tw o set s o f data "indicat e tha t a large proportion of the slaves who were not immobilized (b y family tie s or age) risked thei r fortune s with th e British." 93 Wha t thi s mean t wa s tha t i f African American s wer e mobil e enoug h t o take advantage o f the turmoi l of war, the y usuall y did so without equivocation. The enrollmen t o f African American s a s soldiers and their subsequen t manumission a s the result of their wartime cooperation serve d t o create a larger and mor e visibl e grou p of fre e Africa n America n citizens . A com parison o f th e compile d servic e record s o f Connecticut' s Africa n Ameri can soldier s wit h a 179 0 census of "fre e blac k head s of families " revealed many o f the sam e names . A t leas t forty Africa n American s ou t of a total of 19 5 soldier s als o matche d name s liste d o n th e roll s of th e 170 0 census as fre e head s o f households . Durin g th e Revolution , Africa n America n soldiers wer e frequentl y give n classica l name s o r th e surnam e o f thei r former masters . Ofte n th e muste r roster s reveale d man y wit h th e sam e first an d las t names . I t wa s impossibl e t o distinguis h betwee n thes e particular soldiers with any degree of accuracy. Ye t more than 20 percent of Connecticut' s Africa n America n soldie r enlistmen t record s matche d a name on the 170 0 heads-of-household census. 94 Free African Americans became a permanent legacy of the Revolution. Maryland's fre e Africa n America n population , whic h wa s 1,81 7 m ! 755* reached 8,00 0 b y 1790. 95 B y th e end of the first decade of the nineteent h century, "ther e were over 100,00 0 free African Americans in the southern states an d the y compose d almos t five percen t o f th e fre e populatio n and nearl y nin e percen t o f th e (total ) [African American ] population." 96 William Gaston , chie f justic e o f th e Nort h Carolin a Suprem e Court , noted i n 183 5 "tha t previou s t o th e Revolution , ther e wer e scarcel y an y Emancipated Slaves ; and that the few fre e men of color that were here at that time , wer e chiefl y Mulattoes , th e childre n o f whit e women." 97 O f course freedo m fo r servic e wa s no t th e only causa l facto r i n accountin g for thi s substantia l increase . Arm y enlistment , however , mus t b e ac knowledged a s a viable and traditional avenu e of emancipation.

Changing One Master for Another • 8 7 Another wa y tha t Africa n American s emancipate d themselve s wa s through self-liberation . Th e wa r presente d th e larg e slav e populatio n o f the souther n colonie s wit h a paradox . O n th e on e hand , the y coul d remain passiv e an d hop e tha t th e wa r woul d someho w chang e thei r fortunes fo r th e better . T o d o s o woul d no t b e consonan t wit h long established Atlanti c tradition s o f resistance . Slav e flight, therefore , should b e see n a s a for m o f slav e revolt . I t i s a n activ e proces s whereb y the slav e makes th e consciou s decisio n t o leave his or he r presen t circum stances an d ris k sickness , reenslavement , o r deat h i n a variety o f ways. I t is ironic tha t th e hig h leve l of slave flight caused b y th e individua l action s of th e slave s themselve s o r th e nearb y presenc e o f th e Britis h arm y wa s perceived b y th e whit e maste r clas s t o have bee n a principal causa l facto r in overal l slav e resistance ; ye t i t als o serve d t o lesse n th e possibilit y tha t the rebellion woul d becom e a n organized socia l revolution. 98 The recognitio n o f slaver y a s a nationa l proble m an d th e incentiv e given t o a nascen t abolitio n movemen t b y th e Revolutio n cause d a num ber o f state s t o ba n slaver y o r revis e thei r manumissio n policie s b y 1787 . By 1790 , "manumissio n wa s a slaveholder' s prerogativ e throughou t th e South, excep t i n Nort h Carolina." 99 Whil e thi s di d no t necessaril y mea n freedom fo r th e slaves , i t did lesse n th e obstacles fo r obtainin g individua l manumission, whic h represente d th e first cracks i n the system . Freedom fo r relativel y few , however , di d no t mea n racia l toleration . In 179 3 Virgini a passe d a law tha t require d al l fre e African American s t o be registered an d numbere d b y thei r town s of residence. Georgi a likewis e demanded th e annua l registratio n o f fre e Africa n Americans . Th e mos t restrictive la w was passe d b y Nort h Carolin a i n 1785 . Not onl y wer e fre e African American s require d t o register , bu t the y wer e als o made t o wea r a clot h badg e inscribe d "FREE." 100 Throughou t th e tw o decade s tha t followed th e war, fre e Africa n American s wer e seized b y souther n count y sheriffs t o preven t "domesti c insurrections. " Advertisin g an d describin g their detainee s i n variou s newspaper s fro m Ne w Yor k t o Georgia, black s were sol d bac k int o slaver y fo r "passin g a s fre e an d Suppose d t o hav e Been Mannumite d b y thei r forme r owners." 101 I t i s easy t o imagin e tha t former slaveowner s wh o los t thei r slave s t o Britis h raider s migh t clai m these slave s as their ow n withou t regar d t o their actua l plac e of origin. That th e Revolutio n ha d loosene d th e socia l bond s o f bot h Africa n American an d whit e communitie s i s indisputable . However , th e mos t significant change s occurre d fo r th e fre e Africa n America n communitie s and urba n slaves—artisans , rive r pilots , sailors , o r domestics—wh o wit -

88 • Changing One Master for Another nessed th e Revolutio n firsthan d an d wer e bes t abl e t o tak e advantag e o f the social upheaval . The y gaine d a working knowledge of the language of revolution an d wer e abl e to express themselve s i n ways tha t brok e dow n the ol d pattern s o f whit e authorit y "tha t traditionall y ha d controlle d slaves fairly well " before the war. 102 Freedom wa s th e mos t powerfu l motivato r fo r Africa n American s i n the Revolution . The y seize d upo n th e occasion t o procure thei r freedo m in a t leas t fou r ways : (i ) a s escape d slave s workin g fo r an d agains t th e colonial forces , (2 ) as Continental soldier s wh o expected t o be fre e a t the end o f th e war , (3 ) a s substitute s fo r thei r masters , an d (4 ) a s person s owned or hired to perform wartim e services for government. 103 Service, however , wa s not without it s dangers. An y Africa n America n who joine d eithe r sid e too k th e chanc e "tha t whe n hi s regimen t o r shi p moved awa y fro m th e plac e o f hi s [enlistment ] o r manumission , wher e witnesses to the event could be summoned, h e might be spirited back into slavery."104 Samue l Sutphe n wa s a New Jersey slav e who was hire d a s a substitute fo r hi s master , Caspa r Berger . Whe n th e wa r ended, Sutphe n was seize d b y hi s forme r owne r an d force d t o remai n a slave fo r twent y years, unti l h e bough t hi s ow n freedo m with som e mone y h e ha d man aged t o sav e i n th e interim. 105 Ne d Griffen , a "ma n o f mixe d blood, " served i n th e Nort h Carolin a lin e a s a substitute fo r hi s owner , Willia m Kitchen, a deserter from Nathanael Greene' s army. Kitche n had deserted after th e Battl e o f Guilfor d Cour t Hous e an d woul d hav e bee n mad e t o return t o servic e i f h e ha d no t force d Ne d Griffe n t o serv e i n hi s stead . Although Kitche n promise d hi m hi s freedo m a t th e en d o f th e war , h e was seized b y his former owner and sold to another owner in Edgecomb e County, Nort h Carolina . I t too k a n ac t o f th e Genera l Assembl y fo r Griffen t o wi n freedo m fro m bot h masters. 106 Variou s underprivilege d groups recognized the Revolution as an opportunity t o escape oppression. For th e slaves , "th e Revolutionar y Wa r a s a blac k declaratio n o f inde pendence too k o n a powe r o f it s own , fuele d b y residua l revolutionar y rhetoric an d sustaine d b y th e memor y o f falle n heroe s an d th e clou d o f living blac k witnesses." 107 St . Georg e Tucker , a Virginian , commente d in 180 0 on the slave conspiracy inspire d by a man named Gabriel. Tucke r observed tha t ther e wa s a "difference betwee n th e slave s wh o responde d to Lor d Dunmore' s proclamatio n i n 177 5 an d thos e wh o too k par t i n Gabriel's plo t i n 1800 . Th e slave s o f 177 5 fough t fo r freedo m a s a good, whereas those of 180 0 claimed freedom a s a right."108

i. Guilfor d Cour t House , 1 5 Marc h 1781 , courtes y o f th e Cente r o f Militar y History , Department o f th e Army . Th e illustratio n depict s th e vetera n Firs t Marylan d Regimen t about t o repuls e a Britis h attac k wit h bayonets . 2 . Trenton , 2 6 Decembe r 1776 , courtes y of th e Cente r o f Militar y History , Departmen t o f th e Army . Th e illustratio n depict s th e surprise attac k o n th e Hessian s a t Trento n o n th e da y afte r Christmas , 1776 . Th e ragge d American continental s overwhelme d Colone l Johan n Rail' s defense s a t a dea d ru n an d forced th e Hessian s t o surrender . Th e America n succes s a t Trento n an d a later victor y a t Princeton ensure d th e surviva l o f the army an d the Revolution .

3. The Battle of Yorktown , by Howar d Pyle , courtes y o f th e Wilmingto n Societ y o f Fin e Arts, Delawar e Ar t Center . Th e scen e depict s th e America n continental s stormin g Britis h redoubts at Yorktown.

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4. Battle of Bunker's Hill, 1775, b y John Trumbull , courtes y o f Yal e Universit y Ar t Gallery . The illustratio n depict s th e Britis h final assault o n Bunker' s Hill . Not e th e Africa n Ameri can soldie r a t th e extrem e righ t o f th e picture . 5 . On the Road to Valley Forge, b y Willia m Trego, courtes y o f th e Valle y Forg e Historica l Society . Th e illustratio n depict s th e long suffering an d ragged continental soldier y o n their way t o winter quarters at Valley Forg e in December 1776 .

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Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses: The Struggle for Indian Allies in the Revolution

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ine day s afte r th e Bosto n Te a Party , a whit e famil y tha t ha d recently move d into newly acquire d territory near the headwaters of the Ogeechee Rive r in the colony of Georgia was massacred by Indians. Th e following month, the Coweta Creeks attacked a fort west o f Wrightsboroug h an d kille d twent y mor e whites . Tw o week s later, th e Georgia militi a wer e routed b y Cree k warriors . Th e Georgian s refused t o serv e an y furthe r an d wen t hom e "wit h thi s sill y speec h i n their mouths/ ' accordin g t o the Georgia Gazette, "that their familie s wer e dear t o them , tha t the y wer e i n danger , an d tha t the y wer e wante d a t home t o protec t them. " Fiv e week s later , however , a grou p o f peace minded Creek s le d b y a ma n name d Ma d Turke y cam e t o Augusta, Georgia, a s guest s o f th e loca l militi a captain , Willia m Goodgion . A blacksmith name d Thoma s Fe e offere d Ma d Turke y a drink. Whe n th e Indian too k th e blacksmit h u p o n hi s offe r an d raise d hi s cup , Fe e treacherously smashe d Ma d Turkey' s skul l wit h a n iro n bar . Bu t rathe r than fac e tria l fo r murder , Fe e wa s haile d a s a hero b y th e backcountr y farmers. Whe n the governor later confined Fe e in the stockade at NinetySix, South Carolina , " a mo b brok e int o th e jai l an d se t hi m free." 1 Fee's elevation as frontier her o rather than condemnation a s cold-blooded murderer clearly illustrates the attitude held by the majority of backcountry Americans toward their Native American neighbors. The complet e histor y o f Nativ e America n participatio n i n the Ameri can Revolutio n ha s ye t t o b e written ; wha t th e rol e o f th e India n wa s 89

oo • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses during th e wa r i s usuall y relegate d t o th e peripher y o f history . Olde r texts wrongl y characterize d easter n Nativ e American s a s wanderin g no mads "havin g n o town s o r villages, " n o settle d life , an d henc e n o rea l effect o n th e outcom e o f th e war. 2 However , a newe r generatio n o f historians ha s begu n t o recogniz e th e complexit y o f th e relationship s among variou s tribe s an d thei r interaction s wit h colonia l backcountr y settlements. Independent , activ e Native-American tribe s helpe d t o defin e the politic s o f thi s regio n fo r al l people s wh o live d there . Th e plac e an d role o f Nativ e American s i n th e conflic t wer e muc h mor e comple x tha n has been surmised . Indians wer e employe d a s warriors bot h fo r an d agains t colonia l inde pendence. Becaus e mos t Nativ e America n tribe s resiste d inductio n int o regular armie s an d viewe d th e regulation s an d European-styl e tactic s a s stifling an d ridiculous , Britis h an d America n commander s sough t t o us e the fearsom e imag e o f th e India n i n a psychologica l tu g o f wa r agains t each other . Willia m Gordon , fo r instance , suggeste d t o Horati o Gate s that arrivin g Hessia n force s shoul d immediatel y b e attacke d b y five hundred t o a thousan d "brav e an d daring " America n soldier s dresse d and painte d a s Indians . Thes e me n shoul d b e chosen , state d Gordon , from amon g thos e wh o coul d bes t imitat e th e India n wa r hoop . H e thought tha t "suc h dar k painte d enemie s woul d g o nea r t o terrify " th e Hessians.3 Few authenti c Indians , however , sa w actua l servic e a s Continenta l soldiers o r red-coate d Britis h troops . Th e enlistmen t record s o f bot h sides sa y littl e abou t th e inductio n o f Indian s int o eithe r army . How ever, th e rol e playe d b y th e nativ e tribe s durin g th e Seve n Years ' Wa r convinced man y white s o f th e valu e o f Indian s a s allie s an d tradin g partners. Th e imag e an d reputatio n o f Indian s a s redoubtabl e guerrill a fighters remaine d firm i n th e memorie s o f whit e Europea n an d colonia l Americans. Fo r whites , th e India n wa s bot h "nobl e savage " (an idealize d innocent stat e simila r t o Ada m an d Ev e befor e thei r fall ) an d "ignobl e savage" (a n individua l utterl y devoi d o f an y redeemin g qualitie s an d undeserving o f mercy , assistance , o r quarte r i n battle). 4 Durin g time s o f war, o f course , portrayin g Indian s a s ignobl e savage s wa s muc h mor e convenient whe n i t appeare d tha t the y woul d all y themselve s wit h th e other side . If w e examin e th e Nativ e America n proble m fro m al l point s o f view , not jus t thos e espouse d b y whit e colonia l Americans , w e se e a ne w rol e

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 9 1 played b y th e frontie r tribes . No t onl y wer e mos t Nativ e America n tribe s avidly pro-Britis h i n th e conflict , bu t the y als o ha d goo d reaso n fo r being so . The America n polic y o f recruitin g Nativ e American s fo r warfar e evolve d over time . John Adam s admitte d t o Horati o Gate s tha t h e di d no t kno w much abou t Indians , bu t though t tha t havin g the m a s "Confederate s i n war" wa s "troublesome " an d "expensiv e . . . beside s th e incivilit y an d Inhumanity o f employin g suc h Savage s wit h thei r cruel , blood y disposi tions, agains t an y Enem y whatever." 5 Adam s hesitated , bu t i n th e en d he did no t "refus e th e assistanc e of the Indians." 6 Native America n tribe s hel d th e decisiv e positio n o n th e America n frontier. Nativ e American/whit e commerc e an d trad e wit h frontie r settle ments wer e par t o f everyda y lif e i n th e backcountry . Durin g th e Seve n Years' War , Britis h an d America n officer s remembere d fro m experienc e that Nativ e America n tribe s usuall y allie d wit h th e sid e tha t promise d them th e bes t chanc e o f cultura l an d economi c surviva l an d continue d access t o wester n trad e goods . Whe n wa r began , Britis h an d America n commissioners wer e mobilize d t o convinc e th e tribe s tha t i t wa s i n thei r interest t o choos e thei r particula r side . Offer s o f weapons , powder , an d shot — items no t normall y produce d b y Nativ e Americans—wer e quickly made . Th e British , however , wer e bette r prepare d t o trad e wit h the tribe s tha n th e patriots . The y coul d giv e guarantees o f reduce d whit e encroachment o n India n land , wherea s th e Americans , becaus e o f land hungry wester n settlers , refuse d t o d o so . Thu s i t wa s especiall y im portant fo r th e patriot s t o get th e Nativ e American s a t leas t t o remai n neutral durin g th e war. 7 The groundwor k fo r a treaty o f neutrality betwee n th e Norther n tribe s and American s ha d bee n buil t a t th e For t Pit t Conferenc e o f 1775 . A Seneca chief , Guyashusta , wa s give n a great bel t o f wampum , a beade d symbol o f peac e tha t signifie d th e importanc e an d gravit y o f th e relation ship betwee n th e whit e colonials an d th e Iroquois . Moreover , th e Ameri can commissioner s urge d Guyashust a t o sho w th e bel t t o other member s of the Confederac y "s o that the y ma y kno w th e sentiment s o f th e Unite d Colonies." 8 Sendin g a simila r speec h t o th e Lenn i Lenap e (Delaware ) Indians, America n commissioner s urge d the m t o "hold fas t th e great Bel t of Peac e & Friendship. . . . Consider u s and yo u a s One People . [Do ] not hearken t o an y speec h tha t th e [British ] Commandant s o f eithe r Detroi t

92 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses or Niagar a ma y send a s the y onl y mea n t o Deceiv e you . [Please ] si t stil l & Enjoy Peace." 9 Meanwhile, Britis h emissarie s sen t simila r message s t o th e Indians , causing grea t confusio n i n man y triba l councils . Colonia l official s eve n arrested a Dr . Joh n Connoll y wh o ha d organize d a pla n t o enlis t th e Indians t o attac k America n frontie r settlements . Advocatin g a n allianc e of India n an d Britis h soldiers , Connoll y suggeste d tha t thi s forc e attac k the American s a t Pittsburg h an d driv e east to the coast. Bot h Indian s an d British woul d benefi t fro m suc h a campaign. Th e Britis h woul d seve r th e American line s of communication an d th e Indian s coul d partiall y recove r much lan d alread y encroache d upo n b y whit e settlers. 10 Thoroughl y frightened a t th e prospect s propose d b y Connoll y an d othe r Britis h emis saries o n th e frontier , Congres s strongl y wante d th e Indian s t o maintai n the term s o f neutralit y offere d a t th e 177 5 For t Pit t conference . I n fact , keeping th e Indian s neutra l wa s especially importan t t o the newl y unite d colonies, becaus e Nativ e America n nation s represente d a thousand-mil e second fron t i f the y decide d t o attac k th e patriot s i n concert . Th e threa t of India n attac k wa s eve n use d t o furthe r th e Patrio t Part y caus e i n South Carolina . Britis h India n Superintenden t Joh n Stuar t reporte d t o Henry Clinton : The newspaper s wer e ful l o f Publication s calculate d t o excite the fear s of the People . Massacre s an d Instigate d Insurrection s wer e word s i n th e mouth of every Child—The pretende d Discover y of an intention to Instigate Insurrection s o f th e negroe s an d brin g dow n th e Indian s wa s th e pretence for tendering an Instrument o f Association t o every Perso n in the Province. I t wa s assigne d a s th e Reaso n fo r armin g th e militi a an d fo r raising Troops.1 x George Washingto n wa s one , however , wh o though t tha t th e Indian s would b e dragge d int o th e conflic t soone r o r later . "I n m y opinion, " h e said, "i t wil l b e impossibl e t o kee p the m i n a stat e o f neutrality ; the y must, an d n o doub t will , tak e a n activ e par t eithe r fo r o r agains t us . I submit t o Congres s whethe r i t wil l no t b e bette r immediatel y t o engag e them o n our side." 12 Washington wa s correc t i n tha t th e Indian s wer e eventuall y dragge d into th e wa r despit e America n effort s t o kee p them out . Th e bes t wa y t o describe thi s proces s i s t o divid e u p th e colonie s int o tw o distinc t geo graphic regions , nort h an d south . In th e north , th e largest , mos t powerfu l confederatio n o f Nativ e

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 9 3 Americans wer e th e Iroquoi s o r Fiv e Nations . Commandin g mor e tha n 10,000 warriors , th e Iroquoi s ha d lon g bee n allie s o f th e crown . In fact , elements o f thi s grea t allianc e touche d upo n th e frontier s o f ever y stat e from Virgini a t o Ne w Hampshire , excludin g Maryland , Delaware , an d Rhode Island . Moreover , mos t o f th e triangula r fightin g betwee n th e British, Indians , an d American s occurre d there . The Iroquoi s wer e wooe d b y bot h belligerents , an d thi s suite d th e Iroquois peopl e well . Allianc e wa s a goal commonly sough t b y the m wit h "everyone i n th e universe. " Alliance s wer e dynami c an d continuin g set s of relationship s wit h British , colonial , o r othe r Nativ e America n tribe s and stresse d kinshi p an d reciprocity. 13 Befor e th e war , th e Britis h ha d cemented thei r allianc e with th e Iroquoi s Confederation an d establishe d a tributary relationshi p maintaine d b y a stead y suppl y o f whit e man' s goods upo n whic h th e Iroquoi s ha d becom e dependen t b y 1775 . Ihi s was particularl y tru e o f firearms an d ammunitio n whic h th e Iroquoi s needed fo r hunting , self-defense , defens e agains t whit e encroachment , and fo r th e dominatio n o f neighborin g triba l enemies . Th e Indian s ha d become s o dependent o n thi s suppl y o f goods tha t th e Wyandot informe d George Croghan , a colonia l India n agen t i n 1759 , tha t "yo u . . . kno w very wel l tha t n o India n natio n live s no w withou t bein g supporte d eithe r by th e Englis h o r th e French , w e canno t liv e a s ou r Ancestor s di d before yo u cam e int o ou r Country." 14 Warfar e betwee n th e Britis h an d Americans cause d a dislocatio n o f trad e betwee n th e white s an d th e Iroquois. Thi s interruptio n o f trade caused th e Iroquoi s t o seek an accom modation wit h an y belligeren t grou p tha t coul d bes t fulfil l thei r commer cial needs . By 177 5 th e Britis h ha d fifty officer s devote d t o maintainin g goo d relations (th e covenan t chain ) wit h th e confederation , whil e th e hast y attempts o f th e Continenta l Congres s t o influenc e th e Iroquoi s wa s plagued wit h factionalis m an d dissension. 15 I n negotiation s betwee n th e American India n commissioner s an d element s of the fierce Mohawk tribe , Little Abraham , a Mohaw k sachem , informe d th e commissioner s tha t they considere d th e hostilitie s betwee n th e Britis h an d American s a s u a family affair " bu t stil l ha d tw o fundamenta l concerns : lan d an d trade . The Britis h blockad e o f trad e an d th e colonia l lac k o f a manufacturin g base mad e India n request s fo r trad e goods , arms , an d ammunitio n diffi cult fo r American s t o satisfy . Whit e encroachmen t an d pattern s o f settle r aggression sinc e 176 3 als o worrie d th e Mohawks . Bot h issue s clearl y favored th e British. 16

94 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses Because Congres s an d America n militar y leader s recognize d tha t th e British ha d th e advantag e i n recruitin g an d tha t Americ a coul d no t com pete economicall y wit h them , the y trie d a differen t approach . Etha n Allen reminde d th e Indian s ho w eas y i t wa s t o kill the Britis h durin g th e last wa r an d assure d the m tha t the y woul d receiv e "Money , Blankets , Tomahawks, Knives , an d Paint " i n retur n fo r thei r support . The y woul d also receiv e al l th e wa r boot y the y wante d fro m th e bodie s o f th e dea d British regulars , jus t a s they ha d i n the las t war. 17 The British , however , appeale d t o Nativ e America n cultura l ritual s instead. B y invitin g th e Caughnawaga s Indian s t o "feas t o n a Bostonia n and drin k hi s Blood, " th e Britis h reveale d tha t the y wer e muc h mor e i n tune wit h triba l custom s tha n th e Americans . Substitutin g a n o x t o represent th e "Bostonian " an d a pip e o f win e "a s blood, " th e Britis h effectively used th e symbolog y o f an ancient Caughnawaga s ritua l agains t the colonists. 18 John Butler , a n India n agen t fo r th e crown , wen t eve n furthe r an d ridiculed certai n India n sachem s fo r declarin g tha t the y wer e determine d to "receiv e n o A x fro m eithe r [side]." 19 Butle r stresse d th e relativ e pov erty o f the colonists i n comparison wit h th e wealth an d powe r of the king: Your resolutions ar e very surprising ; where i s any one body o f men to be compared t o th e King ? A s fo r Gen l Schuyle r (an d othe r Commisrs ) o f whom you boast so much, wha t i s he? . . . He has no men, guns, cannon and ammunition , o r clothing, an d shoul d h e survive the summe r h e must perish b y th e col d nex t winte r fo r wan t o f blankets . Bu t th e Kin g want s [lacks] neither men nor numbers. 20 The Britis h wer e much mor e aggressive than th e Americans i n recruit ing th e norther n tribe s t o thei r cause . Friendshi p wit h a tribe incurre d a financial burde n tha t th e American s wer e no t willin g t o assume . Th e tribes, i n turn , used th e wa r t o ge t wha t the y neede d fro m eithe r th e Americans o r th e British . Stephe n Moyla n wrot e t o th e chairma n o f th e Newburyport Committe e o f Publi c Safet y tha t th e Penobsco t trib e i n Maine demande d powde r fo r thei r loyalt y an d state d bluntl y tha t i f th e Americans di d no t suppl y thei r needs , "the y woul d appl y t o th e enem y who would b e glad o f the opportunity o f making friends wit h them." 21 The expens e of providing fo r India n allie s caused th e colonists to avoid assistance t o Nativ e American s eve n whe n i t wa s i n thei r interes t t o d o so. Phili p Schuyler , th e commandin g office r o f th e Norther n Depart ment, note d tha t h e wa s "dail y tormented " b y partie s o f Indian s wh o

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 9 5 applied t o hi m fo r suppor t an d ammunitio n fo r thei r weapons . Schuyle r discovered tha t h e simpl y di d no t hav e th e mean s t o suppor t hi s ow n forces a s wel l a s thos e o f an y potentia l India n allies . H e eve n suspecte d the Tories o f urging the Indian s t o inundate colonia l depots wit h request s for supplies . Finally , a n exasperate d Schuyle r threatene d t o confine any one caugh t encouragin g Indian s t o as k fo r supplie s fro m Continenta l authorities "wit h a Lodging i n th e Simsbur y Mines." 22 The ke y issu e t o succes s o r failur e wit h ever y trib e o n th e frontie r centered o n th e issu e o f trade . Th e Britis h eve n use d th e vas t tributar y network the y ha d establishe d prio r t o th e wa r a s a weapon . Th e Main e tribes note d tha t "w e ar e i n muc h wan t o f Powde r t o Hun t with—th e Old Englis h peopl e wil l no t le t u s hav e any , Unles s w e wil l fight agains t our Brother s & Countrymen." 23 Trad e wa s s o importan t tha t nearl y every commissio n forme d t o negotiat e wit h th e Indian s include d tradin g agents wh o wer e wel l know n t o th e tribe s befor e th e war . Fo r instance , George Morgan, a prominent partne r i n a Philadelphia tradin g firm famil iar wit h th e tribe s wes t o f Pittsburgh , wa s appointe d b y Congres s a s Superintendent o f India n Affair s fo r th e Middl e Department. 24 Suc h trade relationship s ha d militar y valu e a s well , "fo r i f th e Indian s trad e with us, " observed Jonathan Elkins , "w e nee d n o Soldiers." 25 The Massachusett s Provincia l Counci l mad e repeate d attempt s t o kee p the easter n tribe s i n Main e provisioned . A Counci l repor t state d tha t "i t was absolutel y necessar y tha t th e Truc k hous e a t Machai s shoul d b e supplied wit h Cloth , Corn , Rum , an d ever y Kin d o f Store s Necessar y for suc h a Departmen t a s th e bes t mean s t o secur e th e severa l Tribe s o f Indians fro m takin g par t wit h th e Enemy." 26 B y cementin g th e tribe s t o the patriot caus e through trade , th e Provincia l Counci l hope d t o avoid th e expense of defending th e backcountry . The colonist s als o utilize d religio n a s anothe r metho d o f retainin g Native America n loyalty . Samue l Kirkland , a colonia l missionary , ha d been activ e amon g th e Oneid a trib e fo r year s prio r t o th e wa r an d wa s partly responsibl e fo r th e Oneidas' break wit h th e Iroquoi s Confederatio n and sidin g wit h th e Americans . Th e easter n tribe s o f th e St . John' s Indians an d Micmac s ha d bee n converte d t o Catholicism durin g th e year s of Frenc h dominance . Usin g religio n a s a means o f gaining th e loyalt y o f the Main e tribes , Colone l Joh n Allan , a militi a office r responsibl e fo r maintaining friendl y relation s wit h th e tribe s i n Main e an d Lowe r Can ada, sen t Fathe r D e L a Motte , a Frenc h chaplain , t o th e Passamaquod y tribe, whic h ha d lon g bee n askin g fo r a priest "tha t h e ma y pra y wit h u s

96 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses to God Almighty. " No t onl y di d the y desir e spiritua l assistanc e bu t the y also include d a reques t fo r "Ammunition , Provisions , an d Good s fo r u s . . . an d [we ] giv e yo u fu r an d skin , an d tak e ou r suppor t fro m yo u i n return." 27 Gettin g th e Indian s a priest wa s n o smal l matte r an d on e tha t Protestant Britai n wa s loath e to provide. Henr y Mowa t note d tha t Pierr e Tomo, a n India n chief , ha d accused th e Britis h o f a breach o f promise b y not providin g the m a pries t an d regrette d tha t "man y o f the m ar e no w with Mr . Alla n o n th e fait h o f Genera l Washington' s havin g promise d t o furnish the m wit h a Priest an d everythin g els e they require." 28 Religion , therefore, wa s also a powerful determinan t i n which sid e the tribes chose. De L a Motte' s appointmen t ha d bee n lon g awaited . Remindin g th e Passamaquody o f thei r forme r relationshi p wit h th e kin g o f France , wh o was thei r "commo n father, " D e L a Mott e tol d the m tha t "ou r commo n father wil l no t neglec t t o gratif y al l you r wishe s an d t o mak e yo u happy." 29 Whil e th e Frenc h offe r t o satisf y th e commercia l need s over came the material povert y o f the patriots, D e La Motte's presenc e cloake d the possibilit y o f renewe d Frenc h interes t i n their forme r Canadia n terri tories. The Massachusett s Provincia l Assembl y di d no t wai t fo r th e Frenc h t o enjoin th e tribes to their cause, nor were they anxiou s for the introductio n of an y "popish " influenc e i n thei r vicinity . Instead , the y sough t t o enlis t individual Indian s int o thei r rank s before th e Britis h mad e allies of them . General Gag e complained abou t thes e Indians wh o assisted th e Continen tal force s durin g th e sieg e o f Boston . "Th e Rebels, " state d Gage , "hav e brought al l th e Savage s the y coul d agains t u s here. " Gag e hear d cam p rumors tha t som e o f th e Britis h dea d o n Breed' s Hil l ha d bee n scalped . Because th e issu e o f whethe r o r no t t o enlis t th e Indian s i n thei r caus e had bee n debate d wit h Britis h administratio n circles , Gag e no w though t that "w e nee d no t b e tende r o f callin g upo n th e Savages , a s th e Rebel s have shewn u s the example." 30 In Ma y 1776 , Congres s abruptl y change d it s polic y o f neutralit y an d authorized Washingto n "t o engag e u p t o 2,00 0 Indian s fo r wa r agains t Canada." Moreover , Washingto n wa s allowe d t o offe r " a rewar d o f on e hundred dollar s fo r ever y commissione d officer , an d thirt y dollar s fo r every privat e soldier , o f the King' s troops, tha t the y shoul d tak e prisoner s in India n countr y o r o n th e frontie r o f thes e colonies." 31 Whil e Congres s refused t o offer suc h term s t o their Continental forces , the y perceive d th e value of th e tribe s a s allie s an d th e disastrou s consequence s i f the Britis h were to enlist thei r aid . However , th e enlistmen t o f Indian s woul d inevi -

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 9 7 tably spli t th e tribe s o f th e Confederatio n int o opposin g factions. 32 I n fact, ther e i s evidence tha t Congres s encourage d thi s policy . Washingto n approved th e ide a o f Colone l Davi d Brodhea d t o "inflam e th e rivalshi p which i s sai d t o subsis t betwee n th e Wyandot s an d Mingoes , an d I shal l be glad i t ma y b e i n you r powe r t o induc e th e forme r t o aid yo u i n som e decisive strok e agains t th e latter." 33 Th e Mingoe s inhabite d th e Ohi o country claime d b y Virginia . Washington , Benjami n Franklin , an d othe r senior America n official s als o ha d lan d interest s i n th e region . Thu s removal o f th e troublesom e Mingoe s b y th e Wyandot s ma y hav e ha d other purpose s a s well. Moreover , th e division o f the Iroquoi s Confedera tion int o smalle r faction s woul d mak e i t easie r fo r th e American s t o conquer the m later . Congress als o allowe d whol e tribe s o f Indian s t o enlis t a s Continenta l soldiers, although , a s w e shal l see , fe w did . Th e America n India n super intendent fo r th e Middl e Department , Georg e Morgan , wa s one , how ever, wh o disagree d wit h congressiona l plan s t o enlis t Indians . Morga n protested tha t usin g th e Indian s wa s a violatio n o f th e For t Pit t treaty . Months o f wor k gettin g th e Indian s t o remai n neutra l wer e jeopardized . While th e American s migh t gai n som e fe w hundre d recruits , the y wer e more tha n likel y creatin g thousand s o f enemies . Mos t o f th e tribe s wer e opposed t o allowing armies to march throug h thei r territor y i n any case. 34 Unfortunately fo r th e Indians , th e onl y wa y fo r th e rebel s t o attac k th e British i n Canad a wa s throug h thei r territory . Congress , however , wa s probably reactin g a s muc h t o informatio n the y ha d receive d fro m Phili p Schuyler a s anythin g else . Schuyle r ha d informe d Congres s tha t Gu y Johnson, wh o oppose d th e "Bel t o f Peace " give n t o th e Seneca , sen t among th e Indian s u a larg e Blac k Wa r bel t wit h a Hatchet depicture d o n it." Whil e th e Indian s accepte d th e belt , the y "woul d neithe r ea t no r drink no r sin g th e Wa r Song." 35 Thei r action s signified , mor e tha n anything else , their desir e t o stay out o f the fight. While America n commissioner s concentrate d o n keepin g th e powerfu l Iroquois neutral , the y allowe d th e Stockbridg e trib e o f Massachusett s t o enlist e n mass e i n th e Continenta l army . Th e Stockbridg e ha d acte d a s minutemen sinc e 1775 , an d thei r presenc e a t Bosto n ha d bee n note d b y Thomas Gage . Fathe r John Sargent , a missionar y t o th e tribe , wrot e t o Congress i n 177 6 and observe d tha t th e trib e had mad e themselve s acquainte d wit h th e merit s o f th e controvers y an d have take n a n activ e par t i n ou r favor , enlistin g thei r youn g me n i n ou r

98 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses army, whil e their counsellor s an d sachem s hav e carefully sen t present s of belts of wampum . . . t o the Six Nations, t o the Canadian Indians , and to the Shauwanunes e o n th e Ohio , addressin g i n suc h term s a s they judge d would hav e th e greates t tendenc y t o attac h the m t o th e interest s o f th e United States. 36 Congress gav e eac h India n wh o enliste d a blanke t an d a yar d o f re d ribbon,37 wherea s whit e soldier s receive d a cash bounty . In Octobe r 177 6 the Stockbridge , unde r thei r sache m Abraha m Nin ham, applie d t o Congres s fo r permissio n t o enlis t member s o f thei r trib e into th e Continenta l army . Th e Indian s wer e directe d t o repor t t o Gen eral Gates fo r duty, an d Ninha m an d hi s enlistees were paid tw o hundre d dollars u for th e use of himself an d hi s companions, an d a s an acknowledg ment fo r thei r zea l i n th e caus e o f th e Unite d States." 38 Unfortunatel y for th e Stockbridge , zea l wa s no t enough . The y wer e severel y maule d i n a battl e wit h Britis h troop s nea r Whit e Plains , Ne w York , th e followin g year. A Britis h lieutenan t note d tha t thei r force s ha d "pu t a period t o th e existence o f thirty-seve n Indian s an d a numbe r o f Rebels ; ther e wer e ten prisoner s taken , amongs t the m on e Captai n an d tw o Indian s o f th e Stockbridge tribe." 39 After th e destructio n o f th e Stockbridge , th e Indian s employe d b y Congress fo r th e norther n frontie r appeare d t o b e connected t o th e arm y in a haphazar d fashion . Congres s authorize d th e recruitmen t o f fou r hundred Indian s fro m amon g the northern an d souther n tribes . Washing ton note d tha t th e Oneida s ha d "manifeste d th e stronges t attachmen t t o us. . . . Thei r Missionary , Mr . Kirkland , seeme d t o hav e a n uncommo n ascendancy ove r tha t trib e an d I shoul d b e gla d t o se e hi m accompan y them." 40 Colone l Timoth y Bedel' s Abenaki (St. Francis ) recruits shivere d near Haverhill , Ne w Hampshire , throughou t mos t o f th e war . Neve r given an y ammunitio n o r clothing fo r hi s troops, Bede l wa s able to repor t he had only abou t "3 0 fighting Indian s and doubl e th e number o f Wome n & Children al l Nake d an d dail y comin g in. " "If the y ha d clothes, " state d Bedel, the y "migh t b e o f service. " B y 178 0 seventee n Abenaki s wer e i n Caughnawaga captai n Joh n Vincent' s company . Genera l Bayle y sen t George Washingto n a repor t o f th e Abenak i company , statin g tha t " a much large r numbe r ha s bee n her e a t time s bu t ar e ramblin g i n th e woods[;] those inserte d hav e been serviceabl e as scouts &c." 41 The St . Franci s Abenak i Indian s ha d bee n heavil y recruite d fo r Conti nental service . Durin g th e Seve n Years ' War , thes e peopl e ha d bee n viciously attacke d b y Rober t Roger s and hi s rangers i n 1759 . The princi -

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 9 9 pal Abenak i villag e wa s burne d t o th e ground , an d man y inhabitant s were kille d i n th e process . Th e Abenaki s recovere d fro m th e attack , bu t forever afterwar d hel d th e Britis h i n contempt . Roger s becam e know n t o them a s "th e Whit e Devil." 42 Migratin g int o th e Coo s Countr y o f Ver mont an d Ne w Hampshire , th e Abenaki s ha d inhabite d th e uppe r Con necticut valle y fo r hundred s o f years. Fe w American s ha d ye t penetrate d this inaccessibl e par t o f th e country . Recruite d to o lat e t o participat e i n the 177 7 Saratog a campaig n agains t Burgoyne , th e Abenaki s signaled their willingnes s t o suppor t th e patrio t cause . Whe n anothe r invasio n o f Canada wa s planne d fo r i n 1778 , Horati o Gate s sen t order s t o Colone l Timothy Bede l t o rais e five hundre d o f th e "Bes t Woodsmen , Hunters , and Indians " i n preparatio n fo r a campaign agains t St . Johns. 43 Unfortu nately fo r Colone l Bedel , h e wa s abl e t o rais e fe w woodsme n o r Indian s for an y expedition . Throughout th e war , eac h sid e combine d terro r wit h propagand a t o influence th e Indian s wh o live d i n proximit y t o the colonists. Allegation s about th e us e o f India n mercenaries , scal p bounties , an d atrocitie s wer e commonplace. Durin g th e fighting a t Vincennes , Colone l Henr y Hamil ton testifie d tha t fifteen o r sixtee n capture d Indian s wer e seriall y toma hawked t o death b y th e American s a t th e direct order s o f their command ing officer , Georg e Roger s Clark . Hamilto n note d tha t th e American s killed the m "a s [th e Indians ] san g thei r deat h songs." 44 Prio r t o Vincen nes, however , Hamilto n reporte d tha t Shawne e Indian s ha d capture d seventy-three prisoner s (includin g th e famou s Danie l Boone ) and brough t 129 scalps int o Detroit. 45 No t t o b e outdone , th e America n commande r of th e Norther n Department , Phili p Schuyler , offere d a terrorist bount y of "100 0 dollar s i n specie, " i f a Caughnawaga India n know n a s "Colone l Louis" successfull y burne d Britis h ship s o n Lak e Ontari o o r i n th e St . John's area. 46 Schuyle r offere d Colone l Loui s thi s mone y a t a time whe n the Continental treasur y wa s nearly bankrupt . The intens e fea r o f th e Indian s wa s use d a s a means of control a s well. A grou p o f Hessia n deserter s wa s advise d t o "than k circumstanc e fo r saving thei r scalps ; th e savage s wh o seize d them , a s wel l a s th e Yorkers , became lame . Henceforth , i f a Jaeger deserts , a part y o f savage s wil l b e sent ou t wit h ful l permissio n t o scal p th e deserte r immediately." 47 Colo nel L a Corn e St . Luc , a Frenc h Canadia n wh o allie d himsel f wit h th e British, wa s ver y blun t abou t employin g th e Indians . St . Lu c state d tha t he "though t i t wa s necessar y t o loos e th e savage s agains t th e miserabl e rebels i n orde r t o impos e terro r o n th e frontiers . . . . I t i s necessar y t o

ioo • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses brutalize affairs." 48 Th e portraya l o f Indian s a s instruments o f terror wa s a common tacti c use d throughou t al l wars i n colonial Nort h America . The American s wer e jus t a s bloody . A s th e wa r continue d o n th e frontier, th e Pennsylvania legislatur e sough t t o brutalize affairs i n its own way an d initiate d a scal p bount y t o counte r th e terroris m employe d b y St. Lu c an d others . Durin g th e autum n o f 1777 , a scoutin g part y o f Westmoreland Count y militi a too k the scalps of five Indians in an engagement nea r Kittanning . Colone l Lochery , th e count y lieutenant , reporte d to th e Suprem e Executiv e Counci l tha t " a rewar d fo r scalp s woul d b e of excellent us e a t thi s tim e an d woul d giv e spiri t an d alacrit y t o our youn g men an d mak e it thei r interes t t o b e constantly o n th e scout." 49 Pennsyl vania's chie f executive , Josep h Reed , agree d wit h Lochery' s assessmen t and offere d award s o f "THRE E T H O U S A N D DOLLAR S fo r ever y Indian prisone r o r Tor y actin g i n arm s wit h them , an d a rewar d o f T W O T H O U S A N D FIV E HUNDRE D DOLLAR S fo r ever y India n scalp." 50 Reed' s offe r wa s incredibl e eve n i n suc h inflationar y times , fo r it fa r exceede d th e bountie s an d wage s o f th e Continenta l soldier y o r even th e militia . Moreover , th e bounties encouraged "private " warfare o n the frontier . Just a s sailors recognized th e economic reward s possibl e fo r servic e on a privateer , soldier s o n th e borde r gaine d simila r reward s fo r butcherin g Indians. Scal p bountie s alway s create d condition s fo r offensiv e war . However, th e grisl y "trade " o f hai r buyin g wa s usuall y onl y temporar y security fo r whit e settler s a s eac h sid e engage d i n ambushe s tha t succes sively surpasse d previou s incident s i n atrocit y an d brutality . Moreover , scalp bountie s pose d a n eve n greate r threa t t o friendl y Indians , fo r the y were "th e easies t t o scal p of all. " In a n obviou s effor t t o preven t hi s ow n demise, a Tuscarora India n ( a tribe allie d wit h th e colonies ) embarrasse d everybody b y turnin g himsel f i n t o th e Pennsylvani a militi a befor e the y got around t o scalping him fo r th e bounty. 51 Warfare o n th e souther n frontie r wa s different fro m tha t wage d i n th e north. Th e Cheroke e an d Cree k tribe s ha d bee n fighting colonia l militi a forces fo r a numbe r o f years . Lexingto n an d Concor d wer e exceedingl y irrelevant t o them . Moreover , th e 14,00 0 warrior s o f th e Cheroke e an d Creek nation s wer e formidabl e potentia l antagonists . I n 1774-75 , Lor d Dunmore ha d le d a ban d o f militi a agains t th e Cheroke e i n Virgini a an d Mingo tribes in the Ohio country. Embittere d b y increased encroachmen t of whit e settlers , th e Cheroke e ha d rise n agains t th e Britis h an d back country settlers , an d sporadi c outbreaks o f violence betwee n Indian s an d

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • i o i settlers continue d int o th e Revolutionar y Wa r period . Throughou t th e twelve year s betwee n th e Seve n Years ' War an d th e Revolution , pressur e from lan d speculator s an d illega l squatter s cause d colonia l assemblie s an d Indian agent s t o exac t cessation s o f larg e quantitie s o f India n land . In prewar Georgi a alone , "6,695,42 9 acre s wer e acquired." 52 Thu s eve n without encouragemen t b y th e British , th e souther n Indian s wer e predis posed agains t th e America n backcountrymen . Moreover , bot h Cheroke e and Creek s wer e beholden t o white trader s an d wer e sometimes force d t o cede hug e territorie s o f lan d t o cancel thei r debts . Playin g th e Creek s of f against th e Cherokee , Si r James Wright , th e Georgi a roya l governor , go t them t o ced e abou t tw o millio n acre s o n th e uppe r Savannah . Mor e radical faction s withi n th e Cree k counci l dispute d th e term s o f th e treat y and occasionall y attacke d "squatters " wh o wer e floodin g int o th e "Ne w Purchase." 53 During th e winte r o f 1775-76 , th e Cheroke e debate d renewin g thei r attacks agains t "th e Virginians " (a s al l souther n squatter s an d fron tiersmen wer e calle d b y them) . B y Apri l 177 6 the Cherokee Counci l fires burned constantly . Britis h agent s Alexande r Camero n an d Henr y Stuar t arrived a t th e Cheroke e tow n o f Chot a wit h fifteen hundre d pound s o f powder. Althoug h th e Cheroke e Counci l wa s spli t ove r whethe r t o g o t o war, th e arriva l o f th e powde r mad e th e positio n o f th e wa r factio n stronger. Eventuall y th e wa r factio n prevailed , an d th e Cheroke e struc k at frontie r settlement s i n th e backcountr y o f Georgi a an d th e Carolinas . The patrio t force s sa w th e attac k o n th e settlement s an d th e correspond ing attac k b y th e Britis h agains t Charlesto n a s a conspirac y o f heinou s proportions an d use d i t to recruit frontiersme n int o militia companie s an d the Continental army. 54 Militia force s fro m Virgini a eventuall y regaine d thei r composur e afte r the initia l Cheroke e attack s an d le d punitiv e expedition s int o th e moun tains an d valley s o f souther n Appalachia . Th e Cherokee s melte d int o th e forests, bu t th e militi a burne d tow n afte r tow n i n retribution . Eventuall y agreeing t o a truce i n Ma y 1777 , th e Lowe r an d Middl e Tow n Cheroke e representatives agree d t o a peace—i n conjunction , o f course , wit h an other hug e lan d cessation . Thi s wa s no t th e las t o f the lan d penaltie s tha t were ultimately inflicte d o n th e Cherokee b y th e young Unite d States . The onl y souther n trib e tha t wa s incline d towar d th e rebe l sid e wa s the Catawba . Accordin g t o th e Britis h India n Superintenden t Joh n Stu art, th e Catawba wa s "domiciliated an d disperse d thro ' the Settlement s of north an d Sout h Carolina , i t i s n o wonde r tha t the y shoul d b e practise d

102 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses upon an d seduce d b y th e Inhabitant s wit h who m the y live. " N o soone r had Stuar t writte n hi s lette r whe n h e wa s force d t o admi t tha t "thi s ingratefull Littl e tribe" was already los t to the crown. 55 In ways strikingl y similar t o th e Stockbridg e Indian s t o th e north , th e Catawbas , alread y engulfed b y th e surgin g whit e population , sa w i t i n thei r interes t t o sid e with th e Americans . Immediatel y befor e th e war , Willia m Henr y Dray ton ha d warne d th e Catawb a tha t i f th e Britis h prevaile d agains t th e Americans "yo u wil l b e obliged t o bu y you r blankets , you r match-coats , your shirt s an d you r rum , a great dea l dearer." 56 Drayton , o n th e othe r hand, promise d th e Catawba s pa y fo r thei r service s agains t th e king . Despite thei r predispositio n towar d th e patrio t cause , th e Sout h Carolin a Assembly though t i t wa s necessar y t o war n th e Catawb a tha t "i f yo u d o not min d wha t w e say , yo u wil l b e sorr y fo r i t b y an d by." 57 Havin g recognized th e patrio t maile d fist a s thinl y covered wit h a velve t glove , the Catawb a reluctantl y too k th e Sout h Carolin a Assembl y u p o n it s offer. A militi a captai n name d Boyki n wrot e th e Provincia l Counci l an d stated tha t h e ha d bee n t o Catawb a tow n "an d [they ] wer e willin g t o come dow n anytim e yo u thin k proper. " Boyki n pai d the m a ten-poun d bounty fo r enlistin g an d use d the m t o terroriz e runawa y slave s i n th e parishes o f St . George , Dorchester , St . Paul , an d St . Bartholomew . There wa s als o evidence tha t thi s sam e forc e assiste d th e Sout h Carolin a militia i n th e destructio n o f a grou p o f runawa y black s wh o ha d fled t o Sullivan's Islan d i n Charleston harbor. 58 Th e militi a commander s like d t o use th e Indian s a s shoc k troop s t o terroriz e black s wh o contemplate d insurrection a s well. Little i s known abou t ho w lon g or in what capacit y th e Catawbas wer e used b y th e rebels . Fragmentar y evidenc e indicates , however , tha t the y were used a s ligh t force s t o catc h o r terroriz e runawa y slave s o r ac t a s scouts. James Wright , th e forme r roya l governo r o f Georgia , wrot e tha t an America n raidin g part y compose d o f "abou t 2 5 Indians " trie d t o capture hi m nea r Cockspu r Island . Managin g t o escap e wit h th e los s o f only on e roya l marine , Wrigh t note d tha t "th e ma n wh o wa s kille d was scalped." 59 The pa y record s o f Sout h Carolin a troop s liste d onl y on e singl e voucher fo r Catawb a Indians . The y wer e commande d b y a Captai n Thomas Drenna n an d ha d forty-on e me n i n thei r unit . Othe r Catawba s helped wit h logistic s fo r th e army . Drivin g cattl e fro m thei r ow n stocks , Richard Win n note d "tha t severa l time s [th e Catawba ] brough t ou t thei r

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 10 3 whole force " i n suppor t o f th e Americans . I n anothe r instance , Catawb a warriors wer e note d t o hav e develope d a novel wa y t o sto p th e chargin g British cavalry , somethin g tha t whit e soldier s i n the souther n theate r ha d never bee n abl e t o do. Rober t Wilso n note d tha t the y ha d "pu t a strang e feature upo n th e groun d b y stretchin g cowhide s betwee n th e trees." 60 I n this wa y th e Britis h horseme n coul d no t ru n dow n th e retreatin g militia men. On e Catawb a name d Monda y wa s so despondent ove r th e declinin g fortunes o f America n arm s tha t h e committe d suicide. 61 Lik e othe r Indi ans wh o fough t i n th e Revolution , Monda y wa s employe d informally . Few officia l record s wer e kep t o n th e Indians ' service . The onl y Catawb a who receive d a pensio n fo r servic e wa s Rober t Marsh , a Pamunk y wh o had settle d amon g th e Catawba. I n 181 8 he received a n annual pensio n of ninety-six dollar s fo r hi s service i n th e Virgini a line. 62 The larges t bod y o f Indian s o n th e Georgi a an d Carolin a frontiers , however, wer e th e Creeks . Pas t Cree k friendship , a s wit h mos t othe r Indian tribe s affecte d b y th e war , wa s predicate d o n trade . On e item , however, wa s absolutel y necessar y fo r thei r survival : ammunitio n fo r their rifles . Moreover , powde r wa s no t produce d b y an y o f th e tribes . Whenever trad e wa s discussed , thes e item s wer e invariabl y raise d a s a n issue o f concern . Occupyin g a centra l geographi c positio n betwee n th e white settlements , th e Cherokees , an d th e Chocta w t o th e west , th e Creeks wer e consciou s o f thei r strategi c positio n an d vulnerabilit y t o increasing colonia l encroachment . T o maintai n thei r positio n o f cen trality, i t wa s imperativ e tha t the y secur e a reliabl e sourc e o f ammuni tion.63 Th e grou p tha t bes t provide d thi s commodit y quickl y gaine d th e affinity o f the tribe fo r a s long as the suppl y lasted . Superintendent Stuar t recognize d th e importanc e o f gunpowde r an d provisions. Addressin g th e Cheroke e i n January 1776 , h e informe d thei r headmen tha t "powder , ball , arms , an d clothe s ar e sen t yo u annuall y from Britain . Th e American s stan d a s muc h i n nee d o f suc h supplie s a s you do . . . . The y canno t mak e clothes , powde r & arms fo r themselves ; how the n ca n the y suppl y you? " Stuart , however , wen t eve n further . "You know, " h e warned , "wit h wha t Eage r wishe s the y [th e Americans ] look upo n you r huntin g grounds." 64 When new s of the wa r betwee n th e Britis h an d American s reache d th e Creeks, Davi d Taitt , on e o f Superintenden t Stuart' s deputies , immedi ately sen t t o th e Britis h bas e a t Mobil e fo r powde r an d bal l t o ge t th e Creeks t o favo r th e crown . Soo n afterward , America n polic y wa s mad e to offset th e actions of the British : "In cas e any agen t of the Ministry shal l

104 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses induce the Indian s t o commit actua l hostilitie s agains t thes e colonies or t o enter int o a n offensiv e allianc e wit h th e Britis h troops , thereupo n th e colonists ought t o avail themselve s of an alliance with suc h India n nation s as will enter int o the same." 65 The American s eve n sen t thei r ow n agent , Georg e Galphin , amon g the Creek s t o obtain thei r neutrality . Galphi n trie d t o pas s himsel f of f a s the "successo r t o John Stuart " becaus e i t ha d bee n rumore d tha t Stuar t was i n poo r health . A Cree k chie f know n a s th e Cusseta h Kin g di d no t believe Galphin' s ploy , however , an d remarke d tha t onl y afte r h e wa s assured o f Stuart' s deat h woul d h e "loo k fo r ne w friends. " Fro m th e Indian poin t o f view, th e Britis h wer e still supplyin g the m wit h ammuni tion. The y wer e aware tha t Stuar t ha d bee n ordere d b y Thoma s Gag e t o "supply th e Indian s . . . and bin d the m mor e firml y t o you." 66 Althoug h promises ha d bee n mad e to the Creeks fro m bot h sides , i t was the Britis h who wer e ultimatel y bette r abl e t o suppl y th e souther n Indians . Fro m their base s i n Wes t Florida , th e Creek s wer e furnishe d smal l amount s o f ammunition, weapons , an d tobacco . Stuar t emphasize d i n all his dealing s with th e Indian s tha t th e crow n wa s bette r abl e t o suppl y thei r needs , whereas Galphi n ha d promise d supplie s bu t faile d t o deliver. 67 One othe r even t als o ma y hav e bee n a facto r i n turnin g th e Creek s against th e Americans . Th e American s refuse d t o punis h thos e wh o murdered Indian s o n th e frontier . Durin g a conferenc e wit h Georg e Galphin, a Creek chie f know n a s th e Chevulke y Warrio r demande d tha t some frontiersme n b e punishe d fo r th e murde r o f a member o f hi s tribe . Galphin promise d justic e an d suggeste d tha t tw o o f th e Indian s remai n behind t o see the murderer s executed . Th e Chevulke y Warrior' s emissar ies reported, however , tha t th e American s attempte d t o deceive the m b y hanging a man convicte d o f murderin g hi s own wif e an d the n state d tha t this ma n als o kille d thei r tribesman . Moreover , th e infamou s Thoma s Fee, th e blacksmit h wh o ha d previousl y kille d Ma d Turkey , murdere d another Cowet a warrio r o n th e Ogeeche e River . Bot h event s serve d t o remind th e Creek s tha t white s coul d no t b e trusted . Fro m the n on , th e Coweta Creek s remaine d oppose d t o American interest s on the frontier. 68 As fo r th e Cherokees , afte r bein g severel y maule d b y Virgini a an d Carolina militi a i n 1775-76 , the y entere d int o a peace agreement wit h th e Americans. Peac e treatie s wit h Americans , howeve r wer e lon g know n t o the Indian s a s "euphemism s fo r lan d cession. " Th e Cherokee s wer e forced t o ced e a hug e amoun t o f lan d o n th e wester n Nort h an d Sout h Carolina border s leadin g u p t o th e Cumberlan d Ga p an d extendin g al l

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 10 5 the wa y dow n t o th e Georgi a stat e border. 69 Lik e a dagge r pointe d toward th e hear t o f Shawne e territor y farthe r t o the west , whit e settlers , led b y Danie l Boon e an d others , quickl y wen t beyon d th e limit s o f th e treaty an d encroache d o n India n lan d i n th e Kentuck y area . Eve n land s guaranteed b y th e treat y itsel f di d no t kee p th e Cheroke e fre e fro m further encroachment . Th e Rave n o f Echota , a n Overhill Cherokee , com plained t o Governo r Caswel l o f Nort h Carolin a tha t whit e settler s wer e extremely clos e t o Overhil l town s an d wer e "markin g tree s al l ove r th e country," a common sig n of settlers stakin g out lan d claims . Fro m experi ence, th e Indian s kne w thi s procedur e well . Th e onl y respons e tha t the y received wa s th e assuranc e fro m th e governo r tha t h e woul d war n th e settlers no t t o damag e th e trees . Onl y afte r th e governor s o f Sout h Carolina an d Virgini a complaine d tha t th e action s o f th e Nort h Carolini ans migh t spar k anothe r wa r wa s Caswell move d t o do something . Whe n he attempte d t o appoin t anothe r commissio n t o negotiat e a ne w treat y with th e Indians , th e commissioners decline d t o serve on the grounds tha t a new treaty wa s not needed. Rather , th e old one needed t o be enforced. 70 In conclusion, th e Revolutionar y Wa r an d it s outcome lai d th e foundatio n for th e destruction o f th e Nativ e America n tribe s eas t o f th e Mississippi . Moreover, th e colonia l patter n o f violenc e an d expropriatio n o f India n territory woul d continu e int o th e twentiet h century . Th e polic y o f th e United State s towar d Indian s i n th e Revolutio n varie d ove r tim e bu t generally denie d the m thei r plac e a s allie s i n th e Wa r fo r Independence . It i s ironi c tha t whil e th e American s wer e engage d i n a struggl e agains t the Britis h Empire , the y wer e als o attemptin g t o build an empir e t o th e west a t th e expense of the India n nations . Indians scalpe d settler s and wer e scalped, i n turn, b y avengin g whites . In fact , jus t bein g a n India n wa s enoug h t o caus e som e backcountr y whites potentiall y t o commit murde r agains t th e nearest Nativ e America n they coul d find. Durin g th e summe r o f 1777 , a grou p o f pro-America n Shawnee an d Lenn i Lenap e Indian s le d b y Chie f Cornstal k o f th e Shaw nees attempte d t o war n th e colonist s tha t othe r British-le d Indian s wer e coming t o attack th e frontie r settlements . Whe n Cornstalk' s part y arrive d at a Kentuck y fort , the y wer e place d i n th e stockade . Th e nex t day , th e body o f a scalpe d soldie r wa s carrie d int o th e fort . Immediately , angr y soldiers brok e int o th e stockad e an d slaughtere d Cornstalk , hi s youn g son, an d anothe r ma n name d Re d Hawk . India n Commissione r Georg e Morgan eventuall y ha d t o war n Nativ e America n ambassador s t o sta y

106 • Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses away fro m For t Pit t becaus e o f th e possibilit y tha t the y woul d b e mur dered.71 Immediately followin g th e war , man y state s resume d thei r prewa r preoccupation wit h th e Indian s o n thei r respectiv e frontier s an d at tempted t o mak e separat e treatie s wit h th e tribes . Despit e th e larg e number o f high-soundin g treatie s enacte d i n th e year s followin g th e wa r regarding India n right s t o land , th e larg e expansivenes s o f th e frontie r served t o circumven t th e abilit y o f th e governmen t t o kee p it s ow n citizens fro m encroachment . O n othe r occasions , smalle r group s o f Indi ans suc h a s th e grou p o f Creek s a t th e Treat y o f Shoulderbone , pre tending t o speak fo r th e entir e nation , cede d al l India n claim s t o all land s in Georgia eas t of the Oconee River. 72 After th e colonist s had , b y terro r an d devastation , largel y drive n th e British-allied Indian s int o Canada , th e Oneid a an d Tuscaror a tribes , which ha d remaine d loya l t o th e Unite d State s an d provide d soldiers , still suffere d greatly . Buildin g hut s nea r Schenectady , the y live d o n th e handouts o f a white government tha t ha d becom e disinterested i n them a s a resul t o f a lessene d frontie r threat . Forme r soldier s suc h a s Lieutenan t John Sagaharas e o f th e Oneid a Wol f Cla n die d o f smallpo x i n th e Sche nectady camp . Thei r nativ e huntin g cultur e irrevocabl y altered , th e Oneida gav e i n t o offers b y th e stat e of Ne w Yor k fo r al l the res t o f thei r remaining ancestra l lands . Goo d Peter , a n Oneid a sachem , rejecte d thei r offer, however , recallin g the shabby treatmen t o f the Stockbridge Indian s who no w live d o n th e charit y o f th e Oneida . Unfortunately , th e Oneid a did no t liste n t o Goo d Peter' s advice . Thu s bega n a serie s o f lan d sale s that eventuall y dispossesse d th e few tribe s that ha d supporte d th e Ameri can cause . Th e onc e powerfu l Iroquoi s Confederatio n wa s broke n for ever. Th e remainin g nation s settle d o n lan d provide d b y th e crow n in Canada. 73 Chief Whit e Eye s of the Lenn i Lenap e was a longtime supporter o f the patriot cause . Whit e Eye s favore d th e creatio n o f a "fourteent h India n state" located i n th e Ohio territory . Whit e Eye s envisioned a state capita l at th e Lenap e tow n o f Coshcoto n an d wante d hi s peopl e t o elec t triba l members t o take their seat s in the Unite d State s Congress. 74 The though t of a n India n stat e wa s anathem a t o man y wh o ha d postwa r idea s fo r conquered Nativ e America n territory . General s Lachla n Mcintos h an d Brodhead promise d Whit e Eye s statehoo d fo r th e Lenn i Lenap e i f h e agreed t o allow th e Continental arm y t o attack For t Detroit . H e wa s even given a colonel's commission . Th e missio n t o Detroi t turne d ou t t o b e a ruse to get Whit e Eye s assassinated b y Mcintosh' s soldiers . Claiming tha t

Scalp Bounties and Truck Houses • 10 7 he die d o f smallpox , a subsequen t investigatio n reveale d tha t Whit e Eye s had bee n "treacherousl y pu t t o death," 7 5 a sa d endin g fo r a gallant ally . T h e Nativ e America n tribe s ha d bee n caugh t i n th e middl e o f a wa r they littl e understood . Strivin g t o protec t thei r cultura l identit y agains t devastation an d encroachment , the y wer e classi c example s o f a weake r power caugh t betwee n th e titani c struggle s o f tw o stronge r ones . T h e struggle o f th e Indians , therefore , need s t o b e viewe d fro m thi s ne w per spective. 76 Looking upo n th e Indian s a s defeate d allie s o f th e British , th e Ameri cans though t the y no w ha d a rightfu l clai m t o al l India n land s withi n the recentl y wo n politica l boundarie s o f th e youn g Unite d States . T h e legislature o f N o r t h Carolin a summe d u p thei r vie w perfectly . B y rights , they stated , w e no w ow n all th e Cheroke e lands , bu t th e Cheroke e ma y live upo n i t a s tenant s unti l otherwis e directe d t o vacat e th e propert y i n favor o f whit e settlers . T h e Iroquois , o n th e othe r hand , wer e no t give n a tenant option . Force d t o remov e t o Canada , thei r forme r triba l land s i n northern an d wester n N e w Yor k wer e divide d u p a s spoil s o f wa r fo r Continental arm y veteran s an d speculators . Chie f Cornplanter , a surviv ing Iroquoi s sachem , tol d Presiden t Georg e Washingto n i n 179 0 tha t hi s name i n thei r languag e no w mean t " T o w n Destroyer , an d t o thi s da y when tha t nam e i s hear d ou r wome n loo k behin d the m an d tur n pale , an d our childre n clin g clos e t o th e neck s o f thei r mothers." 7 7 For mos t Nativ e Americans , th e entir e patrio t movemen t mean t natio n destroyer. B y th e en d o f th e war , frontiersmen , emboldene d b y th e weakened stat e o f th e Nativ e America n tribe s a s a resul t o f th e year s o f fighting an d th e devastatin g raid s int o thei r territory , bega n t o engag e i n plundering expeditions . Accordin g t o on e frontie r observer , Majo r Wil liam Croghan , " T h e countr y talk s o f nothin g bu t killin g Indian s an d taking possessio n o f thei r lands. " Plunde r seize d b y raidin g militiame n against India n town s wa s late r sol d a t Wheeling , Virginia , fo r nearl y £20,000. 7 8 Intermitten t warfar e betwee n whit e militi a an d Nativ e Ameri can tribe s continue d i n th e Ohi o countr y fo r th e nex t thirt y years , whe n the Northwester n tribes , le d b y Tecumse h an d T h e Prophet , wer e nearl y annihilated b y Willia m H e n r y Harrison , a futur e presiden t o f th e Unite d States, a t th e battle s o f th e T h a m e s an d Tippecanoe . T h e legac y o f th e war se t a patter n tha t wa s t o b e repeate d agai n an d again , culminatin g a t Wounded Knee , Sout h Dakota , i n 1890 . Whit e lan d hunge r alway s over rode an y consideration s o f th e Indians , a n ol d stor y tha t wa s reinforce d by th e outcom e o f th e fighting.

