Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius: Decorating Museums in the Nineteenth Century 9780271087573

Citation preview

Albr echt Dür er and the Embodiment of Genius

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 1

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 2

7/27/20 10:55 AM

albrecht dürer and the embodiment of genius Decorating Museums in the Nineteenth Century

Jeffrey Chipps Smith

The Pennsylvania State University Press University Park, Pennsylvania

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 3

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Smith, Jeffrey Chipps, 1951– author. Title: Albrecht Dürer and the embodiment of genius : decorating museums in the nineteenth century / Jeffrey Chipps Smith. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press, [2020] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Explores the complex posthumous reception of Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) as the embodiment of Germany’s past artistic greatness and its current cultural aspirations and as a creative and moral examplar for contemporary artists and museum visitors”— Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2020020020 | ISBN 9780271085944 (cloth) Subjects: LCSH: Dürer, Albrecht, 1471–1528—Appreciation. | Dürer, Albrecht, 1471–1528—Portraits. | Art museums—History—19th century. | Art museums—Germany—History—19th century. Classification: LCC N6888.D8 S648 2020 | DDC 759.3—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020020020

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 4

Copyright © 2020 Jeffrey Chipps Smith All rights reserved Printed in Lithuania Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003 The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48–1992. Additional credits: page ii: Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1840; page vi: Ludwig Schwanthaler, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1840.

7/27/20 10:55 AM

This book is gratefully dedicated to Kay Kimbell Carter Fortson and the Kimbell Art Foundation.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 5

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 6

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Contents List of Illustrations ix Preface xiii Introduction 1 1. Preludes 11 2. Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer 19 3. The Alte Pinakothek in Munich  47 4. The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs  71 5. Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions: Frankfurt and Karlsruhe 87 6. Dürer and Germania in Berlin  107 7. The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied  133 8. Stairs to Immortality  155 9. Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna  171 Conclusion 189

Notes 193 Bibliography 215 Index 229

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 7

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 8

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Illustrations 1. Richard Morris Hunt, entrance façade of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1895–1902  2

21. Mathias Christoph Hartmann, The Artist Showing His Two Sons the Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1828  38

2. Karl Bitter, Albrecht Dürer, 1898–1902  2

22. Joseph Wintergerst, Apotheosis of Albrecht Dürer, 1828 38

3. Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1500  5 4. Circle of the Master of the Lyversberger Passion, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1470  16 5. Willem van den Broecke or Antwerp sculptor, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1550–60  20 6. Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1498  21 7. Albrecht Dürer, Feast of the Rose Garlands, 1506, detail 22 8. Albrecht Dürer, Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand, 1508, detail 22 9. Jobst Harrich, Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin (Heller Altarpiece), 1613–14, detail  23 10. Albrecht Dürer, All Saints’ Altarpiece (Adoration of the Holy Trinity, Landauer Altarpiece), 1511  24 11. Albrecht Dürer, All Saints’ Altarpiece (fig. 10), detail  24 12. Raphael, Study of Nude Men, 1515  25 13. Hans Schwarz, Albrecht Dürer, 1520  26 14. Hans Daucher, Allegory with Albrecht Dürer, 1522  26 15. Erhard Schön, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1528  27 16. Lucas Kilian, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, 1608  28 17. Lucas Kilian, Double Portrait of Albrecht Dürer (Alberti Dureri Noribergensis, Pictorum Germaniae Principis effigies genuina duplex), ca. 1617  29 18. Georg Carl Hoff (after Franz Pforr), Albrecht Dürer and Raphael at the Throne of Art, 1832  34 19. Joseph Keller, Philosophy, 1836  36 20. Albrecht Dürer’s House (now the Dürerhaus Museum), Nuremberg 37

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 9

23. Ludwig Grimm, Jubilee Celebration at the Tomb of Albrecht Dürer, 1828  39 24. Joseph Sauterleute, Scenes from the Life of Albrecht Dürer, 1829–30  41 25. Christian Daniel Rauch, Albrecht Dürer Monument, 1840 42 26. Carl Alexander von Heideloff, Planned Base for the Albrecht Dürer Monument (design, 1828), after 1847  43 27. Karl Friedrich Schinkel, design for the Albrecht Dürer Altar, 1828  45 28. Leo von Klenze, south façade of the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1826–36  48 29. Leo von Klenze, south façade of the Glyptothek, Munich, 1816–30  49 30. Johann Gottfried Jenner, Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1755–64 50 31. Ludwig Schwanthaler (design), artist statues on the south façade of the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, placed in 1840 52 32. Ludwig Schwanthaler, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1840  54 33. Samuel Amsler (after Ludwig Schwanthaler), Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1835–40  55 34. Plan of the first upper floor of the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1838  56 35. Loggias (looking west), Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40 57 36. Hans Döllgast, staircases that replaced the Alte Pinakothek loggias, Munich, 1952–57  58

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Illustrations

x

37. Clemens von Zimmermann and assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), the three eastern Alte Pinakothek loggias (1 to 3), Munich, 1830–40  59 38. Clemens von Zimmermann and assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), The Union of Religion with Art, Loggia 1, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40  60 39. Peter von Cornelius, Design for the Cupola of Loggia 17, Honoring Albrecht Dürer, 1827–36  61 40. Clemens von Zimmermann and assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), Cupola of Loggia 17, honoring Albrecht Dürer, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40  62 41. Heinrich Merz (after Peter von Cornelius), Lunette of Loggia 17, Honoring Albrecht Dürer, 1875  65 42. Peter von Cornelius, Clemens von Zimmermann, and assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), Cupola of Loggia 13, honoring Raphael, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40  66 43. Heinrich Merz (after Peter von Cornelius), Albrecht Dürer Visiting Giovanni Bellini, detail of Loggia 11, Honoring Venetian Artists, 1875  67

55. View of the south loggias, Neue Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77 82 56. Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Italia, ca. 1878  83 57. Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Germania, ca. 1878  83 58. Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Albrecht Dürer (first design), ca. 1878 84 59. Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Albrecht Dürer (second design), ca. 1878  84 60. Conrad Haas, Exterior of the Original Städel Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt, ca. 1860  88 61. Johann Friedrich Overbeck, The Triumph of Religion in the Arts, 1831–40  90 62. Albumen silver print showing Paul Delaroche’s mural Hémicycle du Palais des Beaux-Arts in the Salle de la distribution, École des beaux-arts, Paris, 1836–41  91 63. Mary Ellen Best, Old German Room, Städel Kunstinstitut, 1835  92

44. Room ii (today Room iv), stucco reliefs, Alte Pinakothek, Munich  68

64. Eugen Eduard Schäffer (after Philipp Veit), Introduction of the Arts into Germany by Christianity, 1839  93

45. Room ii (today Room iv), stucco reliefs, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (fig. 44), detail  69

65. Johann Christian Lotsch, Raphael, 1832, and Johann Nepomuk Zwerger, Albrecht Dürer, 1833–34  94

46. Leo von Klenze, south façade of the New Hermitage, St. Petersburg, 1842–51  72

66. Oskar Sommer, entrance portal of the Städel Kunstinstitut (today Städel Museum), Frankfurt, 1874–78  96

47. Ludwig Schwanthaler (design), Johann Halbig, and Russian assistants, Albrecht Dürer, by 1851  73

67. Friedrich August von Nordheim, Albrecht Dürer, by 1878 97

48. Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, by 1851  74

68. Friedrich August von Nordheim, Hans Holbein the Younger, by 1878  97

49. Portrait of Albrecht Dürer and Portrait of Peter Paul Rubens, by 1851  74 50. Friedrich von Gärtner (design) and August von Voit, south and east façades of the Neue Pinakothek, Munich, 1847–54  76 51. Wilhelm von Kaulbach, King Ludwig I and His Sculptors, 1847–54 77 52. Wilhelm von Kaulbach, Artists’ Festival of 1840, 1847–54 78 53. Eugen Napoleon Neureuther, Albrecht Dürer Receiving the Painters’ Coat of Arms from Emperor Maximilian I at the Artists’ Festival in Munich, 1843  80

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 10

54. Heinrich Dehn-Rotfelser, south and east façades of the Neue Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77  81

69. Franz Xaver Reich, entrance portal of the Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, by 1846  100 70. Franz Xaver Reich (model) and H. Raupp (cast), salve and musis amice, by 1846  101 71. Moritz von Schwind, Consecration of Freiburg Minster, 1838–42; Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer and Portrait Bust of Raphael, 1840  103 72. Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1840 104 73. Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Raphael, 1840 105

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Illustrations

74. Adolf Heer, The Arts, with Albrecht Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger, by 1896  106 75. Friedrich Drake, The Arts of Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, and the Graphic Arts, by 1854  108 76. Friedrich August Stüler, grand staircase as reconstructed, Neues Museum, Berlin, 1843–55  109 77. Hedwig Schultz Voelker, Grand Staircase of the Neues Museum, ca. 1910  110 78. After Friedrich August Stüler, View of the South Wall of the Grand Staircase, Neues Museum, 1862  111 79. Wilhelm von Kaulbach, The Age of the Reformation, ca. 1858–65 112 80. Gustav Eiler (after Wilhelm von Kaulbach), The Age of the Reformation, 1868  113 81. Gustav Eiler (after Wilhelm von Kaulbach), The Age of the Reformation (fig. 80), detail showing Albrecht Dürer painting 114 82. Albrecht Dürer, The Four Apostles, 1525  115 83. Ernst Rietschel, The Renaissance, 1836–39  117 84. Friedrich August Stüler, Red Room, Kupferstichkabinett, Neues Museum, Berlin, ca. 1855  120 85. Plaster replica of Christian Daniel Rauch’s Albrecht Dürer (1837), ca. 1855  120 86. Friedrich August Stüler (design, 1862–65) and Johann Heinrich Strack, south façade of the Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1866–76  123 87. Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, western panel 124 88. Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, western panel, detail showing Albrecht Dürer 125 89. Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, eastern panel 126 90. East side of the Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, with artists’ names inscribed in gold in wall panels just below the Corinthian capitals  127 91. Friedrich August Stüler (design, 1862–65) and Johann Heinrich Strack, grand staircase, Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1870–75  128

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 11

92. Otto Geyer, The Renaissance, 1870–75  128

xi

93. Otto Geyer, The Renaissance, 1870–75, detail showing Albrecht Dürer and surrounding artists. Photo: author 130 94. J. Bremermann, Kunsthalle, Bremen, 1849  134 95. Conrad Wilhelm Hase, façade of the Künstlerhaus, Hannover, 1853–56  135 96. Wilhelm Engelhard, Albrecht Dürer, by 1856  136 97. Wilhelm Engelhard, Peter Vischer the Elder, by 1856  136 98. Hubert Stier, Landesmuseum Hannover, 1895–1902  137 99. Albrecht Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder, by 1902  138 100. Otto Rathey, Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste, Breslau (Wrocław), 1875–79, as shown in an 1880 engraving  139 101. Robert Haertel, Albrecht Dürer, 1879–82  139 102. Robert Haertel, Michelangelo, 1879–81  139 103. Oskar Sommer and Hans Pfeifer, main façade of the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, ca. 1882–87 140 104. Albrecht Dürer and Martin Schongauer, by 1887  140 105. Gottfried Semper, south façade of the Gemäldegalerie, Dresden, 1847–55  141 106. Central pavilion, south façade of the Gemäldegalerie, Dresden, before World War II  143 107. Ernst Rietschel, Hans Holbein the Younger and Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1852  143 108. Ernst Rietschel, Albrecht Dürer, 1852  145 109. Johannes Schilling, German Art, by 1855  146 110. Hermann von der Hude and Georg Theodor Schirrmacher, northwest (main) façade of the Kunsthalle, Hamburg, 1863–69  147 111. Wilhelm Engelhard, Albrecht Dürer, by 1869 (?)  149 112. Lucas van Leyden, Barthel Beham, Marcantonio Raimondi, Jacques Callot, and William Sharp, before 1886 150 113. Pierre Cuypers, south façade of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1877–85  151 114. Pierre Cuypers, south façade of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1877–85, detail: western section  151

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Illustrations

xii

115. Georg Sturm (design), Albrecht Dürer Entertained by the Guild of Goldsmiths in ’s-Hertogenbosch in the Year 1520, 1877–85 153

129. Raphael, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, and Giotto, ca. 1876 175

116. Edward Jakob von Steinle, The Medieval Period, 1861–64 157

131. Anton Schmidgruber, Albrecht Dürer, 1877  176

117. Heinrich von Dehn-Rotfelser, stairwell in the Neue Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77  160 118. Karl Echtermeier, marble sculptures, 1876–82  160 119. Karl Echtermeier, Germany, 1882  161 120. Karl Echtermeier, Germany (fig. 119), detail of Albrecht Dürer 161 121. Karl Echtermeier, Italy, undated (ca. 1876–82)  162 122. Louis Katzenstein, Visitors in the Stairhouse of the Neue Galerie, ca. 1880  163 123. Ernst Giese and Paul Weidner, façade of the Kunsthalle, Düsseldorf, 1879–91  165 124. Carl Gehrts, stairway fresco decorations, Kunsthalle, Düsseldorf, 1888–97  166 125. Carl Gehrts, Design for “The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renaissance,” 1887  166 126. Carl Gehrts, Stage Design for the Play “Albrecht Dürer in Venice,” 1889  167 127. Carl Gehrts, The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renaissance, 1896  168 128. Gottfried Semper and Carl von Hasenauer, main (north) façade of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, 1871–91  172

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 12

130. Anton Schmidgruber, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1876  176 132. Plan of the ground and first upper floors, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, 1891  177 133. Grand staircase, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna 178 134. Hans Makart, Albrecht Dürer, 1881–84  179 135. Cupola hall, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna  180 136. Johannes Benk and Rudolf Weyr, Emperor Maximilian I, before 1891  181 137. Albrecht Dürer (design) and Peter Vischer the Elder (casting), King Arthur, ca. 1513  182 138. Johannes Benk and Rudolf Weyr, Emperor Charles V, before 1891  183 139. Julius Victor Berger, Patronage of the House of Habsburg, 1890–92 185 140. Julius Victor Berger, Patronage of the House of Habsburg (fig. 139), detail showing Emperor Maximilian I and Albrecht Dürer  185 141. Albrecht Dürer, Portrait of Emperor Maximilian I, 1519 186 142. Victor Tilgner, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, before 1891 188 143. Sophia Hermine Stilke, Erecting a Monument to Albrecht Dürer 190

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Preface The present book is both a continuation of and a departure from my research over the past four decades. In 1983 I organized what turned out to be a large exhibition entitled Nuremberg: A Renaissance City, 1500–1618 at the University of Texas in Austin. Little did I realize that my fascination with Albrecht Dürer would prove so persistent. As a scholar of Northern European art of the early modern period, I have mostly, in my publications, stayed safely within my chosen geographic and temporal boundaries. I have, however, long been interested in the afterlife, or Nachleben, of the art and artists that I study. Several invitations to write about the historiography of Northern Renaissance art and especially about Dürer’s treatment by scholars, collectors, and admirers since his death have now brought me, with understandable trepidation, to the nineteenth century. My book offers a chapter in the history of reception of this great Nuremberg master. My project has clearly benefited from the marvelous studies of Dürer’s afterlife by Matthias Mende, Berthold Hinz, Jan Białostocki, and, more recently, Andrea Bubenik and Anja Grebe, among others. Nevertheless, my focus is different. I am fascinated by the different roles accorded Dürer in the decorative programs of dozens of museums erected in the nineteenth century. Most of these institutions are in the German-speaking lands, but others are as far afield as St. Petersburg, in Russia, and St. Louis, on

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 13

this side of the Atlantic. Surprisingly, Dürer does not appear in the decorative schemes of his hometown Germanisches Nationalmuseum.1 Established in 1852, this institution moved into its permanent home, a former Carthusian monastery complex, five years later. These art museums are, or, before the destruction of World War II, were, lavishly ornamented with portraits of famous artists either in series or in narrative and allegorical cycles. Dürer, as the most celebrated German artist, offers an ideal case study about nineteenth-century cultural perceptions and his association with other noted masters. There are excellent books about the rise of German museums by Volker Plagemann (1967) and others, as well as monographs focused on single institutions. Otto Martin (1983), Sabine Schulze (1984), and Thorsten Marr (1999) have authored helpful dissertations on museum decoration. With rare exceptions, notably James Sheehan (2000), the literature is written, appropriately, in German. A secondary goal of my book is to make these museums and their relevant scholarly studies better known beyond the German-speaking readership. All translations, unless otherwise noted, are mine. This book is the product of many kindnesses extended to the author. My thanks begin with Sandy, my wonderful wife, who reminds me that there is much more to life than work. In 2000 I was appointed the inaugural holder of the Kay Fortson Chair in European Art at the University of Texas,

7/27/20 10:55 AM

preface

xiv

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 14

where I have taught since 1979. I wish to thank Mrs. Kay Fortson and the board of the Kimbell Art Foundation of Fort Worth for their continuing faith in my teaching and research. Through their largess, I have been able to travel with several of my graduate seminars to Europe, including most recently in fall 2018 to Vienna. I have received a Faculty Research Assignment (2015) and the Walter and Gina Ducloux Fine Arts Faculty Fellowship (spring 2018) from the University of Texas in support of this project. I wish to thank Douglas Dempster, my dean; Jack Risley, my former chair; and Joe Barroso, our departmental accountant. Sydney Kilgore, Mindy Johnston Niendorff, and Mark Doroba in the Fine Arts Library were unfailingly helpful. I am grateful for the two-month research grant that the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung of Bonn awarded me in spring 2015. Wolf Tegethoff and Ulrich Pfisterer warmly welcomed me as a fellow at the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte in Munich. In 2014 Juliet Simpson and Jeanne Nuechterlein invited me to speak on the topic of “Dürer on the Museum” at the “Primitive Renaissances”: Northern European and Germanic Art at the Fin de Siècle to the 1930s symposium at the National Gallery, London. I was encouraged by the participants’ positive responses, especially since I felt like a stranger in a strange land (the nineteenth century). I have since presented my project at several universities. I wish to thank Babette Bohn (Texas Christian University); Donald McColl (Washington College); Klaus Krüger, Elke Werner, and participants in the Kolleg-Forschergruppe BildEvidenz (Freie Universität, Berlin); Elizabeth Ross (University of Florida); Tamar Cholcman and Assaf Pinkus (University of Tel Aviv); and my colleagues and students at the University of Texas.

I appreciate the help and comments that I have received from many individuals. Thanks go to Dorothea and Peter Diemer, Thomas Eser, Daniel Hess, Lynn Jacobs, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Stephan Kemperdick, Lisa Kirch, Claudia Kryza-Gersch, Christof Metzger, Astrid Nielsen, Michael Roth, Nadine Rottau, Andreas Schalhorn, Thomas Schauerte, Martin Schawe, Karl Schütz, and Larry Silver. The staffs of many institutions have provided me with the necessary photographs. I have benefited from my past and present graduate research assistants: Catharine Ingersoll, Kendra Grimmett, Caitlin Di Martino, Catherine Powell, Sarah Farkas, and Alexis Slater. Ms. Powell kindly critiqued an early manuscript draft. Two anonymous readers gently pointed out areas that needed further attention. Finally, I wish to thank Eleanor H. Goodman, executive editor; Hannah Hebert, editorial assistant; text editor Keith Monley; and the staff of the Pennsylvania State University Press for their efforts in bringing this project to publication. Jeffrey Chipps Smith Austin, Texas January 6, 2019

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Introduction

F

or so many visitors to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, the lure of the fabulous artistic treasures within dominates the experience. Even when waiting for the museum to open on the front steps by Fifth Avenue, the tendency is to people-watch with one’s back to Richard Morris Hunt’s monumental Beaux-Arts façade, designed in 1895 and completed in 1902 by his son Richard Howland Hunt (fig. 1).1 I rarely stopped to contemplate the façade beyond admiring its symmetry and classicizing features. Hunt’s east front no longer dominates as it once did, since long flanking wings muting its original projection before the rest of the museum were added by McKim, Mead, and White in 1909–10, while the front steps and plaza were reconfigured by Roche Dinkeloo Associates in 1970 and the Koch Plaza was added in 2014. The façade is more of a protective barrier that safeguards the art within and only begrudgingly admits visitors funneling through its doors. Thus I was surprised many years ago when I first noticed medallions with sculpted bust portraits of Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) and Rembrandt van Rijn

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 1

(1606–1669) in the spandrels over the entrance, as if they are greeting the museumgoers (fig. 2). Upon stepping back for a broader view, one sees paired roundels of Bramante (1444–1514) with Michelangelo (1475–1564), and Raphael (1483–1520) with Diego Velázquez (1599–1660), adorning the adjoining bays. In April 1895, just three months before his death, Richard Morris Hunt showed the museum’s trustees a drawing that included more sculptural areas but without a fully defined program. Medallions with artists’ portraits were, however, part of his plan.2 Inscriptions would give the names of Raphael, Michelangelo, Bramante, and Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548–1616), the Venetian architect, together with those of Hunt and his son. By the end of 1897, the program had been reduced to six medallions, three keystone heads of Athena, and four caryatids, which would embody the four branches of art (painting, sculpture, architecture, and music). The sculptor chosen to effect this plan was Karl Bitter (1867– 1915), a Viennese artist who arrived in New York in 1888 and soon became Hunt’s collaborator.3 The

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

2

Fig. 1  Richard Morris Hunt, entrance façade of the Metropolitan

Museum of Art, New York, 1895–1902. Photo: author.

Fig. 2  Karl Bitter, Albrecht Dürer, 1898–1902. Limestone. Façade of

the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 2

contract of July 1898 stipulates “six medallions to represent six of the most celebrated Old Masters, to be selected later.”4 The artists were to personify the arts symbolized by the caryatids. Originally, Phidias and Beethoven were considered, but they were subsequently replaced with Dürer and Velázquez when Luigi Palma di Cesnola, director from 1879 to 1904, worried that all six proposed visual artists were Italian. Bitter’s full-size plaster models were placed on the façade for the trustees’ approval in February 1899. The final sculptures were carved in limestone rather than marble as Hunt had originally proposed. Why were these six artists selected to decorate the museum’s façade? What do they say, if anything, about the institution and its ambitions? The New York program is relatively modest. It is a late example of a practice observed especially throughout the German-speaking lands during the nineteenth century. This was the great age of new art museums, institutions that signaled cultural awareness and, often, political aspirations. Albrecht Dürer played a starring role in this story. He appeared more often than any other Northern European artist as he came to embody the artistic heritage of the German nations. Recognizable likenesses of the Nuremberg master grace or once graced the interiors and/or exteriors of more than thirty museums globally.5 Sometimes he stands alone in full length; other times, as in New York, he is presented as a bust. Karl Bitter based his likeness on Dürer’s Self-Portrait of 1500 in the Alte Pinakothek in Munich (fig. 3).6 He also replicated part of this picture’s inscription: “Albertvs Durervs Noricvs” (Albrecht Dürer of Nuremberg). Elsewhere, museums are adorned with painted, carved, and, at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, even tiled episodes of Dürer’s life. Alternatively, he appears in the midst of a historical

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Introduction

allegory. Dürer is the quintessential genius who stands for the brilliance of late medieval–early modern German art and as an inspirational model for nineteenth-century audiences. The story that follows explores the use of Dürer as both historical figure and symbol in the decorative programs of the new art museums that were constructed from the 1820s until the end of the nineteenth century from St. Petersburg and Stockholm to New York and St. Louis.7 Most of the museums are in modern Germany and Austria.

From Hero to Genius

The nineteenth-century museums discussed in this book are or once were adorned with portraits of famous European artists. The latter represent the elite practitioners, members of a highly selective canon whom their contemporaries and/or later audiences determined had exceptional creative skills and often praiseworthy character. Whether we label them as heroes, mortal gods (Dei mortali), superartists, geniuses, or simply rare talents, these artists were believed to embody the heights of human potential and creativity. No less than the images of saints adorning churches, these artists’ portraits, arrayed on museum façades or in its stairways and galleries, stood as exemplars of the possible as well as models for those striving for personal betterment. As Edgar Zilsel remarked, it is a normal human reaction to admire individuals who have exceptional physical skills, leadership qualities, or spiritual gifts.8 Societies have long visualized their heroes or honored them in song and verse. Pliny the Elder praised the first public library in Rome, established in the first century c.e., where painted and sculpted portraits of authors were displayed

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 3

beside their books.9 Petrarch’s De Viris Illustribus, with its biographies of notable Roman statesmen and generals, inspired Altichiero’s now-lost cycle of paintings in Francesco Carrara’s palace in Padua. The 1379 dedication of the picture cycle extols the thirty-six full-length portraits: “[You] have given them outward expression in the form of most excellent pictures, so that you may always keep in sight these men whom you are eager to love because of the greatness of their deeds.”10 Similar cycles of uomini famosi became popular in civic and private palaces. Randolph Starn notes that Renaissance Italians, “by transforming the imagery that they had inherited, . . . reappropriated the figure of the hero to display the claims of their own power, ideology, and art.”11 Such programs anticipated the portrait series on museums, theaters, libraries, and other public buildings in the nineteenth century.12 In De re Aedificatoria (1452), Leon Battista Alberti praises the ancient practice of erecting public sculptures of mortals who “deserved lasting commemoration for some distinguished reason.” He adds, “Still others felt that effigies of those worthy of mankind’s praise, and deserving to be commemorated along with the gods, should be set up and displayed in sacred places, so that future generations, when paying their respects, might, in their zest for glory, be incited to follow such example.”13 One contemporary funerary program honoring local artists, including Giotto and Brunelleschi, was established in Florence Cathedral in the fifteenth century.14 Vasari incorporated portraits of Michelangelo, among other artists, together with personifications of the fine arts, in the frescoes of the Chamber of Fame (1542) in the Casa Vasari in Arezzo and in the Sala Vasari (1561–69) in his house in Florence.15 The divine artist (divino artista, Deus artifex) as an idea and appellation has classical roots. Plato

3

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

4

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 4

describes Homer as “the best and most divine of all” poets.16 In 1550 and 1568 Vasari referred to Michelangelo’s and Raphael’s creations and their persons as divine.17 He begins his life of Raphael by opining that “the possessors of such rare and numerous gifts as were seen in Raphael of Urbino, are not merely men, but, if it be not a sin to say it, mortal gods.”18 Even earlier, in an ekphrasis of the engraving Melencolia i, published in Elementa Rhetoricae of 1541, Joachim Camerarius praises “Albrecht Dürer, the most accomplished artist, from whose divine hand [diuina manus] many immortal works still exist.”19 The artist’s hand is compared with the hand of God, which is often depicted in scenes of the creation of the world.20 What makes an artist divine, however, is less easily defined. Dürer stressed invention and imagination, divinely bestowed gifts, as distinguishing features of the great artist. In his draft for a handbook on painting (Food for the Young Painter) of 1512, he writes, “Acquiring the art of painting properly is difficult. . . . For it comes through inspiration from on high. . . . Many centuries ago this great art of painting was highly esteemed by mighty kings, and they enriched excellent artists and held them in great worth, for they deemed such ingenuity a creativity in the image of God himself. For a good painter is inwardly teeming with figures, and were it possible that he might live for ever, he would always, from out of these inner ideas of which Plato writes, have new things to pour forth in his works.”21 He considered being inventive, being so full of figures, as godlike.22 In Dürer’s case, suggestions about the divinity of the artist are raised by his Self-Portrait of 1500 and its reception (fig. 3). Many have remarked upon its visual correspondence with frontal depictions of Christ as Salvator Mundi or as Man of Sorrows.23

In place of Christ’s blessing hand, the Nuremberg master has substituted his own creative hand, the one that painted the portrait in “undying colors.” In 1842 Jules Michelet may have been among the first to write about this resemblance; however, in his Christ and the Adulterous Woman of 1637, Georg Vischer had modeled Christ upon this portrait of Dürer.24 Was Dürer claiming divinely inspired creativity or, more simply, a personal form of devotional imitatio Christi? In 1500 Conrad Celtis, perhaps moved by this portrait, composed four epigrams praising Dürer: “As another Phidias, a second Apelles you come to us.”25 The last poem compares him with Albertus Magnus (ca. 1193–1280), then celebrated as the greatest German philosopher. Celtis ends by remarking that both men deserve the name “Albrecht the Great,” since “God created equal the genius [ingenium] of each of them.”26 The words ingenium, “ingenuity,” and “genius” share the same Latin roots: gignere, generare, or genere, meaning originally “to father, beget, or give birth.”27 Rudolf Steiner, writing in 1900, observed, “Genius is all about creating, producing, propagating. . . . In essence, ingenuity is intellectual procreation.”28 Ingenium, as used in the early modern period, often conveys the notion of an innate talent, something that springs from one’s imagination or creative powers rather than one’s training.29 This was one of several words used to convey the idea of inspiration and may not have been precisely synonymous with our modern sense of genius.30 According to the Grimm brothers’ Deutsches Wörterbuch, the first volume of which was published in 1854, the word Genie was defined already in the sixteenth century as “the genius in us, an innermost divine voice in the heart, which can reveal the secret to us.”31 Köhne observes that a fundamental change

7/27/20 10:55 AM

Introduction

in the concept of genius occurred at the end of the seventeenth century, when it went “from a quality that one possessed to something one was, [marking] the historical turning point at which human beings began to see themselves as self-luminous, possessing a luminosity of the mind that radiated charisma and impact in the world.”32 In 1790 Immanuel Kant had declared that “a genius was naturally endowed with the talent that gives the rule to art. Because innate creativity comes from nature it is nature—through genius—that determines the principles of art.”33 Increasingly, genius was less about the specific actions and works of the persons said to be geniuses and more about their inner lives, the “tension and power of [their] thinking, feeling, and striving.”34 Descriptions of Dürer’s inner life even before his death in 1528 and up to the present stress his piety, his virtuousness, his industry, and often his melancholic temperament. Camerarius remarks, “The nature of the man is never more certainly and definitely shown than in the works he produces as the fruit of his art.”35 Nevertheless, since an artist’s character was often inferred from his art, Dürer remains tied to his Melencolia i (1514), his elusive allegory about the relation between melancholy and creative inspiration.36 Erwin Panofsky claims this engraving was “a spiritual self-portrait of the artist.”37 Although melancholy is now recognized as depression, classical writers and their early modern cousins, from Marsilio Ficino (1489) and the Florentine Neoplatonists to Robert Burton (1631), associated this temperament with creativity, specifically with bouts of exceptional insightful frenzy (furore), which, if not contained, threatened madness.38 Artists, writers, and musicians, among others, often cultivated a melancholic image especially during the Romantic period, when it was believed to be one of the defining traits of the genius.39 As Jan Białostocki

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 5

Fig. 3  Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1500. Oil on board. Alte

Pinakothek, Munich. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München / Art Resource, New York.

has discussed, there was ample nineteenth-century literature, often of non-German origins, extolling the melancholic Dürer.40 The Nuremberg master’s own work demonstrates his understanding of Ficino’s writings. Camerarius describes the artist

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

6

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 6

as given to “pleasantness and cheerfulness” rather than “a melancholy severity [and] a repulsive gravity.”41 In his Commentary on the Soul (1548), Philipp Melanchthon writes positively about tempered melancholy, such as the “well-known heroic melancholia of Scipio or Augustus or Pomponius Atticus or Dürer,” which “is the noblest, and stands out for its fine qualities of every sort, ruled as it is by a temperate mixture, and arises from the favourable position of the stars.”42 Although Dürer has been so closely associated with melancholy across the centuries, it is surprising that none of the dozens of portraits of the artist adorning nineteenth-century museums represents him overtly as a melancholic. The Romantic era granted unusual authority to artists. Friedrich Schlegel claimed, “What humankind is to other life forms on earth, so the artist is in comparison to other human beings.” Novalis (Georg Philipp Friedrich von Hardenberg) exclaimed, “The artist stands above other human beings, like a statue on its pedestal.”43 For writers, beginning with Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder and Ludwig Tieck, Dürer occupied the peak of German art as he, in their imagination, personified all of the pious virtues they longed to see in a Christian artist. Whether we consider him hero, divino artista, superartist, or genius, however, matters less than the broad, centuries-long recognition of his exceptionality. Dürer embodied the glory of past German, indeed Northern European, artistic greatness and, just as importantly, served as a model for a new century of German artists aspiring to find their own creative identity. In his Appeal to Painters of the Present Day (1804), Friedrich Schlegel laments the current state of German art: “When we consider the infinite number of great compositions which Raphael produced, although snatched away in the bloom of age and the zenith of his fame, or the iron industry

of the genuine Dürer, displayed in his innumerable creations of every kind, executed on the most various materials, although to him also a long term of years was denied, we shrink from comparing our own puny period with the vast proportions of that majestic epoch.”44 Concurrent with this celebration of artists, dozens of public monuments honoring Martin Luther, Johann Sebastian Bach, and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, among others, were erected in marketplaces, parks, and other prominent sites during the nineteenth century.45

Dürer, the Canon of Famous Artists, and the Great Age of Museums

Although the museum portraits of Albrecht Dürer offer a fascinating case study for his Nachleben, or posthumous reception, he is inevitably accompanied by one or more other renowned masters drawn from an evolving canon of “worthy” artists. Which artists were included and how did this membership change over the century? How and by whom were these artists selected? Does the frequent proclaiming of a canon of past artists convey doubts about the current state of the visual arts? Answers to these questions are tied to the rise of art history, with its biographical emphasis, as a discipline in the nineteenth century. Certain masters were celebrated for their achievements, their character, and their broader impacts on the history of art. Dürer was literally the face of German art, yet he was lauded as well for his piety and work ethic. The nineteenth century witnessed the rise of new museums across Europe and especially in the German-speaking lands. Princely collections, such as those in Munich, Dresden, and Vienna, were housed in sumptuous new buildings. Political

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Introduction

rivalries and ambitions helped fuel this phenomenon. The three initial museums on the Museumsinsel in Berlin exemplify Prussian efforts to demonstrate the growing cultural profile of their capital. Cities, local art societies, and even art schools erected museums. From the Glyptothek (1816–30) and Alte Pinakothek (1826–36) in Munich onward, it became fashionable to decorate these new museums with portraits of artists, often joined by allegories. The resulting programs hinted at the richness of the collections. Yet even by the loose attribution standards of that time, most museums could not claim to own art by Michelangelo or Raphael. Dürer was better represented in these collections because of the availability of his prints. Often these decorative programs were less about ownership than about pedagogical goals. Just as museums began to organize their galleries chronologically and by schools (e.g., Italian or, more specifically, Florentine or Venetian painting), their decorative cycles frequently provided an abbreviated history of art. Specific masters embodied a time and place, as Rubens embodied the Flemish Baroque, and Titian, the Venetian Renaissance. Using Dürer as my example, I shall explore the messages and narratives of these museums. Paintings (including frescoes), sculptures, and even tiles were employed in these campaigns. Dürer’s portraits appear or once appeared on portals and façades, in entrance halls and around grand staircases, and in loggias, ceremonial rooms, and galleries. Sculptures range from larger-than-life-size statues to busts to relief portraits. Some paintings detail episodes of the Nuremberg master’s life and myth or include him in a grand narrative about the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, or the Reformation. As part of a broader cycle, he can be shown alone or in the company of other artists, the choice of whom often bears

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 7

specific meanings. Sometimes he is the sole German master. Later he is often joined by Hans Holbein the Younger (1497–1543) or the brass sculptor Peter Vischer the Elder (1455–1529). Interestingly, artists such as Albrecht Altdorfer, Hans Baldung Grien, Hans Burgkmair, Lucas Cranach the Elder, Matthias Grünewald, Tilman Riemenschneider, and Martin Schongauer, now considered central to the development of German art around 1500, rarely figure in these museum cycles, if they figure at all. The choice of which older artists to include mirrors the texts of general surveys of German art of this period. Among his contemporaries, Dürer is frequently paired with Raphael because each was considered to represent the apogee of art on his side of the Alps. They often hold hands or warmly greet each other. Several cycles, especially those after about 1850, juxtapose Dürer and his early modern contemporaries with nineteenth-century German painters, sculptors, and architects. The greatness of the age of Dürer is credited for inspiring the new “Renaissance,” or vibrant rebirth, of German art shortly after 1800. With just a few exceptions, these programs make no reference to German art and artists during the long interim separating Dürer and Holbein from, later, Christian Daniel Rauch (1777– 1857), Peter von Cornelius (1783–1867), and Karl Friedrich Schinkel (1781–1841). Munich, Berlin, and other towns abounded with pride in the achievements of these and other modern masters. Nationalism, an especially complicated and often fractured subject before the unification of Germany in 1871, was an underlying catalyst or motivating factor.46 Not surprisingly, several of the modern artists honored in these programs were involved in designing and/or embellishing the new German museums. These projects involved many of the century’s most famous masters, including the architects

7

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

8

Schinkel, Leo von Klenze, Gottfried Semper, Carl von Hasenauer, Friedrich August Stüler, and Johann Heinrich Stark; sculptors Rauch, Ludwig Schwanthaler, Ernst Rietschel, and Ernst Julius Hähner; and painters Cornelius, Friedrich Overbeck, Wilhelm von Kaulbach, Moritz von Schwind, and Hans Makart. Hosts of lesser-known masters, often with local and regional reputations, were also engaged in these projects, which were highly coveted and often lasted a decade or longer. Competitions were sometimes used to select the artists and architects.

Audience and Intentions

The museums discussed in this book vary in ambition. Some are huge in scale and others much more modest. A few are national institutions in capital cities. Several are princely collections displaying the cultural refinement of their noble patrons. Still others have regional or local significance. Nevertheless, they share certain pedagogical goals and a growing awareness of their audiences. There have been sharply different opinions about who should have access to museum collections. Historically, a princely gallery was private and intended primarily for the enjoyment of the noble family and some members of the household. Artists and other “suitable” visitors were admitted under certain circumstances. The appropriateness of some visitors depended on their social class and level of education. These restrictions would change significantly over the course of the nineteenth century. The British Museum in London, which opened in 1759, offered a more inclusive model. A German visitor, Karl Philipp Moritz, in 1782 remarked, “The visitors were of all classes and both sexes, including some of the lowest class; for, since the Museum is the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 8

property of the nation, everyone must be allowed the right of entry.”47 Admission was free for all. In contrast, the Altes Museum in Berlin in 1829, the year of its opening, charged visitors ten groschen.48 Munich’s Alte Pinakothek remained free until 1910, when a fee of one mark (roughly equal to five euros) was first levied, though the museum was free twice a week. The number of visitors would climb sharply over the nineteenth century. In 1870 the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden recorded around 100,000 visitors; the Nationalgalerie in Berlin had more than 250,000 visitors in 1879. At peak hours the museums were often overcrowded, which impacted the viewer’s experience, the air quality within the galleries, and the condition of the objects. The Nationalgalerie initially limited admissions to five hundred visitors at any given time. Some museums controlled access by restricting when one could visit. By being open only a few hours during the week, some institutions essentially excluded visitors from the lower classes who did not have flexible working schedules. For example, in 1839 the Royal Saxon Painting Gallery, the predecessor of the Gemäldegalerie, in Dresden, announced that it was open from nine in the morning to one in the afternoon during the workweek but only to decently dressed (“anständig Gekleidete”) visitors.49 Thus clothing rules were another way of excluding the poor. Czar Nicholas I (r. 1825–55) required men to be attired in uniform or tailcoats and women in court dresses before being admitted to the Hermitage in St. Petersburg.50 Initially they had to obtain tickets from the Ministry of the Imperial Court. Stepan Gedeonov, the Hermitage’s director from 1863 to 1878, obtained permission from Czar Alexander II (r. 1855–81) to allow free entry to all who wished to visit the museum. Some constraints, however, were practical, such as opening for only a

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Introduction

few hours around midday, especially in the winter, because of the galleries were long illuminated solely by natural light. Fortunately, during the course of the nineteenth century most museums became more welcoming to all social classes of visitors. Leo von Klenze, architect of the Alte Pinakothek in Munich, remarked, “It is far better for the nation to pay a few additional attendants in the rooms, than to close the doors on the laboring classes, to whose recreation and refinement a national collection ought to be principally devoted.”51 During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, there was a lively debate, especially in Berlin, about the role of the museum.52 At that moment Berlin had no public museums, but planning discussions were underway that eventually resulted in Schinkel’s Altes Museum (1823–30). Was the purpose of a museum and its art to be a “Bildungsschule des Geschmacks” (an educational school of taste)? That is, should it be a place for instruction of the broader laity rather than exclusively a place for gratification of individuals who already understand art? Or was it to be a setting for a more humanistic self-education through the close examination of fine art? The German concept of Bildung, or education, includes learning as a means of personal cultivation and character formation.53 Many believed that museums could be tools for morally uplifting the citizens. Schinkel adopted the motto “Erst erfreuen, dann belehren” (First delight, then instruct). He felt the goal of a museum was to provide the public the opportunity for moral enlightenment.54 In 1807 the Prussian culture minister Karl, Freiherr vom Stein zum Altenstein, wrote that art exemplifies the highest expression of humanity.55 Since it is the purpose of the state to elevate its citizens, this task is uniquely suited to the fine arts and science.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 9

In 1828 Schinkel and Gustav Friedrich Waagen, the influential art historian, and, beginning in 1832, the first director the Berlin Museum (Altes Museum), wrote, “In our opinion the noblest and main purpose of the museum is to awaken—where it still slumbers—the public’s sense of visual art as one of the most important branches of human culture, and—where it has already been awakened—to provide it with suitable nourishment and the opportunity for ever-greater refinement. This should take absolute precedence over any other purposes that may concern different classes of human society.”56 Waagen remarked, “The first and highest purpose of a museum is the spiritual education of the Nation through the promotion of the perception of beauty. Only the second purpose is historical.”57 For Waagen, beauty was a means for educating the lower classes (“unteren Klassen”). Leo von Klenze described his Glypothek in Munich as more of an institution for the nation than for the student artist, a place suitable to lead art into life and to mingle with the living.58 The goals of bolstering the public’s education and morality through contact with fine art were repeatedly articulated during this era.59 How a museum might achieve these goals also engendered disagreements. Quatremère de Quincy, who hoped to succeed Dominique-Vivant Denon as director of the Louvre (the former Musée Napoléon), argued “the élan that brings beautiful things into bloom”—that is, the intrinsic beauty of certain works of art—was threatened by the new museographic obsession with chronological and didactic displays. He warned of “killing art to turn it into history.”60 Masterpieces, as the highest expression of artistic creativity, were believed to offer the greatest educational and moral benefit. Others opted for gallery or exhibition displays surveying

9

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

10

a school or period of art.61 Over the course of the nineteenth century, the more historical approach came to dominate, though never wholly at the expense of the aesthetic experience. The inclusion of portraits of Dürer and other leading artists on and in the new museums celebrated the greatest masters who by their very presence physically embodied the sweep of history.

