Algerian Languages in Education: Conflicts and Reconciliation [1st ed. 2021] 3030893235, 9783030893231

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Algerian Languages in Education Conflicts and Reconciliation Salim Bouherar · Abderrezzaq Ghafsi

Algerian Languages in Education

Salim Bouherar • Abderrezzaq Ghafsi

Algerian Languages in Education Conflicts and Reconciliation

Salim Bouherar University of Mohamed El Bachir El Ibrahimi Bordj Bou Arreridj, Algeria

Abderrezzaq Ghafsi University of Mohamed Boudiaf M’sila, Algeria

ISBN 978-3-030-89323-1    ISBN 978-3-030-89324-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: BROKER / Alamy Stock Photo This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To our parents, families and beloved ones

Preface

In the 1980s and 1990s, two important events in Algeria were witnessed. Ikourane Conference was held in 1980, and the High Commission for Amazighity (HCA) was formed in 1995. These were aiming at the upgrade of Berber language and culture in Algeria. These events coincided with what was happening in other Arabic nations, such as Egypt, where new societies and organisations emerged with an aim to upgrade the Nubiin or Mahas dialect. Egyptian authorities found that these societies and organisations were not neutral as they were supported by foreign bodies whose aim was to create an ethnic confusion, division and conflict over language and culture. The issue of upgrading ethnic cultures and languages at the expense of national ones has become part of the western agenda towards dividing the Arab world. One good example is what is happening to Arabic. The latter has many rivals and is facing a big challenge of being replaced by French and English or even by ethnic languages such as Kurdish, Tamazight, Nubian and Coptic. As for the Kurdish issue, the Kurds could secede from Iraq and set a regional autonomy. The case of Berber issue in Algeria is more serious compared to the Kurdish one. This is because the Kurds never asked the Iraqi state to constitutionalise Kurdish language and culture in the Iraqi constitution unlike Berbers in Algeria. In France there exist millions of ethnic groups whose languages are not considered official. An example is Picard, Gallo, Gascon, Breton and so vii

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forth. However, none of the Bretons, for example, deny French language or asked to replace French with Breton. We never heard that Le Pen, a French political figure who is Breton, asked to constitutionalise Breton language. He also did not ask his followers to organise riots in order to recognise the Breton culture as an official culture for France. In Algeria, on the other hand, Berberists supported by France ask to expand the use of Tamazight even on Arabs who represent 80% of Algerian population. It is also important to note that until present there is a big debate on whether we should consider Tamazight as language or dialect taking into account that there is no central Berber mother tongue but rather various dialects spoken by Berber ethnic groups such as Tamazight in Kabylia, Chaouia in the big Aures as well as Targia spoken in the Sahara. Even Rene Basset, the French Orientalist and specialist in Berber and Arabic languages, believes that there are more than 5000 dialects in Northern Africa and that there is the so-called Berber language. Further, Mohand Idir Aït Amrane who was the Head of the High Commission for Amazighity asked Berber people in 1996 to unite themselves and form ‘one’ Berber dialect which needs to be the official Berber language. When the French came to Algeria in 1830, Algerians were forced to speak French. Arabic was banned and school programmes were all in French. What happened in Algeria was a ‘languicide’ in which millions of Algerians spoke only non-standard Arabic. They could not read and write Quran which is in classical Arabic. This automatically led to a big transformation in Algerian culture and politics in which a new Algerian class among elites started thinking of themselves as French. After independence in 1962, Algeria designated these Francophone elites in the army as well as ministries and directories of education, and the outcome was more loyalty to France and a non-neutral textbooks. In the post-colonial era, French textbooks in Algeria served the French cultural and linguistic imperialism. As stated in his book, Linguistic Imperialism, Phillipson notes that French linguistic imperialism aims to destroy colonised cultures and languages. In Algeria, for instance, the French banned the teaching of Arabic and closed mosques which were later transformed into stables and military barracks. The fact that Arabic was marginalised in colonised Algeria made some Francophone Algerians have doubt especially after independence to believe that Arabic is not the language of science, development

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and modernity. Even when Algerians wanted to keep their national language and adopt Arabisation as a policy, Francophone Algerians such as Kateb Yacine believed that French has to be kept and used instead of Arabic. According to Yacine, French was a gain rather than a burden. Also, French linguistic imperialism coincided with the genocide of Algerian culture and history after the bombing of Algiers’s University Library and after taking almost all archives to France letting modern Algerian authorities negotiate with the French to get part of their own past and culture. It is true that Algeria attained its independence; however, many politicians believe that Francophone Algerian elites are still active and still serve French culture and language. As far as politics is concerned, when the Islamists succeeded in the parliamentary elections of 1991, Algerian military officers supported by France hindered the transition of power to the Islamists leading to a civil war which became known in Algerian history as the Black Decade (1991–2002). Abdelhamid El Ibrahimi, the former Prime Minister of Algeria (1980–1984), claimed in his book entitled In the Origin of the Algerian Tragedy that in 1958 France allowed some of its Algerian born military officers to join the rebels. This meant that these officers who were loyal to France became stakeholders in the newly independent Algerian state. They worked in ministries particularly the Ministry of National Education and Higher Education and Scientific Research to preserve the teaching of French language and culture. Arabisation policy, which was introduced in Algeria after independence, failed to minimise the use of French in education, politics and administration. Today, Algerian pupils start learning French since grade two unlike English which is taught in grade seven. French is still used in administration and in the teaching of scientific subjects at universities. Algerian language entrepreneurs need to think carefully about whether French is used for pedagogical or political purposes. Despite the government effots to remove French from administration, the Algerian Consulate in London, for example, use French and English rather than Arabic when writing to Algerians living in UK. Moreover, the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research ask Algerian laureates in UK as well as their supervisors to complete fiches de suivi in French rather than English or Arabic.

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The fact that French is imposed on Algerian PhD students, who were successful in national scholarly exams, and their supervisors, seems to be like a military warfare. Many Algerian learners encounter many difficulties in understanding Arabic poetry and grammar. We can notice as academics that nowadays many learners fail to achieve good results in Arabic language final exams. We can also notice that for some students French is easy compared to their mother tongue language. This controversy as well as the continuing influence of French on Algerian society and culture leads us, as authors, to speak about cultural and linguistic imperialism in Algerian education. This is because education, when diverts from its genuine pedagogical objectives, can encourage imperialism. Algerian policymakers initiated Arabisation soon after independence in order to stop French linguistic and cultural hegemony. Arabisation failed primarily because of the unity between France and the Francophone lobby in Algeria. Arabisation led to the foundation of the Supreme Council of the Arabic Language in 1996. The main aim of the Council is to work on developping Arabic and enhance its use among Algerian people. The Council also aimed to make people aware about the national and cultural significance of Arabic. Political uprisings in contemporary Algeria also contributed to the reviewing of French. The upheaval in Algeria in 2019 known as Al-Hirak (a term that appeared lately during and after people’s demonstration to resent former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's fifth term) blamed the regime not only for corruption but also for being loyal to France. Demonstrators asked to cut the ties with French language and culture in order for Algeria to be fully independent. As a response, the current Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune asked ministries and embassies to use Arabic instead of French. In a meeting between Tayeb Bouzid who was oppointed as a Minister of Higher Education in 2019 and the American Ambassador John Desrocher, Bouzid was asked by Algerian students attending the meeting about the date when Algeria would make a shift from French into English curriculum. Bouzid answered that there would be a referendum online in which Algerians would choose. The results of this referendum indicate that about 93% of Algerians are in favour with the teaching of English in Algerian schools and universities. Although it is true that English became the language of scientific research, it is important to note that the

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teaching of English, culture and literature should cohere with pedagogical purposes and lead to inter-cultural awareness rather than be another form of manipulation. Bordj Bou Arreridj, Algeria M’sila, Algeria 

Salim Bouherar Abderrezzaq Ghafsi

Contents

1 Introducing Algerian Historical, Sociolinguistic and Glotto-Political Dynamics  1 1.1 Rationale and Book Structure   1 1.2 Algerian Cultures  10 1.2.1 Algerian Cultures: A Reductionist View  11 1.2.2 Egocentrism in Culture  13 1.3 Language Conflict and Symbolic Domination  14 1.4 A Sketch of the Sociolinguistic, Ethno-­Cultural and Glotto-Political Dynamics in Algeria  17 1.4.1 Arabic  18 1.4.2 Algerian or Colloquial Arabic (AA)  19 1.4.3 Tamazight (Berber)  20 1.4.4 French  22 1.4.5 English  23 1.5 The Sociolinguistic Consequences of Arab-Berber, Arab-French and Berber-­French Relationships, Influenced by Years of Political and Ethnic Tension  25 1.5.1 Arab-Berber  25 1.5.2 Arab-French  28 1.5.3 Berber-French  29 References 31 xiii

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2 The History of European Imperialism in Algeria 35 2.1 Imperial Curriculum in Algeria  37 2.2 Language Imperialism and the War on Islam  47 2.3 Western Cinema in Algerian Local Public Entertainment  48 2.4 Cultural Genocide After Burning Algiers’s University Library 52 References 54 3 Arabisation as an Act of Linguistic and Cultural Restoration and Language Policy 57 3.1 An Introduction to Arabisation  57 3.1.1 Historical Background of Arabisation in Algeria  58 3.2 Arabisation as a Policy  61 3.3 Arabisation as an Ideology  63 3.3.1 Aspects of Legitimacy  65 3.4 Evaluation of Arabisation Strategy  65 References 69 4 Examples of Cultural Representations in Algerian English Textbooks 71 4.1 An Overview of Culture in Education: Perspectives, Implementations and Legislation  73 4.1.1 Learners’ Perspectives and Teachers’ Implementations of Culture  74 4.1.2 The Legislative Cultural Powers in Algeria: Educational Institutions and Ministries  76 4.2 The Hierarchy of Cultural Concepts in Some Algerian English Textbooks  78 4.2.1 Getting Through  81 4.2.2 New Prospects  88 4.3 Cultural Universalism  94 4.3.1 Towards a Unitary Model of Culture: Blames and Resistance  95 References 99

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5 An Appraisal View: Expertise Thoughts and Recommendations on Education and Resisting Imperialism in Algeria101 5.1 Methodology 102 5.2 Thoughts and Indications of Imperialism in Algeria 104 5.2.1 Remnants of the French Education in Algeria 105 5.2.2 Do We Still Blame Colonialism? 110 5.2.3 Arabisation: A Movement of Different Aims and Consequences112 5.2.4 A Reaction to the Disseminated French Use 116 5.2.5 Beyond Linguistic Domination 120 5.3 Issues and Possible Recommendations 126 5.3.1 Innuendoes 128 References132 6 Conclusion: A Long Path with No Destination135 6.1 Impertinent Attempts at Reform 137 6.2 The Threads of a Quasi-French Educational System in Algeria138 6.3 Horizons for Education in Algeria 141 6.4 Future Research 143 References145 Appendices147 References193 Index203

List of Tables

Table 2.1 A comparison between the adaptations of Dickens and traditional performances 50 Table 4.1 Type and frequency of cultural representations by region in the second year secondary school textbook of English (Getting Through)82 Table 4.2 Type and frequency of cultural representations by region in the third year secondary school textbook of English (New Prospects)84 Table 5.1 Descriptions of participants 104 Table 5.2 Organisation of themes 105

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1 Introducing Algerian Historical, Sociolinguistic and Glotto-Political Dynamics

1.1 Rationale and Book Structure As a concept, imperialism has a historiography. It often implies force and hate. Powerful nations usually have xenophobic attitudes towards weak underdeveloped nations and tend to impose their own cultural and social values through their potency. Cultural theorists prefer calling imperialism as ‘colonialism’, because the latter aims to impose colonial languages and cultures on colonised countries. While many scholars are concerned with the definition of imperialism, others prefer analysing its direct and indirect impacts on colonised societies and cultures. This impact, however, is politicised. While some call cultural assimilation the ‘death’ of local cultures (Pennycook, 1998; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000), others call it a cultural dialogue or intercultural interaction (Kachru, 1986), implying that cultures need to learn from each other, leading to what is often called cultural evolution. Cultural and linguistic imperialism in the Arab world, especially in Algeria, has been assertively based on education. Western education deceptively advertises a new language, a new construction and a new structure. In most Arab countries before colonisation, education was © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8_1

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delivered in Arabic and was mostly Quranic-­based, for at least a few decades following colonisation. There were regional school-like centres called Zawaya, where many parents would send their children to attain knowledge of the Quran and the prophetic sayings known as the Hadith. The teacher was not usually a graduate of any school or university but rather home schooled or graduated from another Zawya. Education was free and in Arabic only, which was seen as a language of identity and belonging. Poetry and local dramatic performances also used Arabic. Following the independence of Arab countries after colonisation, a new educational system was introduced which was advertised as being integrated into the newly colonial-free countries. The system was based on Western languages, literatures and cultures. This, according to Said (1978), was because Western colonial powers had a racist attitude towards the oriental races. In Orientalism, Said (1978) defines multiple organisations, processes and disciplines through which Europeans came to understand and describe the Orient. The West regarded Oriental races, languages and cultures as inferior. Said refers to the French scholar and philologist Ernest Renan (1823–1892), who maintains that, ‘every person, however slightly he may be acquainted with the affairs of our time, sees the actual inferiority of Mohammedan countries’ (Said, 1978, p. 50). Like Renan, the Victorian imperialist Lord Cromer believed in an unquestioned European cultural superiority. Cromer (1908) states that for the white man, ‘trained intelligence works like a piece of mechanism’, while the Oriental mind, ‘like his picturesque streets, is eminently wanting in symmetry’ (as cited in Said, 1978, p. 38). The views of Renan and Cromer show a belief in the superiority of the European and the inferiority of the primitive and irrational Orient. Historically and as was stated earlier in the chapter, Western cultural imperialism in Arab nations was a consequence of Western education. In Egypt, for example, English officials and governors appointed chiefs of education who were familiar about the eastern mentality and educational behaviour. These chiefs found that Egyptians highly respected written texts. As a result, governors asked these chiefs to encourage memorisation instead of creativity or critical thinking. The aim of this strategy was to create a class of Egyptian elites who had no sense of criticising or reflecting on cultural issues but rather memorising what was written in texts.

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One of the main factors faced by Western cultural imperialism was that Arab societies are cyclic. Many social and cultural values became part of their social and ethnic identities, meaning that Arab societies regarded cultural change as a result of external forces only. In some parts of the Arab world, particularly Algeria, people celebrated ancestral gatherings known as wa’ada. In some eastern cities, Algerians believed in ancestral cosmology, such as sending one of their elders into a valley, singing, in order for the sky to explode in rain. In Aris, in what is now known as the city of Batna, people used to gather around the White Valley and offer communal platters. After eating the coal used in cooking, some elders would prophesise as they believed that coal used in charity would give them magic powers. Cyclic Arab communities did not believe in changes in human nature. When Western cultural values were introduced to the colonised Arab nations, many cyclical values disappeared as a result of dynamic Western cultural traditions. One good example is marriage processions. In old Aris, people used to sing three songs, with each song representing a unique stage for the couple. In modern Algeria, ancestral meetings are seen by cultivated Algerians and Islamists as signs of backwardness and witchcraft which contradicts the principles of Islam. Marriage processions have changed completely. Brides are no longer carried on horses or camels, and the music has changed from diegetic to instrumental. The fact that modernity is at the cornerstone of cultural imperialism leads us to examine the role of globalisation. When we talk about cultural imperialism, which refers to the conflict between the strong and the weak, it is important to note that powerful countries know how to market and circulate their cultures, literatures and languages (see Pennycook, 2017; Holliday, 2005, 2006; Canagarajah, 1999; Phillipson, 1992, 2012; Green & Ives, 2009), food and even sport to the world. English, for example, has become a world language, an international language rather than a language spoken in the English world only. We remember a speech delivered by the Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe after he was criticised for using English instead of Igbo. Achebe said that he decided to address the world in the world’s language. Achebe’s speech is reminiscent of what was said by the Algerian Francophone writer Kateb Yassine that he was using the French language to say to the French that he was not French.

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Although they declared the need to use English and French, neither Achebe nor Yassine denied the importance of these languages or that colonialism makes this inevitable. They believed, unlike Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, that colonial languages were gains which should be preserved. Globalisation, which entails the political dominance of the world’s superpower as well as the transformation of world politics and economies to liberalism, also means that methods of communication are now abundant. Widespread TV channels and the Internet allow Arabs, including Algerians, to discover Western culture. The dissemination of Western literature and culture plays a major role in globalisation. Interestingly, new methods of transportation after the industrial revolution made it possible for Britain, for example, to be a world power in the book market. As Finkelstein maintains in A Companion to the History of the Book: The industrial revolution in nineteenth century Britain allowed it to become a world leader in book production and dissemination. It used increased advances in technology to produce books more cheaply and transport them faster and further than its competitors. Britain’s empire also proved an ideal space for the development of a transnational and globalised book market. (Finkelstein, 2009, p. 329)

As a result, many English novels, particularly those written by Charles Dickens, can be found in Algeria. Although it is true that industrialisation and advancements in technology played an essential role in the export and distribution of books during the nineteenth century, Dickens wished to reach world audiences. He believed in embracing the latest developments in publishing technology and marketing. Globalisation has had manifold impacts on Algerian youth. Modern Algerian youths are more culturally aware than those of the past. Contemporary Algerians are not timid about expressing themselves or their wishes. They make the most of technological developments and the media. One drawback is that modern Algerians have greater needs than in the past, putting a burden on Algerian parents and the government. They show less belonging to nationalist movements, and this is why the Algerian Ministry of Education has imposed the singing of the national anthem and raising of the Algerian flag every morning in schools.

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The question then is: How did the dissemination of Western literature contribute to the Western imperial mission in Arab communities, especially Algeria? One good answer is that Western literature helped Algerians discover Western culture. It can be argued, for example, that Dickens’s representations of characters, Victorian culture, utilitarianism, the culture of inns and pubs, and traditions such as Christmas, none of which existed in Algeria before the colonial period, were transported into Algerian culture. In addition, Arab and Algerian writers translated Dickens’s novels into Arabic mostly using the domestication technique, meaning that Muslim Algerian readers knew about pork, bacon and other cultural items which belong to Christian religious practices. Nowadays, the dissemination of Western literature and culture takes audio-visual forms, as youths are more interested in Western music and movies. It is undoubtedly a great source of help to some Algerians who digress from their cultural backgrounds and traditions. This is reflected in a movie made in 1980 The Trip of Chouitar, in which one main character called Chouitar who comes from the Algerian countryside is forced to migrate into town. Chouitar’s son becomes a smoker and develops a habit to go to the cinema with friends. To a large extent, the French colonial powers succeeded in implementing and maintaining their cultural and linguistic interest in the Francophone colonies, of which Algeria is the one at the heart of the discussion in this book. There is a long history of conflict and balance between Algerian languages and colonial influences, both during and after independence. This book is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 is an introductory chapter entitled ‘Introducing Algerian Historical, Sociolinguistic and Glotto-Political Dynamics’. It aims to introduce our readers to multilingualism in Algeria as well as the historical progress of language in education and language policy, considering the conflict between languages and the ideologies behind them. Some features of culture are underlined, clarified and defined. A special focus is given to how Algerian culture is connected to the egocentric view, as this is a factor which leads to cultural conflict. The chapter provides a theoretical framework for culture and its meaning and then discusses Algerian culture and its egocentricity. The chapter distinguishes between historical conflicts between languages and the role of France during colonisation in maintaining an unstable

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linguistic struggle between the various races in the country. It focuses on the political dynamics between Arabs, French and Berbers, and how they have influenced the long linguistic tension during and after colonisation. The chapter also discusses French attempts to play on ethnicities and divide and conquer through support of the Tamazight language, which was the unconditional and explicit French policy in Algeria. Chapter 2, ‘The History of European Imperialism in Algeria’, aims not to define cultural imperialism or to understand the philosophical movements behind such an ideology such as Karl Marx’s materialism and Charles Darwin’s survival of the fittest. The main objective of the chapter is to trace the history of European imperialism in Algeria. The French were determined to destroy Arabic and religious education in Algeria and, as a result, banned the teaching of Arabic and encouraged the teaching of European, particularly French, language, literature and culture. French education and the banning of Arabic meant two things: firstly, some Algerians were loyal to France and celebrated French education later in their writings; and secondly, other Algerians could not speak or write Standard Arabic meaning they could not read or write the Quran. Special attention is given in this chapter to cultural imperialism. The French authorities encouraged Western cinema and theatre at the expense of legendary performances. Although the Western adaptations in Algeria were many, we are particularly interested in the adaptations of one of England’s most beloved novelists, Dickens. After attempts to drive Algerians away from their culture, language and religion, the French, days before independence, took Algerian historical manuscripts into France and burned many archives and old books as they wanted to destroy Algerian culture. Chapter 3, Arabisation as an Act of Linguistic and Cultural Restoration and Language Policy, scrutinises the important policy of Arabisation after the independence of Algeria in 1962. The chapter traces the roots of Arabisation before independence in the words of former Algerian rebels. Arabisation as a language policy favoured Arabic rather than French or Tamazight, in a way that many Francophone Algerians could not digest. Arabisation claims that Arabic is the mother language of Algerians rather than Tamazight, which left many Berbers in a state of denial. Special attention is given in this chapter to the analysis and evaluation of Arabisation as a policy after independence. Although many see Arabisation

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as a policy, we argue in this chapter that it is also an ideology. After the independence of Algeria, Arabic became a symbol of identity and legitimacy. This chapter evaluates Arabisation as both an ideology and a strategy for restoring the Arabic language and culture. The chapter examines the Arabisation pursued in Algeria by interpreting people’s views on this ongoing process. It puts the division of Algerians after the implementation of Arabisation into two camps: the supporters of Arabic as a symbol of national identity with a close relationship to the Quran; and its opponents, the Francophone and Berberophone elites, who rejected Arabisation and asked for equal rights and consideration for the existing languages in Algeria, with implicit support from France. Chapter 4, ‘Examples of Cultural Representations in Algerian English Textbooks’, discusses the representation of foreign cultures as depicted in Algerian English textbooks. This chapter revolves around the embodiment of culture (Algerian or foreign) in textbooks and the purpose of cultural concepts in the textbooks proposed for analysis. The chapter looks at the legislative power of culture in the educational sector and reveals circumstances where a tug-of-war between English and French went on behind the scenes. It is important to note that Algerian legislation and reforms after the Civil War (also known as the Black Decade) were in favour of teaching foreign cultures in Algerian English textbooks. One question this chapter asks is how the teaching of culture is implemented using thought-provoking views in Algerian English classes. The chapter analyses foreign cultural products (songs, poems, pictures, movies, etc.), concepts and tasks and their representation in two Algerian English textbooks, Getting Through and New Prospects, in an attempt to argue that these representations are not neutral. The chapter ends by discussing universality in human cultures and highlights the unitary model of culture, who to blame, and how it can be resisted. Chapter 5, ‘An Appraisal View: Expertise Thoughts and Recommendations on Education and Resisting Imperialism in Algeria’, gives some views and thoughts on expertise in the educational system in Algeria, with further suggestions and implications on how to resist the linguistic and cultural imperialism rooted in the education system. Participants from a wide range of backgrounds have been consulted on the subject to enrich the discussion and explore their attitudes towards

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the well-established educational route in Algeria. The experiences of experts, inspectors in the National Education Ministry, university teachers, researchers and students working with the current educational programmes form a substantial part of this chapter, with suggestions to enhance education by putting a leash on the unchecked cultural balance between local cultures and foreign cultures. One method this chapter recommends is restoring cultural identity in education and learning foreign cultures hand-in-hand with something equivalent from local cultures in order to achieve cultural coexistence rather than the imposition of one culture on another. Chapter 6, ‘A Long Path with No Destination’, serves as a conclusion and summarises the evidence provided in the previous chapters about the ferocious French presence in Algeria over its 130 years of colonisation and indoctrination. From educational reforms with French blessing to inefficient imported textbooks, clumsy French-devoted Algerians float into the circle of accountability. The chapter sheds some light on how the authorities seek to oppose dissent against what is reported by officials and libel those who stand against its decrees and statements within the education sector. Through abundant evidence, the chapter utterly establishes why the French language still maintains a prestigious place in the country’s education, in particular, and administration in general. The chapter also touches on the devastating results of living through the French educational system with its alarming graduate unemployment and crowded classes. It suggests a multilingual model of education to lessen the tension and decrease the conflict between languages, although this might not be seen as the ultimate solution due to the political agendas that may follow this suggestion. The rest of the chapter recommends some research areas that could be explored further and which could be of great help. The topics suggested include language use and religion/politics, exploring how language has been used as a tool to legitimise and justify certain struggles which defined the period of the 1990s. The chapter ends by acknowledging some drawbacks, and how future research could overcome them. This book is significant to many regions in the world. We inspire authors in Africa and the Arab world to write about what happened to their languages and cultures when they encountered with foreign ones. Although there are many writers such as Achebe from Nigeria who saw

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the encounter as something inevitable and as a cultural dialogue, we inspire authors to assess the consequences of this clash on mother tongue languages and native cultures. The significance of this monograph is not restricted to Arab, African and Muslim audiences, but we hope that the book will be a template for authors in Asia and Latin America. As authors of this book, we are provoked by the subject of foreign cultures in the Algerian educational system because of the cultural awareness of Algerian learners. From a religious point of view, in one of the Prophet Mohamed’s Hadiths (PBUH), he asked Muslims to seek knowledge even if it is as far as China. Islam’s openness to other nations has resulted in Algerian writers and students being eager to learn Western languages and read about their literatures and cultures. However, we, as scholars, have a moral duty to highlight deviations from cultural learning into cultural imperialism. This is covered in the fourth chapter, in which representations of Western cultures are shown not to be equivalent to Algerian cultural representations. Some Western concepts, which bear values, are aimed to be absorbed by Algerian students regardless of the Algerian sociocultural environment, evident in the hidden cultural agendas of textbook designers and language planners, leading to a failure to achieve authentic intercultural competence. Intercultural competence results from a critical dialogue between local and foreign cultures, rather than absorption. We show the large gap which exists in Algerian culture after the burning of thousands of manuscripts during the bombing of Algiers’s University Library. Despite many efforts to recover them, the French keep Algerian cultural archives from the colonial and pre-colonial periods at the Centre des Archives d’Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence, France, leading to a grave impoverishment of Algerian history and culture. Instead of a bias towards foreign languages and cultures, we first have to consider what modern Algerian students need to know about their own culture and language, especially during the colonial era. It is important to note that we do not stand against the teaching of foreign languages and cultures in Algeria. However, we are concerned about the pedagogical failure resulting from appointing scholars, inspectors and textbook designers who derive their legitimacy from history and power rather than science and competency. We are also concerned about the selection of cultural texts in Algerian textbooks which must not be that of an

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individual but rather a point of agreement between learners, teachers, inspectors and curriculum designers. The aims of cultural learning have to correspond exactly with the cultural material taught. It is high time we direct a higher committee to make students’ parents aware of what is going on. We are interested in the subject of culture in the Algerian educational system because we are primarily concerned with how cultural representations can help achieve coexistence, which is one of the main aims of cultural learning. Another issue concerns how to teach world culture in teacher training programmes in Algeria. We do not expect promising results from cultural learning if Algerian teachers are not trained in how to deal with cultural texts. Moreover, we wish to show in this book that the Algerian educational system is not democratic because it was, and still is, an outcome of conflict between the Arabised and the Francophone, serving strategic ideological objectives rather than cultural and pedagogical objectives. A good example is the former Minister of National Education in Algeria, Nouria benghebrit, who asked for the omission of the expression, ‘In the name of God the most Gracious and the most Merciful’ from the opening of Algerian English textbooks. Benghebrit was criticised by the Algerian Muslim Scholars Society for trying to eradicate Islam from the Algerian educational system and serving an ideological agenda. This chapter covers Algerian culture and language conflicts from colonial times to today.

1.2 Algerian Cultures It is not possible to talk about the cultural and linguistic conflict in Algeria without consolidating a strong foundation of Algerian cultures. We say cultures because there exist various ethnicities and therefore various cultures. Thus, we introduce the following sections about the historical and glotto-political dynamics between languages and cultures. It is important to note that there is no accurate picture of what the early culture of the Berbers in Algeria before the arrival of the Muslims was actually like. El-Ibrahimi (1972) asserts that the absence of data on the culture of Berbers is due to their concentration on economic activities, conflicts between the various Berber kingdoms and colonisations of Berber lands by the Romans, Byzantians, Turks and French.

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Early Muslim conquerors, so-called Al-Fatihin, introduced Islam to Algeria. When they entered Algeria, they were fought by the Berber Queen Al-Kahina in a battle which took place near the Aures region. The companion of Prophet Mohamed (PBUH), Okba Ibn Nafi, died and was buried in the city of Biskra (Evans & Phillips, 2007). Since the coming of Muslim conquerors, Algerian society has been open to the principles and teachings of the Quran. Algerians were asked to witness the oneness of God and that Mohamed (PBUH) is his prophet. Algerians had to stop drinking alcohol, eating pork, committing adultery and so on. Although the stated aim of Muslim conquerors was spreading Islam, Algerian who converts to Islam felt the need to learn Arabic as it is the language of the Quran. Islam is highly connected to the Arabic language, without which, Muslims cannot memorise the Quran, understand its meaning or pray. Islam is an important aspect of Algerian society. Algerians are banned by law from display in ganti-Islamic behaviour in society. Islam is also interrelated with education. When the former Minister of Education, Nouria Benghebrit, called for the omission of the expression, ‘In the name of God the most Gracious and the most Merciful’ from Algerian textbooks, she was criticised by Islamic political parties.

1.2.1 Algerian Cultures: A Reductionist View The discussion of culture in Algeria is open to many views and interpretations. One might ask what culture in Algeria is. The term culture can have many different connotations, but this variability is subjective, due to the narratives and the rehearsals of the authors in the field. We wish to define culture in its Algerian context and connect the components of culture to their social parameters and belongings in reality. Due to the substantial and intriguing cultural diversity in Algeria, setting a framework for what culture might resolve to is a challenging task. Many scholars discuss, or at least mention, Algerian cultures (McDougall, 2003, 2017; Benrabah, 2013; Bourdieu, 2012, 2013, among others), However, we start from a very interesting article by Le Roux (2017) in which she explains the tide of French language and cultural education, at the expense of Standard Arabic and colloquial Algerian

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Arabic, which took place during the colonial and post-colonial period. This shows that any attempt to discuss culture in Algeria must always be referenced back to its historical framework, especially the French colonisation history, due to the enormous impact it has had on daily Algerian cultural practice. There is a need to present a more specific, practical definition of culture in Algeria, away from ‘diplomatic’ discussions of culture. Mokhtari (2012) establishes a religious-based definition of culture, regardless of the socio-historical effects on language and the linguistic repertoire. He maintains that any cultural gap in Algerian societies can be traced back to the religious affiliation of Algerians and how strong or weak this relation is. More implicit and explicit implications that culture is related to linguistic heritage and colonial history can be found in Benrabah (2013) and McDougall (2017). There are various components of culture in Algeria, and each is approached individually and explained through the practices it offers. Firstly, religion could be considered the essence of cultural legislation. Bouherar (2020) claims that it is religion that shapes the cultural assumptions and the cultural practices of Algeria, giving examples and implementations of various religious beliefs in Algerian societies (see also Entelis (2001) on religion and politics in Algeria and the importance of religion in society). Ethical judgments of what is right and wrong are standardised by the degree to which the religious concepts of ethics are rooted in Algeria’s daily practice. For instance, modesty in dress is one critical issue which is appraised with an eye of condemnation if violated. This belief originates from the religious teaching of Islam. Secondly, history ranks highly in creating many cultural schemas in Algerian societies. Historical events (especially from the French colonial period) loom large over most Algerian cultural practices. The events of 8 May 1945, 1 November 1954, 5 July 1962 and many other dates are passionately celebrated each year. Thirdly, language is of significant value in understanding culture in Algeria. Algerians are reminded of the linguistic dimension, be it religious through Arabic or colonial through French, every day. An expressive quote depicts the importance of language in understanding culture very well: ‘The fanaticism that spills so much blood in Algeria is due even more to a language-linked frustration than to religion’ (Maalouf,

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2003, p. 133). Whether language affects culture or culture affects language (as in the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis), linguistic diversity leads to many cultural traits, as covered in the next subsection. A reductionist view of Algerian cultures can be seen in the practices of the religion, history and language components of Algerian culture. Although these terms are broad and unspecific, they are practiced in an individual manner by people. In the case of history, for instance, the events of 8th May 1945 are familiar to the regions of Setif, Kherrata, and Guelma, which witnessed the massacres of Algerian protesters demanding the promised independence from France. Every region in Setif has its own narrative of these events and the martyrs of the region. Culture, in this case, moves from collective memory to individual schemata (with reductionist cultural assumptions). In the next subsection, we go into detail on how reductionism can be represented as an extreme view of egocentrism of culture in Algeria.

1.2.2 Egocentrism in Culture By the term egocentrism, we do not mean a biased feature of society but rather individuals with examples that explain our claims. Firstly, to define egocentrism as it relates to culture, Plotkin (2008, p. 46) argues that ‘an egocentric culture has a dysfunctional notion of the self, which it sees as an isolated, competitive entity, a free and an autonomous agent’. In other words, it is prevalent for individuals to see themselves and the cultural assumptions they make as centric and unitary. The egocentric culture we discuss in this subsection concerns religious and linguistic practices in Algeria. Before digging into examples, it is crucial to refer to Bourdieu’s terms of cultural capital and habitus, and how they might apply to egocentric cultural beliefs. Dumais (2002) states that cultural capital is the broad sense of culture shared by individuals and members of a society, while habitus is one’s perspective of the world. It could be argued that cultural capital is the knowledge of culture each person possesses but habitus is the individual practice of this knowledge. As an example, we can say that the belief in shaking hands is a cultural practice that should be performed with everyone, but we have different realisations and it is performed differently by different people.

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Consequently, the concept and framework of egocentrism is applicable through cultural capital and habitus. The majority of Algerians are Muslim by faith and Sunni by doctrine. We might surmise that all religious practice across the country is more or less the same. However, many express attitudes of surprise when they travel through Algerian territory and witness different and unusual religious practices which are justified in context but very unfamiliar to the visitor. There is always an element of surprise and ‘shock’ that deters unitary cultural capital. To clarify, the egocentric perception is challenged by differences, and the judgment is usually marked. Another egocentric belief seen in linguistic practice is the belief that Algerians speak one colloquial Algerian Arabic, modularised in one shape and used and understood by all citizens. In other words, the variety that ‘I’ speak is commonly used by everyone else and is standardised. One element of the egocentric linguistic repertoire is stereotyping and mocking other varieties of colloquial Algerian Arabic. The act of correcting another party on how they speak demonstrates that the variety in speech is not welcome and too strange to be used in communication. An anecdote concerning egocentric cultural and linguistic assumptions that I would like to share with the reader took a place many years ago when I argued with someone over the name of loquat in our regional colloquial dialects. Where I live, we call it ‘‫مشيمشة‬, mshimsha’, but she claimed it was called ‘‫زعرورة‬, za’aroura’, arguing that my name for the fruit was wrong and I should attribute it the same name as her. Egocentric culture can be associated with regionalism in Algeria, for two main reasons, colonisation and political failure in the country (Ferrad, 2016). Divide and conquer was a policy used to rule Algeria (Yasmine, 2013), and therefore egocentric cultural behaviour might be linked indirectly to regionalism.

1.3 Language Conflict and Symbolic Domination Any linguistic or cultural conflict starts from a historical point, with multiple dramatic circumstances which can be referenced. In order to be fully engaged in the current linguistic policies of education, a brief look at the

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history of conflict is necessary. In order to understand the problem of language in Algeria, it is necessary to refer to Algerian society during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The history of Algerian society is as old as history. There are no archaeological studies showing the origins of Algerian society during the pre-historical period. Nevertheless, some historians think that the indigenous inhabitants of Algeria were the Berbers. According to Humbaraci (1966, p. 12), ‘the Berbers, apparently, are one of the oldest races in the world; no one seems able to trace their origins’. Although it is hard to trace the beginnings of the Berber race, it is said that they belonged to the family of the Prophet Ibrahim, whose grandson Amazigh is supposed to be the ancestor of the Berbers. The Berbers were nomadic people who lived in villages. After the collapse of Carthage, in present day Tunisia, in 146 BC, Berber kings such as Massinissa and Jugurtha ruled what became known in Berber history as the Numidian Civilisation from 148 BC to 202 BC. Although the Romans lived in Algeria alongside the Berbers, there is no evidence showing the influence of Roman culture or language on the indigenous people of Algeria. However, the Roman impact can be seen in the architecture and artefacts of a number of towns and cities including Djemila, Timgad, Tébessa and Guelma. Unlike many historians who claim that Algeria is a Berber nation, focusing on a single story and perspective, we, as the authors of this book, have delved deeply into the origins of the word ‘Berber’ and the languages spoken in the kingdom of Numidia. According to Saadi (2018), an Algerian writer, Numidia was not primarily a Berber kingdom, for which he presents two main pieces of evidence: firstly, the language of Numidia was Canaanite Phoenician which was the dominant written language in many Arab tribes; and secondly, ninety percent of Berber words have Arabic origins. Berber leaders have never denied their Arabic belonging. They served Arabic, instead of seeing it as a conquering language. Ibn Moti Al Zawawi, a Berber philologian and jurist, published a book on Arabic grammar entitled The Allfiyya. It is important to note that Berbers started to have doubts about their identity after 1830 when the French colonised Algeria and the French policy of divide and conquer.

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Mohamed Arazki Farad, an Algerian writer and political activist, admits that the Berber script was in Arabic, an argument based on analysis of many Berber documents, which are shown to have used Arabic script from 14 centuries ago. He refers to Eugene Daumas and Henry Bassi who agree that Berber manuscripts were indeed written in Arabic rather than Tamazight (Ennahar Channel, 2017). Even though the founder of the Almohad Caliphate, Ibn Tumart, was a Berber who belonged to Al-Masmuda tribe, we find a book written by Ibn Tumart on Islamic creed. Ibn Tumart also translated the meanings of the Quran into Tamazight. Moreover, Arabic was the language of administration and education in most Berber tribes and kingdoms. Nouicer (as cited in Zahar, 2020), an Algerian historian, maintains that centuries ago there was nothing called a Tamazight language. Historians agree that the language spoken in Northern Africa was Phoenician. However, during the Roman colonisation of the Maghreb region, in particular Algeria, Phoenician vanished and was replaced by the Roman language. Moreover, Algerians during the French colonisation were proud of the Berber’s Arabic script used before Latin. The change of Tamazight script from Arabic into Latin demonstrates a historical reality (Sulaiman & Tilmatine, 1996). The French aimed to set a Berber identity in Northern Africa with Roman and Latin roots rather than Arabic and Islamic (Zahar, 2020). The Roman and Latin identity would serve as an alternative to the Arabic and Islamic identity. Today, if we look at the Berberist party’s demands, we find them anti-­Arabic and secular. The constitutionalisation of Tamazight as an official language, along with Arabic, has political aims. The Algerian regime during the reign of Bouteflika encouraged the upgrade of Tamazight and admitted the Berber identity of Algeria under the banner of multilingualism, but also because Algerian policy makers at that time wanted to see peace with Berberists. The declaration that Tamazight is as an official language in the Algerian constitution coincided with a meeting in Paris on 1 December 2017 between the former Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia, a Berber political figure, and activists from the Berberist party, who show loyalty to France. Although many historians claim that the early language of Algeria was Canaanite Phoenician, the popular Berber historian Abderahman Ibn

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Khaldoun claims that the Berber language was the indigenous language, and Arabic appeared in Algerian society during the fifth century. According to Ibn Khaldoun, Arabic was introduced when two Arabic tribes, Beni Hilal and Beni Salim, immigrated to Algeria from Yemen. Morthad (1971, p. 36) states: If these two tribes had not emigrated to the Maghrib, the Arabic language would not have any impact in the region and we cannot hypothize that Arabic would exceed its limited boundaries and cannot be one day the Algerian everyday language and the language of the market.

This statement suggests that Arabic conquering tribes most probably from Yemen came to Algeria in order to arabise Berbers under the name of Islam. If the above statement is true, then the question is why did not Islam arabise countries whose languages were not Arabic such as Malaysia, Iran, Turkey, Uzbekistan and parts of the Philippines? It is noteworthy that Arabic is classified into two categories: Modern Standard Arabic which is the official language used in administration and is the same language of the Quran. There is also non-standard Arabic which is a combination of colloquial and dialect which spoken by Algerians in everyday life matters. When the French colonised Algeria, Standard Arabic was banned, making thousands of Algerians unable to read and write Quranic verses and this brought transformations to Algerian Islamic culture and nationalism.

1.4 A  Sketch of the Sociolinguistic, Ethno-­Cultural and Glotto-Political Dynamics in Algeria This section has a direct link to the next, which covers the consequences of the sociolinguistic differences and tensions between Arabs, French and Berbers. Algeria is a multi-linguistic country. It has two official languages, Modern Standard Arabic and Tamazight (Berber), which is clearly set out in the Algerian constitutions of 1963 and 2016. It is important to note that Algerian non-standard Arabic is used by the majority of Algerians. The spoken non-standard Arabic is often mixed

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with French, due to the influence of colonialism on native languages. English is also spreading in Algeria and playing a key role in education, the media and other vital sectors. The linguistic balance of power has changed in Algeria. After Al-Hirak put an end to Bouteflika’s regime, English entered the linguistic hegemony at the expense of local languages. The rivalry between French and English relaxed after a tightening of French interests in the country. English is now used on broadcast TV and social media. Of course, questions need to be raised about the future of English in Algeria, and these are discussed in Chap. 5. With two powerful languages battling for supremacy in Algeria, both Arabic and Tamazight are in retreat. The social status of each language in Algeria depends on its place among its speakers and its relation to the cultural traits it communicates. The differences lie in who promotes which language and why. Does the introduction of English into Algeria open new horizons for peaceful co-existence between languages in education, or does it add another layer of complexity?