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To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could: The Soldier as Wage Laborer At Uncle Joe's I liv'd at ease; Had cider and good bread and cheese; But while I stayed at Uncle Sam's I'd nought to eat but "faith and clams."1

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ike "circuses com e t o town," Continenta l recruitin g partie s i n 177 6 fanned ou t acros s th e thirtee n colonie s i n hope s o f enticin g me n t o 4 joi n th e army . Joseph Plum b Marti n wa s one of the man y draw n to the commotion cause d b y th e fifes and drum s o f musician s wh o enter tained th e gatherin g crow d wit h martia l tunes . Marti n live d wit h hi s grandparents i n Connecticu t an d ha d alread y serve d a shor t enlistmen t earlier i n th e war . Bu t a n "elbo w relation, " with " a Lieutenant' s commis sion i n th e standin g army, " continuall y harangue d hi s grandparent s whose consen t wa s necessar y fo r hi s reenlistment . Th e lieutenan t ha d even sen t a squa d o f soldier s aroun d t o haras s Martin , "usin g [as ] muc h persuasion" a s possible ; the y gav e hi m th e impressio n tha t h e ha d littl e choice i n th e matter . Marti n thought , "A s I mus t go , I migh t a s wel l endeavor t o ge t a s muc h fo r m y ski n a s I could. " H e agree d t o sig n th e "terms o f indenture " o f a soldie r a t th e nex t schedule d militi a muste r day.2 When muste r da y finally arrived , Marti n state d tha t h e "wen t t o th e parade, wher e all was liveliness, as it generally i s upon suc h occasion; bu t I fel t miserably ; m y executio n da y ha d come. " H e wa s hesitan t t o "pu t his nam e t o enlistin g indentures, " bu t th e lieutenan t insisted , marchin g him towar d th e hous e wher e th e recruiter s wer e signin g peopl e u p fo r "the duratio n o f th e war, " an d wher e h e sa w th e sam e squa d o f soldier s 108

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 10 9 who ha d previousl y "use d muc h persuasion " o n him . H e the n enliste d a s a substitut e fo r a militiaman . "Th e me n gav e m e wha t the y agree d to, " wrote Martin . " I forge t th e sum . . . . The y wer e no w free d fro m an y further trouble , a t leas t fo r th e present , an d I ha d becom e th e scapegoa t for them." 3 Now a privat e i n th e Continenta l arm y fo r "th e duratio n o f th e war, " Martin ha d entere d int o a comple x agreemen t betwee n himsel f an d th e state. Hi s us e of the terms "indenture " and "executio n day " were in man y ways apt . B y agreein g t o abid e b y th e militar y cod e o f justic e know n a s the Article s o f War , Marti n ha d temporaril y trade d hi s civi l libert y an d possibly hi s lif e fo r mor e immediat e wages , food , an d clothing . Hi s length o f servic e wa s specifie d o n th e enlistmen t papers ; ration s o f foo d and clothin g wer e implie d bu t usuall y stipulate d b y law. 4 Marti n fel t tha t his servic e wa s a sort o f indentureship : "soldiering " wa s a form o f unfre e labor. Indentureshi p an d servitud e wer e commonplaces i n early America . Masters wh o purchase d suc h labo r wer e require d b y custo m t o provid e food, shelter , an d clothing , bu t servic e wa s restricte d t o a specified num ber o f years. 5 Martin , wh o enliste d "fo r th e war, " wa s committin g him self t o perpetua l servitud e wit h th e stat e o r unti l h e himsel f die d i n th e war. He , lik e mos t othe r soldiers , dreade d indefinit e servic e an d equate d it to "contracts fo r perpetua l servitude." 6 Few historian s hav e considere d th e contractua l natur e o f "soldiering " in th e eighteent h century . Mos t hav e becom e ensnare d i n th e radica l Whig ideologica l rhetori c o f th e time s an d assume d suc h motivatio n applied t o everyone. Th e roug h an d tumbl e existenc e of soldier s i n cam p or o n th e marc h wa s nearl y foreig n t o mos t Continenta l arm y officers . Concerns abou t ho w lon g the y woul d serve , wher e thei r nex t mea l wa s coming from , monthl y pay , an d th e harshnes s o f disciplin e wer e mor e pressing issue s than taxatio n withou t representation , o r Parliament' s righ t to ta x th e colonies . Libert y an d freedo m wer e nic e ideas , bu t mos t soldiers onl y ha d tim e t o thin k abou t wher e thei r nex t mea l wa s comin g from. Marti n remembere d standin g wit h a grou p o f soldier s i n a field during th e campaign o f 1776 , cold an d hungry . Spyin g a n officer nearby , one of th e soldier s decide d t o infor m hi m tha t th e me n neede d somethin g to eat . Th e officer , "puttin g hi s han d int o hi s coat pocket , too k ou t a piece of an ea r of India n cor n burn t blac k a s coal." "Here," h e said t o th e complaining man , "ea t thi s and lear n t o be a soldier." 7 Learning t o be a soldier mean t differen t things , especially t o those wh o had t o accep t burne d cor n o r g o hungry . Fo r officers , "learnin g t o b e a

11 o • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could soldier" mean t tha t enliste d me n di d no t questio n authority , quietl y endured privation , an d persevere d unti l "liberty " wa s won . Th e experi ence o f Continenta l arm y enliste d men , however , gav e the m thei r ow n distinct idea s of "liberty, " separat e an d apar t fro m th e definition use d b y officers an d colonia l elites . "Liberty " t o soldier s mean t tha t the y wer e free t o bargai n fo r thei r tim e an d labor , fo r a s w e hav e seen , thei r labo r was abou t nearl y th e onl y thin g the y owned . Eac h soldie r recognize d before he enlisted tha t h e was customarily du e a wage, food , an d shelte r i n exchange fo r agreein g t o abid e b y limite d term s o f recruitment . Whe n it appeare d tha t thes e term s wer e bein g abrogate d o r bein g extende d indefinitely, th e soldier wa s apt t o view himsel f a s enslaved. Sara h Hodg kins wrot e t o he r soldier-husban d Joseph , wh o wa s i n cam p a t Boston , that sh e wa s afrai d h e woul d sta y i n servic e unti l h e ha d agree d t o mak e himself a slave. Congressma n Roge r Sherma n o f Connecticut argue d tha t "long enlistmen t i s a state of slavery . Ther e ough t t o b e a rotation whic h is i n favo r o f liberty." 8 Whe n th e tim e o f enlistmen t ra n ou t fo r Cale b Haskell, a soldie r wh o participate d i n th e 177 6 invasio n o f Canada , h e refused t o go on outpos t dut y alon g wit h th e res t o f hi s company . Thes e men perceive d tha t thei r enlistment s ha d expired . Haskel l note d tha t "they ha d bee n "lookin g upo n [themselves ] as freemen since th e first o f January." Haskell' s officers , however , refuse d t o recogniz e hi s status . Haskell an d hi s mate s wer e place d unde r guar d an d rushe d befor e drum head courts-martia l an d soo n informe d tha t i f the y continue d t o refus e their officer s the y woul d "agai n b e confine d an d receiv e 3 9 stripes. " Choosing discretion a s the better part of valor and bein g deep in Canadia n territory i n th e hear t o f winter , Haskel l an d hi s squa d mate s foun d tha t "arbitrary rul e [had ] prevailed. " The y decide d t o d o thei r assigne d task s "much agains t thei r will." 9 The concern s o f me n lik e Martin an d Haskel l reveale d tw o importan t dimensions o f the soldiers ' experience a s a waged militar y laborer : (1 ) the wages and bountie s given b y various jurisdiction s i n exchange for service , and (2 ) resistance t o demands b y Congres s an d th e army fo r a n indefinit e term o f enlistment . Th e chapte r wil l als o trac e th e extensiv e thoug h rarely appreciate d amoun t o f wag e bargainin g tha t too k plac e betwee n the soldier s an d th e governmen t throughou t th e war . Refusa l t o reenlist , desertion, an d resistanc e t o authorit y wer e al l par t o f thi s bargainin g process, a s was th e soldier' s abilit y t o play loca l agains t nationa l jurisdic tions, usin g the understocked militar y labo r market to advantage. Soldier s struggled t o remai n volunteer s an d violentl y resiste d attempt s b y officer s

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 11 1 or th e governmen t t o limi t thei r mobilit y b y forcin g the m t o enlis t for "th e duratio n o f th e war. " Effectivel y resistin g involuntar y militar y servitude, on e prewa r Virgini a frontiersma n explaine d tha t the y wer e "soldiers [only ] when the y chos e to be." ,0 Soldiers looke d upo n themselve s a s volunteer s wh o wer e a t libert y t o fight o r no t t o fight a s the y pleased . Their s wa s a statu s tha t implie d certain right s an d deferment s tha t officer s ofte n wer e not willin g to grant. Colonel Oth o William s remarke d tha t whe n a group o f rifleme n showe d up i n camp , th e soldier s declare d tha t "the y ar e Volunteer s an d shoul d be treate d wit h distinction. " Washington , however , refuse d volunteer s sent t o him b y hi s home stat e of Virgini a i n 1777 . Men o f the "Voluntee r kind," state d th e General , "ar e impatien t o f Command , ungovernable ; and, claimin g t o themselve s a sor t o f superio r merit , generall y assume , not onl y th e Privileg e o f thinking , bu t t o d o a s the y please." 11 Whe n a n unruly grou p o f independen t Pennsylvani a rifleme n arrive d a t cam p i n Boston, Washingto n wa s hear d t o remar k tha t h e sincerel y "wishe d the y had neve r come." 12 With th e wa r barel y a year old , Genera l Willia m Heat h reporte d mas s disobedience i n hi s regiment . H e wrot e t o Washingto n tha t on e o f hi s battalions "ha d draw n u p an d wer e determine d t o marc h home. " Heat h stated tha t whe n h e wen t ove r t o find ou t wh y th e soldier s wer e takin g such action , h e wa s informe d tha t i t wa s du e t o "th e wan t o f mone y an d Blankets an d th e Sever e Dut y o f th e Camp. " The y were , afte r all , "volunteers." Threatened wit h th e "severes t punishment, " man y soldier s decided t o deser t anyway . Th e unres t soo n sprea d t o th e "othe r Rifl e Battalion o f Pennsylvanian s wh o ar e extremel y uneas y an d tal k o f goin g home in a Body." 13 As volunteers, soldier s considered themselve s entitle d to al l contractua l an d implie d right s o f freeme n wh o willingl y offere d their service s to the state . The enlistmen t contrac t shape d th e way s i n whic h soldier s joine d o r dodged, re-enliste d o r deserte d th e Continenta l service . Thi s concep t o f military contrac t ha d begu n t o tak e shap e durin g th e Seve n Years ' War . New Englan d soldier s viewe d servic e a s a "contractua l agreement " be tween a n individua l an d th e state . Ne w Englander s "i n ever y ran k fro m general office r t o private soldier , reflecte d a n almost unfailin g tendenc y t o base argument s an d action s upo n contractua l principle s wheneve r the y confronted wha t the y regarde d a s th e unwarrante d pretensio n o f superi ors." 14 Th e soldier' s diarie s reveale d numerou s example s o f contractua l principles a t work . Privat e Enoc h Poor , fo r example , observe d i n 176 0

i i 2 * To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could that al l th e soldier s garrisone d o n th e N e w Englan d frontie r "wa s o f One Min d [and ] Tha t wa s No t t o wor k wit h thou t Pay. " A provincia l Massachusetts uni t kep t i n servic e beyon d it s allotte d tim e delivere d " a round robi n [petition ] t o th e Colone l desirin g t o ge t u s sen t hom e ac cording t o th e enlistment." 15 Many o f th e contractua l attitude s o f colonia l soldier s foun d i n unit s during th e Seve n Years ' Wa r wer e renewe d an d extende d durin g th e Revolution. I n Connecticut , fo r instance , stat e contractua l offer s o f pay , clothing, an d ration s i n exchang e fo r a n amoun t o f tim e serve d playe d a large role i n recruitin g force s fo r Continental units. 16 Genera l Enoc h Poo r of N e w Hampshir e complaine d t o Mesec h Weare , governo r o f th e state , that h e ha d problem s punishin g deserters . H e reckone d tha t i f th e stat e expected thei r soldier s t o d o their duty , the n th e stat e ha d bette r liv e u p to it s sid e o f th e bargai n too : If an y o f the m deser t ho w ca n I punis h the m whe n the y plea d i n thei r justification tha t o n you r par t th e Contrac t i s broken ? Tha t yo u promise d and engage d t o suppl y the m wit h suc h thing s . . . thi s the y sa y the y ha d an undoubted righ t t o expect. Yo u promise d the y shoul d b e supplied wit h the common necessarie s of life at a reasonable rate. 17 But enlistmen t contract s wer e broke n almos t a s soo n a s the y wer e signed . Many soldier s sa w thi s a s a n abrogatio n o f thei r bargai n wit h th e stat e and chos e t o deser t o r no t reenlist . Not onl y wer e enlistmen t contract s neglecte d bu t the y wer e no t uni form either , causin g a n endles s numbe r o f problem s fo r th e nationa l an d state governments . Th e nee d fo r Congres s t o provid e militar y force s o n demand cause d th e revolutionarie s t o emphasiz e economi c incentiv e a s their principa l motivato r fo r recruitin g force s fo r th e war . Eac h state , however, employe d it s ow n methodolog y fo r enlistin g recruits . Som e states wer e abl e t o suppl y th e contractua l need s o f thei r soldiers ; other s never did . A s th e Revolutio n progressed , ol d intracolonia l conflict s be came renewe d ove r thi s issue . Colonie s compete d fo r scarc e militar y recruits an d wer e willin g t o offe r nearl y unlimite d amount s o f mone y to ge t them . Thes e conditions , o f course , favore d th e soldiers . Joh n Adams feare d suc h competition s amon g stat e governments . " I wish, " h e lamented, tha t there wa s a laudable Spiri t t o give Bountie s i n Money , an d Land , t o Men, who woul d enlis t durin g th e War . Bu t ther e i s not . Congres s offer s Te n

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 11 3 Dollars Bount y t o inlis t fo r thre e year s whe n Ne w Jersey , Ne w York , Connecticut, Mass . Ba y and Ne w Hampshir e ar e voting six, Eight , o r Ten Pounds a Man t o serv e fo r Si x Months . Thi s Econom y a t the Spigot , an d Profusion a t the Bun g will rui n us. 18 Adams wa s hintin g tha t enlistment s "durin g th e war " woul d negat e the abilit y o f soldier s t o pla y loca l jurisdiction s of f agains t th e nationa l government. I t als o allowe d soldier s simpl y t o refus e t o enlis t unti l th e government offere d shorte r term s o f enlistmen t fo r highe r wages . The lengt h o f enlistment , th e sellin g o f one' s labo r fo r a militar y tou r of duty , wa s th e chie f caus e o f tensio n betwee n th e arm y leadershi p an d its laborers , th e foo t soldiers . Richar d Smit h note d i n hi s diar y tha t "th e N e w Englan d Me n ar e advers e t o inlistin g fo r a longe r Ter m tha n On e vear & not fon d o f servin g unde r an y bu t Officer s o f thei r own choosing. " Connecticut Yanke e Josep h Plum b Marti n wa s on e o f th e man y wh o declined t o enlis t fo r mor e tha n a year . Durin g hi s first enlistmen t h e considered on e year' s servic e t o b e "to o lon g fo r [him ] a t first trial, " an d "wished onl y t o tak e a primin g befor e [he ] too k . . . th e whol e coa t o f paint fo r a soldier." , 9 The Britis h astutel y graspe d thi s tensio n an d sough t t o exploi t i t b y spreading a n ingeniou s bi t o f disinformatio n agains t Congress . Publishin g an articl e i n th e Philadelphia Evening Post tha t bor e "al l th e mark s o f a genuine Ac t o f Congress, " th e Britis h attempte d t o ge t soldier s wh o ha d already enliste d fo r a specifie d perio d o f tim e t o believ e tha t Congres s had involuntaril y extende d thei r servic e fo r th e duratio n o f th e war. 20 Washington quickl y disavowe d th e authenticit y o f th e article . Bu t th e conflicts betwee n th e stat e an d it s soldier s remained . A bitin g satir e late r appeare d i n th e rebe l controlle d New Hampshire Gazette tha t expresse d som e o f th e bitternes s soldier s fel t towar d thei r lo t in th e Continenta l ranks . Drippin g wit h iron y an d sarcasm , th e autho r o f the articl e wrote : We are well informe d tha t b y fa r the greater par t of th e brav e Americans , under General Washington , hav e re-enlisted durin g the war. . . . The me n are highl y please d wit h thei r excellen t clothing . . . . The y ar e equall y pleased wit h th e plent y an d qualit y o f thei r provisions , an d th e attentio n that ha s bee n pai d b y th e severa l States , a s wel l a s Congress , t o thei r families. Man y o f thes e noble-spirite d men , upo n re-enlistment , hav e laughingly said , "Th e ter m i s to o short ; the war , w e know , ca n las t bu t a little while; bring us an indenture fo r ninety-nine years. 21

114 * To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could The soldiers , almos t everywher e displease d wit h thei r clothing , provis ions, an d famil y arrangements , were , a t th e momen t thes e word s wer e written, bitterl y contestin g thei r "indentures, " their term s of service. A recruiting poste r displayin g a martial-looking soldie r performin g th e manual o f arm s appeare d i n th e street s o f Philadelphi a i n 1776 . Th e broadside boldl y promise d eac h soldie r wh o enliste d a bount y o f twelv e dollars, a n annua l sui t o f clothing , larg e an d ampl e rations , an d sixt y dollars a year i n silver and gol d fo r pay . "Wh o shall embrace the opportu nity o f spendin g a fe w happ y year s i n viewin g th e differen t part s o f thi s beautiful continent, " entice d th e advertisement , "afte r whic h . . . h e should retur n hom e to his friends wit h hi s pockets FUL L o f money & his head covere d wit h laurels. " Finding tha t mos t me n wer e not a s gullible as they ha d supposed , Congres s wa s force d t o resor t t o other , mor e tradi tional way s o f recruiting . Followin g th e Europea n practic e o f "beatin g up" fo r enlistees , a sergean t o r junio r office r (wh o sometime s receive d a portion o f th e bount y mone y tha t wa s offered ) parade d throug h a n are a with a detachment o f drummers t o attract a crowd. Loca l tavern s o r inn s were idea l locations , becaus e th e peopl e wer e attracte d no t onl y t o th e commotion o f th e drum s an d circuslik e atmospher e create d b y th e re cruiters bu t als o t o th e generou s suppl y o f liquo r freel y dispense d t o loosen th e inhibition s o f a skeptical citizenry. 22 John Claspy , a recruitin g sergeant i n Virginia , state d tha t hi s destinatio n whil e o n suc h dut y "al ways wa s wher e ther e wer e th e larges t gatherin g o f th e peopl e i n thei r civil capacit y an d wher e whiske y wa s mos t likel y t o induc e the m t o assume a military one." 23 "Liquor listees " were no t unusual , no r wer e other nefariou s recruitin g practices. I n anothe r metho d th e recruitin g agen t hi d th e proffere d bounty mone y o n th e perso n o f a potential recruit , the n woul d "find " th e money i n the recruit's pocket , an d quickly hau l th e victim befor e a justice of th e peac e (wh o ma y hav e bee n i n collusio n wit h th e recruiter) , wh o would the n han d dow n a sentence of a long term of service. 24 Such a trick was playe d o n Josep h Doble . H e wa s approache d b y recruitin g officer , Second Lieutenan t Thoma s Jenny , a t a tavern . Dobl e facetiousl y tol d Jenny tha t h e "would tak e money fro m an y bod y tha t woul d besto w i t on [him], bu t no t wit h an y desig n fo r bein g a soldier. " Upo n hearin g this , Jenny casuall y slippe d te n shilling s int o Doble' s pocke t an d announce d t o the gatherin g crow d tha t Dobl e "ha d enlisted. " Realizin g tha t h e ha d been tricked , Dobl e trie d t o give the shilling s bac k t o Jenny, wh o refuse d them. I n a panic, Dobl e thre w th e mone y dow n o n th e tabl e an d ra n off .

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 11 5 Concerned tha t Jenn y ha d advertise d hi m a s a deserter , Doble , i n a counter-ad, recounte d hi s sid e o f thi s escapad e t o kee p fro m bein g ar rested.25 By 1777 , thes e trie d an d onc e tru e method s o f recruitin g wer e n o longer succeedin g i n gettin g enoug h me n t o joi n th e regula r army . Th e men activel y resiste d signin g term s o f enlistment tha t limite d thei r abilit y to sel l thei r labo r t o th e highes t bidder . Moreover , returnin g veteran s brought wit h the m horri d tale s of mortalit y i n camp s tha t wer e swep t b y smallpox, an d o f battlefield s littere d wit h bloodie d Britis h an d Hessia n bayonets. Josiah Burr , a Connecticut privat e wh o had enliste d durin g th e early perio d o f enthusias m fo r th e war , simpl y gre w wear y o f th e hars h and poorl y pai d lif e o f a soldier . Writin g fro m cam p i n 1777 , Bur r proudly announce d t o hi s mothe r tha t h e coul d u eat ra w Por k & drin k white fac'd Ru m wit h th e best of them." A year an d a half later, however , he wrot e hi s commandin g office r o f hi s inabilit y t o continue i n th e army : "It i s really ver y surprizin g t o m e that a person sic k & infirm a s . . . I am should b e considere d a s a n abl e bodie d Ma n & as suc h drag' d b y forc e & Arms & be obliged t o join th e Arm y dea d o r alive." 26 Army recruiter s responde d t o resistanc e b y employin g som e shad y reenlistment tactic s tha t tricke d soldier s int o longe r service . Pou r compa nies o f th e "Germa n Regiment, " fe w o f who m understoo d English , peti tioned Congres s fo r releas e fro m activ e dut y ove r wha t the y fel t wa s a misunderstanding ove r bot h thei r bountie s an d thei r intende d ter m o f service: "W e Bein g Firs t Inliste d fo r Thre e Year s an d Receive d Te n Dollars Bounty , a t th e Expiratio n o f Thre e Month s Ther e Bein g fe n Dollars Mor e Give n t o us , Bein g Persuade d tha t i t wa s Onl y a Presen t [of the state of Pennsylvania], Bu t No w w e are tould b y Ou r Officer s tha t we ar e Inliste d Durin g th e War." 27 Persisten t localis m wa s als o a facto r in preventin g me n fro m enlistin g i n th e Continenta l army . A grou p o f Pennsylvania frontiersme n wer e enliste d i n Westmorelan d Count y unde r the provis o tha t the y wer e t o remai n ther e i n defens e o f th e frontie r (an d their homes ) whic h wer e subjec t t o India n attack . Whe n ordere d t o joi n Washington becaus e o f th e impendin g Britis h invasion o f Pennsylvania , the me n marche d eastwar d t o th e mai n arm y onl y afte r receivin g assur ances that the y woul d retur n t o Westmoreland afte r "th e emergency" wa s over. Washington , however , fel t tha t th e emergenc y wa s neve r ove r an d refused t o le t th e me n retur n hom e onc e the y wer e i n camp . H e feare d that othe r unit s raise d o n th e frontie r woul d deman d th e same . H e note d that th e Thirteenth Virgini a "wa s raise d o n th e Wes t sid e of the Allegan -

116 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could ies wit h assurance s fro m it s officers , tha t th e Me n woul d no t b e draw n from tha t quarter. " Becaus e they wer e take n fro m th e frontier , Washing ton claime d tha t "i t ha s bee n th e caus e o f grea t desertion s an d a presen t source of uneasiness." 28 In mos t cases , however , militia s too k advantag e o f thei r shor t enlist ment times , a n optio n denie d t o soldier s o f th e standin g army . Washing ton note d wit h alar m tha t bountie s offered b y state s for extende d militar y service ha d a negativ e effect , fro m hi s standpoint , o n recruiting . H e thought tha t th e biddin g ove r troop s woul d caus e soldier s t o "fee l thei r importance" an d th e states , consequently , woul d hav e to pa y thei r price . "Indeed a s their ai d i s so essential, an d no t t o b e dispensed with, " state d Washington, "i t i s wondered , the y ha d no t estimate d i t a t a highe r rate." 29 Jame s Warre n wa s keenl y awar e o f th e soldier' s abilit y t o wag e bargain wit h th e state . H e feare d tha t Massachusetts ' "excessive " recruit ing inducement s "woul d sto p an y furthe r inlistment s til l th e Soldier s ca n Extort fro m thei r Townsme n 5 0 dollars a piece in Addition t o the Bount y already promised." 30 Competition fo r scarc e militar y labo r create d soarin g bountie s an d a measure o f bargainin g powe r fo r prospectiv e an d activ e soldiers . Joh n Hancock, on e of th e wealthies t me n i n America , wa s "Paine d . . . a t thi s Want o f Public Spiri t an d th e Backwardnes s i n the Soldiers " who refuse d to reenlis t fo r th e wage s offered . Hancock' s characterizatio n o f th e sol diery, however , prove d t o be inaccurate, fo r i t wa s not a matter o f publi c spirit an d backwardness . T o determin e wh y me n refuse d t o reenlist , the Congressiona l Committe e o f Conferenc e researche d th e journal s o f Provincial unit s tha t wer e fielded by th e colonies during th e Seve n Years ' War. Durin g th e "Year s 175 8 & 175 9 . . . [the soldiers] received fourtee n pounds bount y & had thirt y si x Shilling s pe r mont h pay , whic h a s thei r Engagements wer e fo r Si x month s only , wa s muc h highe r Term s tha n the present whe n n o other Bount y i s allowed tha n a Coat to each Man." 31 When soldier s wer e no t bein g pai d wha t the y considere d wer e adequat e wages, comment s lik e tha t o f Genera l Edwar d Han d appeared : "Ne w Englanders d o no t enlis t a s wa s expected." 32 Whil e th e governmen t sought t o aggregat e it s militar y labo r an d limi t th e prerogative s o f sol diers, th e enliste d me n resiste d thes e attempt s b y thei r collectiv e refusa l to agree to the army's terms . Near th e end o f th e first yea r o f the war , Washingto n note d tha t mor e than 19,00 0 me n wer e du e t o b e discharged . Fe w wer e incline d t o reen list. H e reporte d t o Hancoc k tha t "no t mor e tha n 254 0 me n [had ] reen -

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 11 7 listed," an d tha t onl y 96 6 ha d reenliste d prio r t o thei r eleventh-hou r efforts t o kee p th e arm y fro m walkin g away. 33 Samue l War d note d fro m the letter s h e receive d fro m th e arm y cam p a t Cambridg e tha t Congres s had "infinit e Difficult y i n reinlisting the army." 34 Fearin g that th e Britis h would find ou t abou t thei r reenlistmen t woes , Congres s empowere d Washington t o cal l ou t th e Ne w Englan d militia , a functio n tha t ha d formerly bee n th e sol e prerogativ e o f stat e governors. Hancoc k als o hast ily forwarde d thre e months ' bac k pa y du e th e soldier s an d a month' s "extraordinary" pa y fo r soldier s wh o reenliste d before th e en d o f th e year.35 Still , th e soldier s decline d t o reenlist . Washingto n observe d tha t at th e beginnin g o f th e war , "Me n migh t hav e bee n go t a t Cambridg e without a bounty fo r th e War. " Bu t a hal f yea r later , th e me n "bega n t o see tha t th e Contes t wa s no t likel y t o end. " H e implie d tha t the y woul d not serv e now withou t a significant offe r o f money an d land. 36 By th e en d o f 1776 , entir e regiment s o f soldiers , frequentl y le d b y their commanding officers , marche d fo r hom e as soon as their enlistment s expired. Genera l Horati o Gate s pleade d wit h th e Ne w Jerse y Brigad e stationed i n th e Champlai n Valle y t o remai n i n servic e fo r a fe w mor e weeks durin g th e latte r par t o f 1776 . Nevertheless , th e regimen t o f Colo nel Willia m Win d refuse d t o sta y pas t it s allotte d time . Gate s ha d cam p drums sounde d "i n derisio n o f [thos e soldiers ] wh o ha d th e Basenes s t o quit thei r pos t i n this Time o f Danger. " H e late r thanke d th e fe w soldier s who remaine d i n servic e "fo r thei r Honou r an d public k Spiri t the y shewed i n disdainin g t o follo w th e infamou s Exampl e o f thei r Colone l and th e delude d Soldier s wh o accompanie d him." 37 Nearl y th e entir e regiment, however , marche d fo r home . Edmund Phinney' s Eighteent h Continenta l Regimen t lef t For t Georg e en masse , an d marche d fo r hom e on Ne w Year' s Day , 1777 . Officers ha d to scramble to collect loca l militiamen t o replace them a t nearly fou r time s the cos t o f regula r soldier s an d fo r substantiall y les s tim e i n service . General Phili p Schuyle r foun d ou t tha t Phinney' s officer s soo n followe d their men , claimin g tha t "the y coul d get n o Fir e Wood , an d th e Me n being come off the y wer e obligated t o follow thei r Example." 38 Followin g his retrea t throug h Ne w Jersey , Washingto n informe d th e presiden t o f Congress tha t "th e ter m o f th e Jerse y an d Marylan d Brigade' s Servic e expired an d neithe r o f the m woul d sta y a n hou r longer." 39 Anthon y Wayne reporte d tha t Charle s Burrall' s Connecticu t Regimen t refuse d t o extend it s servic e fo r tw o mor e week s whe n i t wa s expecte d i t woul d b e relieved b y othe r troops . O n 3 1 January 1777 , wit h thei r tim e o f servic e

118 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could about t o expire a t midnight , th e soldier s "wen t of f i n th e Night. " Wayn e stated tha t "th e chie f part " of the Connecticu t troop s ha d "ru n awa y . . . taking along the public k Ammunitio n whic h the y dre w fo r th e defense o f this Post." 40 I t wa s th e dea d o f winter , an d thes e me n di d no t expec t t o see action . The y probabl y reasone d tha t a two-wee k extensio n woul d have brough t the m mor e o f th e sam e garriso n duty . The y lef t becaus e "their time " was up, an d the y fel t n o further obligatio n t o serve. Even Colone l Joh n Glover' s famou s Marblehea d regimen t ( a group o f former sailor s wh o wer e responsibl e fo r rescuin g a portio n o f Washing ton's arm y fro m Brookly n Height s an d rowin g hi m acros s th e Delawar e on Christma s Eve , 1776 ) decide d eventuall y t o tak e thei r chance s o n privateers rathe r tha n sta y i n th e army . Washingto n laconicall y note d that muc h o f Glover's regimen t wen t t o Philadelphia soo n afte r th e battl e of Trento n "t o offe r thei r Service s fo r th e Continenta l Vessel s [and ] will not, b y an y endeavor s o f min e re-enlist." 41 Colone l Danie l Hitchcoc k wrote John Adam s tha t "h e wa s ver y sorr y t o hear " tha t Congres s wa s only offerin g "Te n Dollar s Bount y fo r thos e tha t wil l enlis t fo r thre e Years; fo r i t wil l no t procur e th e Men , a s that Su m i s given b y th e Ne w England State s t o th e ne w Levie s onl y fo r 5 o r Si x Months , an d ou r Soldiers all know it." 42 It wa s no t alway s pleasan t o r safe , however , t o depart fro m th e army , even unde r thes e perfectl y lega l means . Thos e packin g t o leav e wer e th e targets o f jeer s an d depredation s b y thei r officers . Genera l Charle s Le e even smashe d th e but t o f a musket ove r th e skul l o f one soldier wh o trie d to persuad e a comrade t o come wit h him. 43 Therefor e man y soldier s di d not wai t fo r thei r tim e t o expire , bu t use d thei r fee t t o deser t th e arm y and th e government (eithe r temporaril y o r permanently) . Such action s b y soldier s consistently surprise d arm y officers an d mem bers o f Congres s durin g th e earl y year s o f th e war . The y faile d t o recognize th e "mora l economy " tha t th e soldier s wer e tryin g t o establis h when they demande d wages , rights, and traditiona l privilege s in exchang e for thei r service. 44 Moreover, viabl e wages were what se t them apar t fro m unfree form s o f labo r suc h a s indenture d servitud e o r eve n slavery , linger enlistmen t term s couple d wit h lo w pa y mean t decrease d recruit ment. I n Novembe r 177 6 Congress wa s informe d tha t i t ha d gon e too fa r in it s effort s t o establis h a n arm y whos e enlistment s extende d fo r th e duration o f th e war . Jame s Sulliva n wrot e t o John Adam s an d Elbridg e Gerry an d aske d wh y h e though t th e arm y woul d neve r successfull y recruit soldiers :

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 11 9 There i s not i n m y min d th e shado w o f a probability o f [Congress ] raisin g ten thousan d me n o n th e propose d Establishment . . . . [The soldiers ] wil l not Engag e fo r a n indefinit e Ter m o f lime , an d thos e wh o ar e Engage d i n the Famil y wa y [married ] ar e b y n o mean s willin g t o inlis t fo r a Term th e End whereo f the y ar e no t abl e t o see . Indee d fe w American s woul d choos e the Lif e of a Soldier an d b e willin g t o be bound durin g Life. 45 Sullivan continue d tha t "th e Wage s an d bount y ordere d b y Congres s Afford bu t Littl e Encouragemen t o r whe n w e conside r tha t th e person s who ar e t o Engag e fo r fort y shilling s pe r Mont h hav e nea r on e hal f o f them larg e Familie s t o Suppor t an d th e othe r hal f ca n hav e thre e pound s at home " workin g job s i n th e civilia n community . Afte r considerin g th e "depreciation o f money " an d inflation , Sulliva n asked , " H o w i s i t possibl e that th e Soldier y shoul d liv e upo n th e propose d Wages " whe n "Good s o f every kin d ar e se t a t suc h sum s tha t 4 0 [shillings ] wil l no t purchas e nea r half s o muc h a t hom e a s i t woul d i n Apri l 177 5 no r on e thir d par t s o much (i f report s ar e true ) i n th e C a m p ? " 4 6 Not onl y wer e th e pric e o f extr a clothe s an d foo d hig h i n cam p bu t th e soldiers wer e subjecte d t o period s o f reduce d rations . Upo n enlistmen t each soldie r wa s promise d a se t dail y ratio n o f bread , beef , vegetables , milk, an d spruc e beer . T o soldiers , th e ratio n no t onl y kep t the m aliv e but i t wa s par t o f th e contrac t fo r whic h the y ha d enlisted . Congres s estimated o n 1 0 June 177 7 tha t a soldier' s ratio n wa s wort h eleve n cents . When th e governmen t faile d t o provid e thi s pittance , soldier s wer e re quired t o spen d thei r monthl y pay , i f the y go t an y a t all , a t sutle r booth s (food stands) , wher e price s wer e no t alway s controlle d b y Congres s o r the arm y command . T h u s the y fel t no t onl y cheate d ou t o f thei r du e ration bu t doubl y pu t upo n b y havin g t o spen d thei r hard-earne d wage s on item s tha t wer e owe d the m b y th e governmen t i n th e first place . Soldiers wh o ha d participate d i n th e Canadia n invasio n durin g th e winte r of 177 6 loudl y complaine d o f food , clothing , an d suppl y shortages . Occa sionally, soldier s wer e force d t o spen d thei r entir e wage s simpl y t o avoi d starvation. Year s afte r th e war , Joseph Plum b Marti n stil l bitterl y remem bered hi s 177 7 Thanksgivin g repas t o f " a hal f a gil l o f ric e an d a table spoon o f vinegar. " Thoroughl y disgusted , h e an d hi s mes s mate s unsuc cessfully attempte d t o "purloin " som e bee f fro m th e commissar y stores . His hope s fo r a mea l "blasted " b y a n aler t sentinel , Marti n returne d t o camp an d ha d hi s usua l suppe r o f "le g o f nothin g an d n o turnips." 4 7 T h e shee r difficult y o f stayin g aliv e a s a soldie r i n cam p als o deterre d enlistment. Afte r a n extraordinaril y unsuccessfu l recruitin g tri p int o

120 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could Pennsylvania an d Marylan d i n 1776 , Alexande r Graydo n state d tha t h e was sorr y tha t "th e contes t wa s no t a religious on e an d [the ] people bee n inflamed b y a zea l o n point s o f fait h lik e th e Crusader s o r th e arm y of Cromwell. " Graydo n wante d zealots , no t rational , calculating , self interested wage d soldiers . H e lamente d tha t th e soldier s "wer e t o b e taken a s they were." 48 Most soldier s di d no t inten d t o b e "taken " a t all . A 177 6 Connecticu t broadside urge d me n t o "chearfull y sprin g forwar d an d offe r themselve s for th e servic e o f thei r country " an d marc h t o Ne w York . In ligh t o f th e military emergency , th e Assembl y offere d eac h voluntee r twent y shil lings i n additio n t o th e mone y previousl y pai d t o earlie r volunteers , an d promised tha t th e me n woul d b e unde r th e comman d o f th e "mos t generous-spirited an d humane " officers. Moreover , the y wer e guarantee d that the y woul d no t b e oblige d t o serv e fo r mor e tha n tw o month s an d would b e "muc h an d generall y sheltere d i n house s & c i n th e Jersies." 49 The Connecticu t me n wh o di d enlist , however , declare d tha t thei r ter m of servic e woul d no t excee d thre e week s "i f i t shal l b e necessar y t o serv e so long. " Further , the y demanded th e "sam e Wage s an d Incouragement " which th e Assembl y ha d offere d t o me n wh o ha d enliste d fo r tw o months. 50 Becaus e the y wer e i n demand , th e soldiers—no t th e govern ment—set th e parameter s o f thei r term s o f enlistment . Th e soldiers ' ability t o bargai n fo r wage s an d se t limit s upo n th e term s o f engagemen t were paramoun t goals . Moreover , a s Nathanae l Green e note d i n a lette r to Samue l Ward , me n wer e no t "oblige d t o resor t t o th e Arm y fo r employment." 51 Shor t o f impressment , th e governmen t simpl y ha d n o leverage ove r them . I n anothe r exampl e i n whic h soldier s an d no t th e government se t th e limit s o f service , Colone l Willia m Ledyar d reporte d that h e wa s force d t o recrui t soldier s "hire d b y th e day, " a s me n refuse d to enlist fo r anythin g longer. 52 Shorte r ter m limit s allowe d soldier s mor e effectively t o bargai n fo r wage s wit h th e government. I t wa s imperative , from thei r poin t o f view , t o b e abl e t o negotiat e th e term s o f servic e a s often a s possible. Tired o f negotiation s wit h soldier s an d anxiou s t o creat e a European style regula r army , Washington , i n 1777 , hinte d a t anothe r wa y me n might b e induce d int o "joining " th e army . Writin g t o Governo r Patric k Henry o f Virginia , Washingto n state d tha t draftin g me n (outrigh t im pressment) migh t b e th e onl y wa y t o obtai n soldier s fo r th e duratio n o f the war . Ignorin g th e fac t tha t grievanc e agains t impressmen t wa s a source of revolutio n fo r man y i n th e first place , Washingto n state d tha t i t

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 12 1 was "fruitless " t o attemp t t o enlis t soldier s o n th e bount y offere d b y Congress, "a s th e Sum s give n fo r substitute s i n th e Militia , induce s al l those, wh o woul d otherwis e hav e gone int o Continental service , t o prefe r a line in which neithe r dut y o r discipline i s severe; and whic h the y hav e a chance o f havin g th e bount y repeate d thre e o r fou r time s a year. " Thu s he favore d impressin g me n int o servic e rathe r tha n recruitin g the m wit h monetary enticements . I f "experienc e ha s demonstrated , tha t littl e mor e can b e done b y voluntar y inlistments, " h e stated, the n "som e other mod e must b e concerted , an d n o othe r present s itself , tha n tha t o f filling th e Regiments b y draft s fro m th e Militia." 53 I n thi s wa y Washingto n coul d circumvent th e soldier' s abilit y t o wag e bargai n b y refusin g t o reenlist . Once enlisted , wen t Washington' s thinking , th e soldie r becam e th e mili tary propert y o f th e state . A s w e hav e seen , th e soldier s considere d themselves "freemen " an d violentl y resiste d attempt s t o chang e tha t sta tus. I n wors e cases , th e me n simpl y deserte d o r walke d awa y fro m th e army i f they though t th e state faile d t o live up to its agreement. Washing ton note d tha t long-ter m Continental s wer e "tryin g b y ever y possibl e artifice t o prove tha t thei r engagement s wer e only temporary." 54 Sometimes militiame n drafte d fo r temporar y dut y wit h th e regula r army di d mor e than jus t complain o r desert. Whe n me n refuse d t o answe r an alar m o r call-up , the y wer e liabl e t o b e heavil y fined fo r failin g t o appear a t camp . Loyalis t Benjami n Bett s reporte d t o Henr y Clinto n tha t the militi a drafte d t o guar d th e Lon g Islan d shor e "refuse d t o serve — there wer e 170 0 Writs serve d upo n the m fo r th e Fines—upo n whic h 40 0 of the m aros e an d demande d Genera l Sulliva n bu t h e wa s no t t o b e found. The y sai d . . . the y woul d tea r dow n o r bur n th e Cour t hous e and Jails." 55 Burnin g th e courts, o f course, go t ri d o f th e record s o f thos e who faile d t o appea r a t muste r whe n required . Lik e thei r counterpart s i n the standin g army , thes e me n wer e no t wealth y enoug h t o pay fo r substi tutes an d used th e traditiona l soldier' s threa t o f violenc e o r desertio n t o circumvent rule s the y considere d especiall y onerou s o r unfair . Drafting dre w a simila r reactio n i n Massachusetts . Whe n th e Massa chusetts Genera l Cour t ordere d th e selectme n o f Worceste r t o draf t one fourth o f thei r militi a t o joi n th e Continenta l arm y t o hel p repe l Bur goyne's 177 7 invasio n o f norther n Ne w York , th e citizen s o f th e tow n informed th e loca l justic e o f th e peac e tha t "man y o f thei r son s an d servants ha d don e a grea t Dea l o f servic e i n th e army " alread y an d tha t the "rul e o f draftin g wa s unjust, " meanin g tha t the y though t ther e wer e other, mor e well placed member s i n the community wh o were not subjec t

122 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could to th e draf t a t all. 56 Moreover , th e citizen s demande d tha t other s "wh o had no t personall y don e a tur n i n th e publi c servic e shoul d b e first drafted." 57 A Worcester militi a captai n name d Ebeneze r Love l refuse d t o turn ou t hi s me n fo r th e draf t unti l th e selectme n gav e the m a su m o f money t o cover thei r expense s whil e the y di d dut y wit h th e army. Whe n the selectme n refuse d thei r request , "ver y fe w me n turn' d out." 58 O f th e forty-one me n drafte d fro m th e town of Worcester, onl y eighteen actuall y marched t o joi n th e America n force s a t Bennington . Th e other s "imag ined the y hav e discharged thei r duty an d themselve s too , b y payin g a fine of thre e pounds. " " I fear, " state d a citize n o f th e town , "w e shal l soo n have more mone y tha n men." 59 Whil e never quite abandoning th e idea of drafting militiame n whe n no t enoug h o f th e "lowe r sorts " joine d th e regular army , b y 177 7 th e arm y ha d settle d int o a patter n o f recruitin g based o n offer s o f a cash bount y tha t include d th e promis e o f som e lan d if th e soldie r enliste d fo r th e entir e duratio n o f th e war . A t th e sam e time, Congres s move d t o reorganiz e th e arm y an d creat e a n eighty-eigh t battalion arm y based o n unlimite d enlistmen t terms . Bu t whe n i t becam e clear tha t citizen s woul d no t enlis t fo r th e duratio n o f th e wa r an d tha t the state s coul d no t fill thei r respectiv e enlistmen t quotas , Congres s al lowed me n t o enlist fo r thre e year s instead. 60 By 1778 , soldier s wer e activel y resistin g bein g force d t o remai n i n service fo r a n unlimited duratio n o r to turn ou t fo r th e low wages offered . Continental arm y officer s countere d thi s resistanc e b y withholdin g th e pay o f their me n t o keep them fro m deserting , bu t thi s tactic, too , failed . Pay frau d an d desertio n wer e so rampant i n the Eight h Pennsylvani a tha t Washington convene d a board o f inquiry t o determine wh y th e men wer e abandoning th e army . Washingto n hope d tha t "thi s ma y giv e u s a n Opportunity o f doin g justice , i f th e men' s complaint s ar e wel l founded , and may b e productiv e o f th e mos t Salutar y consequence s . . . t o th e whole Army." 61 Soldiers may hav e bee n cheate d ou t o f thei r pay , but , accordin g t o eighteenth-century custom , the y wer e no t completel y relian t o n a monetary wage . B y custom an d law , they wer e due for service, money, rations , clothing, an d ru m o n certai n occasions . Whe n th e Boar d o f Wa r recom mended a s a cost-saving measur e tha t th e arm y "cal l i n th e Ol d Clothe s [worn b y th e soldiers ] upo n deliver y o f th e new " an d tur n the m ove r t o the cam p hospital , Washingto n wa s informe d b y hi s officer s tha t th e soldiers "looke d upo n i t a s a n unjustifiabl e attemp t t o depriv e the m o f what the y ha d earne d b y thei r year s i n service." 62 Washingto n decide d

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 12 3 not t o ris k a genera l mutin y amon g th e troop s an d le t th e matte r drop . The soldier s kep t thei r clothes . When som e o f th e barel y literat e soldier s i n Captai n Jo b Wright' s company complaine d i n a forma l petitio n t o hi m tha t the y believe d the y did no t receiv e the bread ratio n tha t wa s due them, h e nearly ha d a n ope n rebellion o n hi s hands . Th e soldier s believe d tha t commissar y officer s were siphonin g of f amount s o f th e soldiers ' ratio n an d sellin g i t o n th e side fo r a profit. The y requeste d tha t th e amoun t skimme d wa s " a trifel , [but] Ever y Da y i t A Mount s [it ] wil l Be e o f Valu e t o th e Solger s Wic h We think i s our Just Right. " They requeste d tha t Captai n Wrigh t requir e the bake r t o giv e th e profi t t o the m becaus e h e used thei r ratio n t o ge t it.63 Customaril y du e a set ration , th e soldier s sharpl y reacte d t o scheme s by officer s t o expropriate eve n a tiny portio n o f what the y considere d wa s rightly theirs . Wages, however , wer e customaril y low ; nonetheless , th e soldier s jeal ously guarde d thei r righ t t o b e paid , eve n whe n i t amounte d t o a smal l pittance o f wha t wa s originall y offered . Bu t ther e wa s a tremendou s difference o f opinion a s to what wa s an appropriate leve l of pay. Initially , Continental soldier s wer e pai d a salar y o f si x an d two-third s dollar s pe r month. Souther n member s o f Congres s though t tha t soldier s wer e pai d too much an d th e officers to o little; they propose d tha t th e pay o f a private soldier b e reduce d t o (\\G dollars pe r month . Joh n Adam s admitte d tha t he di d no t kno w ho w muc h pa y wa s appropriat e fo r th e soldier s bu t h e feared tha t " a Reductio n o f i t woul d . . . give Suc h a Disgust [amon g th e soldiers] a s t o endange r th e Service." 64 Josep h Plum b Martin , Danie l Allen, Elish a Stevens , Joh n Smith , an d Ephria m Squie r al l note d i n their diarie s th e significanc e o f pa y t o soldiers . Bot h Smit h an d Squie r mentioned tha t "som e o f th e Compan y refuse d t o go e [o n campaigns ] Unless the y wer e Pai d thei r wage s whic h wa s due them Befor e the y wen t out o f town." 65 Smith' s compan y ha d refuse d t o boar d a ferry boa t unti l they wer e paid . Th e me n reasone d tha t onc e aboard , the y woul d hav e little recours e against thei r officers . Smit h insiste d tha t h e had bee n mad e a sentry o n desolat e Goa t Islan d i n Narraganset t Ba y "a s punishmen t fo r the Si n of a Soldier Standin g out fo r hi s wages." 66 To kee p soldiers , a s a body , fro m "standin g ou t fo r thei r wages " an d perhaps t o provide som e incentive , o n 2 7 May 177 8 Congress establishe d a differentia l pa y scal e tha t reflecte d a highe r wag e fo r mor e skille d subgroups o f soldiers . Th e commo n infantryma n stil l receive d onl y si x and two-third s dollars ; corporals , drummers , an d fifers go t two-third s

124 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could more of a dollar tha n infantr y privates ; higher enliste d grade s suc h a s fife majors, dru m majors , an d sergeant s al l receive d nin e dollars . Artil lerymen, du e t o th e highe r leve l o f skil l require d t o ma n thei r weapons , received eigh t an d one-thir d dollars ; artiller y corporal s an d bombardier s drew th e sam e pa y a s infantr y sergeant s (nin e dollars) , whil e artiller y sergeants dre w te n dollars . Cavalr y specialist s suc h a s farriers , trumpet ers, an d saddler s als o receive d te n dollar s a month . Engineer s wer e paid a t th e sam e rat e a s artillerymen. 67 B y 1778 , however , mos t peopl e recognized tha t suc h wage s ha d becom e nearl y valueles s du e t o gallopin g inflation. Potential recruit s demonstrated thei r "disgust' ' a t the low, noncompeti tive wages b y refusin g t o enlist a t those rates . Durin g th e winte r o f 1777 , Samuel Blanchle y Web b wa s sen t int o Connecticut t o recruit soldier s fo r his state' s Continenta l quota . Findin g tha t jus t tw o day s prio r t o hi s arrival i n th e stat e th e legislatur e authorize d a n additiona l thirty-thre e and one-thir d dollar s mor e tha n th e Continenta l bount y an d ha d ad journed withou t provisio n fo r hi s recruits , Web b wrot e Washingto n tha t "Men wil l no t enlis t fo r 2 0 dollars wit h M e whe n other s wil l giv e the m 53." Pennsylvani a specificall y targete d "inhabitant s o f th e cit y o f Phila delphia no t possesse d o f rea l estates " an d offere d the m a bount y o f te n dollars fo r onl y a month' s servic e i n th e militia . Compare d t o long-ter m Continentals wh o dre w jus t si x an d two-third s dollar s pe r mont h an d were oblige d (fo r th e mos t part ) t o serv e mor e tha n thre e years , th e official soldier' s wag e quickl y becam e laughable. 68 Washingto n though t that thi s polic y ha d "poisonou s effect s o n the army." 69 During th e Revolution , a soldier's wag e becam e superfluou s i n a short period o f time . B y th e fal l o f 1777 , th e Congres s ha d issue d nearl y $25 0 million an d th e state s anothe r $21 0 millio n i n bill s tha t ha d littl e o r n o financial backing . Th e result s were hyperinflation an d financial chaos . B y 1778, th e rapi d depreciatio n o f currency ha d negate d th e soldier' s abilit y to liv e on th e wage s provide d hi m b y Congres s o r hi s hom e state . More over, Congres s increase d th e emissio n o f pape r mone y b y anothe r $63. 4 million. B y 1779 , th e amoun t o f Continenta l pape r require d t o bu y on e dollar i n gol d o r silve r bega n t o clim b sharply. 70 Whe n advise d tha t paying part of a bounty i n silver dollars migh t ai d the recruiting business , Washington warne d strongl y agains t it . H e wa s afrai d tha t th e soldier s would "hav e ocula r proof " tha t woul d "ope n th e eye s o f th e whol e an d setting the m t o reasonin g upo n th e differenc e betwee n speci e an d pa per." 71 B y 178 0 some regiments of soldiers—with thei r officers—refuse d

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 12 5 to accept pa y i n pape r mone y an d instea d demande d specie . A Continen tal dolla r wa s wort h on e cen t i n har d money. 72 I n fact , som e soldier s received n o pa y a t all . I n 178 1 Virginia' s troop s ha d no t receive d pa y fo r nearly tw o years . A t th e sam e time , Nathanae l Green e complaine d tha t "he ha d no t bee n furnishe d wit h a shillin g i n speci e sinc e h e assume d command." No t knowin g wher e els e t o tur n afte r thi s governmenta l breakdown, Green e illegall y dre w o n th e accoun t o f Rober t Morri s t o pay hi s troops . Eve n thes e creative effort s wer e no t enough . In Ma y 178 2 Greene's troop s threatene d t o mutin y an d tur n hi m ove r t o th e British . His ow n persona l servan t wa s par t o f the scheme. 73 From th e commo n soldier' s perspective , th e proble m wa s a matte r o f equitable pa y fo r th e tim e engaged . Militar y pa y wa s no t comparabl e t o civilian wages , whic h mad e promp t paymen t o f wage s al l th e mor e im portant t o th e soldiers . I n 1776 , wel l before currenc y depreciatio n too k effect, civilia n artisan s (tailors , coopers , an d carpenters ) i n Rhod e Islan d earned on e hundre d shilling s a month, whil e common laborer s wer e pai d sixty shillings . A privat e i n th e Continenta l arm y earne d fort y shillings . Maryland militiame n earne d thirty-seve n shillings , an d Ne w Yor k pro vincial soldier s received fifty-three shilling s fo r th e same amount o f serve d time. 74 Moreover , militar y pa y wa s subjec t t o deductions ove r whic h th e soldier ha d littl e control . Deduction s fo r cost s t o replace uniforms , arms , and equipmen t los t o r destroye d o n th e marc h o r battlefiel d reduce d monthly wage s a s well . Paymaster s simpl y introduce d wha t wa s called a "stoppage" i n a soldier' s pay . A privat e wh o wa s owe d seventy-tw o dollars yearl y ofte n receive d onl y abou t twelv e dollar s pe r yea r afte r deductions fo r arms , clothes , famil y support , an d fines. 75 Som e soldier s ended u p wit h littl e t o sho w fo r eve n a fe w months ' service . Privat e Elijah Fishe r complaine d tha t officers , throug h variou s deduction s an d subterfuges, sough t t o cheat soldier s out o f nearly al l of their meage r pay . "If I ha d anon e [sic] o f [pa y deductions ] befor e I ha d Engage d I neve r would hav e gon e [enlisted ] th e si x months . Bu t jes t s o the y us e th e sholgers. The y wil l promis e the m s o and s o and afte r the y hav e got the m to Enlis t the y ar e Cheate d ou t o f one-hal f the y ough t t o hav e b y on e o r another o f the offisers." 76 To preven t wholesal e desertion ove r th e issu e of pay, Congres s offere d depreciation certificate s t o th e soldiers . Congres s eve n maintaine d a n official tabl e o f exchang e base d o n depreciation , bu t i t rarel y reflecte d what wa s actuall y happenin g i n th e marketplace . I n Septembe r 177 7 Continental pape r currenc y hel d a t fac e value . Fou r month s later , a

126 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could hundred dolla r "Continental " bil l wa s actuall y wort h sixty-eigh t dollars . By 177 9 the sam e bil l ha d th e purchasin g powe r o f only thirtee n dollars , and b y Februar y 178 0 it had dropped t o a mere fifty cents i n hard money . Charles Thomson , secretar y t o Congress, reporte d tha t th e official rat e of exchange differe d sharpl y fro m th e actua l rat e o f th e tow n o f Philadel phia. Whil e th e officia l rat e wa s 4 0 t o 1 , th e blac k marke t rat e exceede d 100 to 1 . Th e governo r o f Ne w Jersey bemoane d th e fac t tha t hi s salar y of 8,000 pounds was worth n o more than 15 0 pounds sterling . B y Decem ber 178 1 Continental currenc y stoppe d circulating , becaus e no one woul d accept i t a s lega l tender . Inflatio n affecte d stat e currencie s eve n mor e drastically.77 B y 1780 , soldier s wer e servin g virtuall y withou t pay . Hun dreds o f me n clamore d t o b e release d fro m thei r enlistment s an d officer s feared massiv e revolt s fro m withi n th e army. 78 What wa s worse fo r Washingto n an d Congres s wa s the tug of war tha t developed betwee n th e civilia n secto r an d th e arm y fo r scarc e labo r resources. On e angr y Connecticu t citize n note d tha t th e troop s wer e "employed dail y i n a matte r ver y inconsisten t wit h th e ver y en d fo r which the y wer e raised. " Rathe r tha n si t idl y i n camp , man y soldier s would spen d a fe w hour s i n th e mornin g attendin g t o som e cam p dril l and woul d the n "le t themselve s ou t a t th e husbandr y business , fo r eigh teen penc e pe r day." 79 Farmers , worrie d tha t thei r seasona l labo r forc e would b e depleted b y each recruitin g drive, wer e not adverse to "dissuad ing me n fro m enlisting." 80 Josep h Plum b Marti n an d hi s mes s mate s volunteered t o pull u p turnip s fo r on e farmer i n retur n fo r th e top s of th e vegetables, whic h the y brough t bac k t o cam p t o eat. 81 Lik e Martin , soldiers wh o le t themselve s ou t t o civilian employer s whil e i n camp wer e usually pai d b y th e farmer s i n kin d o r i n har d currenc y o n a dail y o r weekly basis . The foo d o r mone y sustaine d the m whe n th e army faile d t o pay o n time . Private Elija h Fishe r mad e a n agreemen t wit h a farme r t o clea r som e land fo r hi m i n exchang e fo r on e hundre d dollar s i n pape r currency . However, "i f Headquarter s move d befor e [Fisher ] ha d finished [th e farmer] wa s t o pa y [him ] fo r wha t h e ha d Du n accordin g t o th e agreement."82 Fishe r mus t hav e bee n on e o f th e mos t enterprisin g sol diers in the army, fo r h e enlisted o n fou r separat e occasions, and probabl y got fou r differen t bounties . H e als o hire d himsel f ou t t o civilian s a s a laborer regularl y t o supplement hi s low or nonexistin g pay . Thus soldier s sough t t o develo p o n thei r ow n variou s way s t o offse t wage depreciatio n o r th e design s o f officer s t o expropriat e portion s o f

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 12 7 their pay . Marti n remembere d ho w importan t basi c wag e supplement s were wit h th e soldiery . Durin g th e campaig n o f 1777 , Josep h Plum b Martin mentione d tha t hi s uni t ha d a thirty-two-poun d canno n bu t n o ammunition. Th e opposin g Britis h ha d th e sam e typ e o f canno n an d lobbed sho t a t Marti n an d hi s squa d mate s a t irregula r intervals . "Th e artillery officers, " accordin g t o Martin , "offere d a gil l a ru m fo r [th e retrieval] o f eac h sho t fired fro m [th e Britis h cannon]." 83 H e note d tha t he ha d "see n fro m twent y t o fifty me n standin g o n th e parad e waitin g with impatienc e th e comin g o f th e shot , whic h woul d ofte n b e seize d before it s motio n ha d full y ceased . . . . Whe n th e luck y fello w wh o ha d caught i t swallowe d hi s rum , h e woul d retur n t o wai t fo r another , ex ulting that h e had bee n mor e luck y or mor e dexterous tha n hi s fellows." 84 Sergeant Samue l Bixb y note d i n hi s diar y tha t afte r a general awarde d a party o f soldier s wit h tw o gallon s o f ru m fo r th e retrieva l o f a Britis h cannonball, "soldier s chase d dow n ball s . . . a s if they wer e gold." 85 In a more chillin g exampl e o f th e wag e pligh t o f th e soldiers , Lieutenan t Jeremiah Greenma n note d tha t som e o f th e me n wer e reduce d t o "beg ging mone y fro m th e Inhabitant s o f th e City. " On e soldie r wa s late r acquitted o f this crime due t o a "lack of evidence." 86 Many o f th e soldier s becam e convince d b y midwa r tha t th e civilia n stay-at-home populatio n an d Congres s neithe r understoo d no r appreci ated thei r sacrifice . Moreover , man y o f thei r letter s expresse d thi s resent ment. Albegienc e Waldo , th e Connecticu t surgeon , state d tha t "Peopl e who liv e a t hom e i n Luxur y an d Eas e . . . hav e bu t a ver y fain t Ide a o f the unpleasing sensations , an d continua l Anxiet y th e Man endure s wh o is in Camp. . . . These sam e People are willing we should suffe r everythin g for thei r Benefi t & advantage, an d ye t ar e the first to Condemn u s for no t doing more!" 87 Thoma s Cartwright , a recruitin g office r fo r Massachu setts, note d tha t Henr y Jackson's regimen t woul d onl y b e filled by draft s but tha t "som e men sai d the y woul d joi n i f paper mone y woul d pass " and also that "the y wer e read y t o fight whe n me n o f Fortun e & monopolizer s did." 88 Privat e Joseph Plum b Marti n bitterl y remembere d th e Continen tal arm y chaplai n who , i n a sermo n t o soldier s gathere d fo r Sunda y services, paraphrase d Joh n th e Baptist' s advic e t o soldier s t o "b e conten t with your wages." 89 Icabod Ward , a barely literat e privat e fro m Connect icut, wishe d tha t critic s o f th e Continenta l arm y wer e require d t o "un dergo hal f s o muc h a s on e o f u s hav e thi s Winte r . . . tha t thos e grum bling a t Soldier s Ne w wha t the y undergo." 90 "Wha t expenc e w e ar e a t for Everything, " moane d Ward . A poun d o f butte r cos t one-sixt h o f a n

128 • To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could entire month' s wag e an d a smal l brea d pi e nearl y half . "I t i s trublsu m times fo r u s all," he continued, "bu t wor s fo r th e Soldiers." 91 In conclusion , th e growin g numbe r o f confrontation s betwee n th e army hierarch y an d it s soldiers a s the wa r wor e on reflecte d th e disparit y felt b y th e me n betwee n wha t the y wer e pai d an d th e sacrifice s the y fel t they ha d rendere d i n persona l hardshi p an d time . Th e seriou s America n supply problem s an d monetar y shortage s ar e a n ol d stor y bu t ca n b e understood becaus e o f th e difficultie s o f wagin g a full-fledge d rebellio n against on e of the mos t powerfu l countrie s o n earth. Ye t the insubordina tion, desertion , an d mutinie s shoul d no t b e viewed a s some crass reactio n of a paupe r arm y bu t rathe r a s indicator s o f a growin g consciousnes s among th e soldier s tha t thei r militar y labo r coul d b e bartere d fo r some thing worthwhile . By midwar, Washingto n becam e convinced tha t th e intracolonial effor t to recruit th e army based o n wage s and bountie s achieve d "littl e purpose " and flatly state d tha t "nothin g shor t o f draftin g wil l hav e th e desire d effect."92 Ye t i t di d no t occu r t o Washingto n an d other s o f hi s clas s tha t impressment wa s on e o f th e issue s tha t ha d starte d th e Revolutio n i n the first place . Furthermore , Washingto n reminde d Congres s tha t th e impressment o f soldier s wa s an importan t goal , becaus e "voluntar y inlist ments see m t o b e totall y ou t o f th e question ; al l th e allurement s o f th e most exorbitan t bountie s an d ever y othe r inducemen t tha t coul d b e thought o f hav e been trie d i n vain and see m t o have had littl e other effec t than t o increas e th e rapacit y an d rais e th e demand s o f thos e t o who m they wer e hel d out." 93 H e note d fo r th e committeeme n tha t h e though t "the countr y ha d bee n alread y prett y wel l draine d o f tha t clas s o f me n [whose] attachment s an d circumstance s dispose d the m [t o enlist ] perma nently, o r fo r a length o f time into the army." 94 Ye t neither Congres s no r the state s eve r too k th e final ste p o f officiall y draftin g peopl e int o th e army. A s w e hav e seen , th e depreciatio n o f currenc y wa s a two-wa y street. Whil e i t served t o degrade th e pay an d temper s o f those already i n uniform, i t als o enable d other s outsid e th e arm y t o easil y com e u p wit h the cas h t o bu y a substitut e o r pa y th e fine fo r refusin g t o appea r a t muster.95 Thos e wh o traditionall y possesse d littl e t o n o tangibl e capita l and whos e onl y asse t wa s th e us e o f thei r stron g hand s an d fee t seeme d to end u p servin g as Continental soldier s instead . In a n extraordinar y letter , Washingto n admitte d tha t wage s i n ex change fo r militar y labo r ha d becom e a serious issu e as the wa r wor e on . Soldiers, i n hi s opinion, ha d becom e conscious o f their abilit y t o deman d

To Get as Much for My Skin as I Could • 12 9 and receiv e highe r wage s fo r th e sacrifice s the y perceive d the y wer e making. It i s vain t o expect, tha t an y (o r mor e tha n a trifling) par t o f thi s Arm y wil l again engag e i n th e Servic e o n th e encouragemen t offere d b y Congress . When Me n find tha t thei r Townsme n an d Companion s ar e receivin g 20 , 30, an d mor e Dollars , fo r a few Month s Service , (which i s truly th e case) it cannot b e expected; without compulsion ; an d t o force the m int o the Servic e would answe r n o valuabl e purpose . Whe n Me n ar e irritated , an d th e Pas sions inflamed , the y fly hastil y an d cheerfull y t o Arms ; bu t afte r th e first emotions ar e over , t o expect , amon g suc h People , a s compos e th e bul k o f an Army , tha t the y ar e influence d b y an y othe r principle s tha n thos e o f interest, i s to loo k fo r wha t neve r did , an d I fear neve r wil l happen. 96 Washington's proposa l t o impres s me n int o servic e a s a solutio n t o hi s problem o f disintereste d citizenr y wa s hi s taci t admissio n tha t a n arm y formed b y me n w h o wer e keenl y awar e o f th e mora l econom y tha t ha d traditionally existe d betwee n th e recrui t an d th e stat e ha d demand s an d requirements ver y differen t fro m hi s clas s o r eve n th e "middlin g sorts " who populate d th e stat e militias . T h e lengt h o f enlistment , th e interstat e competition fo r scarc e militar y labor , th e growin g exorbitan t bounties , and a genera l inabilit y o f th e centra l bureaucrac y t o satisf y th e basi c demands o f thei r wag e laborer s ha d create d a ver y revolutionar y army . I t was a n army , however , tha t th e Whig s ha d lon g feare d migh t demand , by collectiv e action , a reckonin g o f account s wit h rifle s an d bayonet s against themselve s instea d o f th e British .