Albrecht Dürer on the Museum

The chapters that follow offer a detailed, though not exhaustive, examination of the cultural and political dynamics that prompted the rise of new art museums and the unique role accorded Dürer in their artistic programs. The ordering is loosely chronological. Chapter 1 considers how the secularization of monasteries and Napoleon’s systematic looting of Europe’s artistic treasures around 1800 prompted a new and increasingly focused appreciation of older German art as a manifestation of German national identity. The concerted collecting efforts by the Boisserée brothers and Ferdinand Franz Wallraf of Cologne exemplify attempts to preserve this vulnerable patrimony. Why Dürer? This question must, of course, be answered, since his very inclusion on so many museums reveals he played a unique role within German national identity. Chapter 2 explores the artist’s self-fashioning, including his self-portraits and ubiquitous AD monogram, and his early posthumous cult. Around 1800 writers and artists championed Dürer as the embodiment of German genius. This celebration of his life and art peaked in 1828 in the many elaborate jubilees associated with the three hundredth anniversary of his death. Together these discussions provide a foundation for understanding the different roles and

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 10

settings accorded to the Nuremberg master as new museums began to arise. Chapter 3, on the Alte Pinakothek in Munich, and chapter 9, on the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, present detailed case studies for the origins and the culmination of this decorative practice. In different ways, Dürer is singled out within the contexts of Bavarian and Habsburg cultural politics. The Alte Pinakothek almost immediately inspired programs of varying ambition across the German-speaking lands and far beyond. Its architecture and its use of artist portraits, including Dürer’s, became the prototypes for a host of new museums. The rich diversity of iconographic programs and artistic solutions is addressed in the intervening five chapters. Many of the museums under discussion were severely damaged or wholly destroyed in World War II. For instance, the Alte Pinakothek and Berlin’s Neues Museum in Berlin have lost virtually all of their original decoration. One must rely on old photographs and other primary sources to revive these once-grand cycles. In other cases, our knowledge sadly remains incomplete. Nevertheless, what emerges from these museums is the profound admiration accorded Albrecht Dürer throughout the nineteenth century.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Chapter 1

Preludes

Those who do not know him lack part of the knowledge of our history; but for those who do know him the name Dürer, whenever it is pronounced, sounds like “Germany, Germany.” —Hermann Grimm (1866)

T

o understand how Albrecht Dürer became synonymous with German art and cultural aspirations,1 it is necessary to step back a few decades before the first foundation stones were laid for the Alte Pinakothek in Munich on April 7, 1826. The upheavals of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, including the demise of the Holy Roman Empire, the secularization of Catholic Church properties, the triumph and then defeat of Napoleon, and a new political order post-1815, had shocked German society. The first part of this chapter addresses an emerging cultural awareness of some leaders that art as “inalienable national property” must be protected.2 The answer to the question “Why Dürer?,” which will be addressed in chapter 2, begins with

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 11

his own self-fashioning and his posthumous fame. In life and in death, this Nuremberg master has enjoyed remarkable recognition for his artistic skills, his knowledge, and his perceived upstanding moral character. With his death, however, Dürer’s person and his narrative became malleable. Others began to delineate the character and contours of an increasingly mythic celebrity, one that would fit the varying needs of contemporary and future audiences. For many Romantic writers and Nazarene artists, he was Germany’s counterpart to Italy’s Raphael. Both men served as bearers of meaning, representatives of a time of faith and the highest artistic achievements. The growing cult of Dürer around 1800 blossomed fully in 1828, when jubilee celebrations honoring the three hundredth anniversary of his death were staged across Germany. This is precisely the moment that new museums in Munich and Berlin, and not long before those in other cities, were being planned and constructed. Often the nobles and civic leaders, architects, and artists involved in these Dürer-Fests were the patrons, designers, and decorators of these new institutions.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

12

The Historical Moment and the Rise of the Art Museum

In 1793 the Museum de la République française opened in the Louvre Palace in Paris. The former royal residence was now a museum hung mostly with art confiscated from the nobility and Catholic Church. A national institution, one accessible to everyone, was born. Created amid the chaos of the French Revolution, the Louvre would become the inspiration for later museums across Europe. Writing in 1792, Armand-Guy Kersaint claimed the Louvre would “speak to all nations, transcend space, and triumph over time.”3 As a center of scholarship, it would permit “the reunion of all that nature and art have produced.” The utopian potential of the museum included social benefits. The armies of the First Republic conquered Belgium and the German lands west of the Rhine River. They then moved victoriously across the continent and to Egypt. Art as the booty of war was shipped back to Paris.4 The looting was systematic, especially under Dominique-Vivant Denon, whom Napoleon appointed as director of museums and general director of the Musée Napoléon, the Louvre museum’s new name from 1804 to 1814.5 Denon dispatched special agents with lists of desired works of art and even country guidebooks to seize important objects from foreign lands “pour enricher la République.” Triumphal processions of the treasures of other nations paraded through the city’s streets on their way to the Louvre and Bibliothèque nationale. This stripping of their cultural patrimonies stunned the affected countries. Yet this was just one of the events that subsequently prompted a reevaluation of art and national heritages. In 1773 Pope Clement XIV (r. 1769–74) suppressed the Society

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 12

of Jesus.6 In 1781–82 Emperor Joseph II (r. 1765–90) secularized most of Austria’s monasteries. Elector Maximilian IV Joseph of Bavaria (r. 1799–1806) closed Bavaria’s monasteries in 1802–3. The results of these and other secularizations were the dislocation and frequent destruction of vast quantities of art. Ripped from their religious contexts, devotional objects became works of art, often on the commercial market. Nobles and towns alike frequently gained ownership of church libraries and art collections. Occasionally, this prompted the foundation of new institutions or the rapid expansion of others, such as the Royal Bavarian Library (the future Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) in Munich.7 Following Napoleon’s initial surrender, in May 1814, and then his final defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, on June 18, 1815, Prussia and other nations sought the return of their plundered art.8 The situation in Cologne offers insights concerning not only the city’s immediate demand to restitute its art but also the new awareness of the importance of German cultural heritage. Lists of missing works were drawn up, and agents were dispatched to Paris seeking repatriation. Ferdinand Franz Wallraf, acting on behalf of the city of Cologne, petitioned Eberhard von Groote, its Prussian representative in Paris, to press for the restitution of its stolen art.9 Here, as was perhaps typical, the results were mixed. For instance, Peter Paul Rubens’s Crucifixion of Saint Peter, seized by the French from the Peterskirche in Cologne in 1794 and taken to Paris, where it was displayed in the Grand Gallery of the Louvre, was returned in 1815 through von Groote’s efforts. Accompanied by a procession of the “painters, artists, and friends of art of Cologne,” the altarpiece, crowned by a laurel wreath and baldachin, was transported from the city hall through the streets to the Peterskirche. A lithograph made twenty-two

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Preludes

years later commemorates the festive event, showing the painting being carried through the streets at the head of a long procession of local dignitaries and citizens.10 Many other objects, however, either disappeared or remain in Paris today.11 In 1816 von Groote urged the establishment of a Central Commission for Art and Antiquities in Prussia to counter what he perceived as the “ever more incessant spirit of destruction due to petty interests, lack of love for and attention to antiquities, and false notions of modern art and its worth.”12 The French conquest of Cologne in 1794 had started a destabilization of the city’s cultural heritage. The secularization of Cologne’s churches, ordered on June 9, 1802, resulted in the closure of sixty-seven institutions, including all of the city’s collegiate, abbey, and cloister churches, all separate chapels, and other religious buildings.13 Wallraf began actively buying art locally in an attempt to save it.14 In 1818 he bequeathed his art collection to the city of Cologne, which it received upon his death in 1824. The gift included 1,724 paintings, 3,875 drawings, 42,419 prints, 521 manuscripts, and around 6,000 coins and medals.15 The scale of this donation stimulated discussions about a city museum to display the collection. A permanent solution, the Wallraf-Richartz Museum, was only realized in 1861.16 Germany, under the new title of the German Empire, became a unified country only in 1871. The political map was extensively altered even before the defeat of Napoleon in 1814–15.17 With France’s seizure of the lands west of the Rhine, a redistribution of territorial sovereignty within the Holy Roman Empire was agreed to in 1803. Ecclesiastical principalities lost their lands and political authority. Thousands of monasteries and other church institutions were closed. Secular authorities

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 13

annexed church property. Most of the imperial free cities lost their status and sovereignty as they were absorbed into large states. Between 1801 and 1806/7 an estimated 60 percent of the German population changed rulers at least once.18 When the Kingdom of Bavaria was established, in 1806, regions such as Franconia and Swabia, including the imperial free cities of Nuremberg and Augsburg, were joined with the historical Duchy of Bavaria. Baden and Württemberg experienced a 950 percent and an 850 percent increase in population respectively.19 Under French pressure, Emperor Franz II (r. 1792–1806) dissolved the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 and became Franz I, emperor of Austria (r. 1804–35).20 The Kingdom of Prussia, founded in 1772, lost half of its territories under the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit, of 1807; however, it expanded dramatically into Saxony, Westphalia, and the Rhineland, including Cologne, as a result of the Congress of Vienna (September 1814–June 1815).21 More than half of Germany had new rulers post-1815.22 These and other events resulted in a reconfiguring of much more than new maps and political jurisdictions. They challenged traditional identities, loyalties, and histories. Even before the upheavals of the 1790s and ensuing decades, the question of what it meant to be German was actively discussed. German historical consciousness—that is, a shared identity based on language and civilization— emerged in the arts and literature, as in the writings of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe on the Strasbourg Cathedral (1772) and, more romantically, the books of Ludwig Tieck and Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder. In his Treatise on the Origin of Language (1772) and other writings, Johann Gottfried Herder stresses the importance of one’s mother tongue, which lies at the core of one’s identity. He remarks, “Only through language are nations made, only through

13

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

14

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 14

common language do people achieve humanity.”23 Even when language and history lacked political unity, they could provide an assumption of cohesion, one that distinguished Germans from other neighboring cultures, such as French or Italian. Lacking a coherent present, artists, writers, composers, and others often sought an imagined national past characterized by Charlemagne’s establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, medieval piety, the soaring achievements of Gothic churches, and the brilliance of Albrecht Dürer. Richard Wagner’s Die Meistersinger (1867/68) exploits Hans Sachs to stoke contemporary nationalism. Hannu Salmi remarks, “In a nationalist culture, imagination was both synchronic and diachronic. Synchronic thinking emphasized situating the nation in relation to surrounding cultures and other nations. Diachronic thinking . . . emphasized the importance of historical continuity: the nation had ‘always’ been. The days of its magnificence could be long past, but glory could be returned if the nation realized its own station and significance. The diachronous approach ensured the popularity of historically focused art, which indeed continued in Europe throughout the nineteenth century.”24 Whether looking back to Dürer or to the German fairy tales assembled by the Grimm brothers, this imagined past and the very process of imagining provided “symbolic capital” for constructing the nation and the renewal of its greatness. This looking back inevitably involves an understanding of time. Reinhart Koselleck posits that time can be thought of not as linear or recurrent and cyclical but as sedimented or layered, much like a geological formation: “Historical times consist of multiple layers that refer to each other in a reciprocal way, though without being wholly dependent upon each other.”25 For a writer like Goethe, this layering of

history permits a dialogue between the individual’s “immediate experience and mediated tradition.”26 For present purposes, Albrecht Dürer belongs both to the historical past and to the cultural present in nineteenth-century Germany. Artists and writers drilled down to the stratum of the early modern era and extracted select elements of his person and oeuvre for their current needs. More broadly, the Nuremberg master represents just one example of the probing of the past in the search for cultural identity. Marisa Bass astutely observes, “To pursue one’s lineage implies a desire to understand the history sedimented in the body as a point of origin.”27 Dürer served as one of Germany’s points of origin. The rise of a German historical consciousness acted as a catalyst to new institutions, including historical-preservation societies and museums of art and history.28 In 1819 the Society for the Study of Older German History, established in Frankfurt, founded the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, dedicated to the study of German history from the fall of the Roman Empire to 1500, which published its first volume in 1826 and still thrives today.29 Concern about the material history of the past prompted the inventorying of art-history monuments (Denkmäler) in the Prussian territories in the 1820s.30 Already in 1815 architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel authored a report “on the preservation of Denkmäler and antiquities throughout our country,” with recommendations for how to prepare inventories.31 Inspired by memories of the recent Napoleonic looting, which resulted in the losses of not just specific objects but also, due to their removal from their original locations, their historical contexts, he called for the state to fund the effort. The initial campaigns occurred in Prussia beginning in 1821. The publication of often highly detailed, scholarly Kunstdenkmäler volumes, done on local and

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Preludes

regional bases, flourished throughout the nineteenth century and continue to be compiled in the twenty-first century.32 Reporting in 1844 on the success of German historical societies in preserving the past, Karl August Klüpfel, a Tübingen professor, remarked, “How much the situation has improved in the past ten to twenty years! What indifference, what desire for destruction raged against the remains of the so-called ‘dark Middle Ages’ at the time of the dissolution of the German Empire, even among those whom one would count as ‘educated.’ How much was wasted back then, how much deliberately destroyed or tastelessly modernized, that today would be preserved and maintained as a holy relic.”33 Preservation efforts were mixed, depending on local interests, available specialists with appropriate expertise, and funding. Was it better to leave paintings, sculptures, and other religious objects in churches, potentially subject to neglect and ruin, or to move these into a new repository? Did the “sublime experience” of viewing an object at its original site trump other options?34 One need only think of Caspar David Friedrich’s paintings of desolate church ruins or the hundreds of nineteenth-century pictures of church interiors where priests stand before ornate altars as worshippers shuffle through gloomy interiors.35 How could this engagement with the object ever be the same once it was removed and displayed elsewhere? Or did a new alternative narrative have to be constructed?

The First “Museum” of Old German Painting

Consider the challenges faced by Sulpiz and Melchior Boisserée, wealthy brothers who had been orphaned at an early age, and their friend Johann

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 15

Baptist Bertram, who grew up in Cologne during the French occupation.36 Between September 1803 and April 1804 the brothers, then twenty-one and eighteen, and Bertram, age twenty-eight, resided in Paris, where they lived in the Palais Holbach, the house of Friedrich Schlegel, the Romantic poet and writer, who taught them about art, literature, and philosophy. Their visits to the Musée Napoléon at the Louvre proved life changing.37 They witnessed the artistic treasures that Napoleon’s troops had seized from across Europe. Sulpiz recalled, “We didn’t have enough eyes” to see what was there.38 He remarked that one would have to make a long trip through distant lands and cities to find as many famous ancient and Christian artworks.39 The men’s preliminary thoughts about acquiring German works arose during this visit. Upon returning to Cologne, the young men reacted to the ecclesiastical secularization and the physical destruction of many churches by collecting medieval German art. Sulpiz later explained how they began purchasing art:

15

It happened a few months after our return [from Paris], when we were walking with Schlegel on the Neumarkt, the city’s largest square, that we encountered a stretcher filled with all sorts of objects, including an old painting on which the golden halos of the saints shone from far. The painting, which showed the Carrying of the Cross with the weeping women and Saint Veronica, seemed to have some merit. I [. . .] asked the name of the owner, who lived there in the neighborhood; he did not know where he should leave the big picture and was happy to be rid of it for the price he asked. [. . .] to avoid any fuss or mockery we decided to take the dusty antiquity through a back door into our family’s house.40

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

16

Fig. 4  Circle of the Master of the Lyversberger Passion, Christ

Carrying the Cross, ca. 1470. Oil on canvas. Staatsgalerie in der Neuen Residenz, Bamberg, 9583. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

His words express a certain embarrassment that neighbors might see him with this example of “dusty antiquity.” This large painting, measuring 164.8 by 220.6 cm, is thought to have come from St. Gertrud in Cologne (fig. 4).41 The men soon overcame their initial hesitancy as they actively sought paintings in Cologne and from the surrounding Lower Rhine

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 16

region, including Early Netherlandish art, which then was considered part of this German heritage. Among their treasures was the Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece (ca. 1455) from St. Columba in Cologne, which they attributed to Jan van Eyck (ca. 1390– 1441) and is now recognized as a masterpiece by Rogier van der Weyden (1399/1400–1464).42 Meanwhile, in another of his influential essays, Schlegel praised the “old Cologne school,” in particular the Dombild Altarpiece, or Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece, in Cologne Cathedral, which he ascribed to Master Wilhelm.43

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Preludes

In 1810 the Boisserées and Bertram moved their collection, which eventually contained 216 pictures, to Heidelberg. They displayed the paintings in three rooms and a gallery hall in the Palais Sickingen on Karlsplatz. The collection attracted many notable visitors, from nobles, such as Emperor Franz I of Austria and Prince Metternich, to government officials and intellectuals, including Goethe, the Grimm brothers, Wilhelm von Humboldt, and Leopold von Ranke, to artists and architects, like Peter von Cornelius, Karl Friedrich Schinkel, and Antonio Canova.44 Traveling incognito, Ludwig, crown prince and later king of Bavaria (r. 1825–48), toured the collection in 1816. Beyond the growing recognition of its artistic importance, the collection was praised for its “Germanness.” Indeed, this was the first major art collection devoted solely to early German and Netherlandish paintings. The pictures were culturally significant, products of a national artistic tradition that was distinctive and wholly separate from the flourishing art in Italy. By about 1815 financial pressures prompted the Boisserée brothers and Bertram to initiate conversations with prospective buyers. Sulpiz had proposed a permanent collection or museum in Berlin. Their negotiations with Prussian government officials proved unsuccessful. The finance minister Heinrich von Bülow argued against the purchase because Berlin had enough museums already and the paintings were “small works.” Religion may have been a factor as well. Cologne remained Catholic, while much of Prussia was Protestant. Most of the paintings predated the Reformation and contained religious subjects. In late 1818 they moved their pictures to Stuttgart at the invitation of King Wilhelm I of Württemberg (r. 1816–64) and Queen Catherine. Although the public was very enthusiastic about visiting the collection, the desired sale never

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 17

materialized.45 On January 9, 1819, the sudden death of the queen, who had considered purchasing the collection, using her own funds if necessary, affected the negotiations. To help publicize their treasures, the Boisserées and Bertram hired Johann Nepomuk Strixner (1782–1855) to make lithographs of the more noteworthy pictures.46 They were inspired by Strixner’s lithographic reproductions of the Bavarian royal collection in Munich and Schleißheim, which started to appear in print in 1815. Beginning in 1821 Strixner created thirty-eight sets, each with three pictures, for 114 reproductions. Each print included the picture’s subject, attribution, and approximate date. While some of the attributions and dates were subsequently corrected, this information remains invaluable for what it reveals about the state of research during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. After extensive negotiations, they sold the collection on February 12, 1827, for 240,000 guilders to Ludwig I, king of Bavaria, who had admired it years earlier.47 In Munich their pictures were merged into the vastly larger royal collection. Many of the finest paintings were displayed in the Alte Pinakothek when it opened in 1836. Johann Georg von Dillis, Ludwig I’s gallery director, incorporated these into his ambitious scheme of hanging paintings according to nation and school.48 The Alte Pinakothek was envisioned, much like the Louvre, as a national museum encompassing the best of early modern European painting. The art of Cologne and the Lower Rhine was now just one chapter of this broader historical narrative. About 270 pictures were displayed in two large rooms and eight smaller cabinets.49 The Boisserée and Bertram collection, while well represented, lost its unique character even while contributing invaluably to the nucleus of the new Munich museum. Dillis sent about thirty of

17

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

18

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 18

their paintings to the Moritzkapelle in Nuremberg.50 Others were distributed to sites around Bavaria. The Boisserées’ travails illustrate an uncertainty or ambivalence about collecting older German art, much of which was anonymous and unfamiliar. The merits of Italian Renaissance art and ancient Greek art, which Giorgio Vasari (1511–1574) and Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717–1768) respectively had done so much to champion, were widely recognized by connoisseurs and scholars alike. Fitting German art into the collecting desiderata or coherently into the canon of art history was just beginning at that time. Friedrich Schlegel observed, “Old German painting is superior to the Italian, not only in its more exact and painstaking technical execution, but also in its longer attachment to the oldest, most marvellous, profound, Christian-Catholic symbols,

of which it has preserved a far greater wealth.”51 With the establishment of new museums, efforts to preserve and study older German art grew dramatically. Romantics admired these works as expressing the same sort of pious faith and distinctive national character that they attributed to the great Gothic cathedrals, such as Strasbourg and Cologne. Not surprisingly, Sulpiz Boisserée campaigned tirelessly to raise interest and funding to finish the construction of the Cologne Cathedral, a monumental enterprise achieved between 1842 and 1880.52 The very act of looking to the past, whether to Cologne’s Gothic masterpieces or to the art of Albrecht Dürer, was to make Germans aware of their proud heritage while also offering inspirational models for moving contemporary German culture forward.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Chapter 2

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

L

ong before the nineteenth century, Dürer was literally and figuratively the face of German art. From at least 1563 until 1852, stone portrait busts of Dürer and Jan van Eyck decorated the façade of the house at Lange Nieuwstraat 29 in Antwerp (fig. 5).1 The residence belonged to the painter Jan Adriaensen, who in 1545 and 1549 was dean of the Guild of Saint Luke. In 1549 he bequeathed his house to the guild as a meeting place. Prints from 1830 and 1849 document its appearance before the building was demolished in 1852. The façade, redecorated in 1563, displayed a classical doorway with figures of Mercury, god of trade, and Minerva, protectress of the arts, and, above, an allegory of painting, a female seated at her easel, flanked by these two busts. Dürer’s likeness, which is based on Hans Schwarz’s 1520 portrait medal (fig. 13), is inscribed with his name and “germanorvm / decvs” (the glory of Germany). Van Eyck’s depiction derives from one of the riders in the Just Judges panel of the Ghent Altarpiece (1432) that was long thought to be a self-portrait. The sculpture bears the texts of his name and “belgarvm splendor” (the splendor,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 19

or brilliance, of Belgium). The pair are honored as the leaders of their respective schools of art. Dürer’s almost yearlong stay in Antwerp in 1520–21 certainly enhanced his local fame and association with the city’s artists. Portraits of Dürer and Van Eyck bearing these same phrases also once adorned a now-lost elaborate silver ceremonial goblet, dated 1549, owned by Antwerp’s Guild of Saint Luke.2 The busts are undated but were likely made either at the same time as or not long after the goblet. Matthias Mende has suggested the busts originally were displayed within the house and only added to the exterior when the façade was redone in 1563.3 In any event, these sculptures initiated what would become a long tradition of glorifying Dürer, either alone or in concert with another master, in an architectural context. The Nuremberg master cultivated and achieved an unprecedented level of recognition and fame during his lifetime. Dürer was a painter, printmaker, draftsman, designer, theoretician, poet, imperial court artist, city councilor, and friend of nobles, humanists, and artists alike. His art, especially his printmaking, was known and eagerly collected

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

20

Fig. 5  Willem van den Broecke or Antwerp sculptor, Albrecht

Dürer, ca. 1550–60. Limestone sculpture, 39.5 × 19.3 × 12 cm. Collectie Stad Antwerpen, MAS—Museum aan de Stroom, Antwerp, AV 5920 1/2. Photo: Bart Huysmans, Michel Wuyts.

across Europe. His AD monogram, much like a modern commercial trademark, was widely used and, within the limits of contemporary law, jealously guarded. Yet in spite of his efforts, his art and monogram were copied, forged, and appropriated in other ways. Dürer painted at least three independent self-portraits, and another four are set very

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 20

prominently within altarpieces originally located in Venice, Wittenberg, Frankfurt, and Nuremberg.4 The single pictures today in Paris (1493), Madrid (1498; fig. 6), and Munich (1500; fig. 3) were private works that remained in his possession.5 Dürer carefully crafted each as a statement of self through his choice of pose, clothing, and accompanying texts. Artistic skill is wedded with knowledge and invention. The Munich portrait’s intentionality and its Christlike associations have been smartly addressed by Joseph Koerner and many other scholars.6 For present purposes, I am more interested in these likenesses as commemorative images or portraits, memorials that will last long after the flesh-andblood Albrecht Dürer has died. He was aware of his own mortality. He inscribed the Munich picture with his monogram, the date of 1500, and the following text: “Albertus Durerus Noricus / ipsum me proprijs sic effin- / gebam coloribus aetatis / anno xxviii” (I, Albrecht Dürer of Nuremberg, painted myself thus, with undying colors [or, with my own colors], at the age of twenty-eight years). The word proprius can carry a double sense of “own” and “immortal.”7 If his colors are undying, then so is his portrait, the everlasting product of his hand and record of his carefully conceived visage. Dürer might die, but his art and memory live on. This portrait, created as a highly personal statement of self, was given, likely by the artist near the end of his life, to the city hall in Nuremberg.8 Its audience and context changed. Karel van Mander reported seeing either this Munich portrait or a replica when he visited Nuremberg in 1577. Dürer’s sense of his own self-worth and of the benefits of self-promotion were even more pronounced during his 1505–7 trip to Venice and in the years that immediately followed, when he prominently included his likeness in four significant

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

altarpieces. In these he is both creator and fictive participant. The Feast of the Rose Garlands (1506), painted for the German merchants’ Church of San Bartolomeo in Venice, shows Dürer standing at the back right, behind the Virgin and Child and kneeling donors (fig. 7).9 He wears an expensive fur-trimmed robe and looks directly out at the viewer. His hands hold a sheet of paper identifying him as “Albertus Durer Germanus” (Albrecht Dürer the German) as if to prove that a German artist could paint so beautifully. His pride in the picture is evident in the letters he sent from Venice to Willibald Pirckheimer in Nuremberg. Writing on September 8, 1506, Dürer bragged, “I’ve shut the mouths of the [Venetian] painters who said I was good at engraving but had no idea how to use colours in painting. Now everyone’s saying they’ve never seen finer colours.”10 In the Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand (1508) he stands beside Conrad Celtis, the recently deceased imperial poet laureate (fig. 8).11 Dürer is more soberly dressed in black, befitting both the death of his friend and the gruesome tortures of Christians that surround them. The artist again stares at the viewer. “Albertus Dürer alemanus” (the German), reads the text on a large sheet supported on a messenger’s stick. Friedrich III the Wise, elector of Saxony (r. 1486–1525), commissioned the altarpiece presumably for the palace church in Wittenberg. Emperor Rudolf II (r. 1576–1612) acquired the Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand in 1600 and the Feast of the Rose Garlands in 1606 for his art collection in Prague. Dürer set himself apart from other figures in the remaining two altarpieces. The Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin (or Heller Altarpiece; 1507–9) was painted for Jakob Heller, a successful Frankfurt merchant (fig. 9).12 It adorned the altar

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 21

Fig. 6  Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1498. Oil on panel. Museo del

Prado, Madrid. Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, New York.

he endowed in the town’s Dominican church. The central panel was purchased in 1614 by Duke Maximilian I of Bavaria (r. 1597–1651) and transported to Munich, where it burned in the Residenz fire in 1729. In partial satisfaction of the terms of the acquisition, Maximilian paid for a copy of this panel to be made by Jobst Harrich in 1613–14 to replace the original. Harrich’s replica and the original wings,

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

22

Fig. 7  Albrecht Dürer, Feast of the Rose Garlands, 1506, detail. Oil

Fig. 8  Albrecht Dürer, Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand, 1508, detail.

by Dürer’s workshop, are today in the Historisches Museum in Frankfurt. While the apostles gather around the Virgin Mary’s empty tomb, the artist appears behind. He wears a knee-length blue robe with a trim of brown fur and a black beret. He looks confidently out. Instead of a simple sheet of paper, he holds a wooden board, reaching almost from the ground to his waist. The inscription is again “Albertus Durer Alemanus” with the date and his monogram. Dürer has portrayed himself as a pious Christian and as the skilled artist of this painting.

The most influential altarpiece, at least in terms of its self-portrait’s afterlife, is the All Saints’ Altarpiece (Adoration of the Holy Trinity, Landauer Altarpiece; 1511), now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna (figs. 10–11).13 Matthäus Landauer, an affluent Nuremberg copper merchant and entrepreneur, commissioned the painting and its elaborately carved wooden frame for the single altar of the chapel of the Zwölfbrüderhaus, or Twelve Brothers’ house, a charitable home for a dozen destitute aging craftsmen. The painting depicts a vision

on panel. Národní Galerie, Prague. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 22

Oil on panel. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

of the heavenly hosts worshipping the throne of mercy. God holds the crucified Christ while the dove of the Holy Spirit hovers above. A majestic north Italian landscape stretches to the horizon in the narrow band at the bottom of the composition. Dürer is literally alone, as if he were the only person left on the earth. His isolation in the lower right foreground draws the viewer’s attention. Dürer’s brownish-gray robe reaches to his feet. It is ornamented with brown and black fur trim, brown fur lining, and horizontal bands of black fur. His deep-red cap matches his stockings, while his shirt is a lighter red. The artist has devoted considerable care to his likeness. His head turns slightly to look at the viewer. The wooden sign, now a veritable billboard, is inscribed “albertvs dvrer noricvs” (Albrecht Dürer of Nuremberg) plus 1511 and his monogram. Rudolf II purchased this painting in 1585, the first of the three altarpieces containing Dürer self-portraits that he owned. Duke Maximilian I of Bavaria owned the fourth picture. Thus the two greatest collectors of Dürer’s art possessed his likenesses. Their taste for anything by the Nuremberg master sparked the so-called Dürer Renaissance of the decades around 1600.14 Artists and other notables enjoyed at least occasional access to these princely collections, where they could study Dürer’s creations, including his self-fashioning. As the most prolific German draftsman of his day, Dürer sketched himself repeatedly. Among the most famous of these sketches is the silverpoint drawing he made in 1484, when he was about thirteen years old.15 Others from about 1491 and 1493 were studies.16 The 1493 sketch appears on a sheet with depictions of pillows on both the recto and verso. Particularly striking is the carefully observed nude self-portrait (ca. 1503) rendered in pen and brush with white highlights on a green-grounded

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 23

Fig. 9  Jobst Harrich, Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin

(Heller Altarpiece), 1613–14, detail. Oil on panel. Replica of the lost central panel by Albrecht Dürer, 1507–9. Historisches Museum, Frankfurt. Photo © Historisches Museum Frankfurt, Horst Ziegenfusz.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Fig. 10  Albrecht Dürer, All Saints’ Altarpiece (Adoration of the Holy

Trinity, Landauer Altarpiece), 1511. Oil on panel. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband. Fig. 11  Albrecht Dürer, All Saints’ Altarpiece (fig. 10), detail.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 24

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

paper.17 Besides the summary sketch for his likeness in the Heller Altarpiece, he drew himself while sick.18 Mostly nude, the artist points to his side, highlighted in yellow, to indicate where he hurt. These drawings plus, doubtlessly others, that do not survive were for his personal use or were shown to a limited number of family and friends. Dürer had a different purpose in mind for the self-portrait that he sent to Raphael in Rome sometime between 1510 and 1515.19 Mentioned by Giorgio Vasari in his biography of Raphael of 1550, the likeness is believed to have been a watercolor on fine canvas that could be viewed from front and back. The two masters exchanged gifts in recognition of their mutual admiration. Raphael reciprocated by sending the Nuremberg master a drawing of three nude men, to which Dürer proudly penned an inscription, “1515 Raphael of Urbino, who was held in high esteem by the pope, sent this picture of nudes to Nuremberg for Albrecht Dürer in order to show him his skill” (fig. 12).20 Raphael’s red-chalk drawing is in the Albertina Museum in Vienna. After Raphael’s death, in 1520, Dürer’s self-portrait was in the possession of Giulio Romano in Mantua, where Vasari viewed it. Joachim von Sandrart saw it in the ducal collection in Mantua a century later. Unfortunately, the portrait subsequently disappeared. This exchange between Dürer and Raphael would provide the basis for their frequent association in literature and art, including the decorations of many nineteenth-century museums. Dürer also commissioned his own portrait. In his Netherlandish journal, the artist records paying Hans Schwarz two gold gulden “für mein angesicht” (for my face) in September 1520.21 Schwarz (1492–after mid-1520s [ca. 1550?]) was an Augsburg sculptor and Germany’s first great portrait medalist. He resided in Nuremberg for

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 25

25

Fig. 12 Raphael, Study of Nude Men, 1515. Red-chalk drawing.

Albertina Museum, Vienna. Photo: Albertina Museum.

about a year in 1519–20 before scandal prompted his return to Augsburg. Schwarz’s boxwood model (Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig) was then cast in silver, bronze, and lead (fig. 13). The inscription reads, “albertvs dvrer pictor germanicvs” (Albrecht Dürer German painter). The artist is rendered with long locks that flow over his fur-trimmed robe. It is unknown how many impressions were made during the artist’s lifetime. A second edition, with a slightly different inscription, was produced before Dürer’s death in 1528. Yet another version, which praised Dürer as

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

26

Fig. 13  Hans Schwarz, Albrecht Dürer, 1520. Bronze medal.

Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, Med. 9401. Photo: GNM. Fig. 14  Hans Daucher, Allegory with Albrecht Dürer, 1522. Lime-

stone sculpture, 23.8 × 16.8 cm. Bode Museum, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst / Jörg P. Anders / Art Resource, New York.

the “greatest of all painters,” and many aftercasts appeared posthumously. Already in 1519 Dürer prepared designs for his own self-portrait medal.22 His drawing for the obverse’s text and for the reverse’s text, date of 1519, and coat of arms (a shield with an open door [Tur, or door, a play on his family’s name]) is in the British Museum in London. The self-portrait drawing that once accompanied this sketch is lost. One impression of Schwarz’s medal of Dürer inspired the Augsburg sculptor Hans Daucher (ca. 1485–1538). In 1522 Daucher carved an allegorical stone relief starring Dürer (fig. 14).23 As Emperor Maximilian I and others look on, two men with

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 26

weapons drawn engage in mortal combat. One warrior, dressed in old-fashioned armor, sprawls on the ground. He is soon to be defeated by Dürer, whose likeness is based directly on Schwarz’s medal. The latter wears fashionable contemporary attire with decorative slit sleeves. The precise meaning of this scene remains unclear. Is Dürer defeating a personification of vice or dispatching Apelles, who, as the embodiment of old art, is now replaced by the new art of Dürer? Regardless, the relief featuring Dürer, a living artist, is a sophisticated collector’s item made for a noble or scholar. It demonstrates his fame. No text identifies him. It is his familiar likeness that communicates his identity. His flowing

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

shoulder-length hair, highlighted here as it is in his self-portraits and Schwarz’s medal, becomes his defining visual feature. Melchior Lorck’s 1550 engraved portrait of Dürer, based on Schwarz’s medal, includes a long inscription, part of which reads, “Such a man you see here, with his visage and comely hair.”24 In 1527 Matthes Gebel (ca. 1500–1574) authored a second portrait medal of Dürer.25 He is shown as older, with much shorter, well-trimmed hair. His robe is cloth rather than fur-trimmed. The inscription reads, “Albrecht Dürer represented in his fifty-sixth year,” and on the reverse, “His virtue is famous 1527.”26 It is uncertain whether Dürer commissioned this second medal from Gebel or the Nuremberg sculptor made it on his own initiative as a celebrity portrait. Gebel reissued his medal in 1528 and again in 1529 as a posthumous memorial. His portrait of Dürer in turn inspired other artists, including Erhard Schön (ca. 1490–1542) of Nuremberg, whose woodcut of Dürer’s likeness first issued around 1528 enjoyed broad circulation (fig. 15).27 The design, which survives in two woodblocks now in the Princeton University Art Museum and the Albertina of Vienna, was published in Nuremberg in at least eight editions between Schön’s death and about 1590. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, who collected Dürer’s prints, made his own pen-and-ink drawing after Schön’s portrait of the artist, whom he labeled “O manly Dürer,” in about 1828.28 Dürer’s likeness achieved a level of fame and visual familiarity unrivaled by any other early modern Northern European artist before and perhaps including Rembrandt and Rubens. He carefully crafted a distinctive identity as a pious, skilled, and highly successful artist. If in life Dürer sought to define his likeness, other artists, including Gebel, Daucher, and Schön, offered “their”

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 27

27

Fig. 15  Erhard Schön, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1528. Woodcut.

The British Museum, London, 1895,0122.741. Photo © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Dürers. Others sought to define the Nuremberg master even before his death. Or phrased differently, the “I” became “him” as he came increasingly to be depicted and defined by others during the last decade of his life. After April 6, 1528, control of his portrait fell exclusively and permanently into the hands and imaginations of others. Dürer, especially through his portrait, became an object to be defined and narrated by others. Which Dürer did they pick? Was it the vigorous artist of his 1500 self-portrait or the older and slightly diminished version offered by Gebel and Schön? His posthumous image became an icon of celebrity and increasingly the face of a German golden age, which with time was perceived as having slipped away.

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

28

Fig. 16  Lucas Kilian, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, 1608. Engraving.

The British Museum, London, E,3.15. Photo © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Innumerable later artists authored portraits of Dürer. Most were based directly or indirectly either on the artist’s own likenesses or on those made by Schwarz, Gebel, and Schön. In about 1601/2 the Nuremberg goldsmith Christoph Jamnitzer (1563–1618) crafted a dazzling gilt-silver ewer and basin for Emperor Rudolf II.29 Its program, based on

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 28

Petrarch’s “Triumphs,” includes the ewer’s Triumph of Fame, featuring portraits of illustrious rulers, knights, scholars, and artists. One section depicts Raphael, Pietro Bembo, Giambologna, Petrarch, Michelangelo, Dürer, Hans von Aachen(?), Wenzel Jamnitzer, and Johann Neudörfer the Elder. Dürer, whose image is based on Schwarz’s medal, and Michelangelo gaze at each other. This reunion of famous men takes place before the skyline of Nuremberg. The elegant engraved portrait of Albrecht Dürer by Lucas Kilian (1579–1637) of 1608 creatively combines elements of the older master’s art (fig. 16).30 For it Kilian has extracted the bareheaded portrait from the Feast of the Rose Garlands. In 1606 Emperor Rudolf II purchased the altarpiece from the Church of San Bartolomeo in Venice and had it carried over the Alps to Prague. Yet the engraving’s inscription informs the viewer that Kilian’s source was the replica or partial copy of the altarpiece that Hans Rottenhammer (1564–1625) made in Venice before the original was shipped.31 Kilian’s artist holds a sheet of paper inscribed with the imperial printing privilege rather than Dürer’s name. He stands behind a stone parapet with inscriptions, a compositional device that Dürer incorporated into his engraved portraits from 1519 to 1526, such as those of Willibald Pirckheimer and Philipp Melanchthon.32 When Kilian created his Double Portrait of Albrecht Dürer (also called Albrecht Dürer in the Temple of Honor) of ca. 1617 (fig. 17), he did not repeat the 1608 engraving.33 Instead, his two depictions of Dürer are based on the portraits from the Heller Altarpiece and the Adoration of the Holy Trinity Altarpiece. He wears a cap in each. The two Dürers flank a table set before a great arched portal topped with his coat of arms and open to a vaulted building beyond. Attributes of his practical

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

skill and theoretical knowledge, such as a painter’s palette with brushes and a mahlstick and geometric tools, are arrayed on the table and hang from the pediment. He is commemorated as the “prince of German painting.” The text at the bottom proclaims, “vivit post fvnera virtvs” (Virtue lives even after death). Kilian likely saw the central panel of the Heller Altarpiece in the Residenz palace in Munich after its acquisition by Duke Maximilian I in 1614. Kilian’s engraving of 1608 provided the basis for subsequent replications of Dürer’s portrait in the Feast of the Rose Garlands. The most influential of these illustrates Joachim von Sandrart’s Teutsche Academie der edlen Bau-, Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste, published in 1675.34 Sandrart’s biographies of artists, the German counterpart to Vasari and van Mander’s respective accounts about Italian and Netherlandish masters, include engraved bust portraits. He carefully copied the upper half of Kilian’s Dürer while setting him before a lighter backdrop. Until the flurry of writings about Dürer around 1828, Sandrart’s biography was the most authoritative account, especially since he had access to some of the artist’s personal writings and other old Nuremberg sources. Therefore, even if later artists never knew Kilian’s print, many were very familiar with the illustration in Sandrart’s volume. My intention is not to offer a survey of the hundreds of posthumous portraits of Dürer made between 1528 and about 1900. Rather, I wish to stress that Dürer’s own self-portraits provided the fundamental, albeit often indirect, source for these subsequent likenesses. It is from this corpus that the painters and sculptors decorating the new art museums in the nineteenth century drew inspiration. The Dürer of flesh and blood died in 1528, but the posthumous Dürer has never left the limelight. Soon after Dürer’s death, his best friend, Willibald

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 29

29

Fig. 17  Lucas Kilian, Double Portrait of Albrecht Dürer (Alberti

Dureri Noribergensis, Pictorum Germaniae Principis effigies genuina duplex), ca. 1617. Engraving. The British Museum, London, E,3.6, AN164436001. Photo © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Pirckheimer, composed the inscription on the artist’s tomb, in the cemetery of St. Johannis: “To the Memory of Albrecht Dürer. Whatever is mortal in Albrecht Dürer reposes under this stone. He departed on April 6, 1528.”35 This implies that his soul, his art, and his fame are immortal. Numerous contemporary textual eulogies praised the man and his creations.36 Then and even decades earlier,

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

30

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 30

admirers called Dürer the Apelles of black lines and a second Phidias. He was endowed with a “divine hand” that produced “immortal works.” Dürer was singled out as working in a “grand” style and for the power of his imagination. The day after Dürer’s burial, a group of his friends disinterred his body and made plaster casts of his face and right hand.37 This was a highly unusual practice in Germany at this time.38 Dürer’s commemorative touch relics, including two copies of the artist’s creative right hand, are documented into the seventeenth century in Ulm and the early eighteenth century in Munich. A strand of Dürer’s hair does survive. It was reportedly sent to the painter Hans Baldung Grien (1484/85–1545) in Strasbourg. The lock’s subsequent ownership is fairly well documented over the centuries. In 1873 the hair, which is housed in a nineteenth-century glass-and-silver frame, was acquired by and still remains in the Akademie der bildenden Künste (Academy of Fine Arts) in Vienna. In 1826 a drawing pen, among other items, was discovered during the restoration of Dürer’s house in Nuremberg. This was immediately heralded as Dürer’s own instrument and even inspired a poem, written in 1829 by Ludwig Bechstein, which began, “You that the prince of artist held in his hand. / Relic, consecrated by himself!”39 Recently Daniel Hess and Thomas Eser have proved that the pen dates to the second half of the seventeenth century.40 The desire to retain physical records, indeed secular relics, of Dürer since the sixteenth century attests to a deep and ongoing admiration for the artist. This anticipates the later fascination with the skull of Raphael, a plaster copy of which, dating around 1788, was owned by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.41 Stories about Dürer continued to grow in the years and decades following his death.42 Joachim

Camerarius’s brief biography of the artist, published in the introduction to his Latin translation of Dürer’s Four Books on Human Proportion (Nuremberg, 1532), added apocryphal new anecdotes linking the Nuremberg master with Giovanni Bellini and Andrea Mantegna, two of Italy’s greatest painters.43 For instance, he tells how Bellini visited Dürer’s workshop during the latter’s stay in Venice in 1505–7. The aged Venetian artist asked for one of the paintbrushes that Dürer used to create single strands of hair. When Dürer showed him a normal-size brush, Bellini did not believe it was capable of producing lines of such exceptional fineness until the German artist demonstrated. For Camerarius, this served as a proof of Dürer’s remarkable skill. It is also a modern retelling of Pliny the Elder’s story of a contest between Apelles and Protogenes of Rhodes in which Apelles triumphs because he is able to paint the finest of lines. Dürer is the “alter” Apelles or the new Apelles. Similarly, the famous humanist Johannes Ludovicus Vives, active in the Netherlands, made the Nuremberg master a character in one of the conversations included in his Exercitatio Linguae Latinae, a school book first published in 1538 and subsequently issued in more than two hundred editions.44 Vives invented a conversation between the artist and two learned pedants who criticize his portrait of Scipio Africanus. Dürer rebuts each of their complaints, ultimately revealing their ignorance, and tells them to stick to what they know something about. Once again, this fanciful tale has its roots in another of Pliny the Elder’s tales about Apelles. Dürer served as a fitting model of the knowledgeable artist whether or not Vives had much personal acquaintance with his art. Such tales added to the mythology growing up around his person. Whatever personal narrative the artist had sought to control in his life was now free to

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

be embellished by others. The death of the artist gave rise to the birth of the artist. Dürer lived on, but as the Dürer distilled, framed, and imagined by others.45 The availability of Dürer’s art fueled his fame. The sheer volume of his printed oeuvre continues to attract artists and collectors today.46 The AD monogram branding so much of his oeuvre immediately conveys his authorship. Put crudely, it is akin to a textual self-portrait. No monogram, signature, or symbol used by any other early modern artist enjoys such broad recognition. It anticipates modern corporate logos. Not surprisingly, many artists copying or forging his art added the monogram to enhance its value. Several portraits of Dürer adorning nineteenth-century museums display the monogram. It has been estimated that during his lifetime perhaps as many as a hundred thousand impressions of his prints were pulled.47 For centuries his plates and woodblocks continued to be reused (and used up) by later owners. In 1922 Joseph Meder estimated that other masters had crafted at least 990 copies after Dürer’s prints, which may have yielded almost five hundred thousand impressions.48 Regardless of the actual numbers, the quantity of prints by and after the Nuremberg master ensured a broad public familiarity with his graphic art and his monogram in the centuries before the rise of photographs and other forms of mass reproductions.

Dürer Around 1800

Nuremberg! you formerly world-renowned city! How I like to wander through your quaint streets; with what childlike love I gazed at your antiquated houses and churches, upon which the permanent trace of our early native art is imprinted! How deeply I love the structures of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 31

that age, which have such a robust, powerful and true language. How they transport me back into that venerable century when you Nuremberg, were the vibrantly teeming school of native art and a truly fruitful, overflowing spirit of art lived and thrived within your walls:—when Master Hans Sachs and Adam Kraft, the sculptor, and above all, Albrecht Dürer with his friend Wilibaldus Pirckheimer, and so many other highly praised men of honor were still living! How often I have wished that I were back in that age! . . . But now my grieving spirit is wandering about on the consecrated ground before your walls, Nuremberg; on the cemetery where the bones of Albrecht Dürer are resting, who was formerly the embellishment of Germany, indeed, of Europe. . . . In this setting rest the forgotten bones of our old Albrecht Dürer, on account of whom I am glad that I am a German. “Peace be with your remains, my Albrecht Dürer! and may you know how I love you and hear how I am the herald of your name in the world of today, unfamiliar to you.—Blessed be to me your golden age, Nuremberg! the only age when Germany could boast of having its own native art.”49

31

With these words, Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder began and ended “A Memorial to Our Venerable Ancestor Albrecht Dürer by an Art-Loving Friar.” This text appeared in his Herzensergiessungen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders (Confessions from the Heart of an Art-Loving Friar), first published in Frankfurt in 1796.50 Wackenroder, who died in 1798 at just twenty-four, was an influential early voice for what became the German Romantic movement. Here and in other writings, such as Phantasien über die Kunst für Freunde der Kunst (Fantasies on Art for Friends of Art), edited by his friend Ludwig Tieck,

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

32

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 32

Wackenroder nostalgically longed for an earlier era when Nuremberg was among Europe’s most powerful cities, when learned scholars roamed its quaint streets, and, above all, when Albrecht Dürer was alive. For him, this was a moment when German art and its artists were truly an expression of the best of German virtues. Dürer was pious, industrious, and a supreme craftsman. Wackenroder wrote, “I love you [Dürer] in your unaffected simplicity and I spontaneously fix my eye first of all upon the soul and deep significance of your human beings.”51 He and others felt Dürer’s painted figures clearly communicate the essence of their emotions. Although today it is easy to dismiss Wackenroder’s sentimental yearnings, he conveyed a powerful message to his contemporaries. Germany no longer had a native art that he considered truly German, one that expressed the “serious, upright and powerful nature of the German” people.52 Contemporary artists were too interested in decoration and individual novelties. “German art was a pious youth, raised in simplicity within the walls of a small city amidst intimate friends;—now that it is older, it has become a universal man of the world who, along with his provincial manners, simultaneously wiped away the emotion and the unique character from his soul.”53 Wackenroder’s remedy was Dürer. He held up the Nuremberg master in this and other texts as the greatest German artist, one who produced an art every bit as praiseworthy as Raphael’s and who embodied the best traits of the German people. The Dürer-Zeit (the age of Dürer) was a great golden age for Nuremberg and for all Germany. The French seizure of German lands west of the Rhine River in 1794 inspired a growing dialogue about German identity. A nascent nationalism combined in some quarters with a call for religious and moral renewal, a desire voiced by Protestants and especially

Catholics. Johann Friedrich Overbeck (1789–1869) was one of six young German artists studying at the Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna. In 1809 they founded the Lukasbrüder, or Brotherhood of Saint Luke, a confraternity whose name reflected its members’ longing for what they perceived as a simpler past. The name consciously evokes the historical guilds of Saint Luke, the painters’ professional associations that existed in most towns before the movement to informal and then state-sponsored art academies came to dominate the training of artists especially from the mid-seventeenth century.54 The creation of the brotherhood occurred four days after Napoleon’s decisive victory over the Austrians at the Battle of Wagram, just northeast of Vienna, on July 5–6, 1809.55 When Austria’s war with Napoleon forced non-Austrian students from Vienna in 1810, Overbeck, Franz Pforr (1788–1812), and two others of their group settled in Rome, where they lived and worked in the abandoned monastery of Sant’Isidoro. They were soon joined by others, including Peter von Cornelius (1783– 1867), who played a critical role in the intellectual formation of museum decoration.56 This group, subsequently known as the Nazarenes, held that painting after Raphael had strayed from the devout and honest art of the Middle Ages and earlier Renaissance.57 They sought to rededicate art to the service of Wahrheit (Truth), specifically the truth of revealed religion.58 Art beginning in the Renaissance had lost its unity with religion and its former close relations with the public. Even though Overbeck and his fellows admired some aspects of neoclassicism, they held that it was elitist, illusory, and alien to German popular traditions.59 Their epiphany came to them before leaving Vienna. Writing to his guardian, Herr Sarasin, in Frankfurt in 1808, Franz Pforr describes his visit

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

to the newly reopened imperial art collection displayed in the Belvedere Palace: “As we entered, I can almost say that we were stunned. Everything now looked different to us. We hurried past a large number of paintings, to which we had previously been attracted, with a feeling of dissatisfaction. Other works, in contrast, which had formerly left us cold, now drew us irresistibly.” He goes on to criticize Venetian and some Roman paintings for the “cold heart [that] lay behind bold brushstrokes and striking color effects.” Pforr dismisses Dutch paintings for their “excessively unworthy subjects” and vulgar manner. “As we hurried from there to the German school, how pleasantly surprised we were; with what purity and charm the latter spoke to us! Much here had once struck us as stiff and forced, but now we had to recognize that our judgment had been distorted by constant contemplation of paintings in which every artistic technique, however ordinary, has been exaggerated.”60 He lauds the “noble simplicity” of the German masters. In his letter of May 1808 to Johann David Passavant, Pforr tells how he went with Overbeck to look at the German paintings: “One cannot think of anything more beautiful than the pictures by the old Germans, especially Albrecht Dürer, the noble simplicity in his things, the unpretentious, far from all action and concerns for effect, is to be admired. No artist of ancient and modern times comes closer to the immortal Raphael than he.”61 In 1812 a later member of the brotherhood, Johannes Veit (1790–1854), described his visit to the painting collection in Dresden to his father. He wrote, “I was astonished to see in the works of Holbein, Leonardo, Dürer, and [Giovanni] Bellini how the same striving united all those artists, like their age itself, despite the fact that they lived very far from each other and scarcely knew each other’s names.”62

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 33

The revaluation of German art was growing. Wackenroder’s Confessions from the Heart of an Art-Loving Friar, the foundation of the Brotherhood of Saint Luke, and the collecting of displaced early German art are but three manifestations of this trend.63 The theme of spiritual values, specifically the link between art, Christian morality, and character, weaves through the art and literature of this period. Dürer repeatedly surfaces as the embodiment of the German tradition that they aspire to. In about 1810 Franz Pforr created Dürer and Raphael Before the Throne of Art.64 In 1832, at Overbeck’s initiative, this now-lost drawing was etched by Georg Carl Hoff (1807–1862) and then published by and given to members of Frankfurt’s Kunstverein (art society) (fig. 18). Pforr had died of tuberculosis in 1812, at age twenty-four. This was the first of many scenes to come linking Dürer and Raphael. Wackenroder likely inspired Pforr. In “A Memorial to Our Venerable Ancestor Albrecht Dürer by an Art-Loving Friar,” Wackenroder’s character recounts a dream he had while growing up in Dresden. He describes how one night he fell asleep in a castle and upon waking heard voices coming from the adjoining art gallery. Opening the door, he discovered

33

in front of numerous pictures were standing their venerable masters in living form and in their old-fashioned dress, just as I had seen them in portrait. One of them, whom I did not know, told me that they descended from heaven on many a night and, in the nocturnal stillness, wandered about in picture galleries here and there on earth and viewed the still beloved works of their hands. I recognized many Italian painters; from the Netherlands I saw very few. Full of reverence I passed between them;— and behold! there, apart from all the others,

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

34

Fig. 18  Georg Carl Hoff (after Franz Pforr), Albrecht Dürer and

Raphael at the Throne of Art, 1832. Etching. Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg, Gr. A.7855. Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg.