1.4.1 Arabic Arabic may refer to Classical Arabic (CA) or Standard Arabic, which is a pure language. Standard Arabic is the Quranic Arabic which also refers to the body of literature written specifically during the pre-Islamic era. It should be noted that not only is CA a practically foreign language to Algerians, but also it is very difficult and tedious to assimilate. Arabic can also sometimes refer to Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), which was developed in the nineteenth century as an outcome of cultural revival or ‘nahdd’ in the Middle East (Benrabah, 2007). It is important to state at this stage that some authors use the terms CA and MSA interchangeably, while others stress the difference between the two. Consistently speaking, MSA has two major roles: firstly, it is used in formal situations, both spoken and written; and secondly, it is used in non-formal situations for the purpose of establishing mutual intelligibility between regional dialects that are distant, such as Jordanian and Algerian Arabic. Despite the significant role of Arabic in Algeria, there seem to be no efforts by the decision-making authorities to revive its status. There is

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now more cultural orientation towards learning French and, specifically, English. The purpose of this orientation is to link the prosperity of Arabic in Algeria to the Tamazight language and therefore create a dependency and conditional atmosphere between the two languages. In other words, there is no prosperous place for Arabic without its damsel language. Moreover, Algerian colloquial Arabic is dominant in Algerian societies, and this is another reason why Arabic is besieged from all angles. Algerian society is diglossic, and therefore the spread of colloquial Arabic is faster than that of MSA, which is restricted to official settings. Considering that not everyone in Algeria is literate or with a high degree of education, the use of colloquial Arabic is always greater. Zaytoni (2013) claims that the use of Algerian colloquial Arabic, known as Darja, is a colonial policy intended to replace MSA, which was not allowed in schools. Hence, Darja took the place of MSA to fill the gap in learning Arabic. Another reason MSA is deteriorating in Algeria is the inferior ideology developed by Arabic speakers towards the French language which they consider a symbol of development and prestige (Zaytoni, 2013). This clash between the languages is still ongoing in modern Algeria. The fossilised ideologies of inferiority and superiority inherited from colonisation plays a huge part in the current deterioration of MSA in Algeria and its exclusion from the national scene.

1.4.2 Algerian or Colloquial Arabic (AA) Algerian non-standard Arabic, known as Darja, is the language of everyday life among most of the population. The dialect has a distinctive Semitic vocabulary, with remarkable Berber and Latin varieties and numerous loanwords from French, Spanish and Ottoman Turkish. In this respect, Darja is totally different from MSA, and they are said to be in a diglossic relationship; the former being the low variety and the latter the high variety, each having distinct functions. Spoken Arabic in Algeria has four major geographical areas, each with its own linguistic features: (1) Western Algerian Arabic which extends from Morocco to Tunis; (2) Central Algerian Arabic spoken in the central zone which extends to Bejaia and includes Algiers and its surroundings; (3) Eastern Algerian

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Arabic spoken in the high plateaus around Setif, Constantine, Annaba, extending to Tunisian borders; and (4) Sahara Algerian Arabic spoken by around 100,000 inhabitants of the Sahara Desert (Benrabah, 2005). Algerian colloquial Arabic has both spoken and the written forms. The written form can use Arabic or Latin script, and this form is mainly used in Internet chat rooms and phone messages. Darja is the tongue of all Algerians, including Tamazight speakers. The problem that appears in Algerian society is that French is seen as the superior language. The use of French is very much seen as socially legitimate and functional. If the use of French is seen as superior to MSA, it is also superior to Darja. The hostility between Arab and Berber extends to Darja, as every side kicks against the other. Darja is considered a corrupted form of Arabic, as opposed to the pure form of MSA, due to code mixing of French words. The French see Darja as a form of Arabic which does not fit into the French language. Berberists also consider Darja to be a form of Arabic and therefore a threat to the entity of modern Tamazight. Darja has become a sort of a lingua franca in Algeria between Francophones, Berbers and Arabs. There are French speakers and Berber speakers who cannot understand or speak Arabic fluently, so the only contact language that can be used for communication is Darja. It is, however, worth mentioning that the status of Darja is not official in French or Berber speaking regions. Successive governments in Algeria since independence, have been aware of the linguistic complexity of the country but less inclined to change or accept reality. We do not blame the colonial powers for what is happening today in Algeria in order to push back the guilt and cleanse ourselves of the linguistic chaos, but there is no guilt-free conscience for us.

1.4.3 Tamazight (Berber) Berber became a national language by constitutional amendment in May 2002. In February 2016, an act was passed in the constitution making Berber an official language together with Arabic. The Berber languages are, arguably, the historically native languages of Algeria and other countries of North Africa which existed before the Arab conquest of the seventh century. Many language historians, however,

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disagree with this, asserting that the native language of Algeria is Arabic because the Arabic and Islamic conquest never arabised conquered lands. When Arabs entered Iran, Uzbekistan, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Indonesia and Malaysia, they did not impose Arabic on the indigenous inhabitants. Moreover, the Arabic dialect of Algeria is completely different from Standard Arabic. If Arabs imposed Arabic on native Algerians, why is Darja different from Standard Arabic? Why can the conquering people of Arabia hardly understand the conquered people’s language? Tamazight or Berber was mainly a spoken language. Recently, it has undergone some standardisation, using Latin script rather than its original script of Tifinagh. During French colonialism, Tamazight was used as a tool of division by the French, for which reason the Berbers rejected the implementation of Arabisation soon after independence (Silverstein, 2004). Tamazight has had the status of a national and official language of the state since 2016, as stated in article 3 of the national constitution of 2016. The glotto-political dynamics are very important to the French colonisers of the eighteenth century, when Arabs were described as ‘fanatically religious’ in their revolt against colonisation, while Berbers were known for defending their ‘industrious patrimony’ (Lorcin, 2014, p. 33). Perhaps this was the starting point of the malicious French plan to divide the country based on ethnicity and language. The glotto-political stances of previous governments changed in numerous ways to fulfil their agendas. There are two major examples. The Boumédiène era supported Arabisation movement and restricted the use and the spread of Tamazight. Tilmatine (2015) describes the Arabisation movement as one of repression and discrimination. Although the Boumédiène government depended on recruiting French labouring, due to the lack of Algerian qualified experts who could run the economy, Boumédiène did not allow French decision-­ making to operate freely in the country. He was known for his hostile attitude to France and his attempts to restore the Arabic language. The glotto-political orientation was to keep linguistic unity and secure all forms of conflict and ethnic competition. Of course, that was not what his opponents saw, which was a dictator immune to political coup, steadily ending the linguistic threat and its source, France. The second example of the glotto-political dynamic in Algeria came during Bouteflika’s

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presidential era, when there were attempts to make Tamazight a national and official language. Tilmatine (2015) claims that after the Arabisation movement and the oppression, Kabyle inhabitants saw a Berber movement along with Francophone lobbying against the, so-called, Arabisation plot. Now that the Berberists had found allies for their linguistic and cultural agendas, it may have seemed more legitimate for Algeria under Bouteflika’s presidency to recognise Tamazight an official language along with Arabic. From another perspective, it was the pretext of the previous regime to buy peace in the Kabyle region by granting them the right to standardise their language. Corruption was at its peak, along with unemployment and a fragile economy, which urged the previous government to bribe the Berberists with language rights. The regime did not express its intentions clearly, although it seemed to be taking the path of Boumédiène of publicly detesting France but not the Berberists.

1.4.4 French It is notable that before the independence of Algeria in 1962, French was used widely and was considered the language of the educated elite, making Algeria the second largest Francophone country in the world.1 Today, French is the second official language in Algeria. The 1963 and 1976 constitutions of Algeria do not mention Berberor French; however, French continued to be used in education as a means of instruction. The Permanent Committee on Geographical Names for British Official Use (PCGN) stated ‘official attitudes towards both Berber and French have been largely negative’,2 although French and Berber are the languages commonly, and exclusively, used in the Kabyle region. French is also part of the standard curriculum and is widely understood by most of the population. From a politico-linguistic standpoint, French is the first foreign language in Algeria, sometimes the first language before Arabic and Tamazight.  ‘La mondialisation, une chance pour la Francophonie’ Colloque au Sénat les 27 et 28 Avril 2006. Béatrice Vernaudon-Coppenrath. 2  Algeria Language & Toponymy: How politically driven language policies have impeded to ponymic progress. p. 2, 12 March 2013. French is second to Arabic for national and official purposes, yet French continues to be recognised as an essential international language. 1

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The French lobby and Francophones are very attentive to securing French linguistic and cultural interests in Algeria. The glotto-­political static path of French superiority in Algeria has existed for decades, with no intention to reverse French domination. The origins of this domination are both historical and political. Considering the linguistic genocides committed by France in Algeria, the domination of its language may seem reasonable. The Boumédiène presidency lacked local experts, and Boumédiène was therefore obliged to hire French experts to run administrative matters and help Algerians obtain knowledge of management. Sebaa (2013) states that most Algerian administrative staff studied French during and after colonisation, and this is one reason for its widespread use in Algeria. The political reasons lie in the coalition between the French and Berberists (Tilmatine, 2015), as Berberists now hold many sensitive offices in the Algerian government, through which they can affect decision-­making. The presence of French in Algeria gives a sense of security for Berberists, because if Arabic were to regain its position, it would be a direct threat to Tamazight. The current government shows anti-French intentions on paper, but the reality of education and administration seem to tell a different story. In a speech to the Algerian people, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune declared that Algeria was fully independent from France and could never become French. Within a year and a half of the current president’s authority, he summoned the French ambassador to Algeria because of a French TV channel’s accusations about Al-Hirak and the detention of some journalists that France accused Algeria of committing. Despite the commotion between the two countries, the linguistic interests of France are still being tacitly supported.

1.4.5 English In Algeria, English is considered the second foreign language taught in schools, after French. The upgrading of English after the Black Decade of the 1990s shows Algeria’s political efforts to achieve linguistic pluralism by promoting English, not just French. After the independence of Algeria in 1962, some Algerian elites believed that French was the language of development and modernisation (Battenburg, 1997). Years later, a

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linguistic competition started between French and English as the second and third foreign languages, respectively (Al-Khatib, 2008). In 1979, English was introduced as a foreign language in middle education, and French was introduced into primary education (Benrabah, 2007). When Bouteflika succeeded to power in 1999, he encouraged linguistic pluralism and upgraded English to the same prominence as French, declaring: For Algeria I will speak French, Spanish and English and for that matter, and if necessary, Hebrew. Let it be known that Algeria is part of the world and must adapt to it and that Arabic is the national and official language. (as cited in Bouazid & Le Roux, 2014, p. 884)

Bouteflika’s reference to the English language took place at the Supreme Council for the Arabic Language in 1999. Bouteflika was determined to achieve cultural and linguistic plurality in Algeria after he was criticised for giving public addresses in French. The theoretical statements promoting English alongside French were mere political sophistry. Bouteflika’s era saw the most brutal domination of French in Algeria with no restraint from the Algerian government. The first official attempt to integrate English into primary schools was made during the 1990s under Ali Ben Mohamed’s educational reforms. Ben Mohamed was forced to resign after a leak of the official Baccalaureate examination questions, due to his insistence on integrating English at the expense of French, as he asserted in an Al Jazeera interview in 2015. The glotto-political dynamics of English in modern Algeria remain unclear. Despite efforts to reduce the use of French and replace it with English in many ministries (National Education Ministry, Higher Education Ministry, Ministry of Labour and Employment) (Aouimar, 2019), the position of French in education is still sacred. Attempts to reduce the dominance of French face criticism from Francophones. The integration of English into Algeria could mean the demise of French, giving Francophones less influence on the decision-making process. Meanwhile, English in Algeria is not ideology-free. There are attempts to widen the Anglophone market in French territories and restrict French privileges in the country. While the discussion revolves around what

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languages should be integrated into education, Arabic remains neglected and ignored. Why does Algeria need a foreign language in its educational system? This rhetorical question bypasses the dimensions of identity and belonging, to settle in the swamp of politics.

1.5 T  he Sociolinguistic Consequences of Arab-Berber, Arab-French and Berber-­French Relationships, Influenced by Years of Political and Ethnic Tension The political tensions between languages have a dramatic history, the consequences of which are now reflected in the sociocultural life of Algerians. The two original languages of Algeria, Arabic and Berber (Tamazight in modern times), co-existed side by side before French took the nation by violence during, and after, colonisation. It could be said that the tension between languages in Algeria to date is due to the baleful linguistic genocidal plans of the French colonisers. Now, Algerian society lives with the consequences of that disgraceful history. In this section, we discuss the sociolinguistic tensions between the three ethnic groups.

1.5.1 Arab-Berber It is evident that the relationship between these two ethnicities is not healthy. Society throughout the years provides us with examples of conflicts and tensions between individuals and families. According to Ghanem (2015), the Arab-Berber conflict started in 1975 and flared a decade later in 1985. We can attribute this conflict to two main reasons: the curtailment of the use of Tamazight and Berber during the 1970s under former President Boumédiène; and the creation of the Berber Academy in Paris during the late 1960s. Ben Nouaman (1997) maintains that the Berberist movement is secular, anti-Islamic, anti-Arabic and Francophile. He details the creation and objectives of the Berberist

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movement and Arab reactions to its creation, practices and tendencies. The ideological conflict between Arabs and Berbers was fed by French colonisation. Nouicer (as cited in Mesloub, 2018), an Algerian historian, claims that the French dedicated special financing to support the teaching of Tamazight and build schools for that purpose, while restricting the use and teaching of Arabic. Teaching Arabic was a criminal act condemned under French law. Perhaps one of the most damning testimonies comes from the French themselves in the book L’ Algérie des Anthropologues written by Lucas Philippe and Vatin Jeane-Claude in 1982. Ethnic social violence took, and still takes, multiple shapes, arising mostly from the Kabyle region in the form of the Berber Spring. It is interesting that one region of Algeria (Kabyle) raises concerns and rises up to ensure that Tamazight and its culture are nationally accredited. The paradox is that Tamazight is spoken by the inhabitants of Batna, Khenchela, Oum el Bouaghi, Tipaza, Ghardaia and the Sahara, who speak Touareg, a variety of Tamazight. None of these geographical regions seem to have hostility against the government or Berberist movements to recognise Tamazight and its culture, while the provinces of Tizi-Ouzou, Bejaia, Bouira and Boumerdes do. This, largely, substantiates the consequences of the malicious plan to discriminate between languages during the French colonisation era. What seems to be the case is that the French played on ethnicity to divide and conquer and succeeded in doing so. The first example of Arab-Berber tension is taken from the Berber Spring, which saw many violent incidents and racist events that were, and still are, anti-Arabic language and anti-Islam (see Ben Nouaman, 19971997), who discusses anti-Arabic and Islamic movements in the Kabyle region), perhaps the most notable being the Black Spring in 2001. The events leading up to the Black Spring were the mobilisation and indoctrination of Kabyle inhabitants by singers such as Oulahlou, Matoub Lounès, Lounis Ait Menguellet and Ferhat Mehenni, who fought for freedom and promoted racism and separatism with anti-Arabic and Islamic chants. The mainstream music in Kabyle changed to more political music and folklore songs which expressed rebellious ideologies. The Berber Academy promoted the idea that Berbers were the original inhabitants of North Africa and therefore their language and culture should be retained. Berber Spring and Black Spring events widened the gap between

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the government and the Kabyle region, and between Arabs and Berbers in the rioting regions. The second example of the difficult relationship between Arabs and Berbers is violent events in Ghardaia province between the two ethnicities. According to Ghanem (2015), there were a series of violent clashes between the Mozabites (Berbers) and Arabs. In 1991 there were clashes in Berriane, in 2004 clashes in Beni Isguen, and in 2008, 2009, 2014 and 2015 clashes in Ghardaia. There were casualties on both sides, both deaths and injuries, in almost every confrontation. The third example involves a famous incident that occupied the national mainstream media in Algeria. Naima Salhi, a political figure in Algeria, stated that her daughter would not learn the French-Kabylian version of Tamazight, and she was against the infamous plot to Frenchenise and Kabylise Algeria. She received threats, insults and defamations for her statements, mainly from the Kabyle region. Interestingly, similar statements were made by Matoub Lounas, Ait Menguellet, and Idir (Kabyle singers) who expressed their dislike of the Arab language and denounced its use by themselves or their children, but these statements were perceived as heroic and contextually and politically correct by Kabyle inhabitants, and no reaction was made on the Arab side. The insurgent Matoub Lounas has said that he does not speak Arabic and he does not understand it. Ait Menguellet says he will not speak Arabic. Idir says his daughter does not speak Tamazight and speaks French instead, but she is free to choose what she wants. These double standards are revealed explicitly in the Berber-French section. Other examples touch on the linguistic choices of children from different linguistic and ethnic backgrounds, with a tug-of-war between parents on which languages they want their children to grow up speaking. Now that these ethnic and political tensions are manifested clearly at the level of the linguistic choices of families from various ethnic backgrounds, trends of racism arise, with accusations being made that Berbers refuse to marry off their daughters to Arabs and vice versa. We do not have clear statistics for the problems which occur due to sociolinguistic choices within families, but I have witnessed a neighbouring couple with children speaking Français cassé (broken French). The mother is from Tizi-Ouzou, the capital of the Kabyle region, and the father is from Setif, an Arabic speaking province. The mother taught her children French, regardless of the fact that they were schooled

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in Arabic. The result I could see was that those children were growing up linguistically disabled, because they could not communicate in Arabic at primary school nor use colloquial Algerian with their counterparts. The worst thing is that they learnt French, which was not used in their neighbourhood. The French they used was not properly developed because they had picked up some colloquial Arabic words used by other children. The language they acquired was a hybrid of French, colloquial Arabic and bits of Tamazight. The argument their mother used was that they should be able to communicate with their cousins in France when they met during the summer holidays.

1.5.2 Arab-French ‘Racialist arguments spring forth with special readiness. For all that he is a doctor, people will say, he still remains an Arab. ‘You can’t get away from nature’. Illustration of this kind of race prejudice can be multiplied indefinitely’ (Fanon, 1959, pp. 40–41). Not much discussion is needed to show how the French treated the Arabic language and Arabs in Algeria during the colonial era. We would say that, due to the bloody historical actions of the French in Algeria, the Arab-French relationship is not healthy and the problems are ongoing. It is worth mentioning that the physical presence of the French in Algeria in modern times is limited to a small minority of pied noir (literally ‘black foot’), as the majority were repatriated after independence. Those who stayed in Algeria saw a nexodus during and after the War of Liberation (Barclay, 2017). A few thousands now reside in Algeria. Their existence continues under the ownership of land taken by France during colonisation. There is hostility towards the French language by Arabs in Algeria for colonial reasons. The notorious spread of French in Algeria, especially in education, irritates Arabs as a whole and particularly the elite Arab thinkers and educated figures, as explained in Chap. 5. At the same time, France sees the Arabic language as a threat with the potential for its speakers to terminate the French language in many Algerian domains if they succeed to power. We would not say there is a rivalry between the two

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languages (and therefore a tension between Arab and French) but an ongoing clash as the two cannot co-exist. Unlike the Arab-Berber conflict, there is no physical Arab-French violence. However, the dislike and discontent of Arabs is documented when official French diplomatic visits to Algeria take place. Perhaps, the baldest can be traced to 2016 when an Algerian citizen addressed Manuel Valls (the French Prime Minister) during his visit to Algeria, saying: ‘Mr Valls, vousn’êtes pas le bienvenu chez nous!’ The Algerian police ordered him to be arrested immediately on the spot. One of the assumptions about the exchanges of hate and dislike between Arabs and French, with no physical contact or clashes, is that the government allows such clashes between Arabs and Berbers but protects the domination of French, be it the pied noir French or Algerian Francophones. While the two ethnicities Arab and Berber do not get along with each other’s languages, the French keep getting more privileges in Algeria without any obstacle or competition from any other languages. Francophones play a role in Arab-French relations. The Francophones are considered the guardians of French interests in Algeria, and therefore fight for the principles of promoting French over Arabic and support the linguistic and cultural Berber cause. Scholars such as Grandguillaume (2004) see the Francophonie (which is the French used by Algerians) as a multilingual enrichment of the country, which could be accepted better than local languages. Such ideas come about as a reaction to the Arabisation movement, which Francophones see as oppressing other existing languages in Algeria. There is an implicit admission of the ongoing clash between Arabic and French in Algeria. Since the independence of Algeria, history has registered a conflict between the two languages (and therefore groups) over the retention and dominance of the two languages, Arabic and French.

1.5.3 Berber-French The issues surrounding language are more complex than its use as a simple tool of cultural oppression. In point of fact, the French colonial educational system was not designed as straightforward linguistic and cultural

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indoctrination. Rather, it entailed a twofold policy of social and cultural assimilation for a small minority of the colonised, through education in the French system and language, and the marginalisation of the vast majority by dint of their religion and language (Majumdar, 2007, pp. 147–148). Majumdar (2007) clearly states that the French colonisation played on ethnicities in colonies including Algeria. Unlike Arab-French relations, Berber-French relations seem to be more settled and quiet in terms of conflict and tension. Ben Nouaman (1997, p. 77) presents a very interesting quote from a leader of the Berber movement in Algeria: ‘considering French as a language of communication, science, and technology, we disagree with those saying that this language does not have a place in Algeria under the current circumstances and even in the future’ (translated from Arabic). There is a strong resemblance between Francophones and Berbers (especially Kabyle Berbers). They have a common concern of halting the spread of Arabic in Algeria. It is the claim of Ben Nouaman (1997) that the Tamazight language is the result of French work to protect the French language in Algeria. He claims that the Tamazight language has many varieties and is therefore difficult to promote any at the expense of any other. Tamazight is still undergoing corpus planning (to develop the language’s grammar and vocabulary and unify its official use) which allows the French language to dominate. There are voices that support the use of the Latin alphabet to write Tamazight, as opposed to the Arabic alphabet. This explains the harmony between Berberists and the French. Another factor that evidences how good the relationship is between Berbers3 and Arabs is the mass immigration from the Kabyle region (most of whom are Berberists) to France, with a facilitation that is not granted to all Algerian citizens. Echorouk Online (2016) says that the French ambassador in Algeria, Bernard Émié, revealed that 50% of Algerians studying in France are from Tizi Ouzou and 60% of French visas granted to Algerians are directed to Kabyle inhabitants. Another Algerian writer and researcher Ben Anter (2016) states that the French sympathy for the  By Berbers here, we mean the Berberists with anti-Arabic and Islamic tendencies.

3

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Kabyle region is shown by the high percentage of educational visas granted to Kabyle students at the expense of other regions in Algeria. The high level of accord between the two ethnicities can be credited to the Centre Culturel Francais in Tizi Ouzou. Despite the existence of similar centres in a few other metropolitan cities in Algeria, such as Algiers and Oran, it receives a special attention in Tizi Ouzou. There is a high rate of exchange between Kabyle Berbers and France in educational and cultural matters. Moreover, Kabyle Berbers show sympathy with France during its tribulations, whether natural or manmade, such as ‘je suis Charlie’, which is what veteran Kabyle singer Ait Menguellet said during a concert in Paris. The Berber-French relationship is also bonded through religion. France started its colonial movement with evangelism, which succeeded somewhat in Kabyle, where rates of Christianity are high. We would say that the harmony between Kabyle Berbers and France is at a different level, with a mutual goal to eliminate the existence and prestige of the Arabic language in Algeria.

References Al-Khatib, M. (2008). Innovative second and foreign language education in the Middle East and North Africa. In N. Van Deusen-Scholl & N. H. Hornberger (Eds.), Encyclopedia of language and education (p. 228). Springer. Aouimar, I. (2019). ‫هل تستبدل اللغة الفرنسية باإلنجليزية يف الجزائر؟‬.Independent Arabia Online. https://www.independentarabia.com/node/37911/­-‫هل‬/‫­العريب‬-‫العامل‬/‫األخبار‬ ‫­الجزائر؟‬-‫­يف‬-‫­باإلنجليزية‬-‫­الفرنسية‬-‫­اللغة‬-‫تستبدل‬. Barclay, F. (2017). Remembering Algeria: Melancholy, depression and the colonising of the pieds-noirs. Settler Colonial Studies, 8(2), 244–261. Battenburg, J. (1997). English versus French: Language rivalry in Tunisia. World Englishes, 16(2), 281–290. Ben Anter, A. (2016). ‫فرنسا و املسألة األمازيغية‬. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.net/ specialfiles/ ‫فرنسا و املسألة األمازيغية‬ Ben Nouaman, A. (1997). 2( ‫ الخلفيات األهداف الوسائل و البدائل‬:‫فرنسا واالطروحة الرببرية‬nd ed.). Dar Al Oumaa.

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Benrabah, M. (2005). The language planning situation in Algeria. Current Issues in Language Planning, 6(4), 379–502. Benrabah, M. (2007). Language-in-education planning in Algeria: Historical development and current issues. Language Policy, 6(2), 225–252. Benrabah, M. (2013). Language conflict in Algeria: From colonialism to post-­ independence (p. xi). Multilingual Matters. Bouazid, T., & Le Roux, C. S. (2014). Why Algerian students struggle to achieve in English literature: An appraisal of possible root causes. Teaching in Higher Education, 19(8), 882–894. Bouherar, S. (2020). Religion and culture in Algeria: The impact of religious interpretations on social practices. International Journal of Education and Knowledge Management, 3(2), 1–15. Bourdieu, P. (2012). Picturing Algeria. Colombia University Press. Bourdieu, P. (2013). Algerian sketches (D. Fernbach Trans.). Polity Press. Canagarajah, A. S. (1999). Resisting linguistic imperialism in English teaching. Oxford University Press. Dumais, S. A. (2002). Cultural capital, gender, and school success: The role of habitus. Sociology of Education, 75(1), 44–68. Echorouk Online. (2016). 60 ‫ من التأشیرات لسكان القبائل‬%. Echorouk online newspaper. https://www.echoroukonline.com/ ‫ من التأشیرات‬60‫لسكان القبائل‬% El-Ibrahimi, A. T. (1972). ‫من تصفية االستعامر اىل الثورة الثقافية‬. S.N.E.D. Ennahar Channel. (2017). ‫ اللغة االمازيغية تكتب بالحرف العريب منذ قرون‬:‫ارزقي فراد‬. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y-­gj1m7f_WE Entelis, J. P. (2001). Religion and politics in Algeria: Conflict or consensus? Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, 12(4), 418–434. Evans, M., & Phillips, J. (2007). Algeria: Anger of the dispossessed. Yale University Press. Fanon, F. (1959). A dying colonialism (H. Chevalier, Trans.). Grove Press. Ferrad, A. (2016). ‫ إرث مستعمر أم إخفاقات سياسية ؟؟‬...‫ التعصب و الجهوية‬:‫قهوة و جورنان‬. YouTube. Retrieved May 11, 2020, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k1a fcWtlAds Finkelstein, D. (2009). The Globalisation of the book 1800–1970. In E. Simon & R. Jonathan (Eds.), A companion to the history of the book (pp. 329–333). Wiley-Blackwell, West Sussex. Ghanem, D. (2015). Roots of Arab-Berber violence go unaddressed in Algeria. World Politics Review. https://carnegie-­mec.org/2015/07/17/roots-­of-­arab­berber-­violence-­go-­unaddressed-­in-­algeria-­pub-­60907 Grandguillaume, G. (2004). La Francophonie en Algerie. Hermes, 3(40), 75–78.

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Green, M. E., & Ives, P. (2009). Subalternity and language: Overcoming the fragmentation of common sense. Historical Materialism, 17, 3–30. Holliday, A. (2005). The struggle to teach English as an international language. Oxford University Press. Holliday, A. (2006). Native-speakerism. ELT Journal, 60(4), 385–387. Humbaraci, A. (1966). Algeria a revolution that failed. Pall Mall Press. Kachru, B. B. (1986). The alchemy of English: The spread, functions and models of non-native Englishes. Pergamon Press. Le Roux, C. S. (2017). Language in education in Algeria: A historical vignette of a ‘most severe’ sociolinguistic problem. Language & History, 60(2), 112–128. Lorcin, P. M. E. (2014). Imperial identities: Stereotyping, prejudice, and race in colonial Algeria. University of Nebraska Press. Maalouf, A. (2003). In the name of identity: Violence and the need to belong. (B. Bray, Trans.). Penguin Books. Majumdar, M. A. (2007). Postcoloniality: The French dimension. Berghahn Books. McDougall, J. (Ed.). (2003). Nation, society and culture in North Africa. Frank Cass. McDougall, J. (2017). A history of Algeria (p. 326). Oxford University Press. Mesloub, L. (2018).‫املؤرخ مصطفى نویرص ل”الرشوق العريب”الدعوة إىل الرببریة والدارجة صناعة استعامریة فرنسیة‬. Echourouk online newspaper. https://www.echoroukonline.com/ ‫الدعوة إىل الرببریة والدارجة صناعة اس‬ Mokhtari, A. (2012). ‫ مجلة العلوم االجتامعية و‬.‫البنية الثقافية وتداعيات االختالل الثقايف يف املجتمع الجزائري‬ 118–110 ,)4(3 , ‫االنسانية‬. Morthad, A. (1971). ‫املسرية التاريخية للتعريب يف الجزائر‬. El-Thakafa, 4, 17–1. Pennycook, A. (1998). English and the discourses of colonialism. Routledge, New York. Pennycook, A. (2017). The cultural politics of English as an international language. Routledge. Phillipson, R. (1992). Linguistic imperialism. Oxford University Press. Phillipson, R. (2012). Linguistic imperialism alive and kicking. Guardian weekly. Plotkin, B. (2008). Nature and the human soul: Cultivating wholeness and community in a fragmented world (p. 46). Novato. Saadi, O. (2018). ‫الرببر االمازيع عرب عاربة‬. Dar El Oumma. Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. Pantheon Books. Sebaa, R. (2013). L’Algérie et la langue française ou l’altérité en partage. Publibook. Silverstein, P. A. (2004). Algeria in France: Transpolitics, race, and nation. Indiana University Press.

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Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (2000). Linguistic genocide in education—Or worldwide diversity and human rights? Laurence Erlbaum Associates. Sulaiman, Y., & Tilmatine, M. (1996). Language and identity: The case of the Berber. In Y. Sulaiman (Ed.), Language and identity in the Middle East and North Africa (p. 175). Curzon Press. Tilmatine, M. (2015). Arabisation and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the north of Africa. In C. Stolz (Ed.), Language empires in comparative perspective (pp. 1–16). De Gruyter. Yasmine. (2013).‫ اعتقادات بالية ترضب استقرار املجتمع زرعها الفرنسيون‬.‫التعصب و الجهوية عند الجزائريني‬ ‫وأضحت أساس تعامالت املواطنني والرسميني‬. Elmustakbal Alarabi. Retrieved May 11, 2020, from https://www.djazairess.com/elmustakbal/14378 Zahar, H. (2020). ‫ لغة ام شامعة؟‬.. ‫معضلة االمازيغية يف الجزائر‬. Arabi 21. https://arabi21.com/ story/1278352/2‫من‬2 Zaytoni, N. (2013). The reality of the Arabic language in Algeria. Jamia’at Al Najah, 27(10), 2157–2176.

2 The History of European Imperialism in Algeria

As Algerians, researchers, teachers and former students, we see the notion of imperialism with different edges and colours. While Kumaravadivelu (2014) and others talk about the type of imperialism that includes two ends (native speakers vs non-native speakers), we approach the term from a tantalising yet impeccable perspective with the abstruse Algerian context. Perhaps we have succeeded to hint in this book that imperialism does not mean solely the tyranny of the white man rather the Algerian Francophiles. Having said that, imperialism is clearly marked by the melting of Algerian cultures to the deterioration of our education. While English speaking countries, namely the UK and the USA, have started to gain a linguistic and cultural position in Algeria, the French seem very determined not to lose that privilege to the anglophone countries. After Al-Hirak, people’s voices to adopt English instead of French were growing rapidly. The new government barely echoed people’s demands and started with changing signs of some public institutions such as universities to English, ‘university of…’ instead of ‘université de …’ Culture also is at a state of decline due to the heavy influence of France and the competitive advertisements of Anglophone countries to their language and cultures. Recently, Algerians start to be more open to learn English and © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8_2

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even speak it on TV while it was utterly bizarre to do so in the recent past. We understand that it is very difficult to penetrate the existing fossilised cultures due to many reasons one of which is immigration. Algeria reported almost 800,000 immigrants to France in 1973 (Bennoune, 1975). Now Algeria has exceeded a million immigrants living in France with thousands of visa applications every year. The question that readers can pose here is why Algerians are eager to live in France despite the bloody history it created in Algeria? The answer to this question leads us to talk about another perspective of imperialism in Algeria. Imperialism for us is the presence of Francophile apostles in Algeria which we consider a significant element to define imperialism. Although France has left Algeria since more than 59 years ago, it planted people who can apply its agendas and still keep their faithful loyalty to France undercover. We have discussed this perspective and its consequences on education, language and culture throughout the book with examples. Imperialism usually connotes with foreign powers intending to cause harm to other weak countries. However, the term has developed to different directions. The Soviet Union, for instance, collapsed when the Soviet government recruited, unintentionally, personnel who worked for the United State and therefore contributed massively to its destruction from inside and without bloodshed. Though the Soviets admitted the mistakes that led to the Union demise, Algeria is still grabbing firmly to the Soviet ideology of egoism and greatness despite the great alarming concerns that are posing to everyone. In a way, we are still living under the same ideology that detained Valery Legasov who exposed the Soviet Union manufacturing defects and the immature Soviet decisions leading to a global catastrophe. An ideology that refuses critical pedagogy or any form of denouncing educational realities is the real concern to all Algerians. We understand that these ideologies reflect the Francophile existence in the country raising different questions about the future of education and languages in Algeria. Our image of imperialism targets also the French presence in Algeria. This is not to deny that there are other anglophone powers competing for that privilege when it comes to dominant languages and cultures. However, imperialism in Algeria is narrowed in the French interests in

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the country which is the mother lode of the two previous perspectives of imperialism in Algeria. The deterioration of Algerian cultures and education and the powerful presence of Francophiles are the consequence of France interfering in Algeria’s policies. Generally speaking, imperialism is any source of power whether foreign or local that acts against the linguistic and cultural values of any country. In the case of Algeria, it is France and its disciples that act accordingly to satisfy French intentions. It is worth mentioning that imperialism in Algeria touches different fields, but we (the authors) have discussed imperialism in Algeria with reference to language, culture and education.

2.1 Imperial Curriculum in Algeria European powers wanted through curriculum imperialism to replace religious education with secular and progressive knowledge. In ‘The Turk at Home’, published in Household Words in 1854, Blanchard Jerrold (1854) asserts that ‘the first of September, eighteen hundred and forty-five’ was an unforgettable day in Ottoman history, when ‘the first stone of the Turkish University was laid on the site of the old janissaries’ barracks’ (Jerrold, 1854, p.  60). Established in 1845, the Turkish University of Istanbul was not inaugurated until 1863. The university was a place where people would learn about the world and not necessarily about religion. The shift from religious to secular education was because the university was no more at the hands of religious leaders. Jerrold argues in a patronising tone that ‘education was taken from the hands of the Mahommedan priesthood, and the children of the empire taught the great truths of the world’ (Jerrold, 1854, p. 60). This quote shows a prejudice towards Muslims and Islamic education as well as the western effort during the nineteenth century to secularise Turkish society and culture. Secular education led to social and religious changes in Turkey. The transformation was due to the abolition of slavery and the promotion of the emancipation of women. Jerrold states that ‘Nor is the wife a slave entirely. In her own apartments she is supreme mistress. She may receive her female friends, and her male relations’ (Jerrold, 1854, p.  57). The

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prosperity of women was owed to the gradual demise of polygamy and to the extravagant freedom which was given to the officers’ spouses. Another example showing how secular education influenced Turkish men’ behaviours is when Jerrold asserts that the young Turk complied with the law as he did with religion. The Turk, along with many Turks from the new generation, usually ‘confines himself to one wife; and, when he returns home in an angry mood, he does not tie his lady up in a sack and throw her into the Bosphorus’ (Jerrold, 1854, p.  57). The Turk’s respect for women is due to his secular education and the emancipation of women. British cultural imperialism relied heavily on education. Robin A. Butlin writes that ‘The promotion of empire through books, illustrative materials, and educational syllabuses was widespread, part of an education policy geared to cultural imperialism’ (as cited in Bell, 1995, p. 182). Imperial curriculum contributed to the transmission of British values and traditions into British colonies. John O. Jordan, Dickens’s scholar from California Santa Cruz University, wrote about how the circulation of Dickens’s works, for instance, encouraged the dissemination of British literature and culture. In his investigation, Jordan (1999) argues that the world dissemination of Dickens’s novels and the adaptations of his works represents a cultural mission. He goes on to say that Dickens is ‘a form of cultural capital exported from Britain to the world (in the form of radio scripts, films, theatrical and television adaptations, school syllabuses and curricula, as well as printed texts)’ (Jordan, 1999, p.  240). Although Jordan examines the transportation of Dickens into the British colonies after the collapse of the Empire in 1945, it can be argued that Dickens’s works which existed in Algeria during the French colonial era played a significant cultural role. Algerian student readers discovered through the novels of Dickens representation of Victorian culture, utilitarianism, the culture of inns and pubs, as well as Christmas. The latter represent main rivals for Algerian Arabic and Islamic culture. A close examination of the library archives and catalogues, particularly those of Guelma and Tlemcen, shows that many works by continental authors were available in Algeria during the colonial era such as Edward Moore’s Fables (1744), Sidney Morgan’s Florence McCarthy (1816), Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White (1859) and No Thoroughfare which

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Collins wrote along with Dickens in 1867. These writings were available beside many French works (Bibliothèque Communale de la Ville de Guelma, 1878). Dickens’s writings, however, outnumbered those of French authors such as Hugo and Balzac. The French interest in Dickens could be explained in the light of the improving political relations between France and Britain. Nathalie Vanfasse (2013) maintains that the French Emperor and his empress, who had visited England, ‘introduced English fashions into France, and a wave of Anglophilia developed in the upper and middle classes of French society’ (Vanfasse, 2013, p. 125). As a result of the French interest, Dickens was introduced to France and soon afterwards to the French colonies in Northern Africa, particularly Algeria. Lastly, the French could not ignore the popularity of Dickens among their general public and Francophone Algerian readers during the occupation of Algeria. English language, culture and literature existed in colonised Algeria. After independence, Algerian politicians and language entrepreneurs had no problem with the teaching of English as it was seen as a ‘neutral language.’ According to Benrabah (2007), the main reason why English spread so much faster than French in the post-colonial era is due to the new educational reforms and the ease of studying English. Nowadays, English plays a key role in Algeria in the process of acquiring knowledge that is not found in other languages; it fosters linguistic unity and intercultural communication and contributed to social, political and economic progress and stability. From a standpoint of society, Algerians use English language in social networks to communicate with people from all over the world. In education, English is introduced in different curricula at distinct levels from middle school to university. At university, English is either a main subject studied at the department of Foreign Languages or as a compulsory module studied at all other departments where students are asked to attend ESP courses depending on their area of research and needs. In Language Conflict in Algeria: From Colonialism to Post-Independence Benrabah (2013) argues in that schools as well as textbooks in Algeria during the colonial period aimed at reinforcing French linguistic and cultural dominance. Benrabah asserts:

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From the beginning of Algeria’s occupation, education and language were closely connected for colonialists: schools served as the instruments for linguistic dominance. Their educational system helped first to legitimize the alleged superiority of France’s brand of imperialism over other European imperialist ventures. (Benrabah, 2013, p. 31)

This statement attests that the French educational system in colonial Algeria had imperialist intentions. Benrabah (2013) referred to David C. Gordon’s North Africa’s French Legacy 1954–1962, in which the famous French saying is recorded that unlike the Portuguese and the British who build churches and trading stations after colonising; the French build schools. The French occupation of Algeria was dependant on education in order to encourage Francophilia among indigenous inhabitants and to break Islamic traditions and values. Alfred Rambaud, the Minister of Public Education, avows in 1897 that: ‘[The] conquest will be by the School: this should ensure the predominance of our language over the various local idioms, inculcate in the Muslims our idea of what France is and of its role in the world, and replace ignorance and fanatical prejudices by the simple but precise notions of European science’ (as cited in Benrabah, 2013, p.  31). According to Rambaud, French schools in Algeria had to weaken the cultural traditions, such as the beliefs encouraged by Marabouts (an Arabic word meaning holy men) and Tolbas (an Arabic term implying students of the Quran). The Algerian educational system before the French colonisation was primarily religious. Schools were called colleges of the Quran or as is called in Arabic Zawaya. Teachers were among Imams and readers of the Quran. The latter were not paid by the government but rather by people. General Eugene Daumas states that: The primary education was spread enough in the whole of the country, in a way which exceeded our imagination, and our relations with the local people in the three provinces (Constantine, Algiers, Oran) gave us evidence that the percentage of the males who have the knowledge of reading and writing—were at least equal to those in our countryside. (as cited in Turin, 1971, p. 127)

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The percentage of Algerian literates in urban cities was equivalent to that in rural areas. This reality changed after the French colonisation when illiteracy in Arabic expanded. It is important to note that before the coming of French and since the Middle Ages, Algeria attracted many Europeans who came seeking knowledge from Algerian scholars including the popular Italian Mathematician Leonardo Fibonacci. After the colonisation of Algeria, many schools which belonged to mosques and Zawaya were closed. This meant that the next Algerian generation after 1830 were not educated in an Islamic way. The Report of the 1947 Commission in Algeria states: We laid hands upon those revenues (those of religious foundations, the object of which is to meet charity needs or public education). We left schools to fall down, disbanded seminaries. Around us the light was put out… that means we rendered the Muslim society more (…) ignorant and more barbarian than it was before it knew us. (as cited in Ageron, 1968, p. 316)

This also indicates the emergence of a new Algerian Francophone class or as it would be called later Hisb França, the French party. Many Algerian elites were in favour with French colonial education, language and culture. Earlier in life, they saw themselves as French and asked for coexistence between French and Algerians, but soon they worked to denounce colonisation. Algerian elites taught in French schools during the colonial era asked for a peaceful coexistence between Algerian native and French colonial societies. According to the popular Algerian historian Abulkacem Saadallah: The elite of that time adopted the ideas of the West, its techniques, methods of works…. culture and education, but they also wanted to transform Algerian society into a European one….However searching for a solution to their dilemma, losing their language, customs, respect and friendship of their society…. in many cases they married French women, spoke the French language. (Saadallah, 1967, p. 1)

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Algerian intellectuals who were taught in French schools were not proud of Arabic language. They considered French, on the other hand, as the language of civilisation and modernity. They also criticised Islam and saw it as a backward and a controlling religion. Algerian elites such as Mohamed Ben Si Ahmed Bencherif (1879–1920) was an officer in the French army. In his work entitled Ahmed Ben Mostapha, El-Goumi (1920) describes an Algerian goumi (a traitor) who is a soldier in the French army. Bencherif and his friend Emir Khaled, the nephew of Emir Abdelkader, were asking to integrate Algerian society within French community. Together with Bencherif and Emir Khaled, many writers during the period such as Abdelkader Hamou, Chokri Khodja and Rabeh Zanati did not denounce French colonisation of Algeria (Djebour, 2013). They were grateful to French education and culture. They were writing not about Arabic or Islamic Algeria but rather about French Algeria. Among Algerian elites who celebrated French colonial education was Mouloud Feraoun. Feraoun was born to a low-income family in Tizi Hibel in Kabyle on 8 March 1913. He struggled to pursue his education in the French schools which existed in Algeria during the colonial period. In the 1920s, Feraoun received a scholarship from the French officials, which allowed him to continue his secondary education at College de Tizi Ouzou (Feraoun, 2000). In 1932, Feraoun entered the prestigious Ecole Normale d’ Alger, where he befriended Emmanuel Robles who later became the editor of Feraoun’s Journal. Feraoun spoke Tamazight and French but not Arabic because he never learned it due to its suppression by the French (Feraoun, 2000). When Feraoun started writing, his works concentrated on the Berber culture, rather than on the Arabic one, because he believed that they are different. The split between Berber and Arabic culture happened when the French distinguished between Arabs and Berbers after colonising Algeria in 1830 (Feraoun, 2000). Earlier in his life, Feraoun had a distinctive view of his identity. He believed that his identity was a mixture of Berber and French though he emphasised more on the Berber identity in his writings and Journal.