C

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A

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T

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R

S E V E

N

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire: Resistance, Punishment, Desertion, and Mutiny in the Continental Army

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annons boome d ou t a warning an d signa l rocket s li t u p the Ne w Jersey sky . Suddenly , cheerin g soldier s poure d fort h fro m thei r huts wit h thei r muskets . Th e me n of th e Pennsylvani a lin e had mutinied. Wit h pent-u p fur y an d indignation , th e soldiers seize d severa l artillery pieces , loade d the m wit h grapeshot , an d rushe d towar d th e parade ground . Officer s wh o attempte d t o quel l th e mutin y wer e shot , bayoneted, or roughed up by their own soldiers. l Lieutenan t Enos Reeves watched as General Anthon y Wayn e and Colonel Richar d Butler pleaded with thei r me n t o dispers e an d retur n t o thei r huts ; their plea s "ha d n o effect." Th e soldier s answere d tha t "the y ha d bee n wronge d an d wer e determined t o see themselves righted." 2 Led b y a group of sergeant s wh o jointly exercise d command , th e men filled th e roa d an d slowl y marche d towar d Philadelphi a an d Congress . Their downcas t officer s followe d ignominiousl y i n th e rea r of thei r pro cession. Th e leader s o f th e mutin y too k th e titl e "general s colonel. " This signale d t o thei r depose d officer s tha t the y no w outranke d eve n Washington. Henr y Marble , a Ne w Englande r wh o hear d abou t th e mutiny, state d tha t h e woul d no t "b e surprise d ha d th e sam e disorde r took place in every Lin e in the Army." 3 Why di d Marbl e believ e tha t al l th e enliste d me n o f th e Continenta l army wer e rip e fo r mutiny ? Wh y wer e th e soldier s willin g t o undertak e an act punishable b y death? Why undertak e an act considered s o heinous 130

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 13 1 that specia l form s o f punishmen t wer e reserve d t o dete r it ? Soldier s deserted, curse d thei r officers , an d plundere d civilian s i n practicall y al l eighteenth-century armies . Ye t mutin y wa s quite dramatically somethin g else. Thi s chapte r wil l asses s th e frequency , causes , an d meanin g o f mutiny a s wage d b y Continenta l soldier s betwee n 177 6 and 1783 . Resis tance t o officers , punishment , an d officia l repressio n wer e al l par t o f th e process tha t le d t o th e mutinou s conduc t prevalen t throughou t th e arm y toward th e end o f the war . In discussin g question s o f disciplin e an d resistanc e withi n th e ranks , many historian s hav e misse d th e crucial underlyin g issues. 4 Resistanc e t o discipline, however , ma y b e roote d i n a soldier's clas s experience . A s w e have see n i n previou s chapters , man y o f th e soldier s o f th e Continenta l army wer e only a few step s beyon d indenture d servitud e or slavery . To some , i t may hav e been perhap s comfortin g t o describe eighteenth century revolt s a s reactionar y event s triggere d b y "rebellion s o f th e belly." Eve n contemporar y observer s downplaye d th e significanc e o f mu tinies. Washington , fo r one , informe d hi s Frenc h counterpar t Rocham beau tha t th e revol t o f th e Pennsylvanian s wa s caused b y "foreigner s an d even som e Britis h deserters. " Josep h Reed , presiden t o f th e stat e o f Pennsylvania, referre d t o Sergean t Williams , on e o f th e leader s o f th e mutiny, a s u a poo r creatur e an d ver y fon d o f liquor." 5 Thes e account s o f resistance t o spasmodi c episode s struggle d t o den y th e legitimac y o f rebellions wage d b y soldiers . Ha d foo d an d clothin g bee n provided , wen t the conventiona l wisdom , th e soldier s woul d neve r hav e ha d a n occasio n to revolt . Soldier rebellions , however , wer e mor e tha n wha t wa s describe d b y Washington an d Reed . The y wer e "highl y comple x form s o f direct popu lar action. " I n ever y eighteenth-centur y crow d action , th e participant s "were informe d b y th e belie f tha t the y wer e defendin g traditiona l right s or customs ; an d i n general , tha t the y wer e supporte d b y th e wide r consensus o f th e community." 6 Indeed , th e ver y word s "mob " o r "rab ble"— used ofte n b y officer s t o describ e Continenta l soldiers—sugges t that th e "crowd " possesse d n o honorabl e impulse s o f it s own . Thi s wa s comforting t o officers wh o los t contro l ove r thei r men . Lackin g definabl e motivation othe r tha n materia l need , th e crow d wa s presente d a s th e "passive" instrument o f outside agitators , a s Washington state d i n a lette r to French Genera l Rochambea u followin g on e particula r mutiny. 7 The me n i n th e Continenta l arm y recognize d tha t a "moral economy " existed betwee n th e soldie r an d th e state . W e kno w fro m earlie r chapter s

132 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire that th e averag e soldie r i n th e Continenta l arm y wa s no t a "yeoma n farmer" no r wa s h e alway s th e "rabble " o r "sweepings " o f th e street . Rather, citizen s foun d themselve s temporarily shoulderin g a muske t fo r a great variet y o f reasons . The y may hav e bee n willin g t o par t wit h thei r civil libertie s fo r a perio d o f time , bu t no t fo r to o long . Suc h me n hate d officers wh o wielde d th e las h freely . The y wante d t o b e pai d fo r thei r services an d wer e wel l awar e o f wha t a soldie r wa s customaril y due . A s John Sh y ha s suggested, man y Americans—an d historians—hav e chose n to forget th e desertions, th e whippings fo r mino r infractions , th e plunder ing, an d th e mutinie s tha t wer e crucia l part s o f th e Continenta l soldier' s experience.8 Patterns of protest an d defiance expresse d b y Continental soldier s wer e exceptionally complex. 9 In nearl y ever y eighteenth-centur y war , soldier s were subjec t t o prolonge d period s o f privation . Lo w pa y o r n o pay , fe w if an y clothes , an d bruta l condition s migh t hav e exacerbate d dissatisfac tion, bu t thes e matter s d o not , i n themselves , explai n wh y soldier s di d not simpl y giv e u p o r dispers e o n thei r ow n accord , fo r the y ha d man y opportunities t o d o so. 10 A ma n als o receive d customar y due s o r tradi tional privilege s whe n recruite d a s a soldier , an d thes e right s hel d som e value fo r him . Moreover , thes e right s wer e easily know n an d understoo d by eve n th e mos t illiterat e recruit . A s customar y rights , thes e matter s were no t ofte n liste d i n a soldier' s contract , bu t th e soldier s kne w wha t they were , an d the y mad e sur e their officers kne w as well. When a soldier enlisted , h e understood tha t hi s temporary los s of civil rights require d th e stat e t o pay , feed , shelter , an d cloth e hi m fo r th e duration o f hi s term . I n Augus t 177 5 eac h soldie r wa s allowe d three quarters o f a poun d o f pork , on e poun d o f fres h beef , o r on e poun d o f salt fish pe r day ; on e poun d o f brea d o r flour pe r day ; an d thre e pint s o f peas o r bean s pe r week , o r vegetables . Adde d t o thi s ampl e ratio n wa s one-half pin t o f rice , o r on e pin t o f India n mea l pe r week ; on e quar t o f spruce bee r pe r ma n pe r day , o r nin e gallons of molasses pe r compan y o f one hundre d men. 11 In Octobe r 177 6 Congres s vote d t o giv e eac h ma n who enliste d fo r th e wa r a suit o f clothing , t o consist o f tw o line n shirts , two pair s of overalls, a leather o r woole n waistcoat , on e pai r o f breeches , a ha t o r leathe r cap , tw o pair s o f hose , an d tw o pair s of shoes. 12 T o me n who coul d barel y affor d on e pai r o f pants , hose , an d shoes , thes e items , customarily provide d t o all soldier s i n th e eighteent h century , ha d tangi ble value and wer e especially importan t t o them . Failure t o regar d th e customar y right s o f soldier s coul d b e deadl y fo r

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 13 3 both officer s an d enliste d men . Th e Pennsylvani a mutineer s warne d Anthony Wayn e "t o b e Punctual " i n answerin g thei r demand s "a s w e reasonably think, " state d th e sergeant, "i t [was their] due." A year earlier , Private James Coleman , a deserter fro m th e Pennsylvani a line , calle d ou t from hi s executio n scaffol d i n nearl y th e sam e language , warnin g hi s officers t o "b e punctua l i n thei r engagement s [promises ] t o their me n an d give them n o cause t o desert." , 3 Soldiers prize d thei r customar y "due " abov e al l thing s becaus e thi s was wha t se t the m apar t fro m unfre e labor . Soldier s suc h a s Cale b Haskell declare d themselve s "freemen " whe n the y though t th e term s o f their enlistmen t ha d expired . Josep h Plum b Marti n calle d hi s admissio n into th e rank s no t a n enlistmen t bu t simpl y a matter o f "indenture." 14 In 1776 William Heath , on e of Washington's generals , wa s informed o f mass disaffection i n hi s unit . Th e soldier s tol d thei r officer s tha t the y wer e "volunteers," an d a s such , woul d "g o hom e i n a Body " i f no t pai d an d given thei r traditiona l clothin g allotment . Threatene d wit h th e "severes t Punishment," man y soldier s deserte d anyway. 15 When th e governmen t trie d t o ge t Ne w Englan d soldier s t o reenlis t "for th e war " i n Novembe r 1776 , th e soldier s refused , statin g tha t "suc h an engagement [was ] a contract fo r perpetua l servitude." 16 An d whe n th e soldiers perceive d tha t th e stat e wa s takin g undu e advantag e o f thei r sacrifice, the y gre w rebellious . Thei r reactio n t o violation s o f thei r per sonal right s withi n th e Continenta l arm y thu s parallele d thei r officers ' quest fo r politica l freedo m fro m th e British . Anthon y Wayn e cocke d hi s pistols whe n a sergean t informe d hi m tha t hi s tim e o f enlistmen t ha d expired a month earlie r an d "tha t [th e men ] looked upo n themselve s a s at Liberty t o go home." The sergean t relente d onl y afte r Wayn e threatene d to kil l hi m o n th e spot. 17 Man y soldier s mus t hav e see n thei r officer s a s more immediat e oppressor s tha n th e Britis h eve r were . Thu s a s th e wa r ground o n an d soldier s wer e denie d th e basic s o f thei r enlistmen t con tracts, the y rebelle d agains t thos e i n immediat e authority. 18 In fact , conflictin g interpretation s o f enlistment contract s seeme d t o b e the principa l caus e o f tensio n betwee n th e arm y comman d an d it s sol diers. Washingto n chos e t o thin k tha t "al l th e commo n soldier y o f an y country ca n expec t i s foo d an d clothing." 19 Th e soldiers , o n th e othe r hand, sough t t o maximiz e thei r abilit y t o sel l thei r labo r b y limiting , i n different ways , th e term s o f thei r enlistment , th e authorit y o f thei r offi cers over them , o r t o establish som e sor t o f social wag e to supplement th e meager or nonexistent wag e paid i n money . Whe n Congres s increase d th e

134 * Running Through the Line Like Wildfire terms o f enlistmen t i n 177 6 and impose d simultaneousl y a harsher se t o f Articles o f Wa r (t o whic h eac h ma n wa s require d t o subscrib e whe n he enlisted) , man y soldier s reacte d b y walkin g awa y fro m th e army. 20 Washington admitte d tha t the Mod e i n whic h th e presen t Arm y ha s bee n collected , ha s occasioned some Difficulty i n processing the Subscription of both Officers and Soldiers to the Continental Article s of War. Their principal objection ha s been that it migh t subjec t the m t o a longe r Servic e tha n tha t fo r whic h the y ha d engaged under their several [previous] Provincial establishments. 21 Yet th e Continenta l arm y continue d throughou t th e wa r a s a viabl e entity. Th e me n wh o riske d thei r live s t o serv e expecte d somethin g fo r their service . Washington's mode l fo r a n effectiv e standin g arm y wa s essentiall y British. A newer, harshe r se t of Article s of War approve d b y Congres s i n the fal l o f 177 6 wa s aime d a t creatin g wha t Washingto n terme d wa s " a Respectable Army." 22 Hi s choic e o f word s wa s significant , fo r no t onl y was Washingto n attemptin g t o impos e a foreig n se t o f regulation s upo n the soldiers , bu t h e als o aimed t o curtail th e abilit y o f th e soldier s t o us e their fee t t o deser t o r no t reenlist , a s the y ha d afte r th e first campaign . Washington an d other s strongl y desire d a n arm y based o n long-terme d enlistees kep t i n lin e b y a n ironcla d cod e o f discipline . Th e soldier s o f '76, however , observe d th e ne w cod e with jaundice d eyes . They bega n t o repeat a new sayin g around camp : "New lords , ne w laws. " It was clear t o the soldier s tha t th e ne w law s were directed a t them an d tha t th e govern ment's officers—th e ne w lords—woul d enforc e them. 23 It wa s obvious t o Washingto n an d othe r officer s tha t th e origina l 177 5 congressional Article s o f War , whic h allowe d onl y a maximum o f thirty nine lashes , wa s no t hars h enoug h t o kee p soldier s fro m demandin g concessions o r defendin g thei r customar y rights . Thu s Washingto n deemed tha t a revised cod e was necessary t o instill discipline i n the ranks. John Adam s eve n wen t s o fa r a s t o recommen d tha t th e Britis h Article s be copie d verbatim . Enacte d durin g th e fal l o f 177 6 an d corresponding , not coincidentally , wit h a n explodin g rat e o f desertion , Congres s in creased dramaticall y th e numbe r o f capital offenses . Beside s changing th e maximum numbe r o f allowabl e lashe s fro m thirty-nin e t o on e hundred , the revise d sectio n coverin g desertio n state d explicitl y tha t "al l officer s and soldiers , wh o havin g receive d pa y . . . i n th e servic e o f th e Unite d

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 13 5 States, an d convicte d o f havin g deserted, shal l suffe r death, or suc h othe r punishment a s by a courts-martial shal l b e inflicted." Moreover , fo r thos e enterprising soldier s who enlisted i n two or more units (bounty-jumping) , the offende r wa s considere d guilt y o f desertio n fro m hi s first uni t an d thus liabl e for th e death penalt y eve n thoug h h e was still unde r America n arms i n som e form. 24 Why ha d th e governmen t enacte d a newer , harshe r se t o f regulation s after onl y on e yea r o f war ? Th e answe r t o thi s critica l questio n ca n b e found i n th e abundant sourc e materia l collecte d i n courts-martial records . The dat a revea l tha t th e behavio r o f soldiers , frequentl y referre d t o a s "criminal activity " b y thei r officers , consiste d predominantl y o f act s o f protest an d defiance . Th e majorit y o f crime s liste d i n variou s orderl y books surveye d wer e thos e o f desertion , act s o f defianc e agains t officers , or plunderin g civilians . O f th e 3,31 5 courts-martia l entrie s culle d fro m 168 set s o f orderl y books , mor e tha n 8 0 percen t involve d desertio n o r mutiny. 25 Soldiers reacte d t o th e harshe r disciplinar y cod e an d reductio n o f customary provision s i n thre e genera l ways : the y committe d "crime, " they deserted , o r the y mutinied . Th e mos t threatenin g o r dramatic state ment wa s mutiny . Ther e were , however , smaller , les s dangerou s step s that soldier s coul d tak e t o protec t thei r customar y rights . Soldier s ha d plentiful opportunitie s t o engag e i n situationa l crimes , whethe r o n th e march o r i n camp. The y stol e fro m civilians , officers, an d eac h other. 26 Soldiers di d no t necessaril y loo k upo n confiscatio n o f goods a s theft o r robbery. Privat e Danie l Barbe r note d tha t "hom e an d plent y ar e ver y different fro m th e clos e quarter s an d deprivation s t o whic h a soldie r i s liable. Th e devi l woul d no w an d the n tel l us , i t was no harm t o pull a few potatoes an d cabbages , an d pluck , onc e i n a while , a n ea r o f corn , whe n we stoo d i n need. " Privat e Danie l McCurtin , a soldie r fro m Maryland , wrote i n hi s diary wit h a touch o f sarcas m tha t th e upstandin g citizen s of Roxbury ha d "lef t thei r house s and give n the m t o the Soldiers fo r t o mak e Barracks o f the m fo r t o protec t thei r Right s an d Libertys." 27 Thu s t o soldiers lik e Barbe r an d McCurtin , thef t wa s mor e a matte r o f surviva l than crimina l proclivity . Soldiers wh o plundere d seeme d t o suffe r littl e shame , an d me n wh o lived b y thei r wit s wer e object s o f soldierl y admiration . Josep h Plum b Martin, a forme r labore r fro m Connecticut , proudl y recollecte d ho w h e looted a citizen' s cella r whe n th e arm y wa s i n Ne w York . Genera l Put nam's threa t t o han g hi m fo r thi s ac t di d no t dete r Marti n fro m othe r

136 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire pilfering late r i n hi s career. 28 Soldier s wh o stol e a farmer' s goos e joke d about ho w the y ha d capture d a "Hissian. " Others , suc h a s Privat e Joh n Smith, note d tha t "hi s Brothe r Soldiers " took wha t the y could . Sergean t William Youn g observe d tha t soldier s "canno t le t anythin g La y tha t comes i n thei r way." 29 A Continenta l sergean t remarke d tha t enliste d men an d eve n som e officer s robbe d home s aroun d Ne w Yor k s o fre quently tha t i t became commonplace. Whe n a n ensign name d McCumbe r was ordered t o desist fro m plundering , h e replied tha t "h e ha d a Right t o take anythin g ou t sid e [Continental ] lines. " Soldiers , embittere d ove r what the y sa w as shoddy treatmen t fro m officer s an d other s i n authority , saw nothin g wron g i n eatin g ill-gotte n gees e o r "teakin g [sic] wha t Cam e . . . t o thei r hand . . . . b y th e whol e Divisio n o f fre e Booters." 30 A s "Free Booters " they trie d t o take advantage of any opportunit y t o supple ment themselve s "a s every goo d soldie r should." 31 What di d th e soldiers ' "crime " mean ? Wer e the y mer e opportunists , awaiting thei r chanc e t o wal k awa y wit h thei r bount y money , t o stea l food an d supplie s fo r persona l gain ? O r wer e the y expressin g somethin g else? Th e kind s an d degree s o f resistanc e practice d b y th e soldier s wer e connected t o th e kind s an d degree s o f repressio n an d violenc e the y suf fered a t the hand s of their officers . One o f th e mos t time-honore d way s t o avoi d office r repressio n o r t o express dissatisfactio n wa s fo r soldier s t o deser t a t th e earlies t opportu nity. Th e orderl y book s surveye d liste d onl y ninetee n desertio n courts martial conviction s i n 1775 . B y 1776 , however , an d coincidin g wit h th e imposition o f th e ne w Article s o f War , desertio n conviction s ha d in creased mor e tha n 70 0 percen t (14 2 cases) . Despit e th e harshe r repres sion, th e 177 7 rat e droppe d onl y 4 0 percen t belo w tha t o f 177 6 bu t stil l remained 400 percen t highe r tha n th e 177 5 court levels . Bu t b y 177 9 th e desertion courts-martia l rat e (10 9 cases) had onc e agai n reache d th e 177 6 rate. B y 1781 , th e numbe r o f courts-martia l fo r desertio n reache d it s highest poin t (15 7 cases) . Th e rat e wa s 9 percen t highe r tha n th e rat e o f 1776 and mor e than 80 0 percent highe r tha n th e number o f cases brough t to tria l i n 1775. 32 Despit e th e increas e i n desertio n convictions , th e me n still use d thei r fee t t o express thei r disapprova l o f army life . Not only wa s desertion a popular form o f protest or escape for soldiers , but i t was also sometimes condone d b y th e general populac e a s well. Th e British an d loyalist s wer e obviousl y intereste d i n causin g th e rebe l arm y to desert . Bu t ther e wer e others , especiall y relative s o r employer s o f deserting soldiers , wh o sheltere d them . I n "man y instances, " observe d

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 13 7 Washington, "Deserter s whic h hav e bee n apprehende d b y Officers , hav e been rescue d b y th e People." 33 State s offere d reward s fo r th e arres t o f deserters o r informatio n leadin g t o thei r incarceration . Civilian s wer e threatened wit h flogging i f the y provide d deserter s protectio n o r hi d them fro m searchin g officers . Non e o f thes e measure s prove d effective . Washington admitte d tha t th e countr y wa s "sprea d ove r wit h Soldiers , notwithstanding th e pointe d order s whic h hav e bee n issued." 34 Desertion ha d alway s bee n th e ban e o f eighteenth-centur y armies . I t was on e o f th e fe w recourse s availabl e t o soldier s wh o fel t oppresse d b y their situation . Eve n eigh t member s o f Washington' s ow n "Lif e Guard, " a group of hand-picked native-bor n soldiers , deserted durin g th e course of the war. 35 Moreover , desertio n wa s a contested ter m fo r man y America n soldiers. Aroun d th e cam p a t Cambridg e i n 1775 , men strolle d abou t th e marshes an d outlyin g village s looking for foo d t o supplement thei r meage r rations. A t Charleston , bot h officer s an d me n assume d tha t the y ha d th e right t o leav e th e cam p a t will . Charle s Le e note d tha t soldier s wh o wer e camped outsid e Williamsburg , Virginia , wen t i n an d ou t o f tow n "with out th e leas t ceremony. " Afte r repeate d attempt s t o curtai l th e soldiers ' ability t o mov e abou t freely , Washingto n stil l foun d straggler s fa r fro m camp "o n a variety o f frivolou s pretense s an d withou t passes. " H e calle d such practice s "subversiv e o f al l discipline." 36 Th e soldier s calle d i t sur vival. Thei r concep t o f wha t actuall y constitute d desertio n wa s muc h narrower tha n tha t o f the generals. Not onl y wa s th e soldiers ' definition o f desertio n muc h narrower , bu t some me n deserte d onl y t o reappea r i n som e othe r uni t unde r a ne w name. Som e me n mad e i t a lucrativ e practic e t o bount y jum p (enlistin g several time s i n differen t unit s an d collectin g th e bounty) . Washingto n once referre d t o thi s syste m a s " a kin d o f business " amon g th e soldiers . The soldie r merel y ha d t o enlis t unde r a n assume d name , collec t hi s bounty, desert , an d reenlis t i n a differen t uni t unde r a differen t name . The trick , o f course , wa s t o avoi d bein g recognize d b y th e officer s a s a bounty-jumper. Joh n Welc h o f th e Ne w Jerse y lin e enliste d i n Apri l 1777, deserte d th e followin g month , reenliste d i n August , an d deserte d again th e followin g year . In Januar y 177 9 h e enliste d fo r hi s final tim e and wa s neve r caugh t b y th e authorities . On e soldier , execute d i n 1778 , was convicted o f havin g enlisted seve n separat e times. 37 Desertion too k u p muc h o f Washington' s an d othe r officers ' time . Th e exact leve l o f desertion, however , i s difficult t o ascertain, becaus e muste r rolls wer e grossl y inaccurat e an d brigad e adjutant s rarel y reporte d al l

138 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire those wh o ha d walke d awa y fro m th e army. 38 Usin g thre e essentia l sources o f data—the officia l muste r return s o f the army, th e stat e muste r rolls, an d th e muste r report s o f a selecte d grou p o f unit s picke d a t random—it ha s bee n estimate d tha t th e rat e o f overal l desertio n i n th e Continental arm y wa s aroun d 2 0 percent , thoug h i t varie d greatl y fro m unit t o unit. 39 A Tory estimate d tha t betwee n 2 7 September 177 7 and 2 6 March 1778 , 1,13 4 m e n deserte d th e Continenta l arm y fo r British-occu pied Philadelphia . H e note d tha t th e larges t grou p o f th e deserter s wer e former Britis h soldier s wh o ha d temporaril y fough t fo r th e Americans. 40 Specifically, 5 0 percen t o f al l runaway s fro m th e Ne w York , Mary land, an d Nort h Carolin a line s occurre d withi n th e first si x month s o f enlistment. Th e desertio n rate s o f th e Ne w Jerse y lin e fel l of f sharpl y after me n wh o wer e mos t ap t t o deser t ha d lef t th e army . I n 177 7 th e New Jerse y troop s ha d a 42 percen t rat e o f desertion . I n 1778 , th e rat e fell t o 2 1 percent . Afte r 1778 , th e lin e average d abou t a 1 0 percen t desertion rate. 41 Ne w York' s muste r roll s indicate d tha t one-thir d o f al l privates deserted . In one regiment , mor e tha n a fourth o f the officers an d nearly one-hal f of the private s deserted. 42 Twent y (4 7 percent) of Captai n Alexander Johnston' s compan y i n th e Fift h Pennsylvani a Regimen t de serted withi n th e first fou r month s o f enlistment. 43 Th e harshnes s o f army life , couple d wit h th e soldiers ' desir e t o us e thei r bount y money , probably accounte d fo r muc h o f this early desertion . Not onl y wa s desertio n a frequen t resort , bu t th e expansiv e colonia l frontier provide d a n idea l sanctuar y fo r desertin g soldier s t o avoi d th e army. Washingto n note d tha t "th e Grants, " th e mountainou s are a be tween Ne w Hampshir e an d Vermont , ha d becom e "a n asylu m t o al l deserters; [and] to every perso n wh o wishe s to avoid taxation" ; moreover , the populatio n growt h o f th e Grant s corresponde d wit h th e increase d desertion rat e o f th e Continenta l army . Writin g a t th e en d o f th e war , Washington describe d th e situatio n i n th e Grant s a s a territor y "popu lated b y hundred s o f Deserter s fro m thi s Army ; wh o . . . woul d b e desperate i n the defense o f it, wel l knowing they ar e fighting with Halter s about thei r NECKS." 4 4 Washingto n decide d agains t recoverin g desert ers, becaus e h e though t hi s ow n soldier s wer e unwillin g "t o imbu e thei r hands i n th e bloo d o f thei r Brethren." 45 Afte r considerin g th e conse quences o f forcin g soldier s t o subdu e othe r soldiers , Washingto n re thought hi s impulse to attack th e men livin g in the Grants . Jails nea r th e Nort h Carolin a frontie r overflowe d wit h apprehende d deserters. Josep h Ree d wrot e Washingto n tha t Pennsylvani a woul d no t

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 13 9 have ha d a sever e desertio n proble m "i f th e Land-Offic e i n Virgini a ha d not afforde d bot h a n asylu m an d a temptatio n fo r desertion. " Ree d als o noted tha t i n Kentuck y an d othe r surroundin g hinterlands , man y desert ers live d withou t fea r o f militar y servic e o r taxation , enjoyin g " a sor t o f savage freedom. " Pennsylvani a officer s argue d agains t a bil l tha t sol d western land s t o rais e mone y fo r th e war , no t onl y becaus e tha t lan d ha d been promise d t o the m afte r th e conflict , bu t becaus e " a ne w Settlemen t invariably prove s t o b e a Secur e assylu m [sic] for Deserter s fro m ever y Quarter." 4 6 O n e soldie r name d Josep h Parke r ende d u p i n N e w Hampshir e afte r he serve d i n bot h Britis h an d America n armies . Parke r wa s on e o f man y American soldier s wh o opte d fo r servic e i n th e Britis h arm y rathe r tha n hazard a prisone r cam p renowne d fo r it s lethality . A s soo n a s th e Britis h outfitted hi m wit h a ne w sui t o f clothe s an d a weapon , h e an d a fe w "ol d countrymen" (meanin g thos e bor n i n th e Britis h Isles ) decide d t o desert . Caught betwee n tw o competin g system s o f militar y justice , Parke r de cided tha t N e w Hampshir e wa s th e bes t plac e t o avoi d a hangin g b y either side. 4 7 Continenta l deserter s gravitate d towar d an y frontie r wher e governmental contro l wa s wea k o r nonexistent . Davi d Cob b wa s in formed b y a loya l membe r o f hi s regimen t tha t "number s o f deserters " had gon e int o th e Coo s Country , th e norther n N e w Englan d backcoun try, "t o settl e som e wil d lands " an d coul d no t b e induce d t o retur n b y any means. 4 8 Some soldier s ma y hav e chose n desertio n ove r remainin g wit h th e army becaus e o f th e intrinsi c brutalit y o f arm y cam p life . Soldier s i n th e eighteenth centur y certainl y experience d terro r an d cruelt y daily . T h e lashings, canings , an d summar y beating s b y officer s wer e commo n occur rences. Officer s strov e t o coerc e thei r me n int o submissio n b y violenc e and use d th e implie d threa t o f a beatin g t o kee p soldier s fro m resistin g their will , ofte n withou t recours e t o a forma l courts-martial . Punishmen t was s o frequentl y administere d i n th e Continenta l arm y tha t eve n Euro pean volunteer s notice d thi s practice . I n th e belie f tha t suc h demonstra tions deterre d other s fro m committin g offenses , soldier s wer e require d by thei r officer s t o witnes s punishment s bein g mete d ou t t o thei r com rades an d observ e tha t on e hundre d lashe s coul d tur n a man' s bac k int o "jelly." "Kissin g th e Adjutant' s Daughter " wa s a sentenc e sardonicall y given b y officer s t o soldier s an d hel d n o prospec t o f campfir e romanc e fo r the enliste d men . Usuall y th e soldie r wa s tie d t o a triangle fram e speciall y designed fo r punishment s an d wa s lashe d b y th e compan y drummer ,

140 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire who was , i n turn , supervise d b y th e uni t dru m major , wh o ensure d tha t the lashe s were "wel l lai d on." 49 Punishment o r th e threa t o f punishment wa s used b y Washingto n an d his officer s a s a mean s t o kee p soldier s withi n th e confine s o f cam p an d thereby lesse n thei r abilit y t o deser t o r forag e fo r foo d fro m th e loca l inhabitants. H e state d tha t an y soldie r caught stragglin g beyond th e chai n of camp sentinel s afte r retrea t (th e end o f the militar y day ) would receiv e "100 lashe s o n th e spot, " whic h mean t punishmen t withou t benefi t o f trial b y court-martial . An y soldier s caugh t i n th e ac t o f "perpetratin g robberies" woul d receiv e "fro m 10 0 to 50 0 lashe s a t th e discretio n o f th e officer."50 On e hundre d lashe s were the maximum numbe r authorize d b y the Article s o f War , ye t tha t di d no t see m t o sto p Washingto n fro m giving hi s officer s authorit y t o excee d tha t limit . Lik e sailor s force d t o serve a tyrannical captain , soldier s servin g i n th e arm y wer e liabl e t o b e lashed, maimed , o r beate n o n th e slightes t pretex t an d ha d littl e protec tion agains t th e capriciousnes s o f th e Continenta l army' s militar y justic e system. The notoriousl y hars h punishment s mete d ou t i n Continenta l arm y camps als o deterre d furthe r enlistment . Genera l Davi d Cob b note d tha t men refuse d t o enlist becaus e of the stories told b y returnin g veteran s an d deserters o f th e severit y o f Continenta l officers . "Thi s i s a prejudice tha t must b e combatte d wit h al l forc e o f ar t an d Intrigue, " cautione d Cobb , "for I conceive tha t thi s wil l hav e th e mos t fata l tendenc y t o th e opposi tion o f thi s Country , o f anythin g tha t ha s happene d durin g th e contest." 51 The soldiers , however , alway s seeme d t o find way s t o lesse n th e ability o f officer s t o inflic t punishment . Sometime s soldier s wer e sen tenced t o "ru n th e gauntle t wit h a bayonet a t thei r breast, " whic h mean t that a soldier woul d hav e t o wal k throug h a double lin e o f hi s comrade s who wer e require d t o bea t th e ma n wit h stick s o r fists. Th e "bayone t a t his breast " mad e progres s throug h th e lin e mor e difficult . I t als o allowe d officers t o notic e whic h soldier s chos e no t t o inflic t punishmen t upo n their own comrades. Th e soldiers , however, sometime s faked th e delivery of har d blow s upo n thei r comrades . Drummer s usuall y performe d th e additional dut y o f wieldin g th e las h durin g punishments . I f a drumme r became to o enthusiasti c abou t thes e duties , othe r soldier s migh t corne r him "i n a by e place " an d forc e hi m t o rethin k th e wa y h e delivere d lashes. Othe r soldier s literall y "bi t th e bullet, " placin g a leaden cartridg e between thei r teet h an d bitin g it while the punishmen t wa s administered .

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 14 1 After on e hangin g i n Pennsylvania , riotin g soldier s severel y bea t th e executioner an d heroicall y haile d a soldier wh o ha d refuse d th e task. 52 Soldiers foun d ye t othe r way s t o contes t th e authorit y o f officers . From th e earlies t day s o f th e war , hat s ha d serve d a s a wa y t o expres s one's patriotism . Th e "libert y cap " and th e cockad e wer e sign s of loyalt y to th e Unite d State s an d enmit y fo r th e British . Officers , however , trie d to mak e hat s int o marker s o f discipline . Anthon y Wayn e ordere d hi s officers t o "compe l th e me n t o wea r thei r Hatt s i n on e way ; i n th e mos t soldier lik e position." 53 T o th e officers, requirin g soldier s to dress an d ac t in accordanc e wit h thei r wishe s no t onl y reinforce d a sens e o f disciplin e but als o reminded th e enlisted me n o f their lac k of control ove r even suc h insignificant thing s a s ho w a hat wa s wor n o r hai r wa s cut. Th e privates , however, resiste d an d instea d wor e thei r hat s withou t binding s an d wit h the brim s down . In 177 9 hats eve n cause d a mutiny amon g th e sergeant s in th e Secon d Rhod e Islan d Regiment . Rathe r tha n wea r thei r hat s a s dictated b y thei r officers , the y rippe d th e binding s fro m the m an d deliv ered a "mutinou s paper " t o thei r commandin g officer , Colone l Israe l Angell.54 Officer s wer e neve r entirel y successfu l a t gettin g thei r me n t o wear thei r headgea r i n a standardized way . Another wa y soldier s asserte d thei r independenc e wa s t o mak e thei r officers th e but t o f a practical joke . Joseph Plum b Martin , fo r one, alway s enjoyed a joke at the expense of his officers. Durin g the month o f January 1779, th e officer s ordere d soldier s t o ceas e firing thei r musket s whil e i n camp. Thi s mad e goo d militar y sens e bu t di d nothin g t o reliev e th e tedium o f soldier s wh o wer e generall y confine d t o thei r huts . Marti n noted tha t "nothin g coul d rais e th e officers ' loft y idea s sooner , o r more , than t o fire [thei r muskets ] i n camp. " So , "t o mak e voi d [thi s particular ] law," an d t o demonstrat e thei r resistanc e t o it , Marti n an d som e o f hi s friends decide d t o se t u p a loade d muske t i n a n empt y ten t an d attac h a rope t o it s trigger . Pullin g o n th e rop e mad e th e muske t discharg e an d caused n o smal l amoun t o f pandemoniu m o n th e par t o f th e officer s wh o tore around th e camp swearing and vowin g vengeance on th e perpetrator s of th e prank . Marti n an d hi s brothe r soldier s repeate d thei r pran k fo r much o f th e night , settin g u p th e muske t i n differen t place s withi n th e camp. "Bu t a t length, " h e lamented , "th e officer s [go t tired ] o f tryin g t o catch Mr . Nobody. " Afte r thi s small pran k wit h a larger message , Marti n noted tha t "w e fare d a littl e bette r fo r a fe w day s afte r thi s mement o t o the officers." 55 Smal l act s o f defianc e occasionall y maske d large r feeling s of resentment .

142 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire Sometimes th e me n resorte d t o rougher form s o f defiance. On e soldie r who observe d th e passag e o f a quartermaste r (a n office r responsibl e fo r supplying th e army ) throug h a row o f soldiers ' hut s tie d stra w t o th e tai l of th e officer' s hors e an d se t i t o n fire. Anothe r soldier , Privat e Denni s Kennedy, "threatene d t o deser t a s soo n a s h e go t shoes" ; h e wa s bus y "cursing Congress " a t th e sam e time . Joseph Plum b Marti n remembere d a "gunpowde r plot " devise d b y som e o f th e me n o f hi s company . Th e leader o f th e "plot " informe d Marti n tha t the y intende d "t o hav e som e fun wit h th e ol d man, " thei r compan y commander . Loadin g a woode n canteen wit h thre e an d a hal f pound s o f gunpowder , the y tol d Marti n that the y though t th e blas t woul d giv e thei r les s tha n favorit e office r " a hoist." Marti n though t tha t th e blas t woul d probabl y kil l the captain an d quickly talke d th e me n ou t o f it . No t t o b e entirel y thwarted , th e me n tried t o scar e th e office r wit h a booby-trappe d musket . Marti n believe d he ha d save d th e man' s lif e bu t adde d tha t "th e me n hate d [thei r com mander] and di d no t muc h car e what happene d t o him." 56 When officer s wer e thwarte d b y th e soldiers , the y quickl y use d disci plinary repressio n t o reasser t thei r authority . Nathanae l Greene , fo r instance, though t tha t hangin g a soldier no w an d the n serve d t o terroriz e the me n int o submission . H e als o though t tha t doin g s o withou t givin g the condemne d ma n th e benefi t o f a court-martia l wa s eve n mor e effec tive. H e relate d t o Washingto n tha t whe n officer s trie d t o question som e soldiers abou t a self-authorized foragin g expedition , th e me n "threatene d the officers i f they offere d t o interfere." 57 Th e soldier s recognized tha t b y collectively threatenin g thei r officers , the y stoo d a greate r chanc e o f getting awa y wit h thei r foragin g withou t bein g punished . I t als o serve d as a warning t o the officers o f the limits of their authority . Court-martial record s reveale d ho w officers intensifie d disciplin e as the war progressed . Th e averag e sentenc e fo r desertio n i n 177 5 wa s thirty nine lashes , wel l belo w wha t mos t eighteenth-centur y armie s mete d out . British soldier s sometime s go t five hundred o r eve n a thousand lashe s fo r similar offenses. 58 O f ninetee n Continenta l arm y desertion s recorde d i n 1775 orderly boo k data, th e thirty-nine-lash penalt y wa s given 5 3 percent of th e tim e (1 0 o f 1 9 cases) . N o on e wa s sentence d t o deat h fo r thi s offense. Eve n soldier s convicte d o f mutin y wer e accorde d relativel y mil d treatment. On e soldie r wh o encourage d hi s comrade s t o deser t an d "spoke badl y o f America " receive d thirty-nin e lashe s an d wa s force d ou t of cam p wit h a placar d labele d wit h th e wor d "Tory " tie d aroun d hi s neck. Anothe r convicte d o f "abusin g hi s officers " wa s force d t o wea r a

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 14 3 five-pound lo g aroun d hi s nec k fo r tw o days . Fine s wer e no t infrequen t and wer e levie d i n conjunction wit h th e lash. 59 After th e passag e o f th e harshe r 177 6 Article s o f War , th e lash , firing squads, an d gibbe t wer e use d wit h greate r frequency . Fiftee n soldier s had bee n fined fo r offense s i n 1775 . Bu t b y 177 6 this metho d o f punish ment ha d al l bu t disappeared . Mor e tha n thre e time s a s man y case s wer e heard i n 1776 , bu t ther e wer e les s tha n hal f a s many monetar y penalties . The standar d 177 6 penalt y fo r desertio n wa s on e hundre d lashe s unles s the individua l ha d actuall y gon e ove r t o th e British , i n whic h cas e th e sentence wa s usuall y death. 60 During 177 6 the record s liste d ninetee n me n wh o wer e condemne d t o die. Sixtee n o f thes e (84 percent) wer e charge d wit h desertion , th e other s with mutiny , plundering , an d robbery . Tw o soldier s wer e offere d par dons i n exchang e fo r enlistmen t fo r th e duratio n o f th e war. 61 Mor e tha n a fe w me n receive d "gallow s pardons " moment s before the y wer e t o b e hanged, t o take maximu m advantag e o f th e terro r suc h sentence s evoked . In Morale of the American Revolutionary Army, Alle n Bowma n foun d 22 5 sentences o f death, 4 0 of whic h wer e actually carrie d out . Suspension s o f sentences wer e common . Thos e force d t o continu e t o serv e unde r a sentence o f deat h live d i n terro r o f th e da y whe n th e cam p guar d woul d burst int o their hu t an d hau l the m of f t o the gallows. I f they deserte d an d were caugh t whil e unde r a sentenc e o f death , th e chance s o f a secon d reprieve wer e minuscule. Sergean t John Porterfiel d o f the Third Pennsyl vania Regimen t wa s convicte d o f desertio n an d sentence d t o b e shot . Washington approve d hi s sentenc e bu t grante d hi m a repriev e o f on e week. Afterwards , hi s sentenc e wa s pu t of f twic e mor e unti l h e wa s released bac k t o his unit, stil l unde r th e sentence of death. 62 In 178 0 Dr . Jame s Thache r observe d th e theatrica l dram a o f eleve n men sentence d t o die . Genera l Order s ha d recentl y announce d tha t "Criminals no w unde r th e sentenc e of death ar e to be executed tomorro w morning." 63 Th e cam p colo r me n (soldier s assigne d t o kee p th e cam p i n sanitary condition ) wer e instructe d t o begi n diggin g th e grave s o f th e condemned immediately . Te n o f th e eleve n me n ha d bee n convicte d o f desertion. O n th e followin g day , 2 6 May 1780 , th e eleve n wer e brough t to th e plac e of executio n i n carts . Eigh t o f th e eleve n wer e t o b e hanged , the othe r thre e shot , bu t no t befor e the y ha d observe d th e death s o f th e first eight . Thos e t o b e hange d wer e place d o n ladder s wit h halter s around thei r necks . A Continenta l arm y chaplain , note d Thacher , ad dressed th e condemne d "i n a ver y patheti c manner, " bu t loudl y s o tha t

144 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire all thos e assemble d coul d hear . "A t thi s awfu l moment, " recorde d th e doctor, "whil e thei r ferven t prayer s [were ] ascendin g t o Heaven , a n officer come s forwar d an d read s a repriev e fo r seve n o f them , b y th e Commander i n Chief" as well as for th e other thre e waitin g to be shot b y already-selected firing squads . Washingto n purposel y refuse d t o repriev e one soldier a s an adde d twis t o f terror i n this macabre theater. 64 The stage d scen e wa s ver y emotional . Thache r note d tha t afte r the y received thei r pardons , "th e tremblin g criminal s . . . wer e scarcel y abl e to remov e fro m th e scaffol d withou t assistance . Th e chaplai n reminde d them o f th e gratitud e the y owe d th e Commande r i n Chie f . . . an d tha t the onl y retur n i n thei r powe r t o make , wa s a life devote d t o th e faithfu l discharge of their duty." 65 I t i s impossible t o tell i f the individual soldier s remained gratefu l i n th e aftermat h o f suc h a n experience . Bu t i t i s clea r that suc h "mercies " did no t dete r desertion , fo r mor e peopl e wer e court martialed fo r thi s offense i n 1780-8 1 tha n i n any othe r year . Inconsistent punishment s adde d t o th e terro r o f a court-martial. Tw o soldiers of the Fift h Pennsylvani a Regiment , James Hammel l an d Samue l Crawford, wer e sentence d t o death fo r suspecte d robbery . Crawfor d wa s pardoned, bu t Hammel l wa s executed . Tw o othe r artilleryme n wer e convicted o f theft. On e of the two, Jesse Peck , receive d fifteen lashes , bu t his comrad e Rubi n Parke r go t on e hundre d lashe s fo r th e sam e crime. 66 Like player s i n a deadl y gam e o f roulette , soldier s foun d themselve s a t the merc y o f capriciou s justice . I n on e bizarr e instance , thre e capture d deserters wer e sentence d t o deat h an d force d t o dra w lot s t o se e whic h one wa s t o b e executed . After hanging , th e hea d o f th e condemne d wa s severed fro m hi s bod y an d place d o n a pol e i n cam p fo r al l t o see. 67 Mutilation o f th e bod y ha d alway s bee n reserve d fo r th e mos t feare d colonial crimes : slav e insurrections , mutinies , an d piracy . Th e lis t wa s peremptorily expande d b y Henr y Le e t o includ e arm y desertio n a s well.68 The numbe r o f soldiers condemned t o die increased steadil y a s the wa r progressed. B y 177 8 th e rat e o f capita l punishmen t ha d rise n 1 7 percen t (23 case s listed ) ove r th e 177 6 rate . Again , desertio n wa s th e principa l offense (2 1 o f 2 3 courts ) tha t generate d th e deat h penalty . I n 177 9 th e number o f overal l capita l case s ros e t o twenty-nin e (3 3 percen t ove r th e 1776 rate) . Si x soldier s (2 0 percen t o f th e total ) wer e sentence d t o b e executed du e t o th e crim e o f mutiny . Th e overal l capita l punishmen t figures fo r 178 0 wer e dow n slightl y (2 5 cases) , althoug h th e numbe r o f cases i n whic h soldier s ha d bee n charge d wit h mutin y o r attack s o n thei r

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 14 5 officers o r Sergeant s ha d rise n fro m si x t o fifteen. Th e yea r 178 1 wa s th e most letha l fo r soldier s convicte d o f desertion . Thirty-si x me n wer e sentenced t o di e (4 8 percen t abov e th e 177 6 rate) , thoug h som e o f thes e men ha d thei r sentence s commuted i f they enliste d fo r th e duration o f th e war. Again , th e majorit y o f th e 178 1 case s (8 3 percent ) wer e relate d t o desertion. B y 1782 , capital conviction s tapere d of f (22 cases) but remaine d above the 177 6 rate. 69 These figures, importan t a s they are , understat e th e numbe r o f execu tions, fo r no t al l soldier s sentence d t o die received th e benefi t o f a trial b y court-martial. Colone l Israe l Angel l o f Rhod e Islan d note d th e cas e o f a Pennsylvania soldie r caugh t i n the act of plundering wh o "was hange d b y orders o f hi s Commandin g Office r withou t a trial. " Anthon y Wayne , Nathanael Greene , an d Henr y Le e wer e ap t t o execut e soldier s withou t the benefi t o f tria l an d usuall y a s a terroristi c exampl e t o other s wh o might contemplat e insubordinatio n o r mutiny . No t onl y di d th e us e o f the deat h penalt y increas e a s th e wa r progressed , bu t th e us e o f th e las h increased a s well . On e ma n wa s give n fifty lashe s fo r merel y cuttin g u p his blanket . Another , convicte d o f desertion , wa s sentence d t o receiv e one hundre d lashe s an d t o serv e o n a "Continenta l Ma n o f War. " Mor e than 8 1 o f th e 11 7 me n (6 9 percent ) convicte d o f desertio n i n 178 2 wer e given sentence s o f on e hundre d lashe s o r more. 70 Soldier s sometime s go t more tha n on e hundre d lashe s i f convicte d o f multipl e offenses , suc h a s desertion an d insubordination , continua l desertion , o r mutin y an d strik ing a n officer . Washingto n admitte d tha t becaus e ther e wer e "n o grada tions o f intermediat e punishment " betwee n on e hundre d lashe s an d death, courts-martia l fel t "boun d i n dut y t o decre e th e greate r penalt y . . . death. " H e suggeste d tha t h e b e "officially " allowe d t o impos e five hundred lashe s o n soldier s rathe r tha n sentenc e the m directl y t o suffe r the deat h penalty . I n thi s wa y h e avoide d th e ir e o f soldier s wh o wer e forced t o witnes s thei r comrade s bein g gunne d dow n b y firing squad s and appeared , ostensibly , mor e lenient . Bu t a s mos t soldier s wer e quit e aware, five hundred lashe s could b e just a s fatal a s six bullets to the body , and a great deal slowe r an d mor e painfu l i n the end. Washingto n chos e to allow a boar d o f Genera l Officer s t o conside r th e proble m o f punish ments. The y unanimousl y decide d tha t severe , har d labo r b e recom mended t o Congres s a s an appropriat e intermediat e penalty . Towar d th e end o f th e wa r a t leas t a doze n soldier s ha d thei r deat h sentence s com muted b y agreein g t o serv e aboar d a Continental frigat e o r enlis t fo r th e duration o f the war. 71

146 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire Rather tha n deser t o r commi t insubordinat e act s an d possibl y becom e an impresse d sailo r aboar d a Continenta l frigat e fo r th e duratio n o f th e war, som e soldier s chos e t o protes t collectivel y o r mutin y ove r griev ances. Organize d mutinie s withi n th e Continenta l arm y ha d occurre d before, th e first i n a compan y o f Willia m Thompson' s Pennsylvani a riflemen wh o mutinie d a t Cambridg e i n lat e 1775 . Washingto n an d Na thanael Green e merel y ha d th e headquarter s guar d surroun d th e muti neers t o compe l thei r submission . "Th e Rifflers, " note d Greene , "seem s very sulk y . . . bu t littl e i s feare d fro m the m a s th e Regimen t ar e al l ready a t a moments warnin g t o turn out , an d th e Guards ver y Strong." 72 Officers wh o wer e no t concerne d abou t a n arouse d soldiery , a s w e shal l see, quickl y change d thei r opinion s a s th e wa r deepene d an d mutinie s grew mor e ominous . By midwar , mutiny , actua l o r merel y threatened , quickl y becam e commonplace i n the Continental army . Countin g the mutinies of Thompson's rifleme n an d John Smith' s compan y tha t wer e alread y mentioned , there wer e a t leas t thre e recorde d mutinie s involvin g substantia l number s of me n durin g th e first campaig n o f th e wa r (1775-76) . Whe n Benedic t Arnold trie d t o forbid Etha n Allen' s Green Mountai n Boy s from plunder ing the Britis h afte r th e capture o f For t Ticonderoga , h e reported tha t h e was insulted b y Alle n an d "Ofte n Threatene d wit h m y Lif e & twice Sho t at b y hi s Me n wit h thei r Fuses. " Whe n Arnol d informe d Alle n tha t h e intended t o tak e comman d ove r hi s men , th e troop s parade d an d "de clared the y woul d g o righ t home , fo r the y woul d no t b e commanded b y Arnold." Onl y afte r the y wer e assure d tha t Alle n woul d remai n thei r commander "wer e th e me n pacified." 73 Th e me n continue d t o divid e u p the spoils , whic h "wa s mos t rigidl y perform' d a s t o liquors , provisions , &c whether belongin g t o his majesty o r private property." 74 With th e exception o f the sergeant wh o confronted Anthon y Wayn e in 1777, there were no significant, large-scal e mutinies during the campaign s of 1777-78 . Ther e were , however , a t leas t twelv e individua l case s o f mutiny o r act s o f defianc e agains t officers . B y 177 9 soldier s bega n t o "combine" thei r feeling s o f resentmen t ove r repressio n an d t o expres s their disconten t collectively . Countin g th e aforementione d "ha t mutiny " of th e Rhod e Islan d line , fou r majo r mutinie s too k plac e tha t year . Private Joseph Plum b Marti n mentione d i n hi s journa l a n uprisin g i n th e Connecticut line , i n whic h th e soldiers decided t o "try onc e more to raise some provisions , i f not , a t leas t t o rais e a littl e dust. " "Afte r w e ha d organized ourselve s an d regulate d th e pla n fo r ou r futur e operations, "

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 14 7 stated Martin , a n office r go t win d o f th e mutin y a s the me n mille d abou t and nippe d th e rebellion befor e i t got underway. 75 Tha t sam e year (1779), Sergeant Samue l Glove r wa s execute d fo r leadin g a mutiny i n th e Nort h Carolina lin e i n whic h he , o n behal f o f "Hi s Brothe r soldiers"—unpai d for fifteen months—"demande d thei r pa y an d refuse d t o obey th e Com mand o f hi s superio r Officer , an d woul d no t marc h til l the y ha d justic e done them." 76 Officer s regaine d contro l a s Glove r suffere d th e deat h penalty fo r hi s actions i n the affair . One o f th e mos t ominou s uprising s occurre d i n Octobe r 1779 , when a group o f militiame n marche d int o Philadelphia . Th e soldier s quickl y surrounded th e hom e o f James Wilson , a n inveterat e opponen t o f pric e controls and a n enemy amon g enlisted me n an d associator s wh o depende d on fixed wage s fo r a living. Fightin g brok e out afte r someon e fired a sho t from th e hous e an d th e militi a responded , producing , i n th e word s o f Henry Laurens , " a ver y blood y scen e i n th e streets " o f Philadelphia . Only afte r th e arriva l o f th e "sil k stockin g brigade, " a grou p o f upper class Philadelphians , wa s orde r restored. 77 Tw o day s afte r th e "riot, " Benedict Arnol d wa s accoste d b y a "mo b o f Lawles s Ruffians " wh o "Attacked [him ] i n th e Street s an d threatene d [his ] life, " eventuall y driv ing hi m int o hi s hom e i n a repla y o f wha t ha d occurre d tw o day s earlie r at James Wilson' s residence . Arnol d ha d recentl y submitte d a n expens e account fo r nin e month s whic h man y i n Congres s an d i n th e city consid ered extravagant . Arnold' s popula r antagonist s may hav e playe d a role i n his decision late r to betray th e American cause . I t may no t b e coincidental that America n soldier s resente d hi m wel l before h e decide d t o chang e sides.78 In 178 0 thre e mor e majo r revolt s brok e ou t i n th e line s o f Massachu setts, Connecticut , an d Ne w York. 79 These mutinie s terrified th e officers , not onl y becaus e the y wer e bette r organize d tha n thos e tha t cam e before , but als o because the y involve d eve r large r number s o f disaffected troops . Mutinies wer e growin g large r an d mor e organized , an d soldier s no w expressed a willingnes s t o seiz e b y forc e thos e thing s traditionall y du e them o r deeme d necessar y fo r survival . O n Ne w Year s Da y 1780 , on e hundred Massachusett s soldier s decide d tha t thei r three-yea r enlistment s had expired , and , i n a collective body , the y marche d of f fo r home . Th e mutineers, however , wer e recaptured ; thei r leader s wer e punishe d an d the res t pardoned . O n 2 0 Ma y 1780 , thirty-on e member s o f th e Ne w York line , whos e soldier s ha d no t bee n pai d fo r nin e month s an d "wer e destitute o f Shoes , Stockings , an d Shirts, " deserte d e n mass e fro m thei r

148 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire regiment. Whe n othe r soldier s wh o remaine d wit h th e regimen t refuse d to pursu e th e deserters , Lieutenan t Colone l Va n Dyc k employe d a part y of Oneid a Indian s t o g o i n searc h o f them . Th e Indian s trappe d a smal l group o f fifteen deserter s a s the y trie d t o cros s a stream . A firefight ensued i n whic h thirtee n o f th e fifteen wer e killed— a highl y letha l engagement fo r th e eighteent h century . Th e survivin g soldier s go t th e point. Fiv e day s later , tw o Connecticu t regiment s decide d t o marc h i n a body i n search of something to eat. The ubiquitou s soldier , Joseph Plum b Martin, wa s par t o f th e group . After "growlin g lik e sor e heade d dogs, " Martin stated , th e me n intende d t o marc h fo r hom e an d wante d t o "tea r their Commissar y [th e office r responsibl e fo r providin g th e unit' s foo d rations] to atoms. " H e relate d that , i f necessary, th e me n wer e willin g t o "plunder fo r thei r sustenanc e o n thei r way. " Appeal s b y officer s an d a show o f forc e b y loya l Pennsylvani a troop s quelle d th e mutin y before i t got full y underwa y bu t no t befor e th e commandin g officer , Colone l Return Meigs , wa s severel y injure d i n a scuffl e wit h th e men . Marti n recorded tha t Colone l Meig s wa s ru n throug h th e sid e wit h a bayone t "which coole d hi s courage a t th e time . H e alway s considere d himsel f th e soldier's frien d an d though t th e soldier s regarde d hi m a s such , bu t no w had reaso n t o conclude h e migh t b e mistaken. " Accordin g t o Martin, th e "loyal" Pennsylvani a troop s wer e no t informe d tha t the y wer e sur rounding mutineers . Afte r a n inquir y abou t th e commotio n i n th e Con necticut camp , h e note d tha t th e Pennsylvanian s wante d "t o joi n them. " Their officer s quickl y ordere d the m bac k t o thei r ow n cam p befor e the y did. Nathanae l Green e late r wrot e tha t h e wa s fearfu l tha t th e unres t demonstrated b y th e Connecticut troop s "wil l ru n throug h th e whole lin e like wild fire." 80 By 1781 , revolts around Ne w Year' s Da y ha d becom e so commonplace in th e Continenta l arm y tha t Anthon y Wayn e remarked , i n a literar y reference t o Shakespeare's Julius Caesar, tha t h e "sincerely wishe d th e Ide s of January wa s come & past."81 Wayne' s sens e of foreboding wa s correct . Early Januar y wa s alway s a tens e tim e becaus e mos t soldier s ha d bee n recruited t o serv e fo r a number o f calenda r years , usuall y endin g o n th e last da y o f December . Ne w Year' s Da y o f 178 1 prove d n o different: th e enlistments o f mos t o f th e Pennsylvani a an d Ne w Jerse y line s wer e du e that day , a t leas t accordin g t o th e soldiers ' accounts . In th e famou s mutiny o f th e Pennsylvani a lin e o n th e evenin g o f 1 January 1781 , a s many a s fifteen hundre d me n (tw o entir e brigades ) participate d activel y in th e revolt , wit h anothe r five hundre d playin g a lesse r rol e o r bein g

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 14 9 merely swep t alon g b y events . Thi s mutin y wa s th e larges t an d best organized o f th e war . Sergeant s chose n b y acclamatio n o f th e me n kep t the soldier s cheerin g an d firing thei r weapon s int o th e ai r t o frighte n officers awa y fro m th e camp. Thes e leader s signe d al l correspondence "i n conjunction" wit h eac h othe r t o kee p fro m bein g single d ou t an d isolate d by officers . Tw o regiment s (th e Nint h an d Fifth ) initiall y attempte d t o stay neutral , bu t th e sergeant s threatene d the m wit h artiller y piece s "i f they di d no t mov e off." 82 Th e mutineer s literall y filled th e roa d t o Philadelphia. Th e sergeant s wante d t o induce as many soldier s of the lin e as possibl e t o participat e i n th e mutin y s o tha t officer s coul d no t divid e the me n agains t themselves. 83 Maintainin g disciplin e o n thei r march , th e sergeants mad e i t clear tha t the y n o longer acknowledge d th e authority o f their officers . Thos e officer s wh o ha d bee n especiall y obnoxiou s t o th e men ha d bee n chase d awa y fro m cam p b y muske t fire. 84 Colonel Israe l Shreve , th e commander o f the New Jersey Brigade , wa s ordered t o intercept th e Pennsylvanians . Shreve , however , coul d do little. Informed b y on e o f hi s officer s tha t "th e caus e o f th e Pennsylvanian s i s . . . too muc h considere d th e common cause " and tha t "som e me n i n [hi s own] first regimen t hav e bee n tryin g t o fomen t a n insurrection, " Shrev e concluded tha t h e "coul d no t hav e forme d a Captain' s guard " t o marc h against th e Pennsylvanians . H e wrot e Washingto n tha t th e Jersey troop s were "mortifie d an d disgusted " abou t thei r ow n situatio n an d coul d no t be compelled t o attack th e Pennsylvanians. 85 The Pennsylvanian s demande d t o b e discharged an d b e "pai d withou t fraud." Further , the y wante d "n o aspersions cast agains t the m fo r partici pating i n th e mutiny " afte r thei r demand s wer e met. 86 On e grou p o f sergeants mentione d t o Wayn e tha t "i t wa s hurtfu l t o th e feeling s o f th e soldiers t o b e prevente d fro m disposin g o f thei r depreciatio n certificate s as the y pleas e withou t consultin g an y perso n o n th e occasion." 87 Th e officers di d no t wan t th e soldier s t o ge t thei r bac k pa y fo r a variet y o f reasons. Knowin g th e restlessnes s o f the troop s over thei r situatio n i n th e army, th e officers feare d tha t soldier s wit h mone y migh t find way s to bu y their wa y ou t o f service . The cru x o f th e mutineers ' complain t wa s thei r enlistmen t contracts . The record s indicate d tha t the y ha d enliste d earlie r i n th e conflic t "fo r three years or during th e war. " In turn , the y ha d bee n given th e standar d Continental bount y o f twent y dollars . Th e enliste d me n too k th e phras e to mean tha t the y woul d serv e three years or les s if the war ended sooner . Washington too k th e opposit e vie w an d interprete d th e word s t o mea n

150 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire that thre e year s wa s th e minimu m serve d an d tha t the y shoul d continu e in servic e i f th e wa r wen t o n beyon d tha t time . T o compoun d thei r complaint, olde r soldier s sa w ne w enlistee s gettin g upwar d o f tw o hun dred dollar s o r mor e fo r enlistin g on exactl y th e sam e terms tha t the y di d in 177 6 whe n the y receive d onl y a twenty-dollar bounty. 88 Th e soldier s appeared t o hav e a point sinc e i t mad e littl e sens e t o specif y a time limi t for enlistmen t i f they wer e to serve until th e war ended . Fortunately fo r th e mutineers , Washington' s arm y wa s thinne d out , spread fro m Philadelphi a t o Wes t Point , an d th e fe w remainin g loya l regiments wer e situate d wel l t o th e nort h o f Morristown . Further , th e sergeants ha d th e foresigh t t o mov e thei r cam p t o Princeton , a plac e equidistant betwee n Congres s a t Philadelphi a an d Britis h outpost s i n northern Ne w Jersey. Pear s that mutineer s woul d defec t t o the other sid e quickly dissipate d whe n th e sergeant s turne d ove r tw o emissarie s fro m the Britis h t o Anthon y Wayn e a s a toke n o f thei r tru e intentions . Th e Pennsylvania militi a faile d t o tur n ou t agains t th e army , an d merchant s refused t o compl y wit h a n orde r t o suppl y th e mutineer s wit h thei r "Engagements"—that is , what th e soldiers though t wa s due them i n foo d and clothing . Josep h Reed , presiden t o f Pennsylvania , rod e ou t t o thei r camp and negotiate d a settlement. H e concluded tha t th e entire affair wa s "a sore trial. . . . The me n certainly ha d no t those attachments whic h th e officers supposed. " Wherea s h e note d tha t "th e mutineer s ar e i n al l case s to b e condemned, " Ree d admitte d tha t "ther e ar e sometimes , i n armies , just cause s o f discontent . Th e peopl e o f thi s Stat e [Pennsylvania ] ar e i n universal sentimen t wit h th e men." 89 Rememberin g perhap s th e senti ment o f th e cit y o f Philadelphi a durin g th e "For t Wilson " riot , whe n th e militia, onc e again , ha d refuse d t o tur n out , Ree d an d other s conclude d that th e people of the stat e identifie d wit h th e plight o f the soldiers . The soldier s wh o claime d t o hav e enliste d "fo r thre e year s o r th e duration o f th e war " wer e allowe d t o testif y befor e a commission. Ree d observed tha t "man y soldier s ha d [previously ] bee n atteste d [enlisted ] b y their officer s an d other s wit h s o littl e formality , a s t o ope n a doo r t o innumerable complaint s bot h o n tha t score , an d th e paymen t o f th e bounty." 90 A s a result , mos t o f th e lin e claime d a righ t t o a discharge . When officer s attempte d t o present enlistmen t record s to the commission , they wer e "forcibl y prevente d fro m producin g them " b y th e soldiers , who feare d tha t officer s offende d o r injure d durin g th e mutin y woul d present fraudulen t enlistmen t certificates . Man y soldier s i n Colone l Thomas Craig' s regimen t wer e deeme d b y th e commissio n t o hav e en -

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 15 1 listed specificall y "fo r th e war, " an d therefor e wer e no t entitle d t o dis charges. Soldier s bega n spontaneousl y t o riot , swarmin g dow n t o th e Trenton wharf , wher e the y ha d originall y agree d t o stor e thei r arms , breaking int o th e ship , reclaimin g thei r firelocks, an d threatenin g th e lif e of Colone l Crai g an d an y othe r office r wh o trie d t o hal t thei r progress . Anthony Wayn e late r wrot e Washingto n tha t h e "wishe d th e commis sioners ha d give n tim e fo r th e officer s t o produc e th e Attestation s befor e they mad e [th e admissio n o f a soldier's ] oat h s o common," b y whic h h e meant tha t h e wished th e officers ha d tim e to counteract th e commission' s intention t o tak e th e soldier s a t thei r word . Wayn e note d tha t th e paper s signed b y th e soldier s wer e "fo r th e War—bu t th e bird s [have ] flown," meaning th e soldier s ha d alread y bee n discharged. 91 More tha n thirtee n hundre d private s wer e dismisse d fro m furthe r service, bu t Wayn e hope d t o reenlis t two-third s o f the m afte r a shor t furlough, notin g tha t "th e Soldier y ar e a s Impatien t o f libert y a s the y were of Service." 92 Wayn e mean t tha t th e soldier s wer e havin g difficult y finding job s in the civilian sector . Th e mutin y thu s ended wit h th e virtua l disbanding o f a significan t portio n o f th e Pennsylvani a line . Man y o f these soldier s ende d u p i n Philadelphia , wher e the y besiege d th e Boar d of Wa r "i n a hostil e manner , an d coul d no t b e satisfied , 'til l the y wer e assured tha t thei r Officer s wer e i n n o bette r situatio n wit h respec t t o pa y than themselves." 93 Th e soldier s ha d wo n bu t Washingto n vowe d neve r to let i t happen again. 94 The Pennsylvani a mutiny , th e larges t an d mos t unusua l interna l up heaval i n th e histor y o f America n arms , wa s i n larg e par t recognize d a s such i n it s day , an d subsequentl y b y late r historians . Jonatha n Sulliva n noted t o George Washingto n tha t "th e whol e progress of this affair excep t the first Tumul t ha s bee n conducte d o n thei r par t [meanin g th e muti neers] wit h a consistency , firmness, an d a degre e o f Polic y mixe d wit h candor tha t mus t astonis h ever y theoris t o n th e natur e o f th e America n Soldiery." 95 No t ofte n note d b y historians , however , wer e th e numerou s "post-mutinies" tha t occurre d followin g th e discharg e o f th e Pennsylva nians. Lik e th e aftershock s o f a cataclysmi c earthquake , unres t ripple d through th e Continental rank s unti l th e ver y en d o f the war . Mor e tha n a few o f the "old mutineers " appeared a s leaders o f these "post-mutinies. " The unres t wa s no t confine d onl y t o Washington' s troops . Phili p Schuyler informe d Alexande r Hamilto n o n 2 5 Januar y 178 1 tha t tw o regiments o f th e norther n arm y threatene d t o "marc h t o Headquarter s unless som e mone y i s paid them , th e certificate s expedited , an d i n futur e

152 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire better supplie d wit h provisions. " Five days befor e th e revolt of the north ern regiments , th e Ne w Jerse y lin e ha d rise n i n mutin y a s well , i n apparent expectatio n o f receivin g th e sam e bargai n a s ha d thei r brothe r soldiers fro m Pennsylvania . On e Ne w Jerse y office r note d tha t u the Pennsylvanians previou s t o thei r Revol t ha d kep t u p a correspondenc e with ou r Line. " Severa l sergeant s shoute d fo r th e Jersey soldier s u to tur n out an d fight fo r you r Rights . Le t u s follo w th e gloriou s exampl e o f th e Pennsylvanians! Le t u s go to Congress wh o have money an d ru m enoug h but won' t giv e i t t o us." 9 6 Th e Jerseyme n ha d a rea l grievance . A t th e height o f th e Pennsylvani a mutiny , Genera l Arthu r St . Clai r observe d that som e o f th e Jerse y troop s ha d bee n kep t fro m joinin g th e revol t only afte r thei r commandin g officer , Lieutenan t Colone l Franci s Barber , informed the m tha t the y woul d get whateve r term s wer e offere d th e Pennsylvanians.97 Realizing tha t thei r officer s wer e determine d no t t o gran t the m dis charges immediately , an d placate d b y a promise tha t a state commissio n would judg e their clai m t o release from service , the Jersey mutineer s gav e "three unanimou s cheers. " Thinking the y ha d won , mos t o f th e soldier s returned t o their huts and, wit h th e exception o f some troops at Pompton , accepted a general pardo n offere d b y thei r commandin g officer , Colone l Elias Dayton . Th e inciden t woul d hav e ended the n an d ther e except tha t Washington wa s determine d t o mak e a sho w o f forc e an d execut e som e soldiers despit e th e pardon . Washingto n sa w th e Jerse y mutin y a s u an opportunity" t o reestablish hi s control ove r the soldiery. 98 The soldier s at Pompton wer e hi s targets. Washington forme d a force of five hundred Ne w Englan d troop s unde r the comman d o f Majo r Genera l Rober t Howe , who m h e commande d t o obtain a n "unconditiona l submission " fro m th e Jerse y mutineer s an d "instantly [to ] execute a few o f th e mos t activ e and incendiar y leaders." 99 Howe carrie d ou t hi s instruction s wit h a zea l seldo m see n i n th e Conti nental army . Surroundin g thei r cam p i n a predaw n surpris e attack , Howe's troop s force d th e grogg y Jersey troop s t o poin t ou t th e ringlead ers of the revolt. In a step of "calculated brutality, " How e swiftl y ordere d the execution o f two sergeants , th e order carrie d ou t a t th e hand s of thei r own men . H e late r wrot e Washington tha t h e thought tha t th e execution s "completely subdued " th e spiri t o f mutin y an d ha d "give n plac e t o a genuine repentance. " m) Howe ma y hav e exaggerated; i t was doubtful tha t th e Jerseymen wer e contrite. Dr . Jame s Thacher , a surgeo n wit h th e Ne w Englan d troops , noticed tha t th e first si x me n detaile d t o execut e on e o f th e ringleader s

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 15 3 missed thei r intende d target , thoug h h e wa s kneelin g i n th e sno w onl y a few pace s away . A secon d squa d ha d t o b e used t o kil l bot h men . Lieutenant Colone l Barbe r reporte d t o How e tha t althoug h h e though t the spiri t o f mutin y ha d bee n destroyed , h e wa s stil l "apprehensiv e o f bad consequence s shoul d [th e British ] make any Progres s i n the State. " A month afte r th e en d o f the mutiny , a New Englan d uni t compose d o f th e same troop s wh o ha d assiste d How e i n crushin g th e revol t a t Pompto n passed throug h Princeto n an d wa s promptly attacke d b y disgruntled Ne w Jersey soldier s wh o remembere d th e unit' s rol e i n th e suppression. 101 The aftershock s o f th e Januar y mutinie s continued . I n th e sprin g o f 1781, Anthon y Wayn e wa s ordered t o marc h th e Pennsylvani a lin e sout h to joi n Lafayett e i n Virginia . Wayn e experience d problems , however , i n assembling hi s troops . Th e Pennsylvani a legislatur e ha d no t pai d of f th e soldiers a s the y ha d promise d t o d o bac k i n January, an d som e di d no t think th e me n woul d marc h unti l the y wer e give n thei r clothin g an d pay.102 Finally , afte r muc h cajolin g b y Joseph Ree d an d th e Pennsylvani a Convention, Wayn e wa s abl e t o ge t abou t on e thousan d me n t o march . But h e go t onl y a s fa r a s York , Pennsylvania , befor e troubl e brok e ou t once again . Wayn e immediatel y attempte d t o impos e hars h disciplin e upon th e men , perhap s i n memor y o f hi s recen t humiliatio n a t th e hand s of th e mutineer s durin g th e Januar y mutiny . Wayn e arreste d a soldie r named Joh n Fortesqu e fo r "mutinou s behavior " an d sentence d hi m t o death. Th e soldier s sa w throug h Wayne' s terroristi c plo y and , i n a sho w of solidarity , bega n t o def y thei r officers . On e office r ordere d th e arres t of a soldie r wh o cried , "Go d dam n th e officers , th e buggers." 103 Wayn e stepped u p the arrests o f soldiers fo r th e slightes t infractions . One o f th e me n Wayn e ha d arreste d wa s name d "Macarone y Jack, " who, accordin g t o witnesses, ha d bee n ver y activ e in the January mutiny . The officers , no t surprisingly , wante d t o mak e a n exampl e o f him . The y ordered hi m whippe d "fo r a trivial offense " t o reduc e hi s statur e wit h th e men. Jack , however , di d no t accep t hi s fate : "Whe n h e wa s tie d u p h e looked aroun d an d addresse d th e soldiers , exclaimin g a t th e sam e time : Dear brothe r soldiers , won' t yo u hel p me! " The officer s screame d "Tak e him down , tak e hi m down, " fo r the y sa w a n opportunit y t o charg e hi m with th e mor e deadl y crim e o f mutiny . Macarone y Jac k wa s handcuffe d and ordere d bac k t o th e guardhous e an d confine d wit h other s who m th e officers ha d locke d u p fo r "mutinou s conduct. " 104 Without informin g th e me n wh o ha d bee n detaile d t o act a s execution ers, Anthon y Wayn e ha d th e Pennsylvani a troop s draw n u p t o witnes s the death s o f Macarone y Jac k an d severa l other s convicte d o f mutiny .