Raphael and Albrecht Dürer were standing hand in hand in the flesh before my eyes and were silently gazing in friendly tranquility at their paintings, hanging side by side. I did not have the courage to address the divine Raphael; a mysterious, reverential fear sealed my lips. However, I was just about to greet my Albrecht and pour out my love to him;—but, at that moment, everything became disarranged before my eyes with a great din and I awoke with a violent start.65

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 34

The art-loving friar tells how he then learned from reading Giorgio Vasari’s Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects (1550 and 1568) that these two masters knew each other through their exchanges of art. “True art sprouts forth not only under Italian sky, under majestic domes and Corinthian columns,—but also under pointed arches, intricately ornamented buildings, and Gothic towers.”66 Pforr’s design shows these two masters kneeling in supplication before the enthroned personification of art (Kunst). She is portrayed much like the Virgin Mary in devotional paintings. Instead of the Christ Child, Art holds a pen and tablet. Her head is bedecked with a laurel wreath and framed by a radiant halo. Dürer and Raphael, reminiscent of

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

intercessory saints, reverently adore Art.67 Dürer’s likeness is based on his self-portrait of 1498 in the Prado (fig. 6). The single plant behind him might allude to his watercolor studies. The skyline of Nuremberg looms in the distance. The youthful Raphael is backed by St. Peter’s and the Vatican. Wackenroder’s juxtaposition of Gothic towers and Rome’s majestic domes is now visualized here. When published in 1832, the accompanying description, likely by or at least approved by Overbeck, read, “An allegorical composition by means of which the artist wished to convey his idea of the task of modern art—namely, to bring about the synthesis of Old German and Old Italian art. Albrecht Dürer and Raphael kneeling before the throne of art, who is noting down for a future age their names and the services they have rendered. In the background Nuremberg and Rome.”68 Here Dürer and Raphael, represented as equals, embody the very best of their respective artistic traditions and serve as inspirations for modern masters. Raphael stands for ideal beauty, while Dürer stands for characteristic beauty. That is, the timelessness of the Italian artist’s pictures is balanced with the individuality of Dürer’s art. Grewe defines the characteristic (das Charakteristische) as “charged with preserving the inflections of local particularities, historical preconditions, and national attributes, thereby giving full expression to the context and circumstances of a work’s origins.”69 Both exemplify the ideal unity of art and religion consistent with the goals of the Nazarenes.70 In 1814 Carl Christian Vogel von Vogelstein drew a portrait of Overbeck while they were in Rome.71 The painter sits before his easel, on which is an unfinished picture of the Madonna and Child, an adaptation after Raphael’s Belle Jardinière in the Louvre. Overbeck’s attention, however, is focused intently on a small piece of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 35

paper, likely a print, that he has removed from the portfolio in his lap. The only details visible on the sheet are Dürer’s AD monogram and the year 1514.72 Vogel conveys Overbeck’s dual inspirational poles: Raphael and Dürer. Pforr’s drawing is the earliest known example of the pictorial pairing of Raphael and Dürer. Their juxtaposition would occur frequently as the nineteenth century progressed.73 Overbeck’s now-faded 1817 drawing in the Albertina reverses the artists’ positions but has the men hold hands in friendship, like as they do in Wackenroder’s dream sequence.74 Here they kneel before the throne of Religion. Michael Thimann suggests that this drawing was the basis for the painted transparency Overbeck prepared for the Dürerfest of 1817 that the brotherhood organized in Rome.75 A year later, on April 29, the German artists living in Rome organized a great feast at the Villa Schultheiss for the Bavarian crown prince Ludwig before he returned to Munich.76 The artistic decorations devised by Peter von Cornelius included painted transparencies in the form of a triptych more than three meters high that celebrated art. The right wing, by Friedrich Overbeck, depicted great patrons or protectors of art, a flattering reference to Ludwig. The left wing, designed by Cornelius, represented great authors (King David, Dante, Homer, Wolfram von Eschenbach, Shakespeare, and Cervantes) and artists (Giotto, Phidias, Dürer, Raphael, Edwin von Steinbach, Michelangelo, Fra Angelico, Hans Holbein the Younger, and Peter Vischer the Elder). Raphael and Dürer, holding hands, appeared prominently in the foreground. The winged Muse of poetry, accompanied by Music, Painting, Architecture, and Sculpture seated under a tree on a hillside, adorned the central scene. This rehabilitation of German art, in specifically equating

35

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

Fig. 19  Joseph Keller, Philosophy, 1836. Engraving after Jakob

Götzenberger, Philosophy, 1833 (painting). Formerly Academic Aula, University of Bonn. Photo: author.

it with Italian Renaissance art up to Raphael, together with the union of these two artists, anticipates the messages articulated in the decorative programs of new museums beginning a couple of decades later. The pairing of Dürer and Raphael occurred in other contemporary contexts. In 1818 the University of Bonn was founded in the newly established Rhine province of Prussia.77 Soon there were discussions about decorating the academic aula, or great hall, with frescoes related to the faculties of theology, medicine, law, and philosophy. Karl Herrmann’s design for Theology (1824–25) and Jakob Götzenberger’s for Law (1824–27) were completed first. Götzenberger, a Heidelberg master, displayed his cartoon for Philosophy at the house of Bertel Thorvaldsen during his stay in Rome from 1829 to 1831; he finished the painting in 1833 (fig. 19). He completed the Medicine fresco in 1836. In Götzenberger’s Philosophy, Minerva sits enthroned above a courtyard framed by architecture.78 Fifty-seven

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 36

identifiable historical figures, ranging from Homer to Goethe, engage one another in conversation. Collectively, they present a history of European thought. Dürer and Raphael stand together talking at the very center of the composition, just below Minerva. Raphael holds a cartoon for his Allegory of Philosophy, from the ceiling of the Stanza della Segnatura. The Nuremberg master carries a small painting whose subject is not visible. Nevertheless, it implies his creativity, including the theoretical bases of his art and writings. Johann Joachim Winckelmann, the great champion of neoclassicism, stands off to the side. The paintings were destroyed in World War II. Fortunately, Götzenberger’s three cartoons are in the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe. Joseph Keller created engravings of Theology (1833) and Philosophy (1836), and Aloys Weber produced lithographs of the entire series in 1848.79 The choice of Dürer and Raphael rather than Aristotle, Plato, or another famed philosopher signals their current cultural value and perhaps their independence from any specific school of philosophy. Yet the Bonn cycle reveals the outsized role these two Renaissance masters played in the historicizing mindset of the early decades of the nineteenth century.

The Dürer Jubilees of 1828

The process of nationalizing Albrecht Dürer in literature and then in art during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries fully blossomed during 1828, the three hundredth anniversary of his death. Dürer became a vessel holding the diverse aspirations of the age. Extensive research into the historical Dürer, scholarly examinations of his life and art in particular, was matched by a growing sanctification. Even as the German-speaking lands remained

7/27/20 10:56 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

politically fractured, the artist came to represent national integration and common national ideals of genius and character. The translation of patriotic expressions about Dürer from text to image occurred, above all, in his native city of Nuremberg. In 1817 a group of local artists founded the Albrecht-Dürer-Verein (Albrecht Dürer Association). As Białostocki has observed, the dedication of an artists’ society to a particular artist rather than to Saint Luke marked a new tradition.80 Dürer was now the object of their veneration or, at least, their attention. In 1826, at the instigation of Friedrich Campe, the city of Nuremberg acquired Dürer’s former house following the death of its last private owner (fig. 20).81 Carl Alexander Heideloff (1789–1865), a local architect, restored its interior. On the second upper story, he fashioned a neo-Gothic memorial chamber that included a newly commissioned marble bust of Dürer from Jakob Daniel Burgschmiet (1796–1858).82 In late 1826 the house was rented to the Albrecht-Dürer-Verein, which used the building for its meetings and from at least 1828 for its occasional art exhibitions. In 1830 this group merged with the Verein von Künstlern und Kunstfreunden (Society of Artists and Friends of Art), which had been founded in 1792. Although the combined group initially called itself the Nürnberger Kunstverein (Art Society of Nuremberg), by 1837 it was once again officially the Albrecht-DürerVerein, under the patronage of King Ludwig I of Bavaria. The Dürer cult reached its apogee in 1828. Plans were underway to honor the Nuremberg master well before this year. In September 1826 Albert Christoph Reindel, director of a Nuremberg art school, circulated an announcement that there would be a celebration in Nuremberg on April 6 and 7, 1828. He invited artists from across Germany to

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 37

37

Fig. 20  Albrecht Dürer’s house (now the Dürerhaus Museum),

Nuremberg. Photo: author.

contribute works to Dürer’s Stammbuch, a collection of art gathered in his honor that would be exhibited on this occasion.83 Ultimately, fifty-seven artists produced around 130 works, including drawings, prints, a plaster bust of Dürer, medals, gouaches, and oil paintings, for display in the two-story chapel of Nuremberg’s castle.84 Many contributions, such as landscapes, domestic scenes, or historical subjects, simply exemplified an individual artist’s style and had no direct association with Dürer. Others perfectly captured the spirit of the jubilee. Mathias Christoph Hartmann (1791–1839) portrayed himself

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

Fig. 21  Mathias Christoph Hartmann, The Artist Showing His Two

Sons the Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1828 (signed and dated). Gouache, 31.8 × 24.7 cm. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, GNM St.N. 10545. Photo: GNM. Fig. 22  Joseph Wintergerst, Apotheosis of Albrecht Dürer, 1828.

Watercolor. Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg, St. N. 10579. Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg.

and his two sons standing in a small arched space, presumably in Nuremberg’s castle, since Dürer’s house and the Tiergärtnertor are visible behind (fig. 21).85 With his arm draped over the shoulder of Carl, his older son, the artist gestures toward a marble bust of Dürer crowned with a laurel wreath. The viewer can easily imagine that he reverently expounds on Dürer’s life and achievements. Joseph Wintergerst (1783–1867), one of the original members of the Saint Luke Brotherhood in Rome,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 38

represented the apotheosis of Albrecht Dürer (fig. 22).86 Set in the sky above the artist’s tomb, in the cemetery of St. Johannis west of Nuremberg, the picture shows Dürer welcomed into heaven by God the Father, Christ, the Virgin Mary, Moses, David, Saint Peter, Saint Paul, and several angels. His guardian angel introduces Dürer, who piously crosses his arms over his chest. Greeting him as well are Michael Wolgemut, his teacher, and Albrecht Dürer the Elder, his father. Behind the guardian

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

angel is a distraught devil. This scene perpetuates the common assertions of the artist’s personal piety. By 1820 there were already yearly celebrations to commemorate the anniversary of Dürer’s death (April 6, 1528) held at the artist’s tomb.87 In 1828 the anniversary of Dürer’s death coincided with Easter Sunday. Before dawn that morning about two hundred artists and art lovers processed westward from the city, past the artist’s house, and through the Tiergärtnertor to the cemetery of St. Johannis. Shortly after six in the morning they gathered at Dürer’s tomb, which the artist and biographer Joachim von Sandrart had painstakingly restored in 1681. The association between Dürer and Christ, with reference specifically to their respective resurrections, was one of the jubilee’s dominant themes. The sunrise service had a decidedly quasi-religious character. Ludwig Emil Grimm described that morning: “A solemn silence had fallen. Suddenly it was broken by the mighty sounds of tubas reverberating around us, sublime and deeply moving, as they announced the high solemnity of the hour and the day. The wind abated, the clouds parted and the sun in all its glory rose over the old castle, illuminating the lovely churchyard and our large solemn gathering. How we wished all our absent friends could have been here to experience that great moment with us!”88 Subsequently Grimm authored a drawing and etching of the celebration (fig. 23). With the castles and towers of Nuremberg visible behind, the crowd encircles the artist’s simple tomb. Men, women, and children, most with heads bowed, gather to pay homage to Dürer and his memory. Adam Kraft’s sandstone Crucifixion group behind on the left further links Christ, humanity’s savior, and Dürer, the savior of German art. This was just the opening event of a very full day honoring Dürer.89 That afternoon a short concert

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 39

entitled Christ, der Meister was performed in the Great Hall of the Rathaus (city hall). This huge chamber was then the site for a lavish feast that lasted from four to eight in the evening.90 Foremost among the Great Hall’s temporary decorations was a series of seven translucent paintings that when illuminated from behind looked like stained glass.91 These were set into a great niche in the form of a galleried, Gothic-style church on the east side of the room.92 A large golden star adorned the vault of this structure. Genius figures filled the spaces between the transparencies. Each picture was more than two meters tall. Although these paintings do not survive, preparatory drawings, prints, and descriptions convey the individual scenes. In 1829–30 Joseph Sauterleute (1793–1843) replicated the compositions

39

Fig. 23  Ludwig Grimm, Jubilee Celebration at the Tomb of Albrecht

Dürer, 1828. Etching. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Photo: GNM.

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

40

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 40

in stained glass and added two additional images (fig. 24).93 Peter von Cornelius, the director of the Munich Academy, first suggested that the jubilee include episodes from Dürer’s life. Contemporary research by Joseph Heller, the Bamberg scholar, and others brought new biographical documents to light, including Dürer’s fragmentary family chronicle (1524), his commemorative book (with brief entries written in 1502, 1503, 1506/7, and 1514), and the journal of the artist’s trip to the Netherlands in 1520–21.94 The task of organizing the Rathaus decorative project fell to Ernst Förster (1800–1885), the eldest of Cornelius’s students. Dürer’s life as depicted in the transparencies echoed Christ’s. Biographically the first of these paintings, Ferdinand Fellner’s Dürer’s Entry into Michael Wolgemut’s Shop, shows the nervous youth shaking hands with his future teacher. The less-than-friendly looks of the assistants recall Dürer’s remark, “During this time God gave me the diligence to learn well, although I had to put up with much tormenting from those in his workshop.”95 This loosely evokes Christ Among the Doctors. Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s Marriage of Dürer to Agnes Frey borrows its iconography from the betrothal of the Virgin, while Hermann Stilke’s Dürer’s Reception in Antwerp draws from depictions of the Marriage at Cana. Even more striking is Fellner’s Dürer in the Storm on the River Scheldt, in which the artist assumes Christ’s role in calming the storm on the Sea of Galilee. While Dürer was traveling in Zeeland in early December 1520, his boat was suddenly blown away from shore by strong winds. Since the crew had already disembarked on shore, the captain and passengers feared their lives were in great danger. Dürer described calming the captain and helping to bring the ship safely back to harbor. Karl Herrmann’s Death of Dürer,

with its foreshortened body, alludes to Andrea Mantegna’s Dead Christ. According to Herrmann, the three men at right are portraits of the artists Bertel Thorvaldsen (1770–1844), Christian Daniel Rauch (1777–1857), and Friedrich Overbeck.96 The three women are likely the three Maries who visited Christ’s tomb. Förster’s Dürer at His Mother’s Deathbed is patterned upon the artist’s own Death of the Virgin woodcut from the Life of the Virgin series. The last of the original set is Adam Eberle’s Raphael and Dürer at the Throne of Art, which harkens back to the earlier designs by Pforr and Overbeck. Much was made of the coincidence that Dürer and Raphael both died on the same day, April 6. The three hundredth anniversary of Raphael’s death had been celebrated by the artists in Berlin in 1820.97 In this scene the artists shake hands. Art embraces both men but directs her attention to the German master. Sauterleute contributed two additional compositions. At the very center is his replica of Dürer’s Self-Portrait of 1500 (fig. 3). Either the original or a copy of this picture had hung in the Nuremberg Rathaus from the sixteenth century. In 1805 the painting was purchased for the royal Hofgartengalerie in Munich, where by 1813 at the latest it was displayed next to Raphael’s Portrait of Bindo Altoviti (ca. 1515, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.).98 Sauterleute, however, added two angels or geniuses placing a laurel wreath on the artist’s head. At the top center of his ensemble, Sauterleute included the penitent Mary Magdalene, perhaps as a reference to the artist’s pious character.

Fig. 24  Joseph Sauterleute, Scenes from the Life of Albrecht Dürer,

1829–30. Stained glass. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, MM 648–56 (loan from the city of Nuremberg). Photo: author, by permission of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum.

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 41

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

42

Fig. 25  Christian Daniel Rauch, Albrecht Dürer Monument,

designed and modeled 1827–28. Bronze statue cast by Jakob Daniel Burgschmiet, completed 1840. Albrecht-Dürer-Platz, Nuremberg. Photo: author.

By far the most significant artistic memorial associated with the jubilee is Christian Daniel Rauch’s larger-than-life-size (295 cm) bronze statue of Dürer erected in the former Milk Market, which

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 42

in 1828 was renamed Albrecht Dürer Platz (fig. 25).99 The catalyst was Ludwig I, who on September 7, 1826, just a year after becoming king of Bavaria, met with Nuremberg city officials to discuss constructing a lasting monument honoring Dürer. The project was to be administered jointly by the Albrecht-Dürer-Verein, led by Friedrich Campe, and Munich’s Akademie der bildenden Künste, under Peter von Cornelius’s direction. Ludwig, who helped fund the statue, insisted the commission be given to Rauch, who was widely considered the best of all contemporary German sculptors. Since Rauch worked in Berlin, many artists in Nuremberg and Munich felt that a sculptor from Bavaria should have been selected; however, Ludwig saw this as a pan-German and not simply a Bavarian memorial. This was the first of several artistic associations linking Ludwig, Rauch, and Dürer. The bronze statue, cast by Jakob Daniel Burgschmiet, was finished only in 1840. But on the morning of Easter Monday in 1828, the jubilee participants processed from the Great Hall of the Rathaus to the square to witness the laying of the monument’s foundation stone.100 Rauch’s plaster model and some prints of the proposed memorial’s design had to suffice. Rauch based his standing likeness of the artist on Dürer’s self-portrait in the Adoration of the Holy Trinity Altarpiece (fig. 11). He made a trip to Vienna in 1835 to study firsthand Dürer’s altarpiece and the self-portrait in the Martyrdom of Ten Thousand, both then in the imperial collection in the Belvedere (fig. 8). The artist holds a paintbrush, pen, and laurel sprigs in his right hand, details that later were broken off on the plaster model. The architect Carl Alexander Heideloff devised the original base, which was to be decorated with the seated personifications of painting, perspective, sculpture, and architecture; a genius figure holding

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

the artist’s name; his coat of arms; and twelve portraits of his famous pupils in the form of eight small statuettes and four medallions (fig. 26).101 Topping the pedestal were seated lions that, according to Heideloff, signified strength and endurance, as well as the Kingdom of Bavaria’s heraldry.102 Heideloff ’s elaborate base, rejected by King Ludwig in 1836 perhaps for financial reasons, was replaced with a simpler, more classical version designed by the Munich architect Friedrich von Gärtner (1791– 1847). Funding problems had delayed the statue’s casting and erection. The final version is purer, at least to modern eyes, since it pays homage just to Dürer without any of the iconographic appendages. The finished bronze statue was placed finally on May 21, 1840, the anniversary of Dürer’s birthday. Rauch’s Dürer is the oldest freestanding memorial honoring an artist. It predates the statues of Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640), dedicated on May 30, 1840, in Antwerp, and Rembrandt, unveiled in 1847 in Amsterdam. With these and succeeding monuments, artists were deemed worthy of permanent public homage along with rulers, generals, and other celebrated leaders.103 For instance, Johann Gottfried Schadow completed his bronze monument to Martin Luther for the market square in Wittenberg in 1821.104 A fountain dedicated to Dürer and Willibald Pirckheimer, bearing their profile portraits in relief, was erected in the Maxplatz in Nuremberg in 1821.105 Heideloff designed the fountain to commemorate the three hundredth fiftieth anniversary of Dürer’s birth and the men’s close friendship. Jakob Daniel Burgschmiet’s bronze Philipp Melanchthon (1826) stands before the Egidiengymnasium in Nuremberg to celebrate the famed humanist’s educational curriculum reforms in 1525–26. In 1835 August Wilhelm von Schlegel, then a professor at the University of Bonn, raised the idea

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 43

43

Fig. 26  Carl Alexander von Heideloff, Planned Base for the

Albrecht Dürer Monument (design, 1828), after 1847. Engraving. Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg, Buch-Inv.-Nr. 2412. Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg.

of a monument to Ludwig van Beethoven. Ernst Julius Hähnel’s bronze, erected on the composer’s birthday, August 12, 1845, adorns Bonn’s Münsterplatz. Bertel Thorvaldsen’s statue of Friedrich

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

44

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 44

Schiller (1839) occupies the center of the Schillerplatz in Stuttgart. These memorials and later ones commemorate creative individuals who contributed so much to German cultural heritage. There were imaginary memorials to genius in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, but these typically were limited to two-dimensional evocations, such as Janus Genelli’s watercolor monuments of 1808 to the philosophers Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottfried Herder.106 Rauch’s statue of Dürer heralded something new, something tangible. Beyond his actual life and art, Albrecht Dürer had become a historically significant figure. As Białostocki notes, “The pilgrimages went no more to the tombs of the martyrs but to the places of adoration of great heroes celebrated by their countries for having made the fatherland or the town famous in national or social struggles, and also, sometimes even more so, in the great achievements of art and science.”107 Nuremberg now had its Dürer pilgrimage sites: his tomb, in the St. Johannis cemetery; his house, with the Albrecht-DürerVerein and its memorial chamber; and now the imposing bronze sculpture. The quasi-religious nature of the 1828 jubilee, its pageantry, and its art sanctified Dürer. That Easter Monday evening at 8:30, a fifty-foot-tall illuminated transparency painting was set beside the Tiergärtnertor, across from the artist’s house.108 A colossal image of Dürer, crowned by geniuses, stood before a Gothic-style temple with emanating sunrays. The base displayed his coat of arms plus the following inscription: “Father Dürer, give us thy blessing, that like thee we may truly cherish German art; be our guiding star until the grave!”109 This is an intercessory petition offered before a gigantic saint- or Christlike icon. In a land where religion still divided Catholics and Protestants, here was a safe, secular counterpart.

Dürer’s brilliance aside, he functioned around 1828 as a bridge. He could unite all Germans, whether or not they were Lutherans or Catholics or resided in the kingdoms of Prussia, Bavaria, Württemberg, or another political state. Ludwig I recognized the artist as a unifying figure, especially when many residents of Nuremberg and Franconia still resented being absorbed into Bavaria two decades earlier. Indicative of Dürer’s broad appeal, other jubilees were held in April 1828 in Mainz, Bremen, Rudolstadt, Dresden, Munich, Bamberg, Breslau, and, quite elaborately, Berlin.110 The celebration in Berlin occurred on April 17 and 18 so as not to conflict with Easter.111 The inaugural presentation of Friedrich Gubitz’s play Hans Sachs oder Dürers Festabend was performed on April 17 in the Royal Berlin Theater.112 April 18 was chosen for the main festivities because it was also the anniversary of the Kunstakademie’s Raphael-Fest held in 1820. The festivities included five events, beginning at eleven in the morning with a procession from the Kunstakademie, at 38 Unter den Linden, that passed the university (today Humboldt University) to the great concert hall of the Sing-Akademie. This stage of the jubilee was organized by Johann Gottfried Schadow, director of the Kunstakademie, Heinrich Dähling, and Karl Hampe. Highlighting the hall’s temporary decorations, which architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel designed, was the Dürer Altar (fig. 27).113 Ludwig Wichmann’s larger-than-life-size statue of Dürer, based on the self-portrait of 1500, stood in the center. He was flanked by Friedrich Tieck’s seated personifications of scenographia (theater), painting, sculpture, and military architecture, each of which was six Fuß high, not including their tall pedestals. The tympanum above displayed Heinrich Dähling’s oil painting Holy Trinity, or Throne of Grace, based upon

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Self-Fashioning and the Early Cult of Albrecht Dürer

45

Fig. 27  Karl Friedrich Schinkel, design for the Albrecht Dürer Altar,

a decoration for the jubilee celebration in Berlin, 1828. Gouache. Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg, STN 10521. Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Stadt Nürnberg.

Dürer’s 1511 woodcut.114 His picture measured 8 Fuß 9 Zoll high by 14 Fuß 6 Zoll wide (2.8 × 4.6 m). Two winged genius figures holding torches adorned its sides. Dähling’s Holy Trinity was subsequently

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 45

displayed in the long room of the Kunstakademie until about 1876. The altar’s frame was done in red, gold, and green topped with a starry crown. Schinkel’s design depicts the apotheosis of Dürer as well as his roles as hero and protector of the arts. A second standing statue of Dürer, Christian Daniel Rauch’s model for the Nuremberg monument, was also exhibited in the hall.115

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

46

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 46

The three-hour ceremony, beginning shortly after noon, was attended by around eight hundred guests, including the Prussian crown prince (the future king Friedrich Wilhelm IV [r. 1840–61]) and other members of the royal family. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy composed the evening’s music, including his Dürer Cantata. Various speeches praised Dürer but also the cultural patronage of King Friedrich Wilhelm III (r. 1797–1840). Friedrich Wilhelm III and his sons were responsible for the first three museums, starting with Schinkel’s Altes Museum (1823–30), erected on Berlin’s Museumsinsel (Museum Island, discussed in chapter 6). The day would include a banquet in the hall of the English House (Mohrenstraße 49) and conclude with more drinking at the Schulgarten, a popular coffeehouse near the Potsdam Gate.116 The various speeches, poems, and toasts praised Dürer’s

virtues and portrayed him not as a myth but as the hard-working founder (Begründer) of German art. He was also lauded as a symbol for all of Germany. Friedrich Förster described the celebration as an occasion festively and peacefully to unite the North (Prussia) and the South (Bavaria), since they all belonged to the same fatherland.117 These events of 1828 and other celebrations that followed occurred at precisely the moment when new museums were starting to be planned and constructed across the German-speaking lands. Dürer embodied German artistic greatness but also represented a challenge to contemporary German artists to make exceptional art once again after centuries of decline. The cult of artists and of Dürer in particular would soon be translated into the decorations of princely and public art museums.118

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Chapter 3

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

T

he story of Albrecht Dürer at the museum begins in Munich with the construction of the Alte Pinakothek from 1826 to 1836 (fig. 28). Here portraits and narrative scenes of the Nuremberg master first embellished the façade, loggias, and one gallery of a state institution. Designed by Leo von Klenze (1784–1864), the Alte Pinakothek was then the most modern art museum in the world. Its influence on subsequent museums was profound, from the configuration of its galleries to even its system of overhead lighting for the large central rooms.1 The rich decoration of the building’s exterior and interior, with its celebration of a select canon of famous artists, including Dürer, would inspire other museums up until the end of the nineteenth century. The building officially began as a state commission by the government of King Maximilian I Joseph (r. 1806–25). Crown Prince Ludwig was already actively involved even before Klenze created his earliest plans, around 1820. Combining the Wittelsbachs’ pictures from Munich,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 47

Mannheim, Zweibrücken, and Düsseldorf with the older Netherlandish and German paintings acquired from the Boisserées-Bertram collection in 1827 and with the Oettingen-Wallerstein collection a year later produced an acute need for a museum dedicated to pre-1800 paintings. The foundation stone was set on Friday, April 7, 1826, in honor of Raphael’s birth. When in 1831 the Bavarian Estates Assembly refused to continue funding the museum’s construction, Ludwig I, now king, personally paid for its completion.2 It opened to the public on October 16, 1836. The Pinakothek would later be called the Alte Pinakothek once it became necessary to distinguish it from the adjacent Neue Pinakothek (1846–54), also founded by Ludwig, with its collection of modern art. Both are located in the Max-Vorstadt district, just to the northeast of Königsplatz and the Glyptothek. The Alte Pinakothek originally housed a collection of ancient vases, the print and drawing cabinets, storage rooms, and offices on the ground floor.

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

48

Fig. 28  Leo von Klenze, south façade of the Alte Pinakothek,

Munich, 1826–36. Photographed 1926. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

Institutional Precedents

King Ludwig I of Bavaria’s fascination with Dürer began fully two decades before he selected Christian Daniel Rauch to create the bronze statue in Nuremberg. In 1807, just a year after the establishment of the Kingdom of Bavaria, the young crown prince

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 48

conceived of a plan to erect a temple honoring illustrious Germans. The concept was modeled after the Norse myth of Valhalla, the home of those who died heroically in battle. Ludwig’s temple was to include writers, artists, and musicians along with rulers, statesmen, and military leaders. He may have been inspired by the Pantheon in Rome, the burial site of Raphael and, especially in the eighteenth century, numerous artists and other notable men.3 In 1808 the sculptor Antonio Canova received permission to commission portrait busts of other illustrious Italians to decorate this famous classical building. Twelve years later Pope Pius VII (r. 1800–1823) ordered all of these sculptures removed and transferred to the new Protomoteca Capitolina, where he and his successors would determine who else would be included.4 This culture of commemoration, with its core sociopolitical goals, had earlier counterparts in London and Paris.5 In 1826, the same year the construction of the Alte Pinakothek started, Ludwig commissioned Leo von Klenze to build Walhalla, a Doric-style temple inspired architecturally by the Parthenon in Athens and conceptually by the Pantheon in Rome. The building, the climax of German neoclassicism, towers majestically on a bluff over the Danube River east of Regensburg.6 When dedicated, in 1842, the monument’s interior exhibited ninety-six marble busts of Germanic heroes and heroines plus sixty-four plaques with the names of others for whom no accurate portraits existed. The first busts, such as Johann Gottfried Schadow’s Nicolaus Copernicus, date to 1807. A year later, Ludwig commissioned Joseph Kirchmayer to carve Dürer’s statue.7 Ultimately, Kirchmayer’s bust was set aside for other uses, and the king commissioned Rauch’s new statue of the Nuremberg artist, dated 1837, for his temple.8 Coinciding with the monument’s

7/27/20 10:57 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

dedication, Ludwig authored Walhalla’s Genossen, which contains his foreword plus fifty short biographies of celebrated Germans, including Wilhelm of Cologne, Jan van Eyck, Hans Memling, Dürer, Hans Holbein the Younger, Rubens, and Anthony van Dyck.9 In November 1820 Peter von Cornelius wrote to Ludwig, “[The proposed] great and worthy monument . . . to the greatness of Germany makes our hearts beat faster and, above all, reminds us, and makes us profoundly aware, of our German nationality.”10 Ludwig remarked, “The Walhalla was erected that the German [visitor] might depart from it more German and better than when he arrived.”11 Ludwig had a dual passion for ancient Greece and for painting, especially for Raphael and the artists of the Old German and Netherlandish schools, above all Dürer. The crown prince and later king collaborated with Klenze, his court architect, to transform the appearance of Munich. This included the erection of two museums: the Glyptothek (1816–30) and the Alte Pinakothek. Dürer figures prominently in the programs of the latter museum, but conceptually my account starts with the Glyptothek, which is located nearby on the north side of the new Königsplatz (fig. 29).12 Ludwig aspired for Munich to be the German Athens.13 Years later, in 1826, Ludwig, now king, transferred the Bavarian university in Landshut to Munich as he sought to make his capital an intellectual center, a Catholic rival to Protestant Berlin.14 His view of the classical world was shaped by his many trips to Italy, beginning in 1805, and especially between 1816 and 1825. The crown prince, Klenze, and Johann Georg von Dillis, who later would become the first director of the Alte Pinakothek, traveled to Paestum and through Sicily together in 1817–18. Ludwig owned the Villa Malta in Rome. As noted in chapter 2, the German artists living

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 49

in Rome, including Overbeck and Cornelius, organized an elaborate feast honoring Ludwig on April 29, 1818.15 The evening’s decorations included painted transparencies celebrating great artists, including Dürer and Raphael holding hands, and the patrons who supported their creativity. Many of these German masters living in Rome had worked for Ludwig in Munich or would soon. The Glyptothek, set on a large new public square, housed the royal collection of antiquities. The crown prince wanted his building and its holdings to inspire the creation of new works by contemporary artists.16 Despite its severe damage in World War II, the exterior of the Glyptothek still displays an elaborate, if battered, sculptural program, beginning with Athena as protectress of the arts in the pediment above the main, south façade.17 To the left of the portal are niche statues of Vulcan, Prometheus, and Daedalus as the founders and leaders of the sculptural arts of metal, clay, and stone. To the right

49

Fig. 29  Leo von Klenze, south façade of the Glyptothek, Munich,

1816–30. Photo: author.

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

50

Fig. 30  Johann Gottfried Jenner, Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 1755–64.

Keystone sculpture. Picture Gallery, Sanssouci, Potsdam. Photo: author.

appear Phidias, the culmination of Greek sculpture, plus Pericles and Hadrian as the first and last promoters of classical sculpture. On the west side of the museum stand statues of six Renaissance sculptors: Lorenzo Ghiberti, Donatello, Benvenuto Cellini, Peter Vischer the Elder, Michelangelo, and Giambologna. Finally, the east side, symbolically facing the rising sun, celebrates six living sculptors: Antonio Canova, John Gibson, Rauch, Ludwig Michael Schwanthaler, Pietro Tenerani, and Bertel Thorvaldsen.18 The latter group of mostly neoclassical masters had close associations with the German artists in Rome or with Peter von Cornelius. All of the statues wear idealized classical clothing. Even though Ludwig approved this sculptural cycle in 1817, the actual carvings were made much later. The first figures were completed and set in 1840–41, concurrent with the series on the Alte Pinakothek; the final two statues were placed only in 1862. The

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 50

use of portraits of art’s greatest practitioners was a succinct means of personifying or embodying the history of art. Their collective presence framing the Glyptothek helped to define what was in the museum and, just as significantly, what sculptures resulted from this classical heritage in the following two millennia. The concept of honoring illustrious individuals in artistic series has a long history dating back to antiquity.19 Ludwig’s ancestors constructed the Antiquarium (1568–72 and 1586–87) in the Residenz palace in Munich.20 This 67.75-meter-long hall was the first grand room in the German lands designed to exhibit classical antiquities, specifically the bust portraits of the first twelve Roman emperors and their families. A few blocks from his museums, King Ludwig commissioned the Ludwigskirche, begun in 1829, with its prominent array of holy figures on the façade. One does not have to look far for precedents for the concept used at the Glyptothek. Ludwig and Klenze knew of the Picture Gallery of Friedrich II, king of Prussia (r. 1740–86), at Sanssouci Palace in Potsdam (fig. 30).21 In 1807 the twenty-one-year-old Ludwig visited Berlin during the French occupation. This memory reportedly helped to inspire his idea to create a building, later realized at Walhalla, to pan-German unity.22 Friedrich II’s gallery housed his personal painting collection, mostly acquired between about 1755 and 1770. The Picture Gallery (1755–64), designed by Johann Gottfried Büring, was perhaps the first independent German structure dedicated to the display of a collection of paintings.23 Decorating the south, or garden, side of the building are eighteen allegorical statues, including Architecture, Painting, Sculpture, and the other visual arts. On the keystones over the doors and windows are nineteen highly idealized busts of famous artists

7/27/20 10:57 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

from antiquity (Apelles, Protogenes, and Phidias) to the seventeenth century.24 Johann Gottfried Jenner’s sculptures of the “greats,” none based on actual likenesses, occupy the most prominent spots over the gallery’s central doorway (Raphael, Apelles, and Michelangelo) and two side projections (Rubens and Dürer). Johann Gottlieb Heymüller’s marble statues of Harmony and Portrait Painting/Engraving, placed on pedestals, flank the window containing Dürer’s keystone. These sculptures are thematically tied to the Nuremberg master’s theoretical writings, specifically The Art of Human Proportions (1528), and his artistic skills. The Picture Gallery, like most of the subsequent princely museums, equates culture with political authority.25 Concurrent with the planning in Munich, several rooms in the Louvre in Paris were decorated with historical and allegorical ceiling paintings that featured early modern artists.26 Best known of these is Jean-Dominique-Auguste Ingres’s Apotheosis of Homer (1827), completed originally for the Salle Clarac in the Musée Charles X (r. 1824–30) at the Louvre. It includes Raphael, Michelangelo, and Nicolas Poussin plus authors William Shakespeare, Jean Racine, Pierre Corneille, and Jean-Baptiste Molière among the pantheon of great writers, philosophers, and patrons since antiquity. Other paintings, such as Horace Vernet’s Pope Julius II Commissioning Bramante, Michelangelo, and Raphael to Work on the Vatican and St. Peter’s (1827) and Jean Alaux’s Poussin Being Presented to Louis XIII by Cardinal Richelieu Following His Return from Rome (1833), do not seem to form a unified or systematic program. The later New Louvre (1852–65) of Emperor Napoleon III (r. 1852–70) includes a carefully designed series of eighty-six portrait statues of famous French statesmen, writers, artists, and scientists placed on the terraces of the second upper floor.27

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 51

Sentinels on the Façade

51

While the Glyptothek was under construction, Ludwig I and Leo von Klenze embarked on a vastly larger project—the Pinakothek (fig. 28).28 The experience of visiting this museum, one of Europe’s most famous, is wholly different today than during its first century of operation. Now one enters on the north side, after extensive reconstruction and reconfiguration of the museum following the bombings in 1943 and 1944.29 Klenze, however, designed the south side, facing the city across a broad lawn, as the primary façade of the museum. The entrance was on the short east end of the building. Inspired by the sculptures intended for but not yet placed on the Glyptothek, Klenze displayed twenty-four larger-than-life-size standing statues of famous painters behind a balustrade at the attic, or roof, level. His initial plan had called instead for twelve terra-cotta statues, each ten feet tall, in niches on the ground-floor level of the south façade.30 Six were to depict Italian masters, and the other half would honor artists from other lands, presumably including Dürer. When Klenze first suggested freestanding statues at the roof level, Ludwig was unsure how these would look. So once the museum’s structural shell was completed, in September 1831, Klenze instructed Ludwig Schwanthaler (1802–48), the sculpture series’ designer, to create three full-size plaster figures, which were then mounted in position. The king liked the arrangement and approved the program. Johann Georg von Dillis, the museum’s director, selected the artists to be included. His choices certainly reflected the wishes of the king. The two men had long been close associates.31 In 1790 Dillis had been appointed the inspector for the electoral painting gallery in the Hofgarten in Munich before

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

52

Fig. 31 

Ludwig Schwanthaler (design), artist statues on the south façade of the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, placed in 1840. Limestone sculptures. Photographed 1943. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

being named the Central-Gallerie-Direktor in January 1822. A skilled landscape artist, he traveled with Ludwig, then the crown prince, in Italy in 1816, 1817, and 1818. He also accompanied the king, who was sick, to the island of Ischia, near Naples, in 1832. Ludwig trusted Dillis to negotiate the purchases of the Boisserée and Oettingen-Wallerstein collections in 1826–28. In 1840 the king awarded the Ludwig’s Order of the Crown to Dillis in recognition of his fifty years of faithful service. Dillis carefully planned the placement of these statues to mirror the arrangement of the galleries within the museum. The statues were positioned

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 52

by school and then loosely by the artists’ supposed birthdates (fig. 31).32 From east to west the arrangement was as follows: Old Upper and Low German School—Jan van Eyck (1370), Hans Memling (1420), Albrecht Dürer (1471), Hans Holbein the Younger (1498), Martin Schongauer (1420); Netherlandish School—Peter Paul Rubens (1577) and Anthony van Dyck (1599); Spanish School—Diego Velázquez (1594) and Bartolomeo Esteban Murillo (1613); French School—Nicolas Poussin (1594) and Claude Lorrain (1600); and Italian School—Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (Fra Angelico, 1387), Masaccio (1401), Giovanni Bellini (1424), Leonardo da Vinci

7/27/20 10:57 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

(1445), Pietro Perugino (1446), Domenico Ghirlandaio (1449), Francesco Raibolini (Francia, 1450), Michelangelo Buonarroti (1474), Titian (1477), Raphael (1483), Andrea del Sarto (1488), Antonio Correggio (1494), and Domenico Zampieri (Domenichino, 1581). Thirteen of the twenty-four masters were Italian. Dillis’s choice of artists certainly reflected Ludwig’s taste. Even though the museum possessed eighteen paintings by Rembrandt, he was not included, since the king did not particularly like Dutch art.33 Collectively, the sculptures present a highly abbreviated history of Renaissance and early Baroque art in the guise of these leading practitioners. Paintings by each master or their workshops were listed in the museum’s inaugural collection catalogue of 1838.34 Although some of these attributions, such as to Jan van Eyck, have not held up over time, the relationship between the exterior decoration and the interior collection reflected the best scholarly knowledge of the 1830s. In 1838 the Alte Pinakothek owned eighteen pictures by or then attributed to Dürer, including his iconic self-portrait of 1500 (fig. 3), the portrait of Michael Wolgemut, his teacher, and The Four Apostles (fig. 82).35 The collections in Munich and Vienna then could and now still can boast the deepest holdings of the Nuremberg master’s paintings. The artists honored with exterior portrait statues embodied the collection’s exceptional richness and the aesthetic delights that the visitor would discover within the museum. These masters were described in 1846 as the “guardians and guides . . . who were responsible for new directions and advancements in the development of Christian painting.”36 This formula and, more generally, the relationship between a building’s external decoration and its actual collection would be widely emulated by subsequent museums.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 53

Schwanthaler had already worked for Ludwig and collaborated with Klenze when he carved several statues for the Glyptothek in 1826 and 1828. In 1832 they commissioned him to sketch and then prepare small plaster models for the Pinakothek series (fig. 32).37 Ludwig personally stipulated that the clothing be historically appropriate, unlike at the Glyptothek, where all sculptors wore classical togas. He instructed Schwanthaler to follow accurate portraits of each master when possible. Three small statues were finished before mid-October 1832, when Schwanthaler departed for a study trip to Rome. There he renewed his contacts with Thorvaldsen and likely sought portrait sources for his Munich series. Either before his trip to Italy or soon after his return to Munich, probably in March 1834, Schwanthaler designed each figure. By July that year he had completed the small models for eleven of the statues, including those of Dürer, Holbein, and Schongauer.38 A few months later Schwanthaler finished his full-scale plaster model of Dürer. In 1835 the sculptor exhibited fourteen of his models in the Munich Art Exhibition.39 Next, in 1839, he made new drawings after each of his plaster models. These and his earlier designs were further publicized in 1835–40 when Samuel Amsler (1791–1841) produced engravings after Schwanthaler’s sketches (fig. 33).40 As he planned the cycle, Schwanthaler studied Thorvaldsen’s standing statue of Johannes Gutenberg (1837) in Mainz, the designs for which he could have seen in Rome, and Rauch’s Nuremberg memorial of Dürer (fig. 25).41 Dürer’s self-portrait of 1500 offered a convenient local source. Frank Otten says Schwanthaler’s conception of Dürer generally follows the description of the Nuremberg artist in Ludwig Tieck’s Franz Sternbalds Wanderungen (1798): “Dürer was tall and slender, his curly hair fell sweetly and majestic over his temples and shoulders,

53

7/27/20 10:57 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

54

Fig. 32  Ludwig Schwanthaler, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1840. Terra-cotta

model. Stadtmuseum, Munich. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 54

his face was dignified yet friendly, his expression changed only slowly, and his beautiful brown eyes looked impassioned but gentle from under his noble brow.”42 For his statue, Schwanthaler simplified the fur-trimmed robe and the pose somewhat from Rauch’s prototype, since his figure would be seen only at a distance.43 His Dürer holds a pencil in his left hand, while the right grasps a scroll of paper prominently marked with the artist’s AD monogram. This is the only full-scale statue that includes a monogram or inscription. Jan van Eyck and Martin Schongauer each carry a palette with brushes, while Hans Memling is shown sketching on a tablet.44 Most of the artists, including Raphael, are posed, sometimes dramatically, observing something. Fra Angelico stares at a framed devotional painting in his hands. Visitors approaching the Pinakothek from the south experienced the twenty-four statues first as a collective group arranged horizontally along the roof. Their individual identities emerged only as one got closer to the façade. I suspect that, at least initially, many visitors would have recognized only some of the artists. The likenesses of Dürer, Rubens, Van Dyck, Raphael, Michelangelo, Leonardo, and Titian may have been more familiar than the rest due to the availability of their portraits in prints and other media. This introduction, however, could be pursued with more detailed portraits and narrative scenes in the Pinakothek’s loggias and galleries. Under Schwanthaler’s direction, a team of sculptors made the statues and placed them in 1840.45 Ernst Mayer (1796–1844) carved Dürer’s statue in Kelheim limestone. It stands on a sandstone socle quarried near Bad Abbach, south of Regensburg. His figure conforms closely to Schwanthaler’s model. Mayer had begun working with Klenze in 1818, and he created one of the pediment groups on

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

the Glyptothek. He also collaborated with Thorvaldsen on sculpture at Walhalla. In 1830 Mayer was appointed the professor of sculpture at the Polytechnic School Munich, the forerunner of the Technical University. The bombings of World War II destroyed Schwanthaler’s plaster models and most of the statues on the museum.46 Only a few battered, virtually unrecognizable fragments of Dürer’s statue exist. Fortunately, contemporary bronze, terra-cotta, and porcelain replicas as well as print copies survive.47 A partial set of eleven terra-cotta statuettes, each with the artist’s name inscribed on the base, are in the Munich Stadtmuseum (fig. 32). The Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe retains twenty-two of its original complete set of figures.48 The series, likely purchased by Leopold I, Grand Duke of Baden, was displayed in 1847 in the corridor near the museum’s Kupferstichkabinett. Dürer’s statuette, measuring 45.8 by 18 by 14.4 centimeters, is signed LS and has “dürer” on the plinth. Statues of Dürer and Holbein were given as prizes by the Munich Kunstverein in 1837; a full set was later exhibited in its meeting house. The Berlin Kunstverein ordered twelve casts, including one of Dürer, in 1838. A year later Russian czar Nicholas I commissioned fire-gilt bronze casts of the entire series. Replicas of individual figures or, alternatively, the whole set became available for purchase as a form of souvenir. In 1834 Schwanthaler sent a Raphael to Sulpiz Boisserée, who later owned a Jan van Eyck statuette. Schwanthaler displayed the statuettes of Raphael, Dürer, and Holbein in his Munich living room, while the architect Klenze kept a complete set in his workroom.49 Dürer once stood among this ensemble of great artists on the museum’s most public face. The preponderance of Italian painters, outnumbering their counterparts from other lands, was a clear

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 55

55

Fig. 33  Samuel Amsler (after Ludwig Schwanthaler), Albrecht

Dürer, ca. 1835–40. Pencil drawing. Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen, Munich, 1968.82Z. Photo: Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen München.

reflection of the prevailing tastes and collection patterns of Ludwig and his contemporaries. Franz Kugler’s highly influential Handbuch der Geschichte der Malerei von Constantin dem Grossen bis auf die neure Zeit of 1837 devoted the first volume just to Italian painting and the second to the artists of Germany, Netherlands, Spain, France, and England. Its treatment of the history of art, which favored the Italians, is consistent with Dillis’s selection of artists for the south façade of the Pinakothek. Nevertheless, the group of Van Eyck, Memling, Schongauer,

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

56

Dürer, and Holbein clearly made a claim for the worthiness of early German and Netherlandish art. Kugler called Dürer the representative of German art of that time.50 In the foreword to his 1838 museum catalogue, Dillis remarks that Italian art celebrated its highest triumph under the immortal Raphael and that Germany reached its highest step with Albrecht Dürer.51

The Loggias

One of the highlights of Klenze’s Pinakothek was the long enclosed gallery, or corridor, stretching across the second, or upper, floor between the wings along the south side (figs. 34–35).52 Klenze was inspired by the loggias of the Vatican Palace, which Raphael and his assistants had decorated for Pope Julius II (r. 1503–13).53 In Munich this corridor, much like the one that Giorgio Vasari designed for the Uffizi Palace in Florence, permitted ready access through doorways into the main galleries just to the north. The idea for such a design was raised perhaps initially by Dillis and is mentioned by Ludwig

Fig. 34  Plan of the first upper floor of the Alte Pinakothek,

Munich, 1838. From Johann Georg von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde in der königlichen Pinakothek zu München (Munich: J. A. Finsterlin, 1838). Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 56

already in 1822. During his trip to Rome in the winter of 1823–24, Ludwig, accompanied by Klenze, visited the Vatican Palace and inspected Raphael’s loggias.54 The Munich loggias, always referred to in the plural, were virtually destroyed during World War II; only a few small fragments of the painting cycle are still visible. When Hans Döllgast rebuilt the museum in 1952–57, the loggias were replaced by the current double staircase from the ground floor (fig. 36). As a result, the interior appearance and spatial flow of the building are altogether different than before the war. Between 1827 and 1836 Peter von Cornelius designed a highly complex decorative program for the twenty-five bays, or individual loggias, of this gallery. Fortunately, detailed drawings by Cornelius, forty-eight etchings published in 1875 by Heinrich Merz (1806–1875) after Cornelius, and a few prewar photographs provide at least a partial visual record of the program.55 If the exterior statues functioned as an introduction to the museum’s riches, Cornelius offered a much fuller pictorial account of these masters, their biographies, and the history of early modern European art. In a letter to Ludwig of May 22, 1827, the artist explained his plan to depict the lives of the artists, beginning with Cimabue, and their protectors on the vaults (or cupolas) and north walls of each bay.56 Using historical sources such as the biographical accounts of Giorgio Vasari (1550 and 1568), Karel van Mander (1604), and Joachim von Sandrart (1675–80), the paintings would convey each master’s style, interests, and achievements. Sulpiz Boisserée recorded in his diary in November 1827 that he spent an evening with Cornelius discussing significant moments from the history of German painting in relation to the Pinakothek’s program.57 Given Boisserée’s expertise in early German art and the purchase of his collection

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Fig. 35  Loggias (looking west), Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40.