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When the War of Independence began in Algeria in 1954, Feraoun did not write about it because, like the French, he thought that it was temporary. Also, Feraoun was a believer in peace and political negotiations. He was also dubious about the demagogy of Algerian militants, their ideological backgrounds, their use of violence and the war’s ends (Feraoun, 2000). Feraoun considered the leaders of the National Liberation Front Party (FLN), who were the vanguard of the war, ‘unsuitable to cater to the needs of the emerging nation’ (Hiddleston, 2014). When violence increased in Algeria, Feraoun decided to travel to France. Feraoun wrote, on 12 December 1955, that in France he was still anxious about the Algerian conflict for liberation: The only reason that I flew to Paris was to be with people who had other concerns. But, unfortunately, the very worries that I wanted to escape resurfaced over there, as did the same confusion and the same anxiety. That is what everyone was talking about. My friends began to talk to me about Algeria; my editor demanded that I talk to him about it; and when I got a room at a hotel, the manager wanted to discuss Algeria […] The image of my country in full revolt followed me like an obsession. (Feraoun, 2000)

Feraoun could not forget the plight of his nation, for he was an Algerian, and the destiny of Algeria defined his destiny and the destiny of his people. Feraoun’s hometown, Kabyle, suffered more from colonisation than anywhere else, particularly between 1954 and 1962. The turning point in Feraoun’s view of France and his French identity is when he read revolutionary stories of his Berber ancestors who rebelled against the French, particularly Cheikh El Mokrani1 (Benyoub, 2002). In addition, after the massacres of 8 May 1945, when thousands of Algerian civilians were killed, Feraoun had doubts about French values. There is evidence in The Poor Man’s Son which confirms Feraoun’s disappointment by the French colonisers. Fouroulou Menrad, who told the life story of Feraoun, realised that the French were ‘bad fathers’  El-Mokrani (1815–1871) is one of the revolutionary leaders in Algeria during the nineteenth century following the French conquest of Bordj Bou Arreridj, Algeria, in 1830. A brief biography of El-Mokrani is found in Phillip C. Naylor’s Historical Dictionary of Algeria (Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), p. 399. 1

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because they murdered thousands of Algerians who demonstrated on 8 May 1945 due to France’s false promise of giving them freedom after the Second World War (Feraoun, 2005). Furthermore, Feraoun felt that he was not welcomed by the French. In Feraoun’s diary entry of 1 February 1956, he writes: ‘I express myself in French I was made what I am in a French school … But when I say that I am French, I give myself a label that all Frenchmen refuse me’ (as cited in Zeldin, 1981, p. 176). After these incidents, Feraoun’s sense of national identity as an Algerian grew. In Feraoun’s reference to the Western writers who affected his imagination, we notice that the majority of them are French despite the absence of colonial authors who authorised the colonisation of Algeria. This raises the question whether for Feraoun English writers such as Dickens represents an escape from the French colonial influence. The answer is yes because Dickens was primarily writing for reformation rather than for empire and that he is English rather than French. Furthermore, Feraoun felt that he was not welcomed by the French. In Feraoun’s diary entry of 1 February 1956, he writes: ‘I express myself in French I was made what I am in a French school …But when I say that I am French, I give myself a label that all Frenchmen refuse me’ (as cited in Zeldin, 1981, p. 176). After these incidents, Feraoun’s sense of national identity as an Algerian grew. Therefore, it can be argued that Feraoun’s reference to Dickens represents his search for a new cultural refuge. Because Feraoun was regarded as one of the most famous Algerian intellectuals and thinkers, he was assassinated by the French extremist group known as the Secret Army Organisation (OAS) at the eve of independence in 1962  in the Centre Sociaux of El Biar (Feraoun, 2000). Feraoun was murdered because he defined OAS as a militant terrorist group aimed at breaking the ceasefire in Algeria. Feraoun indicated in his Journal that the OAS ‘Feels that the Europeans must form a block and fight to the death against us, if we do not agree to live under their law’ (Feraoun, 2000, p.  307). The assassination of Feraoun did not stop Algeria from gaining its independence. He still lives on due to his literary works and journals, which have inspired many contemporary Algerian writers.

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It is argued that the early writings of Feraoun particularly his The Poor Man’s Son was criticised by nationalists intellectuals because of its celebration of colonial education. A Berber writer Lynda Chouiten states that the novel was a ‘successful’ product of colonial school’ (Chouiten, 2010, p. 352). The fact that Feraoun did not criticise French education in his works does not mean that he was disloyal. It is the contrary. Feraoun was committed to his Berber people. When Feraoun completed his studies at Ecole Normaled’Alger in 1935, he worked as a teacher in some villages in Grand Kabyle, such as in Taourirt-Auden in 1936, Taboudrist in 1937, Ait Abdel-Moumen in 1946 and then Taourirt-Moussa from 1946 until 1952. In October 1960, he was appointed as an inspector for the schools of Centres Sociaux whose task was to train Algerian teachers and illuminate illiteracy among Algerians (Feraoun, 2000). More of the colonial violence can be seen in the language planning policies in modern Algeria. The definition of language planning, according to Doğançay-Aktuna (1997), is about the activities that cause a change to the language structure (corpus) and function (status). However, language planning in Algeria is considerably related to the influence of colonial violence on languages which does not touch on developing language structures but rather the function that was and still interestingly manipulated by different political agendas. Language planning in Algeria has been a discussion of many interchangeable variables. Each variable provides complexities that are open to different interpretations. For anyone to understand these complexities, one has to study the erratic ideologies and the aleatory rationale behind people in charge. Now that Algeria speaks three languages (two of which are mother tongues) Arabic, Tamazight and French, the function and the social status of each language differ considerably from other languages. Arabic in Algeria witnessed a severe constraint during colonisation which may reflect its function in the Algerian society now. Arabic was seen a uniting language for Algerians; therefore, the French did not allow any form of Arabic education. Now Arabic is neglected in the national forums, and few efforts are recorded to develop it and spread its use to different domains. Despite the efforts of Arabisation from newly operating government after independence where Boumédiène was the President until the late 1970s, Arabic is still second to French which deems to be the first

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language of the country. The retreat of Algeria’s first language undeniably marks the existing shaky grounds of identity that are still a bone of contention between Algerians and is undoubtedly caused by the invisible forces that swear allegiance to France. According to Benrabah (2005), it was Bouteflika who introduced a new discourse of language planning that provoked the linguistic taboos in the country. A discourse that denounced the Arabisation policy and opened more space for foreign languages, namely French, more formally. We, very much, agree with Benrabah claims that French regained its status ‘officially’ in Algeria under the reign of Bouteflika. The French language never lost its prestige and function in Algeria. The failure of Arabisation was a due cause that Arabic cannot compete with French. Despite the existing population of Arabs and Berbers, the French is still a dominating language overcoming both Arabic and Tamazight. French is the language of administration and science in Algerian universities. It is also the language of communication among ministries and the spokesman voice of the country in international events. Tamazight is also a language that suffered neglect and marginalisation but regaining its status currently. Although it is an official language besides Arabic, its use is very limited to its Berber native speakers with divided varieties spoken in different regions of Algeria. Allegedly, there are efforts to form one formal variety of Tamazight to be taught in schools across the country but the function of this language in Algeria is still, arguably, under the political motives of foreign powers, namely France. We have explained, in Chap. 1 particularly, the sociolinguistic relationship between languages which we remind reader of this chapter that the odds of French and Tamazight to co-exist are highly pertaining. Therefore, we see that harmony to, arguably, preserve the French language status through claiming for more recognition to Berbers and their ethnicities. Although the government has declared Tamazight part of Algeria’s identity and heritage, more demands are from Berbers (i.e. Kabyle region) to generalise the teaching of Tamazight across Algeria. Putting all these complexities into a framework, we can see how Arabic and Tamazight struggle to prove their individual rival existence which leads to French domination in major domains.

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2.2 L anguage Imperialism and the War on Islam During the French colonisation, a war was launched on Algerian culture and language. The French colonisers were determined that in order to cut Algerians from their Arabic and Islamic roots, they need to ban the teaching of Arabic and destroy Arabic and Islamic values (Saadi-Mokrane, 2002). William Marcais, an Orientalist scholar, states that the widespread of French among colonists and indigenous inhabitants meant a ‘natural death of Arabic language’ (Saadi-­Mokrane, 2002, p. 45). Arabic died when the French authorities closed Quranic and Arabic schools and mosques. The death of Arabic language led to a big sociocultural dilemma due to the strong tie between Arabic and Islam as well as Quran. The situation of Arabic in Algeria during the colonial period meant that many Algerian intellectuals and writers during both the colonial and post-colonial era favoured French. French speaking Algerian elites after independence continued to consider French as a language of power. Algerian students were taught sciences in French language. Moreover, Arabic becomes as Taleb Ibrahimi has called it in 1993 an ‘artificial language’ which means that Algerian learners are taught a language which has no bond with the nonstandard dialects spoken by Algerians (Saadi-Mokrane, 2002). In 1904, an Act was issued in Algeria in which French authorities allowed the teachers of the Quran to teach Quran. However, the Act insisted on the memorisation of the Quran rather than understanding its meanings and the principles underlined by Islamic faith. In addition, the teaching of the Quran must not include or refer to any Quranic verses which ask Muslim believers to fight colonisers and liberate themselves. It was also forbidden to teach Islamic history and Algerian geography (Ministry of Education, 1973, p. 4). The French also worked to cut Algerians from their past, culture and language. French replaced Arabic as a language of instruction in schools. The French hostility towards Algerian culture and Islam can be seen in converting some mosques into stables and colleges of the Quran into barracks. In many Berber towns and villages, French missionaries encouraged Christianity among inhabitants (Morthad, 1972). Unlike Arabs, Berbers also had the chance to join French schools and colleges as the

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French hoped that they would be elites. It is likely that this division between Arabs and Berbers is what led to the suspicion and hate between the two ethnic groups. Arabs criticised Berbers for giving up Islam and becoming France’s collaborators. It is important to mention that this early suspicion continued to increase leading to social and ethnic violence between the two groups in contemporary Algeria. Despite the French claim that the occupation of Algeria aimed to abolish slavery and stop pirates in the Mediterranean, the French wanted to spread Christianity among Algerian inhabitants. This view is supported by the French general secretary of state in Algeria who said in 1832: In the twenty years period, there will not be in Algeria any God except ‘Jesus’ and if we have no doubt this country is owned by France, there is absolutely no doubt that Algeria has departed from Islam forever. (as cited in Ben Nouaman, 1997, p. 124)

This statement shows that the French war in Algeria aimed also to assimilate Algerians from their faith which represents a main aspect in Algerian culture. The war on Islam meant that Algerians won’t fight against France as it is Islam which asks believers to free themselves from colonisation under the banner of Jihad.

2.3 W  estern Cinema in Algerian Local Public Entertainment A brief history and overview of the Algerian traditional dramatic performances is needed to explain the transformations in Algerian culture and public entertainment resulting from the western adaptations. Dramatic expressions and public entertainment in Algeria started in earlier centuries when public storytellers acted, sang, and danced amidst a huge group of people known as al-Halqa (an Arabic word that stands for circle) around performers. Most public entertainments embodied many sagas of different national characters such as Abu Zaid Al-Hilali, who was very popular in a particular period of Algerian history (Rubin, 2003). They also performed parts of A Thousand and One Nights, memories of the

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Prophet and stories of witty peasants, and they recited the Quran (Amine & Carlson, 2012). Therefore, al-Halqa helped reinforce Arabic and Islamic cultural identity. It is important to mention that Al-Halqa in the Middle East was different from the Maghreb. Storytellers used to sit in a semi-circle and implemented storytelling as a technique which explains why they were labelled as storytellers or as they were commonly known as Haqawatis. What makes al-Halqa culturally driven is that it took place in public markets and streets often during feasts such as Ramadan and the Prophet’s birthday (Amine & Carlson, 2012). Interestingly, the adaptations of Dickens, for example, which took place in Algeria during the colonial era and al-Halqa were similar in criticism of social injustice and the use of vernacular and fantasy in popular entertainment. Another traditional theatre-like performance which existed in Algeria during the sixteenth century was the shadow theatre. One historian, Wilhelm Hoenerback, claims that the shadow theatre ‘was introduced to Algeria by soldiers in Turkish garrisons, who traditionally performed the plays for the Festival of Ramadan’ (Amine & Carlson, 2012, p. 38). These plays used performers and puppets in order to create an emotional effect. One clear example of satirical plays of the shadow theatre in the Turkish language was Karakoz or Karakoz which means Black Eye. French authorities banned the theatre of shadow in 1843 because of its satire (Selmane, 1993). Satire in the theatre of shadow is also similar to that in the adaptations of Oliver Twist and A Tale of Two Cities for example in that it criticises social injustice, the nobility and the country’s judicial system. Despite the similarities in satire and protest, the adaptations of Dickens are different from al-Halqa and the theatre of shadow. Table 2.1 below identifies keys differences between the adaptations of Dickens and tradition performances in Algeria. The adaptations of Oliver Twist and A Tale of Two Cities in colonised Algeria helped indigenous audiences discover a previously unheard-of cinematic experience. One historian, Gaertner Julien, states that although a minority, indigenous Algerian people from Oran and Algiers were involved in discovering the magic of the cinema during the colonial period. Gaertner refers to Edgar Morin’s Le Cinéma ou L’homme Imaginaire in which some Algerian people ‘discovered the magic of this scientific instrument which though recording reality, was also destined to become

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Table 2.1  A comparison between the adaptations of Dickens and traditional performances Western adaptations

Algerian adaptations

Place/time

Cinemas, theatres, operas / Christmas

Themes

Injustice, revolution, orphanhood, home and love

Aims

Entertain audience, integrate western values and assimilate Algerian culture Western actors

Streets and public markets / Ramadan Arabian tales, Quran, prophetic sayings, poetry Reinforce Arabic and Islamic cultural identity

Actors

Algerian and Turkish actors Audiences Metropolitan audiences Arab audiences Techniques Performance, screening, photograph Storytelling, singing, and montage acting, sarcasm Language French and English Colloquial, Standard Arabic and Turkish Music Piano music by Massenet and Japavaire The flute and the drum

a vehicle for dreams’ (Gaertner, 2012, pp. 207–221). The film adaptations of Dickens and many other western productions served as cultural tools. Shafik (1998) asserts that: Film as a medium was invented in the West and is connected to a quasi-­ industrial form of production that mainly relies on the division of labour and on mass production and distribution. The industrial nations of the northern hemisphere still play the leading role in the technical and artistic development of the medium, and their products have always dominated the Arab market and simultaneously served as a model and rival […] Its consideration inevitably touches on the relation between Arab Muslim culture and the West, and raises questions about notions of authenticity and acculturation, tradition and alienation, and the roots of these relations and ideas. (Shafik, 1998, p. 4)

Thus, the film adaptations of Dickens contributed to the circulation of his fame and appeal through drama, and to the cultural integration of Western traditions and values into the local Algerian culture, particularly what is related to Christmas and to Christianity.

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Examining the technical and artistic expressions, including editing, visual composition and mise en scène reveals that the adaptations of Dickens in Algeria were more than theatrical and cinematic productions but rather important cultural mediums (Ghafsi, 2020). The adaptations represented contact between cultures and a ‘reproduction’ of cultural values. Some critics assert: In these countries [Arabic nations]—which did not know the era of industrial mechanization, or the painted, animated, or fixed image; or evocative image or movements defined by volume or space; or the alternation of a figurative narration and everything of the life of people, the work, their pain and joy reproduced in this bold visual technique—how was the intrusion of this art apprehended, understood, and adopted—an art-making this century on the level of direct contact, at one and the same time, a worked out and didactic culture and the imaginary and its implied narrative discourse? (as cited in Shafik, 1998, p. 5)

The adaptations of Dickens demonstrate a new way of literary consumption in an audio-visual world as well as a rewriting and cultural adaptation process. The process of adaptation involves the transmission of traditions, behaviours and values from the original English culture to the Algerian native (local) culture. Therefore, this absorption marks an encounter between the Western and the Arab, Christian and Muslim, traditional and modern. The adaptations of Dickens also reveal that Algerian culture during the colonial period, especially in cities like Algiers, Oran and Bejaia, was not a strong unified one but was rather agglomeration of cultural trends. Although the plot of The Cricket on the Hearth was about home and love, there was an underlying Christian theme. As in Christmas Carols, Dickens succeeded in The Cricket on the Hearth in calling attention to the Christian theme of redemption. Furthermore, the setting of The Cricket on the Hearth is very tragic from a Christian point of view and Dot is a domestic Christian woman. Christian values and references to the Christ and Christmas in the adaptations of The Cricket on the Hearth and A Tale of Two Cities were similar to the slogans of the French Christian mission in Algeria. During the earliest period of the invasion in 1830, the French encouraged the incursion of missionaries into Algeria as they hoped to expend their

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‘superior’ civilian and Christian culture. Joseph Blakesley, an English Reverend, states in Four Months in Algeria (1859) that ‘The See has since its constitution been filled by prelates of great zeal and intelligence, and the influence of the clergy has done much towards improving the character of the European part of the population’ (Marshall, 1870, p. 553). In 1839, Mr Blakesley observed the establishment of many churches in Algiers, Bone, and Oran. Within seven years, the bishop, Mr Dupuch had established about forty-seven churches and chapels, forty almonries, several hospitals and prisons with nearly thirty-nine regular and three supernumerary priests along with many Sisters of Charity (Marshall, 1870). The values which the adaptations of Dickens carried are secular. Secularisation was one of the main concerns of the French colonisation in Algeria. In her book chapter entitled ‘Language and Politics’, Habiba Deming (2006) states that the aim of the French conquest of Algeria was to disintegrate culture and Islam. In the same vein, Djamila Saadi-­Mokrane (2002) adds that ‘For the French colonizer, it was necessary to cut to the quick the Arabic and Islamic roots of a conquered land in order to crash its core values, which offered a refuge and thus a source of resistance’ (Saadi-Mokrane, 2002, p.  44). Therefore, it will be safe to say that the widespread of secular values through western adaptations in Francophone cinemas and theatres in Algeria was planned to destroy Islamic values.

2.4 C  ultural Genocide After Burning Algiers’s University Library Another historical event which shows the European superiority and intention to destroy Algerian culture during and after independence is the burning of Algerian archives. Many archives were taken to France shortly before Independence in 1962 and the systematic organisation of archives in Algeria did not begin until the early twentieth century. Second, there was a massive fire in Algiers’s University Library in 1962 which means that the records were destroyed and it is highly possible that many books by Dickens, particularly those introduced in the late nineteenth-­century, have been lost forever. On 7 June 1962, at around

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12.40 pm, an armed group with links to the French government, known in Algerian history as the French Secret Army Organisation (OAS), began the most unlikely subversive venture of the century. They blew up three phosphorous bombs which resulted in a disastrous fire at Algiers’s University Library. In the fire, almost 600,000 rare transcripts and books were burned (Eberhart, 2013). Burning the library was not prompted by the belief that these books were not valuable or because they promoted a competing ideology, since it was the French who brought them to Algeria—rather, it was intended to destroy Algerians’ cultural memory. Polastron (2007) writes in Books on Fire: The Destruction of Libraries Throughout History that on 7 June 1962, the members of OAS bombed Algiers’s University Library and the Municipal Library of Oran ‘as if the death of books represented a higher bid than the death of men or one last hurrah before leaving the country’ (Polastron, 2007, p. 221). This attests that the blowing up of Algiers’s University Library was planned by the authorities, and it could be attributed to the French policy known in Algeria as The Scorched Earth. Some critics argue that the ‘passive nature of the fire-fighting’ is another aspect of the colonisers’ criminality. Samir Hachani, an Algerian Assistant Professor of biblioth economy at Algiers University, estimates that the number of books lost in the fire was ‘252,258 volumes or about half the collection’ (Polastron, 2007, p. 212). Hachani continues that the French colonists, witnessing the fire, declared that ‘we are not going away and leaving behind everything our fathers built’ (Polastron, 2007, p.  212). Hachani’s research reveals that a few days before the fire, thousands of rare books and valuable manuscripts and documents were moved to the Centre des Archives d’outre-Mer in d’Aix-en-Provence, France, leading to a grave impoverishment of the Algerian history and culture. It is important to note that among the authors whose works were burned in the fire was Dickens. In my examination of the books remaining from the fire, I found the charred remains of several books including a single volume edition of Bleak House, The Pickwick Papers, Tharclus Caetullus Cyprianus’s divi Caecilii Cypriani and Avicenna’s medical book which dated to 1593. To have these books in my hands was a poignant moment for me and they felt like symbols of the destruction of Algerian cultural

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heritage. The remains of books salvaged from the fire are suggestive of the many other books by Dickens that had been burned and destroyed. Surely the destruction of such a large repository of historic records could justifiably be described as ‘cultural genocide’. The burning of books at Algiers’s University Library could even be described as the burning of ‘the image of God’. The poet, political theorist and philosopher John Milton, whose works were publicly burned in France and England, asserts in Areopagitica (1644): As good almost kill a Man as kill a good Book; who kills a Man kills a reasonable creature, God’s Image; but he who destroys a good Book, kills reason itself, kills the Image of God, as it were in the eye. Many a man lives a burden to the Earth; but a good Book is precious life blood of a master-­ spirit, embalmed and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life. (Milton, 2009, p. 10)

Milton, the book lover, went beyond the shared beliefs and ideas in describing the burning of books. Milton believes that books are more than ink and paper but rather living creatures since they include the thoughts of the people writing them. Restricting, licensing or even burning books, for Milton, is almost as bad as murdering a man. Therefore, the damaged books in Algeria represent a fight against God’s image, human thought and wisdom.

References Ageron, C. R. (1968). Les Algeriens Musulmans et la France 1871–1919. Presses Universitaires De France. Amine, K., & Carlson, M. (2012). The Theatres of Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia: Performance Traditions of the Maghreb. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Bell, M. (1995). Geography and imperialism, 1820–1940 (p. 182). Manchester University Press. Ben Nouaman, A. (1997). ‫ الخلفیات األهداف الوسائل و البدائل‬:‫فرنسا واالطروحة الرببریة‬. 2nd edn. Dar Al Oumaa, Algiers. Bennoune, M. (1975). Maghribin workers in France. Middle East Research and Information Project, 34, 1–12.

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Benrabah, M. (2005). Language planning situation in Algeria. Current Issues in Language Planning, 6(4), 379–502. Benrabah, M. (2007). Language-in-education planning in Algeria: Historical development and current issues. Language Policy, 6(2), 225–252. Benrabah, M. (2013). Language conflict in Algeria: From colonialism to post-­ independence (p. xi). Multilingual Matters. Benyoub, R. (2002). Algeria 2002 political directory: Illustrated. R. Benyoub. Chouiten, L . (2010). Hybridity and Cultural Negotiation in Mouloud Feraoun’s La Terre et Le Sang (1953) and Les Chemins qui Mentent (1957). In J. Derrick McClure, Karoline Szatek-Tudor, & Rosa E. (Eds), What Countrey’s This? And Whither Are We Gone?: Papers presented at the Twelfth International Conference on the Literature of Region and Nation (pp. 352). Cambridge Scholars, Cambridge. Deming, H. (2006). Language and politics: A new revisionism. In P. M. E. Lorcin (Ed.), Algeria and France, 1800–2000: Identity, memory, nostalgia (pp. 183–195). Syracuse University Press. Djebour, O. (2013). ‫الرواية الجزائرية املكتوبة بالفرنسية‬. Mime Publication Press. Doğançay-Aktuna, S. (1997). Language planning. In N.  H. Hornberger & D. Corson (Eds.), Encyclopedia of language and education: Research methods in language and education (pp. 15–24). Kluwer Academic Publishers. Eberhart, G. M. (2013). The whole library handbook 5: Current data, professional advice, and curiosa. American Library Association. Feraoun, M. (2000). Journal, 1955–1962: reflections on the French-Algerian War. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Feraoun, M. (2005). The poor man’s son. University of Virginia Press. Gaertner, J. (2012). L’image de l’arabe dans le cinéma Français de 1970 à nos jours. Archiv Orientalni, 80(2), 207–336. Ghafsi, A. (2020). The Globalisation of Charles Dickens in Algerian Literature and Culture. Doctoral dissertation: Anglia Ruskin University. Hiddleston, J. (2014). Decolonising the intellectual: Politics, culture, and humanitarian at the end of the French empire. Oxford University Press. Jerrold, W. (1854). The Turk at home. Household Word, 9(206), 56–61. Jordan, J. O. (1999). Dickens and diaspora. In A. Sadrin (Ed.), Dickens, Europe and the new worlds (pp. 239–250). Palgrave Macmillan. Kumaravadivelu, B. (2014). The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, 50(1), 66–85. Marshall, T. W. (1870). Christian missions: their agents, and their results. Scholarly Publishing Office, Michigan.

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Milton, J. (2009). Areopagitica (p. 10). The Floating Press. Ministry of Education. (1973). Literacy and adult education. Ministry of Education. Morthad, A. (1972). ‫اصالة الشخصية الجزائرية‬. El-Asala, 8, 213–228. Polastron, L. X. (2007). Books on fire: The destruction of libraries throughout history. Inner Traditions, Rochester, 212, 221. Rubin, D. (2003). The world Encyclopedia of contemporary theatre. Routledge. Saadallah, A. (1967). The rise of the Algerian elite 1900–14. Journal of Modern African Studies, 5(1), 69–77. Saadi, M. D. (2002). The Algerian linguicide. In A.-E. Berger (Ed.), Algeria in others’ languages (pp. 44–58). Cornell University Press. Selmane, Y. (1993). Algerian theatre and protest. In G. Joffé (Ed.), North Africa: Nation, state, and region (pp. 170–186). Routledge. Shafik, V. (1998). Arab cinema history and cultural identity (pp.  4–5). The American University in Cairo Press. Turin, Y. (1971). Cultural conflicts in colonial Algeria 1830–1880. Francois Maspero. Vanfasse, N. (2013). A historical survey of French criticism and scholarship on Dickens. In M.  Hollington (Ed.), The reception of Dickens in Europe (pp. 125–139). Bloomsbury. Zeldin, T. (1981). France, 1848–1945: Anxiety &hypocrisy. Oxford University Press.

3 Arabisation as an Act of Linguistic and Cultural Restoration and Language Policy

3.1 An Introduction to Arabisation The dissemination of Western literature and culture in Algeria increased as a result of the availability of the Arabic translations of several novels and books especially after the independence of Algeria in 1962. Predominant countries in the translation of Western literature into Arabic language were Egypt and Lebanon. The availability of these translations in Algeria is attributed mainly to political reasons. In June 1962, Algerian leaders met in Tripoli, Libya, and decided to work on the restoration of Arabic which is seen as a symbol of national identity and dignity. Algerian leaders also agreed to strengthen Arabic unity. In 1964, Algeria experienced a break from French literary and cultural dominance. As a result of this break, which later took a political dimension known in Algerian history as the Arabisation movement,1 many Algerian readers were introduced to Western literature and culture through Arabic translations.  Arabisation was a policy introduced by the first Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella in 1964, with the aim of giving prominence to Arabic language, culture and Islam. Many scholars believe that the roots of Arabisation started in Tripoli Meeting in June 1962. For fuller discussion of Arabisation in Algeria, see Anne-Emmanuelle Berger’s Algeria in Others’ Languages (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2002), p, 27. Another reference is Rachida Yacine’s chapter entitled ‘The Impact of French 1

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3.1.1 Historical Background of Arabisation in Algeria The Algerian state after independence found itself in shambles after seven years of warfare and 132 years of French colonialism, linguistic, and cultural imperialism. As a result, political and military leaders who were mostly among the rebels and members of the National Liberation Front (FLN) decided to meet and agree on the foundations of the Algerian modern state. Because most of these leaders attained their knowledge and ideology from the schools founded by Cheikh Abdelhamid Ben Badis (1889–1940), they adopted the latter’s popular saying: ‘Islam is our religion, Algeria is our mother country, Arabic is our language’ (See Entelis, 1986, p. 42). Consequently, the policy of Arabisation was introduced in which Arabic was considered as Algeria’s sole official language and had to replace French in education, politics, administration and business. It is noteworthy that the aims of Arabisation as a policy are reminiscent to the objectives of the Association of Algerian Muslim Scholars founded by Ben Badis in 1931. The Association was aiming at protecting Arabic, spreading Islam and preserving the national Islamic identity of Algeria. In addition, during the Algerian war of independence, the National Liberation Front had a plan to restore not only Arabic language but also Arabic culture and identity after independence. The November 1st declaration in 1954, which is considered the first official document published by the FLN, called for the recognition of an Algerian nationalism. Although the concept Arabisation did not appear in this early historical document, the declaration provided an initial effort towards the enhancement of Arabic and Islam at the expense of French language and culture. Meynier (2002) avows that Algerian rebels during the wartime were more concerned about independence rather than issues of language and culture. Except for outspoken members of Arabisation such as Ahmed Tawfiq al-­Madani and Abdehamid Mehri, most former soldiers were not concerned with questions of language and culture during the war (Meynier, 2002). Many Algerian Francophone elites saw Arabic as a religious issue. For some Algerian rebels, however, Arabisation represents an Colonial Heritage in Independent North Africa’, published in George Joffé’s North Africa: Nation, State and Region (London, Routledge, 1993), pp., 228–9.

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essential ideological dimension of the revolution. In 1961, the FLN Commandant Si Mohammed Harbi explained the importance of Arabic in the Algerian liberation war as follows: Language is an element of reconciliation between men. Above the diversity of the local languages and dialects, the nation, in order to be unified and organised, must possess one national language only. Our national language is Arabic. It is the language of our religion, culture and history (Harbi, 1980). Harbi’s saying on the importance of Arabic to achieve political unity marked how many members of the Arabisation movement would justify the importance of Arabisation in the coming years after independence. Although Arabisation was not a subject of discussion during the revolution, Harbi’s explanation shows that some rebels were considering the status of Arabic language long before independence. The Algerian Constitution of 1963 is an essential document which has to be checked and investigated because it calls for the institutionalisation of Arabic after the revolution. Articles N° four and five state that the country’s religion is Islam and the state’s first language is Arabic (as cited in Meynier, 2002). The first Algerian constitution did not mention whether the official language is standard or non-standard Arabic; however, it denoted that it is Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). It was uncertain how politics in Algeria during the post-colonial period would erase French language and culture. Many articles in the Algerian constitution of 1964 permitted the utilisation of French until Arabisation would achieve its aims. Article N° seventy-three in the 1964 constitution states: The provision of this constitution notwithstanding, the actual achievement of Arabisation on the territory of the Republic must take place in the shortest possible time; however, the French language may be used provisionally with the Arabic language. Ahmed Ben Bella, the first Algerian President (1963–1965), worked hard to make Arabisation a formal policy. After he succeeded to power, Ben Bella declared that Arabic has to be taught in primary schools together with French. In a meeting with Algerian instructors in 1963, Ben Bella asked to promote Arabic as this will help recover Algerian Islamic culture which was heavily affected by French colonialism. Ben Bella commented on the primary aim of Arabisation: through Arabisation programs that would allow ‘[Algerians] to reconcile [their country] which

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has been depersonalized, with its history and its past, that is to say, with itself …’ (Kashani-Sabet, 1996, p. 269). The fact that Arabisation was aiming to link Algeria with the Islamic and Arabic world made the largely French-educated and non-Arabophone elites angry with Ben Bella’s government. This is because they who believed that Algeria has Berber rather than Arabic and Islamic origins. As a policy, there was a doubt on whether Arabisation would be able to achieve its goals. After referring to Article N° seventy-three at the teachers’ meeting, Ben Bella announced: ‘having said this, I do not at all fail to recognise the importance of the French language, which is a factor of enrichment for us’ (as cited in Ruedy, 2005, p. 224). This clearly shows that even Ben Bella himself had doubts about the efficiency of Arabisation. Ben Bella’s speech also indicates an indirect political desire towards maintaining French language which was seen as a gift from the French colonisers. Moreover, what made Arabisation inefficient during Ben Bella’s presidency is that it was restricted to education only rather than to politics and economy. Another fact which shows a big controversy is that Arabisation was implemented in public education which followed the French model of instruction. It is like challenging a language that refuses to step down as an official dominant language. Between 1962 and 1971, the national education system continued to follow the model set in place by the French colonial school (Bronckart, 1983). According to Ruedy, Algerian schools followed the French model which meant that Algerian learners were taught linguistic and quantitative skills. As a result of this model, rates of unsuccessful pupils increased. From 1962 to 1978, failure rates among primary school pupils ranged between 48 to 75 percent. Language competency, especially in French, played a significant role in determining success rates. This model aimed though indirectly at setting French-speaking groups of elites among Algerian literates who can serve French agendas and interests in Algeria. The Ministry of National Education and the Direction of Planning in 1970 adopted several educational reforms which aimed to promote students’ retention in public schools and combat ‘the profound dependence’ of Algeria’s educational system on the French model (Ruedy, 2005, p. 227). Benrabah (2013) maintains that the educational reforms had three aims: the democratisation of education to enforce universal schooling, the enhancement of science and

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technology and the implementation of Arabisation. French was taught as a foreign language beginning in the fourth grade, a policy that lasted through the 1990s. The amendment introduced in 1971 as ‘reform without rupture’ in the sense that the associated Quadrennial Plan, whose aim was to establish a more rigorous curriculum, was aiming at cutting the ties between Algerian schooling and the French pedagogical tradition (Saada, 1983).

3.2 Arabisation as a Policy Soon after independence, Algerian nationalist leaders and politicians adopted the following slogan: ‘L’islam est notre religion, l’Algérie est notre patrie, la langue Arabe est notre langue’ (Islam is our religion, Algeria is our mother country, Arabic is our language). In the meanwhile, Algeria had an urgent need to regain its Arab and Muslim identity since Classical Arabic (CA) is the language of the Holy Quran and because Arabic language is an instrument of power (Hadjarab, 2000). As a result, many campaigns on the need to arabise Algerian society were launched by the leaders of Algeria, who committed themselves to the reconstruction of Arabic and Islamic identity across the country. This procedure was seen as a reaction to the French cultural and linguistic imperialism. Within this context, the former President of Algeria Houari Boumédiène proclaimed in 1967 that Algerians working in companies and ministries need to use Arabic language in their speeches and correspondences because it is a national symbol (Khalfa, 1979, pp. 73–74). The Algerian society, whose identity had been destroyed for more than 132 years, could not start to reconstruct itself without repairing the basis of that identity: Arabic language and Islamic values. Therefore, the main objective of Arabisation was to reconstruct the Algerian identity upon two major elements which are Islam and Arabic. As for the latter, after declaring Arabisation as an official policy in Algeria by Ben Bella in 1963, the use of French at schools decreased compared to Arabic. During the presidency of Boumédiène (1965–1978), Arabisation policy was an affirmation that Algeria is an Arabo-Islamic entity. However, French was still used in public places. Arabisation policy during the reign of Boumédiène was often criticised for minimising linguistic plurality in Algeria and that

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it was launched without a systematic planning. In general, Arabisation policy faced a huge failure and its weaknesses are still seen in the present time. Similarly, the Minister of Education Minister Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi describes the policy as follows: ‘This Arabisation will not work but we have to do it’ (as cited in Grandguillaume, 1995, p. 18). The failure of Arabisation policy urged Algerian presidents after Ben Bella and Boumédiène to consider the importance of bilingualism. Arabisation is not only a language policy but rather a cultural policy. Arabisation after all intends to restore Algerian national identity. This is because politicians who introduced Arabisation belonged to the nationalist movement whose goal was to set a national language, culture and AraboIslamic identity. The Tripoli meeting in 1961 showed that Algerian leaders agreed that Algerian linguistic and cultural identity has to be restored: Algeria aims to attain three goals ‘in the framework of socialism’. One is to make culture ‘national’ and to free it from ‘cultural cosmopolitanism and Western impregnation’. This involves making Arabic the medium of culture, revitalizing ‘national values’ and restoring Algeria’s classical humanist tradition. (as cited in David, 1966, p. 195)

This attests that Algerian politicians and military figures who initiated Arabisation were already thinking of consolidating Algerian national identity shortly before independence. Arabisation is often criticised by Berberists for protecting Arabic language, culture and Islam and neglecting Berber language and culture which are also symbols of Algerian identity. However, Algerian constitutions after independence always recognise the historical Berber past of Algeria. Also, Berber language today is considered by constitution as an official language. In August 1962, Algerian reformists decided that Algerian cultural identity has to be preserved. They stated: ‘(We should) rebuild Algeria’s personality, for our independence does not make sense if our personality is not independent’ (as cited in El-Ibrahimi, 1971, p. 300). Algerian personality started to appear when Algeria attained its independence and when Algerian constitution of 1962 decided that Algerian culture should be Arabic and Islamic. Arabisation goes beyond Algerian national identity into Arabic Islamic identity. Algeria became part of the Arabic and Islam world. There is a

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belief that Algerians share Arabs the same language, religion and destiny. As a result, Algeria and many Arab nations formed the Arab League Nations in 1962. In 1964, Algerian regime led by Ben Bella was determined to copy from the Egyptian regime. Today, Algeria still believes in the Arabo-Islamic identity. This can be seen when Algeria plays a great role in diplomacy such as putting an end to Arabic political crises as to stop western intervention. Algeria also supports Palestine because it is part of the Arab League.

3.3 Arabisation as an Ideology Language ideologies refer to the assumptions about languages, speakers and discursive practices. Like any other ideology, language ideologies are strongly related to political and moral values and are shaped in a sociocultural context. Therefore, to investigate language ideologies is to explore the relationship between language, culture and politics. By the 1980s, many scholars shifted their interest towards inquiring how politics and social structures might be imbedded in language structure. After the independence of Algeria, there was a great debate about which language will be more appropriate to use as a language of instruction. French elites, who were anti-Arabisation, preferred French language because it is the language of modernity, development and technology. Arab elites, on the other hand, advocated Arabic language as it represents Algeria’s Arabic and Muslim identity and culture. Their main aim was to restore Arabic and Islam in the newly independent state. According to the Algerian sociologist Khaoula Taleb Ibrahimi (1995), Arabisation as a concept comprises different components. She, reported that Arabisation denotes literally as ‘to make Arab that which is not’ (Ibrahimi, 1995, pp. 252–253). The classical meaning of Arabisation, however, refers to the translation of Greek, Persian and Indian works into Arabic. During the twentieth century, Arabisation was approached as ‘a way of affirming Arab identity (the language being perceived as a fundamental attribute of the Arab personality, the defining trait of Arabism)’ (Ibrahimi, 1995, p. 255). After North African nations, particularly Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco, achieved independence, Arabisation took on a significance that transcended the strictly technical aspect. In efforts made to bring Arabisation

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away from simply translating non-Arabic writings into political, social and cultural in a country from within, Arabisation started to imply reconstruction and revitalisation. Arabisation in this sense is strongly tied with achieving authenticity which was damaged as a result of colonial imperialism. Indeed, a recuperation of the Arabic and Islamic identity could not be materialised without the restoration of the Arabic language. Arabisation, as Ibrahimi had put it, become the fundamental condition for reconciling [Algeria] with itself (Ibrahimi, 1995). Therefore, Arabisation signified both a language policy, and a cultural, social and political identification with Arabism world. This means that Arabisation is both a process and a desire adopted by Algerian governments towards affirming Algeria’s geopolitical, ideological, historical, linguistic and cultural belonging and unity with Arabia. Algeria found it hard to forget the help of Arab countries given during the colonial era. It is not only the assistance but the sympathies and concerns of Arabs with the Algerian issue. The various definitions and understandings led to the development of new approaches to Arabisation. Arabisation goes beyond political, economic, social and religious dimensions that are related. One good way to consider Arabisation as an ideology is when considering MSA as a language whose speakers believe it to exist in an ideal form (Bossut, 2016). Milroy (2001) argues that participants in a standard language culture commonly hold the view that when two or more linguistic variants exist, only one is correct and the evaluation of correctness does not require justification; it is ‘common sense’ among speakers that the ‘correct’ view is also the ‘responsible’, ‘decent’ and ‘moral’ view (Milroy, 2001, pp. 535–536). Those who hold the idea that their language to exist in a standardised form also aim at assigning different authorities (linguists, grammarians, instructors, etc.) to prevent the corruption of the standard use of language. The canonical form of language is a precious inheritance that has been built up over generations, not by the millions of native speakers but by a select few who have lavished loving care upon it, polishing, refining and enriching it until it has become a fine instrument of expression (Milroy, 2001). Milroy’s analysis helps in understanding Arabisation since it emphasises the Arabophone elite’s significant role is to safeguard MSA from French influence or any other foreign influence, local varieties and non-standard utilisations of Arabic within the Algerian speech community.

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3.3.1 Aspects of Legitimacy Arabic is the language of Islam. Arabic plays a pivotal role for legitimacy which is strongly related to socio-cultural identity, politics and religion. Today, any attack against Arabic represents an attack against Islam. This is mainly true. Without Arabic, Algerians cannot recite the Quran. They will be unable to pray and read Prophet Mohamed’s sayings. Cubertafond (1995) states that ‘In Algeria, the crisis of legitimacy is profound. It is the essential problem of this country’ (Cubertafond, 1995, p. 60). Algeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-­linguistic state. During the post-colonial era, political leaders used different instruments to gain legitimacy. Among these, three ideologies can be cited: socialism, nationalism, and Islam. The latter is one of the main legitimising characteristics of Arab and Muslim countries. Thence, within the Algerian society where most of the population is Muslim, Islam is an instrument of legitimacy. In fact, authoritarian regimes may find their justification in the Holy Quran (as cited in Abdel Haleem, 2004, p. 59) when God says: ‘Oh you believers! Obey the prophet and those amongst you who are in position of authority’. Besides, during the French colonisation, the colonial education was considered a tool to dismantle the Algerian’s creed and religion. As a result, Algerians chose to live in a state of cultural rigidity and parents preferred their children to be illiterate rather than join French schools. Algerians who went to French schools and colleges were regarded as ‘renegades’. Nationalism is more often than national identity to be treated as a crucial political tool used by Algerian governments to gain legitimacy since Algeria had been dramatically impacted by the French colonisation. This essential legitimising instrument was effective in three areas: a ‘militant diplomacy’, an enhanced nationalism via a re-invented ‘history saga’ (histoire-épopée) and the Language Policy of Arabisation.