154 * Running Through the Line Like Wildfire "Whispered amon g th e soldiers, " however , wa s a pla n t o rescu e thei r comrades, bu t i t wa s not , apparently , pu t i n plac e i n tim e t o preven t th e executions. Macarone y Jac k wa s th e first t o fall , followe d b y a soldie r named Smit h wh o ha d hi s hea d hideousl y blaste d t o bit s b y a volle y o f musket fire; th e firing squad s stoo d les s tha n te n fee t fro m thei r victims , so clos e tha t th e handkerchief s coverin g th e mutineers ' eye s caugh t fire. The fenc e an d a field o f ry e tha t stoo d behin d th e plac e o f executio n were "covere d ove r wit h bloo d an d brains. " Just prio r t o hi s execution , Macaroney Jack' s wif e attempte d t o ru n int o th e lin e t o embrac e he r husband fo r th e last time but a n officer viciousl y "felle d he r to the groun d with hi s sword, h e having struc k he r wit h th e side of it." ,()5 Fifer Samue l Dewee s remembere d tha t soo n afte r th e executions , whenever h e chance d t o mee t a n officer , h e woul d "avoi d comin g i n contact wit h hi m . . . les t the y migh t constru e my conduc t i n som e wa y or other int o an offense. Al l disposition o f mutin y wa s entirely pu t dow n by thes e step s o f cruelty." 106 Soldier s talkin g t o on e anothe r coul d b e accused o f "murmuring " b y thei r officers . Other s wh o di d no t mov e fast enoug h whe n ordere d coul d b e charge d wit h exhibitin g "mutinou s conduct." Officer s thu s hel d absolut e dominio n ove r thei r soldiers , wh o in tur n ha d fe w option s fo r self-defense . Wayn e late r wrot e Washingto n that " a libera l dos e of niter" ha d purge d th e lin e of their "distemper." 107 Mutiny withi n th e Pennsylvani a lin e di d no t en d wit h Wayne' s suc cessful repressions . B y th e sprin g o f 1782 , th e line s o f Pennsylvani a an d Maryland ha d bee n sen t sout h t o reinforc e Nathanae l Greene' s souther n army. Green e wrot e Rober t Morris , superintenden t o f finance, tha t h e thought member s o f th e Pennsylvani a lin e wer e "spreadin g Contagion" ; "the seed s o f disconten t an d mutiny " wer e "dee p roote d amon g th e Pennsylvania troop s [an d beginning ] t o sprea d throug h th e whol e army." 108 Green e adde d tha t "th e natura l consequenc e o f [such ] discon tent [was ] grea t desertion s whic h w e hav e experience d fo r a fe w day s past." Moreover , Green e observe d tha t soldier s ha d begu n t o pu t u p placards aroun d cam p tha t asked , "Ca n soldier s d o thei r dut y i f cla d i n rags an d fe d o n rice?" 109 Green e wrot e tha t i t wa s "talke d freel y amon g the men tha t i f pay an d clothin g did no t arriv e by suc h a day, the y woul d march thei r officer s t o Dorchester , an d allo w the m onl y a few day s more , before the y woul d delive r the m t o th e enemy , unles s thei r grievance s were redressed." 110 H e admitte d tha t "th e symptoms o f mutiny appeare d almost daily . I t wa s difficul t t o fix i t upo n a n individual. " Usin g a no w familiar tactic , Green e chos e a Pennsylvani a Sergean t name d Gornel l

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 15 5 who ha d bee n "remarkabl y activ e i n th e forme r mutin y a t Morristown " to b e executed a s an exampl e t o others. On e o f th e accuse d wa s Greene' s own servant , a soldier name d Peters . Peter s an d thre e other soldier s wer e taken unde r guar d an d employe d "i n th e servic e o f th e Laboratory, " a place wher e munition s wer e produce d an d lon g renowne d a s a n arm y hell-hole. "This, " note d Greene , "ha d a better effec t upo n th e arm y tha n their execution—Th e disconten t ha s disappeare d alth o th e suffering s continue." m The execution s o f Macaroney Jack an d othe r forme r mutineer s a t Yor k and Sergean t Gornel l b y th e orde r o f Nathanae l Green e suggest s thei r successes a s organizer s o f th e Januar y mutinie s produce d a desir e fo r vengeance b y th e Continenta l arm y office r corps . Th e swiftnes s o f thei r convictions an d death s testifie d t o th e powe r o f Continenta l officer s ove r their men . I f a n office r wante d t o ge t ri d o f a n individua l considere d to b e subversive , i t wa s no t har d t o find a charg e tha t garnere d th e death penalty . Other units , however , adopte d th e method s o f th e January mutineers , for the y realize d safet y coul d b e foun d i n collectiv e action . In earl y Ma y 1782, th e Connecticu t lin e conspire d t o g o t o Hartford , wher e th e stat e assembly ha d convened . Th e protes t wa s t o tak e th e for m o f a march , supported b y artiller y piece s afte r th e manne r o f th e Pennsylvanian s o f 1781. O n th e eve of the revolt, a loyal soldie r (or a disloyal one dependin g on th e poin t o f view ) reveale d th e plo t t o th e officers . Colone l Hema n Swift quickl y arreste d th e ringleader s an d nippe d th e mutin y befor e i t actually go t underway . A wee k later , Privat e Lu d Ga y lord o f th e Firs t Connecticut wa s convicte d an d sentence d t o deat h fo r "endeavorin g t o incite a mutiny." ,12 Washingto n refuse d t o grant a reprieve. The las t large-scal e mutin y o f th e wa r occurre d immediatel y prio r t o the army's disbandment . Again , discontentmen t centere d i n the Pennsyl vania line . Fo r month s th e soldier s ha d bee n waitin g t o se e wha t sor t o f settlement th e governmen t wa s goin g t o awar d the m whe n th e arm y disbanded. Whe n Congres s attempte d t o furloug h the m withou t payin g them "thei r due, " the soldier s revolte d a s they ha d don e i n 1781 . The cru x o f their complaint wa s the army's intentio n t o furlough the m before pa y certificate s wer e issued . Th e soldier s reasone d tha t i f the y were disbande d prio r t o bein g paid , the y woul d hav e littl e powe r a s individuals t o demand i t later. Mos t me n ha d no t bee n pai d sinc e Decem ber 1782 , a fe w eve n longer . Genera l Benjami n Lincol n ordere d Arthu r St. Clai r t o begi n preparation s t o pa y of f an d furloug h th e Pennsylvani a

156 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire line. The y wer e t o b e pai d i n "Morri s Notes " (pa y guarantee d t o b e redeemed late r b y th e superintendent fo r finance , Rober t Morris ) for "th e months of February, March , an d April. " He forgot th e month of January, but th e soldier s ha d not . Sergeant s o f th e Pennsylvani a lin e dre w u p a petition demandin g tha t Congres s pa y the m fo r January a s well a s for th e other months . Befor e thei r petitio n reache d Congress , however , th e arm y discovered th e pa y erro r an d ordere d th e appropriat e restitution . Colone l Richard Humpton , commandin g th e troop s a t th e Philadelphi a barracks , reported tha t thi s "induce d th e Soldier y t o believ e the y ha d bee n issue d [their January pay ] in consequence of their petition , an d the y appeare d t o exult i n wha t the y ha d done. " Yet , whe n a paymaste r fro m th e artiller y reported tha t h e ha d bee n ordere d onl y t o pa y fo r Januar y unles s th e troops accepte d thei r furlough , th e soldier s organize d a marc h t o "th e President's house." 113 Trouble soo n spread t o troops quartered a t the Lancaster barrack s wh o also clamore d fo r bac k pay . Abou t eight y soldier s forme d unde r th e command o f thei r sergeant , Christia n Nagle , a Germa n immigrant , an d marched t o Philadelphia . Th e discontente d soldier s i n an d abou t Phila delphia, no w numberin g abou t thre e hundred , wer e a revolutionar y mi x of recentl y returne d veteran s o f souther n campaigns , ne w recruits , an d old mutineer s o f 1781 . Appointing tw o junio r officer s a s their representa tives, a group o f insurgent s surrounde d th e Pennsylvani a Stat e Hous e o n 21 June 1783 . Givin g Presiden t Joh n Dickinso n a mer e twent y minute s to respond, th e soldiers mad e it clear tha t i f they di d no t get a satisfactor y answer "the y woul d tur n . . . a n enrage d Soldier y o n th e Council , wh o would d o themselve s Justice , an d th e Counci l mus t abid e th e conse quences." 114 The soldier s wer e intereste d mostl y i n threatenin g th e Pennsylvani a Council (wh o ha d i t i n it s powe r t o pa y th e soldiers) , bu t the y inevitabl y threatened Congres s too , wh o share d th e building . Whe n onl y thirtee n militiamen showe d u p t o quel l th e mutiny , Elia s Boudinot , presiden t o f Congress, aske d Washingto n t o send loya l Continenta l troops . T o mak e matters worse , whe n Boudino t attempte d t o ente r th e Stat e Hous e h e was jostle d b y a group o f soldiers . "T o my mortification, " note d Boudi not, "no t a citizen cam e to our assistance. " H e issue d a proclamation tha t he an d othe r congressiona l member s "ha d bee n grossl y insulted " b y th e threats o f th e soldiery . H e ordere d Congres s t o flee Philadelphia (a s the y had bee n force d t o d o twic e before b y th e British ) an d t o reconven e at Princeton. 115 It wa s clea r tha t thi s tim e sever e reprisal s wer e no t i n order . Th e

Running Through the Line Like Wildfire • 15 7 Continental arm y wa s littl e mor e tha n a shel l b y thi s date , an d al l Washington wante d wa s t o get th e me n t o dispers e peacefully . Earlier , Richard Peter s note d tha t "th e Difficult y whic h heretofor e oppress' d u s was ho w t o rais e a n Army." 116 Now , however , th e difficult y la y i n getting th e soldier s t o accep t a settlemen t an d retur n home , a n unlikel y prospect unles s som e wa y wer e foun d t o pa y the m thei r contractua l due. Ironically , Lieutenan t Benjami n Gilber t note d tha t rathe r tha n wai t around fo r a dubiou s settlemen t fro m Congress , u a ver y grea t numbe r of Soldiers " proceede d t o Ne w Yor k an d "offere d themselve s u p fo r employment o n th e ver y ship s tha t wer e evacuatin g th e Britis h an d Tories"—a sa d en d indeed. 117 In conclusion , pattern s o f protes t an d defianc e foun d withi n th e en listed rank s reveale d a n arm y distinctl y differen t fro m th e one portraye d by traditiona l historian s o f th e Revolution . "Crime, " desertion , mutiny , and resistanc e t o arbitrar y rul e nee d t o b e see n i n a differen t light . Continental soldier s committe d a n abundanc e o f offense s agains t thei r officers. Thei r behavio r ha s bee n ascribe d eithe r t o dissatisfaction a t thei r loss o f th e persona l freedo m American s wer e sai d habituall y t o enjo y o r to plai n licentiousnes s o n th e par t o f me n wit h gun s i n thei r hands . An d in som e instances , thi s ma y hav e bee n th e case . Mos t defiance , however , was more than that . Whe n soldier s spok e of "teaking what came to hand, " or gettin g wha t the y considere d "thei r due, " the y wer e attemptin g t o remind thei r officer s o f thei r traditiona l customar y right s o r "mora l econ omy" tha t existe d betwee n th e officers an d th e men . Th e mora l econom y established b y th e soldiers ha d tangibl e valu e to them an d wa s rooted i n a centuries-old traditio n o f payment t o freemen wh o surrendered thei r civi l liberties, temporarily , i n exchang e fo r th e wage s an d customar y right s o f a long-termed wa r fighter. The irreconcilabl e conflic t betwee n th e nee d fo r th e colonie s t o field a long-term standin g arm y an d th e mora l econom y establishe d b y th e enlisted me n place d th e soldiers on a collision cours e with th e imperative s of th e state . Whil e James Warre n describe d Washington' s troop s a s "th e most undisciplined , profligat e Cre w tha t wa s eve r collected " t o fight a war, th e enlisted me n referre d t o themselves a s "Brother Soldiers. " , l8 N o clearer exampl e ca n b e give n o f th e difference s betwee n thos e wh o di d the fighting an d thos e wh o wer e benefitin g fro m it . Drive n togethe r b y harsh Article s o f War , th e capriciou s justic e of officers, an d a commonality o f experience, th e soldier s demonstrate d greate r collectiv e behavio r a s the war groun d on . While th e wa r culminate d i n severa l large-scal e mutinies , th e evidenc e

158 • Running Through the Line Like Wildfire revealed tha t mutin y wa s commonl y used b y soldier s t o expres s thei r dissatisfaction o r defend thei r precariou s mora l economie s throughou t th e war. Ther e wer e a t leas t te n majo r mutinie s tha t occurre d before th e famous Pennsylvani a lin e mutiny o f 1781 . Moreover, th e successfu l 178 1 mutiny wa s strongl y connected , throug h commo n personne l an d leader ship, t o fou r "post-mutinies. " Th e reactio n o f th e officer s t o al l thi s wa s increased repressio n an d extrem e violenc e agains t th e soldier s the y deemed capabl e o f fomentin g furthe r insurrections . Th e execution s o f Macaroney Jac k an d Sergean t Gornel l an d th e banishmen t o f Sergean t Peters t o th e laborator y serve d t o remin d th e soldier s o f th e precarious ness o f thei r relationshi p wit h officer s wh o ha d th e powe r o f lif e an d death ove r the m whil e the y serve d i n th e ranks . Whe n the y mutinied , however, the y visibl y demonstrate d thei r intentio n t o achiev e thei r "rights" an d "due " wit h thei r ow n hands . Th e soldiers ' collectivis m wa s their onl y defens e agains t reprisa l b y thei r officers. 119 All els e having failed , th e soldier s coul d alway s desert , an d man y did . The threa t o f desertio n wa s on e wa y th e soldier s coul d contro l thei r workplace, th e arm y camp . Th e soldier s knew , a s did thei r officers , tha t if thing s go t to o fa r ou t o f hand , the y coul d us e thei r fee t an d sli p awa y some dar k evenin g o r dodg e int o th e wood s o n a march . The y ha d littl e to fea r fro m th e genera l populace , wh o frequentl y offere d protectio n against capture . Th e tw o year s tha t require d arm y reorganization—177 6 and 1781—wer e als o the year s o f greates t desertion . Desertio n serve d t o disaggregate th e labo r o f th e soldier s a t th e ver y momen t tha t officer s sought t o forc e the m t o serv e continuousl y fo r th e duratio n o f th e war . Fleeing t o th e Ne w Hampshir e Grant s o r escapin g t o th e frontier , sol diers sough t t o evad e enlistment s tha t amounte d t o perpetua l servitude . It wa s als o a chec k o n th e abilit y o f th e stat e t o impres s th e service s o f those who desired t o limit thei r tim e i n the army . In th e end , th e soldier s struggle d t o find som e meanin g t o thei r lon g years of sacrifice . The y fel t tha t i f Congress coul d b e convinced tha t the y were owe d somethin g fo r thei r efforts , the n thei r servic e retaine d som e tangible value . Josep h Plum b Marti n sadl y observe d tha t "th e countr y was rigorou s i n exactin g m y complianc e t o m y engagement s t o a punc tilio, bu t equall y careles s i n performing he r contracts wit h me . . . . Suc h things ough t no t t o be. " "Th e laborer, " note d Martin , "i s worth y o f his meat." 120

Conclusion

T

oward th e end of the Revolution, Joseph Plum b Martin chanced upon th e arm y a s i t passe d a crossroads. H e state d tha t h e ha d never before ha d such an opportunity t o see the entire army as it marched. Wha t h e saw wa s "trul y amazing. " "There wa s Tag, Rag , an d Bobtail; som e i n rag s and som e i n jags , bu t non e i n velve t gowns. " Th e army's soldiery, Marti n insisted, "beggare d all description." He marvele d at th e grea t arra y o f dialect s an d language s spoke n b y th e equall y grea t variety o f soldier s a s they marche d by . "Ther e wa s the Iris h and Scotc h brogue, murdere d English , flat insipid Dutc h [German ] and some lingoes which woul d puzzl e a philosopher t o tel l whethe r the y belonge d t o thi s world or some undiscovered country." l This boo k ha s focuse d o n th e "undiscovere d country " tha t wa s th e Continental arm y itself , emphasizin g th e importanc e of the social origin s and cultura l diversit y o f th e me n wh o compose d it . Th e historiograph y of th e arm y i n th e Revolutionar y er a ha s itsel f suffere d fro m a lac k o f attention to social and cultural questions. Fortunately , a newer generation of historians has risen to challenge the older, frequentl y mythi c history of 1776 and finally to set things straight. 2 The America n fight fo r independenc e need s t o b e see n i n a broader, more international perspective . Afte r all, one rebellion "does not a revolution make." The me n and women who joined or were associated with the Continental arm y wer e par t of a larger group of fre e (an d unfree ) wage d (and unwaged ) laborer s wh o foun d themselve s i n servic e fo r a variety o f reasons. A s contemporar y observer s o f thi s grou p freel y pointe d out , "enthusiasm" for the cause usually ha d little to do with their participation 159

i6o • Conclusion in th e rebellion . B y lookin g a t th e longe r histor y o f th e struggle s an d resistance o f thes e working-clas s people , w e ca n begi n t o se e ho w th e American Revolutio n "wa s par t o f a broade r cycl e o f rebellio n i n th e eighteenth-century world. " B y considerin g th e Revolutio n a s jus t on e more rebellio n i n a serie s o f upheaval s i n th e eighteent h century , th e participation o f variou s racia l an d ethni c element s i s no w see n a s muc h more crucia l t o th e outcom e o f th e even t tha n ha s bee n previousl y sup posed.3 Army recruite r appeal s t o th e Iris h o r Germa n element s o f America n society wer e attempt s b y th e patrio t movemen t t o find commo n groun d with othe r represse d group s an d engende r a n internationa l sens e o f soli darity. Thoma s Paine , John Adams , an d Benjami n Frankli n al l realize d that b y alignin g th e America n caus e wit h othe r rebellion s o r discontent s outside th e Nort h America n theater , th e patrio t movemen t wa s give n greater legitimacy . I t serve d t o isolat e th e interest s o f th e crow n an d cas t it a s the singula r abuse r o f libert y agains t th e freedom-lovin g people s th e world over . But gettin g fro m a rebellion o f smal l propert y holder s t o a revolt wit h international implication s ca n b e a long an d windin g road . Th e first tas k of an y seriou s histor y o n th e Continenta l arm y mus t b e t o deconstruc t the myth s o f Lexingto n an d Concord . Thi s myt h lon g hel d tha t th e British aggressivel y attacke d America' s peace-lovin g colonists wh o in tur n had littl e choic e bu t t o abando n th e plow s i n thei r fields an d defen d themselves, thei r families , an d thei r nationa l honor . Al l freedom-lovin g Americans willingl y an d self-sacrificingl y abandone d thei r civi l pursuit s until th e glorious fight wa s won. 4 What w e hav e see n wa s tha t th e typica l Continenta l soldie r wa s no t the "yeoman " farme r o f legendar y yore . In reality , i t wa s thos e least strongly connecte d t o communitie s wh o wer e usuall y chose n a s long termed soldier s fo r distan t campaigns . Africa n Americans , ethni c minori ties, an d "fre e whit e me n on th e move" eventually forme d th e bul k of th e Continental army . Th e stat e militias , on th e other hand , usuall y retaine d those connected t o the community b y propert y an d economi c exigency. 5 By appealin g t o racia l an d ethni c group s an d lurin g th e "lowe r sorts " into long-terme d service , th e arm y experienc e o f th e soldier s serve d t o submerge forme r racia l an d ethni c identitie s an d forge d a ne w clas s consciousness fro m amon g thos e wh o ha d ha d littl e stak e i n th e societ y that recruite d the m fo r war . Th e wartim e experience s o f thes e group s created a sens e o f commonalit y amon g them . Moreover , thei r arm y ser -

Conclusion • 16 1 vice undermine d loca l loyaltie s an d create d a clas s o f highl y mobile , cosmopolitan-oriented laborers . A s w e sa w wit h soldier s recruite d i n Virginia, fe w remaine d i n th e sam e locale s tha t recruite d the m afte r th e war ha d ended . Graveyard s an d cemeterie s i n state s suc h a s Tennessee , Kentucky, Ohio , Illinois , Indiana , an d Michiga n ar e heavil y dotte d wit h the tombstone s o f Revolutionar y Wa r veteran s wh o lef t thei r famil y homesteads afte r th e wa r an d too k thei r chance s i n th e untame d land s west o f the Appalachians . Four overarchin g theme s emerg e an d hel p t o explain th e origins o f th e Continental army . Al l fou r o f thes e theme s wer e interconnecte d wit h each other an d serve d t o create, i n th e end, a different sor t o f soldier tha n that envisione d b y Congres s whe n i t first create d it s army . Firs t an d foremost i s the issu e of rac e and population . Fea r of slav e uprisings an d a desperate nee d fo r militar y manpowe r prove d t o b e a nearl y impossibl e conundrum fo r America n official s t o solve . Whil e th e Britis h coul d an d did offe r emancipatio n t o slaves wh o fle d thei r rebe l masters , th e patriot s could no t d o th e same . Thu s wha t emerge d wa s a disjointed polic y tha t offered som e Africa n American s freedo m fo r servic e bu t denie d other s the righ t t o enlist a t th e sam e time . Despit e th e restrictions , man y black s liberated themselve s an d serve d o r avoide d bot h warrin g partie s t o be come free . Creatin g a newer , large r clas s o f fre e me n a s a resul t o f thei r wartime service , o r jus t takin g advantag e o f th e turmoi l o f the times , fre e African American s becam e a permanent legac y o f th e wa r an d gav e hop e to other s stil l enslaved . Moreover , th e wa r need s t o b e viewe d no t onl y from th e whit e colonia l perspectiv e bu t mus t als o includ e th e exigencie s of th e variou s race s an d ethnicitie s wh o participated . Thu s muc h o f th e fighting wa s "triangular " an d sometime s "quadrangular, " wit h a numbe r of races—black , white , an d re d — vying fo r surviva l o r dominance . Never fo r a momen t di d th e revolutionarie s forge t tha t the y hel d i n bondage thousand s o f African America n me n an d wome n agains t thei r will. Resistanc e b y slave s wa s fa r mor e pervasiv e tha n ha s bee n pre viously supposed . Indeed , i f runnin g awa y ca n b e define d a s a for m o f resistance, the n slav e revolt s becam e pandemi c durin g th e Revolution . Although resistanc e b y slave s di d no t achiev e it s revolutionar y goals , "i t did exer t dee p pressur e o n th e slav e system. " Th e Revolutionar y Wa r became in many respect s fo r slave s "a black Declaratio n o f Independence " from th e whit e maste r class . Fightin g i n th e rank s o f bot h armies , blacks sought t o tak e advantag e o f an y opportunit y tha t woul d increas e thei r chances fo r freedom. 6

162 • Conclusion While th e wa r fo r man y Africa n American s mus t hav e appeare d t o have bee n a fortuitous event , i t wa s a series of calamities fo r th e Indians . Caught i n a "baron's revolt, " the Indian s sough t t o maintain thei r cultura l identity i n th e fac e o f overwhelmin g odds . Havin g muc h i n commo n with Iris h peasant s wh o resiste d th e Englis h fo r simila r reasons , the y defensively fough t agains t encroachment . Becaus e th e Englis h offere d them th e bes t opportunity , mos t o f th e tribe s fough t o n th e losin g side . The fe w wh o side d wit h th e American s (th e Stockbridg e an d Catawba ) had alread y bee n culturally engulfe d b y th e surging colonial tide . Havin g little choic e i n th e matte r i f the y wante d t o kee p thei r crucia l suppl y o f western good s coming , the y chos e th e patrio t side . Becaus e the y wer e outsiders i n th e first place , whit e racis m di d no t allo w the m t o shar e i n the final victory. 7 I n th e end , th e wa r o n th e frontie r devolve d int o a terroristic worl d o f brutality , wit h eac h sid e (whit e vs . red ) killin g an d butchering th e othe r unti l th e les s populou s Indian s wer e finally drive n off o r exterminated . Eve n th e egalitaria n Thoma s Jefferso n ha d littl e regard fo r th e Indian s an d ha d large r plan s fo r thei r lan d afte r th e war . Writing t o John Pag e soon after th e Cherokee bega n to attack encroachin g settlers, h e state d tha t "nothin g wil l reduc e thos e wretche s s o soo n a s pushing th e wa r int o th e hear t o f thei r country . Bu t I woul d no t sto p there. I would neve r ceas e pursuing the m whil e one of them remaine d o n this sid e o f th e Mississippi. " A clairvoyan t Jefferso n remarke d tha t "w e [shall] never cease pursuing the m wit h wa r unti l one remained o n th e fac e of the earth." 8 The y neve r did . The secon d them e revolve s aroun d ethnicity . Cloud s o f immigrant s had arrive d o n America' s shore s i n the years immediatel y befor e th e war . Most o f them , a s w e hav e seen , wer e respondin g t o large r socia l an d economic force s tha t wer e shakin g muc h o f thei r eighteenth-centur y world an d wer e occurrin g throughou t th e entir e Atlanti c community . "Racked-rents" or th e ravage s of the Sun-Kin g al l served t o drive throng s of emigrant s int o th e waitin g arm s o f America , bu t ofte n onl y afte r a temporary detou r int o th e worl d o f unfre e labor . Thes e peopl e "wer e redeployed" t o creat e a swellin g majorit y tha t depende d o n wage s fo r their livelihood . Trampin g abou t i n searc h o f chea p lan d o r work , the y represented a "seething " an d extraordinaril y mobil e labo r force . Indeed , the enlistmen t roster s o f th e Pennsylvania , Ne w Jersey , an d Marylan d troops bea r thi s hypothesi s out . Larg e majoritie s o f thei r troop s claime d other colonie s a s thei r birthplace . Moreover , th e presenc e o f thos e wh o claimed foreig n birthplace s seeme d t o predominat e i n th e middl e colo -

Conclusion • 16 3 nies.9 Servic e i n th e arm y gav e man y immigrant s (i f the y survived) , wh o had ha d sligh t tim e befor e th e wa r t o ear n thei r fortune , th e opportunit y to ge t som e land , perhap s a wif e (a s di d th e Hessia n prisoner s wh o married America n women) , an d gai n a broade r perspectiv e o n th e ric h possibilities o f lif e i n Americ a whe n compare d t o wha t the y ha d lef t i n Europe. Thi s experienc e create d a medium fo r th e eventual developmen t of nationalis m tha t occurre d i n th e decade s followin g th e war . Forme r Irish an d Germa n ethni c soldier s wer e i n the forefron t o f this movement . The thir d them e i s closely relate d t o a developing clas s consciousnes s among th e me n wh o serve d a s long-terme d soldiers . Th e Continenta l army recruit s wer e consciou s tha t the y wer e "freemen " an d "volunteers " and wen t t o grea t length s t o le t thei r officer s kno w tha t the y wer e such . Many wer e onl y a fe w step s awa y fro m th e experienc e o f unfre e labor ; others ha d bee n onl y recentl y liberate d fro m slaver y o r a n indentureship ; some ha d liberate d themselve s b y joinin g th e army , legall y o r illegally . These militar y workers—fre e an d unfree , mobile , an d o f man y nation s and ethnicities—wer e al l part o f the prewa r workin g class whose laborer s were th e mos t readil y availabl e t o recruiter s onc e th e Revolutionar y War go t unde r way . Whe n th e initia l enthusias m fo r th e wa r faded , opportunities fo r working-clas s me n lik e Joseph Plum b Marti n t o max imize thei r abilit y t o sel l thei r labo r becam e apparent . Martin , lik e man y others, "endeavore d t o ge t a s muc h fo r thei r skinfs ] a s the y could. " Thi s was no small feat , becaus e th e government aime d t o aggregate it s militar y labor suppl y fo r th e longes t tim e possibl e an d wa s loat h t o offe r shor t enlistment terms . Th e soldiers , nonetheless , sa w themselve s a s volun teers; a s suc h the y fel t tha t th e stat e owe d the m a traditional socia l wag e in additio n t o what ha d bee n agree d upo n a t enlistment. 10 Slowly, ove r time , th e enliste d me n becam e consciou s o f thei r statu s as soldiers . Soldier s recognize d an d defende d thei r customar y due s wit h a tenacit y tha t gre w a s th e wa r deepened . Th e ide a o f a socia l wag e o r "customary due " i s critica l t o understandin g th e consciousnes s o f th e common soldiers , especiall y afte r inflatio n an d depreciatio n robbe d the m of muc h o f th e tru e valu e o f thei r wages . Recen t scholarshi p ha s show n that rebellio n b y working-clas s me n an d wome n durin g th e eighteent h century usuall y wa s du e t o th e crow d bein g informe d b y a belie f tha t they wer e defendin g "customar y right s an d traditions " an d tha t thes e rights wer e recognize d generall y b y th e populatio n a t large . Th e Conti nental soldier s struggle d t o establis h thei r ow n "mora l economy " wit h their officers. In doing so, they create d a common occupationa l conscious -

164 • Conclusion ness tha t entaile d th e defens e o f thei r traditiona l due s an d rejectio n o f anything tha t limite d thei r abilit y t o remain fre e men . Soldier s wh o crie d "No Meat—N o Soldier " a t Valle y Forg e wer e expressin g mor e tha n their dissatisfactio n a t no t bein g fed . The y wer e defendin g thei r righ t t o be fed an d intimate d tha t the y woul d d o no work unti l the y were. 11 The fourt h them e emphasize d wa s pattern s o f protes t an d defianc e after th e government renege d o n it s side of the social bargai n betwee n th e soldiers an d th e state . A s w e hav e seen , th e pattern s o f rebellio n withi n the Continenta l rank s ar e exceptionall y complex . Mos t historian s hav e found i t comfortin g t o ascrib e th e mutin y an d disconten t i n th e rank s a s "rebellions o f th e belly. " A lac k o f foo d an d support , w e find, wa s onl y part o f th e protest-and-defianc e equation . Rebellion s withi n th e rank s were no t spasmodi c episodes , no r wa s thei r rowd y behavio r relate d t o their bein g " a mos t desperate , profligat e crew, " a s on e membe r o f Con gress characterize d th e army . Rather , rebellio n agains t authorit y wa s a long-established traditio n o f eighteenth-centur y group s suc h a s immi grants an d slaves . Th e action s o f pre-Revolutionar y crowd s hav e bee n well documented . Th e "mob " tha t attacke d th e Britis h soldier s a t th e "Boston massacre " was called " a motley rabbl e of saucy boys , negroes and mulattoes, Iris h teagues , an d ou t landis h Jac k Tarrs. " Sailors , servants , immigrants, an d blacks , not surprisingly , mad e up a large portion o f suc h eighteenth-century crowds . Connecte d b y lower-clas s socia l an d cultura l ties, thes e mobs wer e exceptionally militan t i n defense o f their customar y rights an d prerogatives . Th e 174 7 Knowle s Riot , fo r instance , foun d gangs o f "arme d seamen , servants , an d Negroe s riotin g agains t a pres s gang sen t ashor e i n Boston. " Sailors , servants , an d wage d worker s wer e among th e mos t radica l group s pressin g fo r independenc e i n th e year s leading u p t o th e war. 12 I t i s no t surprisin g tha t the y carrie d thei r revolutionary tendencie s wit h the m int o the ranks. Desertion, defiance , plundering , an d mutinie s wer e expression s o f soldiers defendin g wha t wa s du e the m i n retur n fo r thei r service . Whe n they mutinied , the y visibl y demonstrate d t o thei r officer s tha t a line ha d been crossed an d the y wer e determined t o set things right. A n analysi s of the grea t mutinie s o f th e Pennsylvani a an d Ne w Jerse y line s i s crucia l toward understandin g thi s process . Moreover , ther e wa s a strong connection betwee n thes e mutinie s an d numbe r o f "post-mutinies" that wracke d the arm y u p unti l i t wa s disbande d i n 1783 . I n fact , ther e wer e a t leas t fifteen majo r mutinie s o f larg e number s o f soldier s durin g th e cours e o f the war . Thei r collectivis m wa s a n ol d an d learned defensive mechanis m

Conclusion * 16 5 taught i n th e street s o f Boston , Philadelphia , an d Charleston . I t wa s a good defens e agains t reprisal s b y officer s a s well. Desertion, o n th e othe r hand , ca n b e deemed a n individua l expressio n of mutiny . Mos t Continenta l arm y unit s average d 2 0 t o 2 5 percen t o f their entir e complement s a s deserter s durin g th e cours e o f th e war . Desertion serve d t o "disaggregat e th e labor " o f soldier s a s thei r officer s sought way s t o keep them i n the ranks agains t thei r will . Desertio n ebbe d and flowe d wit h th e amoun t o f repressio n used b y officer s t o suppress it . It wa s n o coincidenc e tha t th e tw o greates t year s o f desertio n (177 6 an d 1781) also occurred whe n th e army underwen t majo r reorganization . Th e evidence show s tha t th e use of the lash, firing squad , an d gibbe t increase d as soldier s sough t way s t o avoi d continue d servic e o r a s the y wer e re acting t o becomin g "unfre e labor " du e t o th e failur e o f th e stat e t o pa y them thei r wages. 13 In th e final analysis , on e i s struc k b y th e "interconnections " o f th e participants i n th e America n Revolutio n an d th e cosmopolita n natur e o f the Revolutionar y struggle . Th e wartim e experience of the soldiers serve d to create a shared o r clas s experienc e fo r man y wh o shouldere d a muske t in th e caus e o f liberty . Individua l me n wh o joine d th e arm y i n 177 6 fo r the twenty-dolla r bount y referre d t o eac h othe r a s "brothe r soldiers " b y the 178 1 Januar y mutinies . Bandin g togethe r fo r self-defens e agains t capricious injustic e wa s th e them e o f th e 174 7 Knowle s Rio t a s wel l a s the 178 1 mutiny o f the Pennsylvani a Line. 14 The soldier s wh o revolte d ove r thei r wage s o r chafe d a t bein g kep t i n service beyon d thei r enlistmen t term s di d no t suddenl y reac h a n epiph any ove r thei r situatio n i n th e army . Resistanc e t o unjus t authorit y ha d its foundatio n i n th e cycle s o f rebellio n o f th e eighteent h century . Thes e connections informe d th e soldier s o f their customar y right s an d wha t wa s or wa s not wort h riskin g b y resistin g authority. Thu s clas s consciousness, race, ethnicity , an d commonalit y o f experienc e serve d t o carr y o n th e anti-authoritarian heritag e o f th e Knglis h Revolutio n o f th e 1640s . Th e wartime experienc e o f th e soldier s reinforce d thi s traditio n an d wa s late r expressed i n simila r way s b y forme r soldier s wh o participate d i n Shay' s Rebellion an d th e Whiske y Rebellio n year s afte r th e war. 15

Notes

Notes to the Preface i. John Adam s quoted i n John Ferling, "O h That I Was a Soldier: John Adam s and the Anguish of War," American Quarterly (Summer 1984) : 258-75. 2. Charle s Le e to James Bowdoin , 3 0 November 1776 , Stricture s on a Pamphlet (Philadelphia, 1774) , i n "Charle s Le e Papers, " New York Historical Society Collection (Ne w York , 1878), 5 , 3 2 3 - 2 4 .

3. Lawrenc e Delber t Cress , Citizens in Arms: The Army and the Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982) , 7 ; James Kirb y Martin, In the Course of Human Events: An Interpretive Exploration of the American Revolution (Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1979) , 132-34 ; an d Jame s Kirb y Marti n an d Mark E . Lender , A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic (Arlington Heights , 111.: Harlan Davidson , 1982) , 3-6 . 4. John Ferling , "O h That I Was a Soldier," 258. An example of modern commentator s erroneously skewin g the true composition of the army is found i n Merrill Jensen's statement that "mos t o f th e soldier s wer e fre e men : farmer s an d thei r son s an d th e independen t mechanics an d artisan s o f th e towns. " See Merril l Jensen, The New Nation: A History of the United States during the Confederation, 1781-1789 (Ne w York : Knopf , 1950) , 32-33 . Charle s Royster, i n A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character y 1 775~1783 (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1979) , eve n use d biblica l terms—"the Arm y of Israel"—to characterize the Continental army as one with an elevated sense o f motivatio n an d composition . Fo r a n excellen t criticis m o f Revolutionar y Wa r historians perpetuatin g th e myt h of the "yeoman farmer"-turned-soldier , se e Mark Lender , "The Enliste d Line " (Ph.D . diss. , Rutger s University , 1975) , Introduction ; Marti n an d Lender, A Respectable Army, 1-29 . 5. Joh n Shy , " A Ne w Loo k a t Colonia l Militia, " i n The Military in America: From the Colonial Era to the Present, ed . Pete r Karsten (New York : Free Press, 1986) , 32. 6. John Shy , A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence (Ann Arbor: University o f Michigan Press , 1990) , 23. 7. Marti n and Lender , A Respectable Army, 6-8 . 167

168 • Notes to the Prologue 8. Alexande r Hamilto n t o John Jay, 1 4 March 1779 , The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, ed. Harol d C . Syret t (Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1961-66) , 2:1719 ; Willia m G. Simms , ed. , The Army Correspondence of JohniMurens (New York : Bradfor d Club , 1867) , 108-9, »>4-«8 ; Journals of the Continental Congress, hereafte r JCC, vol . 2 , 2 8 July 1775 ; vol. 5,17 June 1776 ; Archives of Maryland, Muster Rolls and Other Records of the Service of Maryland Troops in the American Revolution, vol. 1 8 (Annapolis : Marylan d Hal l o f Records) , 563 — 65; Staatesbote, 1 August 1775 , pamphle t collection s o f th e Pennsylvania-Germa n Society , Philadelphia, 34 ; George Washington t o the Presiden t of Congress, 1 9 April 1776 , i n Papers of the Continental Congress, hereafte r PCC, ree l 186 , item 169 , 1:291-96 ; Rhode Island Archives: Records of the State of Rhode Island, December lyyy-October iyyp, 10:41 ; a n ^ "Journa l o f th e Second Counci l o f Safety, " Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 3:253 .

Notes to the Prologue 1. Voltaire , Candide, ed. Joh n But t (Ne w York : Pengui n Books , translate d fro m th e original Frenc h edition , 1758 ; reprint , 1947) , 22-2 4 (pag e reference s ar e t o th e reprin t edition). Voltair e chos e a s th e settin g fo r hi s satirica l classi c th e Germa n principalit y of Westphalia . 2. Ibid. , 22-24 ; l^ ave R - Palmer , The Way of the Fox: American Strategy in the War for America, iyys-iy$3 (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1975) , 18 . Afte r partiall y com pleting hi s punishmen t fo r desertion , ever y nerv e an d muscl e i n Candide' s bac k ha d bee n laid bare . Rathe r tha n complet e th e punishment , h e begge d t o b e beheade d instead . Al though Voltair e exaggerate d th e penalt y give n Candide , h e nonetheles s demonstrate d fo r his readin g publi c th e capriciousnes s o f militar y justic e an d th e brutalit y o f eighteenth century arm y life . 3. Alexande r Hamilto n t o John Jay, 1 4 March 1779 , i n Papers of Alexander Hamilton, ed. Howard Syret t (Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1961) , 2:17-18 . 4. Christophe r Donnelly , Red Banner: The Soviet Military System in Peace and War (Alexandria, Va. : Jane' s Publishing , 1988) , 41 . Fo r a discussio n o f th e contractua l natur e o f soldiering i n America , se e Fre d Anderson , A People's Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years War (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press) , 1984 . 5. Arthu r J . Alexander , "Ho w Marylan d Trie d t o Rais e He r Continenta l Quotas, " Maryland Historical Magazine (1947) : 185-86 ; [Counci l t o Delegate s a t Congress] , 2 2 Ma y 1778, Archives of Maryland, 21:107-8 ; an d Arche r Jones , The Art of War in the Western World (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1987) , 200-201 . Fo r examples of congressional attempts t o extend indefinitel y th e ter m o f servic e fo r it s soldiers , se e John C . Fitzpatrick , ed., The Writings of Washington (Washington, D.C. : Government Printin g Office, 1931-44) , 6:152—56, 186-90 , 200-201 ; and JCC, 5:854-56 . 6. Johan n Davi d Schoeph , Travels in the Confederation, lyfij-iyfy, I , trans , an d ed . Alfred J . Morriso n (Philadelphia , 1911) , 30 ; Advertisement, Pennsylvania Journal, 17 Apri l 1776. 7. Thoma s Paine , Common Sense (originally publishe d 1776 ; reprint, Ne w York : Ancho r Books, 1973) , 2 °> and John Adams , Works, 5:491-96 . A n excellen t treatmen t o n th e ethni c diversity o f colonia l Americ a i s foun d i n Winthro p Jordan's White Over Black (Chapel Hill : University o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1968) , 336-39 . 8. Fo r a mor e detaile d explanatio n o f th e large r cycle s o f rebellio n goin g o n i n th e Atlantic communit y durin g th e eighteent h century , se e Marcu s Rediker , "Th e America n Revolution an d th e Cycle s o f Rebellio n i n th e Eighteenth-Centur y Atlantic, " pape r deliv ered at the Unite d State s Capitol Historica l Societ y meeting , 15-1 6 Marc h 1989 ; and "The

Notes to the Prologue • 16 9 Transforming Han d o f Revolution : Reconsiderin g th e America n Revolutio n a s a Socia l Movement," 1-2 . 9. Bernar d Bailvn , Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1986) , 4-5 , chap . 5 ; T . H . Breen , "Creativ e Adaptations: People s an d Cultures, " i n Colonial British America: Essays of the New History of the Early Modern Era, ed. Jack P . Green e an d J. R . Pol e (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Univer sity Press , 1984) , 195-232 ; an d Thoma s J . Archdeacon , Becoming American: An Ethnic History (New York : Fre e Press , 1983) , 1-26 . 10. Han s Delbruck , History of the Art of War within the Framework of Political History, trans. Walte r J . Renfroe , Jr . (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1985) , 4:43 ; Geoffre y Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567-1659: The Logistics of Spanish Victory and Defeat in the Low Countries' Wars (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1972) , 173 ; and Arche r Jones, 1he Art of War in the Western World, 200-201. 1 1 . Joseph Galloway , deposition , i n Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America, ed. Benjami n F . Stevens , 2 5 vols . (1889-98) , no . 2094 ; JCC 4:392 ; Rober t K . Wright, The Continental Army (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Arm y Cente r o f Militar y History , 1986), 81-82 ; Georg e F . Schee r an d Hug h Rankin , eds. , Rebels and Redcoats: The American Revolution through the Eyes of Those Who Fought and Lived It (Ne w York : D a Cap o Press , 1957). 88. 12. Joh n Shy , " A Ne w I,oo k a t Colonia l Militia, " William and Mary Quarterly (April 1963): 182 . Fre d Anderso n argue s tha t eighteenth-centur y soldier s viewe d militar y servic e as a fre e an d voluntar y act , a contrac t betwee n equa l parties , i n whic h eac h sid e ha d obligations t o fulfill . Resistanc e b y soldier s t o lo w pa y o r n o pay , inadequat e rations , o r nonfulfillment o f contractua l enlistmen t obligation s ha d it s basi s i n thi s belief , not , a s some hav e supposed , i n a reactio n t o European-styl e arm y disciplin e b y freedom-lovin g Americans. Se e Fre d Anderson , "Wh y Di d Colonia l Ne w Englander s Mak e Ba d Soldiers?" in Military in America, ed . Karsten , 36-52 . E . P . Thompso n argued in "The Moral Econom y of th e Crow d i n th e Eighteent h Century, " Past and Present 5 0 (1971): 76-136 , tha t popula r discontent wa s no t alway s simpl y "rebellion s o f the belly. " Thompson though t tha t partici pants of riot s and crowd action s wer e often informe d b y the belief that they wer e defendin g traditional right s o r custom s tha t wer e supporte d b y a wide consensu s o f th e community . The same might b e said of the resistance of Continental soldier s to authority. 13. Marcu s Cunliffe , Soldiers and Civilians: The Martial Spirit in America, 1775-1865, 2d ed. (Boston : Little , Brow n an d Co. , 1968) , 147-49 ; an d Marti n an d Lender , A Respectable Army, 45 . 14. Marti n and Lender , A Respectable Army, 163-64 . Soldier s wer e customarily du e a set ration, a sui t o f clothes , an d thei r enlistment s ha d a predetermine d beginnin g an d end . Congress o n a numbe r o f occasion s faile d t o provid e al l three . Moreover , th e civilia n community seeme d t o recogniz e thes e customar y right s a s well . Whe n th e Pennsylvanian s revolted fo r th e final time i n 178 3 an d swarme d abou t Independenc e Hall , fe w militiame n responded t o th e cal l t o quel l th e revolt . Se e J.J. Boudinot , ed. , The Life, Public Services, Addresses, and Letters of Elias Boudinot (Ne w York : Houghton , Mifflin , an d Co. , 1896) , 334 37; and PCC, ree l 45, item s 38 , 49, 73. 15. Joseph Plum b Martin , Private Yankee Doodle: Being a Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers, and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, ed . Georg e F . Schee r (Boston : Little , Brown an d Co., 1962) , 186 .

170 • Notes to Chapter One CHAPTER ON

E Few

Had the Appearance of Soldiers

1. Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of "His Own Time" with Reminiscences of the Men and Events of the Revolution (Philadelphia, 1846) , 135 . 2. Ibid. , 135-36 . 3. Ibid. , 134 ; and Loui s Duportail , undate d lette r quoted i n Erns t Kipping , The Hessian View of America, 1763-1783, trans. B . A . Uhlendor f (Monmout h Beach , N.J. : Phili p Fre neau Press, 1971) , 34—35. 4. Fre d Anderson , " A People' s Army : Provincia l Militar y Servic e i n Massachusett s during th e Seve n Year s War, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser . (1983) : 499 ; Alle n Bowman, The Morale of the American Revolutionary Army (Washington , D.C. : America n Council o n Publi c Affairs , 1943) , ! 4i Noa h Brooks , Henry Knox, A Soldier of the Revolution (1900), 70 ; and Charles J. Stille , Major-General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the Continental Army (1893) , 44 . Tenc h Tilghman , aide-de-cam p t o Georg e Washington , la mented tha t th e soldier s fro m Ne w Yor k Cit y wer e "mostl y ol d disbande d Regular s an d low live d foreigners. " Se e Samue l A . Harrison , ed. , Memoir of Lieutenant Colonel Tench Tilghman (1876) , 97 ; and Benedic t Arnol d quote d i n John Willia m Kruger , "Troo p Lif e a t the Champlain Valle y Fores t durin g th e America n Revolution " (Ph.D. diss. , Stat e Univer sity o f Ne w Yor k at Albany, 1981) , 172 . 5. Carlo s E. Godfrey , The Commander-in-Chief s Guard: The Revolutionary War (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishin g Co., 1972) , 42; Joseph Galloway , deposition , i n Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America, ed . Benjami n F . Stevens , 2 5 vols. (1889-98) , no. 2094 ; Carl Berger , Broadsides and Bayonets: The Propaganda War of the Revolution (Philadelphia: Universit y o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1961) , 123 ; The Papers of George Washington, ed . W. W . Abbo t (Charlottesville : Universit y Pres s o f Virginia , 1985-94) , 1:71 ; Writings of Washington, ed . Fitzpatrick , 8:56 , 78 , 264 , 21:401 . The mor e comprehensive Papers are only complete t o Augus t 1776 . Therefore , th e Washingto n letter s edited b y John C . Fitzpatric k were use d fo r al l date s precedin g th e mos t recentl y publishe d volum e o f th e Washingto n papers. Se e als o Journals of the Continental Congress (hereafte r JCQ (Washington , D.C. : Government Printin g Office) , 10:203 , n - ' » Archives of Maryland, 47:196 ; William L . Saun ders, ed. , North Carolina Records, 2 6 vols. (1886-1905), 24:33 , 158 , 268 ; George Washington, The Washington Papers, ed . Sau l K . Padove r (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1955) , 162 ; Nathanael Green e t o Thoma s Jefferson , 1 5 Februar y 1781 , i n Greene Papers, William L . Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich. ; an d Green e t o Joseph Reed , 4 Ma y 1781 , Greene Papers. 6. Lawrenc e D . Cress , The Citizen in Arms: The Army and the Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982) , 7 , 53 ; Pete r Karsten, ed. , The Military in America: From the Colonial Era to the Present (Ne w York : Fre e Press, 1986) , 1 ; and John Shy , " A New Loo k at Colonial Militia, " 181. 7. Saunders , Colonial Records of North Carolina, 3:113 ; Douglas E . Leach , "Th e Cartagena Expedition, 1740-1742 , an d Anglo-America n Relations, " in Adapting to Conditions: War and Society in the Eighteenth Century, ed . Maarte n Ulte e (University : Universit y o f Alabam a Press, 1986) , 43-55 ; Alber t Harkness , Jr. , "Americanis m an d Jenkin' s Ear, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 37 (1950): 88-89; a n d E - Milton Wheeler , "Developmen t an d Organization of the North Carolina Militia," North Carolina Historical Review (Summer 1964) : 311. 8. Saunders , " A Shor t Discours e o f th e Presen t Stat e o f th e Colonie s with Respec t t o the Interes t o f Grea t Britain, " Colonial Records of North Carolina, 2:632-33; an d Wheeler , "North Carolina Militia, " 311-12. 9. Willia m Clark , ed. , State Records of North Carolina, 23:245, 25:393 ; Saunders, Colonial Records of North Carolina, 6:119-2 2 1; and Wheeler, "Nort h Carolin a Militia," 315.

Notes to Chapter One * 17 1 10. Governo r Alexande r Spotswoo d t o the Boar d of Trad e (1716), quote d i n John Shy , 'A Ne w Loo k a t Colonia l Militia, " i8on.i8 . Fo r a histor y o f severa l compulsor y an d voluntary militi a organizations , se e Timoth y H . Breen , "Englis h Origin s an d Ne w Worl d Development: Th e Cas e of the Covenanted Militi a i n Seventeenth Centur y Massachusetts, " Past and Present (1972): 75-96. 11. Walte r Clark , ed. , State Records of North Carolina, 26 vols . (Winston-Salem , N.C. , 1895-1914), 23:940-41 ; and Karsten , Military in America, 53. Surprisingly , forme r militar y officers wit h th e ran k of captain or above were also exempted fro m militi a servic e unde r the 1774 law , whic h add s weigh t t o th e argumen t tha t militi a organization s ha d change d ove r the years. 12. Benjami n B . Wilborne , The Colonial and State Political History of Hertford County, North Carolina (Murfreesboro, N.C. : privatel y printed , 1906) , 36-37 ; and Wheeler , "Nort h Carolina Militia, " 317. 13. John Shv , " A Ne w I^ k at Colonial Militia, " 181-82 ; and James Kirb y Marti n and Mark Lender , A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, IJ6$-IJ8() (Arlingto n Heights, 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982) , 17 . Marti n an d Lende r als o note d tha t militia s ha d developed " a recor d o f sort s [for ] trackin g dow n recalcitran t slaves , wipin g ou t discret e Indian bands , an d entertaining " th e loca l populac e wit h fanc y drill s an d ceremonie s an d were no t know n a s war fighters. Ibid. , 17 . 14. Colonial Laws of New York from the Year 1664 to the Revolution (Albany , 1894-96) , 1:454; and John Shy , " A Ne w Loo k at Colonial Militia, " 182^19 . 15. Georg e Washingto n t o Governo r Dinwiddie , 9 Marc h 1754 , The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, ed. R . A . Broc k (Richmond , 1883-84) , 1:92 ; Major Genera l James Aber cromby t o Lor d I^oudoun , 2 5 Februar y 1758 , i n Ijoudoun Papers, no. 5668 , Henr y E . Huntington Library , Sa n Marino, Calif.; and John Shy , " A New I^oo k at Colonial Militia, " 34nn.3, 4 . Draftin g me n fo r campaign s wa s als o see n a s a n impoliti c step . Durin g th e Revolution, bot h Thoma s Jefferson an d John Adam s oppose d suc h a measure a s extraordinarily dangerou s an d expensiv e fo r loca l communities . Se e Thoma s Jefferso n t o Joh n Adams, 6 Ma y 1777 , an d Adam s t o Jefferson, 2 6 Ma y 1777 , i n The Adams-]efferson letters: The Complete Correspondence between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John Adams (Chapel Hill : University o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1959) , 1:4-5 . 16. Walte r Millis, Arms and Men: A Study in American Military History (New York , 1956) , 13-15; and Marti n and Lender , A Respectable Army, 13 . 17. Sylvi a R . Frey , "Th e Commo n Britis h Soldie r i n th e Lat e Eighteent h Century : A Profile," Societas: A Review of Social History 5 (1975): 126 ; Sylvia R . Frey , The British Soldier in America: A Social History of Military Life in the Revolutionary Period (Austin: Universit y o f Texas Press , 1981) , 3-21 ; and Martin and Lender , A Respectable Army, 13 . 18. John Shy , A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence, rev . ed . (Ann Arbor: University o f Michigan Press , 1990) , 122-25 . F° r furthe r insight int o th e populatio n growt h phenomeno n o f th e eighteent h century , se e J. Potter , "The Growt h o f Populatio n i n America , 1700-1860, " i n Population in History, ed. D . V . Glass an d D . E . C . Eversle y (London : E . Arnold , 1965) , passim . Fo r a contemporar y observation, se e Benjami n Franklin , "Observation s Concernin g th e Increas e o f Mankind " (1751), i n The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonar d W . Larabe e an d Willia m B . Willco x (New Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1959) , 4:255ff ; an d Kennet h A . Lockridge , "Social Chang e an d th e Meanin g o f th e America n Revolution, " Journal of Social History 6 (1973): 406-9. 19. Charle s S . Grant , Democracy in the Connecticut Frontier Town of Kent (New York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1961) , 170 . Numerou s Ne w Englan d tow n studie s revea l th e same findings. Populatio n an d decrease d lan d availabilit y couple d with a lack o f desir e b y

172 • Notes to Chapter One succeeding generation s t o migrat e caused standard s o f livin g t o drop. Moreover , historian s Charles Gran t an d Kennet h Lockridg e note d tha t th e decreas e i n lan d availabilit y an d increase of population le d t o the creation of a sort of agricultura l "proletariat " by 1800 . Se e Kenneth Lockridge , "Land , Population , an d th e Evolutio n of Ne w Englan d Societ y 1630 1790," Past and Present (Apri l 1968) : 62-80 . Lockridg e note d tha t i n seventeenth-centur y New England , th e averag e lan d holdin g wa s 21 0 acre s i n grant s an d purchase s durin g a lifetime. B y th e eighteenth century , i n almost ever y olde r Ne w Englan d town , th e average holding wa s les s tha n 5 0 acre s (generall y hel d a s th e minimu m acreag e necessar y fo r a farmer t o survive) . I n th e tow n o f Waterton , th e averag e holdin g wa s jus t 1 7 acres , one seventh of what i t had been i n the seventeenth century. Se e Kennet h Lockridge , "Dedham , 1636-1736: Th e Anatom y o f a Puritan Utopia " (Ph.D. diss. , Princeto n University , 1965) ; and James Henretta , "Th e Socia l Structur e o f Boston , William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser. (1965): 75-92. 20. "Amicu s Patriae " [Joh n Wise?] , " A Wor d o f Comfor t t o a Melanchol y Country " (Boston, 1721) , i n Colonial Currency Reprints, ed. A . M . Davi s (Boston : John Wilso n an d Son, 1911) , 2:189 ; and Lockridge , "Land , Population , an d th e Evolutio n o f Ne w Englan d Society, 1630-1790, " 71 . I n Cheste r County , Pennsylvania , Jame s T . Lemo n an d Gar y Nash reveale d a growing ga p betwee n ric h an d poo r b y th e tim e o f th e Revolution . Se e Lemon an d Nash , "Th e Distributio n o f Wealt h i n th e Eighteent h Centur y America : A Century of Changes in Chester County, Pennsylvania," Journal of Social History (Fall 1968): 3-23. 21. Phili p J . Greven , Jr. , Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1970) , 227-54 ; John J. Waters , "Patrimony, Succession , and Social Stability : Guilford, Connecticut , i n the Eighteenth Century, " Perspectives in American History (1976): 10:156 ; John J. Waters , "Family , Inheritance, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser. , 3 9 (1982) : 78-85 ; an d Fre d Anderson , A People's Army (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1984) , 33-38 . 22. Bernar d Bailyn , Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York : Vintag e Books , 1986) , 25-26 . Als o see Peter Brunnholtz' s Reports of the United German Evangelical Lutheran Congregations in North America (1750 ) an d Howar d B. Furer , ed. , The Germans in America, 1607-19-70: A Chronology and Fact Book (Dobbs Ferry , N.Y.: Ocean a Publishers , 1973) . 23. Bailyn , Voyagers to the West, 26. 24. Bill y G . Smith , The Lower Sort: Philadelphia's Laboring People, 1750-1800 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornel l Universit y Press , 1090) , 26 ; an d Applicatio n fo r Revolutionar y Wa r Pen sions, Si2602 , Nationa l Archives . 25. Smith , The Lower Sort, 150-52 ; an d Petition s fo r Revolutionar y Wa r Pensions , W15877, Nationa l Archives . 26. Muste r Rolls , Nint h Massachusett s Regiment , Willia m Watso n Papers ; Fourt h Massachusetts Regiment , Henr y Jackso n Papers , Manuscript s Division , Librar y o f Con gress, Washington , D.C. ; Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington, D.C. , i960) , 11 ; and John R . Sellers , "Th e Origin s an d Careers of th e Ne w England Soldier : Non-commissioned Officer s an d Privates in the Massachusetts Continenta l Line," Paper delivered a t the American Historica l Associatio n Convention , 1972 . 27. Muste r Rolls , Fourt h Massachusett s Regiment , Manuscrip t Division , Librar y o f Congress; Orderly Books , Secon d Massachusett s Regiment , Manuscrip t Division , Librar y of Congress; and Sellers , "Origin s and Careers of the New Englan d Soldier, " 7. 28. Pensio n Record s o f Stephe n Bowe n an d Bristo l Bennett , Nationa l Archives , Wash ington, D.C. ; and Sellers , "Origin s and Careers of the Ne w Englan d Soldier, " 12-14 . 29. John Shy , A People Numerous and Armed, 171-72; and Jonathan Smith , Peterborough,

Notes to Chapter One • 17 3 New Hampshire, in the American Revolution (Peterborough , N.H. : Peterl>oroug h Historica l Society, 1913) , 165-395 . 30. Smith , Peterborough, New Hampshire, 149; an d idem , "Ho w Massachusett s Raise d Her Troop s i n th e Revolution, " Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Boston , 1921-22), 3 6 5 - 6 6 .

31. Smith , Peterborough, New Hampshire, 149-50 . 32. Smith , Peterborough, New Hampshire, 165-33 7 passim . Smit h researche d th e servic e records o f a s man y o f th e me n wh o wer e credite d t o th e tow n o f Peterboroug h tha t coul d be locate d i n th e town' s historica l record . H e wa s surprise d b y th e larg e numbe r o f individuals wh o lef t absolutel y n o trace of their existence afte r the y ende d thei r service. H e also noted th e large number of enlisted me n wh o wer e not fro m th e town bu t were credited to Peterborough anyway . 33. Rober t A . Gross , The Minutemen and Their World (New York : Hil l an d Wang, 1976) , 148-53. Befor e th e wa r i t wa s customar y fo r th e tow n constable s t o "warn out" transient s or pauper s s o tha t th e tow n woul d no t hav e t o suppor t the m publicly . Ezekia l Brow n an d his entir e famil y wer e habituall y "warne d out " o f tow n unti l h e ende d u p i n th e army . Another citizen , Reube n Brown, turne d ou t fo r th e fight a t Concor d bu t neve r serve d thereafter. Hirin g a serie s o f substitute s afte r bein g drafte d b y th e tow n severa l times , Brown (wh o ha d bee n warne d ou t o f Concor d i n 1770 ) ende d u p i n 178 0 a s on e o f th e town's mos t activ e creditors . Ibid. , 89-91 , 149 ; and Dougla s Lama r Jones, "Th e Strollin g Poor: Transienc y i n Eighteenth-Centur y Massachusetts, " Journal of Social History (Spring 1975): 28-54 . 34. Dougla s Lama r Jones, Village and Seaport: Migration and Society in Eighteenth Century Massachusetts (Boston: Universit y o f New Englan d Press , 1981) , 51-52 . 35. Kxuger , "Troo p Lif e a t th e Champlai n Valle y Fores t durin g th e America n Revolu tion," 58. 36. Mar k Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line : The Continenta l Soldier s of Ne w Jersey " (Ph.D. diss., Rutger s University , 1975) , ' '8-23. Fo r an analysis of the northern states , se e Jackson Turner Main , The Social Structure of Revolutionary America (Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Uni versity Press , 1965) , chap. 1 . 37. Denni s P . Ryan , "Landholding , Opportunity , an d Mobilit y i n Revolutionar y Ne w Jersey," William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser. , 3 6 (1979): 575-76 ; an d Denni s P . Ryan , "Si x Towns: Continuit y an d Chang e i n Revolutionar y Ne w Jersey , 1770-1792 " (Ph.D . diss. , New Yor k University , 1974) , 317-22 . 38. Mar k Lender , "Th e Socia l Structur e o f th e Ne w Jersey Brigade, " in The Military in America: From the Colonial Era to the Present, ed . Pete r Karsten (New York : Free Press, 1986) , 67-70; an d Mar k Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line : Th e Continenta l Soldier s o f Ne w Jersey, " 111-23.