Photographed 1930. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 57

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

58

Fig. 36  Hans Döllgast, staircases that replaced the Alte Pinakothek

loggias, Munich, 1952–57. Photo: Lynn Jacobs.

by Ludwig, it is hardly surprising that Cornelius, Klenze, and Dillis sought his advice. On April 19, 1833, Boisserée completed his manuscript “Flüchtige Grundzüge zur Geschichte der altdeutschen Malerei,” a history of German art from the great cathedrals of the thirteenth century to the time of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 58

Dürer.58 Three days later, he presented the volume to his friend Cornelius. Many of Boisserée’s anecdotes and artists subsequently appeared in the German sections of the loggias. The fresco cycle recalls Friedrich Schlegel’s dictum that “the best theory of art is its history.”59 In his 1875 book on Cornelius’s loggias program, artist Ernst Förster writes, “His work is an art-historical poem in pictures and must be considered and assessed from the poetic standpoint.”60 Dürer was featured in three of the loggias, more often than any other artist. The loggias were accessed through the primary staircase then located in the eastern wing.61 Visitors entered the museum through the rather modest east doorway flanked by two Bavarian heraldic stone lions. This statement of Bavarian royal patronage is comparable to the inclusion of Prussian eagles on the Altes Museum in Berlin. At the top of the stairs, one had the option to enter either the large Founders Gallery or, turning left (or west), the loggias. The entire cycle was visible from this point, though the detailed decoration of each bay could be viewed only by moving sequentially through the space. Each loggia was painted using the fresco technique, which Cornelius and his circle associated with the Italian Renaissance. Clemens von Zimmermann (1788–1869) and his assistants, working from Cornelius’s designs, executed the paintings between 1830 and 1840.62 The first loggia displayed the Union of Religion with the Arts, a theme perfectly reflecting the aspirations of King Ludwig, Dillis, and Cornelius both for the Pinakothek and for the future direction of art (figs. 37–38).63 The cupola featured Religion encircled by the four arts together with their representatives: Poetry (with King David), Painting (with Saint Luke), Architecture (with King Solomon), and Church Music (with Saint

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

59

Fig. 37  Clemens von Zimmermann and

assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), the three eastern Alte Pinakothek loggias (1 to 3), Munich, 1830–40. Fresco. Photographed 1930. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

Cecilia). The four Evangelist symbols adorned the pendentives, and the coat of arms of Rome was on the wall. The north lunette painting encapsulated the entire loggia series: the classically attired Ludwig I and his genius walked hand in hand through the grove of poetry and art (fig. 38). To the king’s right appeared Homer, Vergil, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ariosto, and Dante. Opposite were the artists Raphael, Michelangelo, Leonardo, Dürer,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 59

and Memling. In the background were portraits of Klenze, Cornelius, and Zimmermann, the trio most responsible for the museum and its pictorial embellishments. Cornelius’s program progressed chronologically inward from the eastern and western sides. Italian artists figured in the eastern half and Northern artists occupied the western portion. These biographical historical strands met in the

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

60

Fig. 38  Clemens von Zimmermann and assistants (after designs by

Peter von Cornelius), The Union of Religion with Art, Loggia 1, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40. Fresco. Photographed 1930. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

thirteenth loggia, the middle bay dedicated to Raphael. Stepping into the loggias meant immersing oneself in a summary history of European painting, as recounted in the biographic scenes, allegories, and supplemental artists’ portraits displayed on the cupolas and north walls of each

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 60

bay. Unlike the façade statues, these mural paintings were close enough for careful study. There was a conscious thematic pairing of bays on the eastern and western sides.64 For instance, Loggia 25 repeated the cupola painting and the Evangelist symbols of Loggia 1.65 Its north lunette depicted the Apotheosis of Art riding on the winged figure of Life as Jupiter, Apollo, Minerva, Cybele, and Hercules, among others, watched. Cornelius juxtaposed the development of Italian and Northern European painting. Loggias 2 and 24 were linked. The former illustrated Clio, the Muse of history, with the emblems of war and peace within the wheel of time, alongside important medieval rulers and heroes, and, in the lunette, the founding of the Campo Santo in Pisa. Loggia 24 recounted the beginning of German culture in the time of Charlemagne. It repeated the figure of Clio in the center of the cupola. Loggias 3 and 23 celebrated, respectively, Cimabue and the thirteenth century in Italy and German architecture of the same period. Loggias 4 and 22 honored Giotto and Master Wilhelm of Cologne (who was mistakenly believed to be the painter of the Dombild Altarpiece, or Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece, in Cologne Cathedral, which is now ascribed to Stefan Lochner) and his followers from 1380 to 1470, including Hans Holbein the Elder. Fra Angelico in Loggia 5 was paired with the Van Eyck brothers in Loggia 21. Michelangelo and Rubens occupying Loggias 12 and 14, which bracketed Raphael in Loggia 13, at the heart of the cycle (fig. 42). Dürer was the subject of Loggia 17 (figs. 39–41).66 His bay was twinned with Leonardo in Loggia 9 due to their mutual interest in science and the accurate study of nature.67 In Loggia 9, Apollo driving the chariot of the sun occupied the central position, an allusion to Leonardo’s clear, well-educated mind.68 Both Loggias 9

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

61

Fig. 39  Peter von Cornelius, Design for the Cupola of Loggia 17,

Honoring Albrecht Dürer, 1827–36. Pencil drawing. Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen, Munich. Photo: Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen München.

and 17, equidistant from the central Loggia 13, with Raphael, displayed matching cupola design patterns consisting of six panels and two roundels. Only Dürer and Raphael, whose vault in Loggia 13 displayed the seated Virgin and Child, were so overtly honored for their faith and the religious nature of their art. Ernst Förster remarked that one could not treasure Dürer too highly, since he “grows

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 61

from the simple artist and plain imperial citizen to the bearer of the spirit of his people and his time.”69 Cornelius stressed Dürer’s Christian character by positioning Christ as judge enthroned between two angels in the center of the vault. Förster explained Cornelius’s reasoning: “He [Dürer] was, in the fullest sense of the word, a Christian artist, and Christ was the Α and Ω of his creation and life.”70 The artist embodied the ideal union of art and religion.71 In his Walhalla biography of the Nuremberg master, King Ludwig extolled his lively color, correct drawing, and perspective and mathematical skills.72 He possessed the sort of spirit and soul found in the

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 62

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

best old German pictures. Some of his art was as lovely as Raphael’s, even though the Italian worked under the cheerful Roman sky, while Dürer labored in a cloudy land where nature was man’s enemy. Gifted with fluent engaging speech and male beauty, he was the “greatest old German painter.” The first of the cupola’s larger scenes recounted how Albrecht Dürer the Elder brought his young son to study with the painter Michael Wolgemut (figs. 39–40).73 Having entered the workshop, the boy shakes hands with his future master as three assistants look on. The subject was included among the painted transparency scenes of Dürer’s life exhibited in Nuremberg’s city hall during the 1828 jubilee celebrations (fig. 24).74 The choice of this story is not surprising, since six of Cornelius’s assistants had devised the Rathaus display under his supervision. The episode belongs to a topos, frequently used by writers such as Vasari, of a youth whose latent talent, especially his innate ability to imitate nature, is evident but waiting to be developed.75 The source of this tale is Dürer himself, who writes in his “Family Chronicle” (1524), “I felt myself drawn more towards painting than to goldsmith’s work. I put this to my father, but he was not well pleased, because he rued the time I had wasted learning to be a goldsmith. However, he relented and in the year of our Lord 1486, on St. Andrew’s Day, my father bound me as apprentice to Michael Wolgemut, to serve him for three years. During this time God gave me the diligence to learn well, although I had to put up with much tormenting from those in his workshop.”76 Given Wolgemut’s

Fig. 40  Clemens von Zimmermann and assistants (after designs

by Peter von Cornelius), Cupola of Loggia 17, honoring Albrecht Dürer, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40. Fresco. Photographed 1944. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 63

own fame as a painter and woodcut designer, this scene anchors young Dürer firmly in the late medieval German artistic heritage. Cornelius’s choice of the education of the young Dürer related him to Giotto and especially Raphael. In Loggia 4, Cimabue discovered the child Giotto drawing in the dirt. In Loggia 7, Pietro Perugino taught young Raphael to paint. Then, in Loggia 13, separate scenes depicted Raphael being educated first by his father and then by Perugino. These depictions, albeit differently, showed how the young artists’ talent, once recognized and nourished, blooms into artistic greatness. Opposite, the mature Dürer, based on the 1500 self-portrait in the Alte Pinakothek, sat by his easel, painting.77 Standing behind him was Willibald Pirckheimer, his muse, reading aloud,78 while Agnes Dürer looked on by the doorway. Cornelius perpetuated the negative stereotype of Agnes through her sharp disapproving gaze.79 Although there were various sources from which he might have drawn, Cornelius was familiar with Sulpiz Boisserée’s remarks in “Flüchtige Grundzüge zur Geschichte der altdeutschen Malerei”: “In the unhappy marriage, which he entered at age twenty-three, he finds even more comfort and elevation in the friendship of an honorable man of scholarly education and grand circumstances, as Pirckheimer was.”80 Surprisingly, the portrayal of neither Agnes nor Pirckheimer was based on any likeness by the artist.81 Several of Cornelius’s loggia compositions showed artists being watched as they paint. The closest counterpart to Dürer with Pirckheimer occurs in Cornelius’s first, but unrealized, design for the cupola of Loggia 4, in which Dante reads aloud to Giotto as he paints. The four small scenes of Loggia 17’s cupola depicted personifications of painting, sculpture,

63

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

64

printmaking, and mathematics. These embody Dürer’s many skills.82 Many sculptures were then erroneously attributed to his hand, usually based on the inclusion of his AD monogram.83 The identities of the two men shown in profile in the roundels remain unknown, though Förster speculates these might have depicted Albrecht Dürer the Elder and Michael Wolgemut.84 The pendentives exhibited portrait busts of Hans Burgkmair, Lucas Cranach the Elder, Hans Dürer, and Georg Pencz. Pictures then attributed to each of these masters, except Albrecht’s younger brother, are listed in the Pinakothek’s 1838 collection catalogue.85 The designs for the north-wall lunette take full advantage of the space’s semicircular shape (fig. 41).86 The left half of Cornelius’s drawing shows Dürer standing on a tall ladder as he stretches to paint a mural in the Great Hall of Nuremberg’s Rathaus.87 Maximilian I steadies the ladder, much to the astonishment of his noble entourage and the artist’s young assistant. They express their surprise and, in a few instances, dismay that the emperor would lend his hand to a mere artist. The tale exists in various forms. Karel van Mander, writing in 1604, recounts that Maximilian had him draw something so large on a wall that Albert could not reach high enough, whereupon the Emperor—in order to hurry things along—ordered one of the noblemen who happened to be present, to bend down so that Albert could stand on him and in that way finish his drawing. Upon which the nobleman courteously remonstrated with the Emperor that to be stepped upon thus by a painter would mean humiliation and contempt for the nobility. To which the Emperor replied that Albert was noble, yet more than a nobleman by virtue of his

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 64

outstanding art, and that he could make a nobleman out of a peasant or an ordinary person but not such an artist from a nobleman.88 An additional note in the 1617 edition of van Mander’s Schilder-boeck, perhaps included as a correction, says Maximilian ordered the noble just to hold the artist’s ladder. As told by van Mander and depicted by Cornelius, the anecdote affirms the noble social status of Dürer based on his talents, not the accident of birth. This story, which was repeated in later texts, including Joachim von Sandrart’s Teutsche Academie of 1675, inspired other representations.89 In about 1850 Theobald Reinhold Freiherr von Oër sketched Maximilian holding Dürer’s ladder as he painted one of the walls of the Great Hall of the Nuremberg Rathaus, and in 1850 Heinrich Stürmer drew Maximilian ordering his noble to kneel so the artist could step on his back while working.90 A year earlier August Friedrich Siegert had sketched and then painted Emperor Maximilian holding the ladder as Dürer drew the Christ Child on top of the shoulders of Saint Christopher.91 The right half of the lunette design presents Dürer being celebrated during his visit to Antwerp in 1520–21. Amid the cheers of the onlookers and the sound of music, a woman, likely the personification of the city, walks down a set of steps to crown the artist with a laurel wreath. In the journal of his Netherlandish trip, Dürer describes being feted by the artists in several towns. For example, on August 5, 1520, Antwerp’s painters, together with their wives, held an elaborate dinner in his honor. He observes, “And as I was being led to the table the company stood on both sides as if they were leading some great lord. And there were amongst them men of very high position, who all behaved

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

65

Fig. 41  Heinrich Merz (after Peter von Cornelius), Lunette of

Loggia 17, Honoring Albrecht Dürer, 1875. Etching. Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen, Munich. Photo: Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen München.

most respectfully towards me with deep courtesy, and promised to do everything in their power agreeable to me that they knew of.”92 Dürer’s journal, first published in full in 1828 by Friedrich Campe, together with the jubilee decorations of that year, inspired Cornelius.93 Hermann Stilke depicted this event in his contribution to the 1828 transparencies in Nuremberg’s Great Hall (fig. 24).94 Raphael, not Dürer, occupied the center of the museum’s decorative programs (fig. 42), though the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 65

Nuremberg master had the leading role among the Northern European masters. The Alte Pinakothek’s foundation stone was laid on Friday, April 7, 1826, to coincide with the anniversary of Raphael’s birth.95 In his dedicatory remarks, the Bavarian finance minister Count Armansperg praised Raphael’s art as the summit of religion, life, and human nature.96 The inaugural collection catalogue of 1838 refers to the “unsterblichen Raphael” (the undying or immortal Raphael) when describing this event.97 The Wittelsbachs’ fascination with the Italian master can be traced back at least to 1691, when the Canigiani Holy Family, painted in 1506–7, entered the Düsseldorf gallery of Elector Johann Wilhelm von der Pfalz (r. 1690–1716).98 It may

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

66

Fig. 42  Peter von Cornelius, Clemens von Zimmermann, and

assistants (after designs by Peter von Cornelius), Cupola of Loggia 13, Honoring Raphael, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1830–40. Fresco. Photographed 1944. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

have been a wedding gift from Cosimo III, Grand Duke of Tuscany (r. 1670–1723), when his daughter, Anna Maria, married Johann Wilhelm in 1691. The picture is believed to have been the first by Raphael in a German collection. It moved to the Munich Hofgartengalerie in 1806, along with the rest of the Düsseldorf collection, and then to the Pinakothek in 1836. Ludwig actively pursued other paintings by Raphael. In 1808 he bought the Portrait of Bindo Altoviti (ca. 1515), followed by the Madonna della tenda (after 1511) in 1819 and the Madonna Tempi (1507–8) in 1829.99 The Altoviti painting was long thought to be a self-portrait of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 66

Raphael. An engraving after it illustrates Raphael’s life in the 1759–60 edition of Vasari’s Vite, published in Rome.100 Ludwig also acquired the Portrait of a Young Man (ca. 1505) in 1826, which then was believed to be Raphael’s self-portrait.101 This painting is now considered to be by an Italian, probably Umbrian, artist, not Raphael. In 1813 the Leipzig merchant and collector Johann Gottlob von Quandt penned detailed descriptions of some pictures in the Wittelsbachs’ collections in the Hofgartengalerie and Schleißheim palace.102 He was particularly taken with Dürer’s self-portrait of 1500 and Raphael’s Portrait of Bindo Altoviti, which then hung side by side in the Hofgartengalerie. Taking the latter as depicting Raphael, von Quandt discussed how each man represented his people and the distinctive national character of his art. Dürer exhibited the soulfulness of the Germans, and Raphael expressed the enthusiasm of the Italians. When three years later Friedrich Heinrich von der Hagen, a professor at the University of Breslau, visited the Hofgartengalerie, he remarked that Dürer’s self-portrait hung next to that of “his friend Raphael.”103 Both men commented on Dürer’s Christlike appearance.104 This intimate association of Dürer and Raphael through the display of these portraits and, it would seem, through the stories that circulated about them reveals much about the period’s mindset and its willingness to glorify these two masters. Dürer played a different role in Loggia 11, dedicated to the Venetian school (fig. 43). One of the large cupola scenes portrayed the Nuremberg artist visiting the studio of Giovanni Bellini (1430–1516), who was seated by his easel, painting.105 He leaned casually on the back of Bellini’s chair as he conversed with the older master. In his letter from Venice of February 7, 1506, Dürer informed Pirckheimer of his meeting

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

with and high opinion of Bellini.106 He related that the Venetian artist came to him wanting to purchase something by his hand. Ernst Förster explains that Cornelius was inspired by this letter to portray Dürer with Bellini as the meeting of German and Venetian art.107 The story of the men’s friendship was expanded by Joachim Camerarius, another of the artist’s close friends, in his addendum to the Latin translation of Dürer’s Four Books on Human Proportion (1532). He tells of Bellini visiting Dürer’s studio to ask for one of the brushes the latter uses to paint “tresses and several hairs in a single stoke.” Dürer then demonstrates how he does this with a normal brush. “Bellini watched in astonishment, and afterwards he confessed to many that no human being’s report could possibly have convinced him of the achievement that he had observed with his own eyes.”108 Cornelius placed Dürer with the most elite artists and writers in the eternal garden of the Muses (Loggia 1). His visit to Venice in 1505–6 became part of the Italian city’s history and Bellini’s lore (Loggia 11). Dürer was feted by Antwerp’s artists and honored by Emperor Maximilian (Loggia 17). The cupola scenes recounted his training, his friendship with Pirckheimer, his influence on several leading German masters, and his contributions to painting, sculpture, printmaking, and mathematics. Design and thematic associations further linked him with Giotto (first design for Loggia 4), Leonardo (Loggia 9), and Raphael (Loggia 13). In short, Cornelius highlighted Dürer as one of the central protagonists in his pictorial history of European art and culture.

Dürer in the Galleries

Ludwig I instructed Leo von Klenze that the Pinakothek’s large central galleries should have a

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 67

67

Fig. 43  Heinrich Merz (after Peter von Cornelius), Albrecht Dürer

Visiting Giovanni Bellini, detail of Loggia 11, Honoring Venetian Artists, 1875. Etching. Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen, Munich. Photo: Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

festive character. The architect looked to the ornate rooms in Florence’s Pitti Palace for inspiration.109 Beginning in 1833 Johann Leeb, Joseph Hartmann, Ernst Mayer, and Ludwig Schaller stuccoed the upper walls and ceilings in white and gold. Reliefs, inscription tablets, portrait medallions, lyres, trophy bundles, acanthus leaves, and other ornaments reflected, at least loosely, the style of the accompanying pictures.110 The reliefs highlighted some of the artists whose paintings hung within the rooms. The Pinakothek’s extensive decoration, little of which survived World War II, initiated an aesthetic debate about whether such ornamentation detracts from or enhances the actual pictures on display. Dillis’s catalogue of 1838 offers the best description of the original arrangement and embellishment

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

68

Fig. 44 Room ii (today Room iv), stucco reliefs, Alte Pinakothek,

Munich. Photographed 1926. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

of each gallery.111 In his book Dillis refers to the large galleries as rooms and the small ones on the north side of the museum as cabinets. The Patrons’ Room (Saal der Stifter) was located at the top of the eastern staircase (fig. 34). Today this is Room ii, where the large pictures by Dürer and his German peers are displayed. Originally, it exhibited six life-size portraits

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 68

of the Wittelsbach princes, beginning with Elector Maximilian I (r. 1597–1651) and ending with Ludwig I, who contributed most to establishing the family’s art collection. Joseph Stieler’s portraits of Maximilian Joseph I and Ludwig flanked the western doorway, which led to the first gallery of paintings. The stucco frieze illustrated historic moments of the Bavarian house from the marriage of Garibald to Waltrada (Walderada), which introduced Christianity into the land in 574, to Ludwig’s foundation of Walhalla.112 Stepping from the Patrons’ Room into Room i, one entered the first of the seven large galleries running from east to west through the center of the upper story of the Pinakothek. Two additional large rooms were located in the western wing. Rooms i–vii (today iv–x) were each paired with three or four small cabinets on the north side. The first two main rooms contained German and Netherlandish pictures from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries plus a few later German paintings.113 The third room displayed Netherlandish pictures from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The fourth and largest gallery was devoted to Rubens. This was followed by the Netherlandish and Dutch schools (Room v), the Spanish and French schools (Room vi), and the Italian school (Rooms vii–ix). The program balanced early German and Netherlandish painting, at one end of the building, with Italian painting, at the opposite end. Flemish Baroque painting, specifically the art of Rubens, was held as a union of these two schools. The first eight cabinets displayed German and Netherlandish pictures from the fourteenth to seventeenth centuries. Dürer’s paintings were exhibited in the first and second galleries (today Rooms iv and v) and the seventh and eighth cabinets. The first picture on the east wall of Room i and the first entry in Dillis’s catalogue was the Nuremberg master’s Saint Eustace,

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek in Munich

69

Fig. 45 Room ii (today Room iv), stucco

reliefs, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (fig. 44), detail.

one wing of the Paumgartner Altarpiece (1498).114 Seven other Dürers, including one with a disputed attribution, adorned this gallery.115 Dillis described Barthel Beham, Hans von Kulmbach, Hans Schäufelein, Hans Burgkmair, and Matthias Grünewald, whose paintings graced this room, as Dürer’s pupils and followers.116 Dürer was the defining personality of the first room; however, he was not portrayed in its stucco reliefs. Rather, these presented episodes from Jan van Eyck’s life and in the form of plaques were inscribed with the names of one German (Master Wilhelm of Cologne) and seven Netherlandish artists, including Van Eyck and Memling.117

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 69

Dürer was honored in Room ii (today Room v) even though it contained only his Lucretia (1518) (figs. 44–45).118 The gallery’s two largest and readily legible stucco reliefs illustrated Antwerp’s artists feasting Dürer in 1520 on the north wall (partially seen here) and, opposite, Dürer and Emperor Maximilian I looking at the Triumphal Procession of Maximilian I. In the first scene, the Nuremberg master stood amid a crowd of male and female revelers. A kneeling boy offered Dürer two tall ceremonial cups of wine. A pair of bearded men, dressed in classical clothing, greeted the artist. The first man presented a laurel wreath to Dürer, while his companion

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

70

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 70

offered a toast. As noted in my discussion of Loggia 17, the artist’s diary describes the splendid banquet in his honor held in the painters’ guild house on the Grote Markt soon after his arrival in the port city. They stood to welcome Dürer and presented him with cans of wine. An account in Kunst-Blatt in 1834 notes that these two stucco scenes portrayed Dürer being acknowledged by his peers and by the world.119 Two smaller panels on the shorter walls represented Hans Holbein the Younger with Thomas More and his family as well as Holbein painting Anne Boleyn as King Henry VIII looked on. Albrecht Dürer was not the only star in the Alte Pinakothek’s firmament of famous artists. The adoration, indeed sanctification, of the Nuremberg master as expressed in the many jubilee celebrations of 1828 was tempered when set down in a more permanent location. The hyperbole of the anniversary events in Nuremberg and Berlin expressed the deep admiration that German artists, writers, and art lovers had for Dürer. These occasions highlighted their gnawing sense of the decline of German art in the intervening centuries and a yearning for its renewal. A museum has a different purpose than a jubilee. An edifice like the Alte Pinakothek is replete with cultural, pedagogical, political, and, as seen in Munich, religious associations. Ludwig I understood the prestige and political capital that the Pinakothek brought to the Kingdom of Bavaria. This new national public museum was both a treasure house of the Wittelsbachs’ collection of art and a site for aesthetically and morally uplifting experiences for its visitors. Ludwig honored Dürer as the greatest German artist and a master hailing from within the recently expanded boundaries of the Kingdom of Bavaria. Yet the prevailing aesthetic judgments and the contemporary understanding of the history of art

favored the Italian masters, above all Raphael.120 Within the loggias, Raphael occupied the central spot of honor. Dürer was paired prominently with Leonardo. Instead of portraying this location as displacement and the result of the triumph of Italian painting, the cycle articulated a growing understanding of German art’s contribution to the broader history of art. Sulpiz Boisserée concluded his survey of German art from Charlemagne to Dürer in his “Flüchtige Grundzüge zur Geschichte der altdeutschen Malerei” of 1833 with the remark, “Finally King Ludwig puts the crown on all, in which he consecrates a monument to Alb. Dürer, Joh. v. Eyck, Hemling [sic], and so forth, and establishes the most extensive collection of old German paintings.”121 Ludwig’s acquisition of the Boisserée-Bertram collection of older German and Netherlandish paintings greatly bolstered the range and quality of pictures that could be shown in the new museum. For the first time the pictorial evidence of German painting ordered in a coherent chronological presentation greeted visitors to the Alte Pinakothek. The first two large rooms plus the accompanying side cabinets offered evidence of this German patrimony. The decorations of the museum’s façade, loggias, and galleries framed the actual art with the rudiments of biography and history. Dürer stood as the culmination of the German chapter of this story. Ludwig ended his biography of Dürer by lamenting that after his death there were no more outstanding German artists, a situation he blamed on the Protestant Reformation.122

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Chapter 4

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

T

he Alte Pinakothek, with its neo-Renaissance style, proved to be tremendously influential. It was structurally imposing. Leo von Klenze’s innovations in heating systems, the alignment and configuration of the galleries, and the overhead lighting made it the “most advanced museum building in Europe.”1 Johann Georg von Dillis’s ideas for the order and display of the collection of paintings became a standard formula that is employed still by many museums today.2 Klenze, Dillis, Peter von Cornelius, and Ludwig Schwanthaler, in close consultation with Ludwig I, devised a highly coherent decorative program for the façade, loggias, and galleries of the Pinakothek. Looking at the statues of artists on the south façade prepared the visitor, at least roughly, for the sequential arrangement of paintings on the museum’s interior. The relationship of a museum’s exterior with its collection or, more broadly, with a biographically driven history of art would become a common feature across the German lands during the remainder of the nineteenth century. The Alte Pinakothek directly inspired, albeit in quite different ways, the New

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 71

Hermitage in St. Petersburg, Munich’s Neue Pinakothek, and the Neue Galerie in Kassel.3 Albrecht Dürer’s portrait figures prominently at each institution.

The New Hermitage in St. Petersburg

In 1838 Czar Nicholas I visited Munich just months after the old Winter Palace in St. Petersburg had burned.4 Impressed by the Alte Pinakothek, he asked Leo von Klenze to design the New Hermitage, which was planned as a temple to the arts and a universal museum housing numerous different imperial collections. The Munich loggias certainly reminded Nicholas of the nearly exact replica of the Vatican loggias that Empress Catherine the Great (r. 1762–92), his grandmother, had commissioned Giacomo Quarenghi to build in 1783–92 along the Winter Canal just east of the Winter Palace.5 The Raphael Loggias, as they are still called, include fairly precise copies of Raphael’s paintings. Klenze and his son Hippolyt visited St. Petersburg at the

7/27/20 10:58 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

72

Fig. 46  Leo von Klenze, south façade of the New Hermitage, St.

Petersburg, 1842–51. Photo: author.

czar’s invitation from May to August 1839. He presented his initial plans to Nicholas I on July 23. This was the first of seven trips that he would make to the Russian capital. The museum, erected between 1842 and 1851 under the supervision of Vasily Stasov and Nikolai Yefimov, officially opened to the public on February 5, 1852 (fig. 46). Standing in Palace Square, looking toward the Winter Palace, one does not immediately see Klenze’s New Hermitage. Only upon approaching the beginning of Millionnaya Street, offset slightly just

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 72

past the northeast corner of the square, does the museum come into view, though at first it is partially obscured by the corner of another building across the street. Whether intended or not by Klenze, the larger-than-life-size standing portrait of Dürer is the first of the statues on the main façade that comes into view (fig. 47). The south façade features a projecting central portico with steps and side ramps directing visitors to the entrance. Ten monumental black granite atlantes, based on Klenze’s drawings from a visit to the Temple of Jupiter in Agrigento, support the portico.6 The façade is bracketed by pavilions, or short wings, on the southwest and southeast sides. Reminiscent of his Glyptothek or his first, but unrealized, sketch for the south façade

7/27/20 10:58 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

of the Alte Pinakothek, the ground-floor wall on each side of the New Hermitage entrance has three niches with statues.7 Two additional statues stand on consoles flanking the windows on the upper story of each side pavilion. The entire cycle includes twenty-eight portraits.8 Rubens, near the corner, and Dürer adorn the southwest pavilion. Both artists then were believed to be well represented in the imperial collection.9 The 1838 inventories of the Hermitage claim eight paintings by Dürer. Even though none of these pictures is now attributed to him, Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger were the only early German masters actively collected by the Russians, especially by Catherine the Great. The statue of Dürer replicates Schwanthaler’s figure on the south façade of the Alte Pinakothek (figs. 31–32). In 1839, not long after his trip to Munich, which included a visit to Schwanthaler’s studio, Nicholas I commissioned fire-gilt bronze casts of the sculptor’s entire small-scale series of twenty-four portrait models. In addition to reusing these, Klenze provided designs for the statues not found on the Alte Pinakothek. Next, Johann Halbig, commissioned by Klenze in 1841, prepared the bozzetti. Upon their arrival in St. Petersburg, these models were cast by Alexander Terebenev and a team of Russian artists in shpiatr, a zinc-lead alloy invented in the mid-nineteenth century as an alternative to bronze.10 Unfortunately, shpiatr crumbles over time, as evidenced by the statue of Rubens that collapsed in 1950 and had to be remade in bronze. The entire portrait cycle presents a history of art and human achievement from ancient Greece to the nineteenth century.11 With just a few exceptions, the series celebrates the achievements of ancient Greece before leaping to the masters of early modern painting, sculpture, and printmaking. Klenze related

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 73

73

Fig. 47  Ludwig Schwanthaler (design), Johann Halbig, and

Russian assistants, Albrecht Dürer, by 1851. Shpiatr statue. New Hermitage, St. Petersburg, Russia. Photo: author.

the placement of these statues to the museum’s collection much more precisely than in Munich. For instance, Daedalus, accompanied by the ancient Greek sculptors Smilis and Onatas, stands in the niches just left of the portico. Opposite, on the right, are the printmakers Marcantonio Raimondi (1480– 1534) and Raphael Sanzio Morghen (1758–1833) plus the scholar Johann Joachim Winckelmann.12 Their respective settings correspond with the locations of the galleries of antique art as well as, to the east, the Prints and Drawings Collection and Library on the museum’s ground floor. Dürer and Rubens, on the southwestern side of the façade, signal the galleries of Northern European painting on the second floor. Their counterparts on the eastern pavilion are King

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Fig. 48  Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, by 1851. Plaster. Hall of Ancient

Painting, New Hermitage, St. Petersburg, Russia. Photo: author.

Fig. 49  Portrait of Albrecht Dürer and Portrait of Peter Paul Rubens,

by 1851. Plaster. Small Skylight Room, New Hermitage, St. Petersburg, Russia. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 74

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

Pheidon of Argos and Anton Pichler (1697–1779). Pheidon was believed in the seventh century b.c.e. to have created the first silver coinage and to have established a system of weights and measurements. Pichler was a noted gem cutter active in Rome. Facing the Winter Canal at the same level, just around the corner on the eastern side, are statues of the ancient gem cutters Pyrgoteles and Dioskurides. Their positions mark the cabinets of coins and small-scale art. Catherine the Great avidly collected ancient and contemporary cameos, especially during the 1780s and 1790s.13 Sixteen of the statues, arrayed in niches or on consoles on the west side of the museum, are visible only from the narrow Shuvalov Passage separating the New Hermitage and the Small Hermitage. The Greek painters Parrhasios, Apelles, Zeuxis, Timanthes, and Polygnotos appear in niches on the lower level outside the rooms exhibiting ancient Greek vases. Skopas, Phidias, and Polykleitos indicate the rooms displaying ancient sculpture, while Benvenuto Cellini and Michelangelo stand before the galleries of newer sculpture. Titian and Correggio appear on the western façade around the corner from Dürer and Rubens. Finally, on the remaining consoles on the upper story of the western façade are Raphael, Leonardo, Rembrandt, and Adriaen van Ostade, identifying the location of the painting galleries. This association is less obvious today because the contents of many of these rooms have shifted since 1852. Originally, one entered the New Hermitage through the portal of the south portico. The grand staircase still opens off the entrance hall. Its design is reminiscent of Friedrich von Gärtner’s stairway in the Royal Bavarian Library (later the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 1832–43), another major project in Munich supported by Ludwig I. Visitors then

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 75

walked into the Gallery of the History of Ancient Painting (room 241), as they still do today. This long, narrow room is lavishly ornamented. The gallery is divided into nine sections, each featuring a cupola. The pendentives display artists’ portraits, each labeled. Dürer’s likeness is one of the more accurate (fig. 48). Two doorways lead to three of the New Hermitage’s largest painting galleries. Their skylights, spatial configurations, and elaborate stucco wall decorations strongly recall the main rooms of the Alte Pinakothek before World War II.14 The westernmost of the three galleries (today the Small Spanish Skylight Room, 239) originally exhibited paintings by Dutch, Flemish, and German artists. The stucco moldings contain twenty related portrait roundels. Dürer is once again paired with Rubens in the segment above the doorway to room 241 (fig. 49). Here Klenze used Dürer’s self-portrait of 1498 as the model (fig. 6). The Large Skylight Room and several other galleries on the ground and first upper floors contain dozens of portraits of early modern and more contemporary masters.15 The canon of great artists presented through portraits in the New Hermitage, much like the range of its collections, is more inclusive than that of any of the other nineteenth-century museums.

75

The Neue Pinakothek in Munich

Although the Neue Pinakothek in Munich was founded as the first German museum devoted to modern art—that is, post-1800 art—Albrecht Dürer still played a role in two of the great mural paintings that Wilhelm von Kaulbach (1805–1874) designed for the exterior (fig. 50).16 King Ludwig I laid the foundation stone on October 12, 1846. In his speech he exclaimed that the higher art of painting and the

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

76

other pictorial arts, like a phoenix rising from its ashes, were once again ascending to new heights due to the efforts of Germany’s artists and, he implied, his own patronage.17 It was his third museum project. Discussions about a new museum had begun as early as 1843 for a site adjoining the Isar River. By 1845 Ludwig and his advisors had decided the new building should be located in the Max-Vorstadt area just north of and facing the Alte Pinakothek. Friedrich von Gärtner, another of the king’s favorite architects, created the design, but with his illness and death in 1847, the museum was constructed by August von Voit (1801–1870). It opened its doors to the public on October 25, 1853. The Neue Pinakothek was so badly damaged in 1944 that it was torn down and replaced by Alexander von Branca’s museum, which opened in 1981. Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s highly finished oil sketches and historic

Fig. 50  Friedrich von Gärtner (design) and August von Voit, south

and east façades of the Neue Pinakothek, Munich, 1847–54. Photographed ca. 1900. Photo © Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 76

photographs document the now-lost program of the original museum. Between 1847 and 1854 Kaulbach designed the frescoes to be painted by Friedrich Christoph Nilson (1811–1879).18 The exterior program consisted of a pictorial frieze measuring more than five and a half meters high and extending around all four sides of the museum. It included ten great pictures, four more scenes praising the different arts, and fourteen portraits of the leading artists and architects who were active for King Ludwig. The central theme was the revival of art in Bavaria due to the king’s patronage. Since Ludwig had already abdicated in 1848 in favor of his son, Maximilian II, the cycle justified his past and ongoing efforts to return Bavarian art to the greatness and international importance it enjoyed during the age of Dürer. Frank Büttner has plausibly suggested the project had a political goal of using art to educate the people as a remedy to the revolutionary fervor of that time.19 As the decoration was underway in 1850, an article appeared in the Allgemeine Zeitung, published in Augsburg, in which the anonymous author observed that just as Peter Cornelius’s designs for the loggias in the Alte Pinakothek showed the history of painting in the Middle Ages, Kaulbach now recounted the story of new German art.20 According to this author, Kaulbach’s cycle was a freer, humorous, and more poetically observed history than that depicted by Cornelius. The building’s entrance, as at the Alte Pinakothek, was located in the east end. The south façade displayed seven murals touting the battle against bureaucrats and other critics of the arts, German artists studying in Rome, and Ludwig’s patronage of painters, architects, and sculptors. The middle scene featured Ludwig standing in the center before his throne and a backdrop of his great buildings: the Alte Pinakothek (with part of its standing

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

77

Fig. 51  Wilhelm von Kaulbach, King Ludwig I and His Sculptors,

1847–54. Oil on canvas. Neue Pinakothek, Munich. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München / Art Resource, New York.

statues on the south façade visible), Walhalla, and the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.21 Surrounded by Johann Georg von Dillis, Sulpiz Boisserée, Martin von Wagner (the king’s longtime agent in Rome), and Franz Seraph Brulliot (inspector of the royal print collection), among others, the king is shown amidst some of his greatest acquisitions, including the Barberini Faun and various old Italian and German paintings. The mural at the western end of the south façade depicted the king’s support of sculptors. Rauch’s bronze monument of Albrecht Dürer in Nuremberg loomed at the left (fig. 51).22 As noted above, Ludwig selected the sculptor and encouraged the project even if he did not fund it. He did commission Rauch’s marble bust of Dürer for Walhalla. In the mural Rauch stood next to his Victory statue for

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 77

Walhalla and his model for the monument of King Maximilian I Joseph, Ludwig’s father, in Munich. Ludwig Schwanthaler, Johann Halbig, Gottfried Schadow, Ernst Rietschel, Max Widnmann, Ludwig Wichmann, and, dominating the right side, Bertel Thorvaldsen were among the portrayed sculptors who contributed to and benefited from the king’s projects. As seen in Kaulbach’s oil sketch, Dürer plays a more important role in the Artists’ Festival on the north side (fig. 52).23 A marble statue of King Ludwig stands in the center of the composition. Women prepare floral garlands and crowns for Ludwig and for the painters’ coat of arms at right. Dürer and Emperor Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519), on opposite sides, signal their approval of Ludwig. The artist holds a portfolio marked with his AD monogram. Behind, Franz Lachner, the royal chapel master, and his choir serenade the king.24 The inscription “Künstlerfest 1840” on the plaquette held by the young fool at right signals Kaulbach’s source of inspiration, an event with

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

Fig. 52  Wilhelm von Kaulbach, Artists’ Festival of 1840, 1847–54.

Oil on canvas. Neue Pinakothek, Munich. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München / Art Resource, New York.

special local resonance. On February 17, 1840, Munich’s Künstlerverein (society of artists) staged an elaborate Carnival procession and banquet in memory of Dürer and Emperor Maximilian I.25 More than six hundred men and women, each dressed in historical costumes based on old sources, such as Dürer’s Triumphal Procession of Maximilian I and Hans Burgkmair’s Weißkunig woodcuts, participated.26 The painter Eduard Gerhardt, in the role of Dürer, wore a gray-and-black outfit beneath a dark-brown fur-trimmed robe.27 The costumes were impressive enough to be exhibited publicly at the Haslauer-Saal, a popular locale near the Sendlinger Tor.28 The procession included artists and citizens in the roles of musicians and Meistersingers, heralds, fools, soldiers, nobles, artists, writers, guild

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 78

members, and the elite of Nuremberg. Although 1840 was not the jubilee year associated with the four hundredth anniversary of Dürer’s birth (1871) or the three hundredth anniversary of his death (1828), Munich’s artists knew the city of Nuremberg planned to dedicate Rauch’s bronze Dürer statue on May 20 (fig. 25). Ludwig and his artists looked upon the patronage of Maximilian, the last knight, and the creativity of Dürer as the catalysts for the great cultural development in early modern Germany. In his official account of the event, published later in 1840, Rudolf Marggraff wrote, “We can certainly regard Albrecht Dürer, the greatest German artist of his age, as the most important and most accomplished representative of the flowering season of his native city.”29 The evening also extolled the Nuremberg of 1500, when the city was at the height of its commercial, political, and creative power.30 The Künstlerfest’s centerpiece, an apocryphal story about Dürer, was performed in the Residenz Theater with King Ludwig and his entire family in

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

attendance. As recounted by Karel van Mander and later Joachim von Sandrart, Maximilian traveled to Nuremberg for an imperial diet. During his visit, he honored Dürer by awarding him the painters’ heraldic coat of arms.31 The sky-blue shield, with its three smaller silver shields, is held aloft by the young boy at right in Kaulbach’s sketch.32 In the nineteenth century the shield often appeared in association with Dürer, either by itself (figs. 66–67 and 74) or, more commonly, in combination with the artist’s personal coat of arms, showing an open door.33 Carl Alexander Heideloff included both on the base he planned for Rauch’s Dürer monument in Nuremberg in 1828 (fig. 26).34 At the Künstlerfest, each guild was represented in the pageant by three or four historical Nuremberg personages.35 Peter Vischer the Elder and his family stood for the city’s metalcasters, while Melchior Baier, Ludwig and Hans Krug, and Hans Glimm embodied the silver and goldsmiths. The train of figures marched three times around the hall at the Residenz before walking to the nearby Odeon, where the evening’s banquet took place. Dürer and Maximilian, played by the painter Wilhelm Lichtenheld, dined using silver vessels at a special table. Another artist, in the role of Hans Sachs, delivered a speech. Next, a hundred-voice choir, under Franz Lachner’s direction, performed a song composed for the banquet. Eventually Maximilian opened a torch dance, and everyone partied until dawn. The event was so popular it was repeated, with some changes, on March 2, the last Monday before Fastnacht (Shrovetide). In 1841 Eugen Napoleon Neureuther (1806– 1882), in one room of the Künstlerverein’s house, painted a large gouache commemorating the 1840 procession. This composition was published as an etching two years later (fig. 53).36 In the foreground,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 79

a wild man blows his great horn as if summoning the attention of the dozens of people, several holding guild banners, filling the grapevines and tendrils on either side of the composition. In the center stands Maximilian, surrounded by his nobles, courtiers, and knights. Acting on the emperor’s behalf, Kunz von der Rosen presents the painters’ coat of arms, here held by a young servant, to Dürer, who bows humbly. Michael Wolgemut and Adam Kraft accompany him. Kaulbach’s oil sketch, which is only loosely based on the actual Künstlerfest, shows Dürer accompanied by Peter Vischer the Elder and Hans Holbein the Younger (fig. 52). Kaulbach has included portraits of several of his contemporaries in the historical roles they had played in 1840. Eduard Gerhardt appears as Dürer, the painter Philipp Foltz as Vischer, and an unidentified man as Holbein. Opposite, Lichtenheld is dressed as Maximilian, while the painter Heinrich Heinlein as Ulrich von Schellenberg stands by the emperor.37 Kaulbach has depicted himself as the armored knight beside Maximilian. Banners of the beekeepers, butchers, and carters guilds flutter above Dürer’s head, while craft tools bound together form garlands above the choir. Kaulbach comically references the prevailing artistic debates about idealism versus classicism as well as the relative merits of fresco versus oil painting. Two children joust at the lower left. The word “oel” (oil) is written on the painter’s palette held by the right-hand combatant. Kaulbach added the text “Brüder laßt die Waffen ruhn” (Brother, let the weapons rest) on one of the music sheets. Kaulbach’s cycle for the Neue Pinakothek differed from those adorning the Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek, since it heralded Ludwig I’s singular role in fostering modern art in Bavaria. Several of the scenes, such as the Artists’ Festival, had local

79

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

80

Fig. 53  Eugen Napoleon Neureuther,

Albrecht Dürer Receiving the Painters’ Coat of Arms from Emperor Maximilian I at the Artists’ Festival in Munich, 1843. Etching, 60.5 × 47 cm. Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen, Munich. Photo: Staatliche Graphische Sammlungen München.

significance but were less readily understandable to anyone not familiar with Munich’s history. Viewers, however, might have comprehended the roles assigned to Dürer and Maximilian without knowing anything about the pageantry of 1840. There was a playfulness in Kaulbach’s scenes, as in the stances of the fourteen contemporary artists painted on the north side of the museum.38 They stood as counterparts for the older masters glorified

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 80

in Schwanthaler’s statues on the south façade of the Alte Pinakothek. Not all of Kaulbach’s peers approved of the Neue Pinakothek’s decorations. The artist’s daughter, Josefa Dürek-Kaulbach, reported that when Peter von Cornelius first saw the cycle, he raised the index and little fingers of his left hand, mimicking the Italian gesture to ward off the evil eye.39 He then refused to say anything more about the paintings.

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

When Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, long a critic of Kaulbach, visited Munich in late September 1852, he claimed that the cycle showed Kaulbach ignominiously mocking the moral basis of German art. He then authored a scathing article in the Allgemeine Zeitung of October 24, 1852.40 In 1863, ten years after the museum opened, Kaulbach collaborated with Eduard Ille and the photographer Joseph Albert to publish a book about the oil sketches rather than the final mural paintings.41

The Loggias of the Neue Galerie in Kassel

The influence of the Alte Pinakothek is perhaps less direct in the Neue Galerie in Kassel; however, they once shared ornate loggias dedicated to Dürer and a few other celebrated early modern artists.42 Between 1748 and 1756 Wilhelm VIII, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel (r. 1730–51 [regent], 1751–60), purchased around eight hundred paintings, including rich holdings of seventeenth-century Flemish and Netherlandish pictures. He displayed his collection in a gallery designed by François Cuvilliés in 1749–52 to adjoin his palace, Schloß Wilhelmshöhe, in Kassel. In 1866 the electorate of Hesse-Kassel was annexed by the Kingdom of Prussia under the terms of the Peace of Prague. At the initiative of Eduard von Möller, senior president for the new province of Hesse-Kassel from 1867 to 1871, Heinrich von Dehn-Rotfelser (1825–1885), professor of architecture at the Kunstakademie Kassel, and Carl Aubel (Eubell, 1796–1882), the Galerie-Inspektor, were asked to prepare the initial plans for a new gallery. Two sites were considered before the officials of the Ministerium der geistlichen Unterrichts- und Medizinalangelegenheiten (Ministry of Spiritual Instruction and Medical Affairs—that is, the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 81

Culture Ministry) in Berlin approved the location on the Bellevue across town from the older gallery. In late 1869 von Moeller sent Dehn-Rotfelser on a two-month study trip to examine important museums and collection buildings in Germany, France, Belgium, and Great Britain. Klenze’s Alte Pinakothek made the strongest impression on Dehn-Rotfelser, who would incorporate a series of long central galleries with skylights, smaller cabinets to the north side, a loggia on the south side, and a primary entrance on the east side of his building. Dehn-Rotfelser’s two-story building, erected between 1871 and 1877, was, of course, considerably smaller (89.3 m long) than the Alte Pinakothek and on a narrower plot of land (fig. 54). The exterior decoration was rather limited. Karl Hassenpflug (1824–1890) carved standing niche statues of Rembrandt and Rubens for the eastern entrance as well as personifications of architecture, sculpture,

81

Fig. 54  Heinrich Dehn-Rotfelser, south and east façades of the

Neue Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77. Photo: author.

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

82

Fig. 55  View of the south loggias, Neue Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77.

Photographed after 1882. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Archiv.

and different types of painting (history, genre, landscape, and animal) for the gables. Karl Echtermeier (1845–1910) authored the two larger-than-life-size caryatids that flank the door on the south façade. Heinrich Wilhelm Brandt (1841–1914) added swan

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 82

reliefs on the north side. Most of the museum’s exterior and interior decorations were destroyed in 1943. The building reopened in 1976 and, after a more historically faithful restoration, again in 2011. Dürer figured prominently in the Neue Galerie’s eleven loggia bays (fig. 55).43 Unlike the Alte Pinakothek, the loggias offered no direct access to the main galleries, with the exception of the sixth, or middle, bay. The loggias were richly embellished

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

with a coherent program of wall paintings and sculptures devised by Dehn-Rotfelser. Adorning the lunettes above the doors at the eastern and western ends were paintings of Italia and Germania designed by Carl Gottlieb Merkel (1817–1897) and executed by his assistants (figs. 56–57). His pencil-and-watercolor drawings fortunately are still in the Graphische Sammlung of the Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel.44 Italia is framed by views of ancient Rome, with the Roman Forum, and papal Rome, with the dome of St. Peter’s.45 Raphael’s Jupiter and Ganymede from the Villa Farnesina in Rome and his Sistine Madonna appear in the heavens. Germania sits enthroned and wears a laurel-wreath crown.46 She holds an olive branch for peace, the imperial sword, and an open book. Two other books (the Bible and the Acta Sanctorum), a rolled and sealed document, and an attentive owl rest by her right leg. These signify Germania’s wisdom, science, and scholarship. Opposite, the imperial crown and scepter rest by her throne. Oak branches surrounding Germania connote German strength, continuity, and loyalty. Views of Cologne Cathedral and the imperial castle in Nuremberg allude to Christian faith and the Holy Roman Empire. Nuremberg’s castle was an imperial residence. Cologne Cathedral would have reminded a contemporary viewer of Wilhelm I, who as king of Prussia (r. 1861–88) and then as the first emperor of the new German Reich (r. 1871–88) staunchly supported and helped fund the church’s completion. He inaugurated the cathedral on August 14, 1880. Its soaring twin towers briefly made it the tallest building in the world. Carl Begas’s Carrara marble portrait bust of Wilhelm (1880), which occupied the central niche on the landing above the foot of the building’s staircase, commemorated Wilhelm’s patronage of the Neue Galerie (see fig. 118).47 In

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 83

83

Fig. 56  Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Italia, ca. 1878. Pencil and water-

color, 26 × 42.5 cm. Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, GS 12135. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Graphische Sammlung. Fig. 57  Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Germania, ca. 1878. Pencil and water-

color, 25.8 × 43 cm. Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, GS 12134. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Graphische Sammlung.