3.4 Evaluation of Arabisation Strategy The success and the failure of the Arabisation process in Algeria is considerably influenced by people’s attitudes towards Arabic language and its use. It is important to state that attitudes towards Arabic and French languages were developed because of the contact between Algerians and French colonists. Accordingly, the Algerians’ attitudes towards their

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languages and the complexity of the linguistic situation of the country are highly influenced by the French culture. Algerians consider French the language of the enemy that needs to be ousted out, yet it is the language of science and technology that must be supported and maintained (Maamri, 2009). After the independence of Algeria, Arabic was introduced as the medium of instruction under the policy of Arabisation. However, the policy was rejected by French militants and the Kabyles. As a result, many administrative functions were divided according to cultural and ideological bases. Arabic was implemented in education, justice, media and religious settings, whereas French continued to be used in many sectors like higher education and economy. Consequently, the Francophones have more chances to prestigious jobs than the Arabophones. Arabisation in Algeria imposes several questions during the contemporary period regarding the massive use of French in different domains. In a meeting at the Ministry of Exterior, Algerian ambassadors were asked to use French language in correspondences with the Algerian state whose constitution states that Arabic is the first language. Another incident occurred when an Algerian ambassador in Indonesia sent a report in Arabic to the Ministry of Exterior. The ambassador was blamed for not respecting the rules that correspondences must be written in French instead of Arabic. These events and many others make us think whether Arabisation in a way or another succeeded in its aims of enhancing the use of Arabic. It is also important to mention that for decades, official documents issued by national companies and universities were and are still issued in French rather than Arabic. Boumédiène committed a political mistake when he appointed Abdelkarim Ben Mahmud as a minister of education in 1977. This is because Ben Mahmud was a main figure of Arabisation at the beginning and then he introduced policies towards the restoration of French. This shows a big contradiction in Algerian politics and that Arabisation created big fractures among Arabised and non-Arabised politicians. Although the policies of arabising the Algerian environment such as the names of schools, ministries, consulates and universities succeeded to a great extent, Algerian policy makers appointed ministers and politicians who do not believe in Arabisation neither as a language policy nor as an ideology. When the French knew that Chadli Bendjedid who ruled Algeria from 1979 to 1992 was about to Arabise administrations, they encouraged what became known as the Berber Spring in 1989. The upheavals in the Berber areas particularly in

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Tizi Ouzou postponed the policy of Arabising the administration until 1991. This historical event of Berber uprising indicates that the French used the Berber issue as a counter-attack against Arabic as this would stop Algerians from eliminating French from administration. If French was prohibited in administration, it would lead to the demise of French in Algeria. Arabisation is an ongoing process in Algeria which aims at implementing Arabic as the national and official language of the state, and the medium of instruction in all grounds. However, the process seems to face obstacles since Algeria is multilingual country where French and Tamazight are used alongside Arabic, in addition to English which is taking ground, mainly in higher education. Although Arabisation succeeded in making Arabic the most spoken language over the country and the means of instruction in many areas, it has failed in implementing Arabic as a medium of instruction in higher education, especially in scientific domains. Besides, with the advent of globalisation and the spread of English all over the world, most scientific and technological fields are taught in English. Thereafter, English is a primary requirement in Algerian education system. More recently, Algeria set up an English-speaking university in which technology and mathematics are taught in English. There is also an intention to bring English in to primary education. Students are also encouraged to write their dissertations in English. The failure of Arabisation policy has long been attributed to Algerians’ attitudes towards the Arabic language itself and to the Arabisation process. The conflict over language led to a big dispute among Algerians especially after independence in 1962. Even nationalist leaders among the spokesmen of Arabisation used to speak in French. They wanted their children to have a French education which explain why they joined popular private French schools and universities. The issue of Arabisation and political attempts to Arabise Algerian educational system leads us to speak about the domination of language in the administrative field. This will reveal a big controversy among Algerian politicians. After the introduction of Arabisation, French was still used in Algerian scientific and economic sectors. The Berberist and Francophone lobby in the Algerian Ministry of National Education rebelled against the former Minister of National Education Ali Ben Mohamed, after he intended to bring Arabisation into education in early 1990s and to replace French with English in primary schools. The Berberists and the French were united, and this is one of the main reasons why Arabisation was not successful.

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Arabisation as a movement was not only restricted to Algeria. Some Arab countries such as Tunisia and Morocco tried to liberate themselves from the French cultural and linguistic hegemony. The current debate in Algeria regarding Arabisation is similar to Tunisia and Morocco. Arabisation in these two Maghrebian countries is highly associated with notions of ideology, identity, political and ethnic conflict (Berber/Arab) as well as power. Grandguillaume argues: The question of Arabization is indeed deeply set in the field of internal oppositions, class conflicts, ideological tensions, and group competition; it is at the center of the struggle for power, at its different levels, from the ability to find a job—one speaks of “bread language”—to the strategies of regenerating elites that will maintain power. (1983, p. 35)

Whenever policy makers in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco try to arabise the educational and administrative domains, they find themselves in a big problem as they will be accused for turning away from Berber identity. Like in Algeria, Arabisation in Morocco and Tunisia seeks Modern Standard Arabic as a national language. Arabisation would not succeed if Arabic does not replace French in education, politics and administration. There are many similarities between Arabisation in Algeria as well as Tunisia and Morocco. First, the latter countries were both colonised by France and French language used to replace Arabic. Furthermore, the French colonisers wanted to spread their own cultural and social values at the expense of the Arabic and Islamic ones. However, it has to be noted that the war on Arabic schools in Algeria is different from that of Morocco and Tunisia. Arabic and Islamic schools in Morocco and Tunisia were old enough which means they were rooted in society unlike Algeria where these schools faced a huge pressure and were less organised. Although Arabic schools in Tunisia and Morocco were left open, Arabic graduates were marginalised. The French favoured Tunisians and Moroccans who graduated from French schools and colleges (Nazli, 1986). Nationalist movements which are responsible for Arabisation in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia share common concerns. Nationalist movements wanted through Arabisation to liberate their languages and cultures from the French colonial influence (Benrabah, 1999). However, it will be wrong to believe that Arabisation movement in

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Algeria interfered with Morocco or Tunisia. Each country adopted Arabisation considering its own borders, historical and sociolinguistic nature. We also find that Arabisation in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco was dependant on education, politics and reformation movements. Arabic schools in Algeria were founded by the Association of the Algerian Muslim Scholars. Arabisation in Tunisia was highly supported by the Finance Minister and reformer Kheireddine Pasha (1820–1880). The Moroccan nationalist movement of Marrakesh was an advocate of Arabisation in Morroco (Nazli, 1986). Arabisation in the three Maghrebian nations led to the establishments of various linguistic advisory bodies which are politically driven such as Arabisation Coordination Office in Morocco in 1961, the Academy of the Kingdom of Morocco in 1977 and the Supreme Council of the Arabic Language in Algeria in 1996. The main objective of these bodies is to preserve and enhance the Arabic language and culture. Arabisation of education in Algeria is different from that of Tunisia and Morocco. Arabising schools in Tunisia and Morocco was somehow easier compared to Algeria. This is because in Morocco and Tunisia there existed universities such as al-Qarawiyyin and Ez-Zitouna which played a significant role during the French occupation and continued to support Arabisation after independence (Moatassime, 1992). During the French colonisation, Tunisia had Islamic and Arabic schools. Moreover, Arabisation in Tunisia was well organised and relied on qualified teachers (Nazli, 1986). Unlike Tunisia, Algeria had a big difficulty to arabise schools mainly due to the unity between France and its collaborators among the Francophile and Berberist lobby. However, the political confusion when adopting Arabisation as a policy is reminiscent to that of Morocco. In 1927, Moroccan government decided to arabise primary education but not secondary or university. As a result, Moroccan learners found it very hard to adapt with the French based secondary and higher education (Yearous, 2012).

References Abdel Haleem, M. (2004). The Quran: English translation and parallel Arabic text. University Press. Benrabah, M. (1999). Langue et pouvoir en Algérie: histoire d’un traumatisme linguistique. Séguier.

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Benrabah, M. (2013). Language conflict in Algeria: from colonialism to post-independence. Multilingual Matters, Bristol. Bossut, C. A. (2016). Arabisation in Algeria: Language ideology in elite discourse, 1962–1991. PhD thesis. The University of Texas, pp. 23–98. Bronckart, J. P. (1983). Preface. In E. H. Saada (Ed.), Les langues et l’ecole: bilinguisme inegal dans l’ecole Algerienne (pp. 1–3). Peter Lang. Cubertafond, B. (1995). Algérie Contemporaine. PUF. David, G. (1966). The passing of French Algeria (p. 195). Oxford University Press. El-Ibrahimi, M. B. (1971). ‫عيون البصائر‬. S.N.E.D. Entelis, J. P. (1986). Algeria: The revolution institutionalised (p. 42). West View Press. Grandguillaume, G. (1983). Arabisation et linguistique politique au Maghreb [Arabization and language policy in North Africa] (p. 35). Maisonneuve & Larose. Grandguillaume, G. (1995). Comment a-t-on pu en arriver l’a? Esprit, 208, 18. Hadjarab, M. (2000). l’Algérie au péril de l’Arabisation, in Lettres sur la Loi de la Généralisation de l’Arabisation. Harbi, M. (1980). Le FLN, mirage et réalité. Des origines à la prise du pouvoir (1945–1962). Jeune Afrique. Ibrahimi, K. T. (1995). Les Algériens et leurs langues. Editions el Hikma. Kashani-Sabet, F. (1996). The swinging pendulum: Linguistic controversy in post-colonial Algeria. Middle Eastern Studies, 32(4), 264–280. Khalfa, M. (1979). Citations du président Boumédiene (p. 73, 74). Société Nationale d’Edition et de Diffusion. Maamri, M. (2009). The syndrome of the French language in Algeria. International Journal of Arts And Sciences, 3(3), 77–89. Meynier, G. (2002). Histoire intérieure du FLN, 1954–1962. Fayard. Milroy, J. (2001). Language ideology and the consequences of standardization. Journal of SocioLinguistics, 5(4), 535–536. Moatassime, A. (1992). Arabisation et langue Francaise au Maghreb. Presses Universitaires de France. Nazli, M. A. (1986). ‫التعريب و القومية العربية يف املغرب العريب‬. Centre for Arab Unity Studies. Ruedy, J. (2005). Modern Algeria: The origins and development of a nation (p. 224). Indiana University Press. Saada, E. H. (1983). Les langues et l’ecole: bilinguisme inegal dans l’ecole Algerienne. Peter Lang. Yearous, J. (2012). French in the face of Arabization: Language attitudes among high school students in Rabat. UW-L Journal of Undergraduate Research, 15, 1–12.

4 Examples of Cultural Representations in Algerian English Textbooks

In this chapter, we discuss the cultural representations that are depicted in the Algerian English textbooks. This chapter revolves about the embodiment of culture (whether Algerian or foreign) in the textbooks and sheds light on the purpose behind the cultural concepts distribution in the proposed textbooks for analysis. As we have explained in the previous two chapters, the presence of cultural dominance on Algerian cultures in general and its shadow on education in particular has been going since ages. The different language policies and language planning Algeria went through made some cultural concepts to fossilise in some Algerian societies, let alone education. It could be imagined that culture in Algeria is one of the most rigorous concepts to deal with especially with the cultural history of the country and the cultural diversity it witnesses as explained in Chap. 1. We understand that it may be difficult for textbook designers to shadow all the cultural manifestations and practices in the country, but we, most and foremost, question the inclusion of certain cultural concepts at the expense of others. It is a persisting need of the reader to reference what culture means in Algeria to be able to understand why and how textbooks are culturally designed to emphasise certain cultural concepts at the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8_4

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expense of others. It is also of a paramount significance to know about learners’ cultural repertoire (which we have already discussed in Chap. 1) before judging the type of culture presented in the textbooks. By starting to question who they are, how their cultural concepts are shaped, who might influence their cultural assumptions and understanding of their surroundings, we may arrive at a justified judgment on the cultures depicted in their textbooks. It is not only learners’ cultural assets that should be studied, teachers and the educational institution cultures are also significant part that cannot be abandoned in this investigation. After displaying components of Algerian cultures, learners’ and teachers’ cultural conceptualisation and the educational institutions’ role into maintaining a cultural understanding, it is the focal point of this chapter to highlight the Unitary Model of culture that is under realisation in Algeria through the educational English textbooks. According to Canagarajah (1999), the western involvement in ELT is seen through different means as teaching practices and philosophies are referenced with the colonial values of civilisation. This may result in perennial struggle of the Third-World countries to maintain their cultural values in teaching textbooks and thrive education. Algeria case is not an exception. The colonial heritage in education can be, clearly, seen in manifold aspects as we have showed and explained in the previous chapters. However, more threats of English hegemony cultural assumptions cannot go unnoticed as well. There might be a language and cultures clash of which one is the best to fit in light of the new globalised world. It used to be French, but more cultural movements are shown in the English textbooks to sustain English-like cultural values suppressing the local picture of culture. This prodigious expansion of the ‘others’ culture is justified through decision-­makers and gatekeepers who consciously grant access to such cultural assumptions to take place in Algerian classes of English in particular and education in general.

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4.1 A  n Overview of Culture in Education: Perspectives, Implementations and Legislation It is more of a necessity to discuss the ingredients of culture in the educational system of Algeria, with a particular interest on the English language teaching. Three different, but highly related, segments constitute a great deal of how culture is made and represented in English teaching classes. We shed more light on whether these three segments are homogeneously working in producing their culture that is relevant to learners. First, we discuss what learners’ perspectives of culture in class are. Is the culture they practice outside class the same as the one presented in class? These perspectives are sourced from social belief, values, and assumptions of culture learners embraced in society. The first processing-step of culture in class should revolve around learners’ cultural heritage and their daily social practices. If the legislation and the implementation of culture, to be consumed in class by learners, is not intact with learners’ cultural backgrounds, more heterogeneous cultural ideas find their way to learners and therefore impact the learning process negatively. Second, we discuss the implementation of culture in class. Who is in charge of realising the legislative power of culture in Algerian English classes? A large part of discussion is put on teachers and the inspection authority in middle and secondary schools. There could be more or less supervision at the level of university English classes, but this does not mean that learners’ cultural assumptions are disassociated from social practices. The teaching practice may change from middle and secondary schools to universities but the cultural values of learners are built through their educational career. The variability here plays on the teaching practices more often than the cultural beliefs or values. Third, we discuss the legislative authority and their impact on teachers and learners to draw the cultural concepts as depicted in the English textbooks.

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4.1.1 L earners’ Perspectives and Teachers’ Implementations of Culture There are many dimensions that preserve and define culture for learners. These dimensions surround the daily life of learners and impact their practices deeply as we have explained. Therefore, the perspective and the perception of culture within learners are highly affected by ‘scaffolding’. Daniels (2007) argues that there is the rigid and the negotiated scaffold. Rigid scaffold does not include a task analysis (Daniels, 2007) but rather more ‘fixed’, intense, behaviour. That is, rigid scaffold can be associated with ‘an ideology’ compared with negotiated scaffold that is more flexible and open to accept different sources of cultural presentations in society. In a sense, there is no questioning of the cultural components that shape learners’ perspectives of culture. Learners’ perspective of culture comes from a much negotiated scaffold in society. This does not mean that there is a challenging attitude towards the cultural values of society, but more of an alignment of cultural assumptions that works with learners’ thoughts and belongings. We would say it is the process of acculturation where there is a total acceptance of the surrounding. Although Vygotsky’s presentation of ZPD (Zone of Proximal Development) implies a problem solving with the help of a more knowledgeable person (Green, 2020) may include any person whose position allows him/her to be part of ZPD process, we argue that more ZPD in terms of cultural incarnation is largely represented in society than in schools. Schools and universities in Algeria may validate the embodiment of culture in society through more practice and exemplification. The role of educational institutions in this case is to strengthen learners’ perspectives of culture in a formal manner. For example, the power of religious belonging is deeply rooted in cultural perspectives of learners. Learners, then, would expect some religious practices, social traditions, historical events and so on presented in their textbooks. A negotiated social scaffolding plays an essential role to define the cultural perspectives of learners.

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We discuss two types of cultural implementations at two levels: middle and secondary schools and universities. The implementation of culture by teachers (in middle and secondary schools) is caught between two stools. Teachers of middle and secondary schools follow the guidelines of the curriculum and the teaching textbooks they use in class. They apply what Daniels (2007) calls the rigid scaffold to teach the culture dictated by the materials provided by the Ministry of Education and the local educational institutions. Reading the national reference on the basis of which the educational curricula have been designed, we can deduce the type of culture implemented in schools through the references the Ministry of Education listed for certain reasons. The first type of reference is related to the nation and its value. It includes three major references: the patriotic and national belonging, the cultural belonging through Islam and the mother tongues (Arabic and Tamazight) and finally to study other cultural and universal values that do not clash with the local ones with an open-minded spirit (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2009). It is apparent that the culture that is depicted in the textbooks should be congruent with the cultural values stated in the national reference. However, is this the case in the English textbooks that teachers and inspectors implement in class? In the general cultural objectives of teaching English in secondary schools, learners are encouraged to learn different aspects of other communities which will allow them to better understand their culture (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2005). Details of what culture to teach and how to teach it are described in the educational textbook of English in middle and secondary schools. At this level, there is a divergence of what to teach as stated in the national reference document and the English curricula of secondary schools in the sense that the teaching of culture in the English curriculum does not explicitly state how teaching the others’ culture enables learners to understand theirs. At the level of universities, we may have different objectives of teaching culture. The only difference between teachers in schools and universities is that universities do not oblige English departments or teachers to follow specific textbooks or any other educational manuscript. Here lies another polemic property of culture teaching that is related to the import

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of ready-made teaching materials or materials that deliver clashing ideas with the local cultures (Bouherar, 2020). Being a teacher in schools or universities, the implementation of culture in class is associated, to some extent, with the teaching materials presented by teachers (at the university level) or with the Ministry of Education and educational institutions (at schools level). University English teachers may have a flexible job of teaching culture than English teachers at schools who are more committed to rigid scaffolding. The other issue with culture implementation in class is the teaching practices of teachers that are varied. It is very difficult to know ‘who implements what’ because of the fragile link between theory and practice. In a study conducted by Bader & Hamada (2015), middle school teachers at the Training School of Constantine (ENSC) were found unable to translate the theoretical aspect of the competency-based approach (CBA) into practical teaching skills due to the poor quality training. Having said that, however, this is not to free teachers from responsibility of what and what not to teach as there is always a room for amendments and considerations. There is an overlap of relatedness between this section and the next one but we try to draw a distinctive line between the two for readers to process what is theoretical and what is practical (in the textbooks). There could be a gap between what is stated in theory (as in curricula and the national reference) and what is taught in class through textbooks and other teaching materials. The issue cannot be summarised in teachers’ implementations of culture but more critical discussion should tackle textbooks designing and decision-makers. Perhaps, we biased our discussion towards the English teaching process in schools and universities, but there are many other forms of linguistic and cultural imperialism depicted in other teaching subjects that we will try to spare a few paragraphs on.

4.1.2 T  he Legislative Cultural Powers in Algeria: Educational Institutions and Ministries After revealing aspects and prospects of Algerian cultures, learners’ perspectives of culture and teachers’ implementations and practices, we shed

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light on the legislative powers of culture in education in general and English teaching context in particular. There are three levels through which culture is validated, implemented and delivered in a hierarchical manner in two different teaching contexts: schools and universities. The first level concerns Ministries of Education and Higher Education. Perhaps these two rings can be seen as the starting legislative chain, but they are also implicitly linked to the educational ideology of the country. This ideology could be read in the national reference that we quoted in the previous subsection which declares the patriotic and national belonging and the Islamic and linguistic cultural belonging (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2009) as the main references to define the implementation of culture in English school textbooks. This is an example of the ideological map in consideration by the Ministry of Education in Algeria. One of the differences between the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Higher Education is the documentations and references of the teaching practices in both teaching contexts. More documents can be found by the Ministry of Education about curricula and the integration of culture than the Ministry of Higher Education that most of its publications are concerned with functional commitments of staff in positions and are blatantly written in French. Both ministries have documented, variably, the type of culture that should be integrated in educational institutions. In the Ministry of Education, for example, there is the national reference that draws on how culture is engraved in English textbooks plus the curricula that each subject has. It is more based on linguistic (Arabic mainly), nationalism and Islamic values that Benrabah (2004) attributes to language issues in Algeria which is more of a political question than an academic one. The second level concerns the educational institutions. Schools and universities are to be responsible over the implementation of culture as depicted by the ministries. These institutions are considered an implementer and a legislator according to the policies they have and the teaching practice they follow or advise teachers to follow in classes. In higher education teaching context, Rezig (2011) claims that Algerian reforms in higher education first adopted a French model and integrated it in universities. Lately in 2003–2004, the LMD system was introduced which is

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not very different from the first French-based reform. Rezig (2011) concludes that the difficulty facing learners to learn foreign languages can be linked directly to the cross-cultural learning difficulties taught through such foreign languages. The third level concerns teachers and their teaching practice. It is about the teaching practice that affects, largely, the implementations of culture in class. Teachers are considered also one part of the legislative powers of culture in education not because they have consented to such teaching practices but because they are part of the teaching process and can amend what and what not to teach at their classroom level. Sometimes, it is about the teaching gaps that force teachers as well to their own path of teaching certain cultural traits suggested by either, mainly, ministries or educational institutions. Belgoumri (2011) claims that it is a huge mistake to not include teachers in the process of reforming education at the level of the Ministry of Education. Also the lack of quality in training English teachers, in particular, can change considerably the teaching practice as declared by Bader & Hamada (2015) earlier. Whether intentionally or unintentionally, there is an attempt by teachers to teach the culture they think goes with their teaching objectives regardless of what is suggested by the educational ministries. Due to the flexibility of teaching English at the level of higher education context, however, it is more prevalent that teaching is oriented towards target-culture teaching. We will give examples of how the educational reforms moved considerably through different ages of change and cite some textbooks that teachers use in class. The focus, however, will be more on textbooks of English in schools due to the fixedness of teaching culture. This is to see whether what is depicted in the English teaching curricula and learners’ perspectives of culture matches the cultures of textbooks.

4.2 T  he Hierarchy of Cultural Concepts in Some Algerian English Textbooks France made little efforts to convert the Muslims of Algeria to Christianity, but she did try to replace their language by her own, and she did so hastily and without bestowing real citizenship in exchange…This is one of many

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tragic examples. I haven’t the space to describe in details all the disadvantages such people have to endure even today…. (Maalouf, 2003, p. 133)

It is of a great significance to mention that imperialism of language and culture in Algeria has started and is still taking place with whatever is French. This is indeed the focal point of all imperial discussions about language or culture in Algeria. Many scholars (Rezig, 2011; Benrabah, 1999, 2004, 2013; Boudalia Greffou, 1989; Entelis, 1981; Taleb Ibrahimi, 1981 and many others) made ‘astonishing’ claims about the power of the French language in Algeria and how it influenced everything, including education (more details of this in Chaps. 1 and 2). Besides the French dominance on education, we shed light on the type of cultural imperialism that is linked to the spread of English language. Having said that, we show, in this section, some examples of the French imperialism on education before discussing the cultural conceptual representations in English textbooks. Despite the current government intention to move towards English language teaching instead, the French language is still well-rooted in education. More than 50% of communication between ministries of education in Algeria is done through the French language, especially in the Ministry of Higher Education. A very high French linguistic repertoire is the base of communication with different elite positions at universities; therefore, someone who does not understand French language may feel a little embarrassed when addressed through it. Benrabah (2013) avows that French language and culture were taught to be superior to the locals’ during the French colonisation. Indeed, French language is superior to Arabic in the minds of people who drawl using it. It was and still a sign of development and civilisation of its users in Algeria. Almost all the scientific branches, practices and teachings are taught using French. The irony is that learners who move newly to university experience a cultural and a linguistic shock (especially within science majors) because they are taught through the Arabic language in secondary schools. One of the astonishing, bizarre, and mind-blowing statements to be heard in the teaching context of higher education was made by the head of Science and Technology Faculty in one of the Algerian universities about the failure of his university students in exams. The essential cause for learners

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(who are essentially from other cities and the South of Algeria) to not succeed at university is that they are not even used to listen or watch French products that can help them master the French language fluently through which all the studies are displayed (Elbilad TV, 2017). Therefore, the reason of failure in exams is attributed to learners lack of mastering the French language. There are some reasons that led us to emphasise more on the English teaching practice as detailed in the curricula and textbooks of middle and secondary schools. The first and foremost reason is the dreadful spread of English in the world and Algeria. We would like to stress on the effects of global English on the teaching of English in Algerian schools. Second, the teaching of English at the level of universities can, transparently, be seen through the French teaching practices in many other subjects. One should ask, if the French language is legitimatised in teaching many scientific-­based subjects, would target culture be not difficultly legitimised? What can be inferred through the previous statement is that imperialism can be more transparently read through the teaching practices of English and other subjects at universities. Third, the phases of schooling (primary, middle, and secondary schools) are the basics and the ground floor for learners if evidently proven to target what it claims it targets as far as culture is concerned. Fourth, there is a state of autonomy in designing textbooks of English, particularly, opposed to the teaching materials in university English classes that imposes an urge to import what is ready-made. Therefore, we can systematically judge what is locally designed and suggest further recommendation than to evaluate what is foreign and culturally biased already. Having said all that, it does not mean that cultural and linguistic imperialism affect only English classes in schools and universities, but there are some issues with even primary school educational programmes. In her book L’école Algérienne de Ibn Badis à Pavlov, Boudalia Greffou (1989), and in various television meetings, reveals many facts about primary educational programmes as she links their content to a pure conditioning learning outcomes using the behaviourism method of teaching that, she claims, participated, enormously, in the deterioration of Algerian schools. She also argues, in different TV shows, that

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the teaching books that Algerian children are taught with in schools are designed by a French publishing company and referenced by the European Union. The samples of textbooks that we show in this section are just examples of how education in general and teaching English in particular are affected by different cultural ideologies which may negatively impact learners’ intake. We explore two textbooks in secondary school. The last years secondary school textbooks (second year and third year). The reason of this selection is that English is introduced in the middle school to Algerian students, and therefore less matured cultural interaction might be expected (although there is a clear western cultural, namely UK and USA, dominance in the middle school textbooks as shown in Messekher’s (2014) study about cultural representations in Algerian English textbooks). More impacts of culture could be registered in higher levels of secondary schools than in middle schools.

4.2.1 Getting Through All the discussions and page quotation are taken from the second year secondary school English textbook authored by Riche et al. (2009). As these two textbooks (Getting Through and New Prospects) are just samples of how culture is integrated in Algerian textbooks, there are other examples of cultural implementation in English textbooks in middle schools (see Messekher, 2014, on culture in middle school English textbooks). There could be other examples within the French textbooks or other subjects. Our attempt to demystify the use of culture in education may allude to other far more areas of teaching and not just English, bearing in mind the French language use in most of the scientific subjects at the Algerian universities. A cursory glance at Table 4.1 shows four major regional cultural representations that are dominant in the second year secondary school English textbook: Algerian, western, UK and USA. Despite the similar number of cultural representations between Algerian and western cultures, the Algerian cultures seem to be profoundly presented and reflected

Cultural products (pictures mainly, food, traditions, sayings, behaviours, places, songs, texts to describe culture, laws, stamps, maps, architecture, inventions, scholars) Cultural concepts (ideas, beliefs, assumptions) Culturally biased tasks (activities, texts, passages with questions) Total 1

25 3

47

1

48

4

7

17 2

12

35

25

1

1

4

6

17

32

8

7

17

1

1

6

4

2

4

1

3

3

2

1

Cultural representations in the North 3rd year English textbook Algerian Islamic African Western UK Asian USA Arab Comparison African Latin

Table 4.1  Type and frequency of cultural representations by region in the second year secondary school textbook of English (Getting Through)

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throughout activities given to students at the end of each learning sequence, especially in Unit One (pages: 14–35). Other units lose this feature quickly to western cultures most often. Table 4.1 appears to show a balance between Algerian and western cultures, which may seem plausible compared with Table 4.2. Another appealing indication of culture is the dominance of American cultures compared to British cultures although English implemented in Algerian English textbook is more of an RP variety of spoken and written English (this can be seen clearly throughout the phonetic transcriptions of words, see pages: 15, 37, 59, 79, 99, 119, 138 and 159). The second row of Table 4.1 shows the representations of cultural products. There are equal cultural product representations throughout three countries: Algeria, UK and the USA. However, in fact, more Algerian cultural products should be more present instead. A very well representation of Algerian cultural products can be seen in Unit One where the opening of the Unit shows a picture, on page 15, of Ramadan nights in a beautifully painted picture that the mosque in the picture seems to communicate something spiritual to the nights of that month. The paragraph in page 19 describes an Algerian student’s life in Kasbah that is very much depicted in Algerian cultures. The only issue with these cultural products is that the type of culture displayed in the paragraph is reductionist (or egocentric as explained in Chap. 1), describing a minority of Algerians. Maybe most of Algerian students heard about Kasbah, but most of them do not know it nor felt its significance at a period of time during their life. So the polemic property of culture lies not in presenting western, American, or British alone but in a positivist view of Algerian cultures as well. There are more Algerian cultural products (some of them with concepts, discussed in the next paragraph) in the textbook that can be found in some pages: 24–25, 44, 59, 72, 103, 109 and 112. The representation of the other cultural products is very congruent with the national reference of designing curricula in Unit One. Western cultural products seem trivial to the Unit as students are to learn different manifestations of their cultures with little reference to other cultures that come at the end of the Unit, in contrast to other units where the western cultures seem to be central to the learning process. As a matter of fact, Unit One does not show any western cultural products except 3 at the

5

1

6

2

1

3

61

14

7

40

24 2

6

16 2

25

9

6

10

1

1

16

11

5

1

1

5

5

North Algerian Islamic African Western UK Asian USA Latin Comparison African Unidentified

7 Cultural products (pictures mainly, songs, poems, banknotes, educational systems, names, cultural notes, proverbs) Cultural concepts (ideas, beliefs, assumptions) 9 Cultural productions (culturally biased tasks, activities, texts, passages with questions) Total 16

Cultural representations in the 3rd year English textbook

Table 4.2  Type and frequency of cultural representations by region in the third year secondary school textbook of English (New Prospects)

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end of the Unit. The Unit project focuses on Egyptian cultural products summarised in civilisation achievements. This Unit should be an example of how English textbooks can be designed instead. A heavy manifestation of western (including UK and USA) cultural products, for example, can be seen in different pages throughout the textbook: 48, 49, 53, 54, 55, 57, 63, 68, 76, 99, 106, 117, 122, 144, and 170. Some of them are difficult to understand and process by students which may negatively impact learning. An example of this is the British poem on page 164 that students are instructed to learn it by heart. The graph on page 170 which shows the percentage of American women business owners 1987–1996 communicates very little value to students. On page 68, students are encouraged to write a presentation by which they describe and advertise for a house solar system by promoting its advantages. The picture of the house shown in the textbook is a western house equipped with solar system panels. ‘How can students imagine a solar system equipped home that is different from theirs?’ is a question that puts the cognitive process of learning in a spotlight. Besides, the imagination starts from what students have in their surroundings and environment. It is a difficult task indeed to ask them to advertise a solar system that they have never seen or witnessed working before. Although the exercise denotes a cultural production, learners seem to be encouraged to produce English that does not serve their needs, interests and their daily life experiences. It could be easier and less cognitively demanding for learners to reflect on a house with solar system that resembles what they see in reality. The third row in the table shows cultural concepts. There are two major regional cultural concepts presented in the textbook: Algerian and American cultural concepts with more American cultural concepts represented than the Algerian ones. One of the profound Algerian cultural concept is found on page 129 where a group of people holding traditional meals heading towards survivors of an earthquake of Boumerdes to show solidarity with victims. This event is very memorable in Algerian memory where an earthquake impacted the area of Boumerdes province causing a lot of casualties and damage to infrastructure. In contrast, page 138 shows an extra-terrestrial character being welcomed by an American on earth which is more of an advertisement of the American science fiction movies of space and invading space. The picture delivers a high

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cultural concept enclosed in the belief of Americans that there is extraterrestrial life. On a different concept depicted in page 144, a space aircraft in a mission is faced by Martians on Mars. Compared to the Algerian cultural concept as shown in page 24–25 which is a concept of eating habit in Algeria, the concept on page 144 is more culturally profound denoting an advertisement of thoughts into reality. Another comparison denotes the imbalance presentation of Algerian and USA cultural concepts. Page 57 displays a song that communicates a lot of war concepts about American politics that proudly talk about ‘restoring’ dictators by declaring wars on certain countries. Page 178 contains a text that discusses free economy in the United States advertising for less restrictions on economy from the government stating that ‘freedom cannot be absolute’ (Riche et al., 2009, p. 178). Comparing these cultural concepts with an Algerian cultural concept on page 92 that talks about the interpretation of dreams in Algerian society show unbalanced conceptualisation of cultural concepts. In a matter of which cultural concepts could be advertised and spread universally, they are, without a doubt, the American cultural concepts in the textbook. There is a biased conceptualisation of culture as concepts do not share the same effects and influences on learners. Concepts that are supported by a wide range of cultural support from media and cinematic production have a greater impact, by far, than the local folklore practices that do not even survive in the local cultures. What may complicate this further is the dominant presence of American cultures at the expense of Algerian and British (as learners are supposed to learn the RP variety of English and, then, if there is a cultural imperialism, it might arguably and unsurprisingly be in line with British cultures). The fourth row shows culturally biased tasks that revolve, largely, about Algerian cultures. Twenty-five culturally biased exercise display values and assumptions about Algerians compared to 12, 7, and 8 for western, UK and USA cultures. This is the only row in the table that genuinely reflect the national reference guidance on how culture in textbook should resolve to. There are different types of exercises in the textbook that range from simple short tasks of pronunciation, punctuation and intonation to Unit projects that students are required to carry out at the end of each unit. It is, however, more appealing for students to conduct exercises that represent their culture that can help them to be more creative and

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imaginary. The following example can demystify the use of local cultures in exercises for learners. Imagine that you are asked to write a paragraph/ an essay about the impact of pollution on the wild life/environment/surroundings. Students are given two choices: one is to write about the global effects of pollution or to write about the local effects of pollution which students are more familiar with and can write excessively about. Therefore, the outnumbered tasks that are representing Algerian cultures can be more influential and beneficial to students to validate and easily retain the learning input. Examples of these tasks in the textbook include Unit projects on pages 72 and 92. On page 72, students are asked to write a conservative plan of mainly natural resources in the towns where learners live. On page 92, learners are asked to write a sheet report on how local inhabitants interpret dreams. These two exercises are of great learning resources to students due to the familiarity on the topic of research and genuine productivity. On the other hand, one western culturally biased task example is found on page 106 where students are asked some questions about the Grimm’s Fairy Tales. Another example of UK culturally biased tasks is on page 139 where learners are asked about Herbert George Wells’ science fiction novels. A USA culturally biased task could be well-established in page 144 where learners are asked to fill in the gaps with adjectives that describe Steve Spielberg and his Star Wars movie. Although some of the UK, USA or western culturally biased tasks may denote a cultural concept, the local Algerian culturally biased projects seem to be more time consuming and important for learners than the ones we have cited. Unit projects require profound research and therefore more time and efforts spent on understanding the cultural values of learners’ societies and practices. Now that we have displayed some cultural presentations of the textbook, we have to check the theoretical framework of culture in the English curriculum of second year, secondary school. Among the cultural objectives that are stated in the curriculum is to make learners aware and open-minded about the Anglophone cultures. Stimuler la curiosité de l’apprenant et contribuer à son ouverture d’esprit en l’exposant à divers contextes de civilisation et en l’intéressant à la culture anglophone (anglaise, américaine, africaine) plus particulièrement. (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2006a, p. 5)

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Translated as: stimulate the learner’s curiosity and contribute to his openness by exposing him to various contexts of civilisation with a particular interest in English-speaking culture. (English, American, African)

There is a clear mismatch between what is implemented in the textbook and what is stated in the English curriculum of second year. There are only 4 cultural representations of Africa compared to 47 western cultural representations that are not even mentioned in the curriculum of cultural objectives. The national reference also indicates different values to be integrated in subjects’ curricula and textbooks (i.e. national belonging, Islamic belonging and other cultures that do not oppose the local values) that are of little value in ‘Getting Through’ textbook. For instance, there are only 4 cultural representations of Islamic cultures. Furthermore, raising learners’ awareness towards Anglophone cultures should be in parallel with local cultures. This is to allow more critical thinking of learners and deepen learners’ understanding of their cultural belongings. It is worth mentioning that second year and third year curricula of English at secondary school share the same opening theme of the teaching purposes depicted in the first three paragraphs on the introduction titled ‘The Teaching Purposes of English in Secondary School’. The use of so-called universal culture (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2006a, 2006b) may explain dominance of the western cultural values in the textbook. It is still, however, not clear what is meant by universal culture and who does it represent. If by universal, they mean western (whatever western may resolve to), then this goes with what is stated in the teaching curricula.

4.2.2 New Prospects Table 4.2  shows the types and the frequency of cultural representations in the third year textbook of English. All the discussions and the information are obtained from Arab et al. (2008) who authored the New Prospects textbook. It contains three major types of cultures: cultural products, cultural concepts and cultural productions for learners. The reason behind such analysis is to demystify the role of culture in English

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textbooks and reference its presence with what is constitutionally stated in the national reference of designing curricula (Table 4.2). We first discuss the cultural products as presented in the textbook and compare them with local or referential (Islamic) cultural products. The first glance on the second row shows a clear dominance of Western, British and American cultures over Algerian culture and other cultures. Fourteen cultural products are represented in forms of pictures, songs, idioms, proverbs, and poems compared to Algerian cultural products that are merely pictures of institutions or celebrities. For example, the picture on page 121 denotes more of a cultural etiquette of eating at home which also implies an implicit concept. Another picture of a celebrity Cindy Crawford on page 123 advertising for a watch carries a lot of cultural assumptions to be sold for students. On the other hand, a picture of some Algerian celebrities on page 166 ‘Beyouna and Salah Aougrout’ is barely representing anything cultural. Furthermore, the picture on page 74, on Algerian cultural products, shows a group of Algerian students in a university library. There is a substantial unbalanced way of presenting the cultural products with reference to western or UK, USA countries where they are more culturally biased and expressing, aiming for a more implicit conceptualised attitude of the target culture societies. For songs, all the songs presented in the textbook as cultural products are Western or USA, UK songs with no reference at all to any Algerian or even Arabo-Islamic song (see pages, 44, 73,105, 134, 164 and 195). On a further note, a very profound picture, on page 152, shows a snapshot from ET (the extra-terrestrial) movie where a boy faces an extra-terrestrial character. Two major things are promoted in the picture: one is the movie and second is the idea that Americans believe in outer space creatures descending to earth through UFOs. There is a selling process of an idea (more of a culture we would say) at the expense of the local cultures through that picture. In Unit Three that talks about schools: different and alike, no main reference is made to the Algerian educational system. On page 79, there is a paragraph about the US educational system; on page 82, there is explanation about the educational degrees in the UK with one reference to Algerian educational system; a text details the UK educational system in pages 83–84; on page 97, there is a chart diagram of the US

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educational system and pages 98–100 display a text about the US educational system. In the final Unit project, page 103, learners are asked to do a project comparing between Algerian and British educational systems. There is a clear assumption (from book designers) that Algerian learners may have been familiar with the Algerian educational system, but in reality, majority might not. To understand the ‘other’ culture, one has to be fully aware of his/hers. We do not display all the cultural products presented in the textbook, but rather we take some samples and analyse them with comparison to the representation of culture in the national reference of designing curricula. The third row in the table shows the cultural concepts depicted in the textbook. In total, there are thirteen cultural concepts that share ideas and beliefs of the western and the American cultures. Surprisingly enough, there is no cultural concepts that communicate Algerian cultures nor the Islamic backgrounds of students. On page 30, a very telling picture shows a conversation with two people. The grown man addresses a statement to the young man saying: ‘sorry, but you are one of the many contradictions of our modern civilization, Jack!’. The young man replies: ‘sport? I hate sport!’ (Arab et al., 2008, p. 30). The picture shows a young man with many sport brands (Nike, Adidas and Reebok). The cultural concept hidden behind is related to, first and foremost, the life style of the western societies through clothes. It delivers an idea that young generations are moving forward to a freestyle life (exemplified in clothing) that do not necessarily reflect the physical appearance. On the other hand, the picture shows that it is ok to wear sportive brands without thinking of being sportsman. It might be possible that quite recently, people used to be thoughtful of their physical appearance that could reflect their social status, but it is more of a fashion to wear sport brands. There is a clear expansion of cultural ideologies and free advertisement of ideas and assumptions (which could be quickly consumed) that serve certain imperial ideologies at the expense of the local cultures. On page 60, a very critical and controversial process of cloning a sheep is displayed. This process is included as part of a research assignment to show variability of research. Regardless of controversial religious opinions about cloning (see Sadeghi, 2015; Ghaly, 2010; Moosa, 2003), it conveys a scientific and more cultural belief of how humans are made/created.

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However, how learners will accept/buy the idea depends very much on their cultural perspectives. The picture shows the cloning process of Dolly in a scientific cover. In fact, it is more culturally biased sharing a deep subliminal concept that there is a possible way of producing humans and animals than the existing image learners may have on creation. In a sense, it challenges their beliefs and proposes alternatives. Another cultural concept of lobbying is depicted in a conversation between two American businessmen with a suitcase of interests observing a protest near the Congress about providing jobs to poor Americans. ‘It’s awful the way they’re trying to influence Congress. Why don’t they serve cocktails and make campaign contributions to senators as we do?’, one of them says (Arab et al., 2008, p. 70). Protest is for poor people but elite and rich people have money as a tool to influence making politics in the USA which is a cultural politically based practice that is now expending in different countries. The fourth row in the table shows the cultural productions of learners through different culturally biased tasks. There is the same number of cultural productions between Algeria and the USA (9 each) with fourteen cultural production tasks of western cultures. The number of cultural productions of the USA and western cultures should not be equal to the local cultures as learners should learn English that represent their interests and needs. However, it seems more logical and compliant with the ‘globalised’ purpose of teaching English in Algeria in the sense that more western cultures dominate the cultural products and concepts. It makes more sense that these cultures are put to recognition and research by learners. On page 76, learners should hear a conversation between Mr. Harris and the headmaster of the school where Mr. Harris’ son is schooled. Learners are required to listen and consider the ideas presented in the conversation as they should answer some questions about it at the end. The conversation draws on how parents seek advice from school officials in the UK and learners are supposed to reflect on that through answering few questions. In the final project, learners are asked to carry a comparison research between the Algerian and the British educational systems, page 103, although the Algerian educational system was not presented at all in Unit Three except for some rare comparison questions at the end of a listening or a reading passage. Another cultural production for learners

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is cited in exercise two, page 153. Learners are supposed to listen to a radio talk where Mr. Henshaw expresses his beliefs and ideas about extra-­ terrestrial life and intelligence. There are high positive assumptions from Mr. Henshaw that show there is extra-terrestrial existence and may, one day, come into contact with inhabitants of earth. The role of learners is to answer questions about Mr. Henshaw’s beliefs and discuss them. One of the Algerian cultural productions students should do is found on page 42 as an alternative option of making the profile of an ancient civilisation where they were given an option to search for a regional cultural heritage known to students and report it. As seen in the previous paragraphs, most of the cultural presentations and the cultural productions carry a cultural concept. While the representation of Algerian cultures in this textbook is more simple and less influential, the western cultures (including the UK and the US cultures) are more profound and expressive through the implicit or explicit cultural values they share. An appealing quote from the educational programme (curriculum) of the English third year secondary level may explain it all: Le but de l’enseignement de l’anglais est d’aider notre société à s’intégrer harmonieusement dans la modernité en participant pleinement et entièrement à la communauté linguistique qui utilise cette langue pour tous types d’interaction. Cette participation, basée sur le partage et l’échange d’idées et d’expériences scientifiques, culturelles et civilisationnelles, permettra une meilleure connaissance de soi et de l’autre. L’on dépassera ainsi une conception étroite et utilitariste de l’apprentissage de l’anglais pour aller vers une approche plus offensive où l’on ne sera plus consommateur mais acteur et agent de changement. Ainsi chacun aura la possibilité d’accéder à la science, la technologie et la culture universelle tout en évitant l’écueil de l’acculturation. (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2006b, p. 3) Translated as: the purpose of teaching English is to help our society to integrate harmoniously into modernity by participating fully and entirely to the linguistic community which uses this language for all types of interaction. This participation, based on sharing and exchange of scientific, cultural and civilisational ideas and experiences, will allow better knowledge of yourself and others. This will exceed one narrow and utilitarian conception of learning English to move towards a more offensive approach where

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we will no longer be consumers but actors and change agent. So everyone will have the opportunity to access science, technology and universal culture while avoiding the pitfall of acculturation. Stimuler la curiosité de l’apprenant et contribuer à son ouverture d’esprit en l’exposant à divers contextes de civilisation et en l’intéressant plus particulièrement à la culture anglophone (anglaise, américaine, africaine, indienne, australienne, canadienne, néo-zélandaise, etc.). (Ministere de L’Education Nationale, 2006b, p. 5) Translated as: stimulate the curiosity of the learner and contribute to his open-mindedness by exposing him to various contexts of civilisation and by particularly interesting him in the English-speaking culture. (English, American, African, Indian, Australian, Canadian, New Zealand, etc.)