39. Elliot' s Recruitin g Journal, 98 ; Role of th e Me n of the Secon d Battalio n . . . May 1 , 1778, Ne w Jerse y Departmen t o f Defens e Manuscripts , Ne w Jerse y Stat e Library , Tren ton, N.J. , MS S 3587-3706 ; Lender , quote d i n "The Enliste d Line, " n 2- 1 3; Ryan, "Landholding, Opportunity , an d Mobility i n Revolutionar y Ne w Jersey," 574-89. 40. Lender , "Th e Socia l Structur e of the New Jersey Brigade, " 73, 75. 41. Josep h Rundel , o f Ne w Fairfield , Connecticut , enliste d i n th e arm y whe n h e wa s sixteen. Afte r hi s secon d da y i n camp , Genera l Israe l Putnam , notin g th e youthfulnes s o f the boy-soldier , too k hi m o n a s hi s persona l waiter . Thi s late r prove d unfortunat e fo r Rundel, fo r despit e havin g serve d tim e a s a prisone r o f war , h e wa s denie d a pensio n i n 1832 becaus e h e serve d a s a waiter, no t a s a regular soldier . Depositio n o f Joseph Rundel , The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence, ed . John C . Dan n (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1980) , 65.

174 * Notes to Chapter One 42. John B . B . Trussell, Jr., The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and Operation, 1776-1783 (Harrisburg : Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , 1977) , 2 44~4543. Trussell , The Pennsylvania Line, 249-51 . Th e recruitmen t o f the foreig n bor n wil l be discussed i n later chapters . 44. Ibid. , 253-55 . 45. Ibid. , 256 . 46. Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line, " 113 ; Bernard Steine r e t al. , eds. , Archives of Maryland, vol. 18 , Muster Rolls and Other Records of Service of Maryland Troops in the American Revolution: 1775-1783 (Baltimore, 1900) , 517 ; Delaware Archives, Military (Wilmington , 1911) , 1:517 ; and Edwar d C . Papenfus e an d Gregor y A . Stiverson , "Genera l Smal l wood's Recruits : Th e Peacetime Caree r o f th e Revolutionar y Wa r Private, " William and Mary Quarterly 30 (1973): 117-32. Familie s wit h les s tha n £10 0 propert y wer e considere d poo r accordin g t o Aubre y C. Land , "Economi c Bas e an d Socia l Structure : Th e Norther n Chesapeak e i n th e Eigh teenth Century, " Journal of Economic History 25 (1965): 642. 47. Papenfus e an d Stiverson , "Genera l Smallwood' s Recruits, " 120-25 ; Record o f Con victs, 1771-75 , Hal l o f Records , Annapolis , Md. ; entr y fo r Nov . 1781 , chap. 27 , "A n Ac t to Rais e Recruits, " i n The Laws of Maryland, ed . Willia m Kilty , vol . 1 (Annapolis, Md. , 1799); an d Instruction s t o Genera l Willia m Smallwood , Smallwoo d Papers , Vertica l File , Maryland Historica l Society . Th e ter m "America " liste d b y man y soldier s sound s suspi cious. Mos t likely , deserter s fro m Britis h force s migh t clai m suc h a birthplac e t o mislea d authorities seekin g their return . 48. Muste r Roll s of Marylan d Troop s i n the Revolution , 1775-83 , Archives of Maryland, vol. 1 8 (Baltimore: Maryland Historica l Society , 1972) , 36-37 , 54-57 , 338-39 . 49. Ibid. , 563-65 . 50. Smallwoo d t o Georg e Washington , 3 0 July 1782 , i n The Maryland Line, ed . Balch , 188-89; Smallwoo d t o Nathanae l Greene , 2 3 Septembe r 1782 , Smallwoo d Papers , Mary land Historica l Society ; an d Papenfus e an d Stiverson , "Genera l Smallwood' s Recruits, " 123-26. 51. Votes and Proceedings of the House of Delegates, Marc h Session , 1778 , chap. 5 , sees. 6-7 ; ibid., Jun e Session , 1780 ; an d Arthu r J . Alexander , "Ho w Marylan d Trie d t o Rais e He r Continental Quotas, " Maryland Historical Magazine (1947), 185-86 . Th e stat e o f Marylan d used it s vagranc y la w liberally . Som e person s wer e adjudge d t o b e vagrants , eve n thoug h they wer e no t accordin g t o th e lette r o f th e law , i n orde r t o forc e the m int o th e army . Se e [Council t o Delegate s a t Congress], 2 2 May 1778 , Archives of Maryland, vol. 21 , 107-8. 52. Leve n Powel l t o Sara h Powell , Decembe r 31 , 1776 , Leve n Powel l Papers , Swe m Memorial Library , Colleg e o f Willia m an d Mary ; Proceedings of the Convention of Delegates for the Counties and Corporations in the Colony of Virginia, Held at Richmond Town, in the County of Henrico, July 17, 177$; an d Joh n R . Sellers , "Th e Virgini a Continenta l Line , 1775-178° " (Ph.D. diss. , Tulan e University , 1968) , 50-54 . 53. John R . Sellers , "Th e Commo n Soldie r i n th e America n Revolution, " i n Proceedings of the 6th Military History Symposium, U.S. Air Force Academy (1976), ed. Stanle y J. Underdal , 155. Seller' s research als o calls into question statement s abou t th e professional qualit y of the Revolutionary army . Traditiona l militar y historian s have commonly assume d tha t the army, with experienc e an d training , graduall y go t bette r battlefiel d result s a s the wa r progressed . Seller's evidenc e suggest s tha t th e me n i n servic e durin g th e las t five year s o f th e wa r never experience d Valle y Forg e o r an y othe r o f th e trainin g improvement s implemente d by Washington . 54. Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 10:54-56, 332 ; Washington Papers , Librar y o f Congress, "Retur n o f thos e noncommissione d Officer s an d private s i n th e Virgini a Line , whose Term s o f Servic e hav e Expired, " 2 8 Februar y 1777 ; an d Sellers , "Th e Commo n Soldier," 158 .

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 5 55. Sellers , "Th e Commo n Soldie r i n the America n Revolution, " 155-56 . 56. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 0 Jul y 1775 ; Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler, 2 8 July 1775 , i n Papers of George Washington, ed. W . W . Abbot , 1:136-41 , 188 89; and Artemu s Ward, quote d i n Sellers, "The Virgini a Continenta l Line , 1775-1780, " 13. 57. Sellers , "Th e Commo n Soldie r i n th e America n Revolution, " 157-59 ; Writings of Washington, ed. Joh n C . Fitzpatrick , 10:54-56 , 332 ; an d Ra y Alle n Billington , Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York : Macmillan, 1974) , 240. 58. Sellers , "Th e Commo n Soldie r i n th e America n Revolution, " 159 ; and Revolution ary Wa r Pensio n Files , S32104 , S8024 . 59. Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line, " 119 , 133. 60. Joseph Plum b Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, ed . Georg e E . Schee r (Boston : Little , Brown an d Co. , 1962) , 61. 61. Lender , "Th e Socia l Structur e o f th e Ne w Jerse y Brigade, " 17 ; Lender , "Th e Enlisted Line, " 115 ; Muster Rol l o f Colone l Taylor' s Battalion , 1778 , Ne w Jersey Depart ment o f Defense , MS S 3608 ; A Lis t o f Recruit s fo r th e Jersey Brigad e . . . , 1778 , Ne w Jersey Departmen t o f Defense ; an d A Lis t o f Recruit s . . . , Ma y 23 , 1778 , Ne w Jerse y Department o f Defense , MS S 3593 . 62. Shy , A People Numerous and Armed, 21, 26-27; anc* Lender, "Th e Enliste d Line, " 117.

CHAPTER TW

O The Most Audacious Rascals Existing

1. Michae l Kraus , "Americ a an d th e Iris h Revolutionar y Movemen t i n th e Eighteent h Century," i n The Era of the American Revolution, ed. Richar d B . Morri s (Gloucester , Mass. : Peter Smit h Publishers , 1971) , 332-33 ; an d Owe n W . Edwards , "Th e America n Imag e of Ireland : A Stud y o f It s Earl y Phases, " i n Perspectives in American History (Cambridge , Mass.: Charles Warre n Cente r o f Studie s i n American History , Harvar d University , 1970) , 4:201-2. Th e kindre d spiri t was apparently reciprocal . On e Presbyterian ministe r i n Irelan d commented tha t "ther e is scarcely a Protestant famil y o f the middle classes amongst us , wh o does no t recko n kindre d wit h th e inhabitant s o f tha t extensiv e continent. " Quote d i n Maurice R . O'Connell , Irish Politics and Social Conflict in the Age of the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1976) , 28 . A n excellen t treatmen t o n th e ethni c diversity o f colonia l Americ a i s found i n Winthro p Jordan's White Over Black (Chapel Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press , 1968) , 336-39 . 2. Davi d Ramsey , The History of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (London , 1793) , 2:597 . For a lon g lis t o f observer s an d participant s o f th e Revolutionar y er a wh o note d th e larg e amount o f "Scotch-Irish" participatio n i n America n militar y affairs , se e David Noe l Doyle , Ireland, Irishmen, and Revolutionary America, 1760-1820 (Dublin : Th e Mercie r Press , 1981) , 110-12.

3. Horac e Walpol e an d Georg e III , quote d i n James Le y burn, The Scotch-Irish: A Social History (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1962) , 305 ; an d W . E . H . Lecky, A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth-Century, 5 vols. (London , 1892) ; Doyle, Ireland, i n . A n excellen t genera l sourc e fo r informatio n o n Iris h immigratio n i s Audrey Lockhart , Emigration from Ireland to the North American Colonies, 1660-177$ (New York : Arn o Press , 1976). 4. Fo r example s o f th e olde r typ e o f ethni c histories , se e Michae l O'Brien , A Hidden Phase of American History (New York : Devin-Adai r Co. , 1919) ; and Waylan d Dunaway , The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1944) . O'Brien culle d thousand s o f Iris h surname s fro m th e muste r roll s of Continental arm y unit s in an attemp t t o sho w tha t th e Scotch-Iris h wer e no t th e only Iris h elemen t o f participatio n in th e Revolution . Exaggeratin g th e proportion s o f Iris h i n th e Revolutionar y armie s a s a

176 • Notes to Chapter Two whole "b y inadequatel y studyin g everyon e els e i n arm s an d b y a n arithmeti c enthusiasti c rather tha n exact, " h e faile d t o demonstrate why many Iris h chos e the Patrio t sid e over tha t of th e Tory . Fo r criticism s o f O'Brien , se e Doyle , Ireland, 137 . Ne w perspective s o n th e international characte r o f rebellio n ar e foun d i n Jess e Lemisch , "Jac k Ta r i n th e Streets : Merchant Seame n i n th e Politic s o f Revolutionar y America, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser . (1968) : 371-407 ; Marcu s Rediker , Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1987) ; Marcu s Rediker , "Th e America n Revolutio n an d th e Cycle s o f Rebellio n i n the Eighteenth-Centur y Atlantic, " pape r presente d a t th e Unite d State s Capito l Historica l Society Symposium , Washington , D.C. , Marc h 15-16 , 1989 , 1-3 ; an d Alfre d F . Young , "Afterword," i n The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism, ed. Alfre d F . Youn g (DeKalb: Northern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1976) , 449-61 . 5. Freeman's Journal, 20 , 2 3 Apri l 1765 , 1 8 Februar y 1766 , 2 7 Apri l 1765 , 1 8 January 1766, 4 Novembe r 1769 , 1 0 Apri l 1770 , 17 , 1 9 Septembe r 1771 , 2 2 Octobe r 1771 ; J . Bennett Nolan , Benjamin Franklin in Scotland and Ireland, 1759 and lyyi (Philadelphia : University o f Pennsylvania Press , 1938) , 148 ; and Kraus , "Iris h Revolutionar y Movement, " 334-356. T . W . Mood y an d W . E . Vaughan , eds. , A New History of Ireland: Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 1698-1800 (Oxford : Clarendo n Press , 1986) , 4:214-15 ; an d Doyle , Ireland, 58-69. For othe r genera l economi c historie s o f eighteenth-centur y Ireland , se e L . M . Cullen , An Economic History of Ireland Since 1660 (Ne w York : Barne s an d Noble , 1972) ; and Thoma s M . Truxes, Irish-American Trade, 1660-1783 (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1988) , 128-45. 7. Edwards , "America n Imag e o f Ireland, " 205 . Car e mus t b e take n no t t o confus e references t o Iris h immigratio n wit h th e late r mass wave s o f Iris h Roma n Catholic s wh o emigrated i n th e nineteent h century . Th e Iris h wh o emigrate d i n th e eighteent h centur y were vehementl y non-Celtic . Bisho p Englan d observe d tha t befor e 1776 , ther e wer e fe w Catholics i n an y colon y excep t Maryland , Pennsylvania , an d Virginia , t o whic h a numbe r of Iris h convict s ha d bee n transported . Se e Peter Guilday , The Life and Times of John England (New York : Americ a Press , 1927) , 2:366 ; an d Car l Wittke , We Who Built America (Ne w York: Prentice-Hall , 1939) , 47. 8. Joh n Ferrer , The Limerick Chronicle, 20 Octobe r 1768 , Josep h Warre n t o Samue l Adams, 2 1 Augus t 1774 , an d Warre n t o Committe e o f Norwich , 2 7 Augus t 1774 , i n John Cary, Joseph Warren: Physician, Politician, Patriot (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1961) , 151-52; and Edwards , "America n Imag e of Ireland," 205-6 . 9. Fo r mor e informatio n o n th e White-bo y movemen t i n Ireland , se e Pete r Linebaug h and Marcu s Rediker , "Th e Many-Heade d Hydra : Sailors , Slaves , and th e Atlantic Workin g Class i n th e Eighteent h Century, " Journal of Historical Sociology 3, no . 3 (Septembe r 1990): 236-40 , 244 . Th e Iris h wh o emigrated , argue d Michae l Krau s i n "Iris h Revolu tionary Movement, " certainl y carrie d som e o f thi s revolutionar y spiri t wit h them . Se e Freeman's Journal (Dublin) , 2 , 1 2 July 1774 ; an d Kraus , "Iris h Revolutionar y Movement, " 335-38. Som e othe r Iris h revolutionar y organization s suc h a s th e Heart s o f Stee l and Heart s o f Oa k movement s (simila r t o th e so-calle d White-bo y Outrages ) ma y hav e migrated e n mass e t o Americ a afte r bein g dispossesse d o f thei r lands . Se e Kraus , "Iris h Revolutionary Movement, " 337 ; and H . B . C. Pollard , The Secret Societies of Ireland (London, 1922), 10 .

10. Freeman's Journal (Dublin), 20 , 2 3 April 1765 ; 18 February 1766 . 11. Benjami n Frankli n t o Willia m Franklin , 1 2 Septembe r 1766 , Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed . Leonar d Larabe e (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1959) , 13:414 ; an( ^ Hillsborough t o Lt . Gen . Thoma s Gage , 3 1 Jul y 1770 , Thomas Gage Papers, William L .

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 7 Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich . Fo r a general overvie w o f Hillsborough' s positio n o n immigration, se e Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 31-36. Fo r contemporary example s of the fea r created withi n Britis h governmenta l circle s b y large-scal e emigration , se e Scots Magazine, October 1772 , November 1773 . A lette r fro m a "True Protestant " warne d Lor d Dartmout h that "emigratio n o f Protestant s fro m th e nort h o f Irelan d [wa s s o great] that recruit s fo r th e army wer e no t availabl e fro m there. " Se e " A Tru e Protestant " t o Lor d Dartmouth , 1 5 April 1775 , Dartmouth Manuscripts Calendar, Historical Manuscript s Commission , Londo n (1895), 2:289 . 12. Journal entry , 2 4 Augus t 1776 , The American Journal ofAmbrose Serle, rev. ed . (Ne w York: Arn o Press , 1969) , 75-76 . Th e ide a tha t emigrant s constitute d wealt h wa s no t apparently confine d onl y t o th e British . Earl y i n th e war , Thoma s Jefferso n discusse d th e propriety o f sellin g wester n land s t o finance th e wa r effort . H e feare d tha t wealth y foreign ers woul d speculat e i n the sale s and "woul d com e in great number s an d ough t t o pay fo r th e liberty w e shal l hav e provide d fo r them . True , bu t mak e the m pa y i n settlers . A foreigne r who bring s a settle r fo r ever y 100 , o r 20 0 acre s o f lan d t o b e grante d hi m pay s a bette r price. . . . That settle r wil l b e wort h t o th e publi c 2 0 times a s much ever y year. " Thoma s Jefferson t o Edmun d Pendleton , 1 3 August 1776 , i n Letters of the Members of the Continental Congress, 2:672-73 . 13. Se e R . J . Dickson , Ulster Emigration to Colonial America, 1718-1775 (London : Routledge an d Kega n Paul , 1966) , 10-11 , 66-67 , 76-77 ; Audrey Lockhart , Emigration from Ireland to the North American Colonies, 1660-1775 (Ne w York : Arn o Press , 1976) , 52-60 ; an d Wayland F . Dunaway , The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1944) , 40 . Fo r th e mos t accurat e appraisa l o f Iris h immigrant s wh o entered th e por t o f Philadelphia , se e Mariann e Wokeck , " A Tid e o f Alie n Tongues : Th e Flow an d Eb b o f Germa n Immigrant s t o Pennsylvania , 1683-1776 " (Ph.D . diss. , Templ e University, 1983) , 267 . Wokeck' s table s reveale d substantia l bu t generall y lowe r figures than mos t traditiona l emigratio n estimate s mad e b y historians . I n th e past , som e historian s apparently relate d th e numbe r o f passenger s t o b e the sam e or nearl y th e sam e a s the gros s weight o f ship s deliverin g immigrants . Wokec k found , however , tha t immigrant s fro m northern Irelan d comprise d b y fa r th e greates t majorit y o f Iris h newcomers . Fo r eac h yea r from 177 0 to 1775 , the norther n Iris h ha d 8 0 percent mor e immigrant s tha n thos e fro m th e south. I n 1774 , souther n Iris h forme d onl y 5 percent o f th e whol e (6 4 of 1,080) . Compar e Wokeck's estimat e o f 10,57 6 arrival s fo r th e perio d 1770-7 5 wit h Dunaway' s gues s tha t about 50,00 0 arrived durin g th e sam e time period . 14. Arthu r Young , A Tour in Ireland (1776-79), 824 , 847-48 , Rar e Boo k Collection , Library o f Congress, Washington , D.C . 15. Young, A Tour in Ireland, 868 . The reaso n fo r th e low Catholic immigratio n rat e ha d to do wit h th e general discriminator y practice s o f al l the colonies agains t th e importatio n o f Irish-Catholic servants , priests , an d th e Catholi c religion . Waylan d Dunawa y estimate d that betwee n 177 0 an d 177 5 abou t 50,00 0 Scotch-Iris h emigrate d t o Nort h America . H e noted tha t tw o fact s stan d ou t clearl y abou t thi s emigration : i t wa s larg e an d i t wa s Protestant. Se e Dunaway , The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania, 40 . Th e bes t treatmen t o f Irish emigration i s found i n Kerby A . Miller , Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1985) , 144 . 16. Ibid., 144 . 17. Doyle , Ireland, 60-61 , 68-70 . 18. The Bisho p of Derr y t o Lord Dartmouth , 2 3 May 1775 , in Dartmouth Papers Calendar (London: Historica l Manuscript s Commission , 1895) , vol. 2 . 19. Thomas Gag e to Lor d Dartmouth , 2 0 September 1775 , Thomas Gage Papers, Willia m L. Clement s Library , An n Arbor , Mich .

178 • Notes to Chapter Two 20. Charle s Smit h t o Lor d Dartmouth , Marc h 1773 , i n Dartmouth Mss. Calendar (Lon don: Historica l Manuscript s Commission , 1895) , 2 : I 4521. Josep h Hewe s t o Samue l Johnson , 4 Januar y 1776 , Letters of the Members of the Continental Congress, 1:296; an d Colonial Records of North Carolina, 10:331. 22. Colonial Records of North Carolina, 10:86, 222-23 ; an( ^ E . R . R . Green , "Th e Scotch Irish an d th e Comin g o f th e Revolutio n i n Nort h Carolina, " Irish Historical Studies 7, no . 2 6 (September 1950) : 83-84. 23. Johan n Heinrichs , journa l entry , 1 8 January 1778 , Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (hereafter PMHB) (1898) , 141-43 . 24. Diary of Joshua Pell, an Officer of the British Army in America, 1776-17/7, i n The Magazine of American History (January 1878) ; Frederick MacKenzie , Diary of Frederick MacKenzie, 2 vols . (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1930) , 1:81 ; an d Ambros e Serle, The American Journal, isted. , ed . E . Tatum(San Marino , Calif.: Huntington Library , 1940), 209 , 256-59 ; Doyle, Ireland, 110-12. 25. Willia m Feilding , letter , 1 8 July 1775 , i n The Lost War: Letters from British Officers during the American Revolution, ed. Mario n Balderso n an d Davi d Syret t (Ne w York : Horizo n Press, 1975) , 33. 26. John Berkenhout , "Journa l o f a n Excursio n fro m Ne w Yor k t o Philadelphi a i n th e Year 1778, " PMHB (Januar y 1941) , 65:91. 27. Dunaway , Colonial Pennsylvania, 158. 28. Georg e D . Wolf , The Fair Play Settlers of the West Branch Valley, 1769-1784: A Study of Frontier Ethnography (Harrisburg: Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , 1969), 30-31 . 29. Dunaway , Colonial Pennsylvania, 159-61; Wolf , Fair Play Settlers, 43-44; an d North Carolina Colonial Records, ed . Saunders , 10:239-42 . 30. Journals of the Continental Congress (hereafter JCQ, 2 8 July 1775 , vol. 2 (1775). 31. Edwards , "America n Imag e o f Ireland, " 4:201-2 , 220-21 , 228-31 ; Richar d Smit h diary, 1 8 March 1776 , in Letters of the Delegates to Congress, Pau l H . Smith , ed . (Washington , D.C.: Governmen t Printin g Office , 1978) , 3:397 ; an d Georg e II I t o Lor d North , 1 1 June 1779, Correspondence of George III, ed . John W . Fortescu e (London , 1928) , 4:350. 32. MacKenzie , Diary, 1:81 . 33. Jare d Sparks , ed. , The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution (Boston, originally publishe d 1829) , 2:73 ; Michael J. O'Brien , The Irish at Bunker Hill: Evidence of Irish Participation in the Battle of 17 June 177s, ed. Catherin e Sulliva n (Ne w York : Devin-Adai r Co., 1968) , 55 ; New Hampshire State Papers, vol . 18 . 34. Harrie t J. Walker , comp. , Revolutionary Soldiers Buried in Illinois (1917); and O'Brien , Irish at Bunker Hill, 56-57 . 35. Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 7:149 . 36. Serle , American Journal, 106 ; and Pennsylvania Archives, 5th ser. , 2:566 . 37. Charle s H . Metzger , S.J. , Catholics and the American Revolution: A Study in Religious Climate (Chicago : Loyol a Universit y Press , 1962) , 167 ; The Pennsylvania Packet, 2 Ma y 1780; an d Privat e Danie l Barber , A History of My Own Times (Washington, D.C. , 1827) , 1-20.

38. New York State Archives, ed. Berthol d Fernow , 1:166-67 , 170-71 . 39. Pennsylvania Archives, 5th ser. , ed . Thoma s Montgomer y (Harrisburg , 1906) , 3:644 705, 978-83 , 7:658-82 . 40. Pennsylvania Archives, 5th ser. , ed . Thoma s Montgomer y (Harrisburg , 1906) , 3:705 ^ 978-83. 41. Archive s o f Maryland , Muster Rolls and Other Records of Service of Maryland Troops in the American Revolution (Maryland Hal l o f Records , Annapolis) , 18:563-65 .

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 9 42. Archives of Maryland, 18:313 ; an d Michae l J . O'Brien , A Hidden Phase of American History (New York , 1919) , 139-48 . 43. Muste r Roll s of Troops i n the America n Revolution , Archives of Maryland, 18:36-37 , 54-57. I t i s interestin g t o not e tha t wheneve r a n Irish-bor n soldie r wa s listed , a complet e personal descriptio n wa s include d i n the remark s column . Thi s wa s probabl y don e to assis t officers i n the recovery o f their enlistee s i f they deserted . Se e O'Brien, A Hidden Phase, 14445; an d Delaware Archives, vol. 1 , Wilmington . 44. Edwar d Papenfus e an d Gregor y Stiverson , "Smallwood' s Recruits, " William and Mary Quarterly 30 (January 1973) : 118. 45. Ibid. , 120 . 46. Ibid. , 120-21 , 125 ; and Record of Convicts, 1771-75 (Marylan d Hal l o f Records , An napolis). 47. Alexande r S . Salley , Records of the Regiments of the South Carolina Line in the Revolutionary War, ed . Alid a Mo e (Baltimore : Genealogica l Publishin g Co. , 1977) , passim ; an d O'Brien, A Hidden Phase, 141-42. 48. Rober t K . Wright , Jr., The Continental Army (Washington , D . C : Cente r o f Militar y History, 1986) , 107-12 ; an d R G 93 , Nationa l Archives , Weekl y Return , Mai n Army , 2 1 May 1777 . 49. Ibid. ; an d Wright , The Continental Army, 110-17 . Becaus e o f th e fragmentar y records o f al l Continental arm y units , th e numbe r o f Iris h soldier s servin g i n the rank s wa s extrapolated fro m th e survivin g evidenc e o f unit s fro m th e middl e states . Sinc e th e middl e states ha d th e bes t record s regardin g th e birthplace s o f thei r soldiers , th e estimat e o f 1 in 4 is still fairl y conservative . Th e numbe r o f Iris h soldier s i n othe r stat e line s wa s no t consid ered becaus e o f th e extraordinar y spottines s o f th e records . Therefore , th e numbe r o f Irishmen servin g a t any give n tim e was probably highe r tha n 2 5 percent . 50. Carlo s E . Godfrey , The Commander-in-Chiefs Guard: The Revolutionary War (Balti more: Genealogica l Publishin g Co. , 1972) , 42. Washingto n urge d Spotswoo d t o kee p quie t about hi s preferenc e fo r native s s o tha t "n o invidiou s distinctio n betwee n the m an d th e foreign-born" i n the arm y developed . Idem , Servic e Records , 113-274 . 51. Charle s Lee , "Order s t o the Commander s o f th e Severa l Battalions " (1871-72), New York State Historical Society Collections, 1440 . 52. Charle s Le e t o Georg e Washington , 1 0 May 1776 , New York State Historical Society Collections, 2:18-19 ; an d Charle s Lee t o Edmun d Pendleton , 2 4 May 1776 , New York State Historical Society Collections, 2:35-38 . 53. Maryland Gazette, May 1777-Decembe r 177 7 (Marylan d Hal l o f Records , Annapo lis). Trackin g thes e deserter s wa s eve n mor e difficult . A twent y dolla r rewar d wa s offere d by a New Jersey office r fo r th e retur n o f two Iris h deserter s name d "Andre w Connar d an d John Tinney. " Th e advertisemen t warne d tha t "i t i s probabl e tha t the y ma y chang e thei r names" to keep from bein g apprehended. Se e New Jersey Gazette, 17 June 1778 . 54. Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser, January 1776-Decembe r 1776 , Library o f Congress, Washington , D.C . 55. Pennsylvania Packet, 26 February 1778 . 56. Ibid. , 2 May 1778 . 57. "Note s an d Queries, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (hereafte r PMHB), 1901-2 , 25:426 . 58. Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser, January 1776-Decembe r 1776 , Librar y o f Congress, Washington , D.C . On e reaso n fo r th e detaile d description s wa s fo r eas e o f identification i f the deserter wer e recaptured . 59. Henr y Broderic k t o Thomas Townshend , 1 6 March 1777 , U.S. Revolution , Miscellaneous Manuscripts, file box 3 , Librar y o f Congress , Washington , D . C ; an d Jame s Howar d

180 • Notes to Chapter Two Edmonson, "Desertio n i n the American Arm y during the Revolutionary War " (Ph.D. diss., Louisiana Stat e University , 1971) , 156 . 60. Stephe n Kembl e journa l entry , 2 7 Marc h 1777 , "Kemble' s Journal, " New York Historical Society Collections (188 3), 112 . 61. Genera l Pattiso n t o Colone l Cleaveland , 1 March 1779 , "letter s o f Genera l Patti son," New York Historical Society Collections (1875), 8:26-27 , 190 . 62. Pattiso n t o Cleaveland, 5 September 1779 , "Letter s of General Pattison, " New York Historical Society Collections (1875), 8:104-5 . 63. Henr y Clinto n t o Georg e Germain , 2 3 Octobe r 1778 , Clinton Mss., i n Willia m L . Clements Library , An n Arbor, Mich . Th e riot s referred t o by Clinton wer e the White-boy s and Heart s of Steel unres t in Ireland i n the 1760 s and 1770s . 64. Ibid. ; William B . Willcox , ed. , The American Rebellion: Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775-1783 (New Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1954) , i n ; an d Oliver Snoddy , "Th e Iris h Sword, " Journal of Military History of Ireland 7 , no . 2 7 (Winte r 1965): 136-39 . 65. Th e Iris h Association fo r Documentatio n an d Informatio n Services , Ireland, Irishmen in the American War of Independence (Providence, R.I. : The Academ y Press , 1976) , documen t no. 4 . Ambros e Serl e offered evidenc e as to why Clinton' s offer faile d even though so many Irish Continenta l soldier s worke d fo r meage r arm y wages . "Afte r 8 t o 1 0 years, " state d Serle, "the y [th e Irish ] ha d becom e habituate d t o thi s Countr y [America ] an d estrange d from their own." Serle, The American Journal, 259. 66. Clinto n t o Germain, 2 3 October 1778 , in Serle, The American Journal; Snoddy , "Th e Irish Sword," 1 37-38; and Willcox, American Rebellion, i n. 67. Ebeneze r Buc k t o Davi d Kelly , Upton , Mass. , 2 4 August 1778 , Feinstone Collection, David Librar y of the American Revolution , Washingto n Crossing , Penn . 68. Orderl y Boo k entry , Jul y 1777 , The Journal and Orderly Book of Captain Robert Kirkwood (Wilmington: Delawar e Historica l Society Publication , 1910) , 112-13 . 69. Charle s Le e Papers, New York Historical Society Collections (1871-74), 161 . 70. Joseph Galloway , Letters to a Nobleman on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies (London, 1779 , 1780) , 25 ; and "The Examinatio n of Joseph Galloway . . . before the Hous e of Commons," New York Royal Gazette, 27 October 1779 . 71. Translato r note , Marqui s d e Chastellux , Travels in North-America (Ne w York : Au gustus M . Kelly , Publisher s [1827] ; reprint , 1970) , 22 5 (pag e reference s ar e t o reprin t edition). Th e translato r inserte d thi s not e wit h a n entr y b y th e Marqui s abou t a n Iris h soldier who helped guide hi s unit i n operations nea r the mountains in Virginia . Th e soldie r stated tha t he had recently emigrate d t o North Carolin a nea r the Catawba settlements . 72. Doyle , Ireland, 142 . 73. Alexande r Graydon , Memoirs of His Own Time (Harrisburg, Pa. , 1811) , 122 . 74. Th e French expeditionary force s unde r Rochambeau include d th e Dillon' s regimen t also know n a s th e Iris h "wil d geese. " Thi s regimen t ha d serve d Frenc h king s sinc e 1691 . See W . S . Murphy , "Th e Iris h Brigad e a t Savannah, " The Georgia Historical Quarterly 38 (December 1954) : 308-11. 75. Kraus , "Iris h Revolutionar y Movement, " 345-48 ; and T. Wolf e Tone, An Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland (Dublin, 1792) , 16 . Washington' s repl y wa s reprinte d i n The Massachusetts Centinel, 2 2 Ma y 1784 , i n Transactions, Colonia l Societ y o f Massachusetts , vol. 14 .

Notes to Chapter Three • 18 1 CHAPTER THRE

EA

True Pell-Mell of Human Souls

i. John Adam s to James Warren, 6 July 1775 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 11590-91 . 2. Rut h Blackwelder , "Attitud e of the Nort h Carolin a Moravian s towar d th e American Revolution," North Carolina Historical Review 9, no . 1 (January 1932) , 10-19 ; an d Colonial Records of North Carolina, 10:526. 3. Glen n Weaver , "Benjami n Frankli n an d the Pennsylvani a Germans, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 14, no. 4 (October 1957) : 552-54; and H . M. J. Klein , The History of the Eastern Synod of the Reformed Church in the United States (I^ancaster, Pa. , 1943) , 68-69 . For a mor e detaile d breakdow n o f wha t part s o f th e stat e o f Pennsylvani a th e variou s German sect s inhabited , se e Laura L . Becker, "Th e America n Revolutio n a s a Community Fxperience: A Case Stud y o f Reading, Pennsylvania " (Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Pennsylvania, 1978) , 29-31 , 310 , 331-32. 4. Mariann e S . Wokeck , " A fid e o f Alie n Tongues : Th e Flow an d Ebb of Germa n Immigration t o Pennsylvania , 1683-1776 " (Ph.D . diss. , Templ e University , 1983) , 15153. I n "The Flow an d Composition o f German Immigrant s t o Philadelphia," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (1981), Wokec k argue s that the majority of prewar German immigrants arrive d durin g th e peak year s 1749-54 , year s tha t corresponde d wit h politica l and economic tensio n i n Germany. Afterward , immigratio n declined substantiall y unti l the Revolution, whe n i t stoppe d altogether . Als o se e Osca r Kuhns , The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania (Harrisburg , Pa. : Avrand Press , 1945) , 55 ; an d Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York : Vintag e Books , 1986) , 25-26 . 5. Gunte r Moltmann , ed. , Germans to America: 300 Yean of Immigration, 1683-1983 (Stuttgart, Federa l Republi c o f Germany: Institut e fo r Foreign Cultura l Relations , 1982) , 30. German s fro m Salzbur g also settled i n Georgia. I n 1733, the Anne brought 11 4 Germans to the colony. B y 1736 , to function i n all parts of the colony a person neede d t o be fluent in English, French , German , an d Gaelic . B y 177 0 the Germa n elemen t i n Georgi a wa s estimated a t 1,20 0 souls, a large numbe r considerin g th e tiny populatio n o f the colony at the time . I n fact , muc h o f th e writte n recor d o f th e early year s o f th e Georgia colon y survives onl y i n German. Se e Harold F . Davis , The Eledgling Province: Social and Cultural Life in Colonial Georgia, 1733-1776 (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1976) , 14, 17 .

6. Thoma s Sowell , Ethnic America: A History (New York: Basi c Books , 1981) , 47-50 ; Carl Wittke , The Germans in America (Ne w York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1967) , 1-2 ; and Virgini a Brainar d Kunz , The Germans in America (Minneapolis , Minn. : Lerne r Publica tions, 1966) , 9, 21-22 . 7. L a Ver n J . Rippley, The German-Americans: Early German Immigration to the United States (New York : Universit y Pres s of America, 1984) , 28-29 . Traditiona l estimate s on th e German populatio n ar e attributed t o the work o f Alber t Faust , The German Element in the United States (New York : Arn o Press , reprinte d 1969) , vol. i passim . N o study o f European immigration shoul d fai l t o mention th e redemption system . Th e obligation o f Germans to serve merchant s i n return fo r their seafar e wa s part of a business agreemen t b y which one person pai d th e debts o f anothe r an d received , i n turn , th e latter' s labor . Mor e o n the redemption syste m i s found i n Moltmann, Germans to America, 30-34. 8. Thoma s J. Archdeacon , Becoming American: An Ethnic History (Ne w York : Fre e Press, 1983), 14-15 . Th e plight of the Germans i s reminiscent o f Haitian refugee s i n present-day Florida. Moltmann , Germans to America, 30; an d Fritz Trautz , Die Pfalzische Auswanderung nach Nordamerika im 18. Jahrhundert [Emigratio n fro m th e Palatine t o North Americ a i n th e 18th Century] (Heidelberg, Federa l Republi c of Germany, 1959) , 17-21 .

182 • Notes to Chapter Three 9. Chessma n A . Herrick , White Servitude in Pennsylvania (Freeport , N.Y. : Book s fo r Libraries Press , 1926) , 171 ; and Archdeacon, Becoming American, 15 . 10. Pete r Brunnholtz , 2 1 Ma y 1750 , Reports of the United German Evangelical Lutheran Congregations in North America (Hallesche Nachrichte n serie s no. 2) , 412-14; and Howar d B . Furer, ed. , The Germans in America, 1607-1970: A Chronology and Fact Book (Dobb s Ferry , N.Y.: Ocean a Publications , 1973) , 89. 11. Furer , Germans in America, 89. Brunnholt z als o note d th e sa d cas e o f on e recentl y arrived Germa n immigran t wh o attempte d t o commit suicid e a s a result o f hi s inabilit y t o find adequat e wor k an d the debt h e had accrued as a result of their passage. 12. Ibid . 13. Johan n Car l Buettner , Narrative of Johann Carl Buettner in the American Revolution, trans, fro m the original Germa n (New York : Charles Heartma n Publishers , 1915) , 35-41 . 14. Ibid. , 41. 15. Ibid. , 41-43. 16. Joseph Hewe s t o James Iredell , 3 1 October 1774 , in Letters of Members of the Continental Congress (hereafter LMCC), Edmun d C . Burnet t (Washington, D.C. : Peter Smith, 1963) , 1:83. 17. John Adam s to Nathanael Greene , 1 0 May 1777 , i n Papers of JohnAdams, ed. Rober t Taylor (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1983) , 5:190-91 ; and Charles Carroll of Carrollton t o Benjamin Franklin , 1 2 August 1777 , LMCC, 2:450-51 . 18. Pete r Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , II , 1771-77 . 19. Heinric h Miller , "Appea l of the Evangelical an d Reforme d Churc h Councils, a s well as of the German Societ y i n the City of Philadelphia, " Staatesbote, \ Augus t 1775 , pamphle t collections of the Pennsylvania-Germa n Societ y Philadelphia , 34 ; and Executive Committe e to John Hancock , 1 4 January 1777 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 6:95-96 . 20. Miller , "Appeal, " 34. 21. Ibid. , 35 . 22. Washingto n t o Hancock , i n The Papers of George Washington, ed . W . W . Abbo t (Charlottesville: Universit y Pres s of Virginia) , 5:239-40 . 23. Rober t K . Wright , Jr., The Continental Army (Washington, D.C. : Center of Militar y History, Unite d State s Army , 1986) , 320 . 24. Archives of Maryland, 18:261-68; an d Charle s F . Stein , "Th e Germa n Battalio n o f the America n Revolution, " The Report: A Journal of German-American History 3 6 (1975) : 43-4425. Stein , "Th e German Battalion, " 43-44. 26. Ibid. , 44. 27. Papers of the Continental Congress, ree l 167 , ite m 52 , 299 ; and Wright , The Continental Army, 134 , 349-5° 28. Wright , The Continental Army, 134 . Th e uni t als o employe d fou r me n speciall y detailed a s "executioner," a position especially detested b y the rank and file of the Continental army . Washingto n chos e t o mak e former Prussian s responsibl e fo r discipline withi n th e army becaus e they ha d little in common wit h native-born troops and had a fierce reputation for military order. 29. Willia m T . Parsons , The Pennsylvania Dutch: A Persistent Minority (Boston: Twayn e Publishers, 1976) , 146 . 30. Klau s Wust , The Virginia Germans (Charlottesville : Universit y Pres s o f Virginia , 1969), 80 .

31. Rippley , The German-Americans, 34 ; and Henry Muhlenberg , The Life of Major-General Peter Muhlenberg of the Revolutionary Army (Philadelphia: Carey an d Hart , 1849) , 28-33 , 53 The onl y contemporar y sourc e tha t mention s Muhlenberg' s allege d theatric s wa s th e wa r

Notes to Chapter Three • 18 3 diary o f Jame s Thacher , Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War (Boston , 1823), writte n wel l afte r Muhlenberg' s death i n 1809 . 32. H . M . M . Richards , The Pennsylvania-German in the Revolutionary War, 177$178$, originally publishe d a s par t 1 8 of Pennsylvania: The German Influence in Its Settlement and Development (Philadelphia, 1908 ; republished b y th e Genealogical Publishin g Co., Balti more, 1978) , 175-23 1 passi m (pag e reference s ar e to reprin t edition) . Captai n Jacob Mose r was probabl y th e sam e Jaco b Mose r wh o advertise d i n th e 1 3 July 177 3 editio n o f th e Staateshote that h e was i n the service of Ada m Erbe n and sought informatio n concernin g hi s two sister s wh o ha d marrie d an d move d away . Thus , i n a period of thre e years, Mose r had moved fro m servan t t o Adam Erbe n to commissioned office r i n the Continental army . 33. Rober t Billigmeir , Minorities in American Life, Americans from Germany: A Study in Cultural Diversity (Belmont, Calif. : Wadsworth Publishers , 1974) , 39 . 34. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 1 1 Ma y 1776 , i n VV . W . Abbot , ed. , Papers of George Washington, 4:276-81 ; and Lyma n H . Butterfield , "Psychologica l Warfar e in 1776: The Jefferson-Franklin Pla n to Cause Hessia n Desertions, " Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 94, no . 3 (June 1950) : 233. 35. Journals of the Continental Congress (hereafter JCQ, 5:640 . 36. Ibid. , 653-55 ; and Butterfield , "Psychologica l Warfare, " 236. 37. Melodi e Andrews , "Myrmidon s fro m Abroad : The Rol e of th e Germa n Mercenar y in th e Comin g o f America n Independence " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Houston , 1986) , 296; andyCC, 5:653-55 . 38. Washingto n t o Hancock, i n Writings of George Washington, 5:450-51 . 39. Washingto n t o Hancock, i n Writings of George Washington, 5:491 . 40. Butterfield , "Psychologica l Warfare, " 237 . Thi s stor y apparentl y i s base d o n Lud wick's obituar y tribut e tha t originall y appeare d i n th e American Daily Advertiser, Philadel phia, 3 0 June 1801 . Suc h tribute s hav e a tendency fo r factua l error ; however, Butterfiel d states tha t "nothin g i s mor e plausibl e tha n Ludwick , a t Washington' s request , performe d such a mission i n orde r t o conve y th e circular s prepare d b y Congres s t o thos e fo r who m they wer e meant. " Ibid. , 237 . Anothe r "channel " wa s develope d b y Benjami n Franklin , a later addition t o the Committee to subvert the Hessians . Placin g the circulars in drift-canoe s that include d i n eac h a little tobacc o "wit h som e othe r littl e things, " Frankli n hope d tha t the Hessian s woul d "divid e amon g the m a s Plunde r befor e th e Officer s coul d kno w th e Contents o f th e Pape r an d preven t it. " Benjami n Frankli n t o Horati o Gates , 2 8 Augus t 1776, American Archives, 5t h ser. , ed . Pete r Force , 1:1193 . Som e o f th e handbill s wer e printed o n th e bac k o f tobacc o paper , an d tha t i s wher e Frankli n go t hi s idea . N o cop y with th e "Tobacc o Marks " a s describe d b y Frankli n exist , however, i n America n o r German records . Andrews , "Myrmidon s fro m Abroad, " 298. Hessia n Genera l vo n Heiste r enclosed on e o f th e Congressional circular s i n a letter t o th e Landgrav e date d 3 Septembe r 1776. Ih e bac k o f th e circula r i s blan k bu t doe s prov e tha t th e bill s go t t o th e Hessia n camp. 41. Dr . Juliu s Friedric h Wasmus , a Germa n militar y surgeon , observe d tha t Hessia n prisoners of wa r were commonly sen t out int o the countryside. " A roll wa s put u p with th e name and plac e and of the man with who m th e soldier s ar e working." See Gabriel Nadeau , "Julius Friedric h Wasmus : A Germa n Militar y Surgeo n durin g th e Revolution, " Bulletin of the History of Medicine 1 8 (October 1945) : 253; and Headquarter s Paper s of th e Britis h Arm y in America , The Sir Guy Carleton Papers, no . 7174 , lette r of thirty-fiv e Hessia n prisoner s o f war to Lieut . Gen . vo n Lossberg , 2 0 March 1783 . 42. Si r Gu y Carleto n Papers , no . 8236 , depositio n give n b y Jacob Pete r an d Valentin e Landau, 2 7 June 1783 , Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing , Pa.

184 • Notes to Chapter Three 43. Ibid. , nos . 7174 , 8286 . Accordin g t o researcher s Wayn e Bodl e an d Linn e Schenc k (who have done extensive researc h on the Mount Hop e Furnace) , th e Captain Dill e referre d to i n th e Hessia n lette r t o vo n Lossber g wa s probabl y Captai n Anthon y Seli n o f Hazen' s Second Canadia n Regiment . Seli n wa s a Swiss adventure r i n the Continental army , whic h may explai n wh y th e Hessian s though t h e wa s German . Paesch , i n a n incredibl e circula r chain of events, t o cover th e thirty dolla r cost o f th e discharges fro m Captain Dille , simpl y reduced th e deb t stil l owe d hi m b y th e publi c treasur y fo r a n unpai d iro n contract . I n effect, th e government allowe d Faesc h to expropriate the labor of the Hessians to pay off it s own debt. 44. Officia l Losse s of the Hesse-Cassel Troop s (Source: Preussisches Geheimes Staatsar chiv, Berlin , Heeresarchiv. , Rep . 15A , Kap . 33 , No . 232) ; and Ellio t Wheeloc k Hoffman , "German Soldier s i n th e America n Revolution " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Ne w Hamp shire, 1982) , appendix 2 . 45. Th e averag e rate of desertion fo r both contending armie s during the Revolutio n wa s around 2 0 t o 2 5 percen t o f th e tota l force . Se e Jame s H . Edmonson , "Desertio n i n th e American Arm y durin g the Revolutionar y War " (Ph.D. diss. , Georg e Washingto n Univer sity, 1971) , passim . Fo r statistics on Hessia n desertion , se e Hoffman , "Germa n Soldier s i n the American Revolution, " appendix 2 . 46. Willia m S . Cramer , "Fro m Hessia n Drumme r t o Marylan d Ironmaker/'/ST M 3 , no. 1 (1985): 24 .

47. Hein z Reuter , "Hessia n Troop s fro m Ziegenhai n i n America " (unpublished manu script foun d i n the papers of the Johannes Schwal m Historica l Association , Lancaster , Pa.) , 9.; an d "Memoir s o f a Hessia n Conscript : J. G . Seume' s Reluctan t Voyag e t o America, " trans. Margaret e Woelfel, William and Mary Quarterly', 3 d ser., 5 (October 1948) : 556. 48. Johanne s Schwal m Historica l Association , ed. , Johannes Schwalm: The Hessian (Mill ville, Pa. : Precisio n Printers , 1976) , 9 ; an d Captai n Johan n Ewald , Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal', trans . Joseph P . Tusti n (New Haven , Conn.: Yale University Press , 1979), 248 . 49. Johan n Conra d Dohla , A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution, trans . Bruc e E . Burgoyne (Norman : Universit y o f Oklahom a Press , 1989) , 5-6 . Stephe n Pop p state d tha t the boats were so crowded tha t many me n of both regiments had to stand all night, an d that the time was passed singin g hymn s and praying. A Hessian Soldier in the American Revolution: The Diary of Stephen Popp, trans. Reinhar d Pop e (Racine, Wis. , 1953) , 27. 50. Mar k Schwalm, "Th e True German Mercenaries, "JSHA 3 , no. 4: 19. 51. Schwalm , "Th e True German Mercenaries," 19 . Mark Schwalm stated that previous service soldier s serve d i n eightee n separat e principalities . Twenty-fou r recruit s serve d fo r Prussia an d Hollan d each , an d twent y fo r th e Austria n army . Thes e sam e soldier s als o represented mor e than 1 2 percent of the total numbe r of recruits who eventually deserted . 52. Rodne y Atwood , The Hessians (London : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1980) , 189 ; and James Thacher , A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War from 1775 to 1783 (Boston , 1827) , 167 . 53. I b i d . , 190 .

54. Johannes Reuber , diar y entr y date d 1 2 January 1777 , Personal Diary y JSHA 1 , no . 3 (1979): 9. 55. Ibid. , 10 . 56. }SH\, Johannes Schwalm, 25 . 57. Proclamatio n o f Genera l Israe l Putnam , 1 6 Novembe r 1777 , trans . Willia m T . Parsons, Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin (American Antiquaria n Society , Worcester , Mass.) , 1 =401. 58. Ibid. , diar y entr y 8 October 1777 , 10 .

Notes to Chapter Three • 18 5 59. Rev . G . C . Coster , Hessian Soldiers in the American Revolution: Records of Their Marriages and Baptisms, 1776-1783, trans. Mari e Dickor e (Cincinnati , Ohio , 1959) , 1-11 . Fro m 177 6 to 1783 , Coste r marrie d fifty-six Hessians . Al l th e wome n ha d Germa n surname s befor e marriage. Abou t 2 0 percen t o f thes e wome n crosse d th e Atlanti c wit h thei r uni t a s cam p followers. Th e res t wer e of German America n origin . 60. Atwood , The Hessians, 191; an d Richar d Barth , Willia m Doerneman n an d Mar k Schwalm, "Th e Trento n Prisone r List, " JSf/A 4 , no . 1 (1985): 1- 2 1. Th e author s note d that th e Hessian s wer e als o a valuable sourc e o f exchang e fo r America n prisoner s o f wa r living i n wretche d condition s i n Ne w York . Therefor e exchange , rathe r tha n recruitment , frequently overrod e an y sentimen t fo r inducin g Hessian s t o sta y behind . America n ex change commissioner s wer e instructe d no t t o allow, "o n any pretense, " Hessian s t o remain with America n families , fo r i f the y did , i t "mus t b e afte r exchange , b y desertion. " Joseph Holmes t o Fzekial Williams , ibid. , 3 . 61. Atwood , The Hessians, 201 ; and Kennet h S . Jones, "Kar l Friedric h Fuhrer : Prisoner , Patriot, Publisher, " JSHA 3 , no. 3 (1987): 2-7 . 62. Papers of the Continental Congress (hereafter PC(J), reel 97, ite m 78 , 1 3:479. 63. Ibid. , 479-80 . Fuhre r an d Kleinschmit t though t i t wa s als o especially importan t t o organize th e uni t o n "th e Germa n f(X)ting, " meanin g tha t i t should appea r lik e th e Hessia n units the officers an d me n wer e use d to. 6 4 .ycr; 1 2 (1778): 866-67 . 65. Ibid. , 866-67 , 1193 ; PCC, ite m 147 , 2:339 ; PCX,, reel 157 , ite m 147 , 2:339-40 . When Julia t decide d t o redefec t bac k t o th e British , h e allegedl y informe d th e energeti c British majo r Patric k Ferguso n o f Count Pulaski' s la x military disposition s i n the vicinit y o f Little Eg g Harbor . Leadin g a raiding part y ashore , Ferguso n inflicte d heav y casualtie s o n the unsuspectin g Americans . Pulaski , concerne d abou t hi s ow n militar y reputatio n i n th e eyes of the Americans , blame d th e entire disaster on Juliat's defection alone . Thu s Congres s quickly abandone d it s plan s fo r a deserter corps . Se e Frankli n Kemp , A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Little Eg g Harbor , N.J. : Th e Laureat e Press , 1957) , 37-51 ; an d Willia m S . Stryker , The Affair at Little Egg Harbor (Trenton, 1894) . 66. Proclamation , New Jersey Gazette, 27 September 1780 . 67. Ewald , Diary, 248 ; and Hoffman , "Germa n Soldiers, " 506. 68. Hoffman , "Germa n Soldiers, " 506; and Erns t Kipping , trans. , At General Howe's Side (Monmouth Beach , N.J. : Phili p Frenea u Press , 1974) , 48. 69. Erns t Kipping , The Hessian View of America, 1776-1783 (Monmouth Beach , N.J. : Philip Frenea u Press , 1971) , 10 . 70. Lor d Shelburne , Papers, 69:117-24 . 71. Genera l vo n Riedesal , Memoirs, 2:24; Hodden's Journal and Orderly Books (Albany , N.Y.: J . Munsel l an d Sons , 1884) , 328-30 ; an d Willia m L . Dabney , After Saratoga: The Story of the Convention Army (Albuquerque: Universit y o f Ne w Mexic o Press , 1954) , 40-41 . 7 2. Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 4, no . 3 (1991): 1 -1 3. 73. Se e Cliffor d Nea l Smith , ed. , Mercenaries from Hesse-Hanau, ser . 26 , no . 39 : 93; ser. 23, no . 90 , German-America n Genealogica l Researc h Monograph , no . 5 (DeKalb , III. : Westland Publications , 1981) . 74. Lio n G. Mile s and Dori s N . Suresch , "Tw o Men from Brunswick," Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 2 , no. 2 (1982). 75. Lio n G . Miles , "Johan n Leibhei t an d th e Conventio n Army, " Johannes Schwalm Historical Association, vol . 2 , no . 1 (1981) , 35 ; Georg e Washingto n t o Mose s Hazen , 2 5 December 1782 , i n Writings of Washington, 25:467 . 76. Morristow n Nationa l Histori c Park , Ligerwoo d Collection , fiche 341 , band 5 , 87 . 77. Ibid . I>ossber g also thought tha t the y ha d intentionall y enliste d wit h th e knowledg e

186 • Notes to Chapter Three that th e frigat e woul d probabl y soo n fal l t o the Britis h nav y an d tha t the y woul d b e free in any case . Lossberg' s assertio n i s somewha t implausible . Eighteenth-centur y se a engage ments wer e renowned fo r lethality. Signin g aboard any man-of-wa r entaile d great risk . 78. Willia m L . Stone , ed. , Memoirs, Letters, and Journals of Major General Riedesal (Ne w York: New Yor k Times an d Arn o Press , 1969) , 2:4-5 , 9 . 79. Willia m M . Dabney , After Saratoga: The Story of the Convention Army (Albuquerque : University o f Ne w Mexic o Press , 1954) , 39-40 ; and Stone, ed. , Memoirs . . . , 2:28-29 . 80. Car l Leopol d Baurmeister , Revolution in America: Confidential Letters and Journals, 1776-1784 (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1957) , 89 . 81. Ibid. , 541. 82. Rudol f Kar l Tross , The Zweybrucken or Royal Deux-Fonts Regiment and York town (Yorktown, Va. : York County Bicentennia l Committee , 1981) , 3. 83. Baro n Ludwi g vo n Closen , The Revolutionary Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen, 1780-1783, trans . Evely n M . Acom b (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1958), xxv . 84. Ibid. , 120 .

85. Mar k A . Schwalm , The Hessians: Auxiliaries to the British Crown in the American Revolution (Mechanicsburg : Pennsylvani a Chapter , Palatine s t o America , 1984) , 14 ; an d Jonathan Stayer , "Th e Hessian s o f Lewi s Miller : Assimilatio n o f Germa n Soldier s i n America afte r th e Revolution " (M.A. thesis , Pennsylvani a Stat e Universit y a t Harrisburg , 1988), 9. 86. Schwalm , The Hessians, 32 ; and Stayer, "Hessian s of Lewi s Miller," 10. 87. Edwar d J . Lowell , The Hessians and Other German Auxiliaries of Great Britain in the Revolutionary War (originally publishe d 1884 ; reprint, Williamstown , Mass. : Corner Hous e Publishers, 1975) , 28 8 (pag e reference s ar e t o reprin t edition) ; Stayer , "Hessian s o f Lewi s Miller," 12. 88. Ibid. , 22 . Th e Yor k Count y Historica l Societ y uncovere d Miller' s sketche s i n it s archives i n 1966 . Fo r mor e informatio n o n Miller' s Hessians , se e Jonathan Stayer , "Th e Hessians of Lewi s Miller," JJSHA 4 , no . 1 (1989) . 89. Jonatha n R . Stayer , "Th e Hessian s o f Lewi s Miller, " Journal of Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 4 , no . 1 (1989): 78-79; U.S . Burea u o f th e Census, Yor k Boroug h an d Township, Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Pennsylvania (Washington , D.C. : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1908) , 281-82 ; Do n Yoder , "Palatine, Hessian , Dutchman : Thre e Image s o f th e Germa n i n America, " i n Ebbes fer Alle: Ebber Ebbes fer Dich, Publications o f th e Pennsylvani a Germa n Societ y (Breinigsville : Pennsylvania Germa n Society , 1980) , 14:112 ; and Pau l E . Doutrich , "Th e Evolutio n o f an Early America n Town : York-Town , Pennsylvania , 1740-1790 " (Ph.D. diss. , Departmen t of History , Universit y o f Kentucky , 1985) , 62. 90. Cliffor d Neal Smith , Brunswick Deserter-Immigrants of the American Revolution, Ger man-American Genealogica l Researc h Monograp h no . 1 (Thomson, 111. : Heritage Hous e Publishers, 1973) , 1 . 91. Smith , Brunswick Deserter-Immigrants, 1-4 7 passim ; Han s Helmut h Rimpau , "Th e Brunswickers i n Nordamerika , 1776-1783, " Archiv fuer Sippenforschung 4 3 (Augus t 1971) : 204-19; 44 (Novembe r 1971) : 293-308 ; 4 5 (Februar y 1972) : 346-55 . Accordin g t o Smith , Rimpau di d no t lis t soldier s wh o wer e presume d dead , althoug h i t seem s likel y tha t som e so listed were , i n fact, deserters . Th e duke of Brunswic k receive d a special indemnit y fro m the Britis h fo r ever y soldie r killed , s o tha t i t wa s advantageou s t o repor t som e deserter s dead, whe n possible . 92. Cliffor d Nea l Smith , ed. , Mercenaries from Ansbach and Bayreuth, Germany, Who Remained in America after the Revolution, Researc h Monograp h no . 2 (McNeal, Ariz. : West -

Notes to Chapter Four • 187 land Publications , 1979) , 1-58 ; Hoffman, "Germa n Soldiers, " 373-74 ; an d Charles W . Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State: Ideas, Institutions, and Reform under Frederick II, 1760178$ (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1987) , 153-63 . 93. Kipping , A Hessian View of America, 11 . 94. Ibid. , 10- 1 1 . 95. Ibid. , 1 1 .

96. Ibid. , 46 . Th e consolidated list s of the me n o f the vo n Lossber g regimen t ar e foun d in Rober t Oakle y Slagle' s "Th e Von Lossbur g Regiment " (Ph.D . diss. , Th e America n University, Washington , D.C. , 1925) . 97. Archivschul e Marburg , Institu t fu r Archivwissenschaft , Hessische Truppen im amerikanischen Vnabhangigkeitskrieg (LIETRINA): Index nach Familiennamen, 5 vols., passim ; an d Hoffman, "Germa n Soldiers, " 569. 98. Joh n B . B . Trussell, The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and Operations, 1776-1783 (Harrisburg : Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museum Commission , 1977) , 222-26 , 229-31, 248-56 . Th e exac t leve l of German participatio n i s difficult t o determine, becaus e few soldiers , nativ e o r foreign , liste d thei r place s o f birt h upo n enlistment . Germani c surnames aboun d i n nearly al l regiments fro m Ne w York , th e mid-Atlantic states , an d th e upper South . Thi s tren d stand s t o reason, becaus e thes e state s wer e area s wher e prewa r German immigratio n wa s highest . Becaus e recor d keepin g by recruitin g partie s wa s lax, the level of Germanic recruitmen t wa s probabl y actuall y higher . 99. Trussell , The Pennsylvania Line, 253; and Pennsylvania Archives, 5t h ser., 2:9-11 . Th e revolt bega n i n George Nagel' s an d James Ross' s predominatel y Germa n companies . See Nathanael Green e t o Georg e Washington , 1 0 September 1775 , Nathanael Greene Papers, 1:117, Willia m L . Clements Library , An n Arbor, Mich. ; and Fitzpatick, Writings of Washington, 3:490-91. 100. Hors t Dippel , Germany and the American Revolution: 1770-1800, trans . Bernar d Uhlendorf (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1977) , 238-41 .

C H A P T E R FOU

R Changing

One Master for Another

1. Joh n Chavi s t o Senato r Willi e P . Mangrum , 1 0 March 1832 , quote d i n Jeffrey J Crow, The Black Experience in Revolutionary North Carolina (Raleigh: Divisio n of Archives and History, Nort h Carolin a Departmen t o f Cultural Resources , 1989) , x, 98-99; see also Davi d Brion Davis , The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823 (Ithaca, N . Y.: Cornell University Press , 1975) , 39^2. Washington Papers, serie s 3G , 30 December 1775 ; Peter Maslowski , "Nationa l Polic y Towards th e Use of Black Troop s i n the Revolution," South Carolina Historical Magazine 73 (January 1972) : 5 ; and Alain C . White , comp. , The History of the Town of Litchfield, 1720ip2o (Litchfield, Conn. : Enquire r Print , 1920) , 152 . Cas h Afric a wa s allowe d t o reenlist in 1777 whe n i t becam e obviou s tha t Africa n America n manpowe r wa s indispensable t o th e army an d served unti l th e en d of the war . 3. Pete r Force , ed. , American Archives (Washington , D.C. , 1837-53 ) (hereafte r Am. Arch.), 4t h ser., 3:1161; and Washington Papers, series 3G , 12 November 1775 , Librar y of Congress; Journals of the Continental Congress, 1 6 January 1776 . 4. Benjami n Quarles' s semina l study , The Negro in the American Revolution (New York : W. W . Norton , 1961) , remain s th e mos t complet e accoun t o f th e African America n i n British o r Continental service . I t is, however, no w mor e tha n thirt y year s ol d an d needs to be expande d i n light o f new evidenc e an d perspectives uncovere d b y a later generatio n of social, political , an d military historians . Se e Benjamin Quarles , The Negro in the American

188 • Notes to Chapter Four Revolution (New York : W. W . Norton , 1961) . Fo r the mos t recen t wor k on black resistanc e in th e Revolutionar y period , se e Sylvi a Frey' s excellen t Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1092) ; Gary Nash , Race and Revolution (Madison, Wis. : Madison Hous e Publishers , 1990) ; Peter Wood, "Th e Drea m Deferred: Blac k Freedo m Struggle s o n th e Ev e o f Whit e Independence, " i n In Resistance: Studies in African, Caribbean, and Afro-American History, ed . Gar y Y . Okihir o (Amherst : University o f Massachusetts Press , 1986) ; and Gary Nash , Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720-1840 (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1988). 5. The Colonial Laws of New York, 2:161-62. 6. Willia m II . Hening , ed. , The Statutes at Large: Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia 4 (Richmond , Va. , 1810-23) , I I Q ' a n ^ "A n Agen t fo r Carolin a an d Merchant s Trading Thither " t o th e Boar d o f Trade , 1 8 July 1715 , i n The Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1662-1/66, ed . Willia m Saunder s (Raleigh, N.C. , 1886-90) , 2:197 . 7. Benjami n Quarles, "Th e Colonial Militi a and Negro Manpower," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 45, no . 4 (March 1959) : 643. Durin g th e Seve n Years ' War, th e governors of Maryland , Pennsylvania , an d Ne w Jerse y al l hesitate d t o enlis t slave s an d indenture d servants i n th e provincia l forces . Se e Willia m H . Browne , ed. , Archives of Maryland, vol. 6 (1883), 342 ; and Charles H . Lincoln , ed. , The Correspondence of William Shirley, vol . 2 (1912), 321-22.

8. Frey , Water from the Rock, 45 . Pete r Woo d note d tha t one reaso n wh y historian s hav e failed t o see the true role that blac k resistanc e playe d i n defining event s during the Revolu tion wa s becaus e the y hav e studie d th e Revolutio n colon y b y colon y an d have , therefore , failed t o see th e connections o f prewa r Africa n America n revolts . Se e Wood , "Th e Drea m Deferred," 166-87 . Tw o other recent studie s that emphasized th e connection betwee n slav e resistance an d th e Revolutio n ar e Rober t A . Olwell , "Domestic k Enemies : Slaver y an d Political Independenc e i n Sout h Carolina , Ma y 1775-Marc h 1776, " Journal of Southern History 55 (1989): 21-48; and Richar d B . Sheridan , "Th e Jamaican Slav e Insurrectio n Scar e of 177 6 and the America n Revolution, " Journal of Negro History 61 (July 1976) : 290-308. 9. Pete r Linebaug h an d Marcu s Rediker , "Th e Many-Heade d Hydra : Sailors , Slaves , and th e Atlanti c Workin g Clas s i n th e Eighteent h Century, " Journal of Historical Sociology 3 (September 1090) : 225-53. 10. Pete r Wood , "Th e Drea m Deferred : Blac k Freedo m Struggle s o n th e Ev e of Whit e Independence," 168 , 169 , 181 . 11. Wood , "Th e Drea m Deferred, " 169 . O n th e Somerse t case , se e A . Leo n Higginbo tham, Jr., In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process: The Colonial Period (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1978) , 333-63 ; and Bulloc k an d Housto n t o John Adams , in Diary and Autobiography of JohnAdams, ed. L . II . Butterfield , vol . 2 (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1062) , 183 . 12. Charle s W . Akers , "Ou r Moder n Egyptians : Philli s Wheatle y an d th e Whi g Cam paign against Slaver y i n Revolutionar y Boston, " Journal of Negro Ltistory (1975): 406-7; Rut h Bogin, "Libert y Furthe r Extended : A 177 6 Antislaver y Manuscrip t b y Lemue l Haynes, " William and Mary Quarterly (hereafter cite d a s WMQ), 3 d ser . (1983) : 85-105 ; an d Frey , Water from the Rock, 49-50 . 13. Abigai l Adam s t o John Adams , 2 2 Septembe r 1774 , m Charle s F . Adams , Familiar Letters of JohnAdams and His Wife Abigail Adams (New York , 1876) , 41 -42. 14. Sidney Kaplan , "Th e Domesti c Insurrection s o f th e Declaratio n of Independence, " Journal of Negro History 61 (1976) : 249-50 ; an d Jame s Madiso n t o Willia m Bradford , 2 6 November 1774 , i n The Papers of James Madison, ed . Willia m T. Hutchinso n an d William M. E. Racha l (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1932) , 1:129-30 .