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

84

Fig. 58  Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Albrecht

Dürer (first design), ca. 1878. Pencil and watercolor, 54.7 × 75.3 cm. Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, GS 12170. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Graphische Sammlung. Fig. 59  Carl Gottlieb Merkel, Albrecht

Dürer (second design), ca. 1878. Pencil and watercolor, 35 × 55.2 cm. Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, GS 12159. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Graphische Sammlung.

the heavens behind Germania appear visions of the Holy Trinity, which in 1879 Dehn-Rotfelser remarked was based on Dürer, and of a rather romanticized Saint George slaying the Dragon.48 Three years later, Dehn-Rotfelser stated these respectively stood for the religious and romantic character of German art.49 As in the Alte Pinakothek, the interior wall and lunette of each bay were ornamented with a mixture of allegories of a school or type of painting plus portraits of artists. The accompanying cupola vaults were painted with gold stars against an alternating green and red ground. Their spandrels displayed four

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 84

plaster relief portraits made by Heinrich Wilhelm Brandt.50 Eight wooden benches with lion-headed sphinxes, carved in stone by Karl Echtermeier, occupied all but the first, sixth, and last bays.51 Karl Hassenpflug’s Carrara marble bust of a famous painter or sculptor was mounted on a console above each bench. Netherlandish and German art provided the themes for the first five bays. The sixth, or middle, bay honored great patrons of the arts. The art of Italy, France, and Spain filled the final five bays. Northern European artists, in keeping with the depth of the Kassel collection, had a far greater presence than in the Alte Pinakothek.

7/27/20 10:59 AM

The Alte Pinakothek’s Direct Heirs

The first bay from the east represented Netherlandish genre painting via drinking and music-playing peasants, a young woman staring into a mirror, and, in the center, a bust of Bacchus atop a table with cascades of grapes and other fruits, vegetables, and game. Portraits of David Teniers, Adriaen van Ostade, Paulus Potter, and Jacob van Ruisdael appeared in the spandrels. The lunette of the second bay allegorized Rembrandt’s art, albeit rather obscurely as the personifications of day, night, and Iris signified the harmony of colors with the unity of light and dark.52 Philips Wouwerman (1619–1668) might seem a surprising choice for the bust in this bay, except the gallery possessed over two dozen of his paintings.53 The reliefs depicted Gerard ter Borch, Gerrit Dou, Frans van Mieris, and Gabriel Metsu. The third and fourth bays contained the busts of Anthony van Dyck and Hans Holbein the Younger respectively.54 Van Dyck was joined by a lunette about Rubens and his school plus relief portraits of Jan van Eyck, Hans Memling, Lucas van Leyden, and Quinten Massys. Holbein’s lunette showed a scythe-wielding skeleton chasing a dancing fool around the central figure of Truth. Merkel amusingly drew inspiration from Holbein’s Dance of Death woodcuts (Lyon, 1538). The spandrel reliefs represented Bartholomäus Zeitblom (ca. 1450–ca. 1519), Hans Holbein the Elder, Meister Stefan (Lochner), and Meister Wilhelm. Dürer was celebrated in the fifth bay.55 His Portrait of Elsbeth Tucher (1499) had been in the collection of the landgraves of Hessen-Kassel since the early seventeenth century and appears for the first time in the inventory of 1744.56 Merkel prepared two designs for the lunette painting above the Nuremberg master’s now-lost bust sculpture (figs. 58–59). In the first version, Dürer stands in his studio in Venice showing his Feast of the Rose

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 85

Garlands to Giovanni Bellini. The side images were based on his marginal decorations for the Prayer Book of Emperor Maximilian I and two of his engravings of dancing peasants. This design was replaced by a more enigmatic pairing of the allegories of artistic activity (Kunstfleiß) and fantasy flanking a winged putto or genius holding a cartellino with Dürer’s monogram.57 Below are the painters’ coat of arms, an open illustrated book, and a palette. The relief portraits depicted Michael Wolgemut, Lucas Cranach, Martin Schongauer, and Barthel Beham. The sixth, or middle bay, featured great patrons of the arts.58 Merkel’s portrait of Landgrave Wilhelm VIII occupied the lunette over the doorway to the central gallery. It featured the female Genius of Painting placing laurel branches, flower wreathes, and palm fronds around the frame. An architectural plan, painter’s palette with brushes, and two sculpted reliefs stood for the three main arts. Emperor Maximilian I, King Francis I of France, Pope Julius II, and Lorenzo de’ Medici appeared in the spandrels. With Dürer flanking one side of the central bay, it is not surprising that Raphael occupied the same position to the west in the seventh bay. Merkel’s original design for the lunette represented an attractive narrative with Raphael peering around a wall at a mother and child who would inspire his Madonna della sedia.59 Michelangelo and Leonardo were honored in the lunette’s sides. The final painting, however, depicted Grace, Chastity, and Religion, the traits of Raphael’s art.60 Michelangelo and Leonardo were moved to the spandrels, where they were joined by Andrea del Sarto and Pietro Perugino. The remaining bays had busts of Titian, Guido Reni, and Poussin, while the final segment was dedicated to Spanish art.61 Merkel’s original, more biographical designs for Dürer, Raphael, Titian, and the

85

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

86

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 86

workshop of the Carraccis were rejected by someone, likely Richard Schöne, in the Berlin Culture Ministry who felt visitors coming from the galleries into the loggia should have something more restful, such as allegorical scenes.62 He may have felt Merkel’s original designs were too Catholic in their iconography. While these museums in St. Petersburg, Munich, and Kassel responded to the paradigm of the Alte Pinakothek in different ways, the roles accorded Albrecht Dürer as the preeminent German artist remained consistent. His carved and painted portraits appeared prominently on the outside and/ or inside of these buildings. In the New Hermitage and Neue Galerie, Dürer represented one of the

greatest chapters in the history of art. In Munich, the presentation was more personal. There the Nuremberg master was both the embodiment of German genius and the supportive ally of King Ludwig and his efforts to reinvigorate contemporary art. Much like an actor in the 1840 Künstlerfest, the historical Dürer was asked to perform new parts according to the didactic expectations and needs of each institution.

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Chapter 5

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions Frankfurt and Karlsruhe

T

he rise of new museums in Munich and Berlin prompted other nobles and, soon, civic organizations to construct their own buildings.1 A rivalry or competition of sorts developed as museums became highly visible, indeed requisite, signs of cultural status. Local, regional, or state pride was at stake even when few collections could match the quality and scope of those in Munich and Berlin. This chapter focuses on the Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt, the first German museum created by the citizens of a town rather than by a noble or state authority, and the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe, constructed by Leopold I, Grand Duke of Baden. The projects may differ in their patronage, yet they agree in the prominent role they accorded Albrecht Dürer, often paired with Raphael and/ or Hans Holbein the Younger in their decorative programs. Furthermore, the designers of the Kunsthalle often looked to the Städel Kunstinstitut for inspiration.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 87

The First Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt

In his will Johann Friedrich Städel (1728–1816), a bachelor, donated his art collection and a large amount of money to establish an independent institute of art in Frankfurt.2 Even though the endowment was formalized on March 10, 1817, litigation delayed action for another eleven years. In 1829 the Kunstinstitut purchased an existing building, erected in 1809, on Neue Mainzerstraße (fig. 60). Johann Friedrich Christian Hess (1785–1845) and Friedrich Maximilian Hessemer (1800–1860) then spent the next four years renovating the structure to suit its new functions.3 The gallery and art school of the Städel Kunstinstitut formally opened in 1833. Its success prompted the need for more space, so the Kunstinstitut moved into a new building, the current museum, in 1877. The first building subsequently housed the Polytechnische Gesellschaft (the Kunstgewerbeschule, or Decorative Arts School)

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

88

Fig. 60  Conrad Haas, Exterior of the Original Städel Kunstinstitut,

Frankfurt, ca. 1860. Colored lithograph. Historisches Museum, Frankfurt. Photo © Historisches Museum Frankfurt, Horst Ziegenfusz.

but was demolished in 1950 after being badly damaged in World War II. Albrecht Dürer and Raphael were especially honored, once again, in the Kunstinstitut’s artistic decorative schemes. The Nuremberg master’s portrait would appear in four separate locations, including twice in association with his Italian

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 88

counterpart. Upon learning of Städel’s bequest, Johann David Passavant (1787–1861), then in Paris, wrote that he hoped this gift would be the catalyst for stimulating contemporary art, especially works created by Frankfurt-trained artists, to achieve the heights once reached in Nuremberg’s medieval art during the time of Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder.4 The stress on Dürer and Raphael likely was due to Philipp Veit (1793–1877), who was appointed the inaugural director of the gallery and of the painting school. Veit, who was Friedrich Schlegel’s stepson and a member of Peter von Cornelius’s

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

circle, moved to Frankfurt from Rome, where he had lived since 1816. Veit, like the other Nazarene artists, sought the reunion of art and Christianity, specifically Catholicism. They turned to the art and persons of Dürer and Raphael for inspiration.5 Already in 1803 Friedrich Schlegel had written, “Albert Dürer may be styled the Shak[e]speare of painting in reference to both Italian schools; and . . . both he and Raphael may, by the abundance of their poetic inspiration and the depth and significance of their symbolic designs, become to the artists of the present day, a wide-spreading principle and guiding star of national art.”6 As planning for the new Städel Kunstinstitut building progressed, the administrators Johann Friedrich Böhmer, Philipp Jakob Passavant, and Theodor Friedrich Arnold Kestner were strongly influenced by the ideas of Johann David Passavant, who in 1840 would be named curator (Inspektor) of the collection. Writing in 1818 and 1826, he stressed that an art institute was not an art academy.7 Instruction would be provided by professors, not masters. The works of the great artists, rather than the false principles of art, would inspire the pupils’ art and, just as importantly, their lives. True art ennobles human beings and shapes their behavior. To this end, original works of art and commissioned plaster casts, such as one of Peter Vischer the Elder’s Saint Sebaldus Shrine in the Sebaldus Church in Nuremberg, were exhibited.8 Much of the art initially acquired by or commissioned for the Städel Kunstinstitut was religious in subject. The Nazarenes’ belief that great artists can serve as muses to contemporary masters shaped the decorative program of the original Städel Kunstinstitut. In 1829 the administrators commissioned Johann Friedrich Overbeck, whom many considered the foremost living German painter, to make the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 89

allegorical picture The Triumph of Religion in the Arts (also called The Magnificat of Art).9 His design was approved in 1831, and the painting was completed and hung in October 1840 (fig. 61). Measuring 3.92 by 3.92 meters, the composition pays homage to a past when artists used their talents to represent religious (that is, Catholic) themes. Inspired by Raphael’s School of Athens and Disputa in the Vatican Palace, Overbeck has arranged a crowd around the central Fountain of Life. Above, the Virgin and Child appear in glory. They are adored by Kings David and Solomon, Moses, Aaron, other Old Testament figures on the left, and, opposite, Saints Luke, shown kneeling, John, Peter, Paul, Stephen, and other Christians. Overbeck has incorporated almost seventy portraits, some accurate and others fanciful. His pantheon of great artists lived between the mid-thirteenth and the mid-sixteenth centuries, when, he believed, there was a unity of art and faith, before the rise of the Protestant Reformation. Overbeck did insert Cornelius, Veit, and himself at the far left edge. An emperor at left and a pope at right stand as patrons of religious sculpture and architecture. A Gothic church rises at the upper right. The chosen masters are primarily Italians, with a smattering of Germans, including Peter Vischer, Anton Pilgram, Martin Schongauer, the Master of the Cologne Dombild (Master Wilhelm [Stefan Lochner]), and Hans Memling, and Netherlanders, including the Van Eyck brothers, Lucas van Leyden, and Jan van Scorel. Margaret van Eyck and a nun are shown at the back right. Hans Holbein the Younger accompanies Leonardo da Vinci just left of center, behind the fountain.10 Dürer, grouped to right with other printmakers, stares at the viewer. His likeness is based loosely on the self-portrait in the Feast of the Rose Garlands. He is much less prominently positioned than Raphael, in the white cloak, who

89

7/27/20 10:59 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

90

Fig. 61  Johann Friedrich Over-

beck, The Triumph of Religion in the Arts, 1831–40. Oil on canvas. Städel Museum, Frankfurt, 892. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

stands left of the fountain, beside Michelangelo and Luca Signorelli, who are seated on an antique stone fragment. Overbeck’s Triumph of Religion in the Arts was sharply criticized as being too Catholic and too old-fashioned when unveiled in 1840.11 Nevertheless, it reflected his and the Kunstinstitut’s initial leaders’ belief in the aesthetic and moral value of these Renaissance masters in reviving contemporary German (and Frankfurter) art. Overbeck’s full-size cartoon was acquired by the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe in 1840; his various preparatory drawings are in Windsor Castle, the Hamburg Kunsthalle,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 90

the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, and the Städel Museum.12 The idea of a monumental painting celebrating the famous masters of the past was not unique to Frankfurt. Between 1836 and 1841, Paul Delaroche (1797–1856) created his Hémicycle in the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris (fig. 62).13 The mural painting, measuring about twenty-seven meters, features portraits of sixty-seven artists and architects from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries. The sequence concludes with Nicolas Poussin (1595–1665). Dürer, based on his 1498 self-portrait in Madrid, stands at the right rear, just behind the

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

91

Fig. 62  Albumen silver print showing Paul Delaroche’s mural

Hémicycle du Palais des Beaux-Arts in the Salle de la distribution, École des Beaux-Arts, Paris, 1836–41. Photograph published 1858 by Goupil & Cie. The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

seated Leonardo da Vinci. The central place of honor is accorded to the enthroned figures of Ictinus, Phidias, and Apelles. Like the Städel Kunstinstitut, the École des Beaux-Arts was an art school with its own collection of original art and plaster casts to inspire its students. The new main building, begun in 1834 by Félix Duban (1797–1870), included the Salle de la distribution, the location of Delaroche’s mural. Here prizes, including the coveted Prix de Rome, were awarded to its best students under the watchful eyes of this pantheon of illustrious artists. With its portraits Overbeck’s painting matched the decorative character of the Kunstinstitut’s own galleries. The rooms on the first upper floor were filled with plaster casts, such as the Laocoön, and original art as models for the students, whose studios were located on the ground floor and in the attic of this former private residence.14 The only visual records of these galleries are a series of highly detailed watercolors that the British painter Mary

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 91

Ellen Best, then living temporarily in Frankfurt, made in June 1835.15 The large third room was the hall of the Old German school (fig. 63). Paintings were hung two or three high on the walls. Best’s careful reproduction of these allows their ready identification, such as pictures by Matthias Grünewald and Hans Holbein the Elder, which remain in Frankfurt. A band of decorative foliage adorned the lower part of the ceiling. Above the entrance to the adjoining Italian room were the personifications of painting (holding a palette), architecture (with a plan of Mainz Cathedral), and sculpture (carrying a chisel). The ceiling was embellished with twelve portraits of Anton Pilgram, Peter Vischer, Adam Kraft, Lucas Cranach, Martin Schongauer, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Master Wilhelm, Jan van Scorel, Hans Holbein the Younger, Hans Memling, and Erwin von Steinbach, an architect of Strasbourg Cathedral.16 Dürer’s medallion may have been the one just to the left of the three allegorical figures. This combination of personifications and artists’ portraits recalls the decorations for Vasari’s houses in Arezzo and Florence. The gallery was illuminated solely by the large central skylight with colored glass. Johann Nepomuk Zwerger’s portrait bust of founder Johann Friedrich Städel is visible through the doorway, in the Italian room.17

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

92

Fig. 63  Mary Ellen Best, Old German Room, Städel Kunstinstitut,

1835. Watercolor. Location unknown. From Caroline Davidson, Women’s Worlds: The Art and Life of Mary Ellen Best, 1809–1891 (New York: Crown, 1985), 44, fig. 46.

This next gallery exhibited ceiling portraits of Bramante, Arnolfo di Lapo, Michelangelo, Raphael, Donatello, and Andrea Pisano. The following room, with its casts of Italian and German medieval sculpture, was known as the Hall of Frescoes. Director Veit personally painted three frescoes for this gallery (fig. 64).18 The Introduction of the Arts into Germany by Christianity (1834–36) celebrated the role of the Catholic Church, personified

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 92

by the female Christian Religion, in the renewal of the arts following the destruction of antiquity by the barbarians. Accompanying paintings depicted Italia and Germania, represented as seated personifications, each embodying her respective national character through her dress and demeanor.19 Italia included references to ancient Rome and to the papacy. Germania displayed the imperial double-headed eagle, the crown of Charlemagne, and the shields of the seven electors of the Holy Roman Empire. A view of Frankfurt’s skyline was visible at left. Pope and emperor were presented as the catalysts for the arts in their respective countries. Writing in the Kunst-Blatt in 1836, a reviewer

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

93

Fig. 64  Eugen Eduard Schäffer (after Philipp Veit), Introduction of

the Arts into Germany by Christianity, 1839. Etching and engraving. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1928. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, www .metmuseum.org.

noted how Germania expressed the spiritual calling and delicate inwardness of the history of medieval Germany.20 Shortly after the paintings’ installation, Edward von Steinle (1810–1886) added a series of medallions, now lost, containing artists’ portraits arranged around these three pictures. Fortunately, Eugen Eduard Schäffer’s print of the Introduction of the Arts into Germany by Christianity, dated 1839, includes the portraits of Jan van Eyck, Dürer, Adam Kraft, and Peter Vischer on the top row, accompanied on the bottom row by Erwin von Steinbach, Hans

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 93

Holbein the Younger, Sabina von Steinbach, who was Erwin’s fictitious(?) daughter, and Anton Pilgram. Germania was framed by Master Wilhelm, Schongauer, Jan van Scorel, and Hans Memling, while Italia was joined by Raphael, Michelangelo, Leonardo, and Bramante. Veit’s three frescoes were transferred to canvas by Antonio Zanchi of Milan and moved to the Kunstinstitut’s new building in 1877, where today they hang in the Nazarene Hall. While Dürer and Raphael appeared amid the ranks of their peers in the gallery decorations and in the paintings by Overbeck and Steinle, Carrara marble busts of just these two masters once graced the two sides of the Kunstinstitut’s main staircase (fig. 65).21 This was the first public monument honoring Dürer and Raphael together. Johann Nepomuk Zwerger (1796–1868), the inaugural

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

94

Fig. 65  Johann Christian Lotsch, Raphael, 1832, and Johann

Nepomuk Zwerger, Albrecht Dürer, 1833–34. Marble busts. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. nos. Pl. O. 3213–14. Photo: GNM.

professor of sculpture at the Kunstinstitut, carved Dürer’s likeness in 1833–34. It measures 68.5 by 40.5 by 30 centimeters. In 1832 Johann Christian Lotsch (1790–1873), then working in Rome, authored Raphael’s portrait, which is 67 by 39.7 by 31 centimeters.22 Philipp Veit knew both of these artists in Rome, where they studied with Bertel Thorvaldsen, the renowned Danish sculptor. Veit commissioned these statues as part of his broader iconographic program for the Kunstinstitut. They are first mentioned in an anonymous report of March 15,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 94

1833, which notes their location and authorship.23 Since Zwerger had not yet finished his statue, a plaster cast of it was displayed temporarily instead. His bust arrived prior to the Kunstinstitut’s opening festival, which was described in the Kunst-Blatt on March 6, 1834.24 Both of these texts praise Raphael and Dürer as the two main representatives of modern art.25 This pairing of the two masters also occurred in another contemporary, though not directly related, academic context. In the winter semester of 1836–37, Franz Kugler offered a course on the life and art of Raphael and Dürer at the Akademie der Künste in Berlin.26 Anyone ascending the stairs to visit the galleries, or descending, had to pass by these Renaissance sentinels. As one walked upstairs from the main

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

entrance foyer, Raphael’s bust was on the left side and Dürer’s statue on the right. The two slightly larger-than-life-size busts were set approximately at or slightly above eye level. Certainly, per Veit’s instructions, the artists designed the busts so each head faced inward slightly to heighten their potential for engaging the viewer. Zwerger’s sculpture ultimately depends on Dürer’s self-portrait of 1500 but only through intermediary images such as Christian Daniel Rauch’s 1828 design for the Nuremberg monument or one of the many prints with the artist’s portrait in historicized dress that appeared in conjunction with the 1828 jubilee celebrations in Nuremberg, Berlin, and Munich.27 Lotsch’s bust of the youthful Raphael derives from a type then popular in Rome. The Karlsruhe native first arrived in Rome in 1818, where he would live most of his life. Lotsch was a pupil and later an assistant to Thorvaldsen. In 1800 Thorvaldsen carved a marble bust of the young Raphael. He directly copied Pietro Paolo Naldini’s marble bust of the artist from 1674, which Carlo Maratti, as president of the Accademia di San Luca in Rome, had commissioned to adorn the artist’s tomb in the Pantheon.28 Naldini’s bust was displayed in this church from 1674 until 1820. In that year, this portrait and dozens of other busts of artists, writers, and other cultural heroes of the Italian Renaissance, most of which had been sculpted in the 1810s to fill the empty niches in the Pantheon, were transferred by order of Pius VII to the newly established Protomoteca Capitolina on the Campidoglio in Rome.29 Lotsch had ample opportunity to study these models as well as Raphael’s youthful self-portrait in the School of Athens.30 Did the busts of Dürer and Raphael function additionally as touch relics? There are no illustrations showing the positioning of the Frankfurt

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 95

busts at the turn of the staircase landing; however, a general idea is conveyed by the related pair of busts still gracing the staircase of the Staatliche Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe (figs. 71–73). Citing the late eighteenth-century Roman art theoretician Francesco Milizia, Maria Loh reports that “it was a custom for art students to touch their pencils, brushes, and other instruments upon Raphael’s skull in the Accademia di San Luca, where it was displayed next to the painting believed then to be by Raphael of Saint Luke Painting the Virgin with a Portrait of Raphael.”31 It is likely that students and visitors at the Städel Kunstinstitut occasionally touched the two busts, hoping for inspiration as they passed up and down the staircase.

95

The Second Städel Kunstinstitut

As the Städel Kunstinstitut flourished and its collection of art grew, the original building proved too cramped. Already in 1849 the Kunstinstitut’s administrators expressed a desire for a new purpose-built structure. The city of Frankfurt sold it a large plot of land, at a discounted price, on the south side of the Schaumainkai facing the Main River.32 Oskar Sommer (1840–1894), then teaching architecture at the Kunstinstitut, and two others prepared plans.33 Even though Sommer, a former pupil of Gottfried Semper (1803–1879) at the Polytechnikum in Zurich, was at the beginning of his career, his design was selected. The new Kunstinstitut, constructed between 1874 and 1878, displays a neo-Renaissance style with its eclectic mixing of the classical orders. Two matching wings flank the projecting central entry portico (fig. 66). Unlike the original Kunstinstitut building, the new structure is decorated solely on the exterior. In

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

96

Fig. 66  Oskar Sommer, entrance portal of the Städel Kunstinstitut

(today Städel Museum), Frankfurt, 1874–78. Photo: author.

1879 Sommer stated that he did not want the exhibition halls to include any secondary ornamentation that might distract from the original works of art.34 Perhaps this explains why the two marble busts of Dürer and Raphael were left adorning the staircase in the original building rather than transferred to the new museum. In this respect Sommer’s attitude differed from Leo von Klenze’s, as manifest in the latter’s museums in Munich and St. Petersburg, and from that of his mentor Semper, whose Gemäldegalerie in Dresden and plans for the Kunsthistorisches

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 96

Museum in Vienna are richly embellished on the interior as well as the exterior.35 The relative sobriety of Kunstinstitut perhaps expresses its civic, rather than princely, origins. The façade is prominently inscribed “staedelsches kunstinstitut.” Beneath are large stone reliefs carved by Gustav Kaupert (1819–1897), professor of sculpture at the Kunstinstitut from 1867 to 1892, and his assistants depicting the Muses Erato (poetry) and Clio (history), chosen to personify the genius of the visual arts.36 Now only two artists—Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger—greet visitors (figs. 67–68). Their larger-than-life-size sandstone statues stand on pedestals between paired Corinthian columns

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

97

Fig. 67  Friedrich August von Nordheim, Albrecht Dürer, by 1878.

Fig. 68  Friedrich August von Nordheim, Hans Holbein the

that flank the central arch of the upper story above the entrance. The sculptor Friedrich August von Nordheim (1813–1884) likely followed designs by Kaupert, who was responsible for the exterior program.37 Above each artist is a relief featuring his name in clear block letters on a tablet held by a putto or angel. Artists’ tools—a painter’s palette and brushes—plus fruits and garlands, symbols of their success, surround the angels. Dürer grasps his robe with his right hand while holding a scrolled sheet of paper in his left.38 The figure’s design

loosely recalls both Schwanthaler’s model for the Alte Pinakothek (figs. 32–33) and especially Rauch’s freestanding monument in Nuremberg (fig. 25), though in the latter he clutches paintbrushes. The paper in Dürer’s left hand displays the painters’ armorial shield, containing three smaller raised shields.39 Nordheim’s Holbein stares into the distance while holding a sketchbook and piece of chalk(?). His large hat and shorter-length attire reflect the generational differences in fashion between

Sandstone statue. Städel Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 97

Younger, by 1878. Sandstone statue. Städel Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt. Photo: author.

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

98

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 98

Holbein and the older Dürer. Holbein’s portrait is based loosely on a chalk sketch, long thought to be a self-portrait, of a young man wearing a similar broad hat, shirt tied at the throat, and partially open robe.40 An illustration of it appears opposite the title page of Ulrich Hegner’s 1827 monograph on Holbein, the first modern study of the artist, as well as in contemporary works of art, such as Ludwig Adam Kelterborn’s Holbein’s Studio (ca. 1842), a painting in a private collection.41 The choice of Holbein rather than Raphael to accompany Dürer is not surprising, since he was frequently included in other early programs. At the Alte Pinakothek he stood just to Dürer’s left on the south façade, and he figured twice in the stucco reliefs of Room ii (today iv), where Holbein was shown with Thomas More’s family and painting Anne Boleyn as Henry VIII watched (fig. 44). He figured prominently in the decorations of the original Städel Kunstinstitut. Holbein’s role, however, changed at the new museum, since he alone stands beside Dürer. Bordering the new building, the streets on its east and west sides, corresponding to the positions of the two statues, respectively are named Dürer-Straße and Holbein-Straße. The Kunstinstitut has long owned graphic works by both masters. It acquired Dürer’s paintings Job on the Dung Heap in 1840 and Young Woman with Her Hair Worn Loose (a member of the Fürleger family[?]) in 1849.42 The Kunstinstitut obtained the Portrait of Simon George of Cornwall, its first picture by Holbein, only in 1870.43 Of all of Dürer’s German peers, Holbein the Younger alone enjoyed continuous fame on the international stage. His success especially at the court of Henry VIII, king of England (r. 1509–47), ensured his historic celebrity. By contrast, such talented masters as Lucas Cranach the Elder and

Albrecht Altdorfer were considered, if at all, in art-historical literature and contemporary estimations as more regional German artists.44 Cranach’s association with Luther and the Protestant Reformation may have diminished his appeal in predominantly Catholic regions of Germany. There was a growing appreciation for Holbein in the mid-nineteenth century. The influential art historian Gustav Friedrich Waagen wrote in 1860, “In feeling for beauty of form also, in grace of movement, tasteful arrangement of drapery, in colouring, and above all in the art of painting . . . Holbein must be placed above Albert Dürer.”45 Debate raged about whether the Dresden or Darmstadt version of the Madonna of Jakob Meyer was Holbein’s original, especially during the years 1863 to 1871.46 This picture had long been compared with Raphael’s Sistine Madonna in Dresden, so it is hardly surprising that Holbein was dubbed the Raphael of the North, since his art had more in common with Raphael’s than did Dürer’s.47 During the major Holbein exhibition held in the Zwinger Pavilion in Dresden in 1871, the two versions of the Madonna of Jakob Meyer hung side by side for comparison. In addition to the show’s catalogue, the occasion generated numerous reviews, opinion pieces, and, most significantly, a scholarly declaration. The latter, written by Carl von Lützow, contains the consensus of twelve leading specialists, including Alfred Woltmann, the foremost authority on Holbein, that the Darmstadt version is by Holbein and the Dresden picture is a later free copy.48 Subsequently, it was determined that Bartholomäus Sarburgh authored the Dresden painting in 1635–37. Holbein and Dürer, whose four hundredth birthday was celebrated in 1871 and belatedly a year later, were very much in the news and scholarly literature during precisely the moment when discussions

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

about a new Kunstinstitut building were initiated. Nascent national pride may have influenced the choice of Dürer and Holbein, rather than Raphael, on the Kunstinstitut’s façade.49 The Städel Kunstinstitut was one of a group of new museums erected in the immediate aftermath of German unification as a nation-state, the Second German Empire, in 1871.50

The Grand Ducal Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe

Karlsruhe’s history is quite different from Frankfurt’s commercial heritage. It is a planned city founded in 1715 by Karl III Wilhelm, Margrave of Baden-Durlach (r. 1709–38). The palace occupies the center point of the gardens and radiating streets. Upon becoming the Grand Duke of Baden in 1830, Leopold I (1790–1852) initiated his own scheme to make Karlsruhe, which had been damaged in the Napoleonic wars, into a more impressive residential city.51 The plan called for the future museum to be located at the southwest edge of the palace precinct, where it intersects the inner circle (Ringstraße). Leopold requested Heinrich Hübsch (1795–1863), his inspector of buildings, to design and erect the Kunsthalle adjoining the existing Kunstakademie.52 The project proceeded rapidly from first plans, dating to March 1837, to the final designs, done that August, to the laying of the foundation stone in the fall. During the construction, Hübsch traveled to study other museums. He was in Munich in fall 1837, in Italy in fall 1838, and in Berlin in fall 1842. The Kunsthalle opened on May 1, 1846 (fig. 69). In Hübsch’s book In welchem Style sollen wir bauen? (In What Style Should We Build?), published in 1828,53 the author begins by criticizing architects who slavishly repeat ancient styles, which he feels are inadequate to present times and present needs.54

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 99

He carefully explains his practical, rather than aesthetic, reasons for championing the structural superiority and sheer practicality of the pointed arch at the heart of Gothic architecture. Hübsch focuses on what he considers to be a nationally appropriate yet still evolving style. His confidence that German art can be inspired by and then build upon its past heritage perhaps explains why he dedicated his book to the artists who gathered in Nuremberg on April 6, 1828, to celebrate Dürer’s jubilee.55 They too were looking to the past as inspiration for the future. Even though the Kunsthalle is not done in a German Gothic style, neither does it look to the classical mode. The cut stone of the ground floor and brick second story are punctuated by arched windows with only scant adornment. Although the scale of the Kunsthalle is much more modest than the Alte Pinakothek, it was in 1846 among the largest and most ambitious German museums. The original exterior decorative program, which is focused solely on the entry portal, offers visitors a succinct lesson in the history of art. Specifically, they are shown which artists and which two schools of art (the Italian and the German) mattered most. As the building was under construction, four sculptors were invited to compete for the portal commission in about 1837.56 Aloys Raufer in Karlsruhe, Johann Christian Lotsch in Rome, Othemar Balbach in Munich, and Franz Xaver Reich (1815–1881) in Hüfingen, near Donaueschingen, were charged with designing two sitting sandstone allegorical figures of Sculpture and Painting, which originally were planned for the entrance hall. In March 1840 the prize committee, consisting of Carl Ludwig Frommel (the first gallery director), Heinrich Hübisch (the architect), and Ludwig Kachel (the director of the Karlsruhe Mint), acting with the approval of Grand Duke Leopold, selected Reich.

99

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

100

Fig. 69  Franz Xaver Reich, entrance portal of the Staatliche

Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, by 1846. Photo: author.

Reich, then only about twenty-five years old, had trained in Frankfurt and Munich, so he was quite aware of the museum cycles in those towns. His Sculpture and Painting, now standing figures carved in marble, were placed above the entrance portal rather than in the foyer. In 1843 whitish sandstone instead of marble was chosen for the portal’s relief sculptures, likely due to its lower cost and ready availability. Reich’s carvings were in place by the end of 1846. Dürer and Raphael are once again the central protagonists in the Kunsthalle’s decorative

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 100

programs, beginning with the entry portal.57 Immediately to the right of the doorway is a relief, measuring about 1.55 m high, depicting Hans Holbein the Younger holding a drawing portfolio, Dürer with a painter’s palette, and Peter Vischer the Elder with a hammer and chisel. Opposite, Michelangelo, carving a capital, and Raphael, also carrying a palette, flank the fragmentary torso of an antique sculpture of Venus. Where the Italian masters turn to admire the statue, Holbein and Vischer face inward toward the Dürer as if honoring him as their source of inspiration. Reclining in the lunettes above the two groups of artists are Germania and Italia. Germania’s shield displays an eagle, sword, and imperial crown, referencing the Holy Roman

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

101

Fig. 70  Franz Xaver Reich (model) and H. Raupp (cast), salve

and musis amice, by 1846. Bronze entry-door plaques. Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe. Photo: author.

Empire. Italia holds the crossed keys of Rome and the lily of Florence. In the museum’s inaugural catalogue of 1847, Frommel writes, “She [Italia] is the symbol of Italian art, which has exerted so great an influence on all nations.”58 He describes Holbein, Dürer, and Vischer more simply as “the representatives of German art.”59 The semicircular relief at the apex of the portal exhibits three personifications: enthroned Christian (or Biblical) Art

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 101

flanked by Romantic Art and Historic Art. Frommel remarks that these respectively pay homage to the divine and ideal, the purely human, and nature and legends.60 Reich’s Painting and Sculpture stand above, on the balcony. Finally, beneath the gable and completing the program is a prominent dedication tablet: “leopoldus magn. dux. bad. artibus a.d. mdcccxliii” (Leopold, Grand Duke of Baden, the arts in the year 1843). The bronze double door of the entry portal contains paired plaques modeled by Reich and cast by H. Raupp (fig. 70). Two classically dressed Muses hold inscription tablets over their heads that read “salve” and “musis amice” (Hello, Friend

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

102

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 102

of the Muses). They welcome visitors to the Kunsthalle. In an article in the Karlsruher Zeitung about the museum, dated August 27, 1845, its anonymous author compares the decoration of the portal façade to the title of a book, since it, like a frontispiece, describes the purpose and contents of the building in the highest symbolic and poetic way.61 Upon entering through the portal and foyer, visitors encounter the grand central staircase. Moritz von Schwind’s monumental fresco cycle celebrating the historical triumph of sculpture, architecture, and painting in the Duchy of Baden visually dominates the stairwell at the level of the first upper story (fig. 71).62 The architect Hübsch, not Schwind, devised the program, which glorifies the region’s medieval heritage. Schwind (1804–1871), a Viennese painter, moved to Munich in 1828, where he was active in the circle of Peter von Cornelius and worked for King Ludwig I. In the center is his Consecration of Freiburg Minster (1838–42), which measures 9.25 by 4.25 m. This church, begun in a Romanesque style around 1200, is famous for its beautiful Gothic openwork spire. Freiburg became part of Baden only in 1807. Its church was elevated to cathedral status first in 1827, an event witnessed by Leopold, then Margrave of Baden. The archduke’s patronage of the new Kunsthalle is conceptually compared with the construction of the Freiburg church, both monuments bringing glory to the realm. Flanking this are smaller frescoes of Sabina von Steinbach carving the statue of Synagogue on Strasbourg Cathedral and, to the right, Hans Baldung Grien (1484/85–1545) in his studio painting Margrave Christoph I of Baden; both date to 1842– 43.63 Baldung was the region’s most famous early modern artist. He also enjoyed direct association with Dürer, in whose shop he worked while living in Nuremberg from 1503 to late 1506 or early 1507.

The Kunsthalle is among the earliest museums with an elaborate stairwell program, though the embellishment of a grand staircase and surrounding walls with paintings and/or sculptures has ample precedent in the elaborate allegories glorifying the noble rulers seen in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century palaces.64 Dürer and Raphael lurk nearby. Johann Christian Lotsch’s Carrara marble busts of the two masters still occupy their original places on the middle landing, atop stone piers at the final turn of the museum’s central staircase (figs. 72–73).65 Directly inspired by the paired portraits in the Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt, the larger-than-life-size busts silently greet visitors ascending and descending the museum’s stairs. Although Lotsch, a native of Karlsruhe, was one of the unsuccessful competitors for the Kunsthalle’s portal program, he received this commission from Frommel, apparently on the order of Archduke Leopold, in 1838. The two busts are signed “c. lotsch. f. roma. 1840,” indicating that he completed them in Rome in 1840. The inscriptions are in different lettering styles. He chose Fraktur, or the German Gothic-style script, which was developed in conjunction with the publication projects of Emperor Maximilian I, for Dürer and Antiqua, or the classical Latin script, for Raphael. Lotsch’s Raphael, beyond some more deeply cut strands of hair, essentially duplicates his 1832 Frankfurt bust. His Dürer harkens back not to Zwerger’s Frankfurt bust but to Rauch’s portraits and the 1500 self-portrait, which Lotsch certainly saw when he visited Munich and its newly opened Alte Pinakothek in 1837. Dürer and Raphael once again embody the greatness of their countries’ respective artistic patrimonies and serve as models for

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Fig. 71  Moritz von Schwind, Consecration of Freiburg Minster, 1838–

42. Fresco. On the newels below: Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer and Portrait Bust of Raphael, 1840. Marble. Grand stairway, Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 103

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

104

Fig. 72  Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer,

1840. Marble, 68 × 40.2 × 33.4 cm. Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, P1. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 104

contemporary artists, including those at Karlsruhe’s adjoining Kunstakademie. In the interim between the Frankfurt and Karlsruhe busts, interest in Raphael’s physical remains peaked. Both the Accademia di San Luca and the Pantheon in Rome claimed to possess Raphael’s skull.66 In September 1833 Raphael’s tomb, beneath the altar in the Chapel of the Madonna del Sasso in the Pantheon, was excavated. Amid a crowd of jubilant eyewitnesses, workers broke through the vault on the fourteenth of the month, and Raphael’s skull was recovered. Before Raphael’s body was ceremonially reburied in a new coffin on October 18, plaster casts were made of the skull, larynx, right hand, and various other body parts. Some of these in turn were replicated. An inventory of 1855 reported that these and other relics, including dust found near Raphael’s heart and splinters from his original coffin, were exhibited in a corner of the church. Much like the shrine of a saint, Raphael’s tomb inspired devout prayers and votives celebrating cures later in the nineteenth century. Director Frommel and Archduke Leopold were well aware of the acquisitions and decorations of the museums in Frankfurt and Munich. In 1840 the Kunsthalle purchased the original, full-scale cartoon of Johann Friedrich Overbeck’s Triumph of Religion in the Arts shortly after the artist finally completed and installed his painting in the Städel Kunstinstitut (fig. 61).67 The sculptures of the Kunsthalle’s portal and staircase extol three German and two Italian artists active around 1500. This choice conveys much the same aesthetic judgment that prompted Overbeck to limit his pantheon to late medieval and Renaissance artists. A visitor walking down the ground-floor corridor by the Kupferstichkabinett in 1846 would have encountered the Kunsthalle’s complete set of Ludwig Schwanthaler’s twenty-four

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Dürer, Raphael, and Holbein in Early Civic and Princely Institutions

plaster statuettes of his models for the attic statues of the Alte Pinakothek.68 These were likely a gift from Archduke Leopold. These statuettes are listed in Frommel’s catalogue of 1847 as the “eminent artists of the past.”69 A new east wing was added to the Kunsthalle in 1896. Its decoration is limited to the projecting bay of its northeast corner facing the palace grounds. The head of Pallas Athena, the protectress of the arts, appears in the pediment. Beneath this are reliefs of two seated youths prepared to bestow their laurel branches on the statues of Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger, which stand just below on either side of the central arch (fig. 74).70 The artists’ names are clearly inscribed on the bases. As at the new Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt, Dürer appears on the left side and Holbein on the right. Carved in sandstone by Adolf Heer (1849–1898), a Baden artist and professor since 1881 at the Kunstgewerbeschule in Karlsruhe, the statues, measuring 2.45 m and 2.35 m high respectively, match the scale of Reich’s figures of Painting and Sculpture above the museum’s entrance portal. The painters’ coat of arms, with its three shields, adorns the lintel between Dürer and Holbein. To glorify the art of painting, the arms are set within a laurel wreath framed by two palettes with brushes and, at the sides, paired palm branches. Completing the program are two allegorical reliefs of Architecture and Sculpture in the form of groups of putti diligently at work on their respective trades. Heer did not have to look far for portrait models, because, in addition to earlier decorations of the Kunsthalle, portrait reliefs of Dürer and Holbein joined by Peter Vischer the Elder and Wenzel Jamnitzer ornamented the vestibule of the nearby Kunstgewerbemuseum, part of the grand ducal decorative-arts school where he taught, which had opened in 1890.71

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 105

105

Fig. 73  Johann Christian Lotsch, Portrait Bust of Raphael, 1840.

Marble, 66.5 × 40 × 31 cm. Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, P2. Photo: author.

7/27/20 11:00 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

106

Fig. 74  Adolf Heer, The Arts, with Albrecht Dürer and Hans Holbein

the Younger, by 1896. Sandstone sculpture. East wing, Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe. Photo: author.

Although the Städel Kunstinstitut was a civic foundation and the Kunsthalle was established by a noble patron, their celebrations of great masters as historical exemplars and role models to inspire new generations of artists and museum visitors have much in common. The original buildings incorporated Italian and German artists, including, above all, Raphael and Dürer, who welcomed everyone ascending or descending the museum staircases. In the aftermath of German unification in 1871, Dürer’s companion changed to Holbein on the façade of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 106

the new museum in Frankfurt and the new wing of the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe. National pride and politics help to account for the switch, especially as scholarly interest in Holbein’s art grew significantly during the second half of the nineteenth century.

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Chapter 6

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

T

he return of art plundered by the French following Napoleon’s defeat in 1815 renewed a decades-old debate about the creation of an art museum in Berlin.1 Selections of the “liberated art” were temporarily displayed in the Academie der Künste (Academy of Arts) for “the benefit of the wounded warriors of the Fatherland.” Prussian king Friedrich Wilhelm III (r. 1797–1840) aspired to make Berlin the German Athens, much as the Bavarian rulers held the same vision for Munich. He ordered Karl Friedrich Schinkel to design a new purpose-built museum in the heart of the city.2 Construction of the Altes Museum began in 1823, after several years of planning, and opened on August 3, 1830—the king’s sixtieth birthday. The exterior of the neoclassical structure was modeled loosely on the Agora in Athens, an apt choice for an institution open to artists and the public. The building originally displayed classical art, plaster casts, and Renaissance and Baroque pictures.3 It was the first true German public museum of paintings. As their cultural ambitions for Berlin grew, Prussia’s kings commissioned two new museums on the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 107

Museumsinsel (Museum Island). Friedrich August Stüler (1800–1865) created the Neues Museum (1843–55) and designed the Nationalgalerie (1866– 76), which after his death in 1865 was completed by Johann Heinrich Strack (1805–1880). Although Dürer does not appear in the decorative program of the Altes Museum, he figures (or once figured) prominently in the Neues Museum and the Nationalgalerie, where he was enlisted to promote German greatness and the nascent politics of national identity.

The Neues Museum and The Age of the Reformation

Even as the young crown prince, Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia was strongly interested in architecture.4 He had traveled extensively in Italy and was involved in several of his father’s construction projects. Already in 1838 Ignaz von Olfers (1793–1871), the newly named general director of the Prussian Royal Museums, argued for a new museum to house the extensive holdings not displayed in the Altes

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

108

Museum. In 1841 Friedrich Wilhelm IV (r. 1840–61) envisioned what became the Museumsinsel, a setting for multiple museums, serving as “a sanctuary for art and science” (Freistätte für Kunst und Wissenschaft) situated near the royal palace, Berlin’s cathedral, and its university (today Humboldt University). Several of the king’s own architectural sketches reveal his plans for filling the Spree Island north of the Altes Museum with a new museum, a new Kunstakademie, a temple-like building housing lecture rooms and an assembly hall for the university, and a series of colonnades and garden courtyards.5 Stüler succeeded Schinkel, his teacher, as court architect. In 1841 he and the new king initiated plans for a second museum just to the northwest of the Altes Museum. The Neues (New) Museum was intended to contain objects of a vastly broader

Fig. 75  Friedrich Drake, The Arts of Architecture, Sculpture, Paint-

ing, and the Graphic Arts, by 1854. Pediment sculpture atop the east gable of Friedrich August Stüler’s Neues Museum, Berlin, 1843–55. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Neues Museum / Achim Kleuker, 2009 / Art Resource, New York.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 108

temporal and geographic range.6 Stüler and Olfers planned the arrangement to provide a history of art and cultural development as visitors progressed up through the three-story building. The ground floor housed Egyptian art, diverse ethnographic materials, and old German antiquities. The main floor was devoted to plaster casts, while the top floor contained the royal Kunstkammer and the royal Kupferstichkabinett. Construction of the Neues Museum, slowed by the Revolution of 1848, finished in 1855 and opened a year later. The museum’s exterior and interior decorative programs had a strong didactic character. Friedrich Drake (1805–1882), a pupil of Christian Daniel Rauch, designed the two gable sculptures. The main east gable, placed in 1854, extols the contributions of architecture, sculpture, painting, and the graphic arts to human history (fig. 75). The arts are personified and hold the tools of their crafts. The building’s gallery walls and ceilings were lavishly painted in the historicizing manner already observed in Schinkel’s Altes Museum as well as in Munich’s Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek. This can still be seen in a few galleries, but unfortunately, most of the museum’s decorations were destroyed during World War II. Architecturally, the grand staircase is the centerpiece of the museum (figs. 76–78). It leads to the north and south galleries on the second and third floors. Having visited Munich’s Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek shortly before initiating the Neues Museum, and having admired Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s historical paintings,7 Friedrich Wilhelm IV desired to have a grand cycle covering the sidewalls of the top floor of the staircase. Kaulbach had already discussed producing a “grosse Kunstwerk der geschichtlichen Gattung” (great artwork of the historical genre) in oil or fresco for Maximilian (1811–1864), the Bavarian crown prince.8 In

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

the mid-1830s he painted separate pictures of the defeat of the Huns and the destruction of Jerusalem, themes that would reappear in the new Berlin museum just a few years later. In 1842–43 Friedrich Wilhelm and Ignaz von Olfers commissioned Kaulbach to paint the staircase of the Neues Museum. This ultimately was one of the largest fresco cycles of the nineteenth century in Germany. The atrium surrounding the stairwell measures thirty-nine meters long and sixteen meters wide. Due to the artist’s commitment to many other projects, notably the Neue Pinakothek in Munich, it took Kaulbach and his assistants almost two decades, from 1847 to 1865, to complete the cycle. The cycle, just like the museum’s collections, represented great historical moments that affected the course of humanity.9 Kaulbach, in consultation with the king and Olfers, created six large pictures representing the destruction of the Tower of Babel, Homer and the Greeks, and the destruction of Jerusalem on the south wall; and the defeat of the Huns at the Battle of the Catalaunian Fields (451 c.e.), the Crusades, and the age of the Reformation on the north wall (figs. 77–78). The Destruction of the Tower of Babel opened the narrative, since it was considered the “birth of cultural history at the moment of the separation of languages and races.”10 Over the doorways to the third-floor galleries were female personifications of wisdom, history, science, and poetry. By the east and west windows adjacent to the gallery entrances were figures representing architecture, sculpture, painting, and the graphic arts, a theme consistent with Drake’s east gable sculptures. Between the six large frescoes were, in the upper registers, secondary pictures depicting four civilizations: Isis for Egypt, Venus for Greece, Italia for Rome, and Germania for Germany; and, in

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 109

109

Fig. 76  Friedrich August Stüler, grand staircase as reconstructed,

Neues Museum, Berlin, 1843–55. Photo: author.

the lower registers, four lawgivers: Moses, Solon, Emperor Charlemagne (r. 800–814), and Friedrich II the Great, king of Prussia (r. 1740–86), the last two being German rulers.11 The mantle of cultural leadership was portrayed clearly as passing from Egypt to Greece to ancient Rome and, finally, to Germany. Friedrich the Great looked directly at Germania. Many of the secondary details within these pictures extolled the cultural contributions of Germany and, above all, Prussia.12 For instance, on top of the two candelabra flanking Poetry were fictive statues of the famous writers Friedrich Schiller (1759–1805) and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832). Similarly, Justus von Liebig (1803– 1873), the founder of organic chemistry, and Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), the renowned natural scientist and native Berliner, adorned the candelabra of Science. Kaulbach’s Age of the Reformation was the last painted, the most controversial, and, for the present

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

110

Fig. 77  Hedwig Schultz

Voelker, Grand Staircase of the Neues Museum, ca. 1910. Watercolor, heightened with white. Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Kupferstichkabinett / Jörg P. Anders / Art Resource, New York.

subject, the most relevant for its prominent inclusion of Dürer (figs. 79–81). Even though Kaulbach picked this title as early as 1842, no surviving sketches predate 1858. There was considerable debate about what subject would make a fitting finale. The king and others suggested themes such as Columbus discovering America, the age of Emperor Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519), the Peace of Augsburg

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 110

(1555), the defeat of Napoleon (1815), and even the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, held at the Crystal Palace in London in 1851. The famous Reformation historian Leopold von Ranke was among the consulted specialists.13 Kaulbach countered his critics by arguing that the age of the Reformation was not just about the Protestant Reformation.14 Rather, this theme provided

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

an umbrella for the different narratives during that period, such as the discovery of the Americas, the scholarly exploration of the art and literature of classical antiquity, the reform of religion for Protestants and Catholics alike, and the individual’s growing independence in thinking and living. Many considered the Reformation to be “the most meaningful German contribution to universal history.”15 The picture’s setting is a German Gothic-style church in which Kaulbach has grouped 106 figures, seventy-one of which are recognizable portraits, into three discrete groups.16 All the identifiable participants were male except Queen Elizabeth I of England, standing by the left pillar of the choir. Raphael’s School of Athens (1509–11), in the Stanza della Segnatura at the Vatican Palace in Rome, served once again as the basic model for how to organize large numbers of figures on an architectural stage. Kaulbach acknowledged his source by placing Raphael, holding a small picture of this painting, on the right side of his composition, below the platform on which Dürer sat. Given the title of Kaulbach fresco, one might expect Martin Luther to have dominated. He stood in the center but was pushed back into the choir and shaded. He held aloft the Evangelium, his German translation of the New Testament, much as Moses was traditionally depicted carrying the Ten Commandments. “You shall love your neighbor as yourself ” (Mark 12:31) was inscribed on the book. Luther’s mouth was closed; he was not preaching. He was flanked by Huldrych Zwingli and Justus Jonas. To the sides, Johannes Bugenhagen and Jean ( Johannes) Calvin distributed the Eucharist in two kinds as they offered both the wine and the bread. The literal and symbolic meanings of the Eucharist sharply divided Protestant sects and even Catholics in the sixteenth century. Kaulbach replicated

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 111

111

Fig. 78  After Friedrich August Stüler, View of the South Wall of the

Grand Staircase, Neues Museum, 1862. Engraving. From Friedrich August Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin (Berlin: Ernst & Korn, 1862), plate 17. Photo: author.