‘By participating fully and entirely to the linguistic community which uses this language for all types of interaction’. This statement expresses clearly the aim and the scope of teaching English to third year students. A realisation of this aim is very well shown in the textbook cultural representations that are by far in favour of western cultural concepts instead. ‘Will allow a better knowledge of yourself and others’ may not very much be seen through the improvisation of culture in the textbook; there is hardly a better knowledge about ourselves or students. The dominance, then, of western cultural values and products is referred to as ‘universal culture’ that each student has the right to access at the expense of the local cultures. Another misconduct of cultural representation as stated in the curriculum ‘to expose the learner to different cultures’ is also hardly seen in the textbook. Clearly, there are many mismatches between what is constituted in the national reference (i.e. national belonging, Islamic belonging and other cultures that do not oppose the local values) and what is represented in the textbook. For example, the Islamic belonging of students is shown in three occasions only throughout the entire textbook. Many questions should be asked with reference to the cultural content of textbooks. Why is there a mismatch between what is stated in the national reference to design curricula, and what is outlined in textbooks? Who is responsible for this? Why is there a neglect of what is local at the expense of other cultural values?

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4.3 Cultural Universalism Whether we like it or not, there are threats of globalisation in different fields of study, and culture is one of them. However, these threats seem not to be taken on a serious measure by gate keepers and decision-makers in countries where English is a brand to sell. The threat has found its way towards education and teaching English in particular where there is a high tendency towards imperialism and ‘global culture’. At this point, we can distinguish two types of teachers, gatekeepers and decision-makers: the ones who strictly manage to supervise and monitor materials that teachers use in class with an appraisal eye and the ones that praise the act of globalising the cults of teaching and culture. Either ways, this is, very much, an example of a country with strict borders that subjects the motives of individuals who come in to an evaluative judgment and a country that does not sift through its borders and loses its sovereignty to the flow of foreign ideologies. In the most reasonable situations, there is a move towards a unitary approach of culture in teaching English as a second or foreign language. This universal cultural ideology of culture is widely spread in countries that are less developed. In the tables that we have discussed, there are clear signs of American cultures in the books we showed although it is the RP variety of English that students are supposed to learn in class, assuming that any cultural imperialism could be in line with the British cultural values. However, the sign of Americanisation is a worldwide phenomenon and not only in Algeria. Daghrir (2013) claims that there are universal concerns that local cultures and languages are dissolving into the American cultural values. In his book, Americanization of the British Press 1830s–1914, Wiener (2011) expresses the fear of the British media to be influenced, and ideologically dominated, by the American cultural values. So, there is no question about “is there an Americanisation cultural process?” but rather why and how this can go beyond borders. First of all, to answer the why question, we should refer to the historical aspects that made the USA one of the leading countries after WWII. The huge amount of resources Americans obtained and the political and economic dominance allowed many torsional arms to surround the world with different imperial ideologies. The power of media and film

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production are one of the major means that spread, largely, American cultures. Dreier (1982) conducted a research that shows the sources of the USA power structure through which mass media and press are of a great interest. The issue may not lie in how much dominance we are subjected to but rather in how we can overcome the wave of imperialism in our societies. This is an element that we explain in Chap. 4. The how question is also of an important value to be discussed. This is very much dependent on the phenomenological prospects and educational ideologies that each country sets its goals on. For Algeria, it is more of a ‘universal culture’ to be implemented throughout the secondary English teaching level. The Latin proverb ‘unless a serpent devour a serpent it will not become a dragon. Unless one power absorbs another, it will not become great’ explains how imperialism can be ideologically spread and fed by countries who claim no resistance to American or western ideologies. Perhaps in Algeria, more talks are on the French imperialism rather than the American imperialism although the French in Algeria went beyond the linguistic and the cultural perspective to interfere in decision-making as discussed in Chap. 5. Without looking at who to blame, the victims are exclusively students at different levels of schooling. The signs and symptoms of a universal culture in shades of American cultures are quickly outbreaking, and students in particular are embracing the new definition of culture and global western influence. However, having said that, it is the commitment of gatekeepers to put a shield against the imperial waves that target education in general and English teaching in particular.

4.3.1 T  owards a Unitary Model of Culture: Blames and Resistance Indeed, there are many examples and signs of a universal culture where every other local culture is dissolved under a big theme of American or western culture. In education, a steady direction that dictates the principles of teaching and methods that should be followed in class is

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emerging. This is an attribute of imperialism in education. Prabhu (1990) asserts that there is no good or bad teaching method but rather it depends on the teaching context. That is, every class is unique and requires a specific attention and necessities for special teaching outcomes. Take, for example, English teaching; different classes may require different teaching tools and methods with regard to the teaching outcomes sought. There are, however, different reasons that contribute in building such ‘a universal’ model of culture and the role of teachers to accept and validate it in their classes as we have explained previously. The use of culture that implies imperial purposes is supported, most often, by the use of ‘unchecked’ teaching approaches such as the communicative approach and the use of authenticity in teaching. Authenticity, according to Lehman et al. (2018), is something that is genuine and real. Authentic materials in communicative approach are materials that are designed for real-life purposes and not teaching, and this includes text (Esfandiari & Gawhary, 2019) and spoken materials. The issue here is for whom these materials are suitable, considering the fact that they are designed by and for native speakers of English. The loads of cultural assumptions communicated through authentic materials as depicted in the communicative approach help the foundation of a unitary model of culture in teaching English. However, the use of authentic materials by teachers who do not sift through what and what not to teach as authentic materials help the spread of such types of cultural dominance in English teaching contexts. The use of target culture-based teaching materials and ready-made materials is another issue that encourages the implementation of target cultural assumptions and promote the use of such universal model of culture. Due to these reasons, the signs and the features of universal culture model is legitimised. Many cultural traits are legitimised in societies where English is taught as second or foreign language. For instance, dating as a western concept is more of a cultural concept in Algeria than a taboo as used to be perceived in the recent past. What is considered a taboo now is someone else’s freedom. The universal model of culture in teaching is to break barriers of local cultures and promote the supremacy of the white man’s values as explained in Chap. 2.

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Any attempt to apportion the blame evenly among teachers, decision-­ makers and gatekeepers is not a fair treat. It is clear that these are the three elements to be blamed for the imperial cultural superiority in education in general and English teaching in particular but with different degree of responsibilities. This is the tripartite circle that is supposed to ensure a good education and preserve the national pillars that shape the identity of students in Algeria. Decision-makers should be the first shield against any attempt of adapting any imperial thoughts and programmes of education that go opposed the national reference set by the Ministry of Education. As we have explained previously, the national reference seems to be, very much, congruent with the Algerian educational contexts and cultures. However, as we have seen in Tables 4.1 and 4.2, a divergence from the national manuscript is transparent in the English curricula that we displayed. Therefore, the onus is, largely, on the Ministry of Education or any Ministerial Institution that is in charge of education in Algeria to protect education from foreign imperial powers that viciously target vulnerable and less rigorous countries. Richards (2001) explains the importance of monitoring the teaching materials that teachers use in language teaching. He (2001) avows that students’ reviews of teaching materials are very important to monitor the teaching materials in language classes. This is, for decision-makers, to see how far the teaching materials are successfully implemented. This step might not be found in assessing the textbooks that the Ministry of Education uses for English classes at the level of secondary school. Asking the following question may help the assessment of the textbooks with reference to learners’ cultural backgrounds: how far are the cultural backgrounds of learners implemented in the textbooks of English at the level of secondary schools or middle schools in Algeria? If students were included in the evaluation of the teaching materials, it could have been a good attempt to negotiate the dos and the don’ts of culture in textbooks. This is one of the flaws that the Ministry of Education should be blamed for. Instead of having learners’ point of views for the teaching materials and maybe furthermore into the implementation of English curricula, there is what is called ‘the national committee’. As claimed by Mokatel (2016), the committee is responsible over the theoretical part of implementing a curriculum with its political

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and ideological prospects rather than what is actually happening in the educational context. Gatekeepers can stand for more than one educational institution. They could be individuals or institutions that apply the principles of the teaching curricula in Algeria. Gatekeepers are also an essential part of the educational systems in both ministries of education in Algeria. Part of the responsibility is on the fact that gatekeepers can change, to some extent, the implementations of the curricula principles if needed. If the concept of culture communicated through textbooks or the teaching curricula is not consistent with what learners are familiar with, they may diverge to a better safe side of teaching. Furthermore, they are the ones who reflect the implementation of the curricula and they can report the disadvantages to the Ministry of Education if negative learning outcomes are recorded. Teachers, on the other hand, are the dynamic axe of the learning process. They can see wide range of perspective from a vantage point of teaching which includes: teaching, learning, implementations, learners’ interaction and involvement in class, and most importantly the gaps of the curricula and teaching materials. Any attempt of excluding them from the evaluation and the assessment of curricula or teaching materials is a big step towards the failure of the educational system. On a different note, teachers are also liable for the deterioration of education in Algeria due to different reasons. One of the reasons is that they have the power to change the teaching context in class if they want to. The change here is partial and not total. They can resist the imperial thoughts communicated through curricula and textbooks via decision-makers and gatekeepers. Some argue that teachers are not to blame under their duties which oblige them to implement whatever is communicated to them as the issue lies within decision-makers and gatekeepers; however, they take part in what happens today in Algerian education. Pointing the finger of accusation can help determine who does what, but building on the current situation to suggest solutions or exits from the polemic concept of culture in education is highly recommended.

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References Arab, S. A., Riche, B., & Bensemmane, M. (2008). New prospects: Secondary education, year three. The National Authority for School Publications, Algiers, 30, 70. Bader, F., & Hamada, H. (2015). Competency based approach: Between theory and practice. Revue Sciences Humaines A, 44, 07–19. Belgoumri, A. (2011). ‫ هل من حل؟‬:‫مشكلة التعليم يف الجزائر‬. Retrieved May 15, 2020, from https://belgoumri-­ahmed.blogspot.com/2011/10/blog-­post_8463.html Benrabah, M. (1999). Langue et pouvoir en Algérie: histoire d’un traumatisme linguistique. Séguier. Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10(4), 59–78. Benrabah, M. (2013). Language conflict in Algeria: From colonialism to post-­ independence (p. xi). Multilingual Matters. Boudalia Greffou, M. (1989). L’école Algérienne de Ibn Badis à Pavlov. Laphomic. Bouherar, S. (2020). Home cultures and idiom processing: A short cut to encyclopaedic assumptions of idioms. European Scientific Journal, 16(8), 31–61. Canagarajah, A. S. (1999). Resisting linguistic imperialism in English teaching. Oxford University Press. Daniels, H. (2007). Pedagogy. In H. Daniels, M. Cole, & J. V. Wertsch (Eds.), The Cambridge companion to Vygotsky (pp. 307–331). Cambridge University Press. Daghrir, W. (2013). Globalisation as Americanization? Beyond the conspiracy theory. Journal of Applied Physics, 5(2), 19–24. Dreier, P. (1982). The position of the press in the U.S. power structure. Social Problems, 29(3), 298–310. Elbilad TV. (2017). ‫رئيس جامعة باب الزوار بالجزائر العاصمة يربر أسباب ارتفاع نسبة الرسوب يف السنة األوىل‬. Retrieved May 15, 2020, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= f6uMd8cuWcc Entelis, J. P. (1981). Elite political culture and socialization in Algeria: Tensions and discontinuities. Middle East Journal, 35(2), 191–208. Esfandiari, M., & Gawhary, M. W. (2019). From genuineness to finder authenticity in communicative language teaching. International Journal of English and Cultural Studies, 2(1), 36–42. Ghaly, M. (2010). Human cloning through the eyes of Muslim scholars: The new phenomenon of the Islamic international religioscientific institutions. Zygon, 45(1), 7–35.

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Green, S. (2020). Scaffolding academic literacy with low-proficiency users of English. Palgrave Macmillan. Lehman, D. W., O’Connor, K., Kovacs, B., & Newman, G. E. (2018). Authenticity. Academy of Management Annals, 13(1), 1–42. https://doi. org/10.1177/0741713607305939 Maalouf, A. (2003). In the name of identity: Violence and the need to belong. (B. Bray, Trans.). Penguin Books. Messekher, H. (2014). Cultural representations in Algerian English textbooks. In S. Garton & K. Graves (Eds.), International perspectives on materials in ELT (pp. 69–88). Palgrave Macmillan. Ministere de L’Education Nationale. (2005). Programme d’anglais deuxieme langue etrangere (première année secondaire). Ministere de L’Education Nationale. (2006a). Programme d’ Anglais deuxieme langue etrangere: deuxième année secondaire: 5. Ministere de L’Education Nationale. (2006b). Programme d’ Anglais deuxieme langue etrangere: troisieme année secondaire: 3, 5. Ministere de L’Education Nationale. (2009). ‫ معدلة وفق القانون‬:‫املرجعية العامة للمناهج‬ 2008 ‫ يناير‬23 ‫ املؤرخ يف‬04–08 ‫التوجيهي للرتبية رقم‬. Mokatel, L. (2016). ‫ دراسة ميدانية من وجهة نظر أساتذة‬:‫تقويم املناهج يف ظل اإلصالحات الرتبوية يف الجزائر‬ ‫ والية الوادي‬:‫التعليم املتوسط‬. MA thesis. Mohamed Khider University. Moosa, E. (2003). Human cloning in Muslim ethics. Voices Across Boundaries, 23–26. Prabhu, N. S. (1990). There is no best method-why? TESOL Quarterly, 24(2), 161–176. Rezig, N. (2011). Teaching English in Algeria and educational reforms: An overview on the factors entailing students failure in learning foreign languages at university. PRO, 29, 1327–1333. Richards, J. C. (2001). Curriculum development in language teaching. Cambridge University Press. Riche, B., Ameziane, H., Hami, H., Arab, S. A., & Bensemmane, M. (2009). Getting through: Secondary education, year two (2nd ed., p. 178). The National Authority for School Publications. Sadeghi, M. (2015). Islamic perspectives on human cloning. Human Reproduction & Genetic Ethics, 13(2), 32–40. Taleb Ibrahimi, A. (1981). De la decolonisation a la révolution culturelle (1962–1972). Societe Nationale d’Edition et de Diffusion. Wiener, J. H. (2011). Americanization of the British press, 1830s–1914: Speed in the age transatlantic journalism. Palgrave Macmillan.

5 An Appraisal View: Expertise Thoughts and Recommendations on Education and Resisting Imperialism in Algeria

This chapter reveals some views and thoughts of expertise on the educational system in Algeria with further suggestions and implications on how to resist the linguistic and the cultural imperialism rooted in the educational system. A wide range of participants’ backgrounds on the subject have been consulted to enrich the discussion and explore their tendencies towards a better educational route in Algerian. Experts, inspectors in the National Education Ministry, university teachers and students form a substantial part of this chapter with their experiences working with the current educational programmes to their suggestions to enhance the education through putting a leash on the ‘unchecked’ cultural balance between the local culture and the foreign ones. Because the previous chapters discussed various evidence and references that talk about the dominant powers of linguistic and cultural imperialism throughout history until the present time, more field work experiences and perspectives are needed to conform the theoretical evidence and provide further suggestions to the issue. Perhaps the special thing about this empirical part of the book is its unique and richness with regard to the different angles each participant speaks from. University lecturers and researchers may tackle the subject from a theoretical point © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8_5

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of view and give an analysis of the current educational system; however, inspectors, students and experts can give more practical issues with that matter. The participants are all Algerians and from different scattered areas in Algeria: south, north, east and west. This way of choosing participants (with regard to their positions and geographical distribution) can strengthen the reliability of the gathered data by ensuring diversity in perspectives and backgrounds of expertise. This chapter discusses two major thoughts: one is the practical issues with integrating imperial cultural and linguistic materials in education, and second is the recommendations of participants to move towards implementing mechanisms that resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algerian education.

5.1 Methodology The participants’ thoughts were gathered through a qualitative research method. Semi- structured interviews were used in this research. These interviews aim to unveil the nature of the educational system through a critical appraisal view of how culture is integrated in Algerian education. Furthermore, interviews with participants show relevant suggestions on how to improve the integration of culture in Algerian education in a way that can help learners and teachers to perform better in class. Also, one of the aims is to show and emphasise the importance of local cultures over the foreign ones and how they might promote better understanding of one’s and others’ cultures. This research follows the purposive selection of participants (Ritchie et al., 2003), as the research is exclusively relevant to individuals in the field of education. The purposive selection allows us, the researchers, to choose carefully who is an expert in the subject. Random selection of participants may not fit the purpose of the study under this section which is to unveil thoughts and experiences of people who are part of education such as teachers and inspectors or affected by education such as students. Semi-structured interviews are the best choice to explore the aim of this research. As the aim is to investigate methods of enhancing the educational system in Algeria through looking at how culture is integrated and find ways to resist imperialism, semi-structured interviews are a good

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research tool to elicit different thoughts and perspectives on that matter. Galletta (2013) claims that besides the unique feature of flexibility, semistructured interviews offer participants a great deal of negotiating meaning and creating new meanings with regard to the topic discussed. The structure of semi-structured interviews used in this research is as follows: there are three sections that categorise related questions together. Section One discusses questions related to historical cultural imperialism in colonised Algeria. The questions in this section reveal how imperialism started in Algeria through the social, linguistics and educational policies of the French colonisation. Section Two discusses questions with regard to the politics of language teaching after independence. It explores choices of language teaching and their impact on education. Section Three addresses recommendations and suggestion to revisit the concept of culture as improvised in the educational system. The nine participants of this research range from experts in the educational system, university teachers, inspectors and students. This is to enrich the discussion and record various thoughts, from different perspectives on the current situation of the educational system and improvisations on how to revisit the integration of language and culture in education. Participants were approached via e-mail due to the quarantine that was imposed by the Algerian government during the spread of coronavirus pandemic. One of the advantages of e-mail interviews is that they sustain a written record of interviews but are difficult to follow up with the clarity of interviews (Trimbur, 2011) because there is no face-to-face negotiation and discussion of ideas which can facilitate the process of interviewing. James & Busher (2012) avow that email interviews fall under asynchronous interviews that are conducted in non-real time. James & Busher (2006) also persist that participants under e-mail interviews have sufficient time to check and reflect on their answers before sending them to researchers. This facilitates data analysis as the researcher does not have to worry about transcribing the interviews. Data analysis follows a thematic analysis process of analysing interviews. We follow the thematic network of Attride-Sterling (2001). Attride-Sterling (2001) shows a specific thematic network of different levels of themes: global, organising and basic. Global themes are the

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general tenet of the whole data interviews, organising themes organise basic themes into clusters of similar content, and basic themes are the lowest hierarchal items in the network (Attride-Sterling, 2001). Anonymity of participants is highly important, and therefore pseudonyms are used instead of participants’ real names. Pseudonyms appear in the discussions throughout this chapter. These pseudonyms, as shown in Table 5.1, are linked with the position of participants (teachers, inspectors, experts, and students) to show their perspectives with regard to what they are committed to do (teaching, evaluating, inspecting or learning).

5.2 T  houghts and Indications of Imperialism in Algeria In this section, we discuss some issues of the educational system through the integration of French language and culture. An overview of what causes imperialism and how it is exemplified in education is the main feature of this section discussion. More practical insights on how to diminish imperialism can be found in Sect. 5.3—as we believe that it might not be possible to eradicate imperialism from its roots. Table 5.2 details the number of themes and the thematic network presented in basic themes that are underlined, organising themes are in italics, and global theme is in bold throughout the discussion process in this chapter. Table 5.1  Descriptions of participants

Pseudonym

Gender

Age

Position

Abdou Ali Houneida Malika Nouha Rached

Male Male Female Female Female Male

50 54 24 56 24 55

Sami Sarah

Male Female

40 30

Slimane

Male

59

Professor, university lecturer Professor, university lecturer University student Expert in education University student Inspector in the Ministry of National Education Dr, university lecturer PhD researcher in Algerian education Professor, university lecturer

Appendix numbering letters A B C D E F G H I

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Table 5.2  Organisation of themes Basic theme

Organising theme

Global theme

An extension of colonial education in Algeria’s current education. Living on the French education dependency. An unbiased objective: colonial French educational system in Algeria. Arabisation: a mean to restore or widen the gap of identity? The prevalent use of French language and culture in Algeria. Recommending the use of English instead of French. Signs of social and educational imperialism. French decision-making policies in Algerian status quo and education. Issues with the current educational system. Mitigating aspects of imperialism in education.

The incessant French educational system traces in Algeria.

Averting imperialism in Algerian education: evidence and challenges.

A tolerant colonial education.

Arabisation: a coin of two faces Encouraging English use to face the polemic French prevalence in Algeria.

From imperialism to sovereignty threat.

Imputations and implications to the current educational system.

5.2.1 Remnants of the French Education in Algeria The majority of the interviewed participants in this chapter claim that there still is the incessant French educational system traces in Algeria presented in the colonial educational system that is extended to the current Algerian educational system and blame the colonisation for the deterioration of education in Algeria. An extension of colonial education in Algeria’s current education presents a causal relationship between colonisation and Algeria’s current educational system. According to Abdou,

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there is an explicit blame on the colonisation for ‘the scientific delusion’ he calls as implemented in our education: ‘The scientific delusion that the French colonisation implemented in our societies and schools’ (Abdou, Appendix A). ‘The effects of the colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system are, therefore, mainly negative’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘The current educational system in Algeria is not ideal, it still has some traces of colonial curriculum’, ‘I think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system to a large extent for Algeria still lives in the aftermaths of colonisation’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘The impact of colonial education is still existing’, ‘The colonial period has shaped the current educational system’ (Rached, appendix F); ‘It is true that the colonial education helped a number of Algerians have some knowledge that helped in running the country after independence’, ‘The same generation with the colonial education is still in control of all institutions’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘The colonial period has most definitely affected the educational system in Algeria’, ‘One can say that the current education system is affected by the cultural hybridity, which is the result of colonial power’ (Sarah, Appendix H). The idea this theme communicates may not be surprisingly novel as the link of historical events can lead participants to claim the emulation of the Algerian educational system to the colonial one as an extension. This can be seen through the immense use of the French language in all institutions and administrations. Ali, who is a professor and a lecturer in one of the Algerian universities, avows that the ‘priority’ is given ‘to the French language instead of Arabic language’ (Ali, Appendix B). Sami, who is also a lecturer, states that ‘ the French schools who despise all what refers to the Arabic culture or language’ (Sami, Appendix G). This theme connects very well with the fifth organising theme from imperialism to sovereignty threat which is discussed in Subsect. 5.2.5. Confirming the claims of the mentioned participants, Khelfaoui (2003) claims that higher education, and perhaps the status quo, after independence was faced by a lack of political vision and decision to restore identity or to take the path of Simonian approach of modernisation. This shows that the French dominance after independence had affected largely all the Algerian policies outcomes. Regarding the desperate desire of the French

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to stay and settle in Algeria, them returning again after independence is no surprise. Heggoy (1973) puts it straight and explicit on how the French wanted to control everything including education: The attempt by France to control Algeria through the assimilation of Algerians into French culture was no more clearly demonstrated than in the field of education. The imposition of French educational norms and the denial to the Algerian of his legitimate cultural identity through controls of language, curriculum, and methods of instruction revealed the colonialist policy in its most destructive aspect. (Heggoy, 1973, p. 180)

Besides the negativity that can be seen in participants’ thoughts about the extension of colonial education in Algeria, the devastating outcomes it can have on the educational outputs are incessant. One of the outcomes is the dependency of Algerian education that lives under whatever is French-based designed. One might argue that this is a logical transaction of the historical events and policies into the education sector; however, it is more convincing if we shift the blame to an autonomous Algerian state which is, arguably, in control of its sovereign educational decisions. Living on the French education dependency is an inevitable outcome. However, what comes under the pretext of dependency can be more of an ailment that eats out the social values and cultural assumptions from inside out. The problem is deeper than the use of French language—or maybe culture, though Malika, who is an expert in Algerian education, strongly disagrees with that assertion—in the educational system or an import of French-designed materials. It is a struggle and a conflict of identity that perhaps does not appear into the surface of discussion sometimes. ‘There is a high dependency of universities in the way they operate through the use of French language and culture’, ‘to try to implement its programmes in Algeria to make the country subordinate to France in everything’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘the decision-makers further select the Franco-phonic local managers and curriculum designers’, ‘the latter decide the educational system based on their Franco-phonic background and education’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘the French language, along with French fundamentals, dominated the educational system in Algeria for so

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long since the beginning of the post-independence era and has continued to dominate it even after the Arabisation took place’, ‘the French educational system has not been proving fruitful lately’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘many training courses and workshops were organised by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to train Algerian inspectors to understand and apply the new concept of the basic language’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘the Algerian educational system still so much resembles the French system’, ‘education is oriented towards French since language is adapted as a mean to continue the culture’, ‘the current educational system is not stable nor autonomous’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘the educational system itself is highly influenced by the French system’, ‘the medium of instruction in the higher education sector, for example, is the French language for the scientific and technological domains’, ‘even in the pre-university sector, the different curricula are influenced by the French one’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘although we cannot deny the fact that the first stage from 1962 to 1970 was characterised by designing EFL textbooks for both French and Algerian students by the French Ministry of Education’ (Sarah, Appendix H). Sings of dependency exceed what is expected. Different implications on different levels are affected. Perhaps the first victory for French decision-­makers is to guarantee a spot on the world map where they resuscitate the use of French language rather than its maternal country, France. Not only that but users of French language in Algeria are made to feel privileged using that language. According to Sami, ‘if someone cannot read and write French correctly, then they are ignorant and incompetent regardless of their qualifications’ (Sami, Appendix G). It is, however, a bone of contention between scholars (Algerians) that the use of French culture is prevalent in Algeria although there are many practices that denote the existence of French culture in Algeria (e.g. the breakfast habit of having milk/coffee and croissant is a French heritage).1 It is not a culture of literature and arts but rather a culture that is secondary and inferior to whatever French considered noble and elite.

 Sessions (2011) asserts that Algeria during colonisation served as relative background for the political and social instability; it is more of a political culture that was indoctrinated. 1

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Of course, anyone who embraces a language in teaching assumes chances of cultural assumptions and practices of that language to occur, but this is not the case with Algeria. Malika, who has participated in different TV programmes in Algeria and published thoroughly about issues of education in Algeria, strongly oppose the idea that the French culture is disseminated in Algeria through the use of its language. ‘But for the French language used in our societies, is it a language that teaches the French culture as well?’ (Malika, Appendix D). She was questioning our ingenuous knowledge when she heard us saying ‘the French culture in Algeria’. In another phone call, we remember her saying, ‘I wish it was a French culture of Victor Hugo Paul-Marie Verlaine’. Is it, then, a plan to maintain the use of French language through education? This seems to be the aim so far. We can say that there are two victories that can be deduced through the dependent Algerian education. One is the disseminated use of French language and French educational programmes, and second is the infamous (at least for Algerians), malicious intention of France to maintain its control over the country. Yet what is surprising is not Rached’s claim about curricula being influenced by the French ones but Malika’s statement that Algerian inspectors were trained under the ambition and the inspiration of French authorities during the 1960s (more details yet to come in the coming organising themes; see also her book l’école Algérienne de Ibn Badis à Pavlov 1989). Boudalia Greffou (1993) states, in one of her articles, that foreign powers aimed to implement one of their educational projects, and they received easy access to perform their plans. Having said that, however, it is not possible to blame foreign powers while we open our doors and arms to a malignant conspiracy that cost our children and youth their education and future. The first step that needs to be taken should be from people in power, at least to show an intention of reform. If what has been discussed so far took place in the post-colonial era, it goes without saying that the colonial era witnessed more drastic effects. It seems that there is no remarkable difference between what we have witnessed under a malevolent occupation and what is currently happening under the pretext of educational reform and modernisation of school. Some participants agree with that claim.

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5.2.2 Do We Still Blame Colonialism? For many, it is a crime that still and will be attributed to colonialism, but some participants have different views thinking that what is currently happening might be worse than what Algerians have witnessed under a suppressive colonial power. A tolerant colonial education might be deemed biased and irrelevant to the cruel colonial practices when it comes to education. An unbiased claim of objective colonial French educational system in Algeria needs irrefutable evidence, otherwise emotion would overcome evidence. ‘The colonial curriculum in Algeria has had its benefits’, ‘ …this curriculum has pushed the country’s education forwards and updated it to the worldwide standards in the recent past’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘the first question talks about the historical imperialism and this seems logical to you, no, this is not true’, ‘the French teachers were activists against colonisation thoughts and were engaged in various unions and did not respond to the discrimination plans of the colonisation when it comes to education, they were free and able to choose what goes with their principles’, ‘did they prevent us from educating our children? We used to go to “Kotab” (a place used to teach Quran to children) but now they are closed’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘the second college devoted to the indigenous people where only basic notions of reading and writing in French was limited to the primary school and no further’ (Slimane, Appendix I). It is undeniable that the French provided some basic education to children that unsurprisingly was limited to the French language solely. Heggoy & Zingg (1976) state that statistics on the number of Algerian students who were assigned to French schools raised by more than triple between 1908 and 1938. They (1976) continue to state that Arabic and Islamic studies were trivial and distant to the French language teaching and its budget by the French government as they could not allow Islamic education unchecked. The fact that Malika stated that French teachers were free and activists against the discriminatory educational teaching plans of colonisation does not mean that the attainments of France were grounded on good intentions. Perhaps some of the teachers were against the malicious educational plans of colonialism but certainly not all of them.

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However, Malika suggests that children were not allowed to study French unless they reach an honourable level of memorising chapters of the Quran, otherwise there was no French without a Quranic teaching foundation. ‘When a child is registered to learn French during the colonisation era, the father used to ask the Quran teachers “where is he at” it means how far did he go in memorising the Quran? If the child did not reach at least the chapter of ‘Al Rahman’ then he cannot register to study the French language. The French language was not taught without prior knowledge of local cultures’ (Malika, Appendix D). According to Malika, the Quranic teaching was prior to any schooling stage under colonisation. Without Quranic pre-schooling, children could not attend French classes. She attributes positive outcomes to the Quranic teaching on the learning process. She claims that the Quranic teaching does not have the same privilege as it was under colonisation. The Quranic teaching lost its sacredness and high status in society due to a systematic minimisation of the role of mosques and Quranic education. ‘There was a decree issued in 1994 details that there should be a license to teach the Quran. These practices did not exist before independence’ (Malika, Appendix D). To a large extent, what is claimed by participants in general and Malika in particular is realistic in modern Algeria. In a seminar organised by Echorouk, experts, teachers, religious figures and parents gathered around one table to discuss the previous minister of National Education Nouria benghebrit’s decisions about the Quranic schools and the role of mosques in education. There was a consensus that benghebrit aim is to diminish the role of Quranic teaching and realise the UNESCO plans against the Arabic language and Quranic education in Algeria (Slimani et al., 2017). However, participants’ views that colonial education was objective might need some further valid evidence as counter evidence seem to overcome their claims. Heggoy & Zingg (1976) avow that the perpetual incessant French educational plans supplanted the traditional Islamic education as Arabic, for instance, was taught out of the regular schooling hours of teaching. Perhaps there are similarities between what Algerians have witnessed previously and now but not in the same degree of influence. It is not logical to cleanse and purify colonial acts of educational

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discrimination but rather the blame is to be shared. Algeria would not implement an Arabisation movement after independence if the French educational system was not discriminatory. However, the Arabisation movement was not also without consequences.

5.2.3 A  rabisation: A Movement of Different Aims and Consequences No wonder that the Arabisation movement was due to good intentions to lessen the gap of identity created by colonisation; however, Arabisation is a coin of two faces. This basic theme—Arabisation: a mean to restore or widen the gap of identity?—shows two different implications, one of which is a repercussion. To start with, Arabisation was originally an act of restoration and control over the linguistic and the educational status which was, and most often still, driven by French linguistic status. ‘It has represented a second revolution in Algeria, and it is an extension of the struggle of a people attached to its language and religion’, ‘the Arabisation movement in Algeria did not mean the exclusion of foreign culture but rather believed in scientific openness, linguistic and cultural plurality respecting individuals’ identity and civilisational values”, ‘this movement was a slap in the face of those defending the interests of France and supporters of foreign culture’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘the Arabisation movement is a natural movement that aims to restore the Arabic language position, to enlarge its use in different areas and to give the foreign languages their natural positions; hence, they may not substitute or eradicate the Arabic language’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘the main goal of the Arabisation was perhaps a noble purpose: to form an Algerian identity that is completely independent and separate from the coloniser’s identity’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘the Arabisation movement was an ideology since it served as a unifying factor against French colonial forces and aimed at repairing the national identity. It was the process of promoting and developing the Arabic language into the educational system, the government, and the media’ (Nouha Appendix E); ‘for a post-colonial country like Algeria, Arabisation was a necessary policy to bring back a culture that was neglected and, at a time, criminalised’, ‘it brought the Arabic

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language back to its state’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘this national cohesion policy was launched by the Algerian government after independence in order to arabise the educational system and recover Arabic’s place from the French suppressive presence in Algeria’ (Sarah, Appendix H). Any country would act critically to restore its heritage that is in a colonial wreckage. For Algeria, it was the Arabisation movement to save what the colonial power tried to eradicate. There is no doubt that what was done to restore the Arabic language and culture is unquestionably for the benefit of the country. Benrabah (2004) claims that the Arabisation movement was an action of a greater plan to ‘legitimise’ the society through Arabic and Islam. The Arabic language is an inextricable feature of the Islamic faith that was suppressed during the French colonisation. Therefore, the legitimisation is to restore all the religious-related practices in the society, which affect largely education as well. Also, to oppose the French mentalities that were disseminated throughout more than 130 years of settlement and establish Islamic and Arabic orientations (Benrabah, 2005; Mostari, 2003). Because the Arabisation was established in different domains: administration, environment and education, Algerian Francophones considered the Arabisation movement a fiasco due to the reduced social status of the French language (Mostari, 2003). This is a natural reaction to a dying dominance that lasted long enough to be anguished in agony at that time. Unfortunately, this did not last longer enough after the French language retained its prevailing status. An example of French regaining its social and educational status in Algeria can be illustrated by the start of Arabisation in primary schools and universities. The first step that was taken after independence is to start teaching Arabic language in primary schools, and then it was promoted to universities in all disciplines (Mostari, 2003). However, the French language regained its status and was taught hand in hand with the Arabic language and then privileged to take over higher education as all the scientific branches are taught through the French language. ‘The medium of instruction in the higher education sector, for example, is the French language for the scientific and technological domains’ (Rached, Appendix F).

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Despite the fact that the Arabisation was an act of restoration and resistance, many scholars still attribute different motives of such an act. Tilmatine, for instance, (2015) states that the Arabisation movement in North Africa was influenced by Pan Arabism and Pan Islamism. He (2015) also thinks that this project of Arabisation was supported by the French colonisation to gain control over Arab empire. Regardless of the different labelled motives by scholars about Arabisation, it preserved the Arabic language and worked towards maintaining identity to some extent. However, it did create some issues as Benrabah (2004) thinks that Arabisation served an ideology and political aims that were dictated through the generalisation of Arabic language. ‘The movement was widely disputed and argued against at the time, but it was enforced and applied despite the disagreements it caused’, ‘the movement has, since then, created a new form of identity crisis within the postcolonial Algerian society’, ‘if the individual can be neither fully French, nor fully Arab, nor fully Algerian, then what does that make of them?’, ‘the languages that the country adopts as its own remain adoptive despite the efforts that both the government and the people put into accepting it and becoming accustomed to it; it always continues to provoke confusion’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘it affected learning in a way that prevented learners from mastering any language. One language represented identity while the other offered more professional chances and social status’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘in my opinion you cannot import teachers from middle east to implement Arabic in the educational system. Our learners have now become bilingual ignorant’, ‘the relationship between Arabic and the foreign literature is a relation of translation since the bridge is not well paved’ (Slimane, Appendix I). The main reason for Arabisation to take place in Algeria was the inextricability of religion and Arabic language and the fact that Islam was a source of resistance against colonialism, and this is one ideological motive, claims Benrabah (2004). The pretext of identity restoration was, perhaps, a good excuse to cover the political and the ideological perspectives. After the independence, Algeria contracted with a group of American sociolinguists to survey the prevalent languages in the country, and the survey results showed that there were two major languages: Algerian Arabic and Berber (Benrabah, 2004). Despite the factual results of the survey, Algeria

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decided to carry on with the intended plan of Arabisation as if it was a pre-planned act, regardless of what the survey results may add to the linguistic richness of the society. As a result of this, a riot of Kabyle region was engendered during the 1980s by their dismay to the mentioned language policies to cause a lot of instability. There are discrepancies that can be clearly spotted in such linguistic and cultural movement to maintain the Arabic language status in society after a long struggle with colonialism. A movement of language planning must have a long-term planning and a solid groundwork to be effective. The aim, assumably, is to replace the French-speaking tendencies in media, education and public sector. Moreover, it is to create a society which is able to, tangibly, produce Arabic-based literature, arts and cultural practices that define us (Algerians) in our mother tongue. However, it seems that leaders who enacted this movement were sceptical of its results. It is ironic how Arabisation was applied but never practiced in the sense that translation activities took place to fill the void of the French and Algerian Arabic. ‘The relationship between Arabic and the foreign literature is a relation of translation since the bridge is not well paved’ (Slimane, Appendix I). ‘Not well paved’ to produce our own literature in the language that we think reflects our identity and belonging. As long as we can attribute a state of prudence and sovereignty to people who encouraged and realised the Arabisation movement, we still, rigorously, question its nature and consequences. Consequences that seemed relevant and congruent—but implicitly ideological—with the contextual momentum demand of a newly established country that wants to gain control over chaotic educational, economic and linguistic scenes inherited from the French. Perhaps the failure of this movement comes from the perception of power Algeria gained through challenging the French government after it was defeated but without further thorough planning and consideration. The pride of victory and overweighting the revolutionary legitimacy in every decision Algeria took after independence was an impetuous act. The failure is explained by the metastatic French language in education, economic, media, administration and public sector. Arabisation could not allow the spread of another foreign language at the expense of the local languages if it pursued its aim of restoration.

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5.2.4 A Reaction to the Disseminated French Use More could have been said about the intentional use of French language in different sectors in Algeria and particularly education but not much is said about mitigating aspects to ensure less dominant use of the French language in Algeria. Participants of this research see that encouraging English use to face the polemic French prevalence in Algeria could act as a shield of protection for our cultural and linguistic values. No one can deny the prevalent use of French language and culture in Algeria as there are different shapes and uses of them. ‘There is a high dependency of universities in the way they operate through the use of French language and culture’, ‘not only by trying to impose the French language’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘giving priority to the French language instead of Arabic language’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘this can be attributed to the failure of teaching Arabic’ (justifying the spread of French language) (Malika, Appendix D); ‘French is still a dominant language in almost all fields in higher education’, ‘graduates who are specialised in French are more privileged than those who major in an Arabic speciality’, ‘despite the several attempts to eradicate French, it is still the dominant language used by a high proportion of Algerians, taught at an early stage in schools, and continues to be the language used in most’, ‘the majority still considered it as a prestigious language’, ‘people who speak foreign languages consider themselves as “the intellectual elite” of the Algerian population’ (Nouha, Appendix E), ‘if someone cannot read and write French correctly, then they are ignorant and incompetent’ (Sami, Appendix G). As we have explained before, one of the signs of the Arabisation failure is the spread of French language. Various domains that are sensitive in the government consider the use of French language a mean of running governmental services. Someone cannot be recruited in such domains or ministerial administration if they do not master and fluently speak French. This is one of the key features for recruitment. We run across some people in different governmental institutions who barely can speak Arabic. The official language of Algerian administration in all domains (perhaps except the Ministry of Religious Affairs) is by far the French

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language, and there is no place for non-Francophones. Hamidani (2020) claims that the administration is westernised with Francophone mindsets that oppose the national values of Islam and Arabic language. Needless to say that these Francophone administrative elites are a result of a colonial administration (Hamidani, 2020). However, what seems more disturbing is that the use of French language in Algeria has become an ideology. An ideology that opposes the local languages and considers whoever is a non-French speaker as ignorant and backward. ‘People who speak foreign languages consider themselves as “the intellectual elite” of the Algerian population’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘if someone cannot read and write French correctly, then they are ignorant and incompetent’ (Sami, Appendix G). An inferiority complex can be developed among speakers of Arabic who are not very familiar with speaking or writing in French. The French language in Algeria can be a feature through which people can be classified between ignorant and well-educated measuring how well they can speak it. A famous incident happened recently to one of the national team players in a press conference who was addressed in French language in an attempt to embarrass him as he sought translation from his manager. These practices reflect the mindsets of poorly educated people who see prosperity in using another country’s language while the most successful countries (e.g. the USA, the UK, Canada, Japan, China) in the world flourished using their mother tongue language and forbidden the use of foreign languages in high status governmental positions. This ideology (in Algeria) contributes directly into linguistic and cultural imperialism and threatens the national sovereignty of Algeria as it is explained in Subsect. 5.2.5. Among the consequences of this growing ideology is that the Arabic language is likely to be detested, along with other local languages. A hostility towards the Islamic faith can also be witnessed. The result of this is the creation of a Francophone elites who are completely detached from people’s daily issues and demands. Therefore, an issue of trust is developed between these two sides. Nevertheless, some voices start to recommend English instead as there are reasons to believe that English can be a better substitute.