Notes to Chapter Four • 18 9 15. Georgia Gazette (Savannah) , 7 Decembe r 1774 ; Frcy , Waterfront the Rock, 54 . 16. Colone l J o h n Simpson , C h a i r m a n o f th e Safet y C o m m i t t e e i n Pit t C o u n t y , t o Colonel Richar d Cogdell , C h a i r m a n o f th e Safet y C o m m i t t e e i n Crave n C o u n t y , 1 5 Jul y 1775, i n Saunders , ed. , Colonial Records of North Carolina, 10:94-95 . Simpson' s committe e had "whip t an d crappe d th e ears " o f al l slave s suspecte d o f complicit y i n th e conspiracy . H e mentione d on e "negr o w e n c h " w h o incite d th e committe e wit h a fals e repor t o f mor e than 25 0 slave s nea r Pometo . Accordin g t o Jane t Schaw , a Scottis h noblewoma n visitin g the are a a t th e time , th e entir e lowe r C a p e Fea r are a o f N o r t h Carolin a wa s absolutel y panicked b y rumor s o f potentia l slav e rebellions . Se e Jane t Schaw , Journal of a Lady of Quality, 1774-1776, ed . Evangelin e Walke r A n d r e w s an d Charle s A n d r e w s ( N e w Haven , C o n n . : Yal e Universit y Press , 1921) , 199-201 . 17. Papers of Henry Laurens, 10:20 7 n n - 3 » 4' 5 J VVord Germaine, 2 8 April 1778 , quoted i n Els a V . Goveia , Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth-Century (Ne w Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1965), 95. 32. Jame s Madiso n t o Willia m Bradford , 1 9 June 1775 , i n The Papers of JamesMadison, ,:l 5333. Adam s diar y entry , 2 4 Septembe r 1775 , i n letters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:50 51; and Adams , Works, 2:428 . 34. Extrac t of a letter from Charlesto n merchan t Josiah Smith , i n Force, Am. Arch., 4th ser., 2:1129 ; John Drayton , Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Charleston , S.C. : A . E. Miller , 1821) , 1:231 ; and ^ r e y, Water from the Rock, 56-57 . 35. Force , Am. Arch., 4t h ser. , 2:762 , 3:1385 . Fear s o f Africa n Americans ' gainin g knowledge o f th e us e o f weapon s cause d th e Philadelphi a Committe e o f Safet y t o sen d David Owen , a local recruiter , t o th e workhouse , "becaus e h e wa s suspecte d o f enlistin g Negroes" agains t th e wishe s o f Congress . Se e The Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 1683lypo, vol . 1 0 (Philadelphia, 1852-53) , 427 . 36. Gate s t o Massachusetts Council , 2 July 1779 , Revolutionar y Roll s Coll., C O , 138 140, Mass . Arch. ; and Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 70 . 37. JCC, 1 1 Februar y 1777 , 13:119 ; ibid. , 14-1 5 Apri l 1777 , 262-63 . I n Apri l 177 7 Congress furthe r resolve d tha t i f th e state s faile d t o forwar d thei r recruitin g quotas , the y should draf t the m fro m thei r respectiv e militias . Languag e wa s inserte d int o the resolutio n that allowe d th e recruitmen t o f servant s an d apprentice s an d prohibite d th e imprisonmen t of soldier s fo r debt s no t exceedin g fifty dollars . Remove d fro m th e bil l wa s a clause tha t compensated master s fo r the enlistment o f their servants. 38. Mackenzie , Diary, 1:84-85 . 39. Willia m Heat h t o John Adams , 2 3 October 1775 , John Adam s Papers , Mass . Hist . Soc.; and Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 1 2. 40. W . B . Hartgrove , "Th e Negr o i n the American Revolution, " Journal of Negro History 1 (1916): 126 .

41. Foner , Blacks in the American Revolution, 68 . 42. Davi d O . White , Connecticut's Black Soldiers (Chester, Conn. : Pequo t Press , 1973) , 8. 43. Lorenz o Greene, "Som e Observations o n the Blac k Regimen t of Rhod e Islan d in the American Revolution, " Journal of Negro History 37 , no . 2 (April 1952) : 143. 44. Greene , "Blac k Regimen t o f Rhod e Island, " 143 ; and Phili p S . Foner , Labor and the American Revolution (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1976) , 182 .

Notes to Chapter Four • 19 1 45. Rhode Island Archives: Records of the State of Rhode Island ', December 1777-October 1779, 10:41 •

46. Rhode Island Colonial Records, 8:641 ; and Greene , "Blac k Regimen t o f Rhod e Island, " 149.

47. Greene , "Blac k Regiment, " 153-55 ; and Records of the State of Rhode Island, 10:42-43 . Greene point s out tha t som e white s seemingl y preferre d t o los e th e wa r rathe r tha n wi n i t by armin g slaves. 48. Table—Showin g Nam e o f Slave , Dat e o f Enlistment , Plac e Enliste d fro m an d Slaves Enliste d Eac h Month , Februar y 25 , 1778-Octobe r 14 , 1778 , Genera l Treasurer' s Accounts, 1761-1781 , Alphabe t Boo k No . 6 , Greene , "Blac k Regiment, " 156-57 , 161 ; an d Lorenzo Greene , The Negro in Colonial New England, 1620-1776 (New York : Columbi a University Press , 1942) , 88. 49. Greene , "Blac k Regiment, " 161-62 . 50. Ibid. , 164-65 ; Rhode Island Archives: Militar y Papers , Revolutionar y War , 3:23 , nos . 1,2, 24 ; nos. 1 , 2 , 25 ; nos. 1,2 ; Genera l Treasurer' s Accounts , 1761-81 , vol. 6 . 51. Greene , "Blac k Regiment, " 171. 52. Miscellaneous Archives of Massachusetts, 199:80 ; George Livermore , An Historical Research on Negroes as Slaves, as Citizens, and as Soldiers (New York : Arno Press , reprinte d 1969) , 125 26 (page references ar e to reprint edition). 53. Miscellaneous Archives of Massachusetts, 199:80 ; an d Livermore , Historical Research on Negroes, 1 25-26. 54. White , Connecticut's Black Soldiers, 32 . N o reaso n wa s given fo r th e formatio n o f th e Connecticut unit . Ther e wer e othe r Africa n American s i n th e Connecticu t lin e wh o wer e not i n this unit . Perhap s th e company wa s forme d because , a s Thomas Kenc h suggeste d i n 1778, i t was thought that all-black unit s would compete with white companies in demonstrating thei r fightin g ardo r an d zeal ; Kaplan , The Black Presence in the American Revolution, 1st ed., 59 . Amon g the black volunteer s wer e me n wh o wer e destined t o become famou s i n the Haitian revolution . Andr e Rigau d an d Loui s Beauvai s wer e noncommissione d officer s a t the sieg e o f Savanna h i n 1779 . Henr i Christoph e earne d hi s freedo m a s an infantryma n i n the Chasseurs an d late r became hea d of the revolutionar y Haitia n government . 55. E . Stanle y Godbolt , Jr. , an d R . H . Woody , Christopher Gadsden and the American Revolution (Knoxville: Universit y o f Tennessee Press , 1982) , 195 . 56. Ibid. , 195 . 57. Willia m G. Simms , ed., The Array Correspondence of JohnLaurens (New York : Bradford Club, 1867) , 108-9 , 114-18 ; an d Maslowski , "Nationa l Polic y towar d th e Us e o f Blac k Troops i n the Revolution, " South Carolina Historical Magazine 73 (January 1972) : 8. Laurens , in a later lette r t o hi s father , apologize d fo r wha t h e terme d wa s a "hare-brained scheme " and lai d the projec t asid e until th e Britis h army bega n to devastate the southern states. 58. Maslowski , "Us e of Blac k Troops," 8. 59. Thoma s Burke' s Draf t Committe e Report , John Pel l Diary , 2 5 March 1779 , Willia m Whipple t o Josiah Bartlett , 2 8 Marc h 1779 , letters of the Delegates to Congress, 12:242-45 , 257-58. 60. Harol d C . Syrett , ed. , The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (New York : Columbi a University Press , 1961-66) , 2:17-19 . 61. Clinto n Proclamation , Clinto n Papers , 3 0 June 1779 , Willia m L . Clement s Library , Ann Arbor , Mich . Th e "Phillipsbur g Proclamation " was published i n the Rivington' s Tor y newspaper, Royal Gazette, whic h carrie d th e proclamatio n i n ever y issu e fro m 3 July 177 9 through 2 5 September 177 9 and thereafter sporadically . 62. JCC, 18:1133 . Foun d i n th e Papers of the Continental Congress wa s a repor t o f th e Board o f Wa r tha t directe d "tha t arm s an d accoutrement s togethe r wit h th e necessar y

192 • Notes to Chapter Four clothing fo r th e sai d Corps " b e forwarde d a s soo n a s possible . Th e report , however , wa s endorsed b y th e Congressiona l Secretary , Charle s Thomson , "Augus t 24 , 1781 , no t t o b e acted upon. " PCC, no . 20 , II , foli o 443. 63. JCC, 18:1133 ; and PCC, no . 20 , II , foli o 443. 64. Maslowski , "Us e of Blac k Troops," 2. 65. Ibid. , 15 ; an d A . S . Sally , Jr. , ed. , Journal of the House of Representatives of South Carolina, 8 January 1782-2 6 Februar y 178 2 (Columbia, S.C : Stat e Co., 1916) , 21 , 56. John Laurens wa s kille d b y Torie s i n lat e 1782 . Hi s Africa n America n battalio n proposal , neve r having muc h loca l support , apparentl y die d wit h him . Henr y Lauren s was captured b y th e British on a mission to Europe and imprisoned i n the Tower of London . 66. Washington Papers, ser . 4 , iojul y 1782 . 67. Maslowski , "Us e of Blac k Troops," 15-16 . 68. Honyma n Diary , 2 January 1781 . 69. Donal d L . Robinson , Slavery in the Structure of American Politics (Ne w York : Har court, Brace , and Jovanovich, 1971) , 124 . 70. Ralp h Izar d letter , 1 0 Jun e 1785 , Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julia n Boy d (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press) , 8:199; Frey, Water from the Rock, 142 ; Moore, Historical Notes, 15; and John Hop e Franklin , From Slavery to Freedom (Ne w York : Knopf , 1967), 134 . Fo r informatio n o n th e formatio n o f "maroon " communities , se e Richar d S . Dunn, Sugar and Slaves (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1972) , 38 . 71. Journal of Henry Melchoir Muhlenberg, vol . 3 (Philadelphia, 1958) , 78 ; an d Kaplan , Black Presence, rev . ed. , 79 . 72. Pennsylvania Packet, 1 Januar y 1780 . 73. Sylvi a Frey , "Th e Britis h an d th e Black : A Ne w Perspective, " The Historian 38 , no. 2 (February 1976) : 229. 74. Kaplan , Black Presence, rev . ed. , 81. 75. Extrac t of a letter fro m Monmout h County , 1 2 June 1780 , regardin g Ty, Pennsylvania Gazette and Weekly Advertiser, 21 June 1780 . 76. Thoma s Be e t o Governor John Mathews , Goos e Creek , 9 Decembe r 1782 , Thomas Bee Papers, Sout h Carolina Library , Columbia , S.C . 77. Ibid. , 233 .

78. Lt . Genera l Alexande r Lesli e to General Carleton , 1 0 August 1782 , Carleton Papers, David Librar y o f th e America n Revolutio n (hereafte r DLAR) , Washingto n Crossing , Pa. ; and Frey , "Th e Britis h an d th e Black, " 237 . Slaver y ha d bee n outlawe d i n Englan d an d Scotland sinc e 1772 . A communit y o f fre e black s wa s establishe d i n Nov a Scoti a afte r th e war. Som e of the former slaves eventually mad e their way bac k to Africa. Se e James W. St . G. Walker , The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870 (Ne w York : Dalhousi e Universit y Press , 1976) . 79. Joh n Crude n t o Lor d Dunmore , 5 January 1782 , i n Livermore , Historical Research, 142-45; and Frey , Water from the Rock, 140 . 80. Se e Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, ix . 81. Rober t Ewel l Greene , Black Courage 177s-1783: Documentation of Black Participation in the American Revolution (Washington , D.C. : Daughter s o f th e America n Revolution , 1984), 2 .

82. Charle s H . Lesser , ed. , The Sinews of Independence: Monthly Strength Reports of the Continental Army (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1976) , 84. 83. W . B . Hartgrove , "Th e Negr o Soldier in the American Revolution, " Journal of Negro History 1 (1916): 127 .

84. Lesser , Sinews of Independence, 84-85 . 85. R G 93 , Nationa l Archives , Genera l Return , Mai n Army , 9 Februar y 1778 ; an d

Notes to Chapter Four • 19 3 Robert K . Wright , J r . , The Continental Army (Washington , D . C . : Unite d State s A r m y Center o f Militar y H i s t o r y , 1986) , 125 . 86. Marqui s D e Chastellux , Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 17S1 and 1782, 2 vols., ed . H o w a r d C . Ric e (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f N o r t h Carolin a Press , 1963) , 2:229 ; and White , Connecticut's Black Soldiers, 35 . 87. Lis a Bull , " T h e N e g r o , " i n The Ethnic Contribution to the American Revolution, ed . Frederick F . Harlin g an d Marti n Kaufma n (Westfield , Mass. : Historica l Journa l o f Wester n Massachusetts, 1976) , 72 . 88. Kaplan , The Black Presence in the American Revolution, 19 , 33 , 27 , 42 . T h e watercolo r of th e fou r soldier s i s fro m th e journa l o f Baro n vo n Closen , Librar y o f Congress , Washing ton, D . C . Se e J o hn T r u m b u l l , Lt. Crosvenor and His Negro Servant, oil , 1786 , Yal e Universit y Art Gallery , T h e Mabe l Brad y Garva n Collection ; Jean-Baptist e L e Paon , Lafayette at Yorktown, oil , 1783 , Ar t Collection , Lafayett e College , gif t o f Mrs . J o h n H u b b a r d ; J . N . G i m i , Washington Crossing the Delaware, engraving , afte r paintin g b y T h o m a s Sully , 1819 , Library o f Congress ; an d Pau l Giradet , Washington Crossing the Delaware, engravin g afte r Emanuel Leutze' s painting , 1851 , Miria m an d I) . Wallac h Divisio n o f Art , Prints , an d Photographs, N e w Yor k Publi c Library , Astor , Lenox , an d T i l d e n Foundations . 89. Kaplan , " T h e Blac k Presenc e i n th e America n Revolution, " 43 ; an d Willia m Ran ney, The Battle of Cowpens, oil , 1845 , Frederic k Donhauser , Ston y River , Alaska . 90. Se e Steve n R o s s w u r m , Arms, Country, and Class: The Philadelphia Militia and the Lower Sort during the American Revolution ( N e w Brunswick , N . J . : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1987) ; extract o f Continenta l arm y personne l return , Alexande r Scammell , Adjutan t o f th e A r m y , 24 Augus t 1778 , i n Hartgrove , " T h e N e g r o Soldie r i n th e America n Revolution, " 127 . 9 1 . Foner , Blacks in the American Revolution, 55 . 92. G r e e n e , Black Courage, 1775-1783 , app . 8 - 1 0 ; Nationa l Archives , Militar y Pension s Files, R G 15 , o f th e Adjutan t General' s Office ; Specia l Lis t N o . 34 , Lis t o f Fre e Blac k Heads o f Familie s i n th e Firs t Censu s o f th e U . S . 1790 , 1973 ; Specia l Lis t N o . 36 , Lis t o f Black Serviceme n compile d fro m th e Wa r Departmen t collectio n o f Revolutionar y Wa r records, 1974 . I t shoul d b e note d tha t veteran s w h o applie d fo r pension s i n 181 8 ha d t o prove tha t the y wer e i n nee d t o qualif y fo r a pension . 93. N a s h , Forging Freedom, 5 7 - 5 8 ; an d "Inspectio n Roll s o f Negroes , T a k e n ()nl)oar d S u n d r y Vessel s a t State n Island , N . Y . , " Carleto n Papers , documen t no . 10427 , D L A R . 94. Specia l Lis t N o . 34 , "Lis t o f Fre e Blac k Head s o f Familie s i n th e 179 0 C e n s u s " (Washington, D . C . : Nationa l Archives , 1973) ; a n t ^ Specia l Lis t N o . 36 , "Lis t o f Blac k Servicemen Compile d fo r Wa r D e p a r t m e n t Records " (Washington , D . C : Nationa l Ar chives, 1974) . 95. G a r y B . N a s h , Race and Revolution (Madison , Wis. : xMadiso n H o u s e , 1990) , 18 . 96. Berlin , Slaves without Masters, 1$; and Population of the United States in i860 (Washing ton, D . C , 1864) , 5 9 2 - 6 0 4 . 97. Berlin , Slaves without Masters, 3 - 6 ; an d Jeffre y J . C r o w , The Black Experience in Revolutionary North Carolina (Raleigh : Divisio n o f Archive s an d History , N o r t h Carolin a Department o f Cultura l Resources , 1989) , 30 . 98. Fo r a simila r analysi s o f resistanc e t o slaver y i n a Wes t Africa n setting , se e Pau l F . Lovejoy, The Ideology of Slavery in Africa (Beverl y Hills , Calif. : Sag e Publications , 1981) ; an d Frey, Water from the Rock, 8 6 - 8 7 . Eugen e Genoves e calle d th e traditio n o f Africa n America n resistance "nonrevolutionar y self-assertion. " Se e Fugen e Genovese , Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made ( N e w York : Vintag e Books , 1976) , 5 8 7 - 9 7 . 99. Berlin , Slaves Without Masters, 29 . 100. Dunca n J . MacLeod , Slavery, Race, and the American Revolution (Cambridge : C a m bridge Universit y Press , 1974) , 164-65 . MacLeo d state s tha t th e closes t modern-da y paral -

194 • Notes to Chapter Five lels to this kin d of legislatio n wer e the pass laws formerl y enforce d i n Sout h Afric a an d the requirement i n fascist German y tha t Jews display th e Star of David . 101. Clark , State Records of North Carolina, 27:385, 389 , 595-96 , 28:571-72 , 623-25 , 662-63, 680-81 ; Case of Harry , Dinah , an d Patt , 5 April 1785 , Perquiman s County Slav e Papers, Stat e Archives of Nort h Carolina; and Crow, Black Experience, 83 . 102. Michae l Mullin , "Britis h Caribbea n an d Nort h America n Slave s i n an Er a of War and Revolution , 1775-1807, " Th e Souther n Experienc e i n th e America n Revolution , ed . Jeffrey Cro w an d Larr y Tis e (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1978) , 241-42.

103. Jackson , "Virgini a Negr o Soldier s an d Seame n i n the Revolutionar y War,"Journal of Negro History, 27 (July 1992) : 253. 104. Nash , Race and Revolution, 54 . 105. Samue l Sutphen , "Wartim e Experienc e of a Ne w Jersey Slave, " in New Jersey in the American Revolution, 1763-1783: A Documentary History, ed. Larr y Gerlac k (Trenton : Ne w Jersey Bicentennia l Commission , 1975) , 357 106. Petitio n b y Ne d Griffen , 2 7 iVtarch 1784 , Legislativ e Papers , 50 , Stat e Archive s of North Carolina ; an d Clark , State Records of North Carolina, 24:639; an d Crow , The Black Experience 65. 107. Se e Jess e Lemisch , "Th e America n Revolutio n See n fro m th e Botto m Up, " i n Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History, ed . Barto n J. Bernstei n (New York : Pantheon Books , 1968) , 3-29 ; Alfred F . Young , ed. . The American Revolution: Explorations in History of American Radicalism (DeKalb : Northern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1976) ; Benjamin Quarles, ed. , Black Mosaic: Essays in Afro-American History and Historiography (Amherst : University o f Massachusett s Press , 1988) , 49 , 57—58 ; and Hoffman , Slavery and Freedom, 293. 108. Quarles , Black Mosaic, 57-58; se e Geral d W . Mullin , Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1972) , 140-63 .

CHAPTER FIV

E Scalp

Bounties and Truck Houses

1. Georgia Gazette, 2 Februar y 1774 ; Ibid. , 3 0 March , 1 3 Apri l 1774 ; an d Edwar d J . Cashin, The King's Ranger: Thomas Brown and the American Revolution (Athens : Universit y o f Georgia Press , 1989) , 11-13 . 2. Fo r a critique o f ho w India n cultur e ha s bee n traditionall y portraye d i n olde r text books an d interpretations , se e James H . Merrell , "Som e Thought s o n Colonia l Historian s and America n Indians, " William and Mary Quarterly 46 (1989) , 96 ; an d Lind a K . Kerber , "The Revolutionar y Generation : Ideology , Politics , an d Culture in the Earl y Republic, " in The New American History, ed. Eri c Fone r (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1990) , 40-41.

3. Willia m Gordon to General Horati o Gates, 2 3 June 1776 , American Archives (hereafter Am. Arch.), 4th ser., ed . Pete r Force, 4:1041-42 . 4. Bernar d W. Sheehan , "Th e Problem of the Indian in the Revolution," in The American Indian Experience: A Profile, ed . Phili p Week s (Arlington Heights , 111. : Forum Press , 1988) , 66-67. 5. John Adam s to Horatio Gates, 2 7 April 1776 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 3:586 87. Adam s ma y hav e ha d persona l reason s fo r fearin g th e Indians . Hi s grandfathe r ha d been kille d i n a raid years before . 6. Ibid. , 433.

Notes to Chapter Five • 19 5 7. Richar d Henr y Le e t o Georg e Washington , 2 9 June 1775 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 1:558-59 ; Journals of the Continental Congress, 1 1 Jul y 1775 , 2:1741 ; The Colonial Records of North Carolina, ed. Willia m L . Saunder s (Raleigh , N.C. : P . M . Hale , 1886-90) , 10:329-31.

8. Richar d Butle r t o Guyashusta, Apri l 1776 , Papers of the Continental Congress (hereafter cited a s PCC), ree l 91, item 78 , 2:41 . 9. PCC, ree l 91, ite m 78 , 2:46 . 10. Alber t T . Volwiler , George Croghan and the Westward Movement, 1741-1782 (Cleveland: Arthu r H . Clark , 1926) , 324 ; Dr . Joh n Connoll y t o th e Continenta l Congress , 8 February 1776 , Am. Arch., 4t h ser. , 5:1122 ; an d Gregor y Schaff , Wampum Belts and Peace Trees: George Morgan, Native Americans and Revolutionary Diplomacy (Golden, Colo. : Fulcrum , 1990), 10 .

11. Joh n Stuar t "anecdote " t o Henr y Clinton , Marc h 1776 , The Clinton Papers, 14:45, William L . Clement s Library , An n Arbor , Mich . Benjami n Franklin , comparin g th e vas t number o f Native-America n tribe s on th e wester n frontie r t o Mogul hordes , warne d Con gress tha t America n "securit y [would ] no t b e obtaine d b y . . . forts , unles s the y wer e connected lik e tha t o f China , fro m on e en d o f ou r settlement s t o th e other. " Benjami n Franklin, The Interest of Great Britain Considered, with Regard to Her Colonies (London, 1760) . 12. Georg e Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 1 9 Apri l 1776 , PCC, ree l 186 , item 169 , 1:291-96 .

13. Danie l K . Richte r an d James Merrell , eds. , Beyond the Covenant Chain: The Iroquois and Their Neighbors in Indian North America, 1600-1800 (Syracuse, N.Y. : Syracus e Univer sity Press , 1987) , 29-31 . 14. "Georg e Croghan' s Journal, 3 April 175 9 to [30] April 1763, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 1 (1947) , 357 ; ar| d Joh n D . Barnhart , ed. , Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution to Include the Journal of Gov. Henry Hamilton (Crawfordsville, Ind. : R . E . Banta , 1951) , 22. 15. Walte r H . Mohr , Federal Indian Relations, 1774-1788 (Philadelphia: Universit y o f Pennsylvania Press , 1933) , 40. 16. Willia m T . Hagan , Longhouse Diplomacy and Frontier Warfare: The Iroquois Confederacy in the American Revolution, 11 . 17. Etha n Alle n t o the Indian s of Canada, 2 4 May 1775 , Qi 1 , Public Archives of Canada, 193-94; an d Barbar a Graymont , The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse , N.Y. : Syracuse Universit y Press , 1978) , 68. 18. Graymont , Iroquois, 68 . 19. Ibid. , 95-96 . 20. Ibid . 21. Marti n I . J . Griffin , The Catholic Indians and the American Revolution (Ridle y Park , Penn.: privately published , 1907) , 106 . 22. Graymont , Iroquois, 87 . Th e Simsbur y Min e wa s a makeshif t colonia l priso n tha t had gained a notoriously unhealth y reputatio n amon g the Britis h forces . 23. Th e Easter n Indian s t o Washington, 3 1 January 1776 , Washington Papers, Librar y o f Congress, foli o 2563 . 24. Georg e Galphi n wa s likewis e appointe d commissione r o f th e souther n Indian s an d noted tha t h e ha d los t th e loyaltie s o f hal f th e Uppe r Cree k India n town s du e t o a shortage of trade goods. Se e James H . O'Donnell , Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville, Tenn. : Universit y o f Tennesse e Press , 1973) , 20-24 . Th e bes t wor k o n th e activities of Morgan i s Schaff, Wampum Belts and Peace Trees. 25. "Jonatha n Elkins ' Reminiscences , 1774-1783, " Vermon t Historica l Society , MS .

196 • Notes to Chapter Five 774940; Am. Arch., 5t h ser. , 3:1081 ; and Colin G . Calloway , "Sentinel s o f th e Revolution : Bedel's Ne w Hampshir e Ranger s an d th e Abenak i Indian s o n th e Uppe r Connecticut, " Historical New Hampshire (Winter 1990) , 279. 26. John Allan , "A n Accoun t o f Colonel John Allan : A Maine Revolutionary, " Sprague's Journal of Maine History 2, no. 5 : 12. 27. Andre w MacFarlan d Davis , "Th e Employmen t o f India n Auxiliarie s i n the Ameri can War, " English Historical Review 2 , no . 8 (Octobe r 1887) : 714 ; an d Griffin , Catholic Indians, 2:103 . 28. Henr y Mowa t t o Captai n Barkley , 3 Augus t 1778 , Henry Clinton Papers, 38:76, William L . Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich . 29. Griffin , Catholic Indians, 120 . 30. Thoma s Gage to Lord Dartmouth , 1 2 January 1776 , Thomas Gage Papers, Willia m L. Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich . 31. Jack Sosin , "Th e Us e of Indian s i n the Wa r of th e America n Revolution, " Canadian Historical Review 46, no . 2 (June 1965) : 121 ; and Davis , "India n Auxiliaries," 721. 32. Journals of the Continental Congress (hereafter cite d asyCQ , 1 7 June 1776 , 5:452 . 33. Georg e Washingto n t o Colone l Davi d Brodhead , 2 3 Jun e 1779 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 15:302-3 . 34. Georg e Morga n t o th e Commissioner s fo r India n Affairs , 3 June 1776 , Morgan's Journal, 18-19; ar| d Schaff , Wampum Belts and Peace Trees, 96-98 . 35. Samue l Adam s t o John Adams , 2 2 Decembe r 1775 , i n Papers of JohnAdams, vol. 3 , ed. Rober t J. Taylo r (Cambridge, Mass. : Belknap Press, 1979) , 374-76 ; and JCC, 3:443 . 36. Deirdr e Almeida, "Th e Stockbridge India n in the American Revolution, " The Historical Journal of Western Massachusetts, nos . 3-4(1974-75) : 37 . 37. Provincia l Congres s tojehoiaki n Metoxin , Am. Arch., 4th ser., 1:1347 . 38. Thoma s F . D e Voe , "Th e Massacr e o f th e Stockbridg e Indians, " The Magazine of American History 5 (September 1880) : 189-90 . 39. Ibid. , 193 . 40. Washingto n t o the Commissioners o f India n Affairs , 1 3 March 1778 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 11:76-77 . Washingto n wa s neve r abl e t o recrui t mor e tha n tw o hundred Oneidas . Ther e i s n o evidenc e o f an y India n recruit s bein g forwarde d fro m th e southern tribes . Late r Washingto n retracte d hi s effort s t o procur e India n recruits , notin g that h e "ha d see n ther e i s ver y littl e prospec t o f engagin g a body o f Indian s . . . t o serv e with thi s army. " Washingto n admitte d tha t th e schem e wa s a n "experiment " an d urge d Congress to "counteract th e temptations hel d out b y th e enemy, an d to secure the good wil l of th e Indians , wh o appea r a t leas t t o b e i n a state o f hesitanc y an d indecision , i f nothin g worse." Washington t o the Presiden t of Congress, 3 May 1778 , ibid. , 343-44 . 41. New Hampshire Council Records, 8:137 ; "Muster Rol l o f Captain John Vincent' s Com pany of Indian Rangers," in History of Newbury, Vermont, from the Discovery of the Coos Country to the Present Time, ed. Frederic k P . Well s (St. Johnsbury, Vt. : Caledonian Co. , 1902) , 409; and Calloway, "Sentinel s of the Revolution, " 291-92. 42. Coli n G . Calloway , The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migration, and Survival of an Indian People (Norman : Universit y o f Oklahom a Press , 1990) , 175-81 , 188 92. Th e ter m "whit e devil " wa s late r use d i n th e twentiet h centur y b y minorit y leade r Malcolm X . 43. Coli n G . Calloway , "Sentinel s o f th e Revolution, " 275 , 282-83 ; and Horati o Gate s to Timothy Bedel , 1 5 Novembe r 1777 , Horatio Gates Papers, 6:205 , 385-87 , 389-90 , 393 94-

44. Jame s Axtell , The European and the Indian (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press ,

1981), 2 3 9 .

Notes to Chapter Five • 19 7 45. Henr y Hamilto n t o Si r Gu y Carleton , 1 5 January 1778 , Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution, 32 . 46. Phili p Schuyle r t o Henr y Laurens , 1 5 March 1778 , Indian Affairs Papers, ed . Maryl y B. Penros e (Franklin Park , N.J. : Libert y Bel l Associates , 1981) , 120-21 . 47. Orderly Book of the Hesse-Hanau Feldjaeger, Ligerwoo d Collection , microfich e nos . 174— 79, Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolutio n (hereafte r cite d a s DLAR) , Washingto n Crossing, Pa . Ther e wa s n o evidenc e tha t thi s gruesom e threa t wa s carrie d ou t an d wa s promulgated fo r it s deterren t effec t o n th e Jaegers . Jaeger s wer e ligh t infantry , an d th e opportunity fo r the m t o desert wa s greater . 48. Translate d fro m th e origina l Frenc h quot e i n a lette r fro m Governo r Tryo n t o William Knox , 2 1 Apri l 1977 , New York Colonial Documents, ed . F . O'Callaghan , 8:707 ; an d Sosin, "Th e Us e of Indian s i n the Wa r of the America n Revolution, " 1 20. 49. Pennsylvania Archives, 7:362 . 50. "Scal p Bount y Proclamation, " Librar y Compan y o f Pennsylvania , Philadelphia ; an d Henrv Young , u Scalp Bountie s i n Pennsylvania, " Pennsylvania History 24 , no . 1 (January 1957): 214 .

51. Ro v Harve y Pearce , The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of Civilization (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1953) , 4 ; an d Young , "Scal p Bounties," 208. 52. Jac k M . Sosin , The Revolutionary Frontier, 1763-1783 (New York : Holt , Rinehart , and Winston , 1967) , 5-19 . 53. Angi e Debo , The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians (Norman: University o f Oklahoma Press , 1941) , 35-36 ; and Cashin , The King's Ranger, 9-10. 54. Henr v Stuar t t o John Stuart , Britis h Publi c Recor d Office , Colonia l Offic e Papers , ser. 5 , 77:145 ; Willia m L . Saunders , ed. , The Colonial Records of North Carolina, vol . 1 0 (Raleigh, N.C. , 1886-1890) , 763-85 ; James II . O'Donnel l III , "Th e Souther n Indian s i n the Wa r fo r America n Independence , 1775-1783, " i n Four Centuries of Southern Indians, ed. Charles M . Hudso n (Athens : Universit y o f Georgia Press , 1975) , 46-64. 55. John Stuar t t o Thomas Gage , 1 5 September 1775 , FCC, ree l 65 , ite m 51 , 1:56 ; an d Merrell, The Catawba 'Trail of Tears, 215 . 56. "Journa l o f th e Counci l o f Safet y fo r th e Provinc e o f Sout h Carolina , 1775, " Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 2 (1858): 32-33 . 57. "Journa l o f th e Counci l o f Safety , fo r th e Provinc e o f Sout h Carolina , 1775, " Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society 2 (1858) : 31-34 , 63 ; an d Fxtracts from the Journal of the Provincial Congresses of South Carolina, ed . Fdwi n Hemphil l (Columbia : Univer sity of Sout h Carolin a Press , i960) , 56 . 58. "Journa l o f th e Secon d Counci l o f Safety, " 3:253 , 263-64 ; an d Dougla s S . Brown , The Catawba Indians: Allies in the Revolution (Columbia : Universit y o f Sout h Carolin a Press , 1966), 2 6 1 - 6 2 .

59. James Wrigh t t o Henr y Clinton , 2 9 March 1776 , The Clinton Papers, 14:42, Willia m L. Clement s Library , An n Arbor , Mich . 60. Drape r Miscellaneou s Manuscripts , Sumpter Papers, 16:318; and Brown , The Catawba Indians, 267 . 61. Richar d Winn , "Genera l Richar d Winn' s Notes—1780, " ed . Samue l C . Williams , South Carolina History and Genealogy Magazine (January 1943) , 6-7 ; Joh n Henr y Logan , "Fxtracts fro m th e Loga n Manuscrip t [o f the Uppe r South], " Historical Collections of the Joseph Habersham Chapter, Daughters o f th e America n Revolution , vol . 3 , pt . 2 , 51 ; and Brown , The Catawba Indians, 267 . 62. Brown , The Catawba Indians, 271 . 63. Home r Bast, "Cree k India n Affairs , 1775-1778, " Georgia Historical Quarterly 33 ,

198 • Notes to Chapter Five no. 1 (Marc h 1949) : 1-4 . Fo r a complet e histor y o f th e Creeks , se e Debo , The Road to Disappearance. 64. Joh n Stuar t t o Cheroke e Warrior s an d Headmen , Januar y 1776 , Clinton Papers, 13:28, Willia m L . Clement s Library , An n Arbor , Mich . 65. 1 July 1775 , Journals of the Continental Congress, 2:123 ; an< ^ ^ ast ^ "Cree k India n Affairs," 6-7 . 66. "Tal k Sen t int o th e Cree k Natio n b y Georg e Galphin, " foun d i n lette r o f Joh n Stuart t o Lor d Dartmouth , 1 7 September 1775 , Public Record Office, Colonial Office (hereafter cited a s PRO), 5-77; an d Thomas Gag e to John Stuart , PRO, 5-76 . 67. Joh n Stuar t t o Lor d Dartmouth , 1 7 Decembe r 1775 , PRO, 5-77 ; an d Bast , "Cree k Indian Affairs, " 10. 68. "Talk s a t Augusta, " Britis h Publi c Recor d Office , Colonia l Office , 5/94 , 121 ; and David H . Corkran , The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783 (Norman : Universit y o f Oklahoma Press , 1967), 297-98 . 69. Archibal d Henderson , "Th e Treat y o f Lon g Islan d o f Holston , July, 1777, " North Carolina Historical Review, 8:55-116; an d Rober t S . Cotterill , The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes Before Removal (Norman: University o f Oklahoma Press , 1954) , 45. 70. North Carolina State Records, ed . Walte r Clark, 13:90 , 117 , 203 ; and Cotterill, Southern Indians, 48 . 71. Sheehan , "Th e Proble m o f th e India n i n the Revolution, " 77; and Schaff , Wampum Belts, 198. 72. Franci s P . Prucha , American Indian Policy in the Formative Years (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1962) , 36-37 ; and Franci s Jennings, "Th e Indian' s Revolution, " in The American Revolution, ed. Alfre d F . Youn g (DeKalb : Norther n Illinoi s Universit y Press, 1976) , 342-43 . 73. Frederic k Harlin g and Martin Kaufman , eds. , The Ethnic Contribution to the American Revolution (Westfield : Historica l Journa l o f Wester n Massachusetts , 1976) , 50 ; an d Gray mont, Iroquois, 242 , 287-88 . 74. Whit e Eye s t o George Morgan , Sprin g 1778 , Morgan's Journal, 2, quoted i n Schaff , Wampum Belts, 199. 75. Georg e Morgan to Thomas Mifflin , 1 2 May 1784 , PCC, ree l 180 , item 163 , 365 ; reel 91, ite m 78 , 2:419 ; and Schaff , Wampum Belts, 199-200. 76. Jennings , "Th e Indian' s Revolution, " 321-22 . Fo r justificatio n o f comparin g th e situation o f Indian s wit h Iris h peasants , se e Franci s Jennings , The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press, 1975) , chap . 5 passim. Fo r an explanation o f th e America n Revolutio n a s a struggle for empir e a s well , se e Richar d W . Va n Alstyne , The Rising American Empire, reprint ed . (New York : W. W . Norton , 1971) , chap. 1 . 77. Alexande r Marti n t o th e Cherokees , 2 5 Ma y 1783 , i n Saunders , Colonial Records of North Carolina, 14:810 ; an d Cornplante r t o Georg e Washington , quote d i n Graymont, Iroquois, 192. Givin g member s o f th e conquerin g arm y portion s o f th e defeate d enemy' s domain was a time-honored concept dating back to the Crusades. Se e Archer Jones, The Art of War in the Western World (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1987) , 145-47 , 200-202 , 215-20.

78. Majo r Willia m Croghan , quote d i n Sosin , The Revolutionary Frontier, 136. I n 1782 , frontier militia , le d b y Willia m Crawford , tomahawke d t o death nearl y ninet y defenseles s Delaware men , women , an d children a t Gnadenhutten o n the east bank of the Muskingum. The followin g summer , Crawfor d an d some of his men were trapped nea r Upper Sandusk y by a ban d o f Wyandot , Mingo , an d Delaware s wh o single d hi m ou t fo r specia l revenge . The Indian s scalpe d him , lai d ho t ashe s o n hi s skull , an d slowl y burne d hi m aliv e ove r an open fire. Ibid., 136 .

Notes to Chapter Six • 19 9 CHAPTER si

x To

Get as Much for My Skin as I Could

1. Joseph Plum b Martin, Private Yankee Doodle: Being a Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, ed . George F . Scheer (Boston: Little , Brow n and Co., 1962) , 14 . For other verse s sun g by Revolutionary soldiers , se e Oscar Brand , ed., Songs of "76: Being a Compendium of Music and Verses, Patriotic and Treasonous Sung Both by the Rebels and the Adherents of His Royal Majesty George HI (New York : M. Evans and Co., 1972) . 2. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 60-61 . 3. Ibid. , 61 . Martin did not elaborat e on the persuasive techniques use d by the Lieutenant an d the squad o f militiamen. I t is probable tha t the y threatene d hi m with bodil y har m and impressmen t i f h e di d no t join ; the y ma y have , onc e th e lieutenan t receive d th e permission o f Martin's grandfather . Th e officer probabl y fel t h e had broad discretio n with young Joseph Martin . Violenc e durin g recruitmen t wa s not unusual. Alexande r Graydon , a Pennsylvani a recruitin g officer , wa s physically attacke d a t one tavern tha t serve d a s a recruiting center . Se e Alexander Graydon , Memoirs of uHis Own Time" with Reminiscences of the Men and Events of the Revolution (Philadelphia , 1846) , 1 33-36. 4. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 15-17; and Charles K . Bolton, The Private Soldier under Washington (Williamstown, Mass. : Corne r Hous e Publishers , 1902 ; reprint, 1976) , 27-31 , 48-50, 78-82 , 95-9 7 (pag e references ar e to reprint edition). 5. Fo r information o n indentured servitud e i n colonial society , se e Abbot Smith , Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1947) ; Jack P . Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Eormation of American Culture (Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1988) ; an d Cheesman A . Herrick , White Servitude in Pennsylvania (Freeport, N.Y. : Books for Libraries Press , 1926) . 6. Willia m Hoope r t o the President o f the North Carolin a Convention , 1 6 November 1776, letters of the Delegates to Congress (Washington , D.C. : Library o f Congress , 1978) , 5:500-503; an d John Tod d White , "Standin g Armie s i n Time of War: Republica n Theor y and Militar y Practic e durin g th e American Revolution " (Ph.D. diss. , Georg e Washingto n University, 1978) , 198-99 . 7. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 43 . 8. Charle s Royster , A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character, 1775-178] (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1979) , 25 , 49; John Shy, A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence, rev. ed . (Ann Arbor: Universit y o f Michigan Press , 1990) , 21 ; Joseph Hodgkin s t o Sarah Hodgkins, 1 3 October 1778 , i n Herbert T. Wad e and Rober t A. Lively, This Glorious Cause: The Adventures of Two Company Officers in Washington's Army (Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n University Press , 1958) , 244 ; and James Duane , Note s o f the Debates, 2 2 February 1776, Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 3:294-96 . 9. Diar y entry , 30-3 1 January 1776 , "Caleb Haskell' s Diary, " Pamphlets in American History Collection, ficheno. B/RW14, Davi d Librar y of the American Revolution , Washing ton Crossing , Pa . (hereafter DLAR) , 16 . It was the first of June befor e Haskel l go t home again. 10. Josep h Doddridge , Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 3 d ed. (Pittsburgh, Pa. , 1912) , 142 ; and Joh n W . Chambers, To Raise an Army: The Draft Comes to Modem America (New York: Fre e Press , 1987) , 17-18 . A good analysi s of how th e colony o f Virginia trie d t o mobilize th e "lower sorts " into a longtermed forc e an d the resistance t o these design s b y the soldiers i s found i n James R . W . Titus, "Soldier s Whe n The y Chos e to Be So: Virginian s at War, 1754-1763 " (Ph.D. diss. , Rutgers University , 1983) , 154-65 . 11. Oth o Howar d William s t o Nathanael Greene , 2 6 February 1781 , quote d i n M. F.

2oo • Notes to Chapter Six Treacy, Prelude to Yorktown: The Southern Campaigns of Nathanael Greene, 1780-1781 (Chape l Hill: Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1963) , 11 ; George Washingto n t o Patric k Henry , 13 April 1777 , in Writings of Washington, vol . 7 , ed. John C. Fitzpatric k (Washington, D.C. , 1931-44), 408 ; and Royster , Revolutionary People, 50 . 12. Joh n Thoma s t o John Adams , 2 4 Octobe r 1775 , Papers of John Adams, vol. 3 , ed . Robert Taylo r (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1979) , 239-41 . Thoma s als o remarked o n th e divers e racia l characte r o f th e soldiers . Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler, 2 8 July 1775 , i n Papers of George Washington, 1:188-00 . 13. Willia m Heat h t o Georg e Washington , 1 9 Septembe r 1776 , Heat h Papers , ree l 2 , 42-43. 14. Fre d W . Anderson , "Wh y Di d Colonia l Ne w Englander s Mak e Ba d Soldiers : Contractual Principle s an d Militar y Conduc t durin g th e Seve n Year s War, " William and Mary Quarterly 38 (1981): 395-417 . Fo r a full treatment , se e Fre d W . Anderson , A People's Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years War (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1984) , passim. 15. Enoc h Poor , "Enoc h Poo r Journal," 1 7 October 1759 , Huntingto n Library ; Privat e Gibson Clough, "Extract s from Gibson Clough's Journal, Essex Institute Historical Collections, 3 (1861), 09-106 , 195-201 ; Poo r an d Clough , quote d i n Fre d Anderson , "Ba d Soldiers, " 407, 409. 16. Richar d Buel , Dear Liberty: Connecticut's Mobilization for the Revolutionary War (Middletown, Conn. : Wesleya n Universit y Press , 1980) , passim . Fo r a n excellen t accoun t o f how th e Continenta l arm y operate d unde r th e contrac t system , se e E . Wayn e Carp , To Starve the Army at Pleasure: Continental Army Administration and American Political Culture, 1775-1783 (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1984) , passim . 17. Enoc h Poo r t o Mesec h Weare , 2 1 January 1778 , Pete r Forc e Manuscripts , serie s 7 E, Ne w Hampshir e Council , Librar y o f Congress ; and Wayn e K . Bodle , "Th e Vorte x o f Small Fortunes : The Continental Arm y a t Valley Forge , 1777-1778 " (Ph.D. diss. , Univer sity o f Pennsylvania, 1987) , 214-15 . 18. John Adam s to Joseph Reed , 7 July 1776 , Utters of the Delegates to Congress, 4:402-3 . An enlistment "durin g the war " meant tha t the soldier agreed t o remain i n service unti l th e war wa s over. Congres s no t onl y ha d t o compete wit h loca l jurisdiction s bu t th e Britis h as well. Washingto n discovere d tha t a Continental soldie r name d "Joh n Mash , wh o wit h Si x others wer e take n b y ou r Guards , [an d were ] given Te n pound s bount y fo r [enlistin g int o the Britis h army]. " Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 4 Octobe r 1776 , i n Fitzpa trick, Writings of Washington, 6:153 ; and Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 3 May 1777, ibid. , 8:6-9 , *7 19. Richar d Smit h Diary , 2 2 Februar y 1776 , Letters to the Delegates of Congress (Washington, D.C. : Librar y of Congress, 1978) ; and Martin, Private Yankee Doodle, 15 . 20. Orderly Book of the 2nd Pennsylvania Continental Line, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (hereafter PMHB) 36 (1912): 42-43; extract fro m Game's Paper, 9 March 1778 , Papers of the Continental Congress (hereafter PCC), reel 179 , item 161 , 95. 21. New Hampshire Gazette, 27 Apri l 1779 ; and Fran k Moore , ed. , Diary of the Revolution (New York , 1858 ; reprint , Ne w York : Arn o Press , 1969) , 152-5 3 (pag e reference s ar e t o reprint edition). 22. "Recruitin g Poster , Philadelphia , 1776, " Evans Collection of Early American Imprints, no. 1516 3 (Washington , D.C. : Georgetow n Universit y Library) ; and Mar k E . Lende r an d James Kirb y Martin , A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789 (Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982) , 88. 23. Depositio n of John Claspy, 2 6 November 1832 , The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence, ed . John C. Dan n (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 366 .

Notes to Chapter Six • 20 1 24. Howar d Applegate , "Constitution s Lik e Iron : Th e Lif e o f America n Revolutionar y War Soldier s i n th e Middl e Department , 1775-1783 " (Ph.D . diss. , Syracus e University , 1966), 15-22 .

25. Advertisemen t o f Jame s Doble , Pennsylvania Journal, 1 7 Apri l 1776 . Ther e i s n o evidence tha t Dobl e wa s ever arrested . 26. Josiah Bur r to Lydi a Burr , 2 4 January 1777 ; Josiah Bur r t o Captain Luthe r Stoddard , 18 July 1778 , Bur r Famil y (Collection , Yal e Universit y Library , Ne w Haven , Conn. ; an d Linda S . Luchowski , "Sunshin e Soldiers : Ne w Have n an d th e America n Revolution " (Ph.D. diss. , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Buffalo , 1976) , 269-70 . 27. Th e Fou r Pennsylvani a (Companie s o f th e Germa n Regimen t t o th e (Continenta l (Congress, [1780?], PCC, ree l 49 , ite m 41 , 3:376 . 28. Colone l Natha n Denniso n t o Roge r Sherma n an d Samue l Huntington , 7 April 1777 , Miscellaneous Manuscript s o f th e Revolutionar y Wa r Fra , Manuscrip t Grou p 275 , rol l 1 , Pennsylvania Histor y an d Museu m Commission ; an d Georg e Washingto n t o Henr y Laurens, 2 7 Februar y 1778 , Friedric h vo n Steube n Papers , ree l 1 , DLAR . 29. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress, 1 Januar y 1776 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 6:461. Th e extensio n o f enlistmen t wa s du e t o Washington' s plan s t o attac k Trenton, whic h coincide d wit h th e expiration o f enlistments of both Regula r an d militia sol diers. 30. Jame s Warre n t o Samue l Adams , 2 Februar y 1777 , Samue l Adam s Papers , Ne w York Publi c Library ; an d Marti n H . Bush , "Phili p Schuyler : Th e Revolutionar y Wa r Years" (Ph.D. diss. , Syracus e University , 1966) , 128 . 31. Joh n Hancoc k t o "Certai n (Colonies, " 8 Decembe r 1775 , Utters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:454 . I nc Committe e recommende d tha t Congres s decid e ho w i t wa s goin g t o pay th e ne w arm y i n a hurry , becaus e "Me n ma y muc h mor e probabl y inlis t before , tha n after the y fee l th e hardship s o f a Winter Campaign. " 32. Fdwar d Han d t o Jasper Yates , 2 1 Februar y 1776 , Forc e Collection , ser . 7F , item s 57-60, Manuscrip t Division , Librar y o f Congress . 33. Hancoc k t o "Certai n Colonies, " 2:454 ; a n ^ PCC* ite m 12A , addresse d "T o th e Council o f Massachusett s Bay , Presiden t o f th e (Conventio n o f Ne w Hampshire , an d th e governor o f Rhod e Islan d & Connecticut." 34. Journals of the Continental Congress (hereafter J C(7), 3:393; and Samue l War d to Henr y Ward, 2 1 Novembe r 1775 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:369-70 . 35. _/CC, 3:324 , 414 . An d Washingto n t o Hancock , 8 Decembe r 1775 , i n Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:454 . A s a resul t o f th e failur e t o attrac t enoug h soldier s t o reenlist , Samuel War d wrot e tha t h e hope d th e "Difficult y o f raisin g me n withou t a Bount y [was ] better understood. " Samue l War d t o Henr y Ward , 1 2 Decembe r 1775 , in ibid. , 481. 36. Washingto n t o Hancock , 109 . 37. Win d t o Gates, 9 October 1776 , Horatio Gates Papers, microfilm , ree l 3 , 1 154 ; Force, Am. Arch., 5t h ser. , 2:1274-75 ; and John W . Kruger , "Troo p Lif e a t th e Champlain Valle y during th e America n Revolution " (Ph.D . diss. , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Albany , 1981), . 8 5 .

38. Kruger , "Troo p Life, " 185 . 39. Washingto n t o the Presiden t o f Congress, 6 December 1776 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 6:331-32 . Thi s wa s a very interestin g developmen t a s far a s the Jersey troop s were concerned , becaus e th e Britis h wer e i n th e proces s o f occupyin g an d garrisonin g troops throughou t th e state . 40. Jedidia h Huntington , "Repor t o n th e numbe r o f officer s an d me n i n th e 29t h Regiment o f th e Continenta l arm y wh o hav e consente d t o exten d thei r term s o f service, " Roxbury, 2 3 October 1775 , PCC, ite m 59 , 2:7 ; Lansing t o Phili p Schuyler , 9 January 1777 , Schuyler Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; an d Kruger , "Troo p Life, " 193 , 195 .

202 • Notes to Chapter Six 41. Georg e Washingto n t o Rober t Morris , 1 January 1777 , i n General John Glover's Letterbook, 1776-1777, ed. Russel l W . Knigh t (Salem , Mass. : Esse x Institute , 1976) , 9 . A n entry i n The Journals of Ashley Bowen (1728-181 3) of Marblehead (Salem, Mass. : Esse x Insti tute, 1973 ) dated Monday , 2 0 January 1777 , mentione d th e retur n o f Glove r an d som e o f his men from thei r army service . 42. Danie l Hitchcoc k t o John Adams , 2 2 July 1776 , John Adams Papers, 4:404-6 ; an d JCC, 5:483 . Through campfire conversations , soldier s becam e aware that other jurisdiction s were offering greate r wages for less time in service than Congress. Hitchcoc k wa s commanding office r o f th e Elevent h Continenta l Infantry . H e die d o f cam p feve r a t Morristow n i n January 1777 . 43. John E . Eerling , A Wilderness of Miseries: War and Warriors in Early America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press , 1980) , 108 . 44. Lawrenc e Cress , Citizens in Arms: The Army and the Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982) , 7 . Fo r genera l introductions o f ho w aggregat e group s o f eighteenth-centur y worker s trie d t o creat e o r defend a "moral economy, " se e E . P . Thompson , "Th e Mora l Econom y o f th e Crowd i n the Eighteent h Century, " Past and Present 5 0 (1971) : 76-136 ; Georg e Rude , The Crowd in History, 1730-1848 (New York : Wiley , 1964) ; and James Kirb y Martin , " A Mos t Undisci plined, Profligat e Crew : Protes t an d Defianc e i n th e Continenta l Ranks , 1776-1783, " i n Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Pres s of Virginia , 1984) . 45. Jame s Sulliva n t o John Adam s an d Elbridg e Gerry , 1 1 Octobe r 1776 , i n Papers of John Adams, vol . 5 , ed . Rober t J . Taylo r (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1979), 50-52 . 46. Papers of John Adams, 5:51. 47. Fo r materia l requirement s o f soldiers , se e Charle s K . Bolton , The Private Soldier under Washington (Ne w York : Charle s Scribner' s Sons , 1902) , 77-84 ; Josia h Bartlet t t o Anonymous, 2 5 November 1776 , Utters by Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple and Others (Philadelphia, 1889) , 58 ; Bush , "Phili p Schuyler, " 114 ; and Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 100101.

48. Graydon, Reminiscences, 137-38 . 49. Hoadley , Public Records of the State of Connecticut, 1:108-9 ; and Luchowski , "Sunshin e Soldiers," 266. 50. Connecticu t Historica l Society , Collections, vol . 7 (Hartford , 1899) , 219 ; an d " A Roll o f Captai n Trumbull' s Compan y o f Volunteers, January, 1777, " Benjamin Trumbul l Collection, Yal e Universit y Library . 51. Nathanae l Green e t o Samue l Ward , 1 6 Octobe r 1775 , Correspondence of Governor Samuel Ward, May i77$-March 1776, ed . Bernhar d Knollenber g (Providence : Rhod e Islan d Historical Society , 1952) , 104 . 52. Willia m Ledyar d tojabez Huntington , 4 February 1779 , Feinstone Collection, lette r no. 1957 , DLAR . 53. Georg e Washingto n t o Patric k Henry , 1 3 November 1777 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 10:53-56 ; Washingto n t o th e Committe e o f Congres s wit h th e Army , 2 9 January 1778 , ibid. , 362-67 ; and George Washington t o Thomas Nelson , 8 February 1778 , ibid., 431-32 . Washingto n realize d tha t drafting me n fo r the duration of th e wa r would b e viewed a s "disgustin g an d dangerous , an d perhap s impracticable " b y th e genera l public . Therefore, h e propose d draftin g fo r on e year' s servic e an d the n offerin g enticement s fo r reenlistment a t the conclusio n o f tha t time . Congres s evidentl y disagree d an d continued t o urge the states to fulfill thei r regimental quotas , whic h the y wer e never able to do. B y 177 8 Washington flatly stated tha t "voluntary enlistmen t seeme d totall y out of the question." See

Notes to Chapter Six • 20 3 George Washingto n t o th e Committe e o f Congress wit h th e Army , 2 9 January 1778 , George Washington Papers, ser. 4 , ree l 47 . Whe n Washingto n becam e awar e tha t hi s kinsma n an d manager o f hi s Moun t Verno n estate , Lun d Washington , migh t possibl y "dra w a priz e i n the militia " (b e selecte d fo r activ e service ) an d therefor e be eligibl e fo r th e draft , he state d that he was willin g t o buy hi m a substitute. Obviously , Washingto n di d no t thin k everyon e should joi n th e Continental army . Se e George Washingto n t o Lun d Washington , 2 8 Febru ary 1778 , in Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 10:530—31 . 54. Washingto n t o Thoma s Burke , 5 April 1779 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, •4:33755. Benjami n Bett s t o Henr y Clinton , 1 2 January 1778 , Clinto n MSS , 30:12 , Willia m L. Clement s Library , Universit y o f Michigan , An n Arbor . 56. Natha n Baldwi n t o Joshua Bigelow , Justice o f the Peace , 1 4 October 1777 , Miscella neous Manuscripts , Revolutionar y Wa r Collection , America n Antiquaria n Historica l Soci ety, Worcester , Mass . ' 57 . Ibid . 58. Benjami n Flag g t o Joshua Bigelow , Justice o f the Peace , 1 3 October 1777 , ibid . 59. L . Lincol n t o Majo r Genera l Ward , 7 Augus t 1777 , bo x 2 , folde r 5 , ibid . Lincol n wanted th e militia ac t t o be modified , becaus e i t wa s apparen t t o hi m tha t mos t militiame n could easil y rais e th e mone y neede d t o avoi d joinin g th e Continenta l army . I t stand s t o reason tha t i f inflatio n robbe d th e soldier s o f th e tru e valu e o f thei r wages , i t als o enable d others t o easily rais e th e su m neede d fo r fines or purchasin g a substitute. 60. Th e bes t institutiona l stud y o f th e Continenta l arm y i s Rober t K . Wright , Jr. , The Continental Army (Washington , D.C. : Cente r o f Militar y History , 1986) . For example s o f the colonial attemp t t o build a n army based on th e bounty system , se e Royster, Revolutionary People, 64-65 ; Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 6:152-56 , 186-90 , 200-20 1 ;JCC, 5:854 — 56, 6:920-21 , 944-45 ; an d Shy , / \ People Numerous and Armed, 252-53 . Othe r usefu l manpower studie s tha t detai l ho w th e governmen t struggle d wit h staffin g th e arm y ar e found i n John R . Sellers , "Th e Virgini a Continenta l Line , 1775-1780 " (Ph.D. diss. , Tulan e University, 1968) ; Mark F . Lender , "Th e Fnlistc d Line : Th e Continental Soldier s o f Ne w Jersey" (Ph.D . diss. , Rutger s University , 1975) ; and John W . Chambers , To Raise an Army: The Draft Comes to America (New York : Fre e Press , 1987) . Fo r the unsuccessful congressiona l attempts t o entic e peopl e int o servic e wit h offer s o f a postwa r lan d bounty , se e Jean H . Vivian, "Militar y Lan d Bountie s durin g th e Revolutionar y an d Confederatio n Periods, " Maryland Historical Magazine (September 1966) , 232-51 . 61. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 3 May , 1 2 Ma y 1777 , Washingto n t o Major Genera l Benjami n Lincoln , 2 5 Ma y 1777 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 8:8 , 45-46, 123 . 62. Georg e Washingto n t o th e Boar d o f War , 1 1 Novembe r 1778 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writ ings of Washington, 13:245-46 . 63. "Petitio n fo r Redress , Captai n Job Wright' s Company, " 2 7 June 1782 , Pline y Moor e Papers, i n Pamphlets in American History, no . B/RW/44 , 9-11 . Th e soldier' s lette r i s barel y decipherable. Tw o of th e sixtee n petitioner s ha d t o mak e thei r mar k i n lie u o f writin g thei r own names , fou r me n misspelle d thei r names , an d th e lette r write r use d n o punctuatio n whatsoever. Captai n Wrigh t apparentl y investigate d th e soldier' s complaint s an d wa s tol d that th e extr a profi t wen t towar d som e "carryin g charges " fo r gettin g th e flour/bread t o and from th e baker s an d th e men . Wrigh t rule d tha t thei r complain t was , therefore , "ground less." Ther e i s evidence, however , tha t th e me n di d no t agree . One day afte r thei r complain t was rule d "groundless, " th e soldier s wer e admonishe d fo r disturbin g th e Sunda y service s of officers an d civilian s i n th e area . Sergeant s wer e als o require d t o visi t sentine l post s mor e frequently durin g th e nigh t t o deter desertion .

204 * Notes to Chapter Six 64. JCC, 2:220 ; an d Joh n Adam s t o Joh n Winthrop , 2 Octobe r 1775 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:96 . 65. Willia m Matthews , American Diaries in Manuscript, 1580-1954: An Annotated Bibliography (Athens : Universit y o f Georgi a Press , 1974 . Fo r an excellent scholarl y exploratio n o f the consciousness o f Ne w Englan d soldier s during th e America n Revolution , se e Walte r F . Wallace, "O h Liberty ! Oh Virtue ! Oh , M y Country : A n Exploratio n o f th e Mind s o f New Englan d Soldier s durin g th e America n Revolution " (M.A . thesis , Norther n Illinoi s University, 1974) , 2-10 6 passim . 66. John Smit h diaries, September-Novembe r 1776 , Miscellaneou s Manuscripts , Revo lutionary Wa r Collection , bo x 3 , folde r 6 , America n Antiquaria n Society , Worcester , Mass., 3 . 67. Joh n B . B . Trussed , Birthplace of an Army: A Study of the Valley Forge Encampment (Harrisburg: Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , 1979) , 79 ; and Charles K . Bolton, The Private Soldier Under Washington, 47-51 , 1 30. 68. Samue l Blachle y Web b t o George Washington , 2 5 January 1777 , Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blachley Webb, vol. 1 , ed . Worthingto n C . For d (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Times & Arn o Press , reprin t 1969) , 18 6 (pag e reference s ar e t o reprin t edition) ; an d "Pennsylvania Genera l Assembl y Broadside , 1 2 Decembe r 1776, " Evans Collection of Early American Imprints, no . 1498 6 (Washington, D.C. : Georgetown Universit y Library) . 69. Georg e Washingto n t o Governor Nichola s Cooke , 2 February 1777 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 7:88-90 . Washingto n wa s worried tha t state s wer e attempting t o fill their ow n colonia l establishment s a t a higher rat e of pa y an d fo r a shorter obligatio n tha n the Continental requirement . Ibid. , 90. 70. Thoma s Powell , "Thoma s Powel l on Inflation, " Pennsylvania Evening Post, 16 August 1777, quote d i n Larr y Gerlach , ed. , New Jersey in the American Revolution, 1763-1783: A Documentary History (Trenton: New Jersey Bicentennia l Commission , 1975) , 373 ; and James L. Abramson , The American Home Front (Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Defens e Universit y Press, 1983) , 29. 71. Georg e Washingto n t o Richar d Henr y Lee , 2 3 Septembe r 1778 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 1 2 484-8 5. 72. Georg e Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 0 Augus t 1780 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 14:403 ; Shy , A People Numerous and Armed, 252-53 ; an d E . James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776-1790 (Chapel Hill: Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1961) , 3-47 . 73. Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 1:595, 3:630 ; Nathanae l Green e t o Jethro Sumner , 19 April 1791 , to the Board of War, 1 8 August 1781 , to George Washington, 2 2 April 1782 , to John Hanson, 1 8 May 1782 , Nathanael Greene Papers, Willia m L . Clement s Library , An n Arbor, Mich. ; and Alle n Bowman , The Morale of the American Revolutionary Army (Washington, D.C. : American Council o n Publi c Affairs , 1943) , 23-25 . 74. Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 (Washington , D.C. : Government Printin g Office , i960) , 771 ; Applegate , "Constitution s Lik e Iron, " 238 ; and George Clinton t o the Council o f Safety, 3 1 July 1777 , Clinton Papers, 2:142-43 . 75. Josep h Hewe s t o Samue l Johnston , 9 Novembe r 1775 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 2:323-25 ; an d Applegate , "Constitution s Lik e Iron, " 237-38 . Th e Writings of Washington, ed . John C . Fitzpatrick , contai n a t leas t tw o doze n reference s t o stoppage s fo r which soldier s wer e liable; see vols. 3-20 , usin g the key wor d "pay " 76. Diar y entry , 1 0 Februar y 1779 , i n Elijah Fisher's Journal (Augusta, Maine : Pres s o f Badger an d Manley , 1880) , 14-22 . B y th e end of th e war, Fishe r signe d aboar d a privateer and ha d extende d hi s final army enlistmen t i n "th e room " of a Sergeant Whippl e fo r on e extra mont h i n exchang e fo r Whipple' s offe r t o tuto r Fishe r t o "Rit e an d sife r an d wha t

Notes to Chapter Six • 20 5 other lamin g woul d b e eass y &c. " Ibid. , 16 . Durin g th e Seve n Years ' War , soldier s complained o f th e sam e treatment . Foun d tacke d t o a door i n For t Ontari o i n 175 6 wa s a note fro m a ma n wh o ha d deserted , wh o reminde d hi s officer s tha t the y shoul d no t be surprised a t th e leve l o f desertion , becaus e "no w w e hav e n o Cloth s & you cheatu s ou t o f our allowanc e o f Ru m & hal f ou r workin g money. " Stanle y M . Pargellis , ed. , Military Affairs in North America, 1748-176^: Selected Documents from the Cumberland Papers in Windsor Castle {New York : Appleton-Century , 1937) , 174-75 . 77. Merril l Jensen, The New Nation: A History of the United States during the Confederation, 1781-1789 (Ne w York : Knopf , 1950) , 39-41 ; Governmen t currenc y valuatio n chart , 2 9 July 1780, Papers of the Continental Congress, ite m 1 2 A, 2:120 , ite m 78 , 9:391-409; Washingto n t o the Boar d o f War , 2 0 Decembe r 1778 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 13:437 ; an d Applegate, "Constitution s Lik e Iron, " 239-40 . 78. For documentatio n o f unres t i n th e arm y ove r wage s an d term s o f enlistment , se e Charles Carrol l t o Willia m Carmichae l (?] , 3 1 Ma y 1779 , Th e Boar d o f Wa r t o Georg e Washington, 3 June 1779 , Letters to the Members of the Continental Congress, ed . Fdmun d G . Burnett (Washington , D.C. : Carnegi e Institutio n o f Washington , 1928) , 4:238-39 , 5:513 41. Thi s lette r wa s no t foun d i n th e mor e recen t editio n o f th e Letters to the Delegates, edite d by Pau l Smith . 79. (Connecticut Journal, 1 4 June 1775 ; an d Lind a S . Luchowski , "Sunshin e Soldiers, " 264.