Leonardo da Vinci’s Last Supper (1494–98), of Santa Maria della Grazie in Milan, on the rear wall of the choir. This famous image, coupled with Christ’s message about loving your neighbor, was perhaps intended as a plea of tolerance, one to unify, rather than divide, Christians.17 Bugenhagen, with a chalice, was pictured serving several princes, including Electors Johann the Steadfast (r. 1525–32) and Johann Friedrich of Saxony (r. 1532–47), Luther’s protectors. Philipp Melanchthon stood below and pointed to Luther as he argued with two other men. In the apse sat some of the forerunners of the Reformation, dissidents who challenged the Catholic Church, including Jan Hus, John Wyclif, and Girolamo Savonarola. In the gallery, with its organ, were men, women, and children praying or singing. The texts of two of Luther’s hymns hung over the balustrade. The left third of the fresco celebrated explorers and natural scientists. Christopher Columbus; Martin Behaim, who made the oldest extant world

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Fig. 79  Wilhelm von Kaulbach, The Age of the Reformation, ca.

1858–65. Fresco. Neues Museum, Berlin. Photographed 1863–65. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Neues Museum / Art Resource, New York.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 112

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

113

Fig. 80  Gustav Eiler (after

Wilhelm von Kaulbach), The Age of the Reformation, 1868. Engraving. From Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museum zu Berlin (Berlin: Alexander Duncker, 1872). Photo: author.

globe (ca. 1492–94); and Sebastian Münster, whose Cosmographia (1544 and later editions) offered the earliest German-language description of the world, were among the explorers and cartographers at the lower left. Set within the chapel at the top left were the astronomers, beginning with Nicolaus Copernicus (Nikolaus Kopernikus), who drew a diagram of his heliocentric solar-system model on the end wall. Kaulbach’s decision to give Copernicus the most prominent spot may have been influenced by Moriz Carrière, who remarked that Columbus discovered the earth but Copernicus discovered the heavens.18 His companions included Galileo Galilei, Tycho Brahe, and Johannes Kepler. The right third was populated by artists, writers, and scholars. In front, Francesco Petrarch sat

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 113

beside a Greek tomb and classical statues scattered on the ground. He was accompanied by Erasmus and Johannes Reuchlin as well as the slightly later authors William Shakespeare and Miguel de Cervantes. With his back turned to the others and pen in hand, Hans Sachs, Nuremberg’s famed Meistersinger, occupied the bottom center of the composition, on the same central vertical axis as Luther. The cycle concluded in the upper right corner with Albrecht Dürer (fig. 81). He sat on a scaffold while making a mural of his Four Apostles (fig. 82).19 Like Copernicus, he was shown in the act of creating. In 1526 he had painted and presented these life-size wooden pendant panels to Nuremberg’s city council. As a member of the Greater Council and personally immersed in the confessional debate,

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

114

Fig. 81  Gustav Eiler (after Wilhelm von Kaulbach), The Age of the

Reformation (fig. 80), detail showing Albrecht Dürer painting.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 114

Dürer intended his Four Apostles as an affirmation of the government’s official adoption of Lutheranism in 1525 and a warning against false prophets. Kaulbach knew the pictures well, since these were exhibited in the Alte Pinakothek. As presented here, Dürer’s cartoons hung on the back wall; however, their order was switched so that Saints Paul and Mark faced away from, not toward, Saints John and Peter. Perhaps this is another example of Kaulbach’s ironic humor.20 Inspired by Kaulbach’s design, the sculptor Anton Schmidgruber repeated this reversal in the panels held by his statues of Dürer for the Kunsthistorisches Museum (model ca. 1867) and the Künstlerhaus (1877) in Vienna (figs. 130 and 131).21 In The Age of the Reformation an apprentice sat on a stool diligently working behind Dürer. In reality, when the Nuremberg artist designed mural paintings, especially those for Nuremberg’s Rathaus, he left their execution to others. With open arms, Dürer enthusiastically greeted the man climbing the steps. The latter responded with an equally welcoming gesture. This was Kaulbach.22 By portraying himself bringing fresh paint to the Nuremberg master, he paid homage to and amusingly made a personal connection across the centuries with his famous predecessor. Kaulbach was not Dürer’s only visitor, as a group of artists stood in the chapel below. Raphael clutched his sketch for the School of Athens.23 He shook hands and conversed with Leonardo. Meanwhile, Peter Vischer the Elder and Michelangelo, with arms crossed over his chest, stood apart and rather warily stared at each other. Their dialogue was yet to happen. The Italian masters seemingly had journeyed north over the Alps to admire the creativity of their Nuremberg colleague. Werner Busch speculated that Kaulbach conceived of this gathering as a union of the best elements, in personified form, of

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

115

Fig. 82  Albrecht Dürer, The Four Apostles,

1525. Oil on panel. Alte Pinakothek, Munich. Photo: bpk Bildagentur / Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen München / Art Resource, New York.

Italian and German art and that Kaulbach attempted a synthesis leading to a new stylistic ideal.24 To the left Johannes Gutenberg (ca. 1398–1468) held up a sheet from his printed Bible, while the long-bearded Laurens Koster (ca. 1370–ca. 1440) of Haarlem, who is also credited as an inventor of a printing press, looked on. There was one more unidentifiable man, largely obscured behind Koster and Vischer. His hat style suggested he was a fifteenth-century Flemish

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 115

artist ( Jan van Eyck? Dirk Bouts? Hans Memling?). As late as June 1859, Kaulbach thought about adding Hans Holbein the Younger and Pope Leo X, as a patron, but ultimately excluded both men.25 Kaulbach compositionally singled out Luther, Dürer, and Copernicus, who was from East Prussia (now Poland), from their peers, as if to stress the German contributions to their respective fields. The Age of the Reformation was positioned both as

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

116

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 116

the last of the six-part historical series and as the apex of the cultural narrative that began with the Egyptians on the ground floor. Located just above the final steps on the north stairs, the scene pulled the visitor’s eyes diagonally to Dürer at the upper right corner. A viewer could come closer to this section (and its complement on the wall opposite) than to any other portion of the cycle. Kaulbach’s use of light within the picture mimicked the direction of light from the nearby eastern windows of the third-floor landing. Dürer, not Luther, was one of the few figures that were broadly illuminated. Finally, and likely unrelated, at least intentionally, the horizontal line of the top of the entablature supported by copies of four caryatids from the Erechtheum in Athens at the top of the stairs seemed to draw one’s attention to Dürer. The door beside The Age of the Reformation led to the Kupferstichkabinett, where Dürer again held the place of honor. Originally, Kaulbach planned to represent Music but he painted the Graphic Arts instead. Kaulbach believed strongly in the validity of history painting. He remarked, “We must paint history, history is the religion of our time, history alone is contemporary.”26 His conception of history, especially as it applied to The Age of the Reformation, was shaped by some of the leading contemporary thinkers, including Moriz Carrière, Friedrich Theodor Vischer, and Christian Gotthold Neudecker.27 Leopold von Ranke’s European-wide view of the Reformation may have influenced the artist’s decision to define the Reformation very broadly, since the cycle included figures from across the continent and from the twelfth (Peter Abelard and Arnold of Brescia) to the eighteenth centuries. Karl Friedrich Schinkel’s picture The Blossoming of Greece (1825) popularized the idea of a cultural landscape and may have affected Kaulbach’s aims for his last mural painting.28

The Berlin art historian Franz Kugler divided the narrative of his highly influential Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte (1842) into four historical periods: the non-European and pre-Greek; the Greeks and Romans; the medieval, including Islamic culture; and the modern, from the Renaissance to the nineteenth century. In his detailed petition of 1833 to teach a lecture course on the history of architecture at the Academie der Künste in Berlin, Kugler stressed the necessity of addressing political history, the religious situation, the social context, and the intellectual and aesthetic lessons about art.29 This archeology of the subject, as Kugler referred to it, has parallels with Kaulbach’s choice of topics for his six paintings and especially with the breadth of historically important figures included in The Age of the Reformation. The portrayal of the grand sweep of history had a definite intellectual appeal at the moment Kaulbach was first commissioned to paint the staircase of the Neues Museum. Between 1836 and 1839 the young Dresden sculptor Ernst Rietschel (1804–1861), a pupil of Christian Daniel Rauch, carved twelve plaster reliefs depicting “significant moments in the developmental history of humanity, from the earliest times up to our days,” as a frieze on the aula, or great hall, of the Augusteum, the central university building in Leipzig (fig. 83).30 The reliefs, each measuring about 116 by 192 centimeters, were in groups of four around the gallery and two shorter sides of the aula just below the ceiling.31 The aula and Rietschel’s cycle were badly damaged in World War II and demolished in 1968 to make way for a new university building. The sculptor’s original toned plaster models are in the Skulpturensammlung in Dresden, and his preparatory drawings are in a private collection in Schweinfurt. The cycle represented the natural state of humanity (prehistoric age), Egypt, Greece, Rome, Saint Boniface bringing

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

117

Fig. 83  Ernst Rietschel, The Renaissance, 1836–39. Plaster model

for the relief originally in the aula of the Augusteum, University of Leipzig. Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden. Photo © Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden (Herman Krone, Dresden).

Christianity to Germany, the Crusades, humanists and the discovery of book printing, world commerce in the sixteenth century, the Reformation, the Renaissance, modern art and science, and the institution of the constitution in Saxony in 1831. Four reliefs overlapped thematically with Kaulbach’s Age of the Reformation. In each scene, Rietschel included only a small number of figures. Raphael, Michelangelo, Vischer, and Dürer embodied Rietschel’s Renaissance.32 Raphael was shown creating his Madonna della sedia (1514,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 117

Pitti Palace, Florence) using a mother and child as models. Michelangelo, seated and deep in thought, held a compass before a plan of St. Peter’s Basilica. Behind was his design drawing for the figure of Jeremiah for the Sistine Chapel ceiling. A model for Moses from the Tomb of Julius II was at his side. Peter Vischer the Elder, set in a late Gothic room, worked on his model of Saint Paul for the Shrine of Saint Sebaldus in Nuremberg. Finally, at right, Dürer stood before a workbench. He consulted the drawing in his left hand before using the burin in his right hand on the engraving plate. Other tools and books, likely a reference to his treatises and his knowledge, were stored on the bench. The outlines of a painting of an enthroned Madonna were visible on the easel behind him.

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

118

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 118

Together the four artists in Rietschel’s design displayed their mastery of painting, architecture, sculpture, and graphic arts, albeit differently than Kaulbach’s and Drake’s allegories at the Neues Museum. Kaulbach and his Berlin patrons may have known of the Leipzig reliefs, even if only by word of mouth, since Schinkel, Berlin’s foremost architect, designed the façade of the Augusteum (1836), while Rietschel carved the gable sculpture (1835). Yet any direct influence on the older and well-established Munich painter is unlikely. Both cycles manifest the period’s interest in embodying significant historical moments and, when possible, using portraits of notable people to tell the story. Kaulbach’s paintings for the stair hall of the Neues Museum generated considerable publicity and criticism, both indicators of the high-profile nature of this cycle. Already in 1854 Max Schasler authored a ninety-two-page book on the still-incomplete cycle.33 Of the six large paintings, only the first three were finished by then. He discoursed at length (pp. 7–23) on Kaulbach’s “symbolic-historical” style, the basic idea and structure of the series (pp. 27–31), its “stereochromic” painting technique (pp. 31–32), its overview (pp. 32–45), the details of single pictures (pp. 45–77), and the secondary decoration (pp. 77–92). Concerning the sixth and final painting, Schasler simply wrote, “‘The Modern Time.’ The motif of this picture is not yet certain or not yet known through a design.”34 At the back of Schasler’s book are advertisements by the publisher Alexander Duncker for a subscription series of Kaulbach’s staircase paintings—twenty-four high-quality, imperial-folio-size (57 × 78 cm) engravings. The first set of three prints was then ready for purchase. Stüler’s 1862 book, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, contains brief discussions of the accompanying

plates made after his designs. Unfortunately, it does not include the still-incomplete Age of the Reformation. Finally, in 1872 Kaulbach and the printmaker Gustav Eilers published Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museums zu Berlin with selective illustrations. In defense of Kaulbach and his final historical painting, Carl Wach wrote Das Zeitalter der Reformation: Wilhelm v. Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museums in Berlin in 1867, in which he made the first systematic attempt to identify the fresco’s protagonists. Wach praised the artist and the painting in this imposing “Kunsttempel” created by King Friedrich Wilhelm IV. He noted that for centuries Greece and Italy had been the focus of culture, the light of which had spread widely but was eventually extinguished. But now the scepter had been passed as the Germans, just as the German emperors, had overtaken powerful Rome. Wach said these stereochromy paintings and especially their colors could be compared only with Raphael’s paintings for the stanzas and loggias at the Vatican. He remarked that The Age of the Reformation exerted a powerful attraction on the viewer, especially those in a Protestant state like Prussia. Wach admired the harmony of the whole painting, the interaction among the groups, and the energy and self-confidence animating the figures.35 In his book, Wach briefly introduces each group and provides summary biographies. In the section on artists (pp. 25–34), he praises Italian art, especially the “unübertroffene” (unsurpassed) Raphael, Rubens and Antwerp, and Nuremberg, the “metropole of art among the German cities.”36 After mentioning Vischer, Adam Kraft, and Veit Stoss, he lauds Dürer for his prints, his treatises, which made him equally famous as a scientist and as an artist, and, above all, his paintings, with their

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

diversity of forms.37 Kaulbach decided to set Dürer at the top of the composition, engaged in work on his greatest painting, the “Four Temperaments” (Four Apostles). The saints are “Protestant in their constitution, Catholic in their inner love of the Church, the German Apelles was in the storm of the time that roared around him. He is the Shakespeare among the painters.”38 Wach identifies Kaulbach as the figure bringing fresh colors to Dürer. At the end of his book, Wach states, “From his [Kaulbach’s] images the epochs of the past speak to us with an eloquent language.”39 Not all earlier reviewers were so effusive in their praise. In 1869 Eduard Dobbert wrote a forty-page comparison of Kaulbach’s Age of the Reformation and Ernst Rietschel’s bronze Luther Monument (1858– 59) in Worms.40 He praises the latter at the expense of the former. Dobbert dislikes Kaulbach’s sense of the Reformation, his choice of a Gothic church rather than a Greek temple, his handling of the architectural setting, the lack of harmonious cohesion between figures and within groups of figures, the placement of the Reformers too far back in the composition, his closed-mouth portrayal of Luther, his humorless Hans Sachs, and his inability to make good portraits. He complains the protagonists all look like they came from a Narrenhaus (an asylum), a reference to the images of the mentally ill that Kaulbach published in 1863.41 He does remark that Dürer is making his “famous” Apostles on a colossal scale and is being visited by a group of highly famed artists, whom Dobbert identifies.42 He poses and then affirmatively answers the question whether it is possible for an artist, such as Kaulbach, to produce such a complete failure of a work.43 Dobbert even criticizes the title, since he argues it has less to do with the Reformation than with the Renaissance in the broadest sense.44 He disputes the inclusion of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 119

some of the picture’s protagonists, such as Moritz, elector of Saxony, who had nothing to do with the Calvinists around him. Nevertheless, the location, scale, and character of Kaulbach’s cycle generated exceptional scholarly and popular attention.

119

The Kupferstichkabinett of the Neues Museum

The northern side of the third floor of the Neues Museum housed the Kupferstichkabinett. The royal print collection, formally established in 1831, moved to the Neues Museum in 1848.45 This was one of the first freestanding departments of prints and drawings, along with those at the British Museum (1836) in London and the New Hermitage (1840) in St. Petersburg. Drake’s east-gable figure of the Graphic Arts and Kaulbach’s decision to replace Music with the Graphic Arts on the eastern wall adjoining the entrance to the Kupferstichkabinett signaled its location and the importance placed upon it.46 Its main rooms were known by the colors (red, green, and blue) of their walls. The Red Room, initially the primary study room and the first one entered, was once richly decorated (figs. 84–85). The single niche at the north, or far, end of the room displays the bust of Albrecht Dürer.47 This is a full-size plaster copy of the bust that Christian Daniel Rauch made for Walhalla in 1836–37.48 It eventually migrated to the Nationalgalerie and was returned to the Red Room only when the Neues Museum reopened in fall 2009. Much like a patron saint, Dürer watches over the entire room. He is both model and inspiration. In the earliest description of the Kupferstichkabinett, in 1851, Richard Fischer wrote that directly opposite the entrance was the “colossal bust of our greatest German master, Albrecht Dürer.”49 Although his is the only

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Fig. 84  Friedrich August Stüler, Red Room, Kupferstichkabinett,

Neues Museum, Berlin, ca. 1855. Photo: author.

Fig. 85  Plaster replica of Christian Daniel Rauch’s Albrecht Dürer

(1837), ca. 1855. Red Room, Kupferstichkabinett, Neues Museum, Berlin. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 120

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

statue in this room, he is not alone. Over each of the Red Room’s windows, both those in the outer wall and those facing the inner Egyptian courtyard, are exquisite portrait roundels of eight illustrious graphic artists set within grotesque-style ornament: Hendrick Goltzius (1558–1617), Adriaen van Ostade (1610–1685), Wenzel Hollar (1607–1677), Robert Nanteuil (1623–1678), Gérard Edelinck (1640– 1707), Georg Friedrich Schmidt (1712–1775), Robert Strange (1721–1791), and Raphael Morghen.50 These eight famous printmakers carried on the heritage so notably advanced by Dürer. The other rooms had their portraits as well. The ceiling of the smaller Green Room (the drawings cabinet) once displayed a square framed composition with the painted portraits of Lucas van Leyden (1494–1533), Hans Holbein the Younger, Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), and Rembrandt (1606–1669) surrounding six putti holding laurel wreathes in the center.51 This was flanked by two additional scenes: The Discovery of the Arts Through Outline Drawing (after Pliny) and The Industry of Copper Printing.52 In the large Blue Room a now-lost bust of Marcantonio Raimondi, ascribed to Friedrich Tieck (1776– 1851), formerly occupied the niche over the door to the Kupferstichkabinett director’s office.53 Dürer, more than any other master, was honored at the Neues Museum. Kaulbach portrayed him as a painter. The Kupferstichkabinett’s copy of the bust by Rauch, Berlin’s foremost sculptor, celebrates Dürer as printmaker and draftsman. While Friedrich Wilhelm III had a vision of the political importance of culture for the Kingdom of Prussia, as embodied in Schinkel’s Altes Museum, his son, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, sought his own legacy at the Neues Museum. If Germany, through the leading role played by Prussia, now held the mantle of culture that once belonged to

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 121

Egypt, Greece, and ancient Rome, Dürer was the face of its artistic heritage.

121

(Alte) Nationalgalerie

“der deutschen kunst mdccclxxi” is emblazoned in large gold letters across the façade of the Nationalgalerie in Berlin (fig. 86).54 The inscription announces that this museum is solely for the display of German art. The date 1871 refers neither to the start (1866) nor to the completion (1876) of the building. Instead, 1871 conveys far broader significance as the year of German national unification, when twenty-five disparate kingdoms, duchies, principalities, and cities joined to form a new nation, the German Empire (or Reich). Wilhelm I, king of Prussia (r. 1861–88), became German emperor (r. 1871–88), and Berlin became the national capital. Even the choice of language, here German, was intentional and in contrast to the Latin dedications of the Altes Museum and Neues Museum. The original date was mdccclxxv (1875) but within the first year of the museum’s opening, this inscription was altered to read 1871.55 Thus the building’s inscription makes a political and cultural statement about German art, nation, and history.56 Even though the Nationalgalerie, or Altes Nationalgalerie as it is now known, was intended for “modern,” or post-1800, German art, Albrecht Dürer is accorded a position of singular importance within the museum’s exterior and interior decorative programs. The year 1871 coincidentally also marked the four hundredth anniversary of the Nuremberg master’s birth. The Nationalgalerie was conceived literally and figuratively as a temple of art. In his initial sketches for the Museumsinsel of 1841, Friedrich Wilhelm IV envisioned a forum culminating with an elevated

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

122

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 122

temple housing the lecture rooms and grand aula of the university. Wilhelm I was far less interested in architecture than his older brother. Yet with Joachim Heinrich Wilhelm Wagener’s gift of his extensive collection of German paintings to the Prussian nation in 1861, the need for a new, third museum became clear. Stüler’s designs (1862–65) revived the neoclassical-temple idea but now for the museum, not the university. The museum is positioned just north of the Altes Museum and just east of the Neues Museum. It sits atop a twelve-meter-high stone plinth, or foundation pedestal, assuring its visibility from a distance and especially from the eastern bank of the Spree River. Corinthian columns are used for the portico, and half columns are embedded into the building’s walls, including the exedra on the north end. Johann Heinrich Strack, another student of Schinkel’s, constructed the building after Stüler’s death, in 1865. Strack devised the exterior decorative program with the aid of Carl Busse (1834–1896) and sculptor Moritz Schulz (1825–1904), who prepared most of the designs.57 Beginning with its pediment sculpture, the façade proclaims the cultural importance of the visual arts in imperial Germany. Germania sits enthroned between two winged geniuses. Designed by Schulz and carved, like the other pediment statues, by Professor H. Wittig, she wears the imperial crown, long believed to be Charlemagne’s.58 Germania holds out a laurel wreath and palm branch, signifying the victorious and immortal nature of the arts of sculpture, painting, and, at the corners of the pediment, architecture. A sculptor at left is carving the portrait bust of Friedrich Wilhelm IV.59 Max Jordan, the museum’s inaugural director, described Germania as the “protectress of the Fine Arts.”60 As if to reinforce the message, standing

statues of Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting, by Rudolf Schweinitz (1839–1896), rise above the apex of the pediment. Before entering the museum, visitors must climb the freestanding exterior stairs, pass by Alexander Calandrelli’s imposing equestrian monument of Friedrich Wilhelm IV (1875–86), and, at the top of the steps, walk between the seated allegories of Art Thought (Kunstgedanke) by Calandrelli (1834– 1903) and Art Technique by Karl Adalbert Moser (1832–1916).61 To the left and right of the entry portal, under the portico, are matching limestone friezes featuring renowned German artists, architects, and patrons. On the left, or west, side, Dürer leads a procession of twenty-seven medieval and early modern celebrities (fig. 87).62 The series was designed by Moritz Schulz and carved by the firm of Böllert. Before returning to Berlin, Schulz worked in Rome from 1854 to 1870. His arrangement recalls ancient triumphal reliefs. Starting at the far left, the series progresses chronologically toward the portal: from Erwin and Sabina von Steinbach to Dürer.63 Inscriptions identify each master, most of whom lived between 1450 and 1550. This cycle heavily stresses Nuremberg’s artists (Adam Kraft, Veit Stoss, Peter Vischer the Elder, Virgilius Solis, Michael Wolgemut, Hans von Kulmbach, and Dürer). Northern Germany is underrepresented, with the exception of Lucas Cranach the Elder, Hans Brüggemann, and some Cologne masters. Interestingly, Matthias Grünewald makes his first (and only) museum appearance as he stands between Wolgemut and Hans Burgkmair. Dürer heads this illustrious procession. His forward gaze and pose distinguish him from his immediate peers (fig. 88). Moritz Schulz’s image loosely recalls the self-portrait in the Adoration of the Holy Trinity Altarpiece. His left hand supports a

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Fig. 86  Friedrich August Stüler (design, 1862–65) and Johann

Heinrich Strack, south façade of the Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1866–76. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 123

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

124

Fig. 87  Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of

Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, western panel. Limestone. Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin. Photo: author.

panel depicting the design of the Four Apostles (fig. 82). Dürer faces a group of six allegorical figures that Max Jordan described as depictions of the individual arts as well as History and Fame.64 Dürer seems personally guided by the youthful winged male genius who carries a palm branch, which, like that held in the gable by Germania, signifies the everlasting glory of his art and reputation. Next appears a young woman half-kneeling as she writes on a large tablet. She is an allegory of history, perhaps the Muse Clio, who inscribes the names of famous artists in her book. Fame, shown as a semiclad standing woman, holds out a laurel wreath to Dürer

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 124

and, by extension, to the whole company of artists. Another more matronly and more modestly clad woman also looks directly at the Nuremberg artist. By her side a child, another winged genius, holds a tablet or book (the Bible?) as if trying to get her attention. Whether intentionally or not, they bring to mind the two protagonists of Dürer’s Melencolia i. Finally, the allegory of architecture, with a model of Strasbourg Cathedral, stands at far right. The frieze on the east side of the portal begins with Friedrich the Great of Prussia before representing artists from the modern era (fig. 89). These masters range from Andreas Schlüter (ca. 1659–1714), the famous Berlin sculptor, and Joachim von Sandrart (1606–1688), located at the far right, to Rauch, Peter von Cornelius, and, finally, Kaulbach, who serves as Dürer’s positional counterpart. Kaulbach stands before the allegorical figures of

7/27/20 11:01 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

125

Fig. 88  Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of

Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, western panel, detail showing Albrecht Dürer. Photo: author.

History, Painting, Sculpture, and another statue of Germania.65 Most of these masters were active in the nineteenth century, and in sharp contrast with the earlier cycle, many worked in Berlin and Prussia. The center of German artistic life had shifted north due in part to Prussian royal patronage. Indeed, their art filled the Nationalgalerie. Even though the Nationalgalerie was dedicated to modern art, its decorative programs honored famous German artists from the medieval past to

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 125

the present. Large golden inscriptions with the names and, when known, lifedates of thirty-eight artists adorn the other three sides of the building (fig. 90).66 The names, written on tablets set between the exterior columns, are readily legible even at a distance. These proclaim a canon of great German artists from Gerhard von Rile and Erwin von Steinbach, the architects of Cologne and Strasbourg Cathedrals, on the eastern side, to the recently deceased Cornelius, Overbeck, Schwind, and Schnorr von Carolsfeld, on the far, western side.67 Almost all of the modern masters, versus just ten of the older artists, included in the frieze are listed in these tablets. Strack was likely responsible for the choice of artists; however, the selection

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

126

Fig. 89  Moritz Schulz (design) and the firm of Böllert, Frieze of

Great German Artists and Rulers, by 1876, eastern panel. Photo: author.

is consistent with the German artists discussed in contemporary art-historical texts.68 Friedrich Eggers, the editor of the Deutsches Kunstblatt, and Heinrich Gustav Hotho, director of the Kupferstichkabinett, proofed the names and dates. Nevertheless, mistakes occurred, such as initially giving Dürer’s death as 1526 rather than 1528 and, amusingly, misspelling Grünewald as Grünebaum. The Culture Ministry authorized funds in 1878 to make the necessary corrections. The strongly didactic program continues upon stepping into the museum. The portico doorway was used mainly for ceremonial occasions, though one of Strack’s watercolors, dated 1877, shows men and women climbing the steps and studying the exterior frieze.69 When the door was open, one passed into the second upper floor at the top of the grand staircase. Visitors normally enter through the rounded arch beneath the equestrian monument,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 126

walk through a vestibule on the west side, and climb stairs to the first upper floor. By this route, one comes to the formal foyer or entrance hall. This was originally decorated with fifteen stucco portrait roundels of nineteenth-century German painters, sculptors, and architects.70 These masters seemingly had migrated from the right-hand porch frieze into the museum. Due to the severity of the damage to the building in 1944, much of the interior decoration, especially in the galleries, was not remade. Portraits of Emperor Wilhelm I and his wife, Empress Augusta Victoria, painted by Bernhard Plockhorst (1825–1907) once hung on either side of the door into the middle gallery. Over the door is a relief by Karl Ferdinand Hartzer (1838–1906) personifying painting, sculpture, and architecture under the protection of Germania. One child holds a plan of the museum, and the other carries a statuette of Wilhelm I. The emperor’s role as the builder of the Nationalgalerie is clearly presented. To the left side of the entrance hall is the grand Carrara marble stairway leading to the second-upper-floor galleries (fig. 91). The Nationalgalerie’s programmatic aims are most fully conveyed in Otto Geyer’s alabaster-colored stucco frieze, dating to 1870–75, which lines the four sides of the stairway (fig. 92).71 Originally Max Jordan hoped to engage Arnold Böcklin (1827–1901) or Hans von Marées (1837–1887) to paint the staircase walls; however, neither was available.72 He turned to Geyer (1843–1914), then just twenty-seven, as a local and less expensive alternative. Geyer’s four-part series uses 145 figures, most labeled by name, to narrate, according to an 1870 building report, “the high moments in the development of art in the course of German history” from its origins to 1871.73 The frieze, measuring thirty-five meters long and one meter high, includes artists, scientists, writers,

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

127

Fig. 90  East side of the Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, with artists’

names inscribed in gold in wall panels just below the Corinthian capitals. Photo: author.

musicians, philosophers, thinkers, and rulers. Not surprisingly, Geyer’s choice of figures for the Renaissance-Reformation era echoed Kaulbach’s fresco. The cycle portrays in a continuous left-to-right procession (and progression) German cultural history beginning with Arminius (or Hermann, ca. 17 b.c.e.–ca. 21 c.e.), the Cherusker prince who Tacitus claimed defeated three Roman legions of Varus in 9 c.e.74 He was considered a symbol of German identity and of the quest for freedom

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 127

from foreign invaders. In the nineteenth century, as Germany struggled against Napoleon, the name Arminius resurfaced as a rallying cry against the French. A giant monument to him by Ernst von Bandel (1800–1876) was erected between 1837 and 1875 on the Grotenburg near Detmold.75 Next come Saint Boniface and Charlemagne, who respectively bring Christianity and political order to the German lands with the creation of the Holy Roman Empire. These twin themes of faith and state weave throughout this opening chapter and conjoin, with Erwin von Steinbach, his fictitious daughter, Sabina, and the painter Wilhelm of Cologne at its end. Steinbach’s Strasbourg Cathedral was viewed in the nineteenth century as one of the modern

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Fig. 91  Friedrich August Stüler (design, 1862–65) and Johann

Heinrich Strack, grand staircase, Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1870–75. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 128

Fig. 92  Otto Geyer, The Renaissance, 1870–75. Stucco frieze. Grand

staircase, Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin. Photo: author.

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

wonders of architecture and a great example of the “Christian-German method of construction”—that is, the Gothic style.76 Master Wilhelm, documented between 1370 and 1390, was considered the founder of the vibrant Cologne school of devotional painting. Many altarpieces were uncritically attributed to him or to his followers. Germany needed its own Jan van Eyck or Giotto-like artistic paterfamilias. Today Master Wilhelm remains a name without an oeuvre. Dürer appears prominently in the second and widest (11.3 m) section, dedicated to the Renaissance (fig. 93). The frieze opens with a celebration of German medieval literature in the form of the authors who participated in the Sängerkriege (singer wars) at Wartburg Castle in Eisenach in 1207. The next cluster presents inventors such as Gutenberg, Martin Behaim, and Copernicus. They are followed by religious leaders, all of whom are Lutheran. Philipp Melanchthon preaches to Ulrich von Hutten, Franz von Sickingen, Johannes Bugenhagen, and Justus Jonas, plus one unidentified monk ( Johann von Staupitz?). Clutching the New Testament, here inscribed “Evangelium,” to his chest, Martin Luther stands boldly just behind Melanchthon. He gazes up toward heaven, the source of his inspiration, while his right foot treads upon two books and a papal bull with a seal. The anti-Catholic message is clear. To his right are his protectors Philipp I, Landgrave of Hesse (r. 1509–67), and the Saxon electors Friedrich the Wise (r. 1486–1525) and Johann the Steadfast. The group ends with the seated Lucas Cranach the Elder sketching Luther’s portrait. Yet his body’s rightward position offers a nice transition to the following group, depicting Dürer and his peers. Dürer dominates the next segment. Geyer singled him out in several ways. Most obvious is his broad open pose, which has been described as

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 129

a Moses stance.77 His extended right hand holds a burin or a drawing instrument. His left arm supports a large tablet bearing his AD monogram and the date 1513. Dürer looks resolutely forward with an intensity that matches the expression of Luther. Just as Moses would typically carry the Ten Commandment tablets, the Nuremberg master would set down his own rules about art in his prints and in his theoretical treatises of 1525 and 1528. The inclusion of the date 1513 may allude to his completion of Knight, Death, and the Devil.78 This masterful engraving has a long and checkered reception history, but it was often claimed to be a statement about the steadfast resolve of the German national character or soul even in the face of great difficulties.79 Present-day readings of the print are less relevant in this instance than the attitudes that prevailed in the 1870s. Geyer subtly draws attention to Dürer. The artist stands securely on a stone block that uniquely projects forward out of the frame of the frieze. Both the block’s orthogonal lines and Dürer’s extended foot draw our attention. He is shown slightly higher than the other figures, and his head overlaps the upper border. Geyer further links Dürer with the adjoining architecture. Both the directional lines of the staircase’s first-flight handrail and the window pilaster just above the frieze, which are spatially aligned, visually converge by the artist. Dürer stands amid a group of five other artists; all but one look toward him. Peter Vischer the Elder, clad in his work apron and holding his tools, leans on his masterwork, the Shrine of Saint Sebaldus in Nuremberg. (Hans) Sebald Beham (1500–1550) holds a drawing instrument. To the right of Dürer are Hans Brüggemann (ca. 1480–after 1521), the north German wood sculptor, who incongruously carries a medal; Hans Holbein the Younger, who holds his famous Meyer Madonna; and, half-seated,

129

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

130

Fig. 93  Otto Geyer, The Renaissance, 1870–75, detail showing

Albrecht Dürer and surrounding artists. Photo: author.

Adam Kraft, with his hammer and chisel. His likeness, at least the beard, was inspired by his self-portrait on the sacrament house in St. Lorenz Church in Nuremberg. Behind him, rendered in considerable detail, is Veit Stoss’s Angelic Salutation,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 130

one of the glories of St. Lorenz; however, Stoss was not included, perhaps because of Geyer’s misattribution of the Angelic Salutation or because of questions about Stoss’s moral character. Stoss was branded on his cheeks for falsifying a contract. The three Nuremberg artists knew Dürer personally. Brüggemann’s most famous work, the Bordesholm Passion Altar (1514–21), is based on Dürer’s prints.

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Dürer and Germania in Berlin

The sixteenth century was thought of as the most German (“deutscheste”) of centuries because of the advances in art, religion, and science.80 The seventeenth century, however, is presented more darkly and quite briefly to end this segment. The main scene depicts General Tilly’s destruction of Magdeburg in 1631, a tragedy embodying the horrors of the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48). This is immediately followed by Elector Friedrich Wilhelm the Great of Brandenburg, Duke of Prussia (r. 1640–88), here confidently mastering his rearing horse. He is credited with Prussia’s ascendency as he rebuilt its economy and political power. The third and fourth friezes, with their mix of intellectuals, artists, and rulers, bring the national narrative up to the reign of Wilhelm I’s brother Friedrich Wilhelm IV. The fourth cycle was destroyed in World War II and not replaced. A full-scale photograph replica is exhibited in its place. In the very center of the last frieze, Kings Ludwig I of Bavaria and Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia are enthroned beside each other and shown as equals. The men were also brothers-in-law, since Friedrich Wilhelm married Elisabeth Ludovika of Bavaria, Ludwig’s half-sister. Each is accompanied by their artists and architects. Ludwig Schwanthaler’s model for the monumental (18.5 m) statue of Bavaria, dedicated in 1850, which stands before the Ruhmeshalle (Hall of Fame) in Munich, appears just to the right of Ludwig. The patronage of both rulers was considered instrumental for reviving the nation’s artistic activities.81 Otto Geyer’s entire cycle ends with Germania, eternal Germany. She stands before the open door of heaven with its radiant light. Iconographically, this ties Geyer’s frieze with the exterior program. Instead of wearing the imperial crown, Geyer’s figure prepares to bestow her crown on this historical parade of illustrious Germans. One is reminded

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 131

of the political aspirations of Ludwig I’s Walhalla. As Hartmut Dorgerloh has remarked, the reestablishment of the German imperial realm under Prussian leadership is presented by Geyer and indeed by the entire building as the high point in German history and a statement of historical legitimacy.82 Germania represents united Germany, a political realm that includes yet surpasses its partner states, such as the Kingdom of Bavaria. Nevertheless, Geyer included the Prussian eagle on top of the capital just above Germania’s left shoulder to stress Prussian primacy. Albrecht Dürer once graced the upper floor as well. The cupola hall, at the top of the stairs, included sculptural and painting decorations, the latter not restored after World War II.83 Ludwig Brodwolf (1839–1895) and Carl Ferdinand Hartzer (1838–1906) created eight stucco statues of Muses set on top of the freestanding columns. Hartzer’s two stucco reliefs over the doors at each side represent the Study of Painting, with a miniature replica of Raphael’s Sistine Madonna in Dresden, and the Study of Sculpture, with its portraits of the Nationalgalerie’s two architects. For the other arches, August von Heyden (1827–1897) painted four historical figures embodying the arts in Germany. Each was executed in two-thirds life-size scale against a black ground. Representing painting, Dürer portrayed Emperor Maximilian I at the Augsburg Imperial Diet in 1518 as Kunz von der Rosen and a page looked on. Strack’s preliminary watercolor of this scene served as Heyden’s model.84 Emperor Heinrich II (r. 1014–24), laying the foundation stone of Bamberg Cathedral, stands for architecture; the Sängerkrieg at Wartburg Castle, for poetry; and Adam Kraft and an assistant carving a tomb, for sculpture. Art and cultural politics are intimately entwined in the Neues Museum and especially the

131

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

132

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 132

Nationalgalerie, as the Prussian kings and, from 1871, the first modern German emperor, Wilhelm I, strove through their patronage to make Berlin a fitting capital for the new nation. Their artistic programs heroicized the Middle Ages and early Renaissance, especially in the person of Albrecht Dürer, in order to construct a canonical history of German art. Even though the Nationalgalerie was initially a museum devoted to contemporary art, the

ideal models offered to visitors often lived centuries earlier. These masters embodied the national heritage and, in turn, offered a challenge to future generations of German artists.85

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Chapter 7

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

T

he Alte Pinakothek in Munich proved to be the catalyst for a host of other new museums, both large and small, that incorporated portraits of artists in their exterior decorative programs. Museums in Altenburg, Amsterdam, Braunschweig, Bremen, Breslau (Wrocław, Poland), Dresden, Frankfurt, Hamburg, Hannover (twice), Hildesheim, Karlsruhe, New York, St. Louis, St. Petersburg, and Vienna, among others, embraced artists’ likenesses as a visual statement of the nature and aspirations of their institutions. Ambitions and budgets varied greatly. Programs ranged from just two statues to hugely complex cycles encompassing entire buildings. The artists were portrayed in standing statues and busts as well as in figural scenes. Albrecht Dürer appeared more often on these museums than did any other artist. He adorns or once adorned almost every nineteenth-century museum in the German-speaking lands that featured an exterior portrait series. The rare exceptions were the Wallraf-Richartz Museum in Cologne, which exhibited the locally important artists Stefan Lochner and Rubens; the Neue Gallerie in Kassel, with

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 133

its statues of Rubens and Rembrandt, whose paintings figured prominently in its collection; and the Museum der bildenden Künste in Leipzig, where Werner Stein’s statues of Raphael and Michelangelo figured on the east end and Melchior Zurstrassen’s statues of Rubens and Rembrandt adorned the western end.1 Two seated statues of Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder were planned to flank the entry portal of the Kunsthalle (1879–81) in Düsseldorf.2 Instead, Leo Müsch carved two framed medallion profile portraits of Peter von Cornelius and Friedrich Wilhelm Schadow (1826–59), the first two directors of Düsseldorf ’s Kunstakademie, for the upper story of the portico. Nevertheless, Dürer appeared prominently in the interior programs of these museums. As discussed in chapters 4 and 8, Dürer played significant roles in Cologne’s and especially in Kassel’s interior programs. The choice of the Nuremberg master’s companions remained consistent throughout the century. He was paired typically with Raphael, Michelangelo, Peter Vischer the Elder, and/or Hans Holbein the Younger. The decision about which German artist,

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

134

Vischer or Holbein, to match with Dürer does not follow a clear pattern. In general, however, larger museums with extensive collections of paintings tended to pick Holbein, while smaller institutions, especially those with sculpture and decorative-arts holdings, favored Vischer.3 In the aftermath of the Alte Pinakothek, it became fashionable and, indeed, expected for museums to identify themselves and their cultural functions with portrait cycles of artists. Sometimes a museum’s determination about which artists to honor was carefully thought out, as at the Kunsthalle in Bremen. Other institutions seem simply to have adopted or, put differently, defaulted to the prevailing canon of preferred masters. The Kunsthalle in Hamburg offers a pantheon of eighty artists, though Dürer and his customary peers are given pride of place on the main façade. An early yet representative example is the Kunsthalle in Bremen (fig. 94).4 Architect Lüder Rutenberg created the museum for the local Kunstverein, which was established in 1823. The foundation stone

Fig. 94  J. Bremermann, Kunsthalle, Bremen, 1849. Lithograph.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 134

was placed in November 1845, and the museum, the first in Germany created by a local public art organization independent of an art school, was dedicated on May 1, 1849. In his poem for the festive opening, Nicolaus Meyer called the museum a temple of art, one that invites all with open doors.5 Since the art society’s financial resources were limited, the museum’s scale and its decorations were relatively simple. Johann Scholl (1818–81) of Bremen designed the sculpture in 1852–54. The decoration, largely restricted to the portico, displayed his tripartite gable relief of Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting. Between 1856 and 1858 Gustav Adolf Steinhäuser (1825–58), Scholl’s former pupil, authored standing limestone statues of Raphael, Michelangelo, Dürer, and Rubens, two Italian and two “German” artists, for the consoles flanking the windows of the upper story, above the triple-arched forehall. Their placement, but not their individual features, is visible in the lithograph by J. Bremermann, which records the Kunsthalle features before its extensive damage in World War II. The sculptures did not survive. In 1877 Diedrich Kropp added statues of Peter von Cornelius and Christian Daniel Rauch, representing modern art, to the forehall. The choice of Dürer was fully merited, since the Bremen Kunsthalle had amassed through gifts one of the most important collections of the artist’s prints and drawings, a holding that would continue to be strengthened until its partial dispersion in the mid-1940s.6 Local interest in Dürer is evident as well from the inclusion of a carved profile portrait of Dürer (ca. 1826–27) on one of the window gables on the west side of Bremen’s city hall.7 The Bremen Kunstverein contributed to the funding of Rauch’s bronze Dürer monument in Nuremberg (fig. 25). Dürer’s first appearance in Hannover was contemporary with his statue in Bremen. The

7/27/20 11:02 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

135

Fig. 95  Conrad Wilhelm Hase, façade of the Künstlerhaus

(formerly Museum für Kunst und Wissenschaft), Hannover, 1853–56. Photo: author.

Museum für Kunst und Wissenschaft (Museum for Art and Science), designed by Conrad Wilhelm Hase (1818–1902), was begun in 1853 (fig. 95).8 King Georg V of Hannover (r. 1851–66) dedicated the building on February 23, 1856. As in Bremen, this institution was the result of a citizens’ initiative, specifically three different societies joined together hoping to have sufficient meeting spaces.9 Statues of Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder by Hannover sculptor Wilhelm Engelhard (1813–1902) are perched on columns flanking the first upper story

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 135

of the entrance portal (figs. 96–97). Dürer, dressed in a fur-trimmed cloak, stands beside a tree stump and stares intently at something in the distance. His right hand, which holds a huge chalk or drawing implement, appears poised to mark the tablet supported in his left hand. A similarly posed, though not identical, figure appears in Friedrich Schinkel’s design for the central decoration for Berlin’s Dürer feast of 1828 (fig. 27).10 In contrast, Vischer looks down toward the street. His mallet rests atop a sculpture of a woman’s bust that he is carving. In spite of the inscription identifying this figure as Vischer, the statue instead more closely recalls the two self-portraits of Adam Kraft in Nuremberg.11 Engelhard would replicate

7/27/20 11:02 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

136

Fig. 96  Wilhelm Engelhard, Albrecht Dürer, by 1856. Limestone

Fig. 97  Wilhelm Engelhard, Peter Vischer the Elder, by 1856. Lime-

his statues of Dürer and Vischer, now labeled correctly as Kraft, on the Kunsthalle in Hamburg. In keeping with the dual art-and-science focus of the museum, Dürer and Vischer are joined by the mathematician-philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646–1716) and natural scientist Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), who stand on consoles on the projecting side wings of the façade. In 1891 the building was converted into a provincial museum and then in 1902 into the Künstlerhaus, a house for artists. Damaged in 1943, the Künstlerhaus, as it is still called, was rebuilt in 1950–56.

In 1895 a competition was held for a new, much larger, freestanding museum in the park setting on the Leinemasch (today Willy-Brandt-Allee).12 The building committee selected the design by Hubert Stier (1838–1907), a professor at the Technische Hochschule in Hannover, from the forty-two submissions (fig. 98). The Museum der Provinz Hannover opened on February 14, 1902. Female personifications of Art (Kunst) and Science (Wissenschaft) grace the outside bays of the broad façade. Each side flanking the central portico is decorated with five large reliefs. These stand for

sculpture. Künstlerhaus, Hannover. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 136

stone sculpture. Künstlerhaus, Hannover. Photo: author.