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Recommending the use of English instead of French is the voice of many academics and educated individuals in Algeria except the fact that this intention may not be satisfying to the Francophones who are still the guardians of French interests in the country due to some reasons. First and foremost is the loss of the political prerogatives that will no more be biased towards French speakers. The second reason is to secure accessibility to the world’s various research inquiries rather than the narrowed, ‘compulsory’ educational programmes and the mutual French-Algerian cooperation in research that are smoothly administrated by Francophones in Algeria. All these imminent changes can threaten the existence of Francophones in Algeria if English takes over. ‘The opponents of this idea and the supporters of the French language claim that by switching to English, Algeria would lose its window to modernity as well as the benefits of using French instead of any other foreign language’ (Nouha, Appendix E). Ali, who is a professor and university lecturer, avows that one of the reasons of cultural imperialism in Algeria is the use of French instead of the English language. ‘Priority is also given to the French language at the expense of English language’ (Ali, Appendix B). He adds that ‘educational system must be open to foreign languages especially the English language’. Perhaps, the problem runs very deep in power, and it is an issue of removing ancient malicious ideologies. We always think of an analogy that Algeria witnessed during the spread of communism. Algeria used to pledge allegiance to the Communism system. However, after the Capitalism revolution, the world witnessed an incredible development and a quality movement in all sectors, except Algeria which is still under the old French Communism. ‘The other portion, and it is safe to say the majority of society, aspires to change this status to a more international commitment; that is, from a Francophone society to an Anglophone one. This would help improve the quality of education in Algeria, as the scholars would have more access to the research done internationally in the English language’, ‘a reasonable and logical first step seems to be shifting the focus of second language teaching from French to English in order to pave the way for

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advanced world research to reach the grasp of future generations of Algerian scholars and researchers’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘promoting English as an official language of teaching and relying less on French in hopes of opening up to the international environment and granting Algeria’s cultural independence’, ‘I believe there should be a switch from using French…into English which serves as the lingua franca of the world since people recently are showing more interest in English’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘nowadays, the English is the vehicle of knowledge with the high number of publications and intellectual production. This does not apply to French, from a comparative perspective’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘English is accepted everywhere and it can be a solution to many language problems’ (Slimane, Appendix I). English could be the redeemer of an authoritative French era that dominated Algeria; however, it should be transactional. At the end of the day, nothing is value-free including the languages that we claim we should use to be more open to the world. We think that the only compatible language with our values and ideologies could be the Arabic language. Nevertheless, a long planning and theorisation need to be gathered for different aspects on how and when Arabic language should restore its original place and function in Algeria. Having said that, replacing a well-rooted language with another requires blood, sweat and tears as the Francophones will not sacrifice their dominance for nothing. It is indeed a war of language, ideology, interests, identity, a war of a new colonisation with different means and arsenals. Maybe a better picture on what is explained so far can be summarised in the infamous incident of integrating English alongside with the French language in primary schools during the 1990s. Some scholars (Benrabah, 1999; Rezig, 2011; Belmihoub, 2018) discussed this incident in their writing but with different narratives to what happened. They (Benrabah, 1999; Rezig, 2011; Belmihoub, 2018) claim that the project of integrating English in primary schools failed because parents choose French to be taught to their children which might not be true. The previous minister of National Education on that time declares opposing thoughts to what has been previously mentioned. In one of his TV appearances on Aljazeera, he claims that the majority of parents chose

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English language instead of French to the extent that he and his ministerial staff were surprised (Aljazeera Channel, 2015). He continues, in his interview with Aljazeera journalist, that he resigned after they have deliberately leaked the Baccalaureate exam questions in an act that would make him guilty (Aljazeera Channel, 2015). It is obvious that the English language integration was not welcomed and posed an imminent threat to those in charge. This is one example of how difficult it is to enact a language planning policy in Algeria that does not go hand in hand with the interests of Francophones and their lobbying forces. These are symptoms of more worrying issues in Algerian education.

5.2.5 Beyond Linguistic Domination The previous subsections paved the road to more serious issues that move from imperialism to sovereignty threat. Those are advanced symptoms which lead the reader to deduce that imperialism is a key feature to interfere in sovereignty policies. Whether we agree or not, the Algerian government deploys very fragile personnel who are in charge of education mainly and other governmental sectors; otherwise how can we explain the permeation of the French policies in Algeria as far as the education and the social quo sectors are concerned? Certainly, the prevalent use of French in Algeria speaks for an imperial presence in the country, but there are other signs of social and educational imperialism that need to be discussed as well. ‘The main factors of cultural imperialism in Algeria are exemplified in the French supremacy of power and domination’, ‘strong challenges were imposed by the cultural openness on the educational systems, and educators had to reconsider the issue of preserving national values and ​​ adapting them to new changes’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘Algeria finds itself in the middle of a struggle between the Islamic influence, the European influence, and the American influence’, ‘when a colonized nation is forced to follow a curriculum designed by the colonizer at the expense of the nation’s culture, problems of pride arise’, ‘the issue, then, is not with the practice of foreign cultures and languages in the educational system, but

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with the full eradication of the already existing culture—a better educational system cannot be built in a new culture if it is completely imported and groundless’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘the educational discrimination started in UNESCO 1947 and reached Algeria after independence’, ‘1965, the project was first implemented in Algeria and was imposed across the country to teach Arabic and French languages’, ‘many training courses and workshops were organized by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to train Algerian inspectors to understand and apply the new concept of the basic language’, ‘the Algerian school was and still a solid extension to the FLN (the National Liberation Front in French language: Front de Liberation National), the educational project used to be designed by the FLN, and therefore the ministry is just a tool to put the project into practice’, ‘we can say that this is a different form of imperialism to gain control over the poor countries without engaging in wars. This imperialism focuses on designing a new language (more simplified) to be taught in the colonised countries (whether used to be under French or British colonisation)’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘cultural imperialism in Algeria attempted to impose French educational norms and spread the culture and history of French through control of language, curriculum and methods of instruction’, ‘imposing the French culture and demolishing the indigenous Islamic and Arabic beliefs and values’, ‘to influence the Algerian students with the French culture’, ‘by implementing French, the colonizer tried to control the most aspects of intellectual life, and it succeeded to some extent. Nowadays, students, especially those who major in scientific streams at university, face difficulties at mastering the French language which influences their scores and grades’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘there has always been a lobbying elite backed by the French to defend its affairs in Algeria’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘I would say the “revolutionary legitimacy” that was used to keep the same ruling “class”, i.e. the French schools generation’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘it is seen as a process of Westernisation, Americanisation…’ (Sarah, Appendix H); ‘as a matter of example, more than 50,000 Algerian politicians, decision-­ makers, merchants, intellectuals, scientists hold the double nationality’ (Slimane, Appendix I). Astonishing claims are made by participants that are clung to logical and factual evidence. From a social point of view, there is an attempt to

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‘Frenchnise’ the Algerian society by imposing totally foreign values and principles and isolate all what is culturally local. As a matter of fact, they have succeeded into doing this. When we consider someone who speaks French as an elite and intellectual, then we have failed miserably in challenging foreign thoughts and promoting ours. ‘People who speak foreign languages consider themselves as “the intellectual elite” of the Algerian population’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘if someone cannot read and write French correctly then they are ignorant and incompetent’ (Sami, Appendix G). Another fact is what is claimed by Slimane that more than 50.000 Algerians among decision-makers hold French passports.2 This justifies, to some extent, the French dominance in Algeria at all levels. If the society is built on glorifying all what is French and labelling non-French users as ignorant, then there is a high prevalence of social disarray. We may call it imperialism, but its effects are more ideological and culturally threatening. However, perhaps, the greatest threat yet to be discussed is within the educational sector. It is now more perspicuous that there is an educational imperialism in Algeria through the implementation of French language and curricula. Perhaps, imperialism is moving towards Americanisation as we have showed in Chap. 4, Sect. 4.3, and as Sarah explained (Appendix H). However, French dominance is still the main headline that defines Algerian education in all levels. The question that is aligned with this context is whether the French curricula and language are the same with the ones implemented in France. The answer to this question is more complicated than it seems. If we start from the LMD system in Algeria, the LMD system in universities decreases the length of studies (Rezig, 2011) for mobilising the European markets as recruitment was very much needed and the old university system did not work for the new market concept. In Algeria, the same system was adopted but with no regards to the market and new challenges of recruitment. Eventually, Algeria implemented a system that is not compatible at all with the economic realities in Algeria as it made things worse. Now, we have  By ‘double nationality’ he means both Algerian and French passport holders. This is a common term in Algeria to point to French-Algerians. 2

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thousands of students graduating every year with no chance of getting employed. Besides this, the system is not as good as the one implemented in Europe due to the lack of teaching materials and means of implementation. Second, pre-university schooling is also not without consequences. People may claim that the curricula is French-based, but in reality it is not even close to be French-based. Malika claims that there is a UNESCO conspiracy (supported and encouraged by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs) to advertise and implement a new form of learning that is based on promoting and developing a basic language that does not qualify to be used in the academic context. The project was first put into practice in the USA and then in France, as Chevalier (2006) shows the development of the project in France but widely accepted in Algeria. ‘We can say that this is a different form of imperialism to gain control over the poor countries without engaging in wars. This imperialism focuses on designing a new language (more simplified) to be taught in the colonised countries (whether used to be under French or British colonisation)’ (Malika, Appendix D). Boudalia Greffou (1989, 1993) details how the project strikes the cognitive abilities of children. The project is basically a detachment of all the cultural heritage that children are supposed to grow up with, and this includes Quranic studies, folklore stories, proverbs, poems and literature. The vocabulary also changed to 30–40 vocabulary items in 5 years compared to thousands of lexical items taught to European children within the same period of time. Malika calls this type of education ‘discriminatory education’. ‘This explains why this kind of textbooks, that are widely spread in Algeria, are in fact not allowed in Europe’ (Malika, Appendix D). In one of her appearances on TV, Malika talked about the publishing company of the Algerian educational textbook ‘Hachette’ which is a French company that publishes for both France and Algeria but with different textbooks and qualities (Oran Agenda Culturel, 2017). She said that she visited the Hachette section in the book fair in Frankfort and asked about the Algerian textbook that was sold in millions of copies in Algeria and yet it is not featured as a bestseller in which they replied that this is the gap between our children and your children (Oran Agenda Culturel, 2017).

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It is, then, not only the French language and culture that is disseminated in Algeria but rather quasi-linguistic and cultural programmes. Having said all that, who is responsible for the current educational situation in Algeria? Malika and Sami point the finger to the FLN. ‘The Algerian school was and still a solid extension to the FLN (the National Liberation Front in French language: Front de Liberation National), the educational project used to be designed by the FLN and therefore the ministry is just a tool to put the project into practice’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘I would say the “revolutionary legitimacy” that was used to keep the same ruling “class”, i.e. the French schools generation’ (Sami, Appendix G). To some extent, not much discrepancies are found between colonial and current educational systems motives. Revolutionary legitimacy is supposed to be a shield against foreign conspiracies as expected from all intellectuals and politicians. If the UNESCO project is welcomed in Algeria by compliant Algerians, more compromises are made in different levels; decision-­making is one of them. The French decision-making policies in Algerian status quo and education is a subsequent result. The logical succession of actions proceeds expectedly to menace sovereignty. If French language and culture are allowed to deeply penetrate the governmental institutions including education, then what is coming is more of a compromise on decision-making. ‘To try to implement its programmes in Algeria to make the country subordinate to France in everything’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘any trial to reform the educational system that meets our Algerian norms and values fails because of the Francophonic decision-makers’, ‘Hisb França occupies key positions that allow them to influence the Algerian decision-making in politics, economy, media, culture, education and so on. They are well installed since the independence till nowadays. They further use their media and political parties to reinforce their attitudes or to prevent any programme of their opponents’, ‘Algerian educational system is suffering from instability due to the intervention of Hisb França through their multiple means’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘many training courses and workshops were organised by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to train Algerian inspectors to understand and apply the new concept of the basic

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language’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘there has always been a lobbying elite backed by the French to defend its affairs in Algeria’, ‘these people are working hard to keep the French language and hence the French policy. They are powerful as they have been within the policy makers’ circles’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘because there is resistance from the political class that sees in losing the French language as a threat that would dispossess them of the keys to power’ (Sami, Appendix G). To start with, the social linguistic status still preserves a well-respected place for the French language. A complicated linguistic portfolio is the gate to understand the social and the cultural practices in the country. There is the Arabic language, but its use is restricted to school, some universities and media (to distinguish between formal and informal Arabic as Algeria is a diglossic society), and more colloquial Algerian Arabic is used outside of formal institutions. French is deemed an elite language that is used in administration and in official meetings. Another language appeared in the political scene recently to be officially considered a mother tongue language besides Arabic is the Tamazight language. In terms of importance, the French language comes first, the Arabic language is second and then Tamazight dialects3 are third. If French speakers are socially advantageous over Arabic and Tamazight speakers, no wonder that French decision-makers are into legislating what preserves their interests in the country, and from this angle, the educational sector is under the same decision-making zone. French lobbying knew very well how to gain control over Algeria in the post-independence era. Supporting the separatism ideology that is spread among some groups in the Kabyle region and indoctrinate people about fighting for Amazigh identity contributed massively to splitting society and eased more dominance over education with imported curricula, programmes and textbooks with the help of France allies in Algeria. While France considers multilingualism a linguistic crime under its territory, it calls for multilingualism freedom in other countries such as Algeria. As explained by Lynn Scheel (1998), the French consider their language an expressive side of their culture, ideology, history and civilisation. This unique  These are dialects with no officially written language as linguists are working towards forming that one Tamazight language. 3

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attachment sees the spread of English as a result of globalisation a threat to their language and therefore restricted its use in France (Lynn Scheel, 1998). Also, Hornsby (1998) discusses two major French purist scholars’ struggles to protect the French language from other foreign languages threat such as English language. A unitary linguistic approach is followed in France but certainly different language policies in colonised countries to be encouraged and blessed. Until this part of discussion and before going on to further suggestions, the reader may ask about the motives behind granting access to French policies in Algeria by their servants. Different assumptions can be made out of this, but social and political prerogatives are a valid motive. Now that the reasons of Algerian education deterioration are spot on, nothing should be made ambiguous. A good diagnosis makes a good treatment.

5.3 Issues and Possible Recommendations It might be said that in order to create a competing educational system, we have to get rid of colonialism in all shapes. It is then a question of how to eradicate its roots from Algeria and establish an autonomous educational system. It is a struggle of decades to achieve that goal. Perhaps, other more practically administrative solutions that are suggested by personnel who witnessed more issues than we have discussed in this book can also contribute to the development of education. The imputations and implications to the current educational system are forked and the recommendations could differ according to the aims sought from the Algerian school and university. Within this regard, issues with the current educational system are many and malignantly part of every decision or educational decree. ‘The Algerian educational establishment also ceased to deliver its cultural and creative role within the framework of a systematic policy’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘it also lacks effectiveness in its curricula, consequently, the majority of students receive a poor knowledge’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘the educational scheme in Algeria is a one of quantity and not of quality; it values the idea that every single citizen should be educated (not to say that this is not an advantage, it is), but of what worth that

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education consists is a matter of no concern’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘a definition of a textbook could be a book that delivers knowledge and culture of the country to children but the so-called educational textbook in Algeria does not deliver none of the mentioned elements and this is why it is semi-educational’, ‘primary schools and pre-schooling educational curricula must be thrown all in a trash bin because they are based on a simplified language, they serve a discriminatory purpose’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘the system does not meet the needs of students and, therefore, raise the question of inefficiency of the Algerian educational system’, ‘the Algerian system is still deemed fragile and weak’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘it encouraged education for all with democratisation policy but at the expense of quality education for all’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘just improvised to fit in within Western (French) models. The politicising to buy social peace has badly affected the educational system’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘the system was imposed without considering the Algerian multicultural reality’ (Slimane, Appendix I). The mentioned issues are a direct result of the previous hurdles. The cultural role that some participants mentioned is related to the French linguistic and the cultural imperialism in Algeria as we have explained. It is apparent that there is a cultural void replaced by foreign values at the expense of the local ones as Slimane, Abdou and Malika argued. Relevance theory provides a very interesting theoretical framework of cognition that can be extended to learning in general. Cognitive principle of relevance yields a variety of prediction about human cognitive processes. It predicts that human perceptual mechanisms tend spontaneously to pick out potentially relevant stimuli, human retrieval mechanisms tend spontaneously to activate potentially relevant assumptions, and human inferential mechanisms tend spontaneously to process them in the most productive way. This principle has essential implications for human communication. In order to communicate, the communicator needs her audience’s attention. If attention tends automatically to go to what is most relevant at the time, then the success of communication depends on the audience taking the utterance to be relevant enough to be worthy of attention. Waiting her communication to succeed, the communicator, by the very act of communicating, indicates that she wants the audience to see her utterance as relevant, and this is what the Communicative Principle of Relevance states. (Wilson & Sperber, 2012, p. 6)

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Communication is governed by the principle of relevance. The more relevant the communication is, the less cognitive processing it takes for readers, listeners or interlocutors to understand what is said. Unfamiliar cultural assumptions implemented in Algerian schools and universities contribute, largely, to the failure of Algerian schools because they are not part of learners’ environment and daily life. As a result of this, the inefficiency of education can be remorselessly declared. Because Algerian officials could not change or stand against the French manipulation of education, education is politicised to bribe attempts of revolutionising the sector as Sami argued. Haddid (2016) claims that the percentage of baccalaureate success in the 1970s did not exceed 20% to 30% with strict and universal standards. There is no satisfying justification of the current percentages that sometimes go beyond 50%. If we compare conditions of the 1970s where education was of a high standard, the success rate was between 20% and 30%. Now that the educational system has severely deteriorated, it is immensely unreasonable if Algeria records more than 30% of success rate (which it did) unless there is a manipulation of results. Perplexing impacts of issues and consequences of education on the social and economic levels are also alarming. An urge to reform the educational system is a national demand more than before. An action of restoring the cultural values is an absolute first step to reform. This could be done through different ways.

5.3.1 Innuendoes The mitigating aspects of imperialism in education improvised by participants of this research revolve around three major elements that require further development. The first step that should be taken to resist imperialism in Algeria is to regain the sacred place of local cultures in education and society. ‘The criteria to be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism can be summarised in the necessity to secure the individual from the remains of colonial culture’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘the educational system must meet the Algerian values, traditions, religion and so on’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘one’s culture should assuredly be preserved and glorified…’; ‘cultural imperialism will be averted when people refuse to

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consider their own culture as inferior to that of more powerful nations…’, ‘the basics of teaching and learning are common among all humans, but culture and language are powerful variables when it comes to influencing this process’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘this is attributed to the high cultural input that the village students had through memorising the Quran, poetry, grandmothers’ stories and the folklore heritage. Today, however, there is no place for grandmothers’ stories in family and mosque in society’, ‘the solution is simple, we have to move away from the discriminatory educational programmes, to move away from the discriminatory policies by trying to realise the aims of the universal school which are the aims of the twenty-first century that are congruent with the aims of the original Algerian school, the school of the Arabic and Islamic civilisation’ (Malika, Appendix D); ‘Algerians should be aware of their own culture, values, and norms before they try to absorb another culture. Teachers should also spread awareness through collaborative teaching strategies that encourage motivating oppositional responses and preferring Algerian culture over any other foreign culture’, ‘what goes on inside the classrooms also plays a role to developing a sense of resistance towards imperialism since they have the power to indoctrinate students about the autonomy of human mind, purity of knowledge, the importance of their own culture’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘the use of the media is vital to encourage and preserve the status of local culture’, ‘another important point is the necessity to act according to the local realities that should be the reference for any improvement’ (Rached, Appendix F); ‘raising learners’ awareness of their own cultures’ (Sarah, Appendix H); ‘a great importance must be given to the Algerian native language, namely Algerian Arabic and Tamazight. Whenever a positive attitude is adopted towards these languages and progressively implemented in the primary cycle, things have to improve’ (Slimane, Appendix I). If we restate the principle of relevance to explain the integration of home cultures, it justifies very well the theoretical framework of home cultures. Bouherar (2017, 2020) conducted a study of teaching idioms, through home cultural contextual assumptions, and recorded positive results on the comprehension of idioms by learners. There is no doubt that restating home cultures and languages to take their original place above all colonial thoughts will push the wheel of education forward;

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however, it is of a great challenge to put this into practice. Francophones will not watch their interests dragged away with a bemoaning sigh. A fierce war is waiting for everyone who is intentionally determined to challenge their plans and policies in Algeria. We think that the first step could be to eliminate the colonial presence and allegiance in Algeria by diminishing gradually their control over education. When we make sure that there is no foreign power that could manipulate the educational system, we certainly can prosper. The second element concerns the nature of teaching materials. Relying on ready-made or target culture-based teaching materials is polemic. Autonomy in designing our teaching materials should be a key feature in teaching. ‘Autonomy is necessary in all aspects, whether it comes to educational methods or training programmes’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘foreign designers or counsellors may harm the Algerian identity’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘there should definitely be a partial autonomy in designing our own Algerian teaching materials’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘all we need to do is learn how to be selective to take just what we really need; what is appropriate for our own and use it’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘autonomy is highly recommended in designing materials. It might be important to involve Algerian EFL teachers and learners in the curriculum decision-making process’ (Sarah, Appendix H). Again, autonomy is highly related to the eradication of colonial alliances in Algeria. There could be more temporary solutions in the light of the current situation as Sami claims. Selectivity is another solution that can, at least, not ‘harm the Algerian identity’ (Ali, Appendix B) and find a way to balance between foreign and local cultures. If autonomy is realised in designing teaching materials, integrating home cultures in education can be possible through the teaching materials. This leads us to discuss the third element under this subsection. Teaching materials are a realisation of a bigger theoretical framework of the curriculum. Considering the assumption that teaching materials do not reflect learners’ values and cultural backgrounds (which is now more of a factual statement according to the previous discussions), the notion of culture in the current teaching materials should be reconsidered to be more in line with the Algerian cultural references.

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‘I believe that the proper criteria that must be chosen for a successful and effective educational material are those that are originated from the Algerian people, nourishing from their national history and their identity, which is deeply rooted in history’, ‘besides this, there should be an engagement in reading the social and cultural reality to formulate an educational and qualitative discourse that can change this reality according to a scientific vision’ (Abdou, Appendix A); ‘religion,…the Arabic language,…the true history of the country,…the traditions and customs of the people’ (Ali, Appendix B); ‘the values and principles, not only of the Algerian society, but also of the human existence in general—specifically respect of and tolerance towards the identities of beliefs of others—should stand on top the pyramid’ (Houneida, Appendix C); ‘the right and efficient teaching materials that meet the students’ needs without detaching them from their own culture and beliefs’, ‘since Algeria is a predominantly Muslim country, I believe that when designing or selecting teaching materials, the input that would be presented should go hand in hand with the Algerian beliefs and values. There should always be a representation of Algerian culture and a sense of pride in teaching it, teaching materials should be chosen based on what is acceptable and allowed in the Algerian society, that is, materials that undermine our culture, or religion should be left aside. Islamic traditions and Arabic language should be embraced, foreign languages and cultures can be taught but not imposed or forcibly indoctrinated’ (Nouha, Appendix E); ‘so, what is prohibited in Islam should be avoided and what is considered as taboo in society can be carefully dealt with if it does not break any social rule or affect “national historical pride”. Other than these elements, I do not see the necessity to limit the teaching process to any “standard concept”’ (Sami, Appendix G); ‘the early post-colonial drive for national unity need to be acknowledged when designing EFL textbooks’ (Sarah, Appendix H). A fairly relevant formula to explain the relationship between the previous three major elements to resist imperialism in Algerian education is as follows: culture should retain its place in social and educational contexts; however, teaching materials should be autonomous to be able to reflect on the social and cultural realities in teaching. A change in the administrative policy in Algeria could be also an exit to a better education. By this we mean the lack of mobility and the

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inner-­interchangeability of staff in higher positions. There are no new faces in the administrative power that could allow a new fresh start. For instance, many ministers were shuffled to different ministerial domains with no regards of their expertise in the field. A minister of water resources and fishing can be appointed a minister of Mujahideen. Worse than that is the surrounding administrative teamwork of the minister that is not changing (in most ministries) and, if changed, they get to switch positions, but the ideology remains the same. Therefore, the first step towards removing the Francophone presence in Algerian administration is to use the same strategy they are using, a strategy of isolation. Switching positions gradually but to a lower rank than they used to hold and replace their higher position offices with loyal and patriotic people. This, however, could be done only when the head of the ministry has all the authority on his/her ministerial administration. At this stage, it may look like a catch 22; the administrative team has to change, but it cannot change unless the minister is in control over his/her sector. This is the key to the mentioned three-cycled elements. Culture cannot retain its place in society and education unless the Francophone administrative interests are constricted. It goes without saying that these interests are one cause of political prerogatives and corruption that run beneath the structure of governmental institutions; however, there might be hope under the current regime which kicked off its presidential term by putting some of the most corrupted figures in the history of modern Algeria into trial. We still hope for better education for our children although nothing has been attempted to change the educational realities and the old-fashioned mentalities that run this sensitive sector since ages.

References Aljazeera Channel. (2015). ‫ معركة اللغة والهوية يف الجزائر مع عيل بن محمد‬-‫بال حدود‬. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oFzhI-­dJCn0 Attride-Sterling, J. (2001). Thematic networks: An analytic tool for qualitative research. Qualitative Research, 1(3), 385–405. Belmihoub, K. (2018). English in a multilingual Algeria. World Englishes, 37(2), 1–22.

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Benrabah, M. (1999). Langue et pouvoir en Algérie: histoire d’un traumatisme linguistique. Séguier. Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10(4), 59–78. Benrabah, M. (2005). Language planning situation in Algeria. Current Issues in Language Planning, 6(4), 379–502. Boudalia Greffou, M. (1989). L’école Algérienne de Ibn Badis à Pavlov. Laphomic, Alger. Boudalia Greffou, M. (1993). Pédagogie maternelle et didactique des langues étrangères. NAQD, 2(5), 42–44. Bouherar, S. (2017). Idiom understanding and teaching: Do we need to assume a target culture? Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 7(11), 943–951. Bouherar, S. (2020). Home cultures and idiom processing: A short cut to encyclopaedic assumptions of idioms. European Scientific Journal, 16(8), 31–61. Chevalier, J.  C. (2006). Le pamphlet: Français élémentaire ? Non. 1955. L’affrontement Georges Gougenheim—Marcel Cohen. Documents pour L’histoire du Français Langue Etrangère ou Seconde, 36, 1–7. Galletta, A. (2013). Mastering the semi-structured interview and beyond: From research design to analysis and publication. New York University Press. Haddid, N. (2016). ‫ الباكالوريا تهدّد استقرار البالد‬:‫ الجزائر‬Alaraby. https://www.alaraby. co.uk/.‫­البالد‬-‫­استقرار‬-‫­تهدد‬-‫­الباكالوريا‬-‫الجزائر‬ Hamidani, S. (2020). Colonial legacy in Algerian-French relations. Contemporary Arab Affairs, 13(1), 69–85. Heggoy, A. A. (1973). Education in French Algeria: An essay on cultural conflict. Comparative Education Review, 17(2), 180–197. Heggoy, A. A., & Zingg, P. J. (1976). French education in revolutionary North Africa. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 7(4), 571–578. Hornsby, D. (1998). Patriotism and linguisticpurism in France: deux dialogues dans le nouveau langage francois and parlez-vous Franglais? Journal of European Studies, 28(4), 331–354. James, N., & Busher, H. (2006). Credibility, authenticity and voice: Dilemmas in online interviewing. Qualitative Research, 6(3), 403–420. James, N., & Busher, H. (2012). Internet interviewing. In J.  F. Gubrium, J. A. Holstein, A. B. Marvasti, & K. D. McKinney (Eds.), The sage handbook of interview research: The complexity of the craft (2nd ed., pp. 177–192). Sage. Khelfaoui, H. (2003). Le champ universitaire Algérien entre pouvoirs politiques et champ économique. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 3(148), 34–46. Lynn Scheel, S. (1998). French language purism: French linguistic development and current national attitudes. BA. University of Oregon.

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Mostari, H.  A. (2003). Arabisation and language use in Algeria. Journal of Humanities, 17, 26–41. Oran Agenda Culturel. (2017). ‫مختصة يف كتاب الطفل تكشف ارسار خطرية ألول مرة عن كتب املدرسية‬. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wp4YAHn4dqg&t=248s Rezig, N. (2011). Teaching English in Algeria and educational reforms: An overview on the factors entailing students failure in learning foreign languages at university. PRO, 29, 1327–1333. Ritchie, J., Lewis, J., & Elam, G. (2003). Designing and selecting samples. In J. Ritchie & J. Lewis (Eds.), Qualitative research practice: A guide for social science students and researchers (pp. 77–108). Sage. Sessions, J.  E. (2011). By sword and plow: France and the conquest of Algeria. Cornell University Press. Slimani, N., Mejrab, Z., & Khelas, K. (2017). ‫أساتذة وخرباء وأولياء وأمئة وجمعيات يف ندوة‬ ‫املدارس القرآنية أكرب من عيىس وبن غربيط‬...‫ احذروا‬:‫الرشوق‬. Echorouk. https://www.echoroukonline.com/‫­و‬-‫­عيىس‬-‫­من‬-‫­أكرب‬-‫­القرآنية‬-‫­املدارس‬-‫احذرو‬/ Tilmatine, M. (2015). Arabisation and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the north of Africa. In C.  Stolz (Ed.), Language empires in comparative perspective (pp. 1–16). De Gruyter. Trimbur, J. (2011). The call to write: Brief fifth edition. Wadsworth Cengage Learning. Wilson, D., & Sperber, D. (2012). Meaning and relevance (p. 6). Cambridge University Press.

6 Conclusion: A Long Path with No Destination

Very few scholars discuss the Algerian linguistic richness and language planning and policies of Algeria. Among them, the work of Benrabah on language planning lays a foundation for researchers working on language and politics in Algeria. The work offered by this book is about how language and culture can indoctrinate societies, which sometimes goes beyond language planning and imperialism to settle in felonious political rationales. Nevertheless, we have shown the birth of the language crisis and the dominant imperial power in Algeria from colonisation to the present day. Perhaps the metastatic tumour that gnaws at the core of Algerian education is summarised in the French presence in Algeria which grows in manifold sizes and shapes the way we head towards the future. There is also an Anglophone competence which is slowly taking over, but fiercely thwarted by French interests. This is, we would say, logical and expected for two reasons. Firstly, a nation that does not produce what it consumes is inevitably heading towards its demise. The teaching materials, curricula, textbooks and even teaching ideologies are all imported. As long as we run to gain control over education, we may never prosper. The famous quote of Benjamin Franklin, ‘an investment in knowledge pays the best interest’, says it all. Have we really thought about © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8_6

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our own interests? Perhaps not. We were (and still are) more careful about others’ interests in Algeria than our own. The second reason concerns the French apostles in Algeria who are the guardians and operators of French policy. These two factors have contributed massively to the deterioration of Algerian education over the years. The diagnosis  of the current educational realities defines the structure of the chapters of this book. After all, we believe that a good diagnosis opens up more possible ways of treatment since the source of the problem is known. All previous reforms and attempts to retain Algeria’s lead in all domains, including education, were very much under French influence. First time was during the War of Independence (1954–1962), and the second during the Black Decade. On each occasion, conflict arose between two mutually exclusive cultural groups: first, the coloniser and the colonised; and later, between the dominant Francophones and the Arabisers. (Benrabah, 2013, p. xi)

The French-English rivalry during the 1990s was manifested in the minister of National Education in Algeria being forced to resign because he threatened the use of the French language in Algeria (see Chaps. 1 and 3 for details). Yesterday, it was the coloniser, but today it is the Francophone; two different cultural ideologies, according  to Benrabah (2013), with almost the same objectives, perhaps slightly altered by the different circumstances, to ensure their presence. The Arabiser has consistently promoted the same idea since 1954, not like the coloniser who uses different modes of camouflage to protect its interests. It is requisite to link the two reasons chronologically or, perhaps, logically, to be able to understand the sequence of incidents that most influenced education. After independence, Algeria was left empty-handed with no governmental or intellectual pillars. Algeria was obliged to hire, or keep, some French leaders to help with the newly independent country. Upon their departure, the French appointed their successors in all domains, successors who ensured French dominance never ceased in Algeria. Overtime, a mentality was developed to see inferiority in all that is Algerian, which is not a result of the situation today, according to

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Benrabah (2013), but rather the outcome of more than 130 years of colonisation and indoctrination. A dependency policy slowly developed, then, to accept and glorify French products (in all domains) as valuable and sacred. This production void has very much been exploited by France to deliver its programmes and ideas through its agents in Algeria. The example of education used in this book is a clear demonstration of how the two reasons contribute to the failure of education.

6.1 Impertinent Attempts at Reform Educational reforms have been many and have taken many different shapes. Perhaps the most common feature that connects these reforms is that they were all a fiasco. Two major reforms since independence, with phases that ensured the implementation of new rules and concepts, were the post-colonial reforms and the second millennium reforms of the former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika (Salem & Tali, 2012). The first reform had three elementary phases, the first of which was meant to restore the Arabic language and the teaching of Islamic studies with no change in curricula (Salem & Tali, 2012). It is worth mentioning that Algeria continues to use French curricula but with an official recognition of the Arabic language. This elementary phase was not in complete independence from French educational policy and had serious ramifications for the next elementary phase. Because the French educational system was at the heart of Algerian schools, the second elementary phase of reform attempted to arabise schools and created two opposing educational systems. The third elementary reform was larger and went deeper into education (Salem & Tali, 2012). What is notable at this stage is that the more reforms were integrated, the more problems dominated schools. A national committee was formed on the last  intended reform and a national reference document was framed to restrict the reform to the pillars of Algerian identity (the history of Algeria, the statement of 1 November 1954, the Arabic language, Islam and Tamazight) (Salem & Tali, 2012).

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The second reform faced various challenges as social and cultural representations were not reflected in the educational system (Zerrarga & Zerrarga, 2012). Social and cultural diversity were excluded. Issues of identity still float to the surface of society as Algerians negotiate the civilisational dimensions of Arabic and Tamazight arguing for legitimacy and claiming to be indigenous to Algeria. Algeria should have corrected its identity problem, which brings up linguistic issues over which language should be recognised first or officially maintained in administration, before enacting educational reform, because any reform is a clear reflection of social and cultural issues, which are still perplexing. Education-related issues are numerous, among them are educational textbooks, curricula, teaching methods and the competency-based approach (CBA) (Zerrarga & Zerrarga, 2012). For instance, CBA is far from integration in classes. It is almost impossible to apply it due to overcrowding, truancy and a severe lack of teaching materials and means of learning, not to mention the French-based teaching methods and curricula that are a distinctly strange element of Algerian education. Logically, French-based curricula are not expected to reflect the cultural richness of the country, which explains, to some extent, why cultural resources are ignored in teaching materials. This, however, is not to shift the blame away from Algerian leaders who bear responsibility not for a misdemeanour but for a remorseless deliberate act of cultural genocide in education. The reasons that all these reforms failed can  range from incompetent leaders who fail miserably to give an accurate reading of the Algerian social and cultural resources, to dominant French decision-making policies that perturb education.

6.2 T  he Threads of a Quasi-French Educational System in Algeria The results of this research do not differ from those discussed in the theoretical framework. As a matter of fact, the reader could easily anticipate the linguistic and educational realities in Algeria from the historical, linguistic and cultural conflicts. Every result discussed in Chap. 5 is directly or indirectly linked to the two reasons covered: the impotent Algerian

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educational productivity and the French lobbying represented by the Francophiles. Some results of this research validate the theoretical discussions in Chaps. 1 and 2. The first is the French educational system that is still in service in Algeria. This is in agreement with the Francophiles in Algeria. However, is it really a French educational system, or more of a quasi-French educational system? Adopting a successful educational system should, at least, give the same or similar (in similar circumstances) results, but not negative outcomes. Of course, the authorities dispute these claims and insist on the ongoing progress of educational improvement (at the level of both universities and schools). The system promotes the French language and, arguably, culture, but delivers a quasi-French educational system. Malika, who is an expert in language acquisition and children’s education, clearly states that the Algerian educational system is not an extension but a very low-quality replica of the French system: ‘A French soldier and teacher who used to teach French in Algeria during colonisation in one of the villages, noticed that there was no difference between Algerian and French students in terms of their level of comprehension and learning skills’ (Malika, Appendix D). When the same educational values were applied, Algerian children used to be no different from their French counterparts studying in France. If there is an identical educational system to the French one, we may not see the complications the Algerian schools and universities are currently witnessing. Among the academic milieu, the Algerian educational system is attributed to the French system, though the link is deeper than is commonly known. Unfortunately, we live on the residue of a French system in all domains, not only education. This explains the failure of the Algerian educational reforms discussed in the previous paragraphs. Between the labels ‘French educational system’ and ‘a quasi-French system’ lies the French language which is now a trademark of Algerian education. Although the constitution’s article regarding the use of French is fair and clear, positioning it as a foreign language after the two formal languages of Arabic and Tamazight, its status remains privileged over the formal languages. Under the current chaotic and deleterious circumstances, what is surprising is the fact that the French lobby continues to spread its ideas, while not much can be said about Algerians defiantly challenging its plans. This does not only apply to the repressing of the

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linguistic repertoire enforced through Algerian education but also the infamous and incessant French decision-making policies. In a way, everything that concerns education has to be sanctioned by French decision-­ makers first. If this indicates anything, it is that French decision-making is deleterious for the reputation of Algeria as an independent country. Various effects resulting from French decision-making in the domain of education are incontestable. We, briefly, mention two impacts at two levels, universities and schools. The LMD system of degrees (at university level) is a result of French educational system change. When France adopted the LMD system, Algeria adopted a replica of that system (with different educational values). A three-year bachelor’s degree, commonly known in both France and Algeria as L1, L2 and L3 (L standing for license), is followed by a two-year master’s degree (M1 and M2) and three or more years for a doctorate degree. The irony is that France needed the LMD system to pump labour into its market, but Algeria would have been better off using the classical (old) system. The policy of emulation underlines all educational changes in Algeria. The statistics under the LMD are far worse than those recorded under the classical system. Now that universities speed up the process of pushing graduates to the job market, they fail to link their circumstances to the dreadful economic system that is heavily dependent on oil prices in the worldwide stock markets. The LMD system does not provide the academic content or quality of teaching in higher education compared to the classical system, or, at least, its application requires more efforts. The LMD system in Algeria also fails on the financial side. A debut university teacher’s salary in France is a minimum of €2000 a month, while the equivalent is €230 a month for an Algerian university teacher. While French teachers invest their time and effort into research, Algerian teachers still have second jobs to subsidise themselves. How high can our expectations be of teachers with second jobs? Surely, not much can be expected from them. Universities run on a bureaucratic administration based on nepotism, which is an additional cause of higher education deterioration. More signs of French decision-making can be found in the three phases of school (primary, middle and secondary). All educational reforms have a French touch. The most notorious is the UNESCO project for basic language in school, under the blessing and directions of the

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French Foreign Affairs Ministry. The project is still ongoing and has been taking place since the 1960s. One question that comes to mind is, after the long and atrocious experience we have had with France, why do we still trust it with our educational fate? The answer lies in the deliberate irrational plans that some Algerian Francophile leaders still have, with no regard to the effect these plans may have on students, society or learning.

6.3 Horizons for Education in Algeria Abdelhamid Ben Badis once said: ‘‫و لن يصلح‬...‫لن يصلح املسلمون حتى يصلح علامءهم‬ ‫( ’العلامء حتى يصلح تعليمهم‬Muslims will not be prosperous until their scholars are righteous, and their scholars will not be righteous until education is rectified). A rectified education according to the participants of this research revolves around restoring the status of Arabic and liberating education from the French language and French decision-making policies. However, none of this can be possible without getting rid of the Francophile presence in Algeria. With the signs of a new regime in Algeria, many hopes are attached to its cabinet to fix what can be fixed. Can they terminate French interests? Will they be able to eradicate the Francophile administration? Will we retain our sovereignty over education? All these questions need time, as they reveal their hidden agendas. Since education in Algeria is political, readers of the political scene can anticipate the future of education and areas of development and discussion. We think that a multilingual educational system featuring Arabic and Tamazight could end the educational crisis in Algeria. We are aware of the malicious role Berberists have played against Arabic but recognise that the Tamazight language in education can, at least, conciliate the Berberists’ discontent. Suggesting a multilingual educational system is the least that can be done, even though it will not fulfil Berberists’ expectations. Perhaps the problem that stands in the way of the realisation of multilingualism in education is that Tamazight is not yet a language, as it is still undergoing corpus planning on its way to linguistic standardisation. For example, the Baccalaureate exam of Tamazight uses three systems of writing the same language. The text is repeated using Latin for

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the Kabyle region, Arabic for the Chaoui region and Berber letters for the rest of Amazighs. The standardisation game is being played between the Kabyle and Chaoui regions to finalise their forms of writing Tamazight. There is a tension manifested in the language of Tamazight as displayed in the Baccalaureate exam questions. The tension is implicit and tells a story about who is more deserving to serve Tamazight and validate their belongings through the linguistic  symbols. The rest of Amazighs in Algeria (i.e. Sahara Amazighs) do not have a say in the standardisation or alphabetic issues of the language and are deliberately ignored. Another worrying issue is the growing hostility of Berbers towards the Arabic language if multilingualism is realised. There are academic disciplines available in Tamazight language and culture in universities in four Algerian provinces, Batna, Bejaia, Tizi Ouzou and Bouira. Culture and identity are major components of the training offered by these universities. Considering the French presence in Algeria that cannot be taken for its good intentions, direct and explicit contact with Berberists might not only help to  develop the teaching of Tamazight but divide the  society based on ethnicity. The bond of cooperation will not cease when a multilingual model of education is accredited, but stronger conglomerates could be created. This would be a logical sequence of events, congruent with the historical incidents between French and Berbers. The other obstacle to multilingualism in Algeria might appear in the mindsets of youngsters reluctant to speak or study Tamazight in school despite the chances provided by the government in secondary schools and universities. Therefore, a well-established plan for multilingual education in Algeria is urgently needed before any attempt to integrate multilingualism in education. As authors, we raise speculations about the recommendation of multilingualism, but we see it one solution to the linguistic crisis. The complexity of glotto-political agendas makes any suggestions contingent on the political realities, which require manifold efforts to be neutralised and made less involved in educational matters.