80. Jedediah Huntingto n t o Jabez Huntington , 1 3 February 1776 , Feinston e Collection , letter no . 591 , DLAR . 81. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 52 . Martin an d hi s friend s waite d unti l th e farme r lef t the area an d too k a s much a s they coul d carr y an d lef t hi m t o "pull u p hi s own share. " 82. Diar y entry , 1 0 February 1779 , in Elijah Eisher's Journal, 11. 83. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 90. Th e cos t o f a gil l o f ru m ofte n exceede d th e monthly wag e of a private soldie r and , therefore , wa s considered a form o f payment i n kin d when he could ge t it . 84. Ibid. , 90 . 85. Diar y entry , 5—1 5 Jun e 1775 , Sergeant Samuel Bixby Diary, MSS. , Revolutionar y War Collection , America n Antiquaria n Society , Worcester , Mass . 86. Jeremiah Greenma n diar y entries , 7 , 1 2 February 1782 , i n Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783, ed . Rober t C . Bra y an d Pau l Bushnel l (DeKalb : Northern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1978) , 243-44 . 87. Diar y entr y o f Albegienc e Waldo , 1 4 Decembe r 1777 , PMIIB, vol . 2 1 (Octobe r 1897), 3°7 88. Thoma s Cartwrigh t an d Jame s Jone s t o Henr y Jackson , 1 6 Ma y 1777 , Feinston e Collection, lette r no . 163 , DLAR . 89. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 101-11 . 90. Icabo d War d t o Abraha m Pierson , 1 9 January 1778 , Pierso n an d Sargean t Famil y Papers, CSL ; and Valle y Forg e Historica l Report , Wayn e K . Bodl e and Jacqueline Thibau t (Valley Forg e Researc h Project , Valle y Forg e Historica l Park , 1980) , 162-63 . 91. Ward , quote d i n Bodl e and Thibaut , 162-63 . 92. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 1 0 April 1778 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, \ 1:238-39; and Washingto n t o Brigadie r Genera l Willia m Smallwwxl , 2 8 January 1778 , ibid., 10:360-61 . 93. Georg e Washingto n t o the Committee o f Congress wit h th e Army , 2 9 January 1778 , George Washingto n Papers , seria l no . 4 , ree l 47, DLAR . 94. Ibid. , Washingto n t o Congress, 2 9 January 1778 . 95. Chambers , To Raise an Army, 22 . Chamber s referre d t o th e fe w militi a draft s tha t

2o6 • Notes to Chapter Seven were conducte d a s "quasi-drafts " i n whic h loca l militi a officer s "drafted " affluen t militia men, wh o then hired substitutes to serve for them i n the Continental army . Als o see Martin and Lender , A Respectable Army, 94 . I n 1778 , 4 0 percen t o f th e Ne w Jerse y Brigad e wer e substitutes fo r wealthier militiame n wh o chose no t to serve in the Continental army . 96. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 4 Septembe r 1776 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 6:106-16 .

CHAPTER SEVE

N Running

Through the Line Like Wildfire

1. Captai n Josep h McClellan , Nint h Pennsylvani a Regiment , "Diar y o f th e Revolt, " Pennsylvania Archives, 2 d ser. , vol . 11 , ed. John B . Lin n an d Willia m H . Egl e (Harrisburg , Pa.: Lane S. Hart , 1880) , 631-32. Anthon y Wayn e reported that during the initial outburst, "Captain Betti n [Bitting? ] was sho t throug h th e bod y an d died. Captai n Tolber t wa s badl y wounded." Ibid. , 631 ; and "Extract s fro m th e Letter-Book s o f Lieutenan t Eno s Reeves, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (hereafter PMHB), 21:72. 2. Eno s Reeves , "Extracts, " PMHB, 21:73 . Reeve s als o note d tha t Captai n Betti n wa s probably kille d b y acciden t whe n a soldier wh o wa s chasin g Lieutenan t Colone l Willia m Butler between som e soldier's hut s ran into Bettin while in pursuit. Ibid. , 74 . 3. Henr y Marbl e to B. Parkman , 7 January 1781 , Miscellaneous Manuscripts, bo x 3 , folde r 6, U.S . Revolutionar y Wa r Collection , America n Antiquaria n Society , Worcester , Mass . (hereafter AAS) ; an d Car l Va n Doren , Mutiny in January (Clifton: Augustu s M . Kelley ; reprint, J973) , 54—5 5 (page references ar e to reprint edition). 4. Charle s Royste r claime d tha t soldier s plundere d civilian s simpl y becaus e the y ha d guns i n thei r hand s an d though t the y coul d ge t awa y wit h it . H e argue s tha t Washingto n and other senio r officers hope d t o check declining patrioti c virtu e with increase d discipline . Royster though t tha t th e "America n soldier' s sens e o f persona l freedom " prevente d o r rendered difficul t thei r assimilation int o a system o f militar y discipline . Charle s Royster , A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character, 177s-1783 (New York: W. W . Norton , 1979) , 69-80. 5. Washingto n t o Rochambeau , 2 0 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser. 3D , ree l 24 , David Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing , Pa . (hereafte r DLAR) ; Joseph Ree d to the Committee o f Congress, 8 January 1781 , "Diary of the Revolt," 652-53; and E . P . Thompson , "Th e Mora l Econom y o f th e Crow d i n th e Eighteenth-Century, " Past and Present 5 0 (1971): 77. 6. Thompson , "Th e Mora l Econom y o f th e Crowd i n the Eighteent h Century, " 77-78 ; and Rude , The Crowd in History, 1730-1848 (New York , 1964) . 7. Washingto n t o Rochambeau , 2 0 January 1781 , Washington Papers; and Rude , The Crowd in History, 7-8. 8. John Shy , A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence, rev . ed . (An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michiga n Press , 1000) , 25-26 ; Charles K . Bolton, The Private Soldier under Washington (Ne w York : Charle s Scribner' s Sons , 1002 ; reprint, 1976) , 49 , 78-8 0 (pag e reference s ar e t o reprin t edition) ; Journal of the Continental Congress (hereafte r JCQ, 1 6 Septembe r 1776 , 8 Octobe r 1776 ; an d American Archives, ed. Peter Eorce , ser . 5 , vol . 2 , col . 561 . B y lat e eighteenth-centur y standards , a soldie r wa s generally "due " wages fo r thi s service , a stated dail y ration , an d a n annua l sui t o f clothes . This "contract " between th e individua l an d th e stat e wa s usuall y delineate d i n the soldier' s enlistment contract . Se e previous chapter. 9. Eo r a comprehensive analysi s of the patterns of protest and defiance i n the Continental tanks, se e Jame s Kirb y Martin , " A Mos t Undisciplined , Profligat e Crew : Protes t an d

Notes to Chapter Seven • 20 7 Defiance i n th e Continenta l Ranks , 1776-1783, " i n Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution, ed . Ronal d Hoffma n an d Peter J. Alber t (Charlottesville: University Pres s of Virginia , 1984) , 119-40 . 10. Dougla s Edwar d Leach , 'Th e Cartegen a Expedition , 1740-1742, " i n Adapting to Conditions: War and Society in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Maarte n Ulte e (University : Univer sity o f Alabam a Press , 1986) , 46-48. Leac h note d tha t recruitin g fo r the Britis h expeditio n in the colonies "thrive d mainl y o n the glittering prospec t of plunder being distributed dow n to th e lowes t musket-sloper. " Moreover , th e me n enliste d t o serv e unde r a captai n the y knew an d wer e willin g t o obey. Th e soldier s al l took "very seriously , th e King' s promise to return them hom e at the conclusion o f the venture." Ibid., 46; see Lawrenc e Delber t Cress, Citizens in Arms: The Army and Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chape l Hill : University o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982) , 55 , 58-60 ; and Bolton , The Private Soldier under Washington, chap . 3 . 11. Journals of the Provincial Congress, quote d i n Bolton , The Private Soldier under Washington, 79 . 12. JCC, 8 October 1776 ; and Bolton , The Private Soldier under Washington, 94 . 13. Th e Committe e o f Sergeant s t o Anthon y Wayne , 4 Januar y 1781 , Papers of the Continental Congress (hereafter PCC), ree l 170 , 9:481; and James Thacher, Military Journal of the American Revolution (Hartford, Conn. : Hurlbut , Kellog g and Co., 1861) , 233-34 . 14. Diar y entry , 30-3 1 Januar y 1776 , "Cale b Haskell' s Diary, " Pamphlets in American History Collection, ficheno. B/RW14 , DLAR , 16 . Haskell' s officers , however , di d no t agree with hi s interpretatio n o f hi s enlistment contrac t an d threatene d hi m wit h "3 9 stripes" if he did no t continu e t o serve . Josep h Plum b Martin , Private Yankee Doodle: Being a Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers, and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, ed . Georg e Schee r (Boston: Little , Brow n an d Co., 1962) , 15-17 . 15. Petitio n t o William Heath , 2 April 1776 , Heath Papers, ree l 1 , DLAR . 16. Willia m Hoope r t o th e Presiden t o f th e Nort h Carolin a Convention , 1 6 Novembe r 1776, Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 5:500-503 ; John Tod d White , "Standin g Armie s i n the Tim e of War: Republican Theory an d Military Practice " (Ph.D. diss. , Georg e Washing ton University , 1978) , 198-99 . 17. Se e PMHB (1908), 260 , fo r details o f th e revol t a t Ticonderoga; Anthon y Wayn e t o General Phili p Schuyler , 1 2 Eebruar y 1777 , quote d i n Charle s J . Stille , Major General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the Continental Army (Philadelphia: J. B . Lippin cott, 1893) , 55—56. 18. James Kirb y Martin , In the Course of Human Events (Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson, 1979) , 100-101 . 19. Washingto n t o Genera l Willia m Maxwell , 7 Ma y 1779 , i n Eitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 15:13-16 . 20. B y th e en d o f 1775 , Washingto n note d tha t onl y 2,54 0 me n ou t o f 19,00 0 ha d reenlisted int o th e "new " Continenta l establishment . PCC, ite m 12A , addresse d t o "th e Council o f Massachusett s Bay , Presiden t o f th e Conventio n o f Ne w Hampshire , an d th e governor o f Rhod e Islan d an d Connecticut. " Eo r a n interestin g analog y i n whic h sailor s struggled t o extrac t a socia l wag e fro m thei r merchan t employers , se e Marcu s Rediker' s Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700-iy$o (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1987) , chaps . 2 and 3 passim. Redike r note d tha t th e admiralt y court s wer e filled with complaint s abou t deser tion among the sailors and that th e practice "was widespread amon g the maritime workers." Ibid., 106 . Sailor s habituall y adde d t o their meage r or nonexistent wage s throug h pilferin g or embezzlement. Sometime s th e mer e threa t o f a mutiny o r mass desertion wa s enough t o convince som e merchant s t o give i n t o th e demand s o f th e sailors . Thu s wage s no t pai d i n

208 • Notes to Chapter Seven some form were realized through other methods. Fo r evidence of similar methods employed by soldiers, see James H. Edmonson , "Desertio n i n the American Arm y during the Revolutionary War " (Ph.D. diss. , Ixjuisian a Stat e University , 1971) . 21. Washingto n t o the Committee of Congress at Boston, 2 1 Septembe r 1775 , PCC, ree l 166, 1:119 .

22. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 1 6 Decembe r 1776 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington y 6:380; and Martin and Lender , A Respectable Army, 76 . I n a time of crisis, it appeare d tha t eve n th e mos t vehemen t Whig s pu t asid e thei r fear s of a standing arm y o f long-term enlistee s an d favore d on e modele d afte r th e British . "Withou t a well discipline d army," wrote John Hancock , "w e can neve r expect succes s agains t vetera n troops ; and i t is totally impossibl e w e shoul d hav e a well discipline d Army , unles s our Troops ar e engaged to serv e durin g th e war. " Se e Hancoc k t o th e Ne w Hampshir e Assembly , 2 4 Septembe r 1776, LMCC, 2:99 ; and Lyma n H . Butterfield , ed. , The Adams Papers: Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, vol. 3 (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1961) , 409-10, 434 . For another point of view, se e Shy, A People Numerous and Armed, 126-27. 23. Willia m Emerso n to his wife, 1 7 July 1775 , quoted i n Allen French , The First Year of the American Revolution (Ne w York : Houghton-Mifflin , 1934) , 301 ; and Royster , Revolutionary People, 7 3. 24. Edmonson , "Desertio n i n th e America n Arm y durin g th e Revolutionar y War, " 65, 76. Beside s desertion , th e deat h penalt y wa s provide d fo r th e following : Mutin y (sec . II , art. 3) ; failur e o f officer s o r noncommissione d officer s t o sto p a mutin y (sec . II , art . 4) ; leaving a guar d pos t (sec . XIII , art . 8) ; cowardice i n battl e (sec . XIII , arts . 1 1 an d 12) ; plundering (sec . XIII , arts . 1 3 and 21) ; making know n th e watc h wor d (sec . XIII , art . 15) ; and numerou s othe r categorie s tha t deal t wit h aidin g o r providin g comfor t o r assistance t o the enemy;7CC, 5:788-807 . Th e Massachusetts cour t like d th e ide a of thirty-nin e lashe s as the maximu m penalty , becaus e i t conformed t o Mosaic punishmen t foun d i n biblica l refer ences. Fo r a history o f militar y la w and its colonial development , se e William L . Winthrop , Military Law and Precedents, 2 vols. (Boston: Little , Brow n and Co., 1896) . 25. Jame s Neagles , Summer Soldiers: A Survey and Index of Revolutionary War CourtsMartial (Salt Lak e City, Utah : Ancestr y Inc. , 1986) , 1-28 5 passim . Neagles' s wor k shoul d not be considered exhaustive, bu t his collection represent s the most comprehensive ra w data on pattern s of protes t an d defiance currentl y available . Th e methodolog y use d her e wa s t o list th e offens e b y it s dat e o f inclusio n i n a n orderly book . Th e recorde d date s o f th e of fense wer e approximations bu t can be considered relativel y accurat e to within six months of the offense . Fo r instance , offense s suc h a s desertio n ma y hav e occurre d earlie r bu t th e individual no t trie d unti l som e tim e afte r th e soldie r ha d bee n caugh t an d returne d t o the army. 26. Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 16-17 . 27. Danie l Barber , The History of My Own Times, part 3 (Frederick, Md. , 1832, ) 16 ; Daniel McCurtin , "Journa l o f th e Times a t the Sieg e of Boston, " in vol. 12 , Papers Relating Chiefly to the Maryland Line; ed. Balc h (Philadelphia : Printe d fo r th e Seventy-Si x Society , 1857); and Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 71-73. 28. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 20-23 . On anothe r occasion , Martin' s compan y ha d been tol d t o scoo p u p a s muc h se a brea d tha t the y coul d carr y a s the y passe d b y som e opened casks . Th e lin e wa s kep t movin g an d eac h soldie r wa s abl e t o get abou t a handful before bein g force d forwar d b y th e ma n behin d him . "A s m y goo d luc k woul d hav e it, " stated Martin , a "momentary hal t was made" as he was in front of the casks and he literally filled his shirt s an d pocket s wit h th e bread . H e added , "N o one sai d anythin g t o m e and I filled my boso m [with the bread J." Ibid., 23 . 29. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 82-83 ; Diar y Entry , 28-2 9 Septembe r 1776 , "Ser -

Notes to Chapter Seven • 20 9 geant Joh n Smith' s Diar y o f 1776, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol . 20 , ed . Louis e Rau (1933-1934) , 252 ; and Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 74 . 30. Rau , "Sergean t Joh n Smith' s Diar y o f 1776, " 256-57 , 266 , 252 ; and Lender , "Th e Enlisted Line, " 181-83 . A courts-martia l cas e o f Lnsig n McCumbe r note d tha t th e ensig n was charged wit h plunderin g a house nea r Harle m Heights . Se e PCC, ree l 71 , item 58 , 333. Kven General Stirling' s hous e wa s plundere d b y Continenta l soldiers . Stirlin g reporte d tha t Private Danie l Donove l o f th e Thir d Ne w Yor k Regimen t wa s court-martiale d an d give n thirty-nine lashe s fo r breakin g int o hi s quarters . Se e Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Con gress, 2 2 Septembe r 1776 , i n Fitzpatrick , ed. , Writings of Washington, 12:91. 31. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 23 . 32. Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 1-258 passim ; JCC, vol . 2 , May 10-Septembe r 2 0 (Washington, D.C. : Librar y o f Congress, 1905) , 1 1 \-iy,JCC, vol . 5 , June 5-Octobe r 8 , 788-808 . 33. Georg e Washingto n t o Joseph Reed , 2 8 Apri l 1780 , i n Fitzpatrick , ed. , Writings of Washington, 18:310-11 ; Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 71 . Peopl e wh o rescue d deserters ma y hav e bee n relative s or friend s bu t were , mos t likely , potentia l employer s wh o were desperate fo r suc h prospectiv e labor . 34. Alle n Bowman , The Morale of the American Revolutionary Army (Washington , D.C. : American Counci l o f Publi c Affairs , 1943) , 66-68 ; Fitzpatrick , ed. , Writings of Washington, 18:77, 503 ; a nd Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 71. 35. Carlo s F . Godfrey , The Commander-in-Chiefs Guard (Washington, D.C. : Stevenson Smith Co. , 1904) , 120 , 130-31 , 152-53 , 192-94 , 227 , 245 , 264 . Desertio n rate s wer e notoriously hig h everywhere . Variou s Europea n armie s ha d desertio n rate s o f 4 0 percent . See M . S . Anderson , Europe in the Eighteenth Century, 1713-1-783 (Ne w York : Holt , Rine hart, an d Winston , 1961) , 137-39 . Th e Continenta l arm y wa s onl y slightl y bette r tha n it s European counterpar t wit h a n averag e desertio n rat e o f aroun d 2 0 t o 2 5 percent . Se e Edmonson, "Desertio n i n th e America n Arm y durin g th e Revolutionar y War, " 240 . Th e lower rate , however , ma y hav e ha d a s muc h t o do wit h fault y America n recor d keepin g a s anything else . Se e Enoc h Anderson , Personal Recollections of Captain Enoch Anderson (Wilmington: Historica l Societ y o f Delaware , 1896) , 58. 36. Alle n Bowman , The Morale of the American Revolutionary Army (Washington , D.C. : American Counci l o f Publi c Affairs , 1943) , 66-68 ; Charles Lee' s Orderly Book, entrie s fo r 1 April an d 2 6 July 1776 ; William Coit' s Orderly Book, Connecticu t Historica l Societ y Collections, vol. 7 (1899), 69; and Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 18:77, 5°3- For a n interpreta tion of the struggle over the mobilit y o f labor i n the eighteenth century , se e Marcus Rediker , "Good Hands , Stou t Heart , an d Fas t Feet : Th e I listory an d Cultur e o f Workin g Peopl e i n Early America, " pre-publishe d manuscrip t i n Reviving the English Revolution: Reflections and Elaborations on the Work of Christopher Hill, ed . Geof f Ele y an d Willia m Hun t (London : Vers o Books, 1986) , 2 8 - 2 9 .

37. James Kirb y Marti n and Mar k E . Lender , A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789 (Arlington Heights , 111. : Harla n Davidson , 1982) , 132-33 ; an d Bolton, The Private Soldier under Washington, 53 . 38. Edmonson , "Desertio n i n the America n Arm y durin g th e Revolutionar y War, " 2 1718; Enoc h Anderson , a soldie r o f th e Revolution , note d i n hi s Personal Recollections, tha t Brigade Adjutant s inflate d th e numbe r o f thos e presen t fo r dut y a s a matte r o f course . Se e Anderson, Personal Recollections of Captain Enoch Anderson. Fo r more analysis on th e proble m of desertion , se e Alle n Bowman' s "Th e Moral e o f Continenta l an d Militi a Troop s i n th e War o f th e Revolution " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Michigan , 1941) , an d Tha d W . Tate , "Desertion fro m th e America n Revolutionar y Army " (M.A . thesis , Universit y o f Nort h Carolina, 1948) . Bot h scholar s hav e mad e th e stud y o f desertio n a n integra l par t o f thei r work.

21 o • Notes to Chapter Seven 39. Edmonson , "Desertio n i n th e America n Army, " chap . 8 . Fo r a useful compilatio n of th e monthl y strengt h report s of th e army, se e Charles H . Lesser' s The Sinews of Independence: Monthly Strength Reports of the Continental Army (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1976). 40. John B . B . Trussell , Jr., Birthplace of an Army: A Study of the Valley Forge Encampment (Harrisburg: Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museum Commission, 1979) , 66. 41. Tate , "Desertion" ; Mar k E . Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line : The Continenta l Soldier s of Ne w Jersey " (Ph.D. diss. , Rutger s University , 1975) , 203-34 ; an< ^ Marti n an d Lender , A Respectable Army, 131 . 42. E . B . O'Callaghan , ed. , Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, 15:174-244 ; an d Bowman , The Morale, 72. Bowma n note d tha t som e o f th e officer s appeared o n th e roll s a s repeate d deserter s an d tha t number s o f recruit s deserte d o n th e same day or day after they enlisted. 43. Rol l of Captain Alexande r Johnston's Company, Fift h Pennsylvani a regiment , Pennsylvania Archives, 5t h ser., 3:17-19 . 44. Washingto n t o Joseph Jones , 1 0 July 1781 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 22:354, 26:123 ; and Edmonson , "Desertio n i n the American Army, " 270. 45. Washingto n t o Joseph Jones, 1 1 Februar y 1783 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 26:123. 46. Lette r o f th e Count y Lieutenant s a t Salisbury , North Carolina Records, 16:63 ; and Joseph Ree d and Edwar d Hand , quote d i n Bowman , The Morale, 86-87 . 47. Depositio n o f Josep h Parker , i n Joh n C . Dann , ed. , The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1980) , 70-71. 48. Davi d Cob b t o Henr y Jackson, 8 June 1780 , Fragments of Revolutionary History, ed. Gaillard Hun t (New York : Historical Printin g Club, 1892) , 148 . 49. John Smith Hanna , A History and Life and Sennces of Captain Samuel Dewees (Baltimore, 1844), 203-4 ; diar y entr y o f Ebeneze r Elmer , "Journa l Kep t durin g a n Expeditio n t o Canada i n 1776, " Ne w Jerse y Historica l Society , Proceedings, 1s t ser. , vol . 3 (1847), 172 ; and Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 78-79 . Occasionally , flogging s o f on e hundre d lashes wer e delivere d i n fou r twenty-five-las h installment s o n successiv e day s t o heighte n the pai n an d terro r face d b y th e recipient . Sometime s thei r back s wer e washe d wit h saltwater. Whe n th e cat-o'-nin e tail s (th e lash ) becam e clogge d wit h blood , a new on e wa s substituted. Se e Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 1-240; an d Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 79. 50. Georg e J . Svedja , Quartering, Disciplining, and Supplying the Army at Morristown, 1779-1780 (Washington, D.C. : U.S . Departmen t o f Interior) , 105 ; an d Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 25 . 51. Genera l Davi d Cob b t o Colonel Henr y Jackson, 8 June 1780 , Hunt , ed. , Fragments of Revolutionary History, 148-51. 52. Diar y o f James Thacher, Military Journal, 222-23; Neagles, Summer Soldiers, passim ; Regimental Orders , 2 July 1777 , "Journa l an d Orde r Boo k o f Captai n Rober t Kirkwood, " Historical Societ y o f Delaware. , Papers, 6, no . 56 , p . 95 ; Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 78 ; Svejda , Quartering, 106 . Fo r furthe r information , se e Howar d Applegate , "Constitutions Lik e Iron : The Lif e of America n Revolutionar y Wa r Soldiers i n the Middl e Department, 1775-1783 " (Ph.D. diss. , Syracus e University , 1966) . 53. Journa l entry , 3 1 Marc h 1775 , Journa l o f Samue l Deane , i n Journals of the Rev. Thomas Smith, and the Rev. Samuel Deane, Pastors of the First Church in Portland, ed. Willia m Willis (Portland , Maine , 1849) , 336 ; Anthon y Wayne , Divisio n Orders , 2 9 Marc h 1778 , "Orderly Boo k o f th e 2 d Pennsylvani a Regiment, " PMHB (1911) , 342 ; an d Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 2}j.

Notes to Chapter Seven • 21 1 54. Diar y entry , 2 5 Julv 1779 , Diary of Colonel Israel Angell (Ne w York : Arn o Press , 1971), 67; and Rovster , A Revolutionary People at War, 237—38. 55. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 151-52 . 56. Noe l Busch , Winter Quarters: George Washington and the Continental Army at Valley Forge (New York : Liverigh t Publishers , 1974) , 56 ; Privat e Denni s Kennedy , quote d i n Rovster, A Revolutionary People at War, 195 ; an d Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 263-64. There were apparently persona l reason s wh y som e of the me n wishe d t o embarrass or mai m their officers . Th e leade r o f th e "gunpowde r plot " wa s recentl y "caned " (meanin g bea t wit h a walkin g stick ) twic e b y th e office r fo r wha t th e soldie r considere d insufficien t cause . H e now though t tha t som e sor t o f humiliatio n wa s due th e officer i n return . Ibid. , 265 . 57. Nathanae l Green e t o Georg e Washington , 2 6 Augus t 1780 , Washington Papers, ser. 4, ree l 73 , Librar v o f Congress . Green e flatly state d tha t mos t o f th e officer s wer e o f th e opinion b y 178 0 tha t "i t wa s absolutel y necessar y fo r th e goo d o f th e servic e tha t on e o f these fellow s shoul d b e mad e a n exampl e of , an d i f you r Excellenc y wil l giv e permissio n I will hav e on e hun g u p thi s afternoo n wher e th e Arm y ar e t o marc h by. " Ibid. , Green e t o Washington, 2 6 August 1780 . 58. Maue r Mauer , "Militar y Justic e unde r Genera l Washington, " i n Military Analysis of the Revolutionary War, editors o f Military Affairs (1977), 60; for a n excellent discussio n o n th e British soldie r i n th e eighteent h century , se e Sylvi a Frey , The British Soldier in America: A Social History of Military Life in the Revolutionary Period (Austin: Universit y o f Texa s Press, 1981) . 59. Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 1-258 passim . 60. Sergean t Willia m Seymou r wrot e i n hi s "Journa l o f th e Souther n Expedition " o f three soldier s wh o me t thei r fate s afte r desertin g t o the enemy. Seymou r note d tha t a "tory" was foun d guilt y o f desertion an d pilotin g India n force s agains t th e arm y fo r whic h h e wa s "hanged o n a tree th e sam e da y til l h e wa s dead. " Severa l day s late r Seymou r recorde d th e demise o f a cavalryman wh o wa s foun d guilt y o f desertio n t o th e enem y an d sho t th e sam e day. Month s later , Seymou r state d tha t Solomo n Slocu m o f the Second Marylan d Regimen t was convicte d o f desertio n an d spyin g fo r th e enem y an d wa s "hange d o n a tre e b v th e roadside i n ful l vie w o f al l wh o passe d by. " PMHB, 7 , no . 3 (1883) , 293 , 379 ; an d Edmonson, "Desertio n i n th e America n Army, " 203 . 61. Eleaze r Smit h Diary , Miscellaneou s Manuscripts , Willia m L . Clement s Librarv , Ann Arbor , Mich. ; and Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 1-258 passim . 62. Bowman , The Morale, passim ; an d Edmonson , "Desertio n i n th e America n Arm v during th e Revolution, " 345-46 . 63. Thacher , Military Journal, 233-34 ; Genera l Orders , 2 5 Ma y 1780 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 18:422 ; and Svejda, Quartering, 125-26. 64. Svejda , Quartering, 124-26 ; an d Thacher , Military Journal, 233-34 . 1 n e soldie r no t reprieved wa s James Colema n o f th e Elevent h Pennsylvani a Regiment . Coleman' s sentenc e was no t lifte d becaus e h e ha d forge d " a numbe r o f discharges , b y whic h he an d mor e tha n a hundre d soldier s ha d lef t th e army. " Ibid , 233-34 . Befor e hi s execution , Colema n note d that he did no t thin k th e rop e wa s stou t enoug h t o do th e job . Whe n th e ladde r wa s kicke d from unde r him , th e rop e broke , whereupo n Colema n calml y informe d th e hangma n o f hi s premonition an d admonishe d hi m t o ge t a stronge r rope . H e di d an d Colema n wa s "launched int o eternity." Ibid. , 233-34 . 65. Thacher , Military Journal, 234. 66. Mathe w Drury , Orderly Book, entrie s fo r 2 1 an d 2 7 Januar y 1780 , Ne w Jerse y Historical Society ; Genera l Orders , 1 8 Februar y 1780 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 18:22-23 , 48; and Svejda , Quartering, 1 14-15 . 67. Pete r Ten Broec k t o Cornelius Ten Broeck , Sr. , 9 July 1779 , in "News fro m Camp, " Magazine of American History 2:169 ; Washingto n regrette d thi s inciden t an d ordere d th e

212 • Notes to Chapter Seven perpetrator of the atrocity, Majo r Henry Le e (known later as the famous Light-Hors e Harr y Lee) to bury th e body immediatel y (hea d an d all) before th e Britis h got win d o f i t and used it as a propaganda tool against future American recruiting efforts. Se e Washington to Henry Lee, iojul y 1779 , i n Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 15:388 , 399 . 68. Fo r examples , se e Rediker , Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea, 24-25, 27 ; and Samuel Dewees , A History of the Life and Services of Captain Samuel Dewees, i n Va n Doren , Mutiny in January (New York : Vikin g Books , 1943) , 228-32 . Thoma s Jeremiah , a blac k slave suspecte d o f aidin g th e Britis h b y th e Sout h Carolin a Committe e o f Safety , wa s hanged an d burne d t o terrorize other slave s wh o migh t harbo r simila r thoughts. Se e Papers of Henry Laurens, 10:20 7 n n - 3 * 4i 5 i a n d Pete r Wood, "Th e Drea m Deferred : Blac k Freedom Struggles on th e Ev e of Whit e Independence, " in In Resistance: Studies in African, Caribbean, and Afro-American History, ed . Gar y Y . Okihir o (Amherst : Universit y o f Massachusett s Press, 1986) , 176 . Burnin g seemed t o be the favorite white punishment fo r rebellious slaves. See Georgia Gazette (Savannah), 7 December 1774 . 69. Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 1-25 8 passim . 70. Ibid . Willia m Miller of the Second Ne w Jersey Regimen t was charged with desertion and wa s foun d t o hav e bee n "a n ol d an d atrociou s offender. " H e wa s sentence d t o thre e hundred lashe s an d t o b e "sen t o n boar d a Continental Frigate , wit h hi s Crime , ther e t o serve durin g th e War. " Hawkins Orderly Book, no . 1 , 1 9 March 178 0 entry, Hazen' s Regi ment, Historica l Society o f Pennsylvani a (hereafte r HSP) ; diar y entry , 2 6 Augus t 1780 , Diary of Colonel Israel Angell (New York : Arno Press, 1971) , 108-9 . ^ o r example s of soldier s executed withou t recours e t o a trial b y courts-martial , se e Henr y Lee , Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States (New York : Universit y Publishin g Co. , 1869) , 546-49; Pau l Davi d Nelson , Anthony Wayne: Soldier of the Republic (Bloomington : Indian a University Press , 1985) , 129-31 ; and Nathanae l Green e t o Rober t Morris , 2 2 Apri l 1782 , Greene Mss., 58:58 , William L . Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich . 71. Georg e Washingto n t o the Counci l o f General Officers , 2 0 August 1778 , i n Fitzpa trick, Writings of Washington, 12:343-44 ; an d Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 3 February 1781 , in ibid., vol . 21 . 72. Nathanae l Green e t o Georg e Washington , 1 0 Septembe r 1775 , Nathanael Greene Papers, vol . 1 , William L . Clements Library , 117 . 73. Benedic t Arnold , quote d i n John Willia m Kruger , "Troo p Lif e a t th e Champlai n Valley Fores t during the American Revolution " (Ph.D. diss. , Stat e University of New Yor k at Albany, 1981) , 29. 74. Ibid. , 29 . 75. Diar y entry , 2 5 July 1779 , Diary of Colonel Israel Angell (New York : Arn o Press , 1971), 67; and Journal entry , January 1779 , Martin, Private Yankee Doodle, 152 . 76. Petitio n t o th e Genera l Assembl y fro m An n Glover , wido w o f Samue l Glover , 1 0 January 1780 , State Records of North Carolina, vol. 15 , ed . Clark , 187-88 ; an d Royster , A Revolutionary People at War, 296-97 . 77. Th e bes t and most comprehensive account of the "Fort Wilson" riot is found i n John Alexander, "Th e Fort Wilson Incident of 1779 : A Case Study of the Revolutionary Crowd, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser . (Octobe r 1974) , 589-612 ; Eri c Foner , "To m Paine' s Republic: Radica l Ideolog y an d Socia l Change, " i n The American Revolution, ed . Alfre d F . Young (DeKalb : Norther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1976) , 216-17 ; and Henr y Lauren s t o John Adams , 4 October 1779 , Utters of the Delegates to Congress, 14:17-19 . 78. John Fel l Diary , 1 October 1779 ; ibid., 14:3 ; Arnold lette r attache d t o diary entr y of Samue l Holten , 6 Octobe r 1779 , ibid. , 476-77 . Arnol d requeste d a bodyguar d b e provided hi m fro m th e Continenta l army . H e note d tha t h e "believe d a guard o f 2 0 me n with a good office r sufficient. " Congres s refuse d t o respond t o his request. Arnol d deserte d

Notes to Chapter Seven • 21 3 the followin g yea r after plottin g t o betray th e Continental citade l a t West Point . Se e Papers of the Continental Congress, no . 162 , 1:185 , 187 . 79. Diar y entr y o f Colone l Israe l Angell , 2 8 January 1779 , i n Diary of Colonel Israel Angell, 47-48. Angel l note d that the regiment of Samuel Blanchle y Web b had mutinied bu t dispersed "wit h som e Difficulty. " Ibid. , 48; Royster, A Revolutionary People at War, 209 . 80. Nathanae l Green e t o Governo r Willia m Green e o f Rhod e Island , 2 7 Ma y 1780 , Nathanael Greene Papers, 5:582-83; an d Washingto n t o Governo r Trumbull , 2 6 Ma y 1780 , in Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 18:425-26 . Appeal s b y officer s ma y hav e helpe d t o get som e soldier s bac k t o duty, bu t mor e effective wa s the timely arriva l o f 1,00 0 barrel s of salted meat . Se e Greene Papers, vol. 5 , 584^3 ; Washingto n t o Henr y Champion , 2 6 Ma y 1780, i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 18:424 ; Royster, A Revolutionary People at War, 299; Retur n Meig s t o Georg e Washington , 2 6 Ma y 1780 , quote d i n S . Sydne y Bradford , "Discipline i n th e Morristow n Winte r Encampment, " N.J . Historica l Society , Proceedings 80 (1962) ; an d Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 184-87 . Fo r th e Ne w Yor k mutiny , se e Abraham Hardenberg h t o Colonel Goos e va n Schaick , 3 1 May 1780 , Goose va n Schaick t o George Washington, 1 June 1780 , and 1 0 June 1780 , Washington Papers, Librar y of Congress; Washington t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 0 June 1780 , i n Writings of Washington, 19:36 ; and T . W . Egly , Jr. , History of the First New York Regiment (Hampton , N.H. : Pete r E . Randall, 1981) , 156-57 . 81. Anthon y Wayn e t o Colone l Johnstone , 1 6 Decembe r 1780 , quote d i n Stille , Major General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line, 240-41. 82. "Diar y of the Revolt, " Pennsylvania Archives, ser . 2 , 11:631 . 83. Ibid. , 631 . Anthon y Wayn e insinuate d tha t some of the men were force d t o join the mutiny. H e note d tha t fo r tw o day s afterward , "smal l partie s o f me n wer e stil l collectin g [others] and marching off." Ibid. , 632. This i s quite likely becaus e the personal safet y o f the ringleaders depended on the number of soldiers they could persuad e to join the rebellion. 84. Reeves , "Extracts, " 76. 85. Colone l Israe l Shrev e t o Georg e Washington , 8 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser. 4 , ree l 73 , Librar y of Congress. 86. Demand s delivere d i n conjunctio n b y th e Sergeant s t o Genera l Wayne , 4 January 1781, "Diar y o f the Revolt, " 633-34; and PCC, ree l 170 , 9:481. 87. "Diar y o f th e Revolt, " 3 Januar y 1781 , 632 . Some officer s suspecte d tha t th e Ne w Years' Da y gro g ratio n ha d somethin g t o d o with th e mutiny . Whil e alcoholi c drin k ma y have given courag e t o some, th e lac k of greater destructive behavio r wa s not evident o n the march t o Philadelphia . Liquor , a s w e shal l see , ha d littl e t o do with th e mutinou s conduc t of the troops. 88. Neagles , Summer Soldiers, 59-60 . Washingto n ha d earlier anticipated tha t the soldiers might contriv e way s t o ge t discharge s afte r thre e year s an d presse d Congres s t o awar d a gratuity o f on e hundre d dollar s t o thos e me n wh o ha d earlie r enliste d "fo r thre e year s o r during th e war " for onl y a twenty dolla r bounty . Washingto n note d tha t th e awar d "mus t not b e considere d a n admissio n o f th e constructio n pu t upo n the m b y th e soldiers " [that three year s wa s th e maximu m the y ha d t o serve] . Se e Georg e Washingto n t o th e Boar d of War , 9 June 1779 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 15:248-54 ; an d JCC, 2 2 June •77989. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , 1 0 January 1781 , in Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 21:79-80 ; an d Presiden t Ree d t o th e Merchant s o f Philadelphia , endorse d 1 8 January 1781 , Pennsylvania Archives, 8:704. Fo r a moment-by-moment accoun t o f th e mu tiny, se e Carl Va n Doren' s Mutiny in January (New York : Viking, 1943) , passim and "Diary of th e Revolt, " Pennsylvania Archives, ser . 2 , vol . 11 , ed. John B . Lin n an d Willia m H . Egl e (Harrisburg, 1880) , 631-74 ; an d Joseph Ree d t o Vice-Presiden t Moore , 1 2 January 1781 ,

214 * Notes to Chapter Seven ibid., 671-72 . Fo r an eyewitnes s account , se e Military Journal of Major Ebenezer Denny: An Officer in the Revolution and Indian Wars (Philadelphia, 1859) . 90. Joseph Reed to William Henry , [date?] , Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 22 (1890): 110 ; and PCC, ree l 170 , item 152 , 9:497. 91. Colone l Thoma s Procte r t o Joseph Reed , 2 3 January 1781 , Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 8 , ed . Samue l Haze n (Philadelphia : Jos. Steven s an d Co. , 1853) , 710 . Procte r recom mended tha t afte r th e me n wer e discharged , tw o judge s shoul d certif y enlistment s t o "prevent futur e complaints. " Ibid. , 710 ; and Samue l Whit e [? ] to Joseph Reed , 1 6 January ijH\, Joseph Reed Papers, ree l 3 , p . 136 , DLAR . Washington , however , wa s upse t tha t th e Reed commissioner s s o readil y accede d t o the mutineer' s demand s befor e h e could "prose cute suc h measure s wit h th e Pennsylvanian s a s th e cas e demande d [meanin g coerc e the m into submissio n b y force]. " H e als o believe d tha t th e majorit y o f th e Pennsylvanian s ha d fraudulently gaine d thei r discharges. Se e Pau l Davi d Nelson , Anthony Wayne: Soldier of the Early Republic (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) , 123 ; and Washingto n t o vo n Steuben, 6 Februar y 1781 , an d Circula r t o th e Ne w Englan d State s an d Ne w York , 2 2 January 1781 , in Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 21:129-30 , 193 . 92. Anthon y Wayn e to George Washington , 2 1 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser . 4 , reel 73 , Librar y o f Congress ; an d Pau l Davi d Nelson , Anthony Wayne, Soldier of the Early Republic (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) , 123-24 . Wayn e strongly urge d that the Pennsylvani a Executiv e Counci l forwar d bount y mone y fo r enlistment s s o tha t Ne w Jersey recruiter s coul d no t tak e advantag e o f th e larg e numbe r o f forme r soldier s i n th e neighborhood o f Philadelphi a tryin g t o enlis t fo r newer , highe r bounties . Moreover , h e urged th e Pennsylvani a governmen t t o encourage Philadelphi a merchant s t o refus e t o hir e the newly discharge d soldiers . Ibid. , 123-24 . Se e Georg e Nelso n Diar y entr y fo r 1 8 January 1781 , Historica l Societ y o f Pennsylvania , notin g th e larg e numbe r o f recentl y discharged soldier s who came to town lookin g for work. 93. Benjami n Stodder t t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 5 January 1781 , PCC, ree l 161 , item 148 , 1:295-96 ; an d "Minute s o f th e Suprem e Executiv e Council, " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 12:624-26. Privat e Joh n Brya n wa s on e o f thos e soldier s discharged . Hi s certificate, signe d b y Anthon y Wayne , establishe d tha t h e wa s dul y discharge d o n 2 1 January 178 1 an d wa s entitle d t o five days' rations fo r hi s journe y home . Brya n receive d 2 pounds cas h an d al l th e bac k clothin g owe d hi m b y th e government, a soldier's du e unde r the origina l term s o f enlistment . Se e Pau l V . Lutz , "Rebellio n amon g th e Rebels, " Manuscripts 19 , no. 3 (Summer 1967) : 12. 94. Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line, " 241-42 ; va n Doren , Mutiny in January, 215-16 ; Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 21:136 ; and Nelson, Anthony Wayne, 124. On 2 1 January 1781, Wayn e wrote Washington tha t he expected t o have "a reclaimed and formidable Line " once again . Anthon y Wayn e t o Washington , 2 1 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser. 4 , reel 73 , Librar y of Congress. Wayn e was sadly mistaken . 95. Jonatha n Sullivan , Chairma n o f th e Committe e o n th e Pennsylvani a Mutiny , t o George Washington , 1 0 January 1781 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 16:587 ; William H . Denny, "Soldie r o f th e Republic : Th e Lif e o f Majo r Ebeneze r H . Denny " (Ph.D . diss. , Miami Universit y o f Ohio, 1978) , 9-10 . 96. Phili p Schuyle r t o Hamilton , 2 5 Januar y 1781 , Alexander Hamilton Papers, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C. : Librar y o f Congress), 542-43 ; George Washingto n t o George Clinton , 4 Januar y 1781 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 21:58-59 ; Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line," 238-41 ; and Majo r J. N . Cummin g t o John Lad d Howell , Ne w Jerse y Societ y o f Pennsylvania, Year Book for ipjo (1931) , 78-79 . 97. Arthu r St . Clai r t o Georg e Washington , 7 January 1781 , PCC, ite m 170 , vol . 9 , DLAR, 452 .

Notes to Chapter Seven • 21 5 98. Frederic k Frelinghuyse n t o Washington, 2 3 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser . 4 , reel 74 , Librar y o f Congress . Frelinghuyse n note d tha t h e though t onl y abou t 16 0 me n actually participate d i n the abortive revolt . Ther e i s also evidence i n his lette r tha t the me n believed tha t th e commissio n woul d find thing s i n thei r favo r becaus e o f wha t ha d bee n recently offere d t o th e Pennsylvanians . Als o se e Elia s Dayto n t o Washington , 2 4 January 1781, Washington Papers, ser . 4 , ree l 74 , Librar y o f Congress. Dayton' s lette r seale d th e fat e of th e mutineer s whe n h e added i f th e soldier s "discove r the y ar e not discharge d agreeabl e to thei r wishe s b y th e commissioners , the y ma y agai n becom e Seditiou s an d no t conside r themselves amenabl e t o th e order s o f thei r officers. " Washingto n wa s quic k t o writ e th e Committee o f Congres s t o reques t "n o terms b e mad e with [th e Jersey mutineers]. " Washington t o th e Committe e o f Congress , 2 1 Januar y 1781 , Washington Papers, ser. 4 , ree l 74; Washingto n t o vo n Steuben , 6 Februar y 1781 , i n Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 21:193-94.

09. Washingto n t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , 2 3 January 1781 , PCC, ree l 170 , 9:515 ; Washington t o General Rober t Howe , 2 2 January 1781 , in Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 21:128 ; an d Va n Doren , Mutiny in January, 217 . Les t someon e interpre t wrongl y (i n Washington's mind ) tha t h e ha d th e Jersey soldier s a t Pompto n execute d whil e unde r th e protection o f a earlier pardo n offere d b y Elia s Dayton , Washingto n explaine d t o th e Ne w Jersey governor , Willia m Livingston , tha t Dayton' s pardo n calle d fo r a full an d immediat e return to duty. "Thi s condition," stated Washington , "wa s not performed o n the part of the mutineers. . . . Beside s . . . the existence o f th e Arm y calle d fo r an example." Washingto n to William Livingston , 2 7 January 1781 , in Fitzpatrick , Writings of Washington, 21:148 . 100. Rober t How e t o Georg e Washington , 2 7 January 1781 , Washington Papers, ser . 4 , reel 74 , Librar y of Congress; Robert How e t o Washington, 2 7 January 1781 , PCC, ree l 170 , 521, ibid. ; and Lender , "Th e Enliste d Line, " 242 . A n eyewitnes s t o the executio n wa s Dr . James Thacher , wh o observe d th e me n wh o sho t th e Sergeant s ha d she d tears , state d tha t "the condemned ha d neithe r tim e no r . . . powe r t o implor e th e forgivenes s o f thei r God. " See James Thacher , Military Journal of Dr. James Thacher during the American Revolutionary War (Hartford, Conn. : S . Andrus , 1854) , 252-53 . 101. Thacher , Military Journal, 252; Lieutenant Colone l Barbe r to Major General Rober t Howe, 2 8 Januar y 1781 , Washington Papers, ser. 4 , ree l 74 , Librar y o f Congress ; "Th e Journal o f Ebeneze r Wil d (1776-1781), " PMHB, 2 d ser. , vol . 6 (1890-91) , 131 ; Lender , "The Enliste d Line, " 244 ; Lieutenan t Benjami n Gilber t t o hi s father , Februar y 1781 , Winding Down: The Revolutionary War Letters of Lieutenant Benjamin Gilbert of Massachusetts, 1780-1783, ed . John Sh y (An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michiga n Press , 1989) , 34-25 ; and van Doren, Mutiny in January, 231-32. 102. Arthu r St . Clai r t o Joseph Reed , 2 April 1781 , St. Clair Papers, ree l 1 , DLAR . St . Clair observe d tha t unles s th e me n wer e soo n [paid] , i t [was ] likel y t o en d i n Genera l Desertion." Ibid., 2 April 1781 . 103. Nelson , Anthony Wayne, 128-29; Anthon y Wayn e t o Lafayette , 19 , 2 0 May 1781 , to Mary Wayne , 2 5 Ma y 1781 , Wayne Papers, vol . 12 , HSP ; and Wayn e t o Washington, 2 6 May 1781 , enclosin g Cour t Martia l Proceedings , 20 , 2 2 Ma y 1781 , Washington Papers, Library of Congress. 104. Dewees , History, 228-32, i n van Doren , Mutiny in January, 253. Dewee s wa s a fifer during th e tim e o f trouble s i n th e Pennsylvani a line . Hi s accoun t i s one o f th e fe w o f th e York "after-mutiny " fro m a n enliste d man' s poin t o f view . A drumme r name d Leonar d Dubbs corroborate d Dewees' s accoun t o f Macarone y Jack . Macarone y Jack' s wif e wa s a camp followe r wh o washe d laundr y fo r a numbe r o f soldiers ; Dewee s wa s on e o f he r customers. Dewee s though t sh e wa s a "very wel l behave d an d goo d conditione d woman. " Ibid., 228-32 ; and Pennsylvania Archives, 2 d ser., 10:292 .

216 • Notes to Chapter Seven 105. Dewees , History, 228-32 ; and va n Doren , Mutiny in January, 254-55. Va n Dore n noted tha t a numbe r o f contemporar y account s appea r t o diverg e a s t o wha t exactl y happened t o caus e th e death s o f th e soldier s an d wh o wa s actuall y kille d b y firing squad . Eyewitnesses t o the affai r seeme d t o differ o n th e names , number , an d plac e of execution . However, i t is logical t o assume that Anthony Wayn e was anxious to regain some of his lost dignity afte r hi s humiliation b y hi s own soldier s i n January 1781 . Therefore, i t follows tha t Wayne would b e quick to suppress any sort of mutinous conduct or perceived defiance fro m the men with the utmost vigor. Se e Wayne Papers, vol . 12 , 20-25 Ma y '781 , HSP; Pennsylvania Archives, 2d ser. , 10:292 ; Dewees, History, 228-32; and Correspondence of Samuel Blachley Webb, 2:341. Anothe r theory presente d b y Nelson i n Anthony Wayne was the possibility tha t the witnesse s recalle d tw o mutinies , on e o n 2 0 and 2 2 Ma y 1781 , a s described i n Courts martial records , an d a second one on 2 5 May. I f this is true, the n the details of all witnesse s have some credibility. 106. Dewees , History, 228-32 ; an d va n Doren , Mutiny in January, 255-56 . Dewee s noted tha t th e soldier s a t Yor k "wer e afrai d t o sa y o r do anything , fo r s o trivia l appeare d the offense s o f thes e me n [execute d b y Wayne ] that the y kne w no t wha t i n the futur e wa s to be made to constitute crime." Van Doren , Mutiny in January, 256. 107. Anthon y Wayn e t o Washington , 2 6 Ma y 1781 , Washington Papers, Library o f Congress; and Nelson, Anthony Wayne, 130-31. 108. Nathanae l Green e t o Rober t Morris , 2 2 Apri l 1782 , Greene Papers, 58:58 , Willia m L. Clement s Library , Universit y o f Michigan, An n Arbor . 109. Ibid. , Green e t o Morris , 2 2 Apri l 1782 ; Greene t o Willia m Smallwood , 2 2 Apri l 1782, Greene Papers; an d Denny , "Soldie r of the Republic, " 64. 110. Nathanae l Green e t o George Washington , 2 2 Apri l 1782 , Greene Papers; Nathanae l Pendleton t o Mr . Pierce , Nathanael Pendleton Papers, Society o f th e Cincinnat i Papers , Manuscript Division , Librar y o f Congress ; Nathanae l Green e t o John Hanson , 1 8 Ma y 1782, Greene Papers; an d Henr y Lee , Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States (New York , 1869) , 546-48 . i n . Nathanae l Green e t o George Washington , 1 8 May 1782 , PCC, ree l 175 , ite m 155 , 2:441. Th e laborator y wa s greatl y feare d b y th e soldier s a s the wor k performe d ther e wa s distasteful an d dangerous. Moreover , i t effectivel y isolate d the m fro m th e res t o f Greene' s army. Icabo d Burnett to Lieutenant Alexander , 2 9 April 1782 , 59:28 , Greene Papers; Willia m Seymour, " A Journal o f th e Souther n Expedition , 1780-1783 , PMHB, vol . 7 (1883), HSP ; Francis V . Greene , General Greene (New York : D. Appleton , 1893) , 288. 112. Patric k J . Furlong , "Memorand a an d Documents : A Sermo n fo r th e Mutinou s Troops o f th e Connecticut , 1782, " The New England Quarterly (December 1970) , 621-23 ; William Abbott , ed. , The Memoirs of Major-General William Heath (1798; reprint, Ne w York , 1001), 31 8 (page references ar e to reprint edition). Washingto n note d th e mutiny b y statin g that "mind s soure d b y distres s ar e easily rankled. " Se e Writings of Washington, 24:248-49 ; and Washingto n t o Robert Morris, i n Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 24:289 . 113. Benjami n Lincoln to Arthur St. Clair, 1 2 June 1783 , St. Clair Papers, ree l 2 , DLAR ; Richard Humpto n t o the President of Congress, 2 4 June 1783 , PCC, ree l 45, ite m 38 , 3-9 ; ibid., depositio n o f Sergean t James Bennett , representin g th e soldier s o f th e Pennsylvani a Line, 2 3 Jun e 1783 ; an d Varnu m Lansin g Collins , The Continental Congress at Princeton (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Library , 1008) , 9-11. 114. Elia s Boudino t t o Washington , 2 1 Jun e 1783 , LMCC, vol . 7 , ed . Edmun d C . Burnett (Washington , D.C. , 1921-36) , 193-94 ; Eugene R . Sherida n an d John M . Murrin , Congress at Princeton: Being the Letters of Charles Thomson to Hannah Thomson, June-October 17S3 (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Library , 1985) , xl ; and Kennet h R . Bowling , "Ne w Light o n th e Philadelphi a Mutin y o f 1783 : Federal-State Confrontatio n a t the Close of th e War for Independence, " PMHB (1977), 419-50 .

Notes to the Conclusion • 21 7 115. J . J . Boudinot , ed. , The Life, Public Services, Addresses, and Letters of Elias Boudinot (New York : Houghton, Mifflin , an d Co., 1896) , 334-37 ; James E. Gibson, "Benjami n Rus h Terminates a Post-War Mutin y amon g Troop s Demandin g Thei r Discharge, " Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, 4t h ser. , 1 3 (December 1945) : 134-38 ; and PCC, ree l 45 , ite m 38 , 49 , 73 , "Affidavit s o f Sergeant s Townsen d an d Murthwaite. " Some soldier s observe d Boudino t passin g b y whe n someon e crie d out , "There ! Ther e goe s the Presiden t o f Congress ! Wh y do yo u le t hi m pass? " Boudino t wa s seize d b y Privat e Andrew Wrigh t an d "might hav e fared badly " had not Sergean t Townsen d intervened . Se e Collins, Continental Congress at Princeton, 21 . 116. Richar d Peter s t o vo n Steuben , 2 3 Apri l 1783 , Letters of the Delegates to Congress, 20:21 \-\i;JCC, 24:453 ; Lynn Montross , Reluctant Rebels, 351-53 ; and Denny , "Soldie r o f the Republic, " 78 . Rathe r tha n facin g a n executio n squad , Christia n Nagle , afte r bein g sentenced t o deat h fo r hi s rol e i n th e mutiny , escape d withou t punishmen t an d eve n received 10 0 acres of land after the war. Se e "Calendar of Archival Materia l on Land Patents Issued b y th e Unite d States, " Federal Land Series, vol. 2 , 1799-1835 , ed . Cliffor d Nea l Smith (Chicago: American Librar y Association , 1973) . 117. Lieutenan t Benjami n Gilber t t o hi s father , lat e June 1783 , i n Shy , Winding Down, 108.

118. James Warre n t o Elbridg e Gerry, 1 6 April 1776 , i n A Study in Dissent: The WarrenGerry Correspondence, 1776-1792, ed . C . Harve y Gardine r (Carbondale : Souther n Illinoi s University Press , 1962) , 17 ; James Kirb y Martin , " A Most Undisciplined , Profligat e Crew : Protest an d Defianc e i n th e Continenta l Ranks , 1776-1783, " in Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution, ed. Ronal d Hoffma n an d Pete r J . Alber t (Charlottesville: Universit y o f Virgini a Press , 1984) , 129 . 119. Martin , " A Most Undisciplined , Profligat e Crew, " 129-30 ; "Sergeant John Smith' s Diary o f 1776, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review (1933-34), 252-56 ; an d Committe e o f Sergeants t o Anthony Wayne , 4 January 1781 , PCC, ree l 170 , 9:481. 120. Martin , Private Yankee Doodle, 287-88 .

Notes to the Conclusion 1. Joseph Plum b Martin, Private Yankee Doodle: Being a Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers, and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, ed . Georg e F. Schee r (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co. , 1962) , 197-98 . Loyalis t Jonathan Bouche r als o commented o n th e grea t diversit y of th e America n scene . H e state d tha t thi s "extraordinar y variet y . . . alway s struc k [him ] as a thing tha t ha d a great influenc e o n th e manner s an d tur n o f thinkin g o f th e peopl e o f [America]." Se e Jonatha n Boucher , Reminiscences of an American Loyalist, 1738-1789 (New York: Houghton, Mifflin , an d Co., 1925) , 98. 2. Th e bes t compendium o f recen t historiograph y o n the era is found i n Do n Higginbo tham's "Th e Earl y America n Wa y o f War : Reconnaissanc e an d Appraisal, " William and Mary Quarterly 44 (Apri l 1987) , passim . Higginbotha m note d tha t militar y theme s hav e benefited fro m "the new social history " and cultural studie s as well. Th e bes t of these "new" military/social historian s ar e Joh n Shy , A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggles for American Independence, rev . ed . (An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michiga n Press, 1990) ; John Ferling , A Wilderness of Miseries (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1980); Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1975) ; Fre d Anderson , A People's Army (Chapel Hill : Univesit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1984) ; James Kirb y Marti n an d Mar k E . Lender, A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789 (Arlingto n Heights, 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982) ; and Sylvi a Frey , Water from the Rock: Black Resistance

218 • Notes to the Conclusion in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1991) . The majo r thrust of thes e ne w historie s i s t o get beyon d th e traditiona l battles-and-leader s approac h o f pas t works. Indeed , man y ca n no w eve n b e categorize d a s militar y histor y bu t includ e arme d struggle as part of larger themes. 3. Marcu s Rediker , U A Motle y Cre w o f Rebels , Sailors , Slaves , an d th e Comin g o f th e Revolution," in The Transforming Hand of Revolution: Reconsidering the American Revolution as a Social Movement, ed . Pete r Alber t an d Ronal d Hoffma n (Charlottesville : Universit y Pres s of Virginia, forthcoming) . Als o se e comment s o f Hessia n Colone l Dinklage' s undate d letter , quoted i n Erns t Kipping , The Hessian View of America, 1776-1783, trans. B . A . Uhlendor f (Monmouth Beach , N.J. : Phili p Frenea u Press , 1971) , 34-35 ; an d Shy , A People Numerous and Armed, 11-27. 4. Marti n and Lender , A Respectable Army, chap . 1 passim . 5. Ibid. , 17 ; John Shy , " A Ne w Loo k a t Colonial Militia, " William and Mary Quarterly 20 (April 1963) : 181-82 .

6. Frey , Water from the Rock; an d Benjami n Quarles , ed. , Black Mosaic: Essays in AfroAmerican History and Historiography (Amherst: Universit y o f Massachusett s Press , 1988) , 49, 57-587. Alfre d Young , ed. , "Afterword, " i n The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (DeKalb : Norther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1976) , 459-60 ; Franci s Jennings, "Th e Indians ' Revolution, " i n The American Revolution, ed . Young , 321-22 ; and Francis Jennings , The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1975) , chap. 5 passim. 8. Thoma s Jefferson t o John Page , 5 August 1776 , in Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed . Julian C. Boy d (Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1950) , 4:622-24; and Boyd , Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 1:485-87. 9. Marcu s Rediker, "Good Hands , Stou t Heart, and Fast Feet: The Histor y an d Culture of Working Peopl e i n Earl y America, " prepublished pape r in Reviving the English Revolution: Reflections and Elaborations on the Work of Christopher Hill, ed . Geof f Ele y an d Willia m Hun t (Ix)ndon: Vers o Books , 1986) , 3-6 ; Mar k E . Lender , "Th e Socia l Structur e o f th e Ne w Jersey Brigade, " in The Military in America, ed . Pete r Karste n (New York : Free Press, 1986) , 67-70; John B . B . Trussell , Jr., The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and Operation, 1776-1783 (Harrisburg : Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , 1977) , 244-51 ; Edward C . Papenfus e an d Gregor y A . Stiverson , "Genera l Smallwood' s Recruits : Th e Peacetime Caree r of th e Revolutionar y Wa r Private," William and Mary Quarterly 30 (1973): 117-32; an d Aubre y C . Land , "Economi c Bas e an d Socia l Structure, " Journal of Economic History 25 (1965): 642. 10. Se e Diar y entry , 30-3 1 Januar y 1778 , "Cale b Haskell' s Diary, " Pamphlets in American History Collection, ficheno. B/RW14 , Davi d Librar y of the American Revolution , Wash ington Crossing , Pa. , 16 ; George Washingto n t o Patric k Henry , 1 3 Apri l 1777 , i n Fitzpa trick, ed. , Writings of Washington, 7:408 ; and Charles Royster , A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and the American Character, 177s-1783 (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1979) , 50. 11. E . P . Thompson , "Th e Mora l Econom y o f th e Crowd i n the Eighteent h Century, " Past and Present 5 0 (1971) : 76-136 ; Diar y o f Albegienc e Waldo , Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 2 1 (Octobe r 1897) : 307 ; an d "Diar y o f th e Revolt, " Pennsylvania Archives, ser . 2 , 11:631-35 . 12. James Kirb y Martin , " A Most Undisciplined , Profligat e Crew : Protes t an d Defianc e in the Continental Ranks , 1776-1783, " in Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution, ed . Ronal d Hoffma n an d Pete r J. Alber t (Charlottesville : Universit y Press o f Virginia , 1984) , 119-40 ; Thompson , "Th e Mora l Econom y o f th e Crow d i n th e

Notes to the Conclusion • 21 9 Eighteenth-Century," 77-78 ; an d Marcu s Rediker , "Th e America n Revolutio n an d th e Cycles o f Rebellio n i n the Eighteenth-Centur y Atlantic " (unpublished manuscript) , 11-19 . 13. Se e James Neagles , Summer Soldiers: A Survey and Index of Revolutionary War CourtsMartial (Sal t Lak e City , Utah : Ancestr y Inc. , 1986) , passim ; an d Jame s H . Edmonson , "Desertion i n th e America n Arm y durin g th e Revolutionar y War " (Ph.D. diss. , I^ouisian a State University , 1971) , 217-18 . 14. Pete r Linebaug h an d Marcu s Rediker , "Th e Many-Heade d Hydra : Sailors , Slaves , and th e Atlanti c Workin g Clas s i n the Eighteent h Century, " Journal of Historical Sociology 3 , no. 3 (Septembe r 1990) : 225-32 ; Pete r Wood , "Th e Drea m Deferred : Blac k Freedo m Struggles on the Ev e of Whit e Independence, " in Resistance: Studies in African, Caribbean, and Afro-American History, ed. Gar y Y . Okihir o (Amherst : Universit y o f Massachusett s Press , 1986), 170-75 . 15. Linebaug h an d Rediker , " A Many-Headed Hydra, " 244-45 .

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Boudinout, J . J. , ed . The Life, Public Services, Addresses, and Letters of Elias Boudinout. Ne w York: Houghton Mifflin , 1896 . Bowen, Ashley . The Journals of Ashley Bowen. Salem , Mass. : Essex Institute , 1973 . Brock, R . A. , ed . The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie. Richmond, Va. , 1883-84 .

221

222 • Selected Bibliography Brunnholtz, Peter . Reports of the United German Evangelical Lutheran Congregations in North America. Philadelphia , 1750 . Buettner, Johan n Carl . Narrative of Johann Carl Buettner in the American Revolution. New York: Charles Heartma n Publishers , 1915 . Butterfield, Lyman , ed . Diary and Autobiography of John Adams. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvar d University Press , 1962 . Carter, Landon . The Diary of Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752-1778. Edited b y Jac k R . Greene. Charlottesville : Universit y Pres s of Virginia , 1965 . Chastellux, Marqui s de . Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781, and 1782. Edited by Howar d Rice . Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1963 . Colden, Cadwallader . History of the Five Indian Nations. London , 1747 . Cook, Fred , ed . Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations in 1779. Freeport , N.Y. : Book s of Librar y Press , reprinte d 1972 . Croghan, George . "Georg e Croghan's Journal." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 71 (1947). Dann, John C, ed . The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence. Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1980 . Davies, K . G. , ed . Documents of the American Revolution. Shannon , Ireland , 1976-81 . Davis, A . M. , ed . Colonial Currency Reprints. Boston , 1911 . Denny, Ebenezer . Military Journal of Major Ebenezer Denny: An Officer in the Revolution and Indian Wars. Philadelphia, 1859 . Dewees, Samuel . A History and Life and Services of Captain Samuel Dewees. Edite d b y Joh n Smith Hanna . Baltimore , Md. , 1844 . Dohla, Johan n Conrad . A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution. Translate d b y Bruc e E . Burgoyne. Norman : Universit y o f Oklahoma Press , 1989 . Elmer, Ebenezer . "Journa l Kep t durin g a n Expeditio n t o Canad a i n 1776. " New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings, 1847 . Ewald, Johann Conrad . Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. Translate d b y Joseph P. Tustin . Ne w Haven , Conn. : Yal e University Press , 1979 . Fisher, Elijah . Elijah Fisher's Journal'. Augusta , Maine : Press of Badge r and Manley, 1880 . Fitzpatrick, John C, ed . The Writings of Washington. 3 9 vols. Washington , D.C. , 1931-44 . Force, Peter , ed . American Archives. Washington , D.C. , 1843 . Fortesque, John W . The Correspondence of George III. I^ondon , 1928 . Furlong, Patric k J. "Memorand a an d Documents : A Sermo n fo r th e Mutinou s Troop s o f the Connecticut Line , 1782. " The New England Quarterly, December 1970 . Gardiner, Harvey , ed . A Study in Dissent: The Warren-Gerry Correspondence, 1776-1792. Carbondale: Southern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1962 . Gerlach, Larry , ed . New Jersey in the American Revolution, 1763-1783: A Documentary History. Trenton: Ne w Jersey Bicentennia l Commission , 1975 . Gibbes, Robert , ed . Documentary History of the American Revolution. Ne w York , 1853 . Gilbert, Benjamin . Winding Down: The Revolutionary War letters of Lieutenant Benjamin Gilbert of Massachusetts, 1780-1783. Edited b y Joh n Shy . An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michiga n Press, 1989 . Glover, John . John Glovers Letterbook, 1776-1777. Edited b y Russel l Knight . Salem , Mass. : Essex Institute , 1976 . Graydon, Alexander . Memoirs of "His Own Time" with Reminiscences of the Men and Events of the Revolution. Philadelphia , 1846 . Greenman, Jeremiah . Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783. Edited b y Rober t C . Bra y an d Pau l Bushnell . DeKalb : Norther n Illinoi s Universit y Press, 1978 .

Selected Bibliography • 22 3 Hawkins Orderly Rook. Hazen' s Regiment . Philadelphia : Historica l Societ y o f Pennsylvania , 1782.

Heinrichs, Johann. "Journal. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (1898). Hooker, Richard , ed . The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1953 . Hutchinson, Willia m T. , an d Willia m M . E . Rachel , eds . The Papers of James Madison. Chicago, 1932 . Isham, Charles, ed. "Th e Paper s of Silas Deane. " Collections of the New York Historical Society. New York , 1886 . Journals of the Reverend Thomas Smith, and the Reverend Samuel Deane, Pastors of the First Church in Portland. Portland , Maine , 1849 . Kemble, Stephen . "Kemble' s Journal." New York State Historical Society Collections, 1883 . Kirkwood, Robert . The Journal and Orderly Book of Captain Robert Kirkwood. Wilmington : Delaware Historica l Society , 1910 . Lamb, Roger . Diary of Sergeant Roger Ijimb, Royal Welch Fuzileers: Occurences [sicJ during the Late American War. Dublin : Wilkinson an d Courtney Publishers , 1809 . Larabee, Leonar d W. , an d Willia m B . Willcox . The Papers of Benjamin Franklin. Ne w Haven, Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1959 . Laurens, John. The Army Correspondence of JohnLaurens. Edite d b y Willia m G . Simms . Ne w York: The Bradfor d Club , 1867 . Lee, Henry . Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States. New York , 1869. Lesser, Charle s H. , ed . The Sinews of Independence: Monthly Strength Reports of the Continental Army. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1976 . Mackenzie, Frederick . Diary of Frederick MacKenzie as an Officer of the Regiment of Royal Welch Fusileers during the Years 1775-1781. Cambridge, U.K. , 1930 . Marshall, Christopher . Diary of Christopher Marshall, 1774-1781. Edited b y Willia m Duane . New York : Arno Press, 1969 . Martin, Josep h Plumb . Private Yankee Doodle: Being a Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers, and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier. Edite d b y George Scheer . Boston : Little, Brown and Co., 1962 . Moore, Frank , ed . Diary of the Revolution. Ne w York : Arno Press, reprinte d 1969 . Muhlenberg, Henr y Melchoir . The Journal of Henry Melcboir Muhlenberg. Philadelphia , 1958 . Neagles, James. Summer Soldiers: A Survey and Index of Revolutionary War Courts-Martial. Sal t Lake City, Utah : Ancestry Inc. , 1986 . Orderly Book of the 2nd Pennsylvania Continental Line. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 36(1912) . Pargellis, Stanle y M . Military Affairs in North America, 1748-176$: Selected Documents from the Cumberland Papers in Windsor Castle. New York : Appleton-Century, 1937 . Popp, Stephen . A Hessian Soldier in the American Revolution: The Diary of Stephen Popp. Translated b y Reinhar d Pope . Racine , Wis. , 1953 . Powell, Willia m S. , Jam e K . Huhta , an d Thomas J. Farnharm , eds . The Regulators in North Carolina: A Documentary History. Raleigh , N.C. : Stat e Departmen t o f Archive s an d History, 1971 .