7/27/20 11:03 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

137

Fig. 98  Hubert Stier, Landesmuseum Hannover (formerly

Museum der Provinz Hannover), 1895–1902. Photo: author.

different historical eras, beginning at left with the ancient German (whose figures wear animal skins) and continuing through the ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian, the classical Greek, and the medieval (depicted via two scenes of monks and religious culture). Starting on the right side, immediately adjoining the entrance, a female figure of fame or victory carries a floral wreath as she strides forward followed by Dürer and Vischer, who appear to hurry to keep up (fig. 99). These artists have seemingly moved along with the museum to this new site where they now represent the late medieval–early modern period. The quality of the relief

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 137

figures is weaker than at the Künstlerhaus, though the likeness of Vischer is now closer to the artist’s self-portrait on the Sebaldus Shrine in Nuremberg. Next come scenes of the discovery of the New World, the eighteenth-century Hanoverian court, the Industrial Age, and, lastly, the modern era. The museum’s original central cupola was destroyed in 1943 and not rebuilt. After the war, the museum was renamed the Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum and is today the Landesmuseum Hannover. The Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste (Silesian Museum of Fine Arts) in Breslau (Wrocław), designed by Otto Rathey of Berlin, was erected in 1875–79 (fig. 100).13 This was yet another museum sponsored by the Prussian government. The Berlin sculptor Otto Lessing (1846–1912) created an elaborate decorative frieze that ran

7/27/20 11:03 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

138

Fig. 99  Albrecht Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder, by 1902. Lime-

stone sculpture. Landesmuseum Hannover. Photo: author.

around the entire building. It included medallion portraits of Dürer and Michelangelo on the corner pavilions of the main, or south, entrance, while those of Holbein and Raphael figured on the north side of the museum. The medallions were supported by kneeling youths and accompanied by winged griffins and trumpeting genii. The five glass doors of the entry portico led to a broad vestibule and beyond that to a monumental staircase. By 1889 or 1890 the vestibule displayed larger-than-life-size, standing bronze statues by Robert Haertel (1831– 1894) of Dürer and Michelangelo, begun in 1879 (figs. 101–2).14 Dürer, completed in 1882, attentively studies something in the distance. In his left hand he

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 138

carries a book labeled as his Four Books on Human Proportion (1532).15 By his side a young apprentice with a pencil(?) stares reverently at his master. Michelangelo, finished in 1881, is portrayed deep in thought. He fingers his beard with his left hand and stands with his legs crossed. A lad kneels by his right side. Dürer and Michelangelo respectively embody observation and reflection.16 Today these two statues stand on pedestals before the entrance to the Muzeum Narodowe (National Museum). Before the original Breslau museum’s destruction in World War II, visitors would have encountered additional portrait roundels of Holbein, Dürer, and Rubens on the south wall above the staircase and Raphael, Leonardo, and Michelangelo on the north wall.17 Dürer is joined by nineteen other artists on the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum in Braunschweig.18 Oskar Sommer, the architect of the new Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt, designed the building in about 1882. Hans Pfeifer (1849–1933) made some modifications and oversaw the construction, which was completed in 1887 (fig. 103). Originally, the museum plan called for eight stone statues decorating the exterior. Instead, court sculptor Hermann Strümpell the Younger (ca. 1840/50–1904) devised a cycle of twelve profile-portrait busts framed with laurel wreaths alternating with four inscription tablets for the main south façade, with its entrance, and the museum’s rear, north side. The portraits and inscriptions, located between the windows of the second upper story, are cast in cement. Dürer’s likeness (fig. 104) is based loosely on Hans Schwarz’s 1520 portrait medal (fig. 13), the model for which is still in the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum. Dürer and Martin Schongauer face each other in the center of the south façade. The sequence from west to east reads Giotto, (Stefan Lochner), Jan van Eyck, (Masaccio [1401–1428]), Dürer, Schongauer, (van

7/27/20 11:03 AM

clockwise from TOP LEFT Fig. 100  Otto Rathey, Schlesisches Museum der bildenden

Künste, Breslau (Wrocław), 1875–79, as shown in an 1880 engraving. Photo: author. Fig. 101  Robert Haertel, Albrecht Dürer, 1879–82. Bronze. Muzeum

Narodowe, Breslau (Wrocław). Photo: author.

Fig. 102  Robert Haertel, Michelangelo, 1879–81. Bronze. Muzeum

Narodowe, Breslau (Wrocław). Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 139

7/27/20 11:03 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

140

Fig. 103  Oskar Sommer and Hans

Pfeifer, main façade of the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, ca. 1882– 87. Photo: author. Fig. 104  Albrecht Dürer and Martin Schon-

gauer, by 1887. Cement reliefs. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 140

7/27/20 11:03 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

Leyden), Leonardo, (Luca Signorelli [1445–1523]), and Holbein. The names in parentheses indicate inscription panels. On the north façade, from west to east, are Raphael, (Correggio), Rubens, (Cranach), Titian facing Michelangelo, (Van Dyck), Velázquez, (Murillo), and Rembrandt. The cycles in Bremen, Breslau, Hannover, and even Braunschweig exemplify the relatively simple programs. The decorative ensembles in Dresden, Hamburg, and Amsterdam, where Dürer appears prominently, were more complex.

The Gemäldegalerie in Dresden

Gottfried Semper’s royal Saxon paintings gallery (fig. 105) conveys an ambition that rivals the slightly earlier museums in Munich (figs. 28 and 29) and Berlin and anticipates his final masterpiece, the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna (fig. 128).19 Like its Bavarian and Prussian counterparts, it is a monument for a kingdom, one that celebrates its noble patrons, their artistic collecting, and the cultural legacy that they provided to their Saxon subjects. It is a Gesamtkunstwerk, which Semper defined as “an all-embracing artistic whole that would express the highest stage reached by man in his moral and political development.”20 The building’s totality, including its decoration, draws from the past to create a transformative order, an aesthetic unity. Semper and his collaborators were not content to portray a few artists in isolation. Rather, Dürer and others are contextualized within a grand historical sweep, from the origins of humanity to the present. While stressing the celebrity of individuals, Semper eschewed the great-historical-moments approach favored by Wilhelm von Kaulbach, among others.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 141

The gallery’s origins can be traced back to the reign of Elector August of Saxony (r. 1553–86), who in 1560 founded a Kunstkammer, a cabinet of art that included paintings, in the Dresden palace. Pictures by Lucas Cranach the Elder and his son Lucas the Younger figured prominently. The inventory of 1658 lists 118 paintings. When August II the Strong (elector, 1694–1733; king of Poland, 1697–1706 and 1709–33) formally established the Gemäldegalerie in 1722, the collection contained 1,938 pictures.21 With the erection of new museums in Munich and Berlin, respectively the capitals of the Kingdoms of Bavaria and Prussia, King Friedrich August II of Saxony (r. 1836–54) recognized that a new, separate gallery in Dresden would be desirable. He appointed a gallery commission in 1837. Already in 1838 Gottfried Semper (1803–1879), director of the Bauakademie in Dresden since 1834, had prepared the first of his many designs for the gallery. Initially, the building was to be

141

Fig. 105  Gottfried Semper, south façade of the Gemäldegalerie,

Dresden, 1847–55. Photo: author.

7/27/20 11:03 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

142

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 142

located on the Stallwiese (stable meadow) along the Elbe River; however, by 1839 a site on the south side of Matthäus Daniel Pöppelmann’s famous Zwinger (1710–28) was chosen.22 The foundation stone was placed on July 23, 1847, and the large building was dedicated on September 25, 1855.23 The gold-lettered inscription plaque on the south façade, which looks as if it were being presented by statues of Holbein and Dürer, proclaims that King Johann of Saxony (r. 1854–73) completed the museum begun by his brother Friedrich August II (fig. 107).24 Hermann Hettner, director of Dresden’s Royal Collection of Antiquities, commented on the museum, its architecture, and its sculptural decorations already in 1855. Five years later Wilhelm Schäfer included a description in his three-volume catalogue of the Gemäldegalerie.25 Schäfer wrote, “On the outside, a museum can use the richest and most magnificent ornamentation; and our museum has made use of this power and attraction in the most noble and grand manner. But in the interior it is bad.”26 Perhaps reflecting the opinions of Semper, Schäfer remarked that any interior decoration should be limited to the staircase and vestibule. Over the two doors of the museum’s central rotunda is inscribed, “Willkommen im Heiligthum der Kunst” (Welcome to the sanctuary of art).27 This notion of sanctuary implies not only protection for the art but a special place, a quiet refuge, where visitors are safe to explore the associations of art, religion, and culture. Art and museums continued to be understood as fostering Bildung, or personal moral and intellectual betterment. Semper’s museum is neo-Renaissance in style with a rusticated ground floor and rounded-arch windows. It mixes classical and Renaissance forms while attempting a harmonious integration with

Pöppelmann’s Zwinger. Commenting generally on Semper’s style, Mari Hvattum has remarked, “Far from being simply a matter of stylistic choice, historicism has to do with the way in which history is envisioned as being available to the present.”28 The north façade of the Gemäldegalerie faces the large square in front of Semper’s new State Theater (1838–41) and, beyond, the Elbe River, while the south façade opens onto the Zwinger and its garden. The projecting central entry pavilion is flanked by ten bays, or windows, on each half of the north side and eight windows on the south side. The entrance pavilion is modeled after the Arch of Constantine in Rome. This is most evident on the south side, with its triple arch, Corinthian columns, sculpted reliefs in the column socles, roundels, and friezes, below, and with four standing statues flanking rectangular reliefs and a central inscription tablet, above (figs. 106–7). Between these two tiers Semper inserted a middle zone—with two statue niches and a tall central window—that differentiates the pavilion from its Roman source. Schäfer has explained that much like a Roman triumphal arch, this one heralds the triumph of art and announces the purpose of the building.29 The extensive decorative program celebrates two historical eras: Greco-Roman antiquity on the north façade and Christian romantic, to borrow Hettner’s term, on the south.30 One of Semper’s surviving architectural drawings of the central pavilion of the south façade includes his instructions for all of the sculptural embellishments.31 But although he likely devised the overall program, at least for the south façade, Semper’s departure from Dresden left its realization to the city’s two leading sculptors—Ernst Rietschel and Ernst Julius Hähnel (1811–1891), rivals who collaborated closely on this project.32

7/27/20 11:03 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

143

Fig. 106  Central pavilion, south façade of the Gemäldegalerie,

Dresden, before World War II. Historical postcard by Walter Hahn. Author’s collection. Photo: author.

Fig. 107  Ernst Rietschel, Hans Holbein the Younger and Albrecht

Dürer, ca. 1852. Sandstone sculpture. Central pavilion, south façade, Gemäldegalerie, Dresden. Photo: author.

The south façade features a sweeping view of biblical and postbiblical Christian history in the guise of significant Old and New Testament figures, saints, medieval heroes, and, of course, artists. These carvings adorn the window spandrels and the central pavilion. At first, the organization of the program likely baffles most viewers. Hettner, who knew both sculptors, refers to it as symbolic fantasy.33 However, in his detailed description of the museum, he stresses the iconographic unity of the entire exterior.34 He reminds his readers that the Gemäldegalerie, in spite of its name, then also housed the Kupferstichkabinett and the Mengs Museum of Plaster Casts, which Hettner directed.35

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 143

Collectively, art from antiquity to the present was on exhibition. Hettner explains that the sculptural program of the museum revolves around Raphael and Michelangelo, whose statues stand in the niches on the south-façade pavilion.36 They are not only the “most perfect masters of medieval Italian art development” but also the embodiments of two different temperaments or directions of art.37 Raphael and his art convey a personal serenity, an inner peace in their silent, sweet, naïve, and graceful character. By contrast, Michelangelo and his art exhibit a titanic struggle, an awareness of the narrowness and conflicts of human nature, man’s grave and

7/27/20 11:03 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

144

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 144

magnificent structures, and the ominous, unattainable quest for infinity. Using the language of modern aesthetics, Hettner views Raphael as graceful beauty and Michelangelo as demonic sublime. Dividing the south façade in equal parts, the left, or western, half is associated with Raphael, while the right, or eastern, half is allied with Michelangelo. For instance, there are larger-than-life-size statues of four artists and two writers standing at the attic level of the south portico.38 On Raphael’s side are Dante, the “epically comfortable” Giotto, and Holbein, “the German Raphael.” Dürer, Peter von Cornelius, and Goethe are allied with the brooding, introspective Michelangelo. As addressed in my introduction, Dürer was long considered a melancholic genius. Hettner criticizes the statues’ location as too high, so high their artistry is scarcely visible. The programmatic division articulating the different temperaments of Raphael and Michelangelo extends throughout the south portico. The left-hand relief between Giotto and Holbein depicts the Dream of Jacob. Its counterpart, between Dürer and Cornelius, shows Jacob Wrestling with the Angel. Thus heavenly vision (Raphael) is contrasted with earthly struggle (Michelangelo). The archangels Raphael and Michael adorn the spandrels of the window. Pegasus (the lyrical worldview of Raphael) and the Sphinx (the puzzles that challenged Michelangelo) appear in the roundels above the two artists, while the Three Graces and the allegorical figures of Sculpture, Architecture, and Painting are carved in the roundels below Raphael and Michelangelo respectively. The ateliers of Raphael (painting) and Michelangelo (sculpture and architecture) appear in the friezes just above the spandrel carvings of Sibyls. Peace with a palm branch (Raphael) and Fame with a laurel wreath (Michelangelo) appear

in the spandrels over the central arch. Finally, in the socles are scenes of human struggles: Siegfried and the dragon, Judith and Holofernes, Saint George and the dragon, and Samson and the lion, which in their low position stand for the beginnings of culture. The spandrel relief carvings on the two wings of the south façade continue this bifurcation. The Old Testament protagonists from Adam and Eve to the kings and prophets, ending with Ezekiel at the far end, are allied with Michelangelo. Raphael is linked with the New Testament and its Christian aftermath.39 Hettner, with only a bit of hyperbole and local pride, claims that no other building of the previous century compared with the Gemäldegalerie.40 He praises Rietschel and Hähnel for making a true, finely conceived and executed “Kunstwerke” rather than simple decorative sculpture. Even though the carvings are executed in sandstone, these display all of the finesse and care one expects in a great marble work. Finally, he describes the building and its sculpture as a great overture, a perfect entry into the sanctuary of the collection. Dürer is just one of six “modern” artists on the Gemäldegalerie. He and Holbein embody the greatness of German and, indeed, Northern European art.41 Not surprisingly, Rietschel’s Dürer, especially the head, recalls the various busts and the bronze statue of the Nuremberg artist by Rauch (fig. 25). In keeping with the original prototype, the 1500 self-portrait, the Dresden statue looks directly ahead (fig. 3). The fur-trimmed robe is clutched slightly tighter. Dürer now holds a pencil in his right hand while clutching a large book with his left arm. The ravages of weather damage, pollution, and war, coupled with its high placement, make the beauty of Rietschel’s statue hard to appreciate. His sensitivity is better seen in the two plaster studio models

7/27/20 11:03 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

(1852), which today are in the Skulpturensammlung in the Albertinum in Dresden (fig. 108).42 The first is a statuette measuring 47.5 cm high, while the second is a statue measuring 118.5 cm, or about half the size of the sandstone statue. The choice of Dürer and Holbein is hardly surprising. The Saxon royal collection owned three of Dürer’s paintings, and its holding of his drawings and prints was one of the richest.43 The gallery possessed several Holbein portraits, including what was then believed to be the original version of the Madonna of Jakob Meyer (1526, 1528–29), which was often paired with Raphael’s Sistine Madonna (1512–13).44 Hettner refers to Holbein as “the German Raphael,” a flattering label that was often voiced. As late as 1890 the celebrated scholar Wilhelm Lübke singled out only Dürer and Holbein as worthy of subchapter headings in his lengthy history of German art from the beginning to the present. He opens his discussion of Holbein by calling him “the most perfect and purest representative” of sixteenth-century German art.45 It is, however, rather astonishing that Lucas Cranach the Elder, arguably the foremost Saxon painter of the Renaissance, is excluded from the exterior, since the Gemäldegalerie owns one of the largest collections of his paintings.46 There is a balance between four Italians (Dante, Giotto, Raphael, and Michelangelo) and four Germans (Dürer, Holbein, Cornelius, and Goethe). Holger Birkholz notes that Johann of Saxony, who had been involved with the museum’s planning from the outset, started preparing a German translation of Dante’s Divine Comedy in 1821 and that his edition of the Inferno, published under the pseudonym Philaletes, appeared in 1828.47 The choice of Giotto, considered the founder of the Italian school of painting, is common in German museum programs,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 145

145

Fig. 108  Ernst Rietschel, Albrecht Dürer, 1852. Plaster model for

the statue in fig. 107. Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden. Photo © Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden.

such as the Alte Pinakothek.48 As for Goethe, he was Germany’s and Saxony’s towering literary figure. Peter von Cornelius appeared by invitation of Hähnel, who had worked with him in Munich and Berlin and wrote him on June 7, 1852, requesting his permission to be included.49 Cornelius agreed and lent a portrait bust as a model to the Dresden sculptor. The Gemäldegalerie’s granite-columned entrance hall exhibits an extensive series of plaster

7/27/20 11:03 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

146

reliefs of great artists and some patrons (fig. 109).50 The friezes run along both sides of the wall pillars. The right, or north, side displays the major masters of Italian art from Giovanni Pisano, Cimabue, and Giotto to Salvator Rosa, executed by Hermann Knaur (1811–1872). There are medallions with enthroned female personifications of Rome, Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Naples. Reliefs by Johannes Schilling (1828–1910) on the left, or south, half of the hall chronicle the development of German and Netherlandish art from Wilhelm of Cologne and Stefan Lochner to contemporary masters such as Overbeck, Cornelius, and Kaulbach. It includes supporters of the arts from Charlemagne and Emperor Charles IV to Ludwig I of Bavaria, Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia, and, finally, the Gemäldegalerie’s two patrons—Kings Friedrich August II and Johann of Saxony.51 The medallions

Fig. 109  Johannes Schilling, German Art, by 1855. Plaster reliefs.

Entrance hall, Gemäldegalerie, Dresden. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 146

celebrate the art centers of Cologne, Bruges, Nuremberg, Antwerp, and Munich. Both Knaur and Schilling studied in Dresden with Rietschel and later worked with Hähnel. The frieze of the central pillar shows three adjoining scenes featuring Cranach, Dürer, and Holbein (fig. 109). Sitting, Cranach paints a portrait of a young prince. Dürer stands next to his Four Apostles set on paired easels (fig. 82). Brush in hand, he converses with three visitors (Philipp Melanchthon, shown seated, Ulrich von Hutten, and Hans Sachs). Agnes looks on from the doorway at left, while Willibald Pirckheimer appears at the artist’s side. The scene recalls the loggia fresco in the Alte Pinakothek (figs. 39–40). Next, Holbein unveils his Madonna of Jakob Meyer as the patron and his family look on. The medallion above represents Nuremberg as an enthroned female wearing a crown. She is flanked by smaller depictions of Adam Kraft’s sacrament house in St. Lorenz Church, the Goose Bearer Fountain (Gänsemännchenbrunnen, ca. 1540, cast by Pankraz Labenwolf), and Peter Vischer the Elder’s self-portrait from the Shrine of Saint Sebaldus.52 The Gemäldegalerie in Dresden soon attracted important visitors who were curious to see the building and its newly installed collection.53 In 1856 King Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia, Czar Alexander II of Russia, Prince Albrecht of Prussia, Prince Klemens von Metternich, Archduke Franz Karl of Austria, Prince Georg of Dessau, many members of the Saxon royal family and court, as well as numerous artists and scholars, such as Count Athanasius Raczynski, all examined the new museum. Ludwig I, now the former king of Bavaria, stopped by in 1859, hoping to lure Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, the Gemäldegalerie’s director, back to Munich.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

147

Fig. 110  Hermann von der Hude and Georg Theodor Schirr-

macher, northwest (main) façade of the Kunsthalle, Hamburg, 1863–69. Photo: author.

The Kunsthalle in Hamburg

Given the flurry of museum building in Berlin, Dresden, Munich, and even in nearby Bremen, the wealthy leaders of Hamburg desired to establish a city art museum.54 The Städtische Öffentliche Gemälde-Galerie (City Public Paintings Gallery) opened in 1850. Eight years later, city leaders formed an advisory committee to promote the erection of a new museum. In 1863 two young Berlin architects,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 147

Hermann von der Hude (1830–1908) and Georg Theodor Schirrmacher (1833–1864), were selected, and construction began on the Alsterhöhe, a segment of the former fortifications and now between the main train station and Alster Lake, near the heart of the city. The Hamburg Kunsthalle officially opened on August 30, 1869 (fig. 110). It and, a decade or so later, the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam display by far the most extensive cycles of artist portraits of any nineteenth-century museums. The eighty artists of the “Christian epoch,” from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries, cover all four sides of the original Kunsthalle building.55 The statues are carved in sandstone, and the medallions are done in terra-cotta.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

148

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 148

Although the advisory committee did not devise the iconographic program, the roster of its members may have encouraged city officials and their architects to festoon the museum with likenesses of famous masters. The committee members were Gustav Friedrich Waagen, born in Hamburg and in 1832 appointed the director of the Königliche Gemäldegalerie (renamed the Altes Museum in 1845) in Berlin; August Stüler, the architect of the Neues Museum in Berlin, the Nationalgalerie in Stockholm, and the Wallraf-Richartz Museum in Cologne; Gottfried Semper, architect of the Dresden Gemäldegalerie and later the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna; Conrad Wilhelm Hase, architect of the Museum für Kunst und Wissenschaft in Hannover; the Dresden sculptor Ernst Julius Hähnel; and Martin Gensler and August Abendroth, both of Hamburg.56 Gensler was a painter, and Abendroth was a successful lawyer and in 1822 one of the original thirty founding members of Hamburg Kunstverein. The fact that decorative portraits featured in or on most of the museums associated with this advisory group certainly influenced Gensler, who is credited with devising the exterior sculptural program.57 The Hamburg Kunsthalle is one of the few German museums to survive World War II intact. The main façade of this neo-Renaissance-style building consists of a seven-arch portico with a blind upper story above and short wings (or pavilions) to the sides. The façade, which faces northwest, once stood out more prominently, when it was viewed across a sloping garden and lawn. Today a higher paved plaza links the original building with the Galerie der Gegenwart (the “White Cube”), completed in 1997. Additions to the building in 1883–86 and the large new neoclassical east

extension of 1914–21 have affected the visibility of some sections of its decorative scheme. Dürer enjoys a position of honor on the main entrance façade (fig. 111). Yet as in Dresden, he is subservient to the more prominent statues of Raphael and Michelangelo. On the right side, Raphael stands within a pedimented niche, reminiscent of those adorning the sides of the Glyptothek in Munich. The statue recalls Hähnel’s Raphael in Dresden. His name is prominently inscribed on the tablet on the upper section of the wall. Raphael is accompanied by niche statues of three other artists: Dürer closest to the arches, Holbein on the corner, and Peter von Cornelius above Dürer. Michelangelo, on the left side, is joined by statues of Thorvaldsen by the arches, Rauch on the corner, and Peter Vischer the Elder above Thorvaldsen. Three early modern and three more contemporary artists, all German except for the Danish Thorvaldsen, are celebrated along with the two Italian masters. The two large statues are nine feet tall, and the smaller ones, such Dürer’s, measure six and a half feet.58 Even though the museum building was finished in 1869, the exterior’s decoration was completed only in 1886. Its program, including the selection of artists to display and their positions, was devised in 1868 and modified in 1886. The Kunsthalle employed an “adopt-an-artist” approach to its sculptural cycle. Each statue was subsidized by an individual local patron, rather than a prince, the city, or a society of artists and art lovers. Senator Weber funded Wilhelm Engelhard’s statue of Dürer.59 The Hannover artist Engelhard authored several of the major statues, including those of Michelangelo and Raphael, donated by Mrs. G. F. Vorwerk. His Dürer replicates his earlier statue on the front of the Künstlerhaus in Hannover (fig. 96). Engelhard’s Adam Kraft, located around the corner, on the south side

7/27/20 11:04 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

of the museum, is an exact copy of his Künstlerhaus portrait of Peter Vischer but now labeled with the correct name. The statue of Vischer, sculpted by Hermann Schubert (1831–1917) and paid for by Marie Oppenheim, shows the Nuremberg redsmith wearing his customary apron and cap. The identities of most of the local sculptors of the other portraits are unknown.60 Far less visible from a distance are the eight portrait medallions on the façade’s pilasters. Flanking Raphael are likenesses of painters Asmus Jacob Carstens (1754–1798) from Schleswig and Balthasar Denner (1685–1749) of Hamburg, located just beneath Dürer, and Kaulbach and Overbeck, below Holbein. The sculptors Rietschel, Schadow, Canova, and Schwanthaler frame Michelangelo. The allegorical figures of Painting and Sculpture adorn the roof.61 Originally, they were positioned logically in conjunction with Raphael and Michelangelo, respectively, but they were switched for an unknown reason during the building additions of 1883–86.62 Finally, medallion portraits of seven other mostly nineteenth-century artists appear in the arches of the façade.63 While celebrating the fame of Raphael, Michelangelo, Dürer, Holbein, and Vischer, the façade pays homage to more recent artists. This choice perhaps signals the strength of the museum’s modern, rather than old-master, collection. The program of sculptures, published in 1868, called for seven large statues: Raphael and Michelangelo on the main, northwest façade, Ghiberti and Titian on the southeast, Rubens and Leonardo on the northeast, and the single figure of Erwin von Steinbach on the southwest.64 Ultimately, only Titian and Rubens, now both on the southeast side, were made to match the figures of Raphael and Michelangelo. Any logical pairing of these large statues with a constellation of related masters, such

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 149

149

Fig. 111  Wilhelm Engelhard, Albrecht Dürer, by 1869 (?). Sand-

stone statue. Kunsthalle, Hamburg. Photo: author.

as the plan to surround Leonardo with earlier and later Italian painters, was largely unfulfilled. The associations of artists at times seem surprisingly random, especially when compared to the tightly designed programs in Munich and Dresden. One exception was the exterior of the Kupferstichkabinett, on the southwest side before the collection was relocated in the expansion of 1886–89. Medallions set within the window arches on this side portray the printmakers Lucas van Leyden, Barthel Beham (1502–1540), Marcantonio Raimondi, Jacques Callot (1592–1635), and William Sharp (1749–1824), shown consecutively (fig. 112). Alfred Lichtwark, a Hamburg art historian, served as the first director of the Kunsthalle, from

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

150

Fig. 112  Lucas van Leyden, Barthel Beham, Marcantonio Raimondi,

Jacques Callot, and William Sharp, before 1886. Sandstone reliefs. Southwest side, Kunsthalle, Hamburg. Photo: author.

1886 until his death in 1914. Previously, a member of Hamburg’s senate had guided the museum. Lichtwark was a pioneer in museum education and a champion of more recent art. Writing in 1897, he referred to the exterior of the Kunsthalle as a historic relic, an art-historical monument.65 He was not disturbed that the planned new southeast wing would obstruct the statues of Rubens and Titian and the medallions of Filippo Brunelleschi and Guido Reni. For him, this sort of museum decoration belonged to a past era.

The Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam

Dürer’s inclusion on the exterior of Pierre Cuypers’s Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam is initially surprising, since he is the only non-Netherlandish artist to be so honored.66 Constructed between 1877

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 150

and 1885, the Rijksmuseum was conceived as a national monument, a secular cathedral housing and celebrating the glorious Dutch artistic heritage (fig. 113). Rather than opt for a classically inspired design, Cuypers (1827–1921) looked back to the vernacular brick architecture of the early sixteenth century. Like the Neue Pinakothek in Munich, the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, and the Kunsthalle in Hamburg, the Rijksmuseum is richly decorated on its exterior with a pantheon of Netherlandish artists, who are acknowledged in thirty-six sculpted busts and forty-five tablets with inscribed names set within the window lunettes on all four sides of the building.67 Far more visible and legible even at a distance, however, are the narrative scenes recounting great moments in Dutch culture (fig. 114). Each panel measures about 4.4 by 7.5 meter. In 1882 Georg Sturm (1855–1923), a Viennese painter, moved to Amsterdam to teach at the Rijksschool voor Kunstnijverheid (National Decorative Arts School).68 Two years later he received the commission to create full-scale cartoons for fourteen large scenes for the east, south, and west sides of the Rijksmuseum as well as twenty-six smaller ones showing heralds bearing the coats of arms of Dutch towns for the north façade. He also created three large paintings in enamel on lava rock, among other exterior projects. Sturm’s designs were then manufactured in durable ceramic tile by the firm of Villeroy and Boch in Merzig (Saarland), Germany. The choice of material was practical while also referencing the long Dutch history, especially in Delft, of painting tiles. The Rijksmuseum’s program is far more coherent and readily understandable than, for instance, that of the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden.69 Each narrative is clearly labeled. The east wall treats four episodes in Dutch civilization, beginning

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Fig. 113   Pierre Cuypers, south façade of the

Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1877–85. Photo: author.

Fig. 114   Pierre Cuypers, south façade of the

Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1877–85, detail: western section. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 151

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

152

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 152

with the founding of the Basilica of St. Servatius in Maastricht by Bishop Monulphus around 570 and concluding with the promotion of art and literature by the religious orders, here specifically the activities of the Cistercians at Aduard Abbey around 1200. The west side of the museum displays the “Glory of Amsterdam,” a triumphal procession that extends across four panels.70 Writers, architects, artists, and city leaders, such as Nicolaes Tulp and Jan Six, as well as other notables, accompany the female personification of Amsterdam seated on her horse-drawn chariot. The wide south façade facing the Museumplein (or park) exhibits three tiled scenes on either side of the central pavilion (fig. 113). To the right (or east) are, left to right, Count William II of Holland founding the castle at The Hague around 1250; Jan van Eyck serving as the valet de chambre of John of Bavaria, Count of Holland, in The Hague in 1422–24; and Sint Janskerk in Gouda, whose stained-glass windows were donated by Dutch rulers, prelates, and numerous towns between 1555 and 1603. The panels featuring Jan van Eyck and Dürer are the only ones on the Rijksmuseum’s exterior dedicated to a single artist. The left, or west, side of the south façade begins on its left with a scene of three famous Dutch sculptors at work: Claus Sluter (1340s–1405/6); Jan Aertsz. Terwen (1511–1589), who created the choir stalls in the Grote Kerk in Dordrecht; and Hendrik de Keyser (1565–1621), the foremost Dutch Baroque sculptor. At the opposite end of this section, Stadtholder Frederik Hendrik (r. 1625–47) and Amalia van Solms, his wife, are surrounded by artists and guild members offering their wares in about 1640. The central scene, honoring Albrecht Dürer, stands between these two panels (fig. 115).71 Given the highly nationalistic character of the exterior

program of the Rijksmuseum, the inclusion of the Nuremberg master initially seems out of place. The inscription reads, “Albrecht Dürer entertained by the Guild of Goldsmiths in ’s-Hertogenbosch in the year 1520.”72 During his yearlong excursion to the Low Countries in 1520–21, Dürer recorded in his journal that he made a special trip from Antwerp, where he was based, to Aachen to witness the coronation of Charles V and to obtain the new emperor’s renewal of the artist’s annuity. On his return to Antwerp, he stopped in ’s-Hertogenbosch on November 20. Dürer wrote, “Bosch is an attractive town with an exceptionally beautiful church and very well fortified. There I spent 10 stuivers, even though Master Arnold paid for my meal. And the goldsmiths did me the great honour of attending me.”73 With the publication of Dürer’s journal in 1828 and the discussion of its contents in the extensive nineteenth-century literature on the artist, it was well known that he was feted, often lavishly, by artists in many towns, including Antwerp, Bruges, and Ghent. Dürer’s sojourn in Antwerp inspired paintings by several Belgian artists, including Nicaise De Keyser (1813–1887), Henri Leys (1815– 1869), and Godfried Guffens (1823–1901), as well as scenes on the walls of the Alte Pinakothek in Munich (figs. 41 and 44–45).74 His brief meeting with goldsmiths in ’s-Hertogenbosch is the only instance of his interaction with artists in the northern Netherlands. Regional rivalries between Belgium and the Netherlands thrived especially after the dissolution of their short-lived union, the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, from 1815 to 1839.75 Sturm’s dedication of an entire panel to Dürer’s brief visit responds to this cultural competition. The famous Nuremberg artist praised ’s-Hertogenbosch and was, in turn, praised by its artists.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

The Figured Façade, or Dürer Accompanied

153

Fig. 115  Georg Sturm (design), Albrecht Dürer Entertained by the

Guild of Goldsmiths in ’s-Hertogenbosch in the Year 1520, 1877–85. Tile relief. Photo: author.

Sturm stages the narrative within a large stone chamber with a staircase at left. The city’s famous Sint Janskerk is visible through the rounded arch at rear. Dürer stands in the center of the room. He is bareheaded and wears a long fur-trimmed robe with a few decorative strips. It loosely recalls that in his self-portrait in the Adoration of the Holy Trinity (fig. 11). The dean of the guild prepares to offer him the goblet of ceremonial wine that a young apprentice

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 153

carries on a plate. Numerous men and two women, grouped around the room, look on. One man holds a staff with the guild’s coat of arms set within a laurel wreath. Immediately beside Dürer stands another apprentice, who carries a book and a large folder. Are these gifts for Dürer? Here, as in all of Sturm’s ceramic panels, the coloration is subdued. The figures are depicted in white, light yellow, and orange. The rear wall is gray except for the deep-red sky behind the church. Dürer next appears within the museum’s Great Hall, or former entrance hall, on the first upper floor. Cuypers and Sturm devised elaborate painted

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

154

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 154

cycles for the entrance hall and the adjoining Gallery of Honor, which leads to Rembrandt’s Night Watch. These paintings were whitewashed in the 1920s as attitudes had changed concerning how museums should be decorated.76 Fortunately, the original embellishments are again visible following the restorations in the 1980s and the thorough renewal of the building prior to its reopening in 2013. In the bays between the stained-glass windows along the north wall of the entrance hall are medallion portraits of poets (David, Homer, Shakespeare, Racine, and Goethe), architects (Eginhard, Pierre de Montreuil, and Keldermans), painters (Memling, Raphael, and Frans Hals), sculptors (Michelangelo, Luca della Robbia, and Artus Quellinus the Elder), masters of applied art (Dürer for printmaking, the Crabeth brothers for stained glass, and Jan de Maecht for tapestry weaving), composers (Saint Gregory, Palestrina, Orlando di Lasso, Obrecht, Bach, and Wagner), and a group of bell-founders.77 Although Dürer is just one face among this illustrious group, his presence remains essential whether it is as the preeminent printmaker here or,

outside, as the famous German artist who visited ’s-Hertogenbosch in 1520. Just as the designers of German cycles, such as that in Ludwig I’s Walhalla, were happy to embrace Jan van Eyck as German, the Dutch had no problems adopting Albrecht Dürer as part of their own history of art. The Nuremberg master seems omnipresent in these diverse museum decorative schemes. Whether as a larger-than-life-size stone statue or a bust portrait, Dürer is a familiar face, the German hero, who stands as a guardian of excellence within the pantheon of great artists. He can also embody a historical moment, whether literally, as on the exterior of the Rijksmuseum, or more broadly, as in the relief on the Landesmuseum Hannover, where, accompanied by Peter Vischer the Elder, he represents an entire era of German culture. Albrecht Dürer’s role as his nation’s standard-bearer, however, would yet take on additional specificity.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Chapter 8

Stairs to Immortality

U

pon entering a museum, visitors frequently encounter a grand staircase leading up to the principal galleries. The stairs, stairwell, and the walls at the top of the landing are often lavishly embellished with marble or costly stone, architectural ornamentation, and, of course, art. One is reminded of the impressive eighteenth-century staircases at the heart of palaces, such as the prince-bishop’s Residenz in Würzburg or Schloß Schleißeim outside of Munich. The stairs provide a transition from the entrance and foyer to galleries. The museum’s patrons, architects, and artists devoted as much and often more attention to the stairs than to the façade. With a few exceptions, façades displayed portraits of famous artists. Narratives and allegories were more common on staircases. There, the art-historical lessons of the exterior cycles were enriched with scenes of broad cultural or local historical significance. The hallway or space at the top of the stairs offered a ceremonial site for telling stories to enhance the visitor’s experience. Several examples have been discussed in earlier chapters. The marble busts of Dürer and Raphael

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 155

on the landing at the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe are framed by Moritz von Schwind’s monumental fresco of the Consecration of Freiburg Minster (fig. 71). Wilhelm von Kaulbach depicted great events or eras, including the Reformation, that changed the course of history (figs. 79–80). Otto Geyer portrayed the greatest Germans from the Middle Ages to the present in the Alte Nationalgalerie (figs. 91–93). Other museums, such as the Kunsthalle in Hamburg, have elaborate stairway programs that do not include the portraits of artists. In this chapter, I consider the varied roles accorded Dürer in the Wallraf-Richartz Museum in Cologne, the Neue Galerie in Kassel, and the Kunsthalle in Düsseldorf; in the next chapter, the grand staircase at the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.

The Wallraf-Richartz Museum in Cologne

Dürer was one of the few artists included in the frescoes of the stairway of the Wallraf-Richartz Museum, yet his role was more as a bystander in

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

156

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 156

this pictorial chronicle of Cologne’s history.1 Ferdinand Franz Wallraf (1748–1824) bestowed his huge collection of art, with its unrivaled holdings of early Cologne-school painting, to the city upon his death. Between 1827 and 1861 portions of the collection were displayed in the Kölner Hof, the former town residence of the archbishop of Cologne. The Wallrafianum, as it was called, was long considered an inadequate venue. Discussions about erecting a new museum did not progress very far until 1854, when the wealthy Cologne merchant Johann Heinrich Richartz (1795–1861) donated a hundred thousand talers for a new building. Richartz selected Josef Felten (1799–1880), a local architect and friend, to design the new museum, which was to be set on the site of the former Franciscan priory, with its preserved church and cloister. Felten’s plans were revised by Julius Raschdorff (1823–1914) and sent off to Berlin for approval. There Friedrich August Stüler, the codirector of Berlin’s Architectural Academy, who was also active in relation to that city’s Nationalgalerie and Neues Museum, made additional changes.2 As a result, all three men are considered jointly the architects of the Wallraf-Richartz Museum. Prussian king Friedrich Wilhelm IV laid the foundation stone on October 3, 1855, and the museum opened on July 1, 1861. The original structure and its decorations were destroyed in 1943. The neo-Gothic building’s decoration, both interior and exterior, stressed Cologne’s long history, from its Roman origins to its contemporary status as a thriving center of art, theology, and commerce. Stefan Lochner (1400–1451) and Peter Paul Rubens were the only artists included among the standing statues of the façade.3 Lochner was the first great Cologne painter. Rubens lived in Cologne as a child from 1578 until his mother moved the family back to Antwerp in 1589. He also painted the Martyrdom

of Saint Peter (ca. 1638–40) for St. Peter’s Church, which was triumphantly returned to Cologne from Paris in 1815, after the fall of Napoleon. For the grand-staircase program, Richartz selected Edward (Eduard) Jacob von Steinle (1810– 1886), a Viennese painter who became professor of history painting at the Städel Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt in 1850.4 He was a second-generation Nazarene artist who lived in Rome and Assisi from 1826 to 1830. Steinle was strongly influenced by the artistic and religious ideas of Johann Friedrich Overbeck and Philipp Veit. He assisted Peter von Cornelius with the frescoes in the Ludwigskirche in Munich in 1838 and contributed to the series of painted ruler portraits in the original Städel Kunstinstitut in 1842. Richartz was personally familiar with another of Steinle’s major commissions—the series of angels painted in 1843–45 on the arcades of the choir of Cologne Cathedral, which King Friedrich Wilhelm IV had ordered done in the spirit of old paintings (“Ausmalung im Geiste der alten Malerei”).5 Richartz traveled to Frankfurt to discuss the project with Steinle in 1856.6 At the top of the grand staircase were five frescoes in the hallway (fig. 116).7 The east, or right, wall displayed the history of Cologne from its Roman origins until the Romanesque period (16 b.c.e.– 1248). This and The Medieval Period (1248–1550), on the west, or left, wall, were the largest murals. On the north wall, at the head of the stairs, was a gallery door topped by a painting of Cologne’s coats of arms with Agrippina the Younger (16–59 c.e.) and Marsilius, city patrons. In 50 c.e., Agrippina, then the wife of Emperor Claudius (r. 41–54 c.e.), successfully petitioned for her birth village to be elevated to the status of a colonia, or Roman town, which later was called Colonia Agrippina. Marsilius, a soldier, heroically saved the town from Emperor

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Stairs to Immortality

157

Fig. 116  Edward Jakob von Steinle, The Medieval Period, 1861–64.

Fresco. Main staircase, Wallraf-Richartz Museum, Cologne. Photographed late nineteenth century. Photo: author.

Vitellius (r. 69 c.e.) in 69 c.e. Flanking the doorway were the frescoes The Newest Renaissance in Art (1550–1825) and, to the right, The Cathedral Festival, or The Building of Cologne Cathedral (1825–60). Steinle and his assistants worked on these pictures during the summers between 1861 and 1864. The artist periodically clashed with Josef

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 157

Braun, professor of theology and history at the University of Bonn, who devised the iconographic program. The labels and time periods noted above derive from this uneasy collaboration. The overall program’s stress on medieval art appropriately reflected the strengths of Wallraf ’s personal collection, which became the nucleus of the new museum.8 The city’s awareness of what it almost lost to Napoleon’s looting served as a catalyst to Cologne’s renewed interest in its own cultural history and an impetus for completing the Gothic cathedral.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

158

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 158

The Medieval Period commenced with the beginning of the construction of Cologne Cathedral, whose skeletal frame rose at the rear. Photographs show the city’s intellectual and theological history occupying the center, beginning with the commanding standing figure of Saint Albertus Magnus (before 1200–1280), the famous theologian and philosopher. His pupil Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and a group of mystics, including Master Eckhart, Johannes Tauler, and Heinrich Suso, were arranged below him. To the right were, among others, Konrad von Hochstaden, archbishop of Cologne (r. 1238–61), who laid the cathedral’s foundation stone on August 15, 1248; the painters Lochner and Wilhelm of Cologne; and the city chronicler Gottfried von Hagen. At the far right, merchants and tradesmen vended their wares by the docks along the Rhine River. On the other side of the painting were Lorenzo de’ Medici, as the prototypical Renaissance art patron; Petrarch, the first humanist; Agrippa von Nettesheim with his astrological instruments; Johann von Cöln with his lute; and the Florentine painter Fra Angelico; among others. Finally, Jan van Eyck and Albrecht Dürer stood at the left edge. Beneath The Middle Ages were four socle pictures showing Petrarch seeking a maiden at the feast of Saint John, the relics of the Three Kings transported to Cologne, a tournament with Emperor Maximilian I, and the merchants of the Cologne Hansa. Steinle’s detailed description of the cycle explained the inclusion of Van Eyck, Dürer, and Fra Angelico. The first two masters, representing the lower and upper German schools of painting, influenced generations of Cologne artists.9 Dürer had a personal, if brief, association with the city, as he recorded in the journal of his trip to the Low Countries in 1520–21. He visited Cologne three times.10

On his initial journey to Antwerp, in late July 1520, and again on his route home in mid-July 1521, he likely stayed with goldsmith Niklas Dürer, a cousin who had trained with Albrecht Dürer the Elder before moving to Cologne. Dürer joined the official Nuremberg delegation that accompanied Emperor Charles V to Cologne following his coronation in Aachen in early November 1520. During this brief stop Dürer paid “2 silver pence for having the altar-piece opened which Master Stephan painted at Cologne.”11 Already in 1822 Johanna Schopenhauer associated Dürer’s comment with the monumental Dombild Altarpiece, or Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece (1442– 44), which originally hung in the Ratskapelle, the chapel in the city hall.12 Johann Daniel Ferdinand Sotzmann first proposed the identification of Master “Stephan” as Lochner in 1853. Johann Jacob Merlo’s archival research, published a year earlier, documented Lochner in Cologne between 1442 and 1451. He served on the city council in 1447 and 1450 as the representative of the Guild of Painters.13 Thus Dürer’s journal entry was critical for attributing the most famous Cologne painting of the fifteenth century. Numerous authors, including Friedrich Schlegel, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, the Boisserée brothers, and later Gustav Waagen, praised this altarpiece as proof of the city’s dynamic artistic history.14 They and others compared the picture with the art of Van Eyck, Dürer, and Holbein, though there was debate whether Cologne painting influenced Van Eyck, since he was born relatively nearby in Maaseik in the Belgian Limburg, or Van Eyck influenced Cologne painting. Meanwhile, the Cologne banker F. J. von Herwegh loaned Lochner’s Madonna of the Rose Bower to the Wallrafianum in 1828 and donated the painting in 1848.15

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Stairs to Immortality

Steinle justified Fra Angelico’s inclusion on the basis of the aesthetic relationship between the religious power of his paintings, done in a rather simple, unadorned style, and Cologne’s art.16 The Dominican brother was also Lochner’s contemporary. While in Rome in the later 1820s, Steinle made careful sketches after Fra Angelico’s frescoes (1447– 49) in the St. Nicholas Chapel in the Vatican Palace. His interest in Fra Angelico may initially have been stimulated by Leopold Kupelwieser, the director of the Vienna Academy and Steinle’s teacher, who recommended studying the Florentine master’s art.17 In his own instruction at the Städel Kunstinstitut, Steinle stressed the study of old masters, especially Michelangelo, Dürer, and Fra Angelico.18 The Newest Renaissance in Art included artists, writers, thinkers, and patrons. Everhard Jabach accompanied Rubens and the Martyrdom of Saint Peter, which he commissioned. The Dutch poet Joost van der Vondel (1587–1679) joined Anna Maria van Schurman (1607–1678), the accomplished artist and writer and the first woman to attend the University of Utrecht. Both were born in Cologne. In the middle, Winckelmann and Goethe were grouped near Friedrich Schlegel, Sulpiz and Melchior Boisserée, and Johann Baptist Bertram, who championed and literally saved much of Cologne’s artistic patrimony. Ferdinand Franz Wallraf and Johann Heinrich Richartz stood on the right. Gustav Bläser’s marble busts of these two founders of the museum were displayed in the entrance hall. The Cathedral Festival, or The Building of Cologne Cathedral, celebrated the renewed efforts to complete the huge edifice. The cathedral was begun in 1248, and work continued until 1473. At the initiative of Sulpiz Boisserée, other local citizens, and King Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia, construction resumed in 1842 and would be finished in 1880.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 159

Steinle’s fresco depicted the king’s brother Wilhelm II (the later king of Prussia and German emperor) and Archbishop Johannes von Geissel (r. 1845–64) beside the cathedral’s south portal, which was completed in 1860. The towers were shown as still unfinished. Steinle’s stairway frescoes glorified Cologne’s distinguished history.19 With just a few exceptions, notably Fra Angelico and Winckelmann, the portraits honored the creative individuals who brought fame and fortune to the city. The prominent display of Friedrich Wilhelm and his brother Wilhelm before the cathedral, just to the right of the main door into the gallery, stressed the critical role that the royal government had played in the life of Cologne since the city was annexed by Prussia in 1815.20

159

The Neue Galerie in Kassel

As discussed in chapter 4, Heinrich von Dehn-Rotfelser’s Neue Galerie in Kassel, dating to 1871–77, originally featured loggias lavishly adorned with sculpted busts and reliefs of artists and a series of allegorical paintings (figs. 55–57 and 59). Dürer’s portrait and pictorial references to his character, his art, and his city figured prominently. Only Raphael was accorded equal acclaim, as the two masters were singled out as the foremost representatives of the art of Germania and Italia. Yet before the museum visitor even reached the loggias, this message was first exquisitely articulated in the Neue Galerie’s stairway.21 By the standards of many museums, Dehn-Rotfelser’s design was modest. Passing through the eastern portal and the entry vestibule, visitors climbed up the narrow, dark green, Nassau marble stairwell to the hall above, with its paired Corinthian columns, friezes, and other

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

160

Fig. 117  Heinrich von Dehn-Rotfelser, stairwell in the Neue

Galerie, Kassel, 1871–77. Photographed late nineteenth century. Photo: Stadtmuseum Kassel. Fig. 118  Karl Echtermeier, marble sculptures, 1876–82. Upper

landing of the staircase, Neue Galerie, Kassel. Photographed late nineteenth century. Photo: Stadtmuseum Kassel.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 160

relief decorations (fig. 117). A large rectangular glass skylight provided illumination. Eight white Carrara marble statues once perched on the staircase balustrade (fig. 118). These figures by Karl Echtermeier of Dresden represented female personifications of the “vornehmsten Kunstländer,” the leading European artistic lands. As visible in the prewar photograph, Greece, Rome, France, and, by the top step, Germany on the right faced England, Spain, the Netherlands, and, finally, Italy.22 The choice of clothing reflected that country’s cultural apogee, so ancient Greece wore a classical toga, while the Netherlands was dressed in seventeenth-century attire. Originally, Dehn-Rotfelser intended the statues to be made in plaster but decided to use marble upon seeing Echtermeier’s models.23 Greece served as a trial piece. It was carved and sent to Berlin in 1876 for official approval by the Culture Ministry (Ministerium der geistlichen Unterrichts- und Medizinalangelegenheiten). With the ministry’s blessing and funding, the remaining seven statues were ordered. Germany, completed in 1882, was the last and a year late due to a problematic block of marble.24 Prior to their final mounting in Kassel, several of Echtermeier’s statues were shown in major German exhibitions. Greece was included in a show at the Akademie der bildenden Künste in Berlin in 1876; France and the Netherlands appeared in the International Art Exhibition in Munich in 1883.25 Germany (Deutschland), as she is labeled, is a dignified young woman wearing a crown (fig. 119). Her fur-trimmed cloak drapes partially over her “Old German”–style dress and girdle. She steps forward with her right leg to position herself as she prepares to place a laurel wreath held in her left hand upon Albrecht Dürer’s head (fig. 120). She concentrates fully as she bestows this time-honored symbol of

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Fig. 119  Karl Echtermeier, Germany, 1882. Marble sculpture. Neue

Galerie, Kassel. Photo: author.

Fig. 120  Karl Echtermeier, Germany (fig. 119), detail of Albrecht

Dürer.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 161

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

162

Fig. 121  Karl Echtermeier, Italy, undated (ca. 1876–82). Marble

sculpture. Neue Galerie, Kassel. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 162

triumph on the peerless German master. Her right arm carefully cradles the artist’s bust and its supporting fluted column base. Echtermeier’s portrait stems ultimately from Dürer’s 1500 self-portrait, seen through the filter of the innumerable nineteenthcentury reproductions and variations, including those he could have seen during his training in Kassel, Munich, and Dresden before establishing his own workshop in the Saxon capital in 1871. Placing the bust on a column rather than a pedestal was unusual. The statues of Germany and Italy (fig. 121) faced each other (fig. 118) or perhaps were originally positioned side by side on the same balustrade (fig. 122).26 Crowned and holding the papal cross, Italy stood calmly and with great dignity. Her cross, signifying Christian Rome, contrasted with the trophy staff held by the statue of ancient Rome. Italy’s left arm embraced the bust of Raphael, which also rested on a column.27 Italy and Raphael seemed to stare at Germany and Dürer. The two masters, paired once again, were in the visitors’ line of sight as they reached the top of the staircase. When busts of Dürer and Raphael appeared on the stairways in Frankfurt and Karlsruhe, their individual genius was being celebrated. In Kassel, Echtermeier portrayed the artists as national standard-bearers. Of the remaining six statues, only Spain was accompanied by the portrait of an artist. She held a medallion with the profile likeness of Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1617–1682). His Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife (1640–45), having entered the Kassel collection before 1775, might explain his inclusion.28 Greece stood beside a herm of Athena(?). Rome held a statuette of Romulus and Remus suckling the she-wolf. The Netherlands carried a wreath and a painter’s palette. France, posed with her left hand to her face as if deep in thought, also held a laurel wreath. England grasped a book as she stood beside an obelisk.

7/27/20 11:04 AM

Stairs to Immortality

163

Fig. 122  Louis Katzenstein, Visitors in the Stairhouse of the Neue

Galerie, ca. 1880. Pencil and watercolor. Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumlandschaft Hessen Kassel, GS 5223. Photo: Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Graphische Sammlung.

Only the statues of Germany, France, and Spain survived the war without either complete or extensive damage.29 All eight statues have been restored or remade and are displayed in the museum’s loggias. In a separate commission, Carl Begas (1845– 1916) sculpted a white Carrara marble bust of Emperor Wilhelm I.30 In his capacity as king of Prussia and then as emperor of the new German Reich, Wilhelm supported the erection of the Neue

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 163

Galerie in Kassel. The statue, completed in 1880, fills the niche in the eastern wall of the stairway (fig. 118). From his august and slightly elevated position, Emperor Wilhelm overlooks Echtermeier’s series as if witnessing the passing of the cultural torch chronologically from ancient Greece and Rome to imperial Germany.

The Kunsthalle in Düsseldorf

Unlike Steinle’s frescoes in the stairway of the Wallraf-Richartz Museum, which were not considered especially successful, the elaborate cycle Carl

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

164

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 164

Gehrts (1853–1898) executed for the stairwell of the Kunsthalle in Düsseldorf was praised by his contemporaries (fig. 124).31 Even the artist exclaimed that his paintings would still satisfy viewers in future centuries.32 Dürer and Raphael, literally hand in hand, were paired as the peerless embodiments of their respective schools of art in one of the two main pictures. The Kunsthalle, like the museums in Cologne and Kassel, was funded entirely or in part by the Prussian state. Following Napoleon’s defeat in 1815, Düsseldorf was annexed by the Kingdom of Prussia. The local Kunstakademie, founded in 1773 and renamed the Königlich-Preußische Kunstakademie (Royal Prussian Academy of Art) in 1819, became one of Germany’s foremost schools of painting by midcentury.33 In 1846 a group of local citizens formed the Verein zur Errichtung einer Gemäldegalerie (Society for the Erection of a Paintings Gallery). The celebrated electoral collection of paintings in Düsseldorf was transferred to Munich in 1805 when Maximilian I Joseph, elector of Bavaria and Count Palatine of the Rhine (r. 1799–1806), became the first king of Bavaria (r. 1806–25). A new gallery in Düsseldorf was not intended to replace this but rather to be an institution displaying art by members of the society of artists and to be a cultural centerpiece for the city. Unfortunately, Gehrts’s cycle and the original Kunsthalle no longer survive. The building was badly damaged in the bombings of September 10, 1942, and April 23, 1944. The destruction of the roof exposed the paintings to the weather. The frescoes were transferred to a plaster backing, cut up, and stored in chests that were subsequently lost. The upper floor of the building was razed in 1959, and the ground floor in 1967. Numerous preparatory sketches, large-scale oil-on-canvas paintings of the two main scenes, old photographs, and detailed

published descriptions of 1897 and 1898 provide a good idea of the program and its appearance.34 In 1872 the Düsseldorf palace was destroyed by fire. In August that year, Emperor Wilhelm I instructed the city officials to send him a plan for a new gallery coupled with a museum of decorative arts (Kunstgewerbemuseum).35 He requested information about the location, cost, appearance, and program for the new building. The initial design, by an unknown architect, was rejected, and the inclusion of a Kunstgewerbemuseum was dropped. Six architects were invited to participate in a design competition in the winter of 1875–76. Although the local committee, which included the mayor and members of the Kunstakademie, favored the plan by Hermann Riffart of Düsseldorf, officials in Berlin rejected it. A second competition, with thirteen submissions, took place in 1878 and resulted in the selection of the plan submitted by Ernst Giese (1832–1903) and Paul Weidner (1843–1899) of Dresden. Giese had been a professor of architecture at the Düsseldorf Academy before moving to Dresden in 1872. After considerable debate, the Kunsthalle was located on Friedrichsplatz near St. Andreas Church, with its electoral mausoleum, and two major government buildings, one designed by Schinkel in 1820. Its main façade faced north to the broad Alleestraße and the Court Garden. The City Theater (1873–75), designed by Giese, stood across the street, just to the east. Prussian cultural politics and local city planning placed the Kunsthalle at the heart of Düsseldorf, which was then among the most densely populated and richest of the political districts of the new German Empire. The neo-Baroque Kunsthalle was erected between 1879 and 1881 under the direction of Eberhard Westhofen, the city’s master builder (fig. 123). Measuring 45 by 22.5 meters, the two-story structure

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Stairs to Immortality

was modest in scale. Two large and two smaller side galleries opened from the upper-floor landing of the central stairway.36 The stairwell was illuminated by an overhead glass skylight. The east-facing façade consisted of a projecting portico that looked much like a triumphal arch. On the upper story, Wilhelm Albermann’s flanking pairs of caryatids, holding attributes identifying them as Music, Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture, supported an entablature and pediment. The word kvnst-halle was inscribed on the architrave, while the coats of arms of the painters and of the city of Düsseldorf adorned the pediment. At the top of the gable was Carl Hilger’s seated statue of Victoria, cast in zinc, holding a laurel wreath. In 1882 the officials in Berlin announced a competition for a gold-ground mosaic to fill the façade arch. This was awarded in 1884 to Fritz Roeber, who created the allegory Truth as the Foundation of All Art.37 Finally, Leo Müsch carved two framed medallion profile portraits of the first two directors of Düsseldorf ’s Kunstakademie—Peter von Cornelius (1819–24) and Friedrich Wilhelm Schadow (1826–59)—for the upper story to either side of the portico. Originally, two seated statues of Dürer and Peter Vischer the Elder were planned for either side of the main entry; however, these were never realized.38 Also in 1882, Berlin officials held a competition for decorating the walls surrounding the stairwell on the first upper floor.39 This commission took far longer to resolve. The rules limited the applicants to painters who either were born or were working in Düsseldorf. Submissions had to be sent to the Nationalgalerie in Berlin before May 1, 1883. The Landeskunstkommission was supposed to name the first-, second-, and third-place finalists. Instead, they awarded two second places to Josef Scheurenberg and Carl Gehrts, third place to Ernst Roeber,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 165

but no first place. The committee had not specified an iconographic program. Scheurenberg’s design focused on the fame and development of Düsseldorf ’s school of painting, while Roeber offered scenes of art and daily life. Gehrts proposed the great ages of art history, featuring two large frescoes: The Highest Flowering of Art in Antiquity and The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renaissance (figs. 124, 125, and 127).40 Sixteen smaller lunette scenes moved chronologically from the beginning (Anfang), showing a man carving a pagan statue, to the end of classicism (the neue Zeit, or modern times) in the nineteenth century, where Schinkel, Thorvaldsen, and Asmus Jacob Carstens sat amid ancient ruins listening to Winckelmann lecturing.41 At the top

165

Fig. 123  Ernst Giese and Paul Weidner, façade of the Kunsthalle,

Düsseldorf, 1879–91. Photographed ca. 1910. Photo: Stadtarchiv, Düsseldorf.

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Fig. 124  Carl Gehrts, stairway fresco decorations, Kunsthalle,

Düsseldorf, 1888–97. Photographed ca. 1897. Photo: Stadtarchiv, Düsseldorf.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 166

Fig. 125  Carl Gehrts, Design for “The Highest Flowering of Art in

the Renaissance,” 1887. Oil on canvas, 46.5 × 114 cm. Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf. Photo: Kunstpalast—Horst Kolberg / ARTOTHEK.

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Stairs to Immortality

of the staircase, above the two axial doors to the gallery, Gehrts proposed the seated personification of art history, labeled Kunstgeschichte, and, opposite, the birth of Christianity, showing the Holy Family with an angel on the Flight into Egypt.42 Gehrts’s design was the clear favorite. Düsseldorf ’s mayor and more than a hundred local artists signed a petition recommending Gehrts’s entry even before the committee in Berlin met for the first time, on August 1, 1883. Perhaps Gehrts’s youth, then just thirty, was a factor in his not being selected outright. In 1887 the Landeskunstkommission ordered a second competition, between Gehrts and Roeber. Gehrts modified both of his two main pictures, and the local committee picked him on July 30, 1887, but the Cultural Ministry in Berlin nevertheless demanded he make additional changes. Finally, he was chosen on September 20, 1888, and a contract between the artist and the Royal Prussian Treasury was signed on October 24. The project was to be completed by fall 1893 at a cost of 98,000 marks. Eventually the deadline was moved to July 1, 1897. Gehrts and his wife traveled to Rome and other major towns in Italy from March to August 1889 as he studied fresco technique.43 On March 2, shortly before his departure, Gehrts was the principal designer of a masked festival held by the Künstler-Verein Malkasten, the artists’ society, in the theater in Düsseldorf. The theme was Albrecht Dürer in Venice (fig. 126).44 Amid the elaborate painted stage set of the pageant, Giovanni Bellini takes the Nuremberg master by the hand and introduces him to the doge.45 During the fanfare, the doge places a golden chain on Dürer’s neck, and a bit later, Catarina Cornaro, the Venetian-born last queen of Cyprus (r. 1474–89), sets a laurel wreath on the artist’s head. Historically, Queen Cornaro, after being forced to abdicate and

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 167

relinquish control of Cyprus to Venice, settled in Asolo, where her court attracted many writers. Her life proved popular in the nineteenth century. It was the subject of operas by Franz Lachner (1841) and Gaetano Donizetti (1844). In 1872–73 Hans Makart, the popular Viennese painter, painted Venice Pays Homage to Catarina Cornaro (Belvedere, Vienna).46 This huge picture, measuring 4 by 10.6 meters, was prominently exhibited at the Künstlerhaus during the Vienna World Exposition of 1873. Then it traveled to Berlin, Cologne, and, significantly, Düsseldorf in 1874, before being shown in London, Philadelphia, and again in Berlin. It may have been local memory of this event that prompted Gehrts’s inclusion of Queen Catarina in his pageant. Gehrts started work on the Kunsthalle frescoes in November 1889. The two large frescoes were among the last paintings to be completed. Antiquity

167

Fig. 126  Carl Gehrts, Stage Design for the Play “Albrecht Dürer

in Venice,” 1889. Pen and watercolor. Künstler-Verein Malkasten, Archiv, Düsseldorf. Photo: Künstler-Verein Malkasten.

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

168

Fig. 127  Carl Gehrts, The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renais-

sance, 1896. Photographed ca. 1897. Photo: LVR-Zentrum für Medien und Bildung, Düsseldorf.

took 113 days to finish in 1895; Renaissance, done on September 25, 1896, required 112 days of work (fig. 127). Georg Freiherr von Rheinbaben, president of the Düsseldorf district, ceremoniously opened the project on July 31, 1897. On August 2, the members of the Künstler-Verein Malkasten held a feast honoring Gehrts, including his recent appointment as professor of painting at the Kunstakademie. In January 1898 he had to resign his position and enter a

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 168

mental institute in Bonn, where he would die at age forty-five on July 17, 1898.47 The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renaissance occupied the right, or south, wall of the stairwell. The composition went through several changes between 1883 and its completion in 1896. Gehrts’s submitted design of 1883 does not survive, but it may have looked quite similar to another image from that year.48 In that image Gehrts, influenced by Raphael’s School of Athens as well as the museum cycles of Kaulbach and Steinle, has arranged a large group of artists, patrons, and scholars in the foreground of marble-paved patio or square. Behind are

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Stairs to Immortality

a garland-festooned Italian church in the center, a palace, and, at right, a German castle perched on a hilltop. Its design closely recalls the imperial castle in Nuremberg. Raphael and Dürer stand just to the right of center. As they converse, Dürer grasps with both hands Raphael’s right hand. The Italian master rests his left hand on his heart. At far right, three seated figures admire a sheet of paper that bears Dürer’s monogram. When Gehrts prepared his next designs, in 1887, he greatly reduced the number of figures for the sake of clarity (fig. 125).49 The setting is the garden of a Renaissance palace. The stone stairway up to the palace at left recalls the stage design that Gehrts made for the 1889 play Albrecht Dürer in Venice. He placed the enthroned Ecclesia, a personification of the Catholic Church, before a stand of trees in the center. Crowned with flowers and a halo, Ecclesia holds a chalice, cross, and Bible. As the focal point of the fresco, Ecclesia reminds viewers that without the patronage of the Catholic Church, there would have been no Renaissance.50 Raphael and Dürer stand at right, before a marble bench and a group of onlookers. The two masters’ heads are silhouetted against the blue sky, which makes them stand out more clearly. At left, Michelangelo sketches a skull and an ancient sculpted head as Leonardo looks on. Gehrts’s final fresco was virtually identical to his oil sketch, signed and dated 1896.51 This drawing may have been either a last preparatory design or a record of the final composition, albeit on a reduced scale. The completed fresco measured 3.41 by 7.85 meters. As seen in the contemporary photograph of figure 127, Ecclesia’s throne has grown in size to better frame her. The palace at left has been modified. Even though the Culture Ministry informed Gehrts in late 1887 that the committee did not like how Raphael stood with his back to

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 169

Ecclesia, the artist scarcely altered his position nine years later.52 Arrayed immediately behind Dürer are, from left to right, Jacopo Sansovino, Antonello da Messina, Adam Kraft, Peter Vischer, and Hans Holbein the Younger.53 At far right, beyond the wall, are Velázquez, Murillo, Rubens, Van Dyck, Frans Hals, and Rembrandt. Rembrandt looks at a sheet of paper while reaching for another, which bears Dürer’s AD monogram.54 The Nuremberg master’s monogram also adorns the large portfolio beside the unidentified back-turned artist seated at the lower right corner. This underscores the influence of Dürer’s prints as models for Rembrandt and other artists. Fra Bartolommeo, a Dominican monk and painter who was a close friend of Raphael’s, sits with two children before Ecclesia. Behind and to the left of the throne are the Duchess of Urbino, Vittoria Colonna, and Isabella d’Este. Continuing to the left, Pope Julius II studies Bramante’s plan of St. Peter’s. He holds Fra Giocondo’s translation of Vitruvius’s treatise as Cardinals Giovanni and Giuliano de’ Medici, the future popes Leo X and Clement VII, look on. Then come Perugino and Bramante followed by the seated Michelangelo, Giovanni Bellini, Luca Signorelli, and, standing, Leonardo. Titian, Correggio, Veronese, Il Sodoma, Palma Vecchio, and Giorgione appear at the far left side. The Highest Flowering of Art in the Renaissance harks back to Nazarene images such as Franz Pforr’s Albrecht Dürer and Raphael Before the Throne of Art, Friedrich Overbeck’s The Triumph of Religion in the Arts, and the other works these inspired (see figs. 18 and 61), in which great artists surround the enthroned central figure of Ecclesia. Gehrts has accorded pride of place to his Italian masters and patrons, who are located on the favored dexter, or right, side of Ecclesia, from her perspective. Raphael, however, has crossed over the divide to

169

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

170

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 170

meet Dürer. These two titans stand alone, isolated on the lawn before the throne. Ecclesia turns her head slightly to watch their encounter. Most of the other protagonists look on with interest. Gehrts makes this meeting a prime unifying feature of his composition. Perhaps he was aware of the criticisms of Steinle’s rather disjointed frescoes in Cologne. Both Raphael and Dürer were renowned for their religious images and the profound impact of their art across Europe during the Renaissance. Much as Wackenroder’s writings had done a century earlier, Gehrts binds Raphael and Dürer together in friendship and respect. They embody the qualities and achievements that distinguished the Renaissance as one of the greatest periods in European culture, and they present a model of inspiration for the contemporary artists and visitors to the Kunsthalle. In reflecting on his frescoes in the Kunsthalle, Gehrts remarked that his artistic goal was to make something great (“etwas Großes zu machen”).55 He felt he had succeeded. Contemporary reaction was highly favorable. A notice in the Generalanzeiger für Düsseldorfer und Umgebung of August 7, 1897,

mentioned that everyone seeing the newly opened stairwell was “surprised by the beauty of the whole ornamentation.”56 Friedrich Pecht’s article in the December 1, 1897, issue of Die Kunst für Alle praised the high artistic worth, the stark and lasting attraction, and the great harmonious beauty of Gehrts’s frescoes.57 His cycle, along with the more monumental stairway (1890) of the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna (fig. 133), marked the very end of the grand century of museum decoration. These three staircase cycles in Cologne, Kassel, and Düsseldorf singled out a limited group of renowned early modern artists.58 Visitors readily recognized Albrecht Dürer’s familiar likeness. Whether alone or paired with Raphael, he was universally heralded for his genius and his character. Dürer was more than just the embodiment of the worth of German late medieval and Renaissance art. The Nuremberg master was portrayed as a national hero and a fitting cultural model in an era of Prussian political ascendance and, from 1871, German unification.

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Chapter 9

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna

A

lbrecht Dürer enjoyed singular prominence in the decoration of the Kunsthistorisches Museum (the Art-Historical Museum) in Vienna, the last great museum of the nineteenth century (fig. 128). He was acclaimed not just for his familiar role as Germany’s foremost artist. Dürer’s historical association with Emperor Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519) and the avid collection of his art by other Habsburg emperors made him a central protagonist in a broader narrative about Habsburg cultural patronage, which was the overarching theme of the museum’s exterior and, especially, interior decorative programs.1 Besides explicit references to and reproductions of his art, the Nuremberg master’s likeness appears five times in the building’s most significant, indeed most visible, spaces. The Kunsthistorisches Museum opened on October 17, 1891. Its story, however, began decades earlier.2 In 1857 Emperor Franz Joseph I (r. 1848– 1916) ordered the demolition of Vienna’s medieval fortifications, specifically the walls and moat that surrounded much of the city.3 This freed up considerable new space, which averaged about five

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 171

hundred meters outward from the old city along the entire circumference. The emperor took charge of the city planning of the new Ringstraße and its adjoining lands. He determined sites for a series of new public and court buildings, which eventually would include the locations of the new city hall, University of Vienna, Votivkirche (Votive Church), State Opera, Academy of Fine Arts, Stock Exchange, Court Theater, New Hofburg (New Imperial Residence), and two new museums. In 1866 a competition was announced for the construction of two museums—the Kunsthistorisches Museum and the Naturhistorisches Museum across the Ringstraße from the Hofburg. These museums were to be part of a planned Kaiserforum, or imperial forum, modeled on the concept of the Forum of Augustus and other forums in ancient Rome.4 In August 1867 Franz Joseph instructed Moritz von Loehr (1810–1874) and Carl von Hasenauer (1833–1894), two of the four invited competitors, to rework their designs.5 The directors of the collections favored Hasenauer’s second design, submitted on July 12, 1868. On January 15, 1869, the emperor asked

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

172

Fig. 128  Gottfried Semper and Carl von Hasenauer, main (north)

façade of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, 1871–91. Photo: author.

Gottfried Semper, the architect of the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, to report on the proposed plans. He disparaged the building presented in Loehr’s design as essentially a shell, more appropriate for a commercial store or a storage depot.6 After meeting with Semper in April, Franz Joseph invited him to collaborate with Hasenauer. They were jointly given the commission in late July 1870. The Kunsthistorisches Museum and Naturhistorisches Museum are, externally, architectural identical twins facing each other across

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 172

Maria-Theresien-Platz. The Kunsthistorisches Museum (originally called the Kaiserlich Königliches Museum für Kunst und Alterthum and, later, the Hofmuseum or the Kunsthistorisches Hofmuseum) is the largest art museum erected in the German-speaking lands in the nineteenth century. The building measures 168 by 74 meters, with a height ranging from 25 to 27 meters.7 The cupola reaches a lofty 64 meters. Its physically imposing scale fulfills the concept of the Monumentalbau, or monumental building, that was much discussed in Vienna around 1870.8 Leading contemporary design theory recommended that imperial and other important buildings should be substantial and ideally should signal their function

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

through their exteriors. For instance, among the Ringstraße buildings, Theophil Hansen’s Parliament (1874–83) adopted a neo-Greek appearance to evoke Athenian democracy; Friedrich von Schmidt designed the new Rathaus (1872–83) in a neo-Gothic style since so many city halls were constructed during the late Middle Ages; and Heinrich von Ferstel’s University of Vienna building (1877–84) is in a neo-Renaissance style because the Renaissance witnessed the rise of humanism. The Kunsthistorisches Museum is in a novel hybrid style that mixes Renaissance and Baroque forms in keeping with the strength of the imperial collection’s fifteenth- to seventeenth-century art. Both Hasenauer and Semper felt the design and decoration of the exterior should prepare the viewer for the treasures within the museum.9 The Kunsthistorisches Museum and the Naturhistorisches Museum stand as prominent symbols of the Austrian Empire and Habsburg patronage. The initial architectural competition in 1866 occurred in the same year Franz Joseph lost the Austro-Prussian War and Austria was expelled from the German Confederation. King Wilhelm I of Prussia replaced Franz Joseph as the president of the German Confederation. The Austrian Empire’s power was greatly reduced by these events and by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, which granted the Kingdom of Hungary greater autonomy from the imperial administration in Vienna. Given these very real political and economic reversals, it is not surprising that Franz Joseph’s architectural projects celebrated the long and distinguished legacy of Habsburg cultural patrimony. His ambitions were doubtlessly influenced by the grand museum projects in Munich’s Maxvorstadt (Glyptothek, Alte Pinakothek, and Neue Pinakothek) and Berlin’s Museuminsel (Altes Museum, Neues Museum, and Nationalgalerie). These royal

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 173

museums, erected in capital cities, were symbols of national and dynastic pride. As the architect of the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, Semper brought experience and international credibility to the Vienna museums. He and Hasenauer collaborated, though with frequent conflicts. Construction began, without any formal ceremony, on November 25, 1871. By 1876 Hasenauer had taken charge of the technical direction of the project. Semper departed Vienna in 1877 and would die in Rome in 1879. In a text dated June 3, 1874, Semper carefully set out the iconographic programs for the exteriors of both museums.10 He explained the appropriateness of putting on view men of genius who caused the arts to flourish.11 Hasenauer, aided by Albert Ilg (1854–1916), the inaugural curator of decorative arts, was largely responsible for devising the scheme for the interior ornamentation.

173

The Façade

The Kunsthistorisches Museum, consistent with its name, displays the most complex decorative program of any nineteenth-century museum. Each side of the exterior celebrates one of four historical periods, as a chronological narrative surrounds the building. Semper drew upon the ideas he first developed for the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, where the sculptures of the two main façades include statues and reliefs of famous individuals from antiquity and Christianity. The Vienna museum offered Semper a broader tableau for recounting history. The long rear, or southern (southeastern), façade, facing Babenbergerstraße, is dedicated to the art of antiquity. Mythological stories mix with allegories and historical figures across the entire surface. At the attic level of the central pavilion

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

174

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 174

are the larger-than-life-size statues of Praxiteles, Scopas, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Polycleitus, and Phidias. The shorter, western side honors Byzantine, Romanesque, and Gothic art. The other short side, to the east and facing the Ringstraße, is devoted to modern art. Besides symbols for twelve European cities, each a major art center, the façade includes attic statues of three painters (Moritz von Schwind, Joseph Ritter von Führich [1800–1876], and Peter von Cornelius) and three sculptors (Christian Daniel Rauch, Antonio Canova, and Georg Rafael Donner [1693–1742]). Semper reserved the primary, northern façade, where one enters the museum from the broad Maria-Theresien-Platz, for the Renaissance (fig. 128).12 Its statues, reliefs, and inscriptions reference the different visual arts, renowned artists and patrons, and various related themes. As at the Gemäldegalerie in Dresden, Semper’s subject choices were sometimes surprising, such as biblical kings, prophets, Sibyls, and mythic literary figures, like Siegfried and Faust. Semper explained that the building’s three horizontal levels had different messages.13 The ground-floor level of the north façade is dedicated to materials and media. Seated allegorical statues of Painting and Sculpture flank the portal. The metope reliefs over the doors depict artists at work: Theophilos (enamel and glass painting), Saint Eloy (goldsmith work), Leo of Ostia (mosaic), Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim (patron of bronze casting), Giacomo Tagliacarne (gem cutting), and Jan van Eyck (oil painting).14 The first upper floor (piano nobile) exhibits cultural history. This takes a variety of forms, from images of great Habsburg princes and other noted patrons of art, such as Lorenzo de’ Medici and Pope Leo X, to spandrel reliefs of Gothic, Romanesque, Renaissance, and Modern art, to allegories, including Eros and Psyche (the

spiritualization of the senses through art), to spandrel carvings over the central pavilion of six famous Renaissance art centers (Venice, Pisa, Rome, Florence, Nuremberg, and Augsburg). The names of twenty-three artists are inscribed on plaques over the tall windows.15 Eight statues of great artists stand at the attic, or third, level. These serve as embodiments of the advances in art and as inspiration for the future. The cupola, surrounded by four lanterns, rises above the central pavilion. Its base displays statues of four winged Victories. They flank two coats of arms of the emperor and a large dedication inscription, which reads: “den denkmälern der kunst und des alterthumes / kaiser franz joseph i. / mdccclxxxi” (The Monuments of Art and Antiquity / Emperor Franz Joseph I / 1881).16 In each lantern sits a female statue personifying one of the four traits that a great artist must possess: talent, willpower, enthusiasm, and moderation. Finally, Johannes Benk’s standing Pallas Athena statue, representing all of the arts, crowns the cupola. Collectively, the entire building’s decorations represent the civilizing power of the arts and, of course, Franz Joseph’s benevolent sponsorship.17 A visitor to the Kunsthistorisches Museum first encounters Albrecht Dürer on the roof (figs. 129–30). Although Semper may have been inspired by the series on the Alte Pinakothek in Munich, the eight larger-than-life-size Viennese figures are positioned above the architecture and clearly profiled against the sky. On the right side of the north façade, moving inward, stand Giotto, Jan van Eyck, Dürer, and Raphael. In the art-historical literature from Vasari and van Mander to Semper’s contemporaries, Giotto, Van Eyck, and Dürer were identified as the founders, or at least the leading lights, of the Italian, Netherlandish, and German schools

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

of painting. Raphael embodied perfection. Statues of Hans Holbein the Younger, Titian, Rubens, and Michelangelo adorn the left side. Given their lofty placements, their names, inscribed on the bases, and most of their individual features are hard to see. Their identities, however, are legible, since their portraits conform to personal prototypes that were used throughout the nineteenth century. Anton Schmidgruber (1837–1909) carved the statues of Dürer and Raphael. He based his likeness of the Nuremberg artist on the self-portrait in the Adoration of the Holy Trinity Altarpiece in the imperial collection and soon to be exhibited in the Kunsthistorisches Museum (fig. 11). Dürer wears a long fur-trimmed cloak and a beret. His right hand supports a panel bearing his monogram at the upper left. The panel also faintly shows the outlines of Saints Peter and John from his Four Apostles in Munich; however, the saints’ poses are reversed (fig. 82). Schmidgruber may have been inspired by the humor of Kaulbach’s former staircase fresco in the Neues Museum, where the normal order of the two panels but not their orientation was switched (fig. 81). The sculptor included this panel in his preparatory plaster model, now in the Akademie der bildenden Künste, which dates from around 1867.18 His façade figures of Dürer and Raphael were completed not long after 1876, when Rudolf Zafouk was paid for his statues of Giotto and Van Eyck. During this period, Schmidgruber produced another standing statue, one of Dürer for the new Künstlerhaus located at Karlsplatz 5 facing the Ringstraße (fig. 131).19 Erected between 1865 and 1868, this building served as a meeting and exhibition space for a group of art and artist societies, including the Albrecht-Dürer-Verein. The Künstlerhaus and the Kunsthistorisches Museum employed several of the same artists. In 1868 a jury approved Schmidgruber’s

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 175

175

Fig. 129  Raphael, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, and Giotto, ca. 1876.

Limestone parapet statues. North corner of main façade, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: author.

model for Dürer and Anton Paul Wagner’s design for Michelangelo, though the Künstlerhaus Building Committee’s formal commission was delayed until 1874. Wagner’s Künstlerhaus Michelangelo is virtually identical to his brooding statue on the façade of the Kunsthistorisches Museum. Schmidgruber’s Dürer, carved in white marble from the Laaser Valley in the South Tyrol and about 2.5 meters high, is, not surprisingly, very similar in design to his other statues of the artist, though Dürer is now bareheaded, his beard shorter, and he confidently gazes down at passersby from his ground-floor pedestal by one

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Fig. 130  Anton Schmidgruber, Albrecht Dürer, ca. 1876. Limestone

statue. Main façade, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

Fig. 131  Anton Schmidgruber, Albrecht Dürer, 1877. Marble statue.

Künstlerhaus, Vienna. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 176

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

177

of the building’s entrances. The panel he holds depicts, once again, his monogram and the reversed figures of the two saints. The plinth is inscribed: “albrecht dürer” and, on the back right, “A. schmidgruber wien 1877.” Schmidgruber’s and Wagner’s two statues were officially unveiled on March 20, 1879, to coincide with the Künstlerhaus’s tenth anniversary exhibition. Financial problems delayed the completion of the cycle, which eventually included Rubens (1882), Raphael (1883), Leonardo (1900), Velázquez (1909), Bramante (1910), and Titian (1913); these six statues were commissioned by the Ministry for Culture and Education.

The Grand Staircase

As seen in the plan of the ground floor and the first upper floor of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, the central pavilion is flanked by galleries surrounding two large interior courtyards (fig. 132).20 The visitor enters the museum through the central pavilion and from there moves through the various collections. The central pavilion also contains the museum’s main communal and ceremonial spaces: the vestibule, the monumental staircase, the cupola hall above the vestibule, and the museum’s two longest exhibition halls, on the southern side of the building. These are Gallery xxv (today Gallery viii), which now serves as the museum’s primary exhibition room, and, below it, the Golden Hall (originally Gallery xix and today Gallery xiii). Portraits of Albrecht Dürer ornament all of these spaces except the vestibule.21 The artistic program of the grand marble staircase and surrounding hall differs from that of any of the museums discussed in earlier chapters (fig. 133). Hans Makart (1840–1884), the highly influential

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 177

Fig. 132  Plan of the ground and first upper floors, Kunsthis-

torisches Museum, Vienna, 1891. Photo: author.

Viennese painter and professor at the Akademie der bildenden Künste, began designing the space in 1881. Having studied and worked in Munich from 1859 to 1869, he was very familiar with the decorative programs of the Alte Pinakothek and Neue Pinakothek.22 The ceiling, lunettes, and arch spandrels were to be richly painted. He prepared an initial oil sketch, The Victory of Light over Darkness, for the ceiling but died before it could be executed.23 In 1887 Mihály Munkácsy (1844–1900), a Hungarian painter working in Paris, was commissioned to

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

178

Fig. 133  Grand staircase, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.

Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

paint the stairwell ceiling.24 His Apotheosis of the Renaissance, completed in 1890, is reminiscent of the grand trompe l’oeil paintings adorning Baroque and Rococo palaces and churches.25 Munkácsy’s scene represents several Italian artists, including Raphael, Leonardo, Michelangelo, Bramante, Paolo Veronese,

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 178

and Titian, working or discussing art. Descending through the oculus of the painting’s fictive rotunda are Gloria and Fama, who honor and crown the cultural creativity of the Renaissance. Makart did complete the twelve semicircular lunettes beneath the ceiling.26 These celebrate famous Renaissance and Baroque artists. On the south wall, directly above the first landing of the staircase, are Hans Holbein the Younger, the Allegory of Painting (the Law and Truth of the Object), and Albrecht Dürer (fig. 134). Holbein is shown sketching a flirtatious young woman, whose attire is a more immodest version of the dress depicted in his Portrait of Jane Seymour (1536) in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, which Makart copied in 1879.27 Dürer draws a weightier subject—a soberly dressed woman in mourning. She is likely the Virgin Mary, grieving at the foot of the cross. Her pose, with head in hand, recalls Dürer’s Melencolia i. Markart based his likeness of Dürer on the 1500 self-portrait in Munich (fig. 3). His lunettes’ pantheon of artists contains, moving left to right, Raphael (immediately to the right of Dürer), Rembrandt, Rubens, Michelangelo, Titian, Van Dyck(?), Velázquez, and Leonardo. Raphael studies a mother playing with her infant son.28 The woman looks like a younger, happier version of Dürer’s Mary. In both lunettes the woman is dressed, albeit differently, in blue and white. The Allegory of Religious and Profane Painting occupies the center of the north wall. Nudes, often with playful eroticism, as was common in Makart’s art, decorate most of the lunettes. Dürer’s painting is the exception. Each artist is presented before a golden backdrop reminiscent of the gold grounds used in late medieval and early Renaissance religious paintings and depictions of saints. Blue skies with clouds appear behind the two allegories.

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

179

Fig. 134  Hans Makart, Albrecht Dürer, 1881–84. Lunette painting

above the grand staircase, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

The staircase pictures shape the visitor’s experience before he or she even enters any of the painting galleries on the first upper floor. These highlight artists that mattered the most. The art-historical lessons continue in the decorations of the surrounding spandrels and intercolumnar spaces beneath the lunettes, which were painted by Franz Matsch

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 179

(1861–1942), Gustav Klimt (1862–1918), and Ernst Klimt (1864–1892), a younger generation of Viennese masters.29 Fifteen scenes imaginatively represent the story of art from ancient Egypt, Greece, and Rome through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance to the Baroque and Rococo periods. Writing in 1893, Albert Ilg celebrated the artistic freedom and inventiveness of the series, saying that while “the learned professor from his chair” might decry inaccuracies, the three painters instead offered the historical development of art without being pedantic.30

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

180

Matsch’s Carolingian and the Burgundian Time is located beneath Makart’s Dürer lunette.31 The influence of the Nuremberg master’s art is evident throughout this bay. The left half features Charlemagne gazing intently at the crown of the Holy Roman Empire. The actual imperial crown, still in the Schatzkammer (Imperial Treasury) in Vienna, was also well known in the nineteenth century from Dürer’s Ideal Portrait of Charlemagne commissioned by Nuremberg’s city council in 1510 and today in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum.32 A precise copy of Dürer’s painting, done in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century, belongs to the Kunsthistorisches Museum.33 The right spandrel alludes to

Fig. 135  Cupola hall, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo:

author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 180

Maximilian’s marriage to Mary of Burgundy, a union that united the Habsburg and Burgundian houses. Although not a portrait of the future emperor, the young man in the image holds a pomegranate, Maximilian’s personal symbol. His imperial coat of arms, with the double-headed eagle, crown, and Golden Fleece collar, appears just to the right, between the two columns. The letter M adorns the small cartellino at the putto’s feet. Dürer’s painted portrait of Maximilian may have been Matsch’s model (fig. 141).

The Cupola Hall

The soaring, two-story octagonal cupola hall, located at the top of the staircase, is the museum’s primary ceremonial space (fig. 135). The room unites the museum’s three floors. The oculus in the center of its floor visually connects the hall to the entry vestibule immediately below. Balconies from the short, second upper story open into this space at the top of each perimeter arch. The varied colors of the marble floor and walls contrast vividly with the dome’s simple gold-highlighted beige. Franz Joseph’s initials alternate with his arms in the stuccos above each dome window. At the base of the dome are eight large stucco reliefs by Johannes Benk (1844–1914) and Rudolf Weyr (1847–1914). Each section honors an illustrious Habsburg ruler whose patronage, over almost four centuries, enriched the imperial collection (now exhibited in the Kunsthistorisches Museum). In chronological order, moving left to right, are Emperor Maximilian I, Emperor Charles V, Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol (1529–1595), Emperor Rudolf II, Archduke Albrecht VII (1559–1621), Archduke Leopold Wilhelm (1614–1662), Emperor Charles VI (r. 1711–40), and Emperor Franz Joseph I.34

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

181

Fig. 136  Johannes Benk and Rudolf Weyr, Emperor Maximilian

I, before 1891. Stucco reliefs. Cupola hall, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

Maximilian I is celebrated in the first bay, but so is Dürer, whose presence is clearly evident in both sections of the cupola relief (fig. 136).35 Through his prominent portrait and the multiple reproductions of his art, the Nuremberg master is honored as the emperor’s leading artist. Benk and Weyr based their

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 181

bust of Maximilian upon the portrait that Dürer made during the imperial diet in Augsburg in 1518. The artist used this drawing (Albertina, Vienna) to prepare his painting (1519, fig. 141) and woodcut (ca. 1519) depictions of Maximilian.36 He faces to our right, as in the woodcut. Like all of the princes in the cupola series, he is bareheaded. Maximilian is flanked by personifications of Printing and Metal Casting. More than any earlier prince, Maximilian recognized the political

7/27/20 11:05 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

182

Fig. 137  Albrecht Dürer (design) and Peter Vischer the Elder

(casting), King Arthur, ca. 1513. Brass statue. Tomb of Emperor Maximilian I, Hofkirche, Innsbruck. Photo: author.

potential of books, many autobiographical, and complex print projects to fashion his personal and public identities. An illustrated open book rests just beneath the printing press. Printing holds a monogrammed impression of Dürer’s Triumphal Procession of Maximilian I, shown in reverse.37 The artist published an eight-block woodcut in 1522 with a German text and a year later with a Latin text. The composition was also the basis for the monumental mural painting that his assistants

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 182

executed in the Great Hall of Nuremberg’s Rathaus in 1521.38 Metal Casting alludes to Maximilian’s largest and most expensive project—his tomb, which remained incomplete when he died, in 1519.39 The cenotaph includes twenty-eight larger-than-life-size bronze and brass statues of the emperor’s real and fancied ancestors, who stand facing the central sepulchre. Benk and Weyr reproduced King Arthur (ca. 1513) in miniature at the back right. Dürer designed this statue and Peter Vischer the Elder cast it in brass (fig. 137). It is the most refined and, in the nineteenth century, frequently reproduced of the ancestor figures. The accompanying rectangular relief shows the triumphant Maximilian on horseback. References to his military campaigns and interest in armor and weapons fill the left side. Opposite sits a bearded man, crowned with a laurel wreath, who holds a harp and book. This symbolizes how music and literature thrived in times of peace during the emperor’s reign. Maximilian’s most famous poet laureate was the humanist Conrad Celtis, who died in Vienna in 1508.40 Emperor Friedrich III crowned Celtis in a ceremony in Nuremberg in 1486. Maximilian, however, had closer associations with the scholar. The emperor called Celtis to the University of Vienna in 1497 to be the new professor of rhetoric and poetry. Then in 1502 Celtis was named the head of the Collegium poetarum et mathematicorum, the new college for rhetoric, poetry, and mathematics at the university. Weyr’s likeness, unfortunately, looks nothing like the corpulent and clean-shaven scholar. Albrecht Dürer and two other men stand beside the poet. The Nuremberg master firmly grasps a wooden drawing board as he concentrates intently on his sketch. The bareheaded Munich self-portrait is once again the ultimate model for

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

183

Fig. 138  Johannes Benk and Rudolf Weyr, Emperor Charles

V, before 1891. Stucco reliefs. Cupola hall, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

this representation. The sculptor Anton Pilgram (1460–1516) holds a builder’s square and supports a detailed model of St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna. He served as the builder (Baumeister) of the cathedral from 1512. At the far right, Martin Luther nails his ninety-five theses on the Palace Church in Wittenberg in 1517. Maximilian did not support Luther, then an Augustinian monk and professor at the University of Wittenberg, but he died before taking any serious action to stop the reformer. Weyr

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 183

cleverly places Luther at the rear as if, historically, he was out of Maximilian’s sight and only just beginning to challenge the Roman Church. The second bay honors Emperor Charles V (r. 1519–56) (fig. 138).41 His portrait roundel is flanked by female personifications of Sacred and Profane Painting. The latter, a voluptuous nude with unbound hair, holds a brush and palette. She glances at Weyr’s roundel as if it is her model for the portrait of Charles at the lower right. By contrast, Sacred Painting is modestly clothed, and her head is covered. With her paintbrush raised above her head, she focuses on the framed altarpiece supported by an angel. This is a miniature version of Dürer’s famous Adoration of the Holy Trinity Altarpiece,

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

184

displayed in a nearby gallery. Although this is a fine example of sacred painting, the altarpiece was actually purchased in 1585 by Emperor Rudolf II, not Charles V. Franz Joseph I’s achievements are presented in the eighth and last bay, located on the north side of the cupola hall (fig. 135).42 A male winged genius representing art, as indicated by the painters’ coat of arms at left, and Vindobona, Vienna’s crowned female personification, place a laurel wreath over the emperor’s portrait. Of the eight Habsburg rulers, only Franz Josef receives this highest honor. Vindobona turns to look at her companion putto, who carries plans for the expansion of Vienna and the creation of the Ringstraße that the emperor ordered in 1857. In the relief below, Franz Joseph is flatteringly portrayed as a dynamic leader. With his right hand, he points to a model of the Kunsthistorisches Museum. Behind appear Vienna’s new city hall and Kaspar von Zumbusch’s monument of Empress Maria Theresa (r. 1745–65), which was unveiled in 1888 in the center of the park between the Kunsthistorisches Museum and the Naturhistorisches Museum. At right, Franz Joseph studies the plan of Vienna held by Vindobona. The reclining figures in the two corners refer to the regulation of the Danube River (1870–75) and the construction of the city’s first water pipeline (1870–73). Franz Joseph is extolled as a practical ruler concerned about the material and cultural well-being of his subjects.43

The Golden Hall

The Golden Hall (Goldener Saal) stands at the back, or southern, side of the ground floor of the central pavilion. It is on axis with the vestibule and staircase. To access the room, one must walk

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 184

around, rather than up, the main staircase or enter from one of the adjoining galleries. In 1891 this room displayed the museum’s finest examples of the art of the goldsmith, including works fashioned with semiprecious stones. Julius Victor Berger’s Patronage of the House of Habsburg (1890–92), painted on the ceiling and measuring 6 by 17 meters, rivals the scale of Munkácsy’s Apotheosis of the Renaissance (figs. 139–40).44 Berger (1850–1902) studied with Hans Makart. He was a professor of decorative painting first at the Kunstgewerbeschule from 1881 to 1887, where he taught Gustav Klimt, and then at the Akademie der bildenden Künste, both in Vienna. The painting’s program, devised by curator Albert Ilg, complements the iconography of the cupola cycle.45 Each Habsburg prince featured in the cupola reliefs reappears in Berger’s picture. Excepting Franz Joseph, the princes are accompanied now by the leading artists whom they supported or whose works they acquired. In a concentrated pictorial form, here is the history of Habsburg collecting and the foundation of the Kunsthistorisches Museum’s holdings. Forty-six people are arranged across the broad stage of a stone courtyard between two columned buildings. Steps at the center focus attention on the grand throne where Emperor Maximilian I sits and Dürer stands at his side. Above hang ornamental swags of laurel leaves and a golden cloth of honor featuring the Habsburg imperial double-headed eagle and, at the top of the canopy, a profile portrait of Franz Joseph I held by two griffins. The current emperor’s monogram, imperial symbols, and collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece are displayed in the picture’s stone reliefs and statues. Two winged allegories of art flanking the throne recall Benk’s Victory statues on the west façade of the museum. Scattered around the painting are thirty-one precious works of art housed in

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Fig. 139  Julius Victor Berger, Patronage of the House

of Habsburg, 1890–92. Ceiling painting above the Golden Hall, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

Fig. 140  Julius Victor Berger, Patronage of the House

of Habsburg (fig. 139), detail showing Emperor Maximilian I and Albrecht Dürer. Photo: author.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 185

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

186

Fig. 141  Albrecht Dürer, Portrait of Emperor Maximilian I,

1519. Oil on panel. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: KHM-Museumsverband.

the museum. Tapestries (hanging at the upper left), antiquities, armor, goldsmith items, books, a terrestrial globe, and sealed documents are arrayed across the foreground for the viewer’s delectation. Berger, like so many of the artists discussed in this book, faced the challenge of organizing a large number of portraits coherently.46 He opted for clustering groups of figures around specific princes. The varied poses and gazes of the individuals often direct the viewer’s eyes from group to group. While most of the protagonists stare at each other or at works of art, Berger decided to have, from left to right, Rudolf II, Charles V, Archduke Ferdinand II, Charles VI, and Archduke Albrecht look straight ahead out

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 186

of the picture. They observe the viewer just as the viewer glances up at them. Of the Habsburg princes featured in the cupola hall, only Maximilian and Leopold Wilhelm, who talks with the Flemish painters Adriaen Brouwer and David Teniers the Younger, are distracted from looking at us. On the near left side Charles V, clad in black, stands confidently just in front of his entourage. He is accompanied by Isabella of Portugal, his wife, who is seated, and Mary of Hungary, his sister, who was queen of Bohemia and Hungary (r. 1515–26) and governor of the Low Countries (r. 1531–55).47 The artists beside him include Leone Leoni; Benvenuto Cellini, holding his Salt Cellar (1543), one of the Kunsthistorisches Museum’s greatest treasures; and, in red, Titian. Neither Berger nor Ilg was a stickler for historical accuracy.48 Cellini’s Salt Cellar had nothing to do with Charles V. Made for Francis I, king of France (r. 1515–47), Charles’s often bitter rival, it entered the Habsburg collection when Charles IX, king of France (r. 1560–74), gave it to Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol, who is portrayed by Berger holding a helmet just above the balustrade behind Mary of Hungary’s head. Heralded as the first great Habsburg cultural patron, Maximilian I occupies the central place of honor. Berger based his likeness on Dürer’s 1519 portrait of the emperor (fig. 141).49 The enthroned Maximilian thoughtfully studies a drawing or print as its creator, Albrecht Dürer, offers an explanation. Dürer is accorded the highest position among all of the talented artists who worked for the Habsburgs from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Berger presents him as the ideal artist. Dürer’s right hand rests over his heart, while the fingers of the left hand are open, forming a speaking gesture. He is appropriately deferential when conversing with the emperor yet also confident, knowledgeable, and articulate.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, and the Kunsthistorisches Museum

On the other side of the emperor, Johann Stabius, book in hand, gazes at the image as well. The historian and Dürer collaborated on the Triumphal Arch of Maximilian (1515). Beside Stabius stands Gilg Sesselschreiber (ca. 1460/65–after 1520), Maximilian’s court painter, who designed many of the larger-than-life-size bronze and brass standing statues that surround the emperor’s tomb (cenotaph) in Innsbruck. He holds a model of one of these figures. Hans Springinklee (1490/95–ca. 1540), Dürer’s pupil and