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6.4 Future Research Some essential future research areas in educational imperialism are suggested in light of the content of this book, the first is the issue of language and politics. Although Benrabah (2004, 2013), Le Roux (2017), McDougall (2017) and Tilmatine (2015) touch on the issue of language and politics, more needs to be revealed about the languages used and the political motives behind them in order to make further recommendations. Any research tackling the polemic linguistic struggle in Algeria needs to surround itself, as far as possible, with the political sphere and pervasive political incidents. Take, for example, the militant coup against the willing of the nation that voted for FIS (Front Islamique du Salut in French, Islamic Salvation Front in English) and the effects this had on politicising language use in society and schools. Was the coup a pretext to spread the idea of Arabic being perilous in the social context? How did the coup affect teaching and the use of French in Algeria? The political movement called “mouvement des a’aruch” (McDougall, 2017, p. 326), ‘tribe movement’ in English, in the Kabyle region has had effects that can be clearly seen on the Tamazight language. While the constitution of 1996 recognises Amazigh and Arab as identities in Algeria (McDougall, 2017), the formalisation of Tamazight as a national language was announced in 2016. The formalisation process should have several steps in order to be finalised including a referendum which is needed to recognise the language as official. Unfortunately, there has been no such referendum. Furthermore, now that it is formal, it is only taught in three or four provinces (wilayas), not across Algeria. The political coverage is very important to understand the language conflict in Algeria and its implications for education. The variables that influence education in Algeria suggest various perspectives and education-related issues which  need to be considered for future research on Algerian education. A potential topic for research concerns the relationship between university knowledge-based teaching and field training practice. Perhaps the first gap between university training and teaching practice is the discrepancy between the theory and the practice. Slightly different trainings are provided by universities (that are highly theoretical) and the Ministry of National Education. We (Bouherar

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and Ghafsi) both attended the Ministry of National Education training during 2014–2015 for 6  weeks when we were teachers in secondary school. The lessons were practical and class-related, compared to the highly theoretical teaching at the  university level that is suited to a research framework than a teaching context. The only graduates exempted from the teaching training  provided by the Ministry of National Education are students who attend ecole superieure which contracts with the Ministry of National Education to provide direct recruitment of its students upon graduation. Future research could also look at the teaching materials and methods that define the Algerian school. One of the problems of Algerian schools is the restricted policy of using official textbooks by both teachers and students at all levels (primary, middle and secondary). Benadla (2012) discusses the restricted role of teachers in classrooms choosing what and what not to teach, describing them as agents under a higher authority. While teachers in Algeria are not allowed to use other teaching materials except official textbooks, teachers in Europe and elsewhere have options for their teaching materials as long as they work in harmony with the curriculum guidelines. This is reminiscence of what Malika says about textbooks in Algeria that are no more than commercial products for the French publishing house Hachette (Oran Agenda Culturel, 2017). The use of CBA is also critical and subject to appraisal in most cases. Firstly, the application of such a teaching approach requires manifold teaching materials and facilities, which are very limited and rarely available in Algerian schools. The essence of CBA is the congruency of classroom teaching with the outside world in order for students to be able to apply classroom knowledge to their recruitment. CBA integration in Algeria starts from the principle that two different worlds operate simultaneously with very little relationship. In Chap. 4, we explore the cultural representations of two textbooks at the secondary level. As we have seen, there are more representations of American and Western cultures than Algerian culture. What the role of CBA is in Algerian schools remains a question for future research which could explore more practical concepts of Algerian education. In the end, we are sure that this book provides a vantage point for how education is affected politically by cultural imperialism and historical glotto-political dynamics. As intellectuals, born and raised in Algeria, we

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believe that nothing is politically free in Algeria, as every decision can be traced to a political agenda. Politics is the thrusting force behind education and therefore all educational institutions submit to that power. Discussing teaching materials, teaching methods, teacher training and teaching practice is meaningless without linking them to a bigger framework that can justify the way things proceed at the level of the education ministries. Perhaps more research could be conducted into how the lower properties of education (teaching materials, teaching approaches, teaching facilities, teaching practices, etc.) can be linked to, and interpreted under, the higher properties of education (ideologies and policies). We believe that this is one way to carry out a full investigation of imperialism in Algerian education in order to fully diagnose the problems and offer better solutions.

References Benadla, L. (2012). The competency based language teaching in the Algerian middle school: From EFL acquisition planning to its practical teaching/ learning. Arab World English Journal, 3(4), 144–151. Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10(4), 59–78. Benrabah, M. (2013). Language conflict in Algeria: From colonialism to post-­ independence (p. xi). Multilingual Matters. Le Roux, C. S. (2017). Language in education in Algeria: A historical vignette of a ‘most severe’ sociolinguistic problem. Language & History, 60(2), 112–128. McDougall, J. (2017). A history of Algeria (p. 326). Oxford University Press. Oran Agenda Culturel. (2017). ‫مختصة يف كتاب الطفل تكشف ارسار خطرية ألول مرة عن كتب املدرسية‬. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wp4YAHn4dqg&t=248s Salem, N. & Tali, J. (2012). ‫اإلصالحات الرتبوية يف الجزائر أي مفهوم لإلصالح؟‬. Cahiers du Laboratoire, 7(1), 51–64. Tilmatine, M. (2015). Arabisation and linguistic domination: Berber and Arabic in the north of Africa. In C.  Stolz (Ed.), Language empires in comparative perspective (pp. 1–16). De Gruyter. Zerrarga, F., & Zerrarga, F. (2012). ‫اإلصالح الرتبوي الجديد يف الجزائر بني املتطلبات والصعوبات قراءة‬ ‫يف إصالح املناهج والطرائق وتكوين األساتذة‬. Cahiers du Laboratoire, 7(1), 11–30.

Appendices

1.1 Appendix A: Abdou Interview Note: Please answer in detail as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question; Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

1.1.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: ‫ان اثار الثقافة االستعمارية على منظومة التعليم في الجزائر الحالية متعددة‬ ‫ومتنوعة منها ما يتعلق بمستوى الوعي العام واقصد بذلك األمية العلمية او أسميه أنا بالوهن‬ ‫العلمي فقد تركت فرنسا بعد خروجها من الجزائر افواجا من االميين والزالت اثار ذلك‬ ‫متجلية في المستوى المحدود لمؤسساتنا التربوية وما التسرب المدرسي وكره التلميذ لألستاذ‬

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8

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‫وتقطيع الكراريس بعد االمتحانات اال دليل على ذلك وحتى جامعاتنا وكلها ال تتبلغ المائة‬ ‫ ومنها ما يتعلق بالتبعية فقد استطاعت ان تخلف وراءها الكثير‬،‫جامعة في الترتيب العالمي‬ ‫من االتباع الذين يرفعون صوتها لغة وثقافة باالضافة الي تشويع الوعي الحضاري االسالمي‬ ‫لدي الجزائريين ويتجلى ذلك في محوها للهوية الجزائرية بعناصرها االساسية االسالم الذي‬ ‫حاربته مستخدمة كل طرق التبشير واللغة العربية التي طمستها وارادت استبدالها باللغة‬ ‫الفرنسية وكل معالم االصول الحضارية للشعب الجزائري عبر تاريخه‬. Translation: There are various signs of cultural imperialism on Algerian educational system and among these is the scientific delusion that the French colonisation implemented in our societies and schools. The fact that our universities are not even among the first one hundred universities in the world is another effect of colonisation. Besides this, there is a high dependency of universities in the way they operate through the use of French language and culture in Algeria by pro-French decision-makers. The attempts of French colonisation to erase and damage the Islamic heritage of Algerians through declaring a war on Islam and Arabic language. Not only this but an attempt to erase all what is historically Algerian. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2:‫ال اعتقد ان فترة االستعمار قد شكلت النظام التعليمي الحالي في الجزائر ولكن‬ ‫قد كان لهذه الفترة االثر الكبير في تشكيل الوعي العام لدى الجزائريين عموما والمتعلمين‬ ‫خصوصا ليس فقط بمحاولة فرض اللغة الفرنسية و تشويه التاريخ الجزائري وتشويه القيم‬ ‫االسالمية واستبدال الهوية وانما بما خلفته من تدمير في الوعي النفسي والوجداني للفرد‬ ‫والمجتمع و نهب للخيرات في الجغرافيا وتشويه لالنية الجزائرية ورسم لمعالم التبعية‬ ‫في كل شيء‬ Translation: I do not think that the colonial period has shaped the current educational system in Algeria, but this period has had a great impact in shaping public awareness among Algerians in general and educated people in particular, not only by trying to impose the French language, distort Algerian history, distort Islamic values ​​and replace identity but rather with the destruction it has left on the psychological and sentimental consciousness of individual and society and the plunder of the country’s resources and distortion of the Algerian ego and drawing the features of dependency in everything.

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149

QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: ‫العوامل الرئيسية لالمبريالية الثقافية في الجزائر تتمثل في عقدة الهيمنة‬ ‫والسيطرة‬ ‫و محاولة تعميم ثقافة الغالب بالقوة واستخدام كل اساليب االخضاع‬ Translation: The main factors of cultural imperialism in Algeria are exemplified in the French supremacy of power and domination and the attempt to popularise the predominant culture by force and the use all methods of submission. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: ‫تقييم مسار االستعمار في الجزائر ليس اقل ما يقال عنه سوى باعتباره استدمار‬ ‫كما قال مولود قاسم نايت بلقاسم‬ Translation: The evaluation of the colonialism course in Algeria is nothing less than what is said only to be a destruction, according to Mouloud Kassem Nait Belkacem. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: ‫يتمثل امتداد حزب فرنسا في النقاش الدائر حاليا بين الوطنيين المخلصين‬ ‫والفركوفيليين حول موضوعات اللغة والثقافة في تلك النخب المهزومة المصنوعة هناك‬ ‫والتي تحاول تنفيذ برنامجها في الجزائر لجعلها تابعة لفرنسا في كل شيء‬ Translation: The extension of Hisb França presents the ongoing debate between loyal patriots and Francophiles on issues of language and culture to try to implement its programs in Algeria to make the country subordinate to France in everything.

1.1.0.2  Th  e Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria? Answ6: ‫النظام التعليمي في الجزائر نظام هش كغيره من االنظمة التعليمية حيث تعيش‬ ‫ وأصبحت هذه‬.‫ نتيجة فشل كل اإلصالحات المتعاقبة‬،‫المنظومة التعليمية أزمة عميقة وحادة‬ ‫ فهو يجانب الصواب‬،‫ وكل من يحاول إنكار ذلك‬،‫الحقيقة دامغة ال سبيل إلنكارها‬.

‫‪150 Appendices‬‬

‫إن هذا الوضع المتدهور للمشهد التربوي ‪ ،‬ما هو إال جزء من أزمة بنيوية مركبة ‪ ،‬مرتبطة‬ ‫بالمجتمع العربي ككلفالمؤسسة التربوية هي جزء من المجتمع‪ ،‬والمجتمع الجزائري مريض بحكم‬ ‫عوضتها القيم المادية االستهالكية حيث‬ ‫انتشار الفقر والحرمان والتهميش وتقهقر منظومة القيم التي ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫عمت االمية وسيطر الجهل على الذهنيات‪ .‬ولم تعد المؤسسة التربوية كما كانت في السابق سلما‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫للمعطلين والمفلسين و المهمشين ‪ .‬كما كفّت المؤسسة‬ ‫لالرتقاء االجتماعي بل أصبحت أكبر منتج‬ ‫التربوية الجزائرية عن دورها الثقافي واإلبداعي المفروض في إطار سياسة منهجية لتدمير العقول‬ ‫وتدجينها بل صارت تفرخ البطالة والبطالين ‪ ،‬وتستنزف األسر‪ ،‬ناهيك عن التسرب المدرسي ـ في‬ ‫صفوف التالميذ ذكورا وإناثا وكذلك في صفوف المربين واالساتذة‪ .‬كل ذلك يعبر عن أزمة خانقة‬ ‫‪Translation: The educational system in Algeria is a fragile system,‬‬ ‫‪where it is experiencing a deep and severe crisis, as a result of the failure‬‬ ‫‪of all successive reforms. This fact has become irrefutable, and everyone‬‬ ‫‪who tries to deny it is wrong. This deteriorating situation of the educa‬‬‫‪tional scene is only part of a complex structural crisis, linked to the Arab‬‬ ‫‪community as a whole. The educational institution is part of society, and‬‬ ‫‪Algerian society is sick and characterised by widespread of poverty, depri‬‬‫‪vation, marginalisation, and materialism values, where ignorance domi‬‬‫‪nates mentalities. The educational institution is no longer, as it was in the‬‬ ‫‪past, a ladder for social advancement. Rather, it has become the largest‬‬ ‫‪producer of the unemployed, bankrupt and marginalized individuals.‬‬ ‫‪The Algerian educational establishment also ceased to deliver its cultural‬‬ ‫‪and creative role within the framework of a systematic policy to destroy‬‬ ‫‪and domesticate the minds, not to mention school dropout—among‬‬ ‫‪male and female students as well as among educators and teachers. All‬‬ ‫‪this expresses a suffocating crisis.‬‬ ‫?‪QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology‬‬ ‫ال مراء في أن حركة التعريب كانت ذات ابعاد سياسية واجتماعية وكانت دوما ‪Answ7:‬‬ ‫صراعا بين اطراف عدة‬ ‫فمن جهة قد مثلت حركة التعريب الثورة الثانية في الجزائر‪ ،‬إنها امتداد لكفاح شعب تشبث‬ ‫بلغته ودينه أثناء االحتالل الفرنسي بإقامته للكتاتيب والزوايا لتعليم اللغة العربية والفقه‬ ‫المالكي والتاريخ والحساب‪ ،‬وإن معركة التعريب بعد االستقالل وخروج الفرنسيين هي‬ ‫رهان عسير ألن الدولة الجزائرية الفتية وجدت نفسها أمام أولويات متزاحمة ومن جهة‬ ‫اخرى كانت هذه الحركة صدمة وصفعة في وجه اوالئك المدافعين عن مصالح فرنسا‬ ‫وانصار الثقافة االجنبية الداعين إلى تعميم أنموذج معين من السلوك والقيم والمفاهيم المرتبطة‬ ‫تماما مع المفاهيم المستوردة من خارج الجزائر‬

 Appendices 

151

Translation: There is no doubt that the Arabisation movement was of political and social dimensions and was always a struggle between several parties. On the one hand, the Arabisation movement has represented the second revolution in Algeria; it is an extension of the struggle of the people attached to its language and religion during the French occupation by establishing writing houses and Zawya to teach the Arabic language, Maliki jurisprudence, history and arithmetic. The battle of Arabisation after independence was a difficult bet because the ‘new’ Algerian state found itself in front of competing priorities. On the other hand, this movement (Arabisation) was a slap in the face to those defending the interests of France and supporters of foreign culture, who called for generalizing a certain model of behaviour, values and ​​ concepts that are completely related to the concepts imported from outside Algeria. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: ‫ان حركة التعريب في الجزائر لم تكن تعني االنغالق على الثقافة االجنبية بل‬ ‫تؤمن باالنفتاح العلمي والتعدد اللغوي والثقافي في الحدود التي ال يخسر فيها االفراد هويتهم‬ ‫وقيمهم الحضارية‬ Translation: The Arabisation movement in Algeria did not mean the exclusion of foreign culture but rather believed in scientific openness, linguistic and cultural plurality respecting individuals’ identity and civilisational values. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: ‫من المؤكد ان تحديات قوية فرضتها ظروف االنفتاح الثقافي والفضائي على‬ ‫ و كان لزاما ً على التربويين أن يعيدوا النظر في مسألة الحفاظ‬،‫منظوماتها التربوية والتعليمية‬ ‫ خاصة مع تهديدات العولمة كونها ظاهرة‬،‫على القيم الوطنية وتكييفها مع المتغيرات الجديدة‬ ‫ان الثقافة االجنبية في البالد المستضعفة تحمل‬. ‫ و غير مكتملة‬،‫متشعبة تتجلى في عدة مظاهر‬ ‫في ثناياها مخططات خادعة مر ّكزة على دور النظم التعليمية في إنتاج ما س ّمته اإلرهاب‬ ‫ ولذلك عملت على إصدار بل‬.‫ وأنها بيئات تولّد نوازع العنف واالعتداء على الغير‬،‫العالمي‬ ‫قد أصدرت فعالً التقارير واإلشارات لتغيير المناهج التعليمية أو على األقل لتعديلها بما‬ ‫”ينسجم والوجهات الجديدة لفكرة عولمة التربية‬. Translation: Certainly, strong challenges were imposed by the cultural openness on the educational systems, and educators had to reconsider the

152 Appendices

issue of preserving national values and ​​ adapting them to new changes, especially with the threats of globalisation in several aspects. Foreign culture in vulnerable countries carries deceptive schemes that focus on the role of educational systems in producing what is called ‘global terrorism’ and that they generate environments that are the source of violence and aggression against others. Therefore, I worked on issuing and had already issued reports and guidance to change educational curricula, or at least to amend them in line with the new directions of globalisation of education.

1.1.0.3  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: ‫المعايير الواجب اتخاذها لمقاومة اللغة والثقافة االمبريالية تتمثل في ضرورة‬ ‫القيام بتحصين الفرد من مخلفات الثقافة االستعمارية‬ Translation: The criteria to be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism can be summarised in the necessity to secure the individual from the remains of colonial culture. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: ‫لتجسيد نظام تعليمي متميز يبدا بإرادة سياسية لدي المسؤولين علي القطاع‬ ‫وكذلك تلقيح االفراد بوعي صامد ومقاوم لالستيالب ومن اجل النهوض بقطاع التربية‬ ‫ والتعليم في الجزائر ال بد من القيام بما يلي‬: ‫ـ ضرورة العمل على ربط األبحاث العلمية بمشاكل المجتمع وقطاعاته‬ ‫الخاصة منها والحكومية‬،‫ الصناعية والزراعية والخدمية‬،‫المختلفة‬. • ‫ـ العمل على توعية قيادات القطاع الخاص بأهمية المساهمة المادية الفعالة في النهوض‬ ‫بالقطاع التربوي‬ • ‫ـ إقامةبنوك وشبكات وطنية للمعلومات تربط بين المؤسسات التربوية ومعاهد البحوث‬ ‫وبعض المؤسسات المعنية األخرى وأهمها التجارية والصناعية واإلفادة من تجارب‬ ‫الجامعات المتطورة في العالم في مجال إنشاء الشبكات الفعلية واالفتراضية للبحث‬ ‫والتطوير والمعلوماتية‬. ‫ـ ضرورة التكوين المستمر لألساتذة والمعلمين منهم خاصة لالستفادة من‬ ‫تطوير أساليب البحث التربوي‬.

 Appendices 

153

Translation: To establish a distinguished educational system that begins with a political will of those in charge in the field of education, as well as to secure individuals from imperialism and enhance the education sector in Algeria, the following must be done: 1. The necessity to link scientific research with the problems of society and its various sectors: industrial, agricultural and services, private and governmental. 2. Educate the leaders of the private sector on the importance of an effective financial contribution to the advancement of the educational sector. 3. Establishing national banks and networks of information to link educational institutions, research institutes and some other institutions, namely the commercial and industrial ones, and benefiting from the experiences of advanced universities in the world in the field of establishing virtual networks for research, development and informatics. 4. The need for continuous training of professors and especially teachers, to benefit from the development of educational research methods. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: ‫االستقاللية ضرورية في كل النواحي سواء تعلق االمر بالوسائل التعليمية او‬ ‫في البرامج التكوينية‬ ‫وكذلك في عدم قدرة الفعل التربوي ومخرجاته على التأثير في قطاعات العمل والتنمية‬ ‫ وانفصال مخرجات النظام‬،‫وال على تغذية وتنمية الطاقات اإلنتاجية واالقتصادية و الثقافية‬ ‫ مما أدى إلى اإلبقاء على حالة التخلف‬،‫التعليمي العربي كلية عن واقع احتياجات المجتمع‬ ‫ وهجرة معظم‬،‫ وتكديس حملة الشهادات بال عمل‬،‫االقتصادي والثقافي والفني من جهة‬ ‫الكفاءات إلى خارج المجتمعات العربية من جهة أخرى‬ Translation: Autonomy is necessary in all aspects, whether it comes to educational methods or training programs as well as the inability of the educational sector and its outputs to influence the sectors of work and development, or feed and develop productive, economic and cultural energies. On the one hand, the isolation of the Arab educational system entirely from the reality of society’s needs led to maintain the state of

154 Appendices

economic, cultural and technical underdevelopment. On the other hand, accumulating certificate holders without work also led most of the competent individuals to migrate out of Arab societies. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed/ or selected? Answ13: ‫في اعتقادي ان المعايير السليمة التي يجب اختيارها من اجل مادة تعليمية‬ ‫ناجحة وناجعة هي تلك التي تكون اصيلة نابعة من الشعب الجزائري متغذية من تاريخه‬ ‫الوطني وهويته الضاربة في اعماق التاريخ وكذلك ال بد من مشروع مجتمعي واضح المعالم‬ ‫قادر على مجابهة المشكالت الكبرى التي يعانى منها الواقع التربوي و االنخراط فى قراءة‬ ‫الواقع االجتماعي والحضاري لصياغة خطاب تربوي و فكرى نوعى يغير هذا الواقع وفق‬ ‫ والقيام بدورها كمؤسسة فاعلة فيه‬،‫ مما يقرب المدرسة او الجامعة الى المجتمع‬.‫رؤية علمية‬ ‫تهدف إلى تفعيل الحراك االجتماعي‬ Translation: I believe that the proper criteria that must be chosen for a successful and effective educational material are those that are originated from the Algerian people, nourishing from their national history and their identity, which is deeply rooted in history. Also, there must be a clear societal project that is capable of facing the major problems of education. Besides this, there should be an engagement in reading the social and cultural reality to formulate an educational and qualitative discourse that can change this reality according to a scientific vision. This brings the school or university closer to society to fulfil their role as active institutions aiming to activate social mobility.

1.2 Appendix B: Ali Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question; Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

 Appendices 

155

1.2.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: The effects of colonial education on the Algerian educational system: At the level of higher administration, decision-makers are fully Franco-phonic. The decision-makers further select the Franco-phonic local managers and curriculum designers. The latter decide the educational system based on their Franco-phonic background and education. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2: Yes, regarding the answer to the first question, furthermore, any trial to reform the educational system that meets our Algerian norms and value fails because of the Franco-phonic decision-makers. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: Firstly, the human factor which is mentioned above. Secondly, the linguistic factor represented in giving priority to the French language instead of Arabic Language. Thirdly, this priority is also given to the French language at the expense of English language which dominates worldwide educational systems and other fields. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: It was a destroying educational system, for it sought to destroy our Algerian identity, religion and social values. Moreover, it delayed the Algerian advancement in all fields, notably the scientific ones. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: Hisb França occupy key positions that allow them to influence the Algerian decision-making in politics, economy, media, culture,

156 Appendices

education and so on. They are well installed since the independence till nowadays. They further use their media and political parties to reinforce their attitudes or to prevent any programme of their opponents. The Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria? Answ6: Algerian educational system is suffering from instability due to the intervention of Hisb França through their multiple means. In addition, it misses the ultimate objectives of any educational system in the world. It also lacks effectiveness in its curricula, consequently, the majority of students receive a poor knowledge. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: The Arabisation movement is a natural movement that aims to restore the Arabic language position, to enlarge its use in different areas and to give the foreign languages their natural positions; hence, they may not substitute or eradicate the Arabic language. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: The Arabisation has no impact on the readership of foreign literature and language due to some factors as follow: Firstly, the sterility of the educational system. Secondly, the educational system is close from the foreign languages except French language. Thirdly, Arabisation does not oppose educational system to be open to foreign literature and languages. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: Yes, because foreign culture and language are parts of another environment that encompasses different values, norms, religion which differ from the Algerian environment.

 Appendices 

157

1.2.0.2  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: Firstly, the political decision is very important in this issue. Secondly, the educational system must meet the Algerian values, traditions, religion, and so on. Thirdly, the educational area must get rid of all Hisb França who occupy the key status. Fourthly, the educational system must provide a rich curricula that fit the Algerian identity. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: Educational system must benefit from the updated knowledge. Educational system must be open to foreign languages especially the English language. Educational system must be managed by a competent crew who are far from any foreign influence. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: Yes, because foreign designers or counsellors may harm the Algerian identity. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed or selected? Answ13: Firstly, the religion. Secondly, the Arabic language. Thirdly, the true history of the country. Fourthly, the traditions and customs of the people.

158 Appendices

1.3 Appendix C: Houneida Interview Note: please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question; Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

1.3.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: Colonial education might have had a beneficial effect on the Algerian educational system at some point, but today, it is more of a nuisance than it is favourable. The Algerian educational system today became a low budget reproduction of the French educational system, as it copies most of its guidelines but still fails to provide a quality that matches it. While the French educational system is being continuously updated, the Algerian system still follows the same basics that were enforced by the French colonialism except for minor—and seemingly insignificant and ineffective—changes. The effects of the colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system are, therefore, mainly negative; and my personal views are that the entire system as a whole should be reconsidered and gradually altered into a better version. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2: The colonial period has most definitely affected the educational system in Algeria. That there was a noticeable alteration in education in Algeria during colonisation is an undeniable fact, for the educational arrangement before colonisation relied mostly on religious constitution and cultural structure. It was only after the colonial period that education became compulsory for both genders and more up-todate with the worldwide standards of education. This, however, does not

 Appendices 

159

justify the attempted (and perhaps failed?) eradication of the cultural and religious roots from the education of the Algerian population. The French language, along with French fundamentals, dominated the educational system in Algeria for so long since the beginning of the post-independence era, and has continued to dominate it even after the “Arabisation” took place. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: Cultural imperialism has perhaps been the country’s most prominent characteristic ever since colonisation started; that is to say, much before the infamous French colonisation. This tendency to be affected by cultural imperialism is a product of the nation’s repetitive exposure to colonisation: each of the colonizers that set foot in Algeria has left its footprints. Today, Algeria finds itself in the middle of a struggle between the Islamic influence, the European influence, and the American influence. Generations, from elders to the middle aged to the young, continuously struggle to either maintain the status quo of the culture or to update the cultural background to match the rest of the world (be it the colonizer’s or the new world’s). It seems that Algerians consent to cultural imperialism because they seek in alternative cultures certain forms of freedom and lifestyles that their own culture does not tolerate. However, this does not change the fact that cultural imperialism is a crucial consistent of Algerian culture, and perhaps cannot be detached from it any time soon. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: The colonial curriculum in Algeria has had its benefits and its inconveniences. While this curriculum has pushed the country’s education forwards and updated it to the worldwide standards in the recent past, it also has had a negative influence on the results. When a colonized nation is forced to follow a curriculum designed by the colonizer at the expense of the nation’s culture, problems of pride arise (the example of Ireland and Scotland’s situation after the suppression of Gaelic in schools and its replacement by English comes to mind). One cannot possibly admit the benefits of the French educational system objectively without

160 Appendices

conjuring up the prejudiced remembrance of a distinguished Algerian culture that new generations can barely recognize as once their own. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: The debate concerning the educational system is an ongoing discussion. Today, the main issue is whether the educational system should go on dependently imitating the French system or change directions towards a novel method. Hisb França, though a controversial term, refers to the portion of society that prefers to keep the Francophone characteristic of the Algerian society alive—in this case, through maintaining its imbedding in the educational system. The other portion, and it is safe to say the majority of society, aspires to change this status to a more international commitment; that is, from a Francophone society to an Anglophone one. This would help improve the quality of education in Algeria, as the scholars would have more access to the research done internationally in the English language.

1.3.0.2  Th  e Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria? Answ6: The current situation of the educational system in Algeria is, in all honesty, not satisfactory. While it exceeds expectations in providing public education free of charge, from primary to higher education, the people still do not benefit from this in terms of quality. The educational scheme in Algeria is a one of quantity and not of quality; it values the idea that every single citizen should be educated (not to say that this is not an advantage, it is) but of what worth that education consists, is a matter of no concern. This quantitative approach to education has not been effective as of late; the numbers of students have been growing incessantly, but the level continues to deteriorate almost as steadily. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology?

 Appendices 

161

Answ7: The movement of Arabisation was a personal ideology of the government that put it in effect. The movement was widely disputed and argued against at the time, but it was enforced and applied despite the disagreements it caused. The main goal of the Arabisation was perhaps a noble purpose: to form an Algerian identity that is completely independent and separate from the coloniser’s identity. Because of the fact that this was also a form of prejudice against the French colonisation, it became successful among a large percentage of the population, and it exerted an influence on the views of many, hence, it was put to application. The movement has, since then, created a new form of identity crisis within the postcolonial Algerian society. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: The identity crisis referred to in the answer to the previous question opens a discussion for this question. If the individual can be neither fully French, nor fully Arab, nor fully African, then what does that make of them? With whom does a reader or a writer identify in terms of literature? An Algerian piece of writing, for example, cannot be labelled French literature even if it is written in the French language. It is not Arab literature either even if it is written in the Arabic language. The languages that the country adopts as its own remain adoptive despite the efforts that both the government and the people put into accepting it and becoming accustomed to it; it always continues to provoke confusion. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: The implementation of foreign culture itself does not play a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration in my opinion, it is the continuous radical alteration in these foreign cultures that affects it negatively. Progress in the educational domain requires the inevitable integration with other cultures, but it does not necessarily imply that the other culture should take over the existing culture wholly. This seems to be the approach that the Algerian government has taken before (and plans to take again) in shifting gears when it comes to the educational system. The issue, then, is not with the practice of foreign cultures and

162 Appendices

languages in the educational system, but with the full eradication of the already existing culture—a better educational system cannot be built in a new culture if it is completely imported and groundless.

1.3.0.3  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: I believe that linguistic and cultural imperialism should not be seen as the monster they are made out to be. One’s own culture should assuredly be preserved and glorified, but integration with other cultures should be accepted and celebrated even. Cultural imperialism will be averted when people refuse to consider their own culture as inferior to that of more powerful nations but simultaneously come to an agreement to absorb other existing cultures and bend them to fit within the norms of their own heritage. To abandon one’s tradition does not improve one’s condition, but neither does stubbornly clinging to only one’s customs. The acceptance and adoption of other ideologies solves the issue by eliminating the notion of superiority and inferiority in cultures. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: The Algerian educational system is not a completely hopeless case; it can very well be improved by the previously mentioned integration. The French educational system has not been proving fruitful lately, so it should be a natural development for the Algerian government to look elsewhere for enhanced methods and approaches. These enhanced methods and approaches could be ideologies coming from within as well as from without. A reasonable and logical first step seems to be shifting the focus of second language teaching from French to English in order to pave the way for advanced world research to reach the grasp of future generations of Algerian scholars and researchers. This, however, does not imply that there should be a full take-over of the American or British

 Appendices 

163

educational systems over the Algerian system—thus, aversion of cultural imperialism while still benefiting from the circumstances. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: There should definitely be a partial autonomy in designing our own Algerian teaching materials—partial because a full independence would be near impossible. The Algerian government should invest in research attempting to shape a curriculum that the Algerian population can work with and identify with. The basics of teaching and learning are common among all humans, but culture and language are powerful variables when it comes to influencing this process. A modern way of viewing the Algerian cultural and linguistic identity could open up doors of the country’s potential that remain yet undiscovered in the educational domain, and necessarily, in other practical domains. However, a complete independence cannot be a worthy idea if it means that existing knowledge about education should be discarded only to be rediscovered all over again and becomes, in short, a waste of time and effort. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed/ or selected? Answ13: The cultural standards based on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed should cover many aspects. The values and principles, not only of the Algerian society but also of the human existence in general—specifically respect of and tolerance towards the identities of beliefs of others—should stand on top of the pyramid. This, along with a robust faith in scientific research, strengthens the education of any nation and urges it forwards. A culture that glorifies science over any other delusion grows into a powerful culture because while it still remains faithful to its heritage, it develops new methods of understanding and celebrating it through the science it upholds. If the Algerian educational system endeavours to implant the roots of humanity and science together within its beneficiaries, it will witness a dramatic improvement. Appendix D: Malika Interview ‫ السؤال االول يتحدث عن االمبريالية التاريخية ويبدو هذا من المسلمات بالنسبة لك‬:‫مليكة‬.

‫‪164 Appendices‬‬

‫‪Malika: the first question talks about the historical imperialism and‬‬ ‫‪this seems logical to you.‬‬ ‫‪.‬سليم‪ :‬نعم هو من المسلمات‬ ‫‪Salim: Yes, it is.‬‬ ‫مليكة‪ :‬ال هذا خطأ ألسباب كثيرة‪ ،‬ال الن االستعمار كان يريد ان يوصل لنا العلم والمعرفة‪،‬‬ ‫ال‪ ،‬ذلك ّ‬ ‫الن المعلمين الفرنسيين كانوا مناضلين ضد االستعمار‪ ،‬كانوا كلهم في نقابات مناضلة‬ ‫وال يستجيبون ألوامر تمييزية‪ ،‬كانوا معلمين احرار‪ .‬السبب الثاني‪ :‬العلوم المعرفية لم تكن‬ ‫‪.‬متطورة لذلك كان من الصعب على السياسيين أن يستغلوها ويستخدموها داخل المدرسة‬ ‫‪Malika: No, this is not true for many reasons: not because the coloni‬‬‫‪sation aimed for better knowledge and education, but it is rather the‬‬ ‫‪French teachers were activists against colonisation thoughts and were‬‬ ‫‪engaged in various unions and did not respond to the discrimination‬‬ ‫‪plans of the colonisation when it comes to education, they were free and‬‬ ‫‪able to choose what goes with their principles. The second reason theories‬‬ ‫‪of teaching were not fully developed and available for politicians to‬‬ ‫‪implement them into schools.‬‬ ‫سليم‪ :‬ولكن ان اقصد باإلمبريالية الثقافية انه كان هناك ثقافة واحدة ولغة واحدة مضامين‬ ‫واحدة احادية الطرف والفكر‪ ،‬لم يكن فيه تعليم اللغة العربية او الثقافة الجزائرية؟‬ ‫‪Salim: What I mean by cultural imperialism is that there was one cul‬‬‫‪ture, one language, one unitary concepts, there was no attempt to teach‬‬ ‫‪Arabic nor its culture.‬‬ ‫مليكة‪ :‬هل منعونا من مواصلة تربيتنا؟ كنا نذهب الى الكتّاب واليوم الكتاب مغلوق في‬ ‫وجهنا‪ ،‬هناك مرسوم صدر في سنة ‪ 1994‬تفيد‪" :‬تعليم القران يتطلب رخصة من الوزارة "‬ ‫هذه العمليات أو الممارسات لم نكن نعرفها قبل االستقالل‪ ،‬ال تنس ايضا انه كانت نخبة‬ ‫جزائرية قبل االستقالل بوعي عال وتفكير عال لم يكونوا متخوفين اطالقا من اللغة الفرنسية‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪.‬ألن العربية لم تكن مهددة‬ ‫مثل عند تسجيل طفل في المدرسة الفرنسية كان يطرح على الوالد هذا السؤال‪" :‬اين‬ ‫وصل"؟ أي اين وصل من حيث حفظ القران؟ إن كان لم يصل على االقل الى سورة الرحمن‬ ‫فيمنع من التسجيل‪ ،‬إذ ال تعلم الفرنسية على الفراغ‪ ،‬فلم يكن هناك تمييز مدرسي وإذا كانت‬ ‫هناك هيمنة ثقافية لم تكن لتخيفنا‪ ،‬كل الجزائريين كانوا مشبعين بثقافتهم‪ .‬كانوا متخوفين من‬ ‫‪.‬االستعمار ولكن كانت مناعتهم هي القران‪ ،‬كان استعمار اقتصادي استعمار نهب الثروات‬ ‫‪Malika: Did they prevent us from educating our children? We used to‬‬ ‫‪go to ‘Kotab’ (a place used to teach Quran to children) but now they are‬‬ ‫‪closed. There was a decree issued in 1994 details that there should be a‬‬

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165

license to teach the Quran. These practices did not exist before independence. Do not forget also that there was a group of Algerian elite before independence that were not threatened by the existence of the French language in Algeria; in other words, the Arabic language was not under threat. Another example, when a child is registered to learn French during the colonisation era, the father used to ask the Quran teachers ‘where is he at?’ it means how far did he go in memorizing the Quran? If the child did not reach at least the chapter of ‘Al Rahman’, then he cannot register to study the French language. The French language was not taught without prior knowledge of local cultures. There was not discrimination in teaching and education. If there was a cultural imperialism, it would have been so threatening because all Algerians were so attached to their cultures. The colonisation was economic to steal our resources. ‫ اذن تظنين ان‬... ‫ انا كنت اظن ان التعليم الجزائري هو امتداد لالستعمار الفرنسي‬:‫سليم‬ ‫الفرانكوفونيين او ما يسمى بحزب فرنسا هم أخطر على التعليم الجزائري من حقبة االستعمار‬ ‫الفرنسي؟‬ Salim: I thought that the Algerian education is an extension to the French colonisation era… so you think that the Francophone or the socalled Hisb França are more of a threat to education than colonisation was? ‫ ليسوا الفرانكفونيون الذين د ّمروا اللغة العربية في الجزائر‬:‫مليكة‬، ‫ فالمشروع المدرسي‬،‫المدرسة الجزائرية كانت وال زالت امتدادا لحزب جبهة التحرير‬ ‫ وكي يضمن‬،‫ فتصبح الوزارة مجرد هيئة تنفيذ‬،‫كان يصاغ في حضن الحزب وباللغة العربية‬ ‫هذا الحزب تطبيق مشروعه على ك ّل القطر الجزائري نظم او شكل شبكة مراقبة متكونة من‬ ‫ مه ّمتهم ضمان التنفيذ الحرفي الصارم للمشروع من طرف جميع المعلمين بال‬،‫مفتشين‬ ‫استثناء‬. Malika: Not the Francophone who destroyed the Arabic language in Algeria. The Algerian school was and still a solid extension to the FLN (the National Liberation Front in French language: Front de Liberation National), the educational project used to be designed by the FLN, and therefore the ministry is just a tool to put the project into practice. For the FLN to ensure the implementation of its educational project across Algeria, it designed a network of inspectors with a job to ensure that the project is literally implemented by all teachers without any exception.

‫‪166 Appendices‬‬

‫سليم‪ :‬ولكن لماذا هذا التعتيم على الفترة االستعمارية وأنها سبب كل االوضاع السيئة في‬ ‫مجال التربية؟‬ ‫‪Salim: But why this camouflage to cover; what is happening through‬‬ ‫?‪blaming colonisation policies‬‬ ‫مليكة‪ :‬كغطاء اإلخفاء سياسة الحزب المهيمنة‪ ،‬ومواصلة المشروع‪ ،‬ومع ذلك فكرة‬ ‫التمييز المدرسي نشأت سنة ‪ 1947‬في اليونسكو‪ ،‬ولم تصلنا إالّ بعد االستقالل‪ ،‬وصاحب‬ ‫‪،‬الفكرة هو مدير اليونسكو نفسه وهو انجليزي امريكي‪ ،‬شخصية معروفة اسمه جوليان هاكسلي‬ ‫‪.‬ويتم هذا التمييز كالتالي‪ :‬إنشاء لغة مدرسية موجهة ألطفال البلدان المستعمرة‬ ‫أبريل ‪ 1947‬والدة المشروع التمييزي‪ :‬اليونسكو تستثمر مجال تربية الشعوب الخاضعة ––‬ ‫للسيطرة االستعمارية‪ .‬إعداد أطفال المستعمرات إلى الخضوع‪ .‬خطوة أولى نحو اإلنسانية‬ ‫‪،‬الخاضعة‬ ‫‪: Birth of two concepts:‬والدة مفهومين أو مصطلحين‬ ‫‪،‬اللغة المدرسية—اللغة المبسطة‬ ‫من اليونسكو إلى وزارة الخارجية الفرنسية‪ .‬اللغة المبسطة كأداة سياسية ‪- 1950‬‬ ‫‪،‬اعتمد مشروع اليونسكو من قبل وزارة الشؤون الخارجية الفرنسية‬ ‫‪،‬ردود فعل عنيفة من قبل المفكرين الفرنسيين ضد المشروع –‬ ‫‪"،‬وقام بفضح هذا المشروع االمريكي نخبة من المثقفين الفرنسيين في جريدة "لوموند‬ ‫اقتراح بالمشروع إلى البرلمان الفرنسي ؛ رفض باإلجماع فشل كامل ‪—1954‬‬ ‫‪،‬نشر كتاب جماعي للمفكرين هذا الكتاب يكشف المؤامرة داخل اليونسكو بعنوان ‪-‬‬ ‫! ‪Le français élémentaire !Non‬‬ ‫قامت امريكا بتطبيق هذا المشروع على أطفال السّكان السّود في امريكا في الستّينيات‪،‬‬ ‫وعارض مثقفون الفكرة وكانت تسمى برامجهم التعليمية بالبرامج التعويضية ومصطلح‬ ‫‪"،‬البرنامج التعويضية" نجده في كل نصوص وزارة التربية الجزائرية‬ ‫تم إدخال المشروع في الجزائر وتم تعميمه عبر كامل القطر الجزائري‪ .‬واُدخل ‪– 1965‬‬ ‫‪،‬المشروع لتعليم اللغة العربية والفرنسية‬ ‫وعن تصنيع اللغة المبسطة‪ .‬نظمت وزارة الخارجية الفرنسيةدورات تدريبية للمفتشين –‬ ‫‪،‬الستيعاب معايير تصنيع للغة الجديدة‬ ‫‪1990: 6‬‬ ‫‪.‬تمديد مشروع ‪ 1947‬إلى وزارة الشؤون الدينية‪ .‬لغة مبسطة في المساجد ‪1981:‬‬ ‫يعني نستطيع القول انها هيمنة من نوع اخر للسيطرة على بلدان العالم الفقيرة والمستعمرة‬ ‫بدون حرب‪ ،‬ذلك بإنشاء لغة جديدة للبلدان المستعمرة سواء كانت تحت االستعمار الفرنسي‬ ‫او االنجليزي وسميّت باللغة المدرسية وهذه لغة جد بسيطة وذات معايير محدّدة ال تسمح‬ ‫‪.‬لألطفال بان يصلوا للتفكير‬

 Appendices 

167

‫مشروع اللغة المبسطة خلف عدة نتائج من بينها إنشاء "الشبه كتاب" أي كتاب كاذب‬ ‫ بضاعة ال تخضع‬،‫ بضاعة شكلها شكل الكتاب وهي ليست كتابا‬،‫يحمل اللغة المبسطة‬ ،‫ فهو ال ينقل ال هذا وال هذا‬،‫ أي سند ينقل العلم أو ينقل الثقافة‬،‫للتعريف المعروف به للكتاب‬ ‫هذا الذي يشرح سبب منعه في أوروبا‬. Malika: It was a cover to hide the FLN policy and keep the project going. However, the educational discrimination started in UNESCO 1947 and reached Algeria after independence. The man of this project is an English-American character; he was the head of UNESCO at that time; his name is Julian Huxley. His educational discrimination project was formed based on the following: • To form a school language directed to the children at the colonized countries. • April, 1947, the birth of the educational discrimination project: UNESCO started to invest in the education of the colonised countries and prepare children of the colonies to be part of this project. • The birth of two concepts: school language and the basic/simplified language. • 1950: From UNESCO to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the use of the basic language as a political tool. The project was adopted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but the French elite and intellectuals opposed the idea and exposed the American project in Le Monde newspaper. Therefore, the project was aborted. • 1954: The project was suggested in the French parliament, but there was a total agreement to oppose its implementation. • A book was written by the French elite and intellectuals to expose the American project plotted in UNESCO, the book entitled: Le français élémentaire! Non. • The project was then implemented in the United States on the black children of the ghettoes in the 1960s; many American intellectuals opposed the idea. Their educational programmes used to be called ‘the compensational programmes’. The term ‘the compensational programmes’ is found in all decrees of the Ministry of the National Education in Algeria.

168 Appendices

• 1965: The project was first implemented in Algeria and was imposed across the country to teach Arabic and French languages. • Many training courses and workshops were organised by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to train Algerian inspectors to understand and apply the new concept of ‘the basic language’. • 1990: The project was extended to include children under 6 years old in Algeria. • 1981: The 1947 project was extended to include the Ministry of Religious Affairs: simplified language in mosques. We can say that this is a different form of imperialism to gain control over the poor countries without engaging in wars. This imperialism focuses on designing a new language (more simplified) to be taught in the colonised countries (whether used to be under French or British colonisation). This language was labelled ‘the school language/basic language/ simplified language’ which is characterised by very limited standards of learning that do not allow deep reflection and thinking. This project of ‘school language’ had many consequences, and one of them is the design of ‘the semi-educational textbook’. That is, a deceptive textbook that carries a very simplified language in a form of an educational textbook, but in reality it is not. A textbook delivers knowledge and culture of the country to children, but the so-called educational textbook in Algeria does not deliver any of the mentioned elements, and this is why it is semi-educational. This explains why this kind of textbooks that are widely spread in Algeria are in fact not allowed in Europe. ‫ ولكن السؤال المطروح كيف نفسر الهيمنة اللغوية والثقافية والفرنسية حاليا في‬:‫سليم‬ ‫الجامعات في المدارس في المجتمع؟‬ Salim: But how do we explain the cultural and linguistic imperialism through the use of French language in schools and universities in Algeria? ‫ أ ّما عن الفرنسية المستعملة هل هي فرنسية ثقافية؟‬،‫ هذا راجع إلى فشل تعليم العربية‬:‫مليكة‬ Malika: This can be attributed to the failure of teaching Arabic, but for the French language used in our societies, is it a language that teaches the French culture as well?

 Appendices 

169

‫ هذا هو مربط الفرس ولكن لماذا اللغة الفرنسية ال زالت تستعمل بتركيز عال في‬:‫سليم‬ ‫الجامعات وتحديدا في الشعب العلمية على الرغم ان الطلبة ممكن ال يتقنونها ويفشلون في‬ ‫معظم االحيان في الجامعات بسبب اللغة الفرنسية؟‬ Salim: This is the point, but why do you think the French language is still highly used in universities and in the scientific branches in particular although students do not master that language and fail most of the time because of the French language use in teaching? ‫ النهم ببساطة اهملوا اللغة العربية وبدأوا بتدميرها مثال كان كثير من الشباب بعد‬:‫مليكة‬ ‫االستقالل يدرسون في روسيا لم يكن لديهم مشكل لغوي اطالقا النهم عندما كانوا صغار كان‬ ‫يدرس في‬ ّ ‫ يوجد مثال معلم فرنسي وعسكري في الجزائر كان‬،‫عقلهم متطور جدا بالقران‬ ‫ الحظ انه ال يوجد فرق في المستوى اللغوي بين تالميذه في الجزائر وتالميذه‬،‫قرية نائية‬ ‫الفرنسيين وهذا راجع الى المستوى الثقافي العالي لتالميذ القرية كانوا حفظة للقران وحفظة‬ ‫للشعر وحفظة لقصص الجدة وحفظة للتراث الشعبي أ ّما اليوم ال يوجد دور للجدة في االسرة‬ ‫ال يوجد دور للمسجد في المجتمع‬. Malika: Because they have simply ignored the Arabic language and worked towards destroying it. For example, many young students after independence used to study in Russia and did not have one linguistic problem because their minds were fully developed through the study of the Quran. Another example, a French soldier and teacher used to teach French in Algeria during colonisation in one of the villages; he noticed that there was no difference between Algerian and French students at the level of their comprehension and learning skills, and this is attributed to the high cultural input that the village students had through memorising the Quran, poetry, grandmothers’ stories and the folklore heritage. Today, however, there is no place for grandmothers’ stories in family and mosque in society. ‫ ما هو الحل االمثل الذي ترينه للخروج من هذه االزمة؟‬:‫سليم‬ Salim: What is, then, the perfect solution that you think can get us out of this crisis? ،‫ من السيّاسات التمييزية‬،‫ الحل بسيط هو إخراج المدرسة من البرامج التمييزية‬:‫مليكة‬ ‫ أهداف القرن الواحد والعشرين والتي تتماشى‬،‫وذلك بااللتحاق باألهداف المدرسية العالمية‬ ‫مع أهداف المدرسة األصيلة مدرسة الحضارة العربية اإلسالمية‬.

170 Appendices

Malika: The solution is simple; we have to move away from the discriminatory educational programmes, to move away from the discriminatory policies by trying to realise the aims of the universal school which are the aims of the twenty-first century that are congruent with the aims of the original Algerian school, the school of the Arabic and Islamic civilisation. ‫ تقصدين ان يكون للمساجد دور حضاري للطفل وليس تعليمي؟‬:‫سليم‬ Salim: Do you mean that mosques should have a civilisational and not an educational role for children? ‫ نعم‬:‫مليكة‬. Malika: Yes. ‫ هل ترين انّه من الواجب مراعاة المناهج التعليمية الحالية؟‬:‫سليم‬ Salim: Do you think we should keep the current educational curricula? ‫تخص االبتدائي وما قبل المدرسي يجب ان ترمى كلها في القمامة هي‬ ‫ المناهج التّي‬:‫مليكة‬ ّ ‫ كلّها تخدم هدفا تمييزيا‬،‫كلها مبنية على لغة مبسطة‬. Malika: Primary schools and pre-schooling educational curricula must be thrown all in a trash bin because they are based on a simplified language, they serve a discriminatory purpose. ‫ ولكن في نهاية المطاف فيمن نثق إلعادة هيكلة هذه المناهج؟‬:‫سليم‬ Salim: At the end of the day, who do we trust to re-structure these curricula? ‫ يجب ان تعطى لهم‬،‫ واليوم بما أنّهم خريجي الجامعة فهم أساتذة‬،‫ المعلّمون‬:‫مليكة‬ ‫المسؤولية حتّى يصبح لهم دورا فعّاال‬. Malika: Teachers, they must be given responsibility and be part in restructuring curricula for them to have an effective role.

 Appendices 

171

1.4 Appendix E: Nouha Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question, Answ=Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

1.4.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: The effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system are major. Beyond doubt, colonial education has a negative impact on the quality of education in Algeria which explains why the system, despite the government’s several attempts to improve it, is still unstable and needs more consideration from the part of both teachers and curriculum designers. Needless to say, the Algerian educational system still so much resembles the French system. Consequently, the split that the French caused in Algerian education, which encompasses the tensions between Arabisation and Francophones, is still felt to this day. It should be noted that graduates who are specialized in French are more privileged than those who major in an Arabic specialty. The latter, to their dismay, are still facing difficulties to find employment in the government or in-state industries. French is taught at an early stage in primary schools and is considered as one of the main subjects that students should master in order to pass to the next level after the national exam. Although the effect of colonial discrimination on literacy is said to be decreasing over time, the educational system is still facing some serious problems that need to be taken seriously. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2: I think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system to a large extent for Algeria still lives in the aftermath of

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colonialism. First, it goes without saying that every colonialist policy would try to exclusively serve its own needs, and the outcomes are longlasting. The current educational system still bears traces of the colonial past. Because of the assimilation policy that France imposed on Algerians, and through which they encouraged the learning of French and educated Algerians about French history and culture, it became clear why French is still a dominant language in almost all fields in higher education and has remained a crucial language of instruction despite the early attempts at Arabisation of the educational system. It is worth mentioning that the Algerian educational system is inherited from the French system as students are supposed to study nine years (primary and middle school period) before passing to high school which is a preparation for university. All in, the system is still dependent on the French colonial education. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: I believe that Algeria absorbed a heavy cultural imperialism for which its main goal was to suppress Algerian cultural identity and remould society along French lines. Cultural imperialism in Algeria attempted to impose French educational norms and spread the culture and history of French through control of language, curriculum and methods of instruction. That is to say, colonial education is one major factor designed to civilize Algeria by imposing the French culture and demolishing the indigenous Islamic and Arabic beliefs and values. Therefore, education is oriented towards French since language is adapted as a means to continue the culture. In other words, cultural imperialism in Algeria can be evident in the legacy of a dual language system that still exists to this day. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: Although colonial curriculum in Algeria introduced a new perspective of education, new language, new genres of literature as people became familiar with Latin writings, for example, it still had a big negative effect on Algerian culture. The curriculum was no different from that in France; students in both countries were taught the same curriculum. However, it goes without saying that the colonial curriculum did not align with the Algerian beliefs and culture. Consequently, it led to the scarification of Islamic and Arab values. That is, it was largely based on

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the French Education curriculum where they attempted heavily to influence the Algerian students with the French culture, which can be seen in the fact that Algerian schools used to teach using French language instead of Arabic. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: The extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture lies within the use of French which is deemed a lingua franca of Algeria. Despite the several attempts to eradicate French, it is still the dominant language used by a high proportion of Algerians, taught at an early stage in schools, and continues to be the language used in most. However, the Algerian minister of higher education is considering promoting English as an official language of teaching and relying less on French in hopes of opening up to the international environment and granting Algeria’s cultural independence. The opponents of this idea and the supporters of the French language claim that by switching to English, Algeria would lose its window to modernity as well as the benefits of using French instead of any other foreign language. All in, Algeria is a part of a French-speaking environment.

1.4.0.2  Th  e Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria? Answ6: The current educational system in Algeria is not ideal; it still has some traces of colonial curriculum and past. It is not stable nor autonomous. There have been many educational reforms in the past years to improve the system, but unfortunately, they weren’t successful. Successive scandals over the past years put the credibility of the Algerian educational system into question. For example, the mistakes spotted in the Baccalaureate exams as well as the errors found in the textbooks became national scandals. Needless to say, students go to university without the adequate background required in the university curriculum; most students’ level does not comply with the expectations of their teachers,

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and the majority face some serious difficulties to succeed in their college journey. Although the country aims to provide universal access to education, many parents resort to private schools which shows how the system does not meet the needs of students and, therefore, raises the question of inefficiency of the Algerian educational system. This very dissatisfaction has been felt by most teachers and learners around the country. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: The Arabisation movement was an ideology since it served as a unifying factor against French colonial forces and aimed at repairing the national identity. It was the process of promoting and developing the Arabic language into the educational system, the government and the media. Despite the fact that 60% of the Algerian population could not read Arabic after the independence, they still called for the movement, and it was a means of national unity. The national government used it as a tool for ensuring national sovereignty. The Arabisation movement attempted at causing a language shift by their gradual adoption of the Arabic language and their incorporation of the culture. Although French is still used nowadays in education and everyday life, Arabic remains the official language of the country. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: Arabisation was always rejected by Francophones. There have always been reforms in favour of bilingualism to refresh the educational system. However, it influenced Algerians to believe that they are monolingualists as the number of French speakers has diminished; many Algerians hate the French language even though the majority still considered it as a prestigious language when they opted for the second reform “bilingualism”; it did not work out and the results were not satisfying because the most of Algerians lost the needed knowledge of French because of the lack of French use and practice. However, people who speak foreign languages consider themselves as ‘the intellectual elite’ of the Algerian population because they are more liberal than those who are conservative.

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QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: I think the implementation of French language and culture back at the days when Algeria was colonized is a major reason behind the current Algerian educational system deterioration because it aimed at destroying the Algerian culture and replacing it with that of the French, and it was done through the process of assimilation which left a longlasting impact on the current Algerian society in general and on the education system in particular. By implementing French, the coloniser tried to control the most aspects of intellectual life, and it succeeded to some extent. Nowadays, students, especially those who major in scientific streams at university, face difficulties at mastering the French language which influences their scores and grades. After the independence, the rate of illiteracy in Algeria was more than 90% which caused teachers and professors to leave the country. Nowadays, and after many educational reforms that were not completely successful, the Algerian system is still deemed fragile and weak. However, learning foreign languages and their cultures without losing one’s identity is crucial and should be embedded in the educational system since it paves the way for students to broaden their intellectual capacities and view the world from different perspectives. Thus, it could be a plus to the educational system when taught properly.

1.4.0.3  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: I think the best way to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria is to educate people on how to develop a relative independence of consciousness, critical thinking and perspective and a potential for opposition. Algerians should be aware of their own culture, values,

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and norms before they try to absorb another culture. Teachers should also spread awareness through collaborative teaching strategies that encourage motivating oppositional responses and preferring Algerian culture over any other foreign culture. Learning styles should be oriented towards giving students a sense of autonomy and independence which, in return, will help them generate their own critical thinking and rise their levels of intellectuality that can be used to resist whatsoever domination exists in the country. Linguistic and cultural imperialism cannot be controlled by only the social and political forces; what goes on inside the classrooms also plays a role to develop a sense of resistance towards imperialism since they have the power to indoctrinate students about the autonomy of human mind, purity of knowledge, the importance of their own culture and the ability to attain an undistorted understanding of reality and the world around them. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: Personally, I think that in order to improve our educational system, the ministry of education should revise the organisation and management of the primary, middle and secondary levels, as well as the management of higher education. I believe there should be a switch from using French, which is the language of instruction for advanced mathematics and science courses, into English which serves as the lingua franca of the world since people recently are showing more interest in English. It should also be noted that for a better improvement of our educational system, it is important to create policies which focus on the pedagogical overhaul that aims to move beyond rote memorisation techniques, improve textbook content and update and modernize teacher training. In other words, our curriculum would be better if it promoted rational thinking and meaningful active learning instead of giving so much importance to repetition techniques which most students find boring and irritating. Furthermore, incorporating technological and authentic materials into the Algerian educational realm will definitely help students to have a better grasp on the subjects and increase their motivation and attention inside the classrooms since they are labelled as ‘the digital generation’.

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QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: I think being fully autonomous in designing our teaching materials is something beyond the capacities of our current ministry of education since we lack both the potential and the skills to realize such stance. I think in this very state, globalisation is one significant factor that helps in choosing the right and efficient teaching materials that meet the students’ needs without detaching them from their own culture and beliefs. For example, in teaching foreign languages, authentic materials are a must since they provide meaningful activities and opportunities for authentic learning use, arouse and keep learners interest and attention. Therefore, I think there shouldn’t be a deprivation of Algerian educational realm from possible sources of useful information, as well as from the experience of others. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed/ or selected? Answ13: Since Algeria is a predominantly Muslim country, I believe that when designing or selecting teaching materials, the input that would be presented should go hand in hand with the Algerian beliefs and values. There should always be a representation of Algerian culture and a sense of pride in teaching it, teaching materials should be chosen based on what is acceptable and allowed in the Algerian society, that is, materials that undermine our culture or religion should be left aside. Islamic traditions and Arabic language should be embraced; foreign languages and cultures can be taught but not imposed or forcibly indoctrinated. There should always be a balance between what is taught or presented in the classroom and what is going on in the society of country, so students can apply what they learn in their daily lives and use it the right way.

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1.5 Appendix F: Rached Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question, Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript. History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria  QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system?  Answ1: I think the most significant effect is the French language. In addition to that, the educational paradigm itself is highly influenced by the French system. Despite the enormous efforts to establish an independent educational system, the impact of colonial education is still existing. The impact can be identified in the conflict of paradigms between the pro-French and the pro-Arabisation. There is a real gap between the two groups. The effects of this gap are still felt until now, with the ongoing tensions between the two camps. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2: Yes. Any observer would easily note that the colonial period has shaped the current educational system. The medium of instruction in the Higher Education sector, for example, is the French language for the scientific and technological domains. Even in the pre-university sector, the different curricula are influenced by the French one. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: The first leading factory should be the hard situation following independence, where nearly 90% of the population were illiterate. The former coloniser has destroyed everything that the new state could do nothing without French assistance. Of course, the priority was to establish an education system that was in line with the intellectual and cultural

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requirements of the Algerian people, but there has always been a lobbying elite backed by the French to defend its affairs in Algeria. The second factor is the lack of real policies to establish an educational system that could be the key element of any social, cultural and economic change. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: As the term ‘colonial’ is placed before curriculum in the question, I would absolutely say that it has impacted our educational system in a negative way. It has been a handicap for the emergence of a real start of more promising national one. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: I would prefer to call the pro-French rather than the appellation in the question. These people are working hard to keep the French language and hence the French policy. They are powerful as they have been within the policy makers’ circles. Moreover, they have been ruling the country for decades, and it is not clear if they have left power or not. They have been resisting any linguistic policy that may reposition the state of French language. The Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education  QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria? Answ6: The current educational system is trying to emerge but relying on mediocre authorities to make it better. In its referential documents, it encouraged education for all with democratisation policy but at the expense of quality education for all. The system is not encouraging at all the personnel as teachers are not well paid. The salary of a teacher who is about to retire would not exceed at most 300 Euros. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: For a post-colonial country like Algeria, Arabisation was a necessary policy to bring back a culture that was neglected and, at a time,

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criminalised. The Arabic language was forbidden during the long colonisation period. I think Arabisation was both a satisfaction and an ideology. From one side, it brought the Arabic language back to its state, and from another side, Arabisation was also ideology biased as it relied on the Egyptian policy to implement it. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: There are no statistics on this issue, but I guess Arabisation has not been a handicap to the readership or to foreign languages. I think there is no negative impact. Many writers in both languages, Arabic and French, have produced their works during that period. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: I personally encourage cross-cultural exchanges, but I will not tolerate any harm to the local culture. Of course, if priority is given to the foreign culture and/ or the language, this will negatively impact the educational system. Recommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria  QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria?  Answ10: The cultural imperialism is a planned policy that requires a pedagogical resistance, to use the words of Paulo Freire. Implement a pedagogical language policy. First, the use the media is vital to encourage and preserve the status of local culture. Second, any resistance should rely on a good education system. Investing in education could be a reliable measure to fight cultural imperialism. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: Any improvement to the educational system should be well planned. This could be done by involving higher education researchers to investigate the state of the art of the educational system to identify the

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essential needs. Needs analysis studies might help do that. Another important point is the necessity to act according to the local realities that should be the reference for any improvement. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: When it comes to implementing the curriculum, the teachers’ autonomy should be encouraged so as to find the appropriate ways to approach his or her learners to the outcomes of the target curriculum. However, I would not totally agree with autonomy in designing teaching materials. These materials should be congruent with the curriculum outcomes and pedagogical recommendations. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed/ or selected? Answ13: The Algerian teaching materials should respond to the outcomes of the curriculum. The latter should reflect the hopes of the nation and assure a quality education for the Algerian student—an education that is necessary for any development to start and flourish. The teaching materials should satisfy the different learning styles of the students in a way to make them enjoy learning.

1.6 Appendix G: Sami Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question, Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript. History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria  QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? 

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Answ1: It is true that the colonial education helped a number of Algerians have some knowledge that helped in running the country after independence. However, in a predominantly illiterate society, they felt privileged by their education and developed some feelings of superiority. To this day, that generation keeps thinking that if someone cannot read and write French correctly, then they are ignorant and incompetent, regardless of their qualifications. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answer please. Answ2: It certainly did. The same generation with the colonial education is still in control of all institutions. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: I would say the ‘revolutionary legitimacy’ that was used to keep the same ruling ‘class’, that is, the French schools generation. Second factor, I would say social media because the failure of our system urges the new generation to look for a safe refuge where they can find more freedom and some hope. When they go to social media, they see that a European or American passport offer them freedom to travel, have some advantage to find good jobs in non-Western countries (including Arab ones) and secure some feeling of protection/respect abroad (what they can’t find in their own country or even abroad with their passport). QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: I would say that despite the limited access to higher education, people could have a strong education that allowed them to be better than many university degree holders nowadays (mainly in the humanities). There is just one element that I have noticed, is that those who studied in French schools take great pride in their mastery of the French language and think that it is a sign of high education. They consider people with weak mastery of the language as ignorant. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign language and culture? Answ5: That simply refers to those disciples of the French schools who despise all what refers to the Arabic culture or language. It reminds me of

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how the ‘emancipated/deported’ black Americans looked at the native Africans in Liberia after the American Colonisation Society created Liberia to get rid of the increasing numbers of emancipated slaves in the USA. The Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education  QS6: How do you describe the current educational system in Algeria?  Answ6: Unstable, unplanned and just improvised to fit in within Western (French) models. The politicizing of education to buy social peace has badly affected the educational system. This in turn affected the learning of languages because there is resistance from the political class that sees is in losing the French language as a threat that would dispossess them of the keys to power. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: It was affected by the then Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism that followed the movements of decolonisation in the Arab world. I would say that it was for ideological reasons. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: It affected learning in a way that prevented learners from mastering any language. One language represented identity while the other offered more professional chances and social status. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: From what I have noticed, the studied language always carries its culture. It cannot contribute to the deterioration of education if it is the right vehicle of knowledge. Nowadays, the English is the vehicle of knowledge with the high number of publications and intellectual production. This does not apply to French, from a comparative perspective.

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Recommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria  QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria?  Answ10: I think that if we stop the intellectual dictatorship that treats the learner as an empty container who should be filled with a supreme knowledge coming from an unchallenged sacred source. We have to encourage critical and flexible knowledge that allows the learner to both ask questions and seek answers through real, genuine and thorough research. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the educational system? Answ11: We should stop scaring people to think and criticise under national security pretexts. We need to learn how to be selective in consuming knowledge. There is another important element. The learner needs motivation, needs hope and respect to be more self-confident in thinking, criticising and producing. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: I would not resuscitate the old idea of ‘Algerianisation’ which in my opinion is a waste of time. There are models that are elaborated and active. All we need to do is learn how to be selective to take just what we really need; what is appropriate for our own concept and use it. It takes less time, energy and funds. They are also already tested. Meanwhile, we can work on something better for the future. Our major failure is to have long-term planning. We mostly plan in the short term or even improvise and adopt sudden changes, which is risky and unnecessary. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed/or selected? Answ13: Limiting the design of teaching is not a very good idea. I believe our identity is clearly defined as Muslims. So, what is prohibited in Islam should be avoided and what is considered as taboo in society can be carefully dealt with if it does not break any social rule or affect ‘national

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historical pride’. Other than these elements, I do not see the necessity to limit the teaching process to any ‘standard concept’.

1.7 Appendix H: Sarah Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question, Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

1.7.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: I think after gaining independence, Algeria has established its own education system, which is mainly based on the Algerian cultural norms. This could be clearly seen in the phases that the Algerian education system has gone through, although we cannot deny the fact that the first stage from 1962 to 1970 was characterised by designing EFL textbooks for both French and Algerian students by the French Ministry of Education. However, the Arabisation policy is considered as a significant proof of supporting Arabic language and its culture instead of French. Thus, I think the Algerian education system is no longer affected by the colonial education. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answers. Answ2: As explained above, the fourth phase that the Algerian education system has been characterised by making new reforms in respect of globalisation and multicultural education. The National Commission for the Reform of Education evaluated and reformulated the previous education system in general and, in 2004, restated the aims and objectives of

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foreign language teaching and learning in particular. The main rationale was the transition to a more ‘globalised pedagogy’. The new EFL teaching materials were designed in order to meet the twenty-first century Algerian government’s economic and political ambitions in a world opened up by modern technology. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: Globalisation, technology, and the use of English language in the world might be seen as factors of cultural imperialism in Algeria. Globalisation is seen as a powerful entity deriving from the West that promotes standardisation and uniformity. Thus, it is seen as a process of Westernisation, Americanisation and McDonaldisation. In addition, technology is also developed by the Western countries, which results in global cultural flows. The widespread use of English globally and the emerging varieties being developed and their cultures (World Englishes) might be seen as another factor of cultural imperialism. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: In reference to education policy, promoting national identity is a central aim and the medium of education. Thus, one could say that Algerian policy makers may want Algerian youngsters to develop an understanding of their own identity and cultural values and to be open to a variety of cultures around the world. Therefore, I think there is no room for colonial curriculum. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign languages and culture? Answ5: I think multiculturalism and openness to others’ cultures is supported by the Algerian policy makers. For instance, the cultural content of some EFL textbooks reflect international, target and even Algerian cultures as there is no portrayal of French culture in these textbooks.

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1.7.0.2  Th  e Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current education system in Algeria? Answ6: One can say that the current education system is affected by cultural hybridity, which is the result of colonial power. That is, cultures are considered as mixed as so there is no ‘pure’ culture. Algerian policy makers created a constitution premised on forging a recognisably pluralist yet unified national identity. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: Arabisation can be seen as an ideology that aims to arabise the education system. Arabic was the official national language, and French was taught as a first mandatory foreign language, starting from primary school, while English was taught as a second foreign language in intermediate schools. This national cohesion policy was launched by the Algerian government after independence in order to arabise the educational system and recover Arabic’s place from the French suppressive presence in Algeria. QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: Regarding Algerian literature, it has been influenced by French colonisation. Common Algerian themes of novels include the portrayal of the history and events of colonisation, with Algerian writers such as Kateb Yacine writing their novels in French. QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: I do not think so. Teaching about one’s and others’ languages and cultures is a must. For instance, if an Algerian learner travelled abroad without having enough knowledge about the cultures of the host country, several barriers, hard to overcome, would emerge. The learner, therefore, would risk conflicts with others due to the differences between cultures.

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1.7.0.3  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: Raising learners’ awareness of their own cultures and encouraging openness to others’ cultures may help resist both linguistic and cultural imperialism. Culture variation might be one way to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism. For instance, learners should be aware of their cultural system in addition to others’ linguistic and cultural systems. By doing so, hybrid identities might be shaped instead of monolithic and dominant Western imperialism. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the education system? Answ11: I recommend the global model to improve the education system. As a concept, globalisation mainly focuses on two-way flows connecting what is global and local in a productive and artistic way. It gives importance to the global as being localised and the local as being globalised. By doing so, cultural imperialism in Algeria could be challenged. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: Yes, autonomy is highly recommended in designing materials. It might be important to involve Algerian EFL teachers and learners in the curriculum decision-making process. Both learners’ and teachers’ educational needs should be taken into consideration while designing EFL materials, because it seems that Algerian EFL teachers and learners have had limited roles in the process of curriculum design. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed or selected? Answ13: I think Algerian teaching materials should be designed based on encouraging cultural pluralism. English language is used as a lingua franca; therefore, multicultural approach might be taken into account while designing Algerian EFL textbooks. Algeria’s youth as an

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independent country, and the early post-colonial drive for national unity, need to be acknowledged when designing EFL textbooks.

1.8 Appendix I: Slimane Interview Note: Please answer in details as your thoughts are valuable to us. If possible, each question should have 120 words answer at least. (QS = Question, Answ = Answer). Please use Times New Roman, 12 size, no italics, no bold unless you want to emphasise your idea (s). Please answer below each question; there is a specific area for your answer labelled ‘Answ’ throughout the whole interview manuscript.

1.8.0.1  History of Cultural Imperialism in Colonised Algeria QS1: What are the effects of colonial education on Algeria’s current educational system? Answ1: There was no modern schooling in Algeria, before the coming of French colonisation but during that period there were two colleges, the European college where only whites were admitted and the second college devoted to the indigenous people where only basic notions of reading and writing in French was limited to the primary school and no further. Concerning the effects of colonial period on the new days Algerian educational system, there is no significant impact; maybe it might be observed through text textbooks of teaching methods. QS2: Do you think the colonial period has shaped the current educational system? Justify your answers. Answ2: Personally, I don’t think that there is not any impact because the status of French language decreased from L1 to FL (first language to foreign language). Even the attitude towards French is terribly negative. QS3: What are the leading factors to cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ3: I don’t share the way you use the question because the term imperialism ceased to exist and is replaced by cultural hegemonism.

190 Appendices

Nowadays, English is the world leading language. Its situation is seen under three circles the inner, the outer and the expanding. QS4: How do you evaluate colonial curriculum in Algeria? Answ4: It bears positive and negative aspects; it was built on the assumption that France would never leave Algeria. QS5: What is the extension of Hisb França into the current debate concerning foreign languages and culture? Answ5: It’s a sterile debate among the Algerian political actors to influence the Algerian public opinion. As a matter of example, more than 50,000 Algerian politicians, division makers, merchants, intellectuals and scientists hold the double nationality. They live in France and they criticize it, a big hypocrisy. Foreign languages are dominated by English, and it can be considered as a universal lingua franca. English is accepted everywhere, and it can be a solution to many language problems.

1.8.0.2  Th  e Politics of Language Teaching and Its Effects on Algerian Education QS6: How do you describe the current education system in Algeria? Answ6: A fiasco, because the system was imposed without considering the Algerian multicultural reality. If we replace French by Arabic political decision-makers, think that it is for cultural authenticity. Standard Arabic is a diglossic language never spoken naturally. You must learn it at school with foreign language teaching methods. I support and encourage the implementation of the Algerian Arabic which is really authentic and a mixture of the Algerian linguistic reality. QS7: Was the Arabisation movement an act of satisfaction or an ideology? Answ7: It is said that France Arabicised Algeria. In my opinion you cannot import teachers from Middle East to implement Arabic in the educational system. Our learners have now become bilingual ignorant. The relationship between Arabic and the foreign literature is a relation of translation since the bridge is not well paved. As a matter of example, we translate a very limited number of foreign novels into Arabic; this is the fiasco.

 Appendices 

191

QS8: What are the impacts of Arabisation on the readership of foreign literature and language? Answ8: We have to decolonize history and mentality. We enter of new phase of civilisation of ICT where the role of race and belonging will be disconsidered. People of tomorrow will face other issues such as climate change, viruses, scarcity of raw material and things alike. We have to be active and a part of the solution not a part of the problem. If you replace the Western hegemonism by the Chinese expansionism, we will be facing the same issue of what is called ‘Thucydides Trap’. The ruling power (USA) and the rising power (China). Which culture to defend in Algeria? Which project of society? QS9: Do you think the implementation of foreign culture and language plays a role in the Algerian educational system deterioration? Why? Answ9: We need what we call ‘cultural contact and intercultural interaction’ to know other cultures and to avoid ‘otherness’. We are living in a sort of phobia; we fear the other as if we fear to lose what we have. But in fact, we have nothing! No philosophers, no writers, no researchers, no theatres and no readers!

1.8.0.3  R  ecommendations and Suggestions: Perspectives on Resisting Cultural Imperialism in Algeria QS10: What are the measures that you think should be taken to resist linguistic and cultural imperialism in Algeria? Answ10: Things have changed since the collapse of the Berlin wall and the end of communism. A new era witnessed the rise of ethnicity and the birth of new countries. This is in one hand; on the other hand, the world has entered the phase of globalisation where English has become the world’s lingua franca. I think your question is somehow old fashioned and belongs to the past. Now, we are seeking for the intercultural interaction where the ‘other’ is now needed because, with the advent of ICT, there is no place to such considerations. QS11: What are your thoughts and ideas about improving the education system?

192 Appendices

Answ11: The educational system should be improved through the theory of source language-target language. However, a great importance must be given to the Algerian native language, namely Algerian Arabic and Tamazight. Whenever a positive attitude is adopted towards these languages and progressively implemented in the primary cycle, things have to improve. Considerably, the most successful educational system who adopted such ideas is the Canadian French which was introduced in the place of standard academic French. This method is transitional. QS12: Do you think that there should be an autonomy in designing our teaching materials? Why? Answ12: I don’t think so; there is no autonomy in designing teaching materials because, first, Algeria is a multicultural nation, not only that, but it is a multi-climate country, where some regions should have a specific care. Diversity is better than uniformity. Learners in Algiers and in Tamanrasset don’t belong to the same cultural and setting background. QS13: What are the cultural standards on which Algerian teaching materials should be designed or selected? Answ13: There are no standards. Our education must be limited in the constitution through two main principles: the first is status and the second is corpus. I mean by the first the legislative order, and the second is the curriculum and syllabus design. All in all, education is an act of citizenship for more rights.

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Index1

A

Adaptations, 6, 38, 48–52 Algerian cultural heritage, 53–54 Algerian education, 5, 67, 98, 102, 104, 105, 107, 109, 120, 122, 126, 131, 136, 138, 139, 143, 144, 149–152, 156, 160–162, 165, 171, 173–175, 179, 183, 185, 187, 190–191 Algerian elites, 23, 41, 42, 47 Algerian English textbooks, 7, 71–98 Algerian history, 9, 57, 148 Algerian identity, 61, 112, 130, 137, 155, 157, 161 Al Hirak, 18, 23 Americanisation, 94, 121, 122, 186

Anglophilia, 39 Anglophone, 24, 87, 93, 118 Arab elites, 63 Arabic language, 7, 16, 17, 21, 26, 28, 31, 57, 57n1, 59, 61, 63, 65, 79, 106, 111–117, 119, 125, 131, 137, 142, 148, 151, 156, 157, 161, 165, 169, 174, 177, 180, 185 Arabisation, 6, 21, 29, 57–69, 57n1, 105, 108, 112–116, 150, 151, 156, 159–161, 174, 178–180, 183, 185, 187, 190, 191 Arabophones, 60, 64, 66 Autonomous, 13, 107, 108, 126, 131, 173, 177

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 S. Bouherar, A. Ghafsi, Algerian Languages in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89324-8

203

204 Index B

Baccalaureate exam, 120, 141, 142, 173 Beliefs, 12, 73, 82, 84, 90–92, 121, 131, 163, 172, 177 Ben Badis, Cheikh Abdelhamid, 58, 141 Benghebrit, 10, 11, 111 Ben Nouaman, A., 25, 26, 30 Benrabah, M., 18, 24, 39, 40, 46, 60, 79, 113, 114, 136, 137, 143 Berberists, 20, 22, 23, 30, 30n3, 141, 142 Berber movement, 22, 30 Berberophone, 7 Berbers, 6, 10, 15, 17, 19–22, 25–31, 30n3, 60, 66, 114, 142 Black Decade, 7, 23, 57–69, 136 Blame, 7, 20, 95, 97, 98, 105, 107, 109–112, 138 Books on Fire, 53 Bouazid, T., 24 Boudalia Greffou, M., 79, 80 Boumediene, Houari, 25, 61 Bourdieu, P., 11, 13 Bouteflika, Abdelaziz, 16, 18, 21, 24, 137 Bureaucratic administration, 140 Burning of books, 54

Colonial curriculum, 106, 110, 149, 155, 159, 172, 173, 179, 182, 186, 190 Colonial education, 29, 65, 105–107, 110, 111, 147, 155, 158, 171, 172, 178, 181, 182, 185, 189 Colonial era, 9, 28, 65, 109 Colonial presence, 130 Colonial societies, 41 Colonisation, 2, 8, 12, 14, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 65, 79, 103, 105, 106, 108n1, 110–114, 119, 121, 123, 135, 137, 139, 148, 164–166, 168, 169, 180, 187 Colonised Algeria, 15, 17, 103 Constitution, 17, 20, 21, 59, 66, 139, 143, 158, 187, 192 Cultural assimilation, 1, 30 Cultural backgrounds, 5, 73, 97, 130 Cultural dominance, 57, 71, 96 Cultural representations, 7, 9, 10, 71–98, 138, 144 Cultural Restoration, 6, 57–69 Cultural role, 38, 127 Cultural universalism, 94–98 Cultural values, 3, 51, 72–75, 87, 88, 92–94, 128, 186 D

C

Canagarajah, A. S., 3, 72 Chaoui, 142 Christianity, 31, 78 Classical Arabic, 18, 61

Darja, 19–21 Dependency, 19, 105, 107, 108, 116, 137, 148 Destructive, 107 Discrimination, 21, 110, 112, 121, 164, 165, 167, 171

 Index  E

Educational reforms, 8, 24, 60, 78, 137–140, 173, 175 Educational system, 2, 7–10, 25, 73, 89, 91, 98, 101–107, 110, 112, 114, 118, 120, 124, 126–128, 130, 137–141, 147–153, 155–163, 171, 173–176, 178–185, 187, 189–192 Emancipation, 37 English in Algeria, 18, 24, 91 Ethnic tensions, 25–31 Ethno cultural, 17–25 European imperialism, 6, 35–54 European powers, 37 Evaluation, 65–69 F

Feraoun, M., 42–45 Fiasco, 113, 137, 190 FLN, see National Liberation Front Party Francophone administrative elite, 117 Francophone Algerians, 6 Francophones, 20, 23, 24, 29, 30, 58, 66, 113, 117, 118, 130, 132, 136, 160, 165, 171, 174 French, 2, 3, 6–9, 11, 12, 18–31, 22n2, 57–61, 57n1, 63–67, 72, 77, 79–81, 95, 103–120, 122–128, 122n2, 135–144, 148, 149, 151, 155, 156, 158–162, 164, 165, 167–169, 171–176, 178–180, 182, 183, 185–187, 189, 190, 192

205

French culture, 66, 107–109, 121, 168, 172, 173, 186 French decision-makers, 108, 140, 148 French imperialism, 79, 95 G

Gatekeepers, 98 Ghardaia, 26, 27 Globalisation, 4, 186 Glotto political dynamics, 17–25, 144 Grandguillaume, G., 29 H

Heritage, 12, 72, 73, 92, 108, 113, 123, 129, 148, 162, 163, 169 Hizb França, 41, 124, 149, 155, 156, 160, 165, 173, 179, 182, 186, 190 Hostility, 20, 26, 28, 117, 142 I

Ideological objectives, 10 Ideology, 6, 7, 19, 58, 63–66, 74, 77, 94, 112, 114, 117, 119, 125, 132, 150, 156, 160, 161, 174, 179, 180, 183, 187, 190 Imperialism, 1–3, 5–7, 9, 58, 61, 76, 79, 80, 86, 94–96, 101–132, 135, 143, 144, 148, 149, 152–155, 157, 159, 162–170, 172, 175–178, 180, 182, 184, 186, 188–189, 191–192

206 Index

Independence, 6, 13, 20–23, 28, 57, 63, 103, 106, 111–115, 119, 121, 124, 136, 137, 151, 156, 163, 165, 167, 169, 173–175, 178, 182, 185, 187 Independence of Algeria, 6, 22, 23, 57, 63 Indigenous Algerian people, 49 Indoctrination, 8, 30, 137 Infamous, 8, 27, 109, 119, 140, 159 Influence, 15, 18, 24, 64, 72, 91, 95, 120, 124, 136, 143, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 173, 190 Innuendoes, 128–132 Intellectuals, 42, 44, 45, 47, 121, 124, 144, 167, 190 Islam, 3, 9–12, 17, 26, 57n1, 58, 61, 63, 65, 75, 113, 114, 117, 131, 137, 148, 184 Islamic, 16, 18, 21, 25, 26, 30n3, 59, 61, 77, 82, 84, 88–90, 93, 110, 111, 113, 117, 120, 129, 131, 137, 143, 148, 159, 170, 172, 177 Islamic cultural identity, 49 Islamic education, 37, 110, 111 K

Kabyle region, 22, 26, 30, 115, 125, 142, 143 Kabyles, 22, 26, 30, 31, 66, 115, 125, 142, 143

L’écoleAlgérienne de Ibn Badis à Pavlov, 80 Legitimacy, 7, 9, 65, 115, 121, 124, 138, 182 Le Roux, C. S., 11, 24, 143 LMD system, 77, 122, 140 Lobbying, 22, 23, 91, 120, 121, 125, 139, 179 Local cultures, 1, 8, 76, 86–91, 93–96, 101, 102, 111, 128–130, 165, 180 Local languages, 18, 29, 59, 115, 117 M

Maalouf, A., 13, 79 Mahommedan, 37 Malicious French plans, 21 Malicious intention, 109 Malika, 104, 107–111, 116, 121, 123–125, 127, 129, 139, 144, 163–165, 167–170 Manipulate, 130 McDougall, J., 11, 12, 143 Menace, 124 Militant diplomacy, 65 Ministry of Education, 4, 47, 75–78, 97, 108, 185 Ministry of National Education, 60, 104, 143 Mosques, 41, 47, 111, 168, 170 Multilingualism, 5, 16, 125, 141, 142

L

Language Conflict in Algeria, 39 Language planning, 71, 115, 120, 135

N

Naima Salhi, 27 Nationalism, 58, 65, 77, 183

 Index 

National Liberation Front Party (FLN), 58, 121, 124, 165, 167 National sovereignty, 117, 174 O

Obsession, 43 Oppression, 22, 29 P

Pan Arabism, 114 Pan Islamism, 114 Pennycook, A., 1, 3 Phillipson, R., 3 Policy, 5, 6, 14, 15, 19, 30, 57n1, 58–64, 66, 107, 112, 120, 125, 126, 131, 137, 140, 144, 150, 167, 172, 179, 180, 185–187 Political prerogatives, 118, 126, 132 Political realities, 142 Politicised, 1, 128 Post-independence, 66, 108, 125, 159 Power, 4, 7, 9, 18, 24, 28, 59, 61, 73, 74, 79, 94, 95, 98, 106, 109, 110, 113, 115, 118, 120, 125, 129, 130, 132, 135, 145, 149, 176, 179, 183, 187, 191 Prabhu, N. S., 96 Pretext, 22, 107, 109, 114, 143 Q

Quranic teaching, 111

207

R

Racist, 2, 26 Reforms, 7, 60, 77, 136–138, 150, 174, 185 Regimes, 65 Religion, 8, 12, 13, 30, 31, 58, 61, 65, 112, 114, 128, 131, 151, 155–157, 177 Religious education, 6, 37 Restoration, 57, 64, 66, 112, 114, 115 Revolution, 4, 59, 112, 118, 151 Rezig, N., 77 S

Saadallah, A., 41 Said, Edward, 2 The Scorched Earth, 53 Secondary school, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 97, 144 Secular education, 37 Semi-structured interviews, 102 Separatism, 26, 125 Sociolinguistics, 17–25 Standardisation, 21, 141, 186 Status quo, 105, 106, 124, 159 T

Taleb Ibrahimi, Khaoula, 63 Tamazight, 6, 17, 19–23, 25–27, 30, 67, 75, 125, 125n3, 129, 137–139, 141–143, 192 Teachers, 40, 75, 78, 98, 129, 176 Teaching materials, 76, 80, 96–98, 123, 130, 131, 135, 138, 144, 145, 153, 154, 157, 163, 177, 181, 184, 186, 188, 192

208 Index

Tebboune, Abdelmadjid, 23 Tifinagh, 21 Traditional, 85, 111

USA, 81–84, 86, 89, 91, 92, 94, 117, 123 V

U

UK, 81–84, 86, 89, 91, 92, 117 UNESCO plans, 111 Unitarian model of culture, 72, 95–98 Universal culture, 88, 93, 95, 96

Victor Hugo, 109 Vygotsky, Lev, 74 W

Westernisation, 121, 186