Reeves, Enos . "Extract s fro m th e Letter-Book s o f Lieutenan t Eno s Reeves. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 21(1898) . Reuber, Johannes. "Diary. " Johannes Schwalm Historical Association i (1979). Richardson, John. "Letter s of Lieutenan t John Richardson , 1776. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 1 6 (1892).

224 * Selected Bibliography Schaw, Janet . Journal of a Lady of Quality. Edite d b y Evangelin e Walke r Andrew s an d Charles Andrews . Ne w Haven , Conn.: Yale Universit y Press , 1921 . Schoepf, Johan n David . Travels in the Confederation, 1783-1784. Translated b y Alfre d J . Morrison. Philadelphia , 1911 . Serle, Ambrose . American journal of Ambrose Serle. Ne w York : Arno Press, 1069 . Seume, J . G . "Memoir s o f a Hessia n Transcript : J . G . Seume' s Reluctan t Voyag e t o America." Translated b y Margaret e Woelfel. William and Mary Quarterly (1948). Seymour, William . "Th e Journa l o f th e Souther n Expedition. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 7 (1883). Sheridan, Eugen e R. , an d John M . Murrin , eds . Congress at Princeton: Being the Letters of Charles Thomson to Hannah Thomson. Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n University Press , 1985 . Smith, Eleazer . Eleazer Smith Diary. Miscellaneou s Manuscripts . An n Arbor , Mich. : Wil liam L. Clements Library . Smith, John. "Joh n Smith's Diar y of 1776. " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 20 (1933-34). Smith, Peter , ed . Letters to the Members of the Continental Congress. 8 vols. Washington , D.C. : Carnegie Institutio n o f Washington, reprinte d 1063 . Stevens, Benjami n F. , ed . Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America. 25 vols. Ne w York , 1889-98 . Stone, Willia m L. , ed . Memoirs, Letters, and Journals of Major General von Riedesal. Ne w York, 1969 . Thacher, James. Military Journal of Dr. James Thacher during the American Revolutionary War. Hartford, Conn. : S. Andrus , 1854 . Tilghman, Tench . Memoir of Lieutenant Colonel Tench Tilghman. Edite d b y Samue l A . Har rison. 1876 . Valley Forge Orderly Book of General George Weedon of the Continental Army. Ne w York : Liveright Publishers , reprinte d 1971 . von Closen , Baro n Ludwig . The Revolutionary Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen, 17801783. Translate d b y Evely n M . Acomb . Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press, 1958 . Wade, Herber t T. , an d Rober t A . Lively , eds . This Glorious Cause: The Adventures of Two Company Grade Officers in Washington's Army. Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1958 . Ward, Samuel . Correspondence of Governor Samuel Ward. Edited b y Bernhar d Knollenburg . Providence: Rhod e Islan d Historica l Society , 1952 . Wasmus, Julius Friedrich . "Juliu s Friedric h Wasmus , A Germa n Militar y Surgeo n durin g the Revolution. " Bulletin of the History of Medicine1 8 (October 1945) . Webb, Samue l Blachley . The Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blacbley Webb. Edited b y Worthington C . Ford . Ne w York : New Yor k Times an d Arno Press, reprinte d 1069 . Willard, Margare t Wheeler , ed . Letters on the American Revolution, 1774-1776. Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1925 . Willcox, Willia m B . The American Rebellion: Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of bis Campaigns, 1775-1783. New Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1954 . Winn, Richard . "Genera l Winn' s Notes—1780. " Edite d b y Samue l C . Williams . South Carolina History and Genealogy Magazine, January 1943 . NEWSPAPERS

American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), 3 0 June 180 1 Boston Evening-Post, 1 November 177 3 Connecticut Journal, 14 June 177 5

Selected Bibliography • 22 5 Deutscb-Amerikanisches Magazin, 1 6 November 177 7 Freeman's Journal, 2, 1 2 July 177 4 Game's Paper, 9 March 177 8 Georgia Gazette (Savannah), 2 February, 7 December 177 4 Limerick Chronicle, 2 0 October 176 8 Maryland Gazette, 14 December 177 5 Massachusetts Centinel, 2 2 May 178 4 New Hampshire Gazette, 27 April 177 9 New Jersey Gazette, 1 7 June 1778 ; 27 September 178 0 New York Gazette, 22 June 177 2 New York Royal Gazette, 27 October 177 9 Pennsylvania Evening Post, 14 December 1775 ; 1 6 August 177 7 Pennsylvania Journal (Philadelphia), 1 7 April 177 6 Pennsylvania Packet, 2 6 February 177 8 Rivington's Royal Gazette, 3 July 177 9 Royal Georgia Gazette, 1 1 February 177 9 Scot's Magazine, Octobe r 177 2 Staatesbote (Philadelphia), 1 August 177 5 Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), 17 , 2 3 November, 2 December 1775 ; 26 January 177 6 M A N U S C R I P T S , P A P E R S , AN D C O L L E C T I O N S

Adams, John. The John Adams Papers. Boston , Mass. : Massachusetts Historica l Society . Adams, Samuel . Papers . Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , Ne w York . Benjamin Trumbull Collection . Yal e Universit y Library , Ne w Haven , Conn . Boyd, Julian C, ed . Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1950.

British Publi c Recor d Offic e Papers . Davi d Librar y o f the America n Revolution , Washing ton Crossing, Pa . Burr Family Collection. Yal e Universit y Library , Ne w Haven , Conn. "Calendar of Archiva l Materia l o n Lan d Patent s Issue d b y th e Unite d States. " Federal Land Series. Vol . 2 . Chicago, 1973 . Carleton, Guy . Papers . Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing , Pa. Clinton, Henry . Manuscrip t Papers . Willia m L . Clements Library , An n Arbor , Mich . Dartmouth Manuscripts Calendar. London : Historical Manuscript s Commission, 1895 . Elizabeth Furnac e Manuscripts. Pi g Iro n Book. Historica l Society o f Pennsylvania . Evans Collectio n o f Earl y America n Imprints , Georgetow n Universit y Library , Washing ton, D.C . Feinstone Collection . Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing , Pa. Force, Peter . Manuscrip t Collection. Librar y of Congress, Washington , D.C . Gage, Thomas . Manuscrip t Papers . Willia m L . Clements Library , An n Arbor, Mich . Gates, Horatio . Horatio Gates Papers. Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , Ne w York . Greene, Nathanael . Manuscrip t Papers . Willia m L . Clement s Library , An n Arbor , Mich . Heath, William . Manuscrip t Papers . Davi d Librar y o f the American Revolution , Washing ton Crossing, Pa . Huntington, Samuel . Manuscrip t Papers . Collections. Connecticu t Historica l Society . Johannes Schwal m Historica l Associatio n Papers . Lancaste r Historica l Society , Lancaster , Pa.

226 • Selected Bibliography Laurens, Henry . Papers of Henry Laurens. David Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washington Crossing , Pa . Lee, Charles . "Charle s Le e Papers." New York Historical Society Collections. Ne w York , 1878 . Ligerwood Manuscrip t Collection . Morristow n Nationa l Histori c Park , Morristown , N.J . Logan, John Henry . "Extract s fro m the Loga n Manuscript [of the Uppe r South]. " Historical Collections of the Joseph Habersham Chapter. Daughter s of the American Revolution . Ixnjdoun Papers . Henr y E . Huntingto n Library , Sa n Marino, Calif. Miscellaneous Manuscripts . Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , Harris burg, Pa. Miscellaneous Manuscripts . U.S . Revolutionar y Wa r Collection , America n Antiquaria n Society, Worcester , Mass . Nelson, George . Manuscrip t Papers . Historica l Societ y o f Pennsylvania, Philadelphia . Pamphlets. America n Histor y Collection , Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washington Crossing , Pa . Pendleton, Nathanael . Manuscrip t Papers . Societ y o f the Cincinnati Collection , Librar y o f Congress, Washington , D.C . Penrose, Maryl y B . Indian Affairs Papers. Frankli n Park, N.J. : Libert y Bel l Associates , 1981 . Pinckney, Thomas . Pinckne y Famil y Papers . Sout h Carolin a Historica l Society , Charles ton, S.C . Powell, I^even . Manuscript Papers . Swe m Memorial Library , College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va . Reed, Joseph. Manuscrip t Papers . Davi d Librar y of th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing, Pa . Rimpau, Han s Helmuth , ed . "Th e Brunswicker s i n Nordamerika , 1776-1783. " Archivfuer Sippenforschung. Federa l Republi c of Germany. St. Clair , Arthur . Manuscrip t Papers . Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Wash ington Crossing, Pa . Schuyler, Philip . Philip Schuyler Papers. Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , Ne w York . Selections from the Correspondence of the Executive of New Jersey, from iyj6 to ij86. Newark , N.j., ,849 . Smith, Clifford Neal , ed . Brunswick Deserter-Immigrants of the American Revolution. Thomson , 111.: Heritage Hous e Publishers , 1973 . Syrett, Howard , ed . The Papers of Alexander Hamilton. Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press, 1961 . Taylor, Rober t J. The Papers of John Adams. Cambridge, Mass. : Belknap Press, 1979 . Vermont Historica l Society . Miscellaneou s Manuscripts . Montpelier , Vt . von Steuben , Friedrich . Papers . Davi d Librar y o f th e America n Revolution , Washingto n Crossing, Pa . Waldo, Albegience . "Diar y o f Albegienc e Waldo.' ' Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 2 1 (October 1897) . Washington, George . Washingto n Papers . Librar y of Congress, Washington , D.C . Wayne, Anthony . Manuscrip t Papers . Historica l Societ y o f Pennsylvania, Philadelphia . ARCHIVES

Clark, Walter , ed . State Records of North Carolina. Colonial Laws of New York from the Year 1664 to the Revolution. Albany , N.Y. , 1894-96 . Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 1683-1790. Philadelphia, 1852-53 . Connecticut Historical Society Collections. Hartford , Conn. , 1809 . Delaware Archives, Military. Wilmington , Del .

Selected Bibliography • 22 7 Hemphill, Edwin , ed . Extracts from the Journal of the Provincial Congresses of South Carolina. Columbia, S.C. , i960 . Hening, Willia m II. , ed . The Statutes at Large: Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia. Richmond, Va. , 1810-23 . Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957. Washington , D.C. : Government Printing Office , i960 . Journals of the Continental Congress. Washington , D.C. : Government Printin g Office . Kilty, William , ed . The Laws of Maryland. Annapolis, Md. , 1709 . New Hampshir e Counci l Records . Concord , N.H . New Jersey Departmen t of Defens e Manuscripts . Ne w Jersey Stat e Library , Trenton , N.J . New Yor k Archives . The American Revolution in New York: Its Political, Social, and Economic Significance. Albany , N.Y. , 1926 . O'Callaghan, E. , ed . New York Colonial Documents. Ne w York . Papers of the Continental Congress. Washington , D.C. , Librar y of Congress. Pennsylvania Archives. Harrisburg , Pa . Public Records of the State of Connecticut. Revolutionary Wa r Pension Records . Washington , D.C. , Nationa l Archives . Rhode Island Archives: Records of the State of Rhode Island. Providence , R.I . Saunders, William , ed . The Colonial Records of North Carolina. 26 vols. Raleigh , N.C. : P . M . Hale, 1886-00 . South Carolina Historical Society Collections. Columbia , S.C . Steiner, Bernard , e t al., eds . Archives of Maryland. United State s Burea u of Census. Heads of Families at the Eirst Census of the United States Taken in the Year i/po: Pennsylvania. Washington , D.C. : Government Printin g Office, 1908 .

S E C O N D A R Y S O U R C E

S

BOOKS

Abramson, James L . The American Home Front. Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Defens e Uni versity Press , 1983 . Anderson, Fred . A People's Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years War. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1984 . Aptheker, Herbert . American Negro Slave Revolts. New York : Columbi a Universit y Press , »943Archdeacon, Thoma s J. Becoming American: An Ethnic History. New York : Th e Fre e Press , 1983. Atwood, Rodney . The Hessians. London : Cambridge Universit y Press , 1980 . Axtell, James. The European and the Indian. New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1981 . . The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America. New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1985 . Bailyn, Bernard . Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution. Ne w York : Vintage Books , 1986 . Barnhart, Joh n D. , ed . Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution to Include the Journal of Governor Henry Hamilton. Crawfordsville, Ind. : R . E . Banta , 1951 . Berger, Carl . Broadsides and Bayonets: The Propaganda War of the Revolution. Philadelphia: University o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1961 . Berlin, Ira . Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South. Ne w York : Pantheon Books , 1974 .

228 • Selected Bibliography Bernstein, Barto n J. , ed . Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History. Ne w York: Knopf, 1968 . Billigmeir, Robert . Minorities in American Life, Americans from Germany: A Study in Cultural Diversity. Belmont, Calif. : Wadsworth Publishers , 1974 . Billington, Ra y Allen . Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier. New York : Macmillan, 1974 . Bodle, Wayn e K. , an d Jacquelin e Thibaut . Valley Forge Research Project. Valle y Forge , Pa., 1980 .

Bolton, Charle s K . The Private Soldier under Washington. Williamstown , Mass. : Corne r House Publishers , reprinte d 1976 . Bowman, Allen . The Morale of the American Revolutionary Army. Washington , D.C. : Ameri can Council o n Public Affairs , 1943 . Boyer, Charle s S . Early Forges and Furnaces in New Jersey. Philadelphia : Universit y o f Pennsylvania Press , 1931 . Brand, Oscar, ed . Songs of''76: Being a Compendium of Music and Verses, Patriotic and Treasonous Sung Both by the Rebels and the Adherents of His Royal Majesty George III. Ne w York : M . Evans & Co., 1972 . Bridenbaugh, Carl . Myths and Realities. Westport , Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1952 . Brooks, Noah . Henry Knox, A Soldier of the Revolution. Ne w York , 1900. Brown, Dougla s S . The Catawba Indians: Allies in the Revolution. Columbia : Universit y o f South Carolina Press , 1966 . Brunhouse, Rober t H . The Counter-Revolution in Pennsylvania, 1776-1790. Harrisburg : Pennsylvania Historica l an d Museum Commission, 1971 . Buel, Richard . Dear Liberty: Connecticut's Mobilization for the Revolutionary War. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Universit y Press , 1980 . Burton, Willia m L . Melting Pot Soldiers: The Union's Ethnic Regiments. Ames : Iow a Stat e University Press , 1988 . Busch, Noel . Winter Quarters: George Washington and the Continental Army at Valley Forge. New York : Liveright, 1974 . Calloway, Coli n G . The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migration, and Survival of an Indian People. Norman : University of Oklahoma Press , 1990 . Carp, E . Wayne . To Starve an Army at Pleasure: Continental Army Administrators and American Political Culture, 1775-1783- Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1984 . Cary, John. Joseph Warren: Physician, Politician, Patriot. Urbana : University o f Illinois Press, 1961.

Cashin, Edwar d J . The King's Ranger: Thomas Brown and the American Revolution on the Southern Frontier. Athens : University of Georgia Press , 1989 . Chambers, John W . To Raise an Army: The Draft Comes to Modern America. New York : Fre e Press, 1987 . Cockran, Davi d H . The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783. Norman : Universit y o f Oklahom a Press, 1967 . Collins, Varnu m Lansing . The Continental Congress at Princeton. Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n University Library , 1908 . Cotterill, Rober t S . The Southern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes before Removal. Norman: Universit y o f Oklahoma Press , 1954 . Countryman, Edward . A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760-1790. Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1981 . Cress, Lawrenc e Delbert . Citizens in Arms: The Army and the Militia in American Society to the War of 1812. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1982 . Crow, Jeffrey, an d Larry Tise, eds. The Southern Experience in the American Revolution. Chape l Hill: Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1978 .

Selected Bibliography • 22 9 Cunliffe, Marcus . Soldiers and Civilians: The Martial Spirit in America, 1775-186$. Boston : Little, Brow n and Co., 1968 . Cunz, Dieter . The Maryland Germans. Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1948 . Dabney, Willia m M . After Saratoga: The Story of the Convention Army. Albuquerque : Univer sity of New Mexic o Press, 1954 . Davidson, Phili p G . Propaganda and the American Revolution, 1763-1783. New York : W . W . Norton, 1941 . Davis, Davi d Brion . The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823. New York : Cornell Universit y Press , 1975 . . The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture. Ithaca , N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1966. Debo, Angie . The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians. Norman : Universit y of Oklahoma Press , 1941 . Dickson, R . J . Ulster Emigration to America, 1718-177$. London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul, 1966 . Dippel, Horst. Germany and the American Revolution, 1770-1800. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1977 . Doddridge, Joseph. Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh , Pa. : privately published , 1912 . Downey, Fairfax . Indian Wars of the United States Army, 1776-186$. Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday, 1963 . Doyle, Davi d Noel . Ireland, Irishmen, and Revolutionary America, 1760-1820. Dublin: Mer cier Press, 1981 . Dunaway, Wayland . The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1944 . Dunn, Richard . Sugar and Slaves. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1972 . Everest, Alla n S . Moses Hazen and the Canadian Refugees in the American Revolution. Syracuse , N.Y.: Syracus e Universit y Press , 1976 . Ferguson, E . James. The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776-1790. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1961 . Ferling, John E . A Wilderness of Misery: War and Warriors in Early America. Westport , Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1980 . Fischer, Davi d Hackett . Historian's Fallacies. Ne w York : Harper and Row , 1970 . Fitch, Willia m E . Some Neglected History of North Carolina. New York : Neal e Publishin g C o . , 1005 .

Foner, Eric , ed. The New American History. Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Press , 1990 . . Tom Paine and Revolutionary America. London: Oxford Universit y Press , 1976 . Foner, Phili p S . Labor and the American Revolution. Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1976. . Blacks in the American Revolution. Westport , Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1981 . Franklin, John Hope . From Slavery to Freedom. Ne w York : Knopf, 1967 . French, Allen . The First Year of the American Revolution. Ne w York : Houghton Mifflin , 1934 . Frey, Sylvia . The British Soldier in America: A Social History of Military Life in the Revolutionary Period. Austin : Universit y o f Texas Press , 1981 . . Water fromthe Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age. Princeton, N.J. : Princeto n University Press , 1991 . Furer, Howar d B. , ed . The Germans in America, 1607-1970: A Chronology and Fact Book. Dobbs Ferry , N.Y. : Ocean a Publications , 1973 . Genovese, Eugene . Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made. New York : Vintag e Books , 1976. Glass, D . V. , an d D . E . C. Eversley , eds . Population in History. London: E. Arnold , 1065 .

230 • Selected Bibliography Godbolt, E . Stanley . Christopher Cadsden and the American Revolution. Knoxville : Universit y of Tennessee Press , 1982 . Godfrey, Carlo s E. The Commander-in-Chief s Guard: The Revolutionary War. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishin g Co., 1972 . Gold, Philip . Evasions: The American Way of Service. Ne w York : Paragon House , 1985 . Grant, Charle s S . Democracy in the Connecticut Erontier Town of Kent. New York : Columbi a University Press , 1961 . Graymont, Barbara . The Iroquois in the American Revolution. Syracuse, N.Y. : Syracus e University Press , 1978 . Greene, Jack P. Pursuits of Happiness. Chape l Hill : University o f North Carolina Press , 1988 . Greene, Lorenzo . The Negro in Colonial New England', 1620-1776. Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1942 . Greene, Rober t Ewell . Black Courage. Washington, D.C. : Daughter s o f th e America n Revolution, 1984 . Greven, Phili p J., Jr. Four Generations: Population, Ijind, and Family in Andover, Massachusetts. Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Universit y Press , 1970 . Griffin, Marti n I . J . Catholics and Revolutionary America. Ridley Park , Pa. : privatel y pub lished, 1907 . . The Catholic Indians and the American Revolution. Ridley Park , Pa. : privatel y pub lished, 1907 . Gross, Rober t A . The Minutemen and Their World. Ne w York : Hill an d Wang, 1976 . Guilday, Peter . The Life and Times of John England. Ne w York : America Press , 1927 . Hagan, Willia m T . Longbouse Diplomacy and Frontier Warfare: The Iroquois Confederacy in the American Revolution. Albany : Ne w Yor k State Bicentennial Commission , 1976 . Harling, Frederick , an d Marti n Kaufman , eds . The Ethnic Contribution to the American Revolution. Westfield , Mass. : Historical Journal of Western Massachusetts, 1976 . Harvey, Oscar , ed . The History of Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Wilkes-Barre , Pa. : Wilkes Barre Historical Society , 1910 . Herrick, Cheesma n A . White Servitude in Pennsylvania. Freeport , N.Y. : Book s fo r Librarie s Press, 1926 . Higginbotham, A . Leon . In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Military Tradition. New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1978 . Higginbotham, Don . Reconsiderations on the Revolutionary War. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978 . . George Washington and the American Military Tradition. Athens : University of Georgia Press, 1985 . . The War of American Independence: Military Attitudes, Policies, and Practice, 17631789. Ne w York : Macmillan , 1971 . . War and Society in Revolutionary America. Columbia: Universit y o f Sout h Carolin a Press, 1988 . Hocker, Edwar d W . German Settlers of Pennsylvania and Adjacent Territory: From Advertisements Published in Philadelphia and Germantown. Baltimore : Genealogica l Publishin g Co. , 1980.

Hoffman, Ronald , an d Pete r J. Albert , eds . Arms and Independence. Charlottesville : Univer sity Pres s of Virginia , 1984 . Jackson, Joh n W . With the British Army in Philadelphia, 1777-1778. Sa n Rafael , Calif. : Presidio Press, 1979 . Jennings, Francis . The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1975 . Jensen, Merrill . The New Nation: A History of the United States during the Confederation, 17811789. Ne w York : Knopf , 1950 .

Selected Bibliography • 23 1 Johannes Schwal m Historica l Association . Johannes Schwalm: The Hessian. Millville, Pa. : Precision Printers , 1976 . Jones, Dougla s Lamar . Village and Seaport: Migration and Society in Eighteenth Century Massachusetts. Boston : Universit y o f New Englan d Press , 1981 . Jones, Maldwy n Allen . American Immigration. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1967 . Jordan, Winthrop . White over Black. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1967 . Kaplan, Sidney . The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution, 1770-1800. Washington, D.C. : Smithsonian Institution , revise d editio n 1980 . Karsten, Peter , ed . The Military in America: Erom the Colonial Era to the Present. Ne w York : Free Press, 1986 . Kipping, Ernst . At General Howe's Side. Monmouth Beach , N.J. : Phili p Ereneau Press , 1974 . . The Hessian View of America, 1776-1783. Monmout h Beach , N.J. : Phili p Frenea u Press, 1971 . Klein, H . M . J . The History of the Eastern Synod of the Reformed Church in the United States. Lancaster, Pa. : Lancaster Historica l Society , 1943 . Kuhns, Oscar . German and Swiss Settlements. Ne w York : Abingdon Press , 1900 . Kurtz, Stephe n G. , an d Jame s H . Hutson , eds . Essays on the American Revolution. Chape l Hill: Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1973 . Leyburn, Jame s G . The Scotch-Irish: A Social History. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1962 . Livermore, George . On Negroes: As Slaves, As Citizens, and Soldiers. Ne w York : Arn o Press , reprinted 1969 . Lockhart, Audrey . Emigration from Ireland to the North American Colonies, 1660-1783. Ne w York: Arno Press, 1976 . Lovejoy, Pau l E . The Ideology of Slavery in Africa. Beverl y Hills , Calif. : Sag e Publications , 1981.

Lowell, Edward . The Hessians. VVilliamstown , Mass. : Cornerston e Publishin g House , re printed 1975 . MacLeod, Duncan. Slavery, Race, and the American Revolution. Cambridge : Cambridge Uni versity Press , 1974 . Main, Jackso n Turner . The Social Structure of Revolutionary America. Princeton , N.J. : Princeton Universit y Press , 1965 . . The Sovereign States, 1775-1783. New York : Frankli n Waters , 1973 . Marshall, W . F . Ulster Sails West. Belfast: Genealogical Publishin g Co. , 1984 . Martin, James Kirby . In the Course of Human Events. Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan David son, 1979 . Martin, Jame s Kirby , an d Mar k E . Lender . A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789. Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982 . Matthews, William . American Diaries in Manuscript, 1580-1954: An Annotated Bibliography. Athens: Universit y o f Georgia Press , 1974 . Mayo, Bernard , ed . Myths and Men. Athens: Universit y o f Georgia Press , 1959 . McCusker, John J., an d Russel l R . Menard , eds . The Economy of British America, 1607-1789. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1985 . Meginness, Joh n F . Biography of Frances Slocum: The Lost Sister of Wyoming. Williamsport, Pa., 1891 .

Merrell, James H . The Indian's New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors from European Contact through the Removal Era. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1989 . Miles, Lion . The Hessians of Ixwis Miller. Harrisburg : Pennsylvania-Germa n Tricentennia l Project, 1983 . Miller, Kerb y A . Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America. Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1985 .

232 • Selected Bibliography Millis, Walter . Arms and Men: A Study in American Military History. Ne w York : Putnam , 1956. Moltmann, Gunter , ed . Germans to America: 300 Years of Immigration, 1683-1983. Stuttgart, Federal Republi c of Germany: Institut e for Foreign Cultural Relations , 1982 . Mohr, Walte r H. Federal Indian Relations, 1-774-1788. Philadelphia : Universit y o f Pennsylva nia Press, 1933 . Moore, George . Historical Motes. Boston , 1862 . Morris, Richar d B. , ed . The Era of the American Revolution. Gloucester , Mass. : Peter Smit h Publishers, 1971 . Muhlenberg, Henry . The Life of Major-General Peter Muhlenberg of the Revolutionary Army. Philadelphia: Carey an d Har t Publishers , 1849 . Mullin, Geral d W . Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in the Eighteenth-Century. Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1972 . Nash, Gary . Forging Freedom: The Foundation of Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720-1840. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1988 . . Race and Revolution. Madison , Wis. : Madison House , 1990 . Nell, Willia m C. Colored Patriots of the American Revolution. Boston , Mass. : Walcott Publish ers, 1855 . Nelson, Pau l David . Anthony Wayne: Soldier of the Early Republic. Bloomington : Indian a University Press , 1985 . O'Brien, Michael . A Hidden Phase of American History. New York : Devin-Adair , 1919 . O'Connell, Mauric e R . Irish Politics and Social Conflict in the Age of the American Revolution. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1976 . O'Donnell, Jame s H . Southern Indians in the American Revolution. Knoxville: Universit y o f Tennessee Press , 1973 . Okihiro, Gar y Y. , ed . In Resistance: Studies in African, Caribbean, and Afro-American History. Amherst: Universit y o f Massachusetts Press , 1986 . Paine, Thomas . Common Sense and the Crisis. Ne w York : Anchor Press , reprinte d 1973 . Pancake, John S . 1777: The Year of the Hangman. University : Universit y o f Alabam a Press , 1977. Parsons, Willia m T. The Pennsylvania Dutch: A Persistent Minority. Boston: Twayne Publish ers, 1976 . Pearce, Ro y Harvey . The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of Civilization. Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1953 . Pollard, H . B . C. The Secret Societies of Ireland. London : P. Allan , 1922 . Prucha, Franci s P. American Indian Policy in the Formative Years. Cambridge , Mass. : Harvard University Press , 1062 . Quarles, Benjamin , ed . Black Mosaic: Essays in Afro-American History and Historiography. Amherst: Universit y o f Massachusetts Press , 1988 . . The Negro in the American Revolution. Ne w York : W. W . Norton , 1961 . Ramsey, David . The History of the American Revolution. London , 1793 . Rediker, Marcus . Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700-1750. Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1987. Reid, Joh n Philip . In a Defiant Stance. Universit y Park : Pennsylvani a Stat e Universit y Press, 1977 . Richards, H . M . M . The Pennsylvania-German in the Revolutionary War, 177s-1783. Balti more: Genealogical Publishin g Co., reprinte d 1978 . Richter, Danie l K. , an d James Merrell, eds . Beyond the Covenant Chain: The Iroquois and Their Neighbors in Indian North America, 1600-1800. Syracuse , N.Y. : Syracus e Universit y Press, 1987 .

Selected Bibliography • 23 3 Rippley, L a Ver n J . The German-Americans: Early German Immigration to the United States. New York : University Pres s of America , 1984 . Robinson, Donal d L . Slavery in the Structure of American Politics. Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace, Jovanovich, 1971 . Rosswurm, Steven . Arms, Country, and Class: The Philadelphia Militia and the Lower Sort during the American Revolution. Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1987 . Royster, Charles . A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and the American Character, 1775-1783. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1979 . Rude, George . The Crowd in History, 1730-1848. New York : Wiley, 1964 . Schaff, Gregory . Wampum Belts and Peace Trees: George Morgan, Native Americans, and Revolutionary Diplomacy. Golden , Colo. : Fulcrum Publishin g Co., 1990 . Scheer, George , an d Hug h Rankin , eds . Rebels and Redcoats: The American Revolution through the Eyes of Those Who Fought It and Lived It. Ne w York : D a Capo Press, 1957 . Schrader, Frederic k F . The Germans in the Making of America. Boston: Stratford Co. , 1924 . Schwalm, Mark . The Hessian: Auxiliaries to the British Crown in the American Revolution. Mechanicsburg, Pa. : Pennsylvania Chapter , Palatine s to America, 1984 . Shy, John . A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence. An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michiga n Press , 1090 . Smith, Abbo t Emerson . Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict l^bor in America, 1607-1776. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1947 . Smith, Adam . The Wealth of Nations. London, 1776 . Smith, Bill y G . The Lower Sort: Philadelphia's Laboring People, 1750-1800. Ithaca , N.Y. : Cornell Universit y Press , 1990 . Smith, Jonathan . Peterborough, New Hampshire, in the American Revolution. Peterborough, N.H.: Peterboroug h Historica l Society , 1913 . Sosin, Jack . The Revolutionary Frontier, 1763-1783. Ne w York : Holt , Rinehart , an d Win ston, 1967 . Sowell, Thomas . Ethnic America: A History. New York : Basi c Books, 1981 . Stille, Charle s J . Major-General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the Continental Army. Philadelphia , 1893 . Stone, Willia m L . Border Wars of the American Revolution. Ne w York , 1874 . Svedja, Georg e J. Quartering, Disciplining, and Supplying the Army at Morristown, 1779-1780. Washington, D.C. : U.S . Departmen t o f the Interior , 1970 . Trautz, Fritz . Die Pfalzische Auswanderung nach Nordamerika im 18. Jarhhundert. [Emigratio n from th e Palatin e to North Americ a i n the 18t h Century]. Heidelberg , Federa l Republi c of Germany, 1959 . Treacy, M . F . Prelude to Yorktown: The Southern Campaigns of Nathanael Greene, 1780-1781. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1963 . Tross, Rudol f Karl . The Zweybrucken or Royal Deux-Ponts Regiment and Yorktown. Yorktown, Va.: York County Bicentennia l Committee , 1981 . Trussell, Joh n B . B . Birthplace of an Army: A Study of the Valley Forge Encampment. Harris burg: Pennsylvania Historica l an d Museum Commission, 1979 . . The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and Operation, 1776-1783. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historica l an d Museum Commission , 1977 . Truxes, Thoma s M . Irish-American Trade, 1660-1783. Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1988 . Ultee, Maarten , ed . Adapting to Conditions: War and Society in the Eighteenth Century. University: Universit y o f Alabama Press , 1986 . van Alstyne, Richar d W . The Rising American Empire. Ne w York : W. W . Norton , reprinte d •974Van Doren , Carl . Mutiny in January. New York : Viking , 1943 .

234 * Selected Bibliography Voltaire. Candide. Edite d b y John Butt . Ne w York : Pengui n Books , 1947 . Votwiler, Alber t T . George Croghan and the Westward Movement, 1741-1782. Cleveland , Ohio: Arthu r H . Clar k Co., 1926 . Walker, James W. St . G . The Black Ijyyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783-1870. New York : Dalhousi e Universit y Press , 1976 . Weeks, Philip , ed . The American Indian Experience: A Profile. Arlingto n Heights , 111. : Forum Press, 1988 . Wells, Frederic k P . History of Newbury, Vermont, from the Discovery of the Coos Country to the Present Time. St. Johnsbury, Vt. : Caledonian Co., 1002 . White, Alai n C . The History of the Town of Litchfield, Connecticut, 1720-1920. Litchfield , C o n n . , 1920 .

White, Davi d O. Connecticut's Black Soldiers. Chester , Conn. : Pequot Press , 1973 . Wilborne, Benjami n B . The Colonial and State Political History of Hertford County, North Carolina. Murfreesboro , Tenn. , 1906 . Winthrop, Willia m L . Military Law and Precedents. Boston : Little, Brow n and Co., 1896 . Wittke, Carl . We Who Built America. Ne w York : Prentice-Hall, 1939 . Wolf, Georg e D . The Fair Play Settlers of the West Branch Valley, 1769-1784: A Study of Frontier Ethnography. Harrisburg : Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Commission , 1969. Wright, Rober t K. , Jr . The Continental Army. Washington , D.C. : U.S . Arm y Cente r o f Military History , 1986 . Wust, Klaus . The Virginia Germans. Charlottesville : Universit y Pres s of Virginia , 1969 . Young, Alfre d P. , ed . The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism. DeKalb: Northern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1976 .

ARTICLES

Akers, Charle s W . "Ou r Moder n Egyptians : Philli s Wheatle y an d th e Whi g Campaig n against Slaver y i n Revolutionar y Boston. " Journal of Negro History (1975). Alexander, Arthu r J. "Ho w Marylan d Trie d t o Rais e He r Continenta l Quotas. " Maryland Historical Magazine (1947). Anderson, Fred . " A People' s Army : Provincia l Militar y Servic e i n Massachusett s durin g the Seve n Year s War." William and Mary Quarterly (1983). . "Wh y Di d Colonia l Ne w Englander s Mak e Ba d Soldiers ? Contractua l Principle s and Militar y Conduc t durin g th e Seve n Year s War. " William and Mary Quarterly 3 8 (1981).

Bast, Homer . "Cree k India n Affairs , 1775-1778. " Georgia Historical Quarterly 3 3 (Marc h 1949). Blackwelder, Ruth . "Attitud e o f th e Nort h Carolin a Moravian s towar d th e America n Revolution." North Carolina Historical Review 9 (January 1932) . Bogin, Ruth . "Libert y Furthe r Extended : A 177 6 Antislaver y Manuscrip t b y Lemue l Haynes." William and Mary Quarterly (1983). Bowling, Kennet h R . "Ne w Ligh t o n th e Philadelphi a Mutin y o f 1783 : Federal-Stat e Confrontation a t th e Clos e o f th e Wa r fo r Independence. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (1977). Bradford, S . Sydney . "Disciplin e i n th e Morristow n Winte r Encampment. " New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings 80 (1962). Breen, Timoth y H . "Englis h Origin s an d Ne w Worl d Development : Th e Cas e o f th e Covanented Militi a i n Seventeenth Centur y Massachusetts. " Past and Present (1972).

Selected Bibliography • 23 5 Butterfield, L y m a n H . "Psychologica l Warfar e i n 1776 : T h e Jefferson-Frankli n Pla n t o Cause Hessia n Desertions. " Proceedings of the American Philosophy Society 9 4 (Jun e 1950) . Calloway, Coli n G . "Sentinel s o f th e Revolution : Bedel' s N e w H a m p s h i r e Ranger s an d th e Abenaki Indian s o n th e U p p e r Connecticut. " Historical New Hampshire (Winte r 1990) . Cramer, Willia m S . "Fro m Hessia n D r u m m e r t o Marylan d Ironmaker." Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 3 (1985). Davis, A n d r e w MacFarland . " T h e E m p l o y m e n t o f India n Auxiliarie s i n th e America n W a r . " English Historical Review (Octobe r 1887) . De Voe , T h o m a s F . " T h e Massacr e o f th e Stockbridg e Indians. " The Magazine of American History 5 (September 1880) . Douglass, Elish a P . " A Three-Fol d America n Revolution. " The American Revolution: A Heritage of Change. Minneapolis , M i n n . : J o h n For d Bel l Library , 1975 . E d w a r d s , O w e n . " T h e America n Imag e o f Ireland. " Perspectives in American History 4 (1970) . Egly, T . W . , Jr . History of the First New York Regiment. H a m p t o n , N . H . : Pete r E . Randall , 1981. Ferling, J o h n . " O h T h a t I Wa s a Soldier : J o h n Adam s an d th e Anguis h o f W a r . " American Quarterly ( S u m m e r 1984) . I'rev, Sylvia . " T h e Britis h an d th e Black : A N e w Perspective. " Historian 38 (1976) . . "Betwee n Slaver y an d Freedom : Th e Virgini a Black s i n th e America n Revolution. " Journal of Southern History 4 9 (Augus t 1983) . . " T h e C o m m o n Britis h Soldie r i n th e Lat e Eighteent h C e n t u r y : A Profile. " Societas 5 (Sprin g 1975) . Gibson, Jame s E . "Benjami n Rus h T e r m i n a t e s a Post-Wa r M u t i n y amon g th e T r o o p s D e m a n d i n g Thei r Discharge. " Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 1 3 (December 1945) . G r e e n , E . R . R . " T h e Scotch-Iris h an d th e C o m i n g o f th e Revolutio n i n N o r t h Carolina. " Irish Historical Studies 7 (1950) . G r e e n e , Lorenzo . "Som e Observation s o n th e Blac k Regimen t o f Rhod e Islan d i n th e American Revolution. " Journal of Negro History 3 7 (Apri l 1952) . Harkness, Albert , Jr . "Americanis m an d Jenkin' s Ear. " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 37('95°)Hartgrove, W . B . " T h e N e g r o i n th e America n Revolution. " Journal of

Negro History

• (1916) .

H e n r e t t a , James . " T h e Socia l Structur e o f Boston. " William and Mary Quarterly (1965) . Higginbotham, Don . " T h e Earl y America n Wa y o f War : Reconnaissanc e an d Appraisal. " William and Mary Quarterly 4 4 (Apri l 1987) . Jackson, Luthe r P . "Virgini a N e g r o Soldier s an d Seame n i n th e America n Revolution. " Journal of Negro History 2 7 (Jul y 1942) . Jones, Dougla s Lamar . " T h e Strollin g Poor : Transcienc y i n Eighteenth-Centur y Massachu setts. " Journal of S^ocial History (Sprin g 1975) . Jones, E . Alfred . "Englis h Convict s i n th e America n A r m y . " Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society 7 (1922) . Jones, Kennet h S . "Kar l Friedric h Fuhrer : Prisoner , Patriot , Publisher. " Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 3 (1987). Kaplan, Sidney . " T h e Domesti c Insurrection s o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence . "Journal of Negro History 6 1 (1976) . Land, A u b r e y C . "Economi c Bas e an d Socia l Structure : T h e N o r t h e r n Chesapeak e i n th e Eighteenth C e n t u r y " Journal of Economic History 2 5 (1965) . Lemisch, Jesse . "Jac k T a r i n th e Streets : Merchan t Seame n i n th e Politic s o f Revolutionar y America." William and Mary Quarterly (1968) .

236 • Selected Bibliography Linebaugh, Peter , an d Marcu s Rediker . "Th e Many-Heade d Hydra : Sailors , Slaves , an d the Atlanti c Workin g Clas s i n th e Eighteent h Century . "Journal of Historical Sociology 3 (September 1990) . Lockridge, Kennet h A . "Land , Population , an d th e Evolutio n o f Ne w Englan d Society , 1630-1790." Past and Present (April 1968) . . "Socia l Chang e an d th e Meanin g o f th e America n Revolution. " Journal of Social History 6 (1973). Maslowski, Peter . "Nationa l Polic y toward s th e Us e o f Blac k Troop s i n th e Revolution. " South Carolina Historical Magazine 73 (January 1972) . Mauer, Mauer . "Militar y Justice under General Washington. " Military Analysis of the Revolutionary War, Military Affairs (1977). McAdams, Donal d R . "Th e Sulliva n Expedition : Succes s o r Failure? " New York Historical Society Quarterly 5 4 (January 1970) . McDonald, Forrest , an d Elle n Shapir o McDonald . "Th e Ethni c Origin s o f th e America n People, 1790. " William and Mary Quarterly 37 (1980). Merrell, James H. "Som e Thoughts on Colonial Historian s and American Indians. " William and Mary Quarterly 46 (1989). Miles, Lion . "Th e Ironmaste r an d th e Hessians. " Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 2(1981).

Papenfuse, Edwar d C , an d Gregor y Stiverson . "Smallwood' s Recruits. " William and Mary Quarterly 30 (January 1973) . Pocock, J. G. A . "Britis h History : A Plea for a New Subject. " New Zealand Journalof History 8(1974).

Quarles, Benjamin . "Lor d Dunmor e as Liberator." William and Mary Quarterly (July 1958) . . "Th e Colonia l Militi a an d Negr o Manpower. " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45 0959)Rediker, Marcus . "Goo d Hands , Stou t Heart , an d Fas t Feet : The Histor y an d Cultur e o f Working Peopl e i n Earl y America. " I n Reviving the English Revolution: Reflections and Elaborations on the Work of Christopher Hill, ed . Geof f Ele y an d Willia m Hunt . London : Verso Books, 1986 . . "Th e America n Revolutio n an d the Cycles of Rebellio n i n the Eighteenth-Centur y Atlantic." United State s Capitol Historica l Societ y Symposium , Marc h 1989 . Ryan, Denni s P . "Landholding , Opportunity , an d Mobility i n Revolutionary Ne w Jersey." William and Mary Quarterly 36 (1979). Salay, Davi d L . "Th e Productio n o f Wa r Material i n Ne w Jersey durin g th e Revolution. " In New Jersey in the American Revolution, vol . 3 (1976). Schwalm, Mark . "Th e True Hessia n Mercenaries." Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 3 . Sellers, John R . "Th e Commo n Soldie r i n th e America n Revolution. " I n Proceedings of the 6th Military History Symposium, edite d b y Stanle y J. Underdal . Colorad o Springs , Colo.: U.S. Ai r Force Academy . Snoddy, Oliver . "Th e Iris h Sword. " Journal of Military History Society of Ireland 7 (Winter 1965).

Sosin, Jack. "Th e Us e of Indian s in the War of the American Revolution : A Re-Assessmen t of Responsibility. " Canadian Historical Review 46 (June 1065) . Stayer, Jonathan . "Th e Hessian s o f Lewi s Miller. " Johannes Schwalm Historical Association 4(1989). Stein, Charle s F . "Th e Germa n Battalio n o f th e America n Revolution. " The Report: A Journal of German-American History 36 (1975). Thedore, Tappert . "Henr y Melchoi r Muhlenber g an d th e America n Revolution. " Church History 11 (December 1942) .

Selected Bibliography • 23 7 Thompson, E . P . "Th e Moral Econom y o f the Englis h Crow d i n the Eighteent h Century. " Past and Present 5 0 (1971). Torok, C . H . "Th e Tyendinaga Mohawks : The Villag e as a Basic Factor in Mohawk Socia l Structure." Ontario History 57 . Vivian, Jea n H . "Militar y Lan d Bountie s durin g th e Revolutionar y an d Confederatio n Periods." Maryland Historical Magazine (September 1966) . Waters, John J. "Family , Inheritance. " William and Mary Quarterly 39(1982). . "Patrimony , Succession , an d Socia l Stability : Guilfor d Connecticu t i n th e Eigh teenth Century. " Perspectives in American History 10 (1976). Watson, Ala n D . "Impuls e towar d Independence : Resistanc e an d Rebellio n amon g Nort h Carolina Slaves , 1750-1775. " Journal of Negro History (1978). Weaver, Glenn . "Benjami n Frankli n an d th e Pennsylvani a Germans. " William and Mary Quarterly (October 1957) . Wheeler, E . Milton . "Developmen t an d Organization o f th e Nort h Carolin a Militia. " North Carolina Historical Review (Summer 1964) . Yoder, Don . "Palatine , Hessian , Dutchman : Thre e Image s o f th e Germa n i n America. " Ebbes fer Alle —Ebber Ebbes fer Dich. Breinigsvilles , Pa. : Pennsylvani a Germa n Society , 1980.

Young, Henry . "Scal p Bountie s i n Pennsylvania." Pennsylvania History 24 (January 1957) .

D I S S E R T A T I O N S AN D T H E S E S

Andrews, Melodie . "Myrmidon s fro m Abroad : Th e Rol e of the German Mercenar y i n th e Coming of America n Independence. " Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Houston , 1986 . Applegate, Howard . "Constitution s Lik e Iron : Th e Lif e o f America n Revolutionar y Wa r Soldiers i n th e Middl e Department , 1775-1783. " Ph.D . diss. , Syracus e University , 1066.

Bodle, Wayn e K . "Th e Vorte x o f Smal l Fortunes : The Continenta l Arm y a t Valley Forge , 1777-1778." Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Pennsylvania, 1987 . Bowman, Allen . "Th e Moral e o f th e Continenta l an d Militi a Troop s i n th e Wa r o f th e Revolution." Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Michigan, 1941 . Bush, Marti n H . "Phili p Schuyler : Th e Revolutionar y Wa r Years." Ph.D. diss. , Syracus e University, 1966 . Denny, Willia m H . "Soldie r o f th e Republic : Th e Lif e o f Majo r Ebeneze r H . Denny. " Ph.D. diss. , Miam i Universit y o f Ohio, 1978 . Doutrich, Pau l E . "The Evolutio n of an Early America n Town: York-Town, Pennsylvania , 1740-1700." Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Kentucky , 1985 . Edmonson, Jame s H . "Desertio n i n th e America n Arm y durin g th e Revolutionar y War. " Ph.D. diss. , Louisian a Stat e University , 1971 . Fingerhut, Eugen e R . "Assimilatio n o f Immigrant s o f th e Frontie r o f Ne w York , 1764 1776." Ph.D. diss. , Columbi a University , 1962 . Hoffman, Elio t Wheelock . "Germa n Soldier s i n th e America n Revolution. " Ph.D . diss. , University o f New Hampshire , 1982 . Kruger, John William . "Troo p Lif e a t th e Champlai n Valle y Fores t Durin g th e America n Revolution." Ph.D. diss. , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k at Albany, 1981 . Lender, Mar k E . "Th e Enliste d Line : Th e Continenta l Soldier s o f Ne w Jersey. " Ph.D . diss., Rutger s University , 1975 . Lockridge, Kennet h A . "Dedham , 1636-1736 : Th e Anatom y o f a Puritan Utopia. " Ph.D . diss., Princeto n University , 1965 .

238 • Selected Bibliography Luchowski, Lind a S . "Sunshin e Soldiers : Ne w Have n an d th e America n Revolution. " Ph.D. diss. , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k at Buffalo, 1976 . Ryan, Denni s P . "Si x Towns: Continuity an d Change in Revolutionary Ne w Jersey, 1770 1792." Ph.D. diss. , Ne w Yor k University , 1974 . Sellers, John R . "Th e Virgini a Continental Line , 1775-1780. " Ph.D. diss. , Tulan e Univer sity, 1968 . Slagle, Rober t O . "Th e von Lossber g Regiment. " Ph.D. diss. , America n University , 1925 . Stayer, Jonathan . "Th e Hessian s o f Lewi s Miller : Assimilatio n o f Germa n Soldier s i n America afte r th e Revolution. " M.A . thesis , Pennsylvani a Stat e Universit y a t Harris burg, 1988 . Tate, Thad . "Desertio n fro m th e American Revolutionar y Army. " M.A. thesis , Universit y of North Carolina, 1948 . Titus, James R . W . "Soldier s When They Chos e to B e So: Virginians at War, 1754-1763. " Ph.D. diss. , Rutger s University , 1983 . Wallace, Walte r F . "O h Liberty ! Oh Virtue ! Oh , M y Country : A n Exploratio n o f th e Minds of New Englan d Soldier s during the American Revolution. " M.A. thesis , North ern Illinois University , 1974 . Wokeck, Mariann e S . " A Tide o f Alie n Tongues : The Flo w an d Eb b of German Immigra tion to Pennsylvania, 1683-1776. " Ph.D. diss. , Templ e University , 1983 .

Index

Abenaki Indians , 98 Abercromby, James, 12 , 24 Adams, Abigail , 67 Adams, John, xiii, 3-4 , 44 , 47, 67, 72, 112-13, 13 4 African-American recruiting , 65-66 ; aftermath of war, 85 , 88; Bucks of America, 76; during Revolution, 73,7 5 Alexander, John, 1 7 Allan, John, 95 Allen, Ethan , 14 6 Amicus Patriae, 1 4 Amos, Martin , 25 Angell, Israel , 14 1 Antwerp, 4 Armand du Tuffin, Charles , 58 , 60-6 1 Arnold, Benedict , 58 , 146-4 7 Ashley, Israel , 7 2 Baker, Samuel , 1 7 Barber, Daniel , 35 , 13 5 Barber, Francis , 152-5 3 Barrow, Daniel , 2 5 Baurmeister, Carl , 60, 63 Bedel, Timothy , 98-9 9 Bennett, Bristol , 1 6 Berger, Caspar , 8 8 Berkenhout, John, 3 2 Betts, Benjamin , 12 1 Blair, Malcolm, 3 Boone, Daniel, 10 5

Boston Massacre, 67 Boudinot, Elias , 15 6 Bowdoin, James, 3 8 Bowie, James, 22 Bowman, Allen , 14 3 Bradford, William , 6 8 Breed's Hill, 3 4 British army: German recruits for, 55 ; Royal Artillery , 40 ; Royal Wels h Fuzileers, 32-3 3 Broderick, Henry , 3 9 Brodhead, David , 97, 10 6 Brown, Ezekial , 17-1 8 Brown, Stephen , 1 6 Brunnholtz, Peter , 46-4 7 Buck, Ebenezer , 41 Buettner, Johann Carl, 47-4 8 Bull, Stephen , 6 9 Bull, William , 1 0 Bullock, Archibald , 67 Burgoyne, John, 99 Burr, Josiah, 11 5 Burrington, George , 1 0 Burt, Willia m Mathew, 7 1 Butler, John, 94 Candide, 1- 2 Carroll, Charles, 47 Carter, Landon , 70 Cartwright, Thomas , 12 7 Chastellux, Marqui s de, 83

2 39

240 • Index Cheraw region , 68 Cherokee Indians , 10 , 101 , 104- 5 Chief White Eyes , 10 6 Choctaw Indians , 10 3 Clark, Georg e Rogers , 99 Claspy, John, 11 4 Clinton, Henry , 40 , 41 Cobb, David , 13 9 Connecticut line , 73 , 83 , 86; during mutin y of, 15 5 Connolly, Dr . John, 92 Continental army , 3-6 , 5-8 , 16 ; AfricanAmericans in , 18 , 72-73 , 83 ; in Articles of War, 134 , 136 , 140 , 143 ; bounty-jumping, 137 ; courts-martial in , 142-43 ; in Delaware, 22 , 36-37 ; desertions, 136 39, 165 ; enlistment in , 109 ; in Maryland, 23; moral economy of , 163 , 16 9 n. 12 ; mutiny of, 146-58 ; pay, 122-23 ; in Pennsylvania, 35-40 , 51-52 ; punishment in , 139-40, 144-45 ; recruiting Germans, 4, 12, 44-55, 51-59 , 63 ; recruiting the Irish; 32, 35 ; recruiting in Massachusetts, 16-18, 25 , 76 , 121-22 ; recruiting Nativ e Americans, 97-98; recruiting in Ne w England, 111-12 , 133 ; Second Canadia n Regiment, 59 ; soldier defiance, 117 , 132 , 141-142; volunteers, 111 ; von Ottendorf f Corps, 50 , 58 Continental Congress , 110 , 114 , 122 ; appeals to Ireland , 33-34 ; furloughin g army, 155-56 ; inflationary practice s of 124; providing fo r soldiers's pay and clothing, 123-25 , 132 , 16 9 n. 14 ; re cruiting practices , 2-3 , 33-34 , 37 , 44, 73, 11 8 Cooper, James, 1 5 Coos Country, 139-4 0 Cornplanter, 10 7 Cornstalk, 10 5 Cornwallis, Lor d Charles, 9 Craig, Thomas, 15 0 Creek Indians , 89 , 103- 4 Croghan, William , 10 7 Cromwell, Oliver , xi v Cruden,John, 8 2 de Chastellux, Marquis , 42 Dealy, James, 69 Deane, Silas , 71

Dewees, Samuel , 15 4 Dickinson, John, 15 6 Dobbs, Arthur , 1 0 Doble, Joseph, 114-1 5 Dohla, Johann Conrad, 5 4 Doyle, Thomas , 3 4 Drayton, Willia m Henry , 7 2 Drennan, Thomas , 10 2 Dunkers, 51 Dunmore, Lord , 69-72, 81 , 18 9 n. 2 3 Duportail, Louis , 8 Eickhof, Johann, 5 9 Elkins, Jonathan, 95 Evans, John, 1 9 Ewald, Johann, 62 Faesch, Jacob, 53 Fair-Play settlers , 3 3 Fee, Thomas , 89 , 10 4 Feilding, William , 3 2 Fisher, Elijah , 125-12 6 Foreign-born recruiting , 1 2 Fort Wilson Riot , 147 , 15 0 Fort Pit t Conference o f 1775 , 91, 97 Fort Niagara , 5 9 Fortesque, John, 1 5 3 Franklin, Benjamin , 47 Freedom, Cato, 85 Freeman, Devonshire , 8 5 Freeman's Journal, 28-29, 4 3 French army: German Regiment , Frenc h Royal Deux-Pont s Regimen t (Zwey brucken), 58 , 60; Volunteer Chaussers, 76 Fuher, Karl , 57-5 8 Gabriel's rebellion, 8 8 Gadsden, Christopher , 67 , 77 Gage, Thomas , 31 , 67, 96 Gallaspe, William , 1 9 Galloway, Joseph, 9, 42 Gates, Horatio , 72 , 11 7 Gaylord, Lud , 15 5 George III , 27-28 , 3 3 Georgia: attacks on Native-Americans , 89 ; plan to enlist African-Americans , 78-7 9 Germain, George , 4 0 German emigration, 18 1 nn . 4, 5 , 7 German Battalion , 4 9

Index • German Regiment , 11 5 Gilbert, Benjamin , 15 7 Glover, John, 11 8 Gordon, James, 1 7 Gordon, William , 9 0 Grants, the , 138 , 15 8 Graybill, Philip , 5 0 Graydon, Alexander , 8 , 42 , 12 0 Green Mountai n Boys , 14 6 Greene, Nathanael , 9 , 120 , 125 , 142 , 148 , 154 Greenman, Jeremiah, 12 7 Guyashusta, 9 1 Hall, David , 3 6 Hall, Georg e Abbot , 8 0 Hamilton, Alexander , xv , 2 , 6, 7 8 Hamilton, Henry , 9 9 Hancock, John, 5 2 Hand, Edward , 11 6 Hanna's Town, Pennsylvania , 3 2 Haskell, Caleb, 11 0 Hazen, Moses , 5 9 Hearth Tax, 3 1 Heath, William , 60 , 111 , 13 3 Heinrichs, Johann, 3 1 Henry, Patrick , 2 4 Hessians, 49 , 54-59 , 62 ; in Anspach-Bay reuth Regiment , 54 , i n Brunswic k Regi ment, 61 ; deserters, 99 , 18 6 nn . 90 , 91; Hesse-Hanau troops , 63; in Jaeger Corps, 31 , 54 ; in prisons, 56 , 62; remaining i n York County, Pennsylvania , 51; in von Lossber g Regiment , 54 , 63; in Waldeck Regiment , 5 4 Hewes, Joseph, 4 8 Hillsborough, Lord , 2 9 Hitchcock, David , 11 8 Honyman, Robert , 7 0 Houston, John, 67 Howe, Robert , 15 2 Humpton, Richard , 15 6 Iredell, James, 48 Ireland, 29 , 31 , 33 , 36 , 40-43, 4 6 Irish Catholics, 3 0 Irish deserters, 3 9 Irish Soldiers : in the Continental army , 4 , 15, 27 , 30 , 35 , 38 ; the Wild Geese , 61

24 1

Irish unrest : Levellers , 28 ; Whiteboy move ment, 2 8 Iroquois, 93 Jackson, William , 6 3 Jay,John, 7 1 Jefferson, Thomas , 8 0 Jenny, Thomas , 114-1 5 Jeremiah, Thomas , 68 Juliat, Charles , 57 Kemble, Stephen , 4 0 Kench, Thomas , 7 6 Kennedy, Dennis , 14 2 Kincaid, Thomas , 3 4 King of England' s Soldiers , 8 0 Kirkland, Samuel , 95 Kirkwood, Robert , 41 Kitchen, William , 8 8 Kleinschmitt, Karl , 57-5 8 Knowles Rio t (1747), 67 , 16 4 Knyphausen, General , 5 7 Kratz, Johann, 5 9 Land shortage: Kent, Connecticut , 1 4 Laurens, Henry , 69 , 77-7 9 Laurens, John, xv , 77-7 9 Leacock, Peter , 71 Ledyard, William , 12 0 Ixe, Arthur , 3 4 Lee, Charles , xiii , 24 , 38 , 41, 118 , 13 7 Lee, Henr y (Ligh t Hors e Harry) , 9 Ixe, Samuel , 1 7 Lenni Lenape , 91, 10 6 Lewis, Elijah , 75 Lexington Green , 3 4 Lindsey, John, Rev. , 71 Locke, John, 1 1 Lucas, Charles, 28 , 43 Ludwick, Christopher , 5 3 Macaroney Jack, 1 5 3-54 MacKenzie, Frederick , 32-3 3 Mad Turkey, 8 9 Madison, James, 68 , 72 Marble, Henry , 13 0 Martin, Joseph Plumb , 7 , 25-26 , 108-9 , 113, 119 , 126-27 , 135-36 , 141-42 , 148 , 158-59 Martin, Josiah, 6 9

242 • Index Martin, Laughlin , 6 9 Maryland, 2 , 18 , 22-26; "Catholic Troops," 35 ; Continental arm y recruits, 21-25, 36 , 117 ; First Company o f Matrosses, 23 , in the "Flying Camp," 22-23, 26; free African-American s in , 8 6 Maryland Gazette, 38, 70 Maryland Genera l Assembly , 22 , 36 McCurtin, Daniel , 13 5 Mcintosh, Angus , 68 Mcintosh, Lachlan , 68 , 10 6 McWhorter, Alexander , 3 1 Mecklenberg Resolves , 3 3 Meigs, Return , 14 8 Mennonites, 4 6 Miller, Heinrich , 4 8 Miller, Lewis , 61 Monmouth Cour t House , 5 8 Moravians, 51 Morgan, Daniel , 3 7 Morgan, George , 95 , 97, 10 5 Morris Notes , 15 6 Moser, Jacob, 52 Mount Hop e Foundry , 53 , 18 4 n. 43 Mowat, Henry , 9 6 Moylan, Stephen , 9 4 Muenchhausen, Friedrich , 5 8 Muhlenberg, Heinrich , 46 , 81 Muhlenberg, Peter , 51 Nagle, Christian , 15 6 Nash, Gary , 85-8 6 Native-American recruiting , 97 ; Catawba Indians, 101-2 ; Oneida Indians , 95, 98, 106 New Englan d 16 ; African-American re cruitment, 73-74 ; Continental quotas , 37; emigration trends , 32 , 46; land availability, 13 ; Presbyterian force s in, 35 New Hampshire , 73 ; recruiting in Peterborough, 17 , 19 , 25 New Hampshire Gazette, 113 New Jersey : Littl e Eg g Harbo r Affair , 57 , 185 n . 65 New Jersey line , 18-20 , 26 , 37 , 117 , 137 ; mutiny of , 152-53 ; recruiting for , 2 0 New York : German immigratio n to , 46 Ninham, Abraham , 9 8

North America , 10 , 30 , 33 North Carolina, 10-11 ; Continental regi ments, 37 ; free African-American s in , 86; German immigratio n to , 46; slave unrest in, 68 , 18 9 n. 16 ; treatment of Indians, 107 Nova Scotia , 23 , 48 Ochsenfurth, Germany , 5 4 Paine, Thomas , 3-4 , 4 3 Palatine Germans, 1 2 Parker, Joseph, 13 9 Pell, Joshua, 3 2 Penn, William , 45 Pennsylvania, 8 ; Continental soldie r mutiny, 130-31 , 149-41 ; frontier warfare , 100, 115 ; German recruits,'44, 46 , 51, 53; Irish recruits, 35 ; recruiting in , 20 21, 37 ; state regiment of artillery, 3 5 Pennsylvania Evening Post, 70 Pennsylvania-German Society , 4 8 Pennsylvania Journal, 38 Peters, Richard , 15 7 Philadelphia: African-America n unrest , 70 71; black market, 126 ; laboring poor, 1 5 Philadelphia Evening Post, 113 Pine Creek Declaration , 3 3 Pitt, William , 1 0 Poor, Enoch , 111-1 2 Porterfield, John, 14 3 Potter, Hazard , 7 5 Powell, Leven , 2 3 Presbyterians, 30-31 , 3 5 Prevost, Andre , 77 , 81 Procter, Thomas , 3 5 Proctor, John, 3 3 Protestants, 29-3 0 Psychological warfare , 18 3 n . 4 0 Pulaski, Casimir , 57-5 8 Putnam, Israel , 56 , 13 5 Quarles, Benjamin , 82 Queen Anne , 4 6 Rage MHitaire, xii i Ramsey, David , 27-28 , 8 0 Raven of Echota , 10 5 Reed, Joseph, 131 , 15 0

Index • 24 3 Reeves, Enos , 13 0 Reuber, Johannes, 5 5 Rhode Island : African America n recruit ment, 73-78 ; Second Rhod e Islan d Regi ment, 14 1 Rochambeau, 61 Rogers, Robert , 98-9 9 Roman Catholics, 29-30 , 4 2 Rosswurm, Steven , 8 5 Rush, Benjamin , 5 3 St. Clair , Arthur , 15 2 St. John's Indians , 95,9 9 Sarge, James, 1 9 Scalp bounties, 10 0 Scammell, Alexander , 8 3 Schaw, Janet, 6 9 Schuyler, Philip , 94-95, 117 , 15 1 Scotch-Irish, 27 , 30-3 2 Scotland, 14 , 29 Scott, John, 1 7 Scott, William , 17 , 23 Selin, Anthon y (Captai n Dille) , 53 , 18 4 n. 43 Serle, Ambrose , 34-3 5 Seume, Johann Gottfried, 5 4 Seven Years ' War: attack on Abenaki, 98 99; immigration during, 45 , recruiting , 18, 11 1 Shawnee Indians , 9 9 Sherman, Roger , 11 0 Shreve, Israel , 14 9 Silk, Michael , 1 7 Simsbury Mines , 95 , 19 5 n . 2 2 Slave Unrest : in Charleston, Sout h Carolina, 67-72 ; in Jamaica, 19 0 nn. 28-31 ; in Tybee Island , Georgia , 6 9 Smallwood, William , 21-22 , 3 6 Smith, Charles , 31 Smith, John, 13 6 Sons of Liberty , 51 , 67 South Carolina , 2 , 10 ; Laurens plan for emancipation, 77-79 ; long-termed sol diers, 37 ; Privy Council , 77 ; slave unrest, 67-72, 77-78 , 18 8 nn . 8-1 0 Spanish Fury , 4 Spencer, Elihu , 31 Spotswood, Alexander , 3 8 Staatesbote, 4 8

Stamp Act, 67 Stono Rebellion , 67 Stuart, John, 92, 103- 4 Sullivan, James, 11 9 Sullivan, Jonathan, 15 1 Summers, Andrew , 3 Sun-King (Louis XIV), 45 Sutphen, Samuel , 8 8 Taitt, David , 10 3 Thacher, James, 143 , 152-15 3 Thomas, John, 5 9 Tone, Wolfe , 4 3 Treaty o f Paris, 8 0 Treaty o f the Shoulderbone, 10 6 Tucker, St . George , 8 8 Ulster emigration, 17 7 n . 1 3 Valley Forge , 2 4 Varnum, James, 74 , 78 Vincent, John, 98 Virginia, 9-10 ; African-Amercan s in , 66; Continental regiments , 37 ; frontier warfare in 101 ; Hessians in , 62; recruiting in, 24-25, 114 ; Shenandoah Valley , 24 ; slave unrest in, 68-70; soldier unrest i n Thirteenth Virgini a Regiment , 11 5 Virginia Gazette, 6 9 von Riedesal , General , 5 9 Waldo, Albegience , 12 7 Walls, Thomas, 22 Walpole, Horace , 27-2 8 War of the Austrian Succession , 45 War of the Spanish Succession , 4 6 Ward, Icabod , 12 7 Ward, Samuel , 11 7 Warren, James, 116 , 15 7 Warren, Joseph, 28-2 9 Washington, George : on army discipline, 145; drafting soldiers , 128-29 , 20 2 n . 53; fear of foreign-born, 9 ; on German Battal ion, 50 ; Hessian recruitment, 52-53 ; opinion on Indians, 107 ; on recruiting Af rican-Americans, 80 ; on recruiting Continental soldiers , 12 , 34 , 38 , 120-21 ; on recruiting Native-Americans , 90 , 96; on soldier's pay, 11 6

244 * Index Washington, William , 8 4 Wayne, Anthony , 9 , 117-18 , 133 , 141 , 146, 148 , 150-5 3 Webb, Samue l Blachley , 12 4 Wedeking, Johann, 5 9 Weiss, Ludwig , 4 8 Welch, John, 13 7 West Indies, 33 ; Spanish Town, Jamaica , 71; St. Kitts , 71 ; St. Vincent's , 7 1 Westmoreland Declaration , 3 2 Whipple, Prince , 8 3

Wilson, James, 14 7 Wright, Job, 12 3 Wiirttemberg, Germany , 4 7 Yankee Club, 43 Yeoman farmers , xiii , 1 9 Young, Arthur , 30 , 42 Young, William , 136 , 20 3 n . 6 3 Zorbach, Carl , 5 9 Zorbach, George , 5 9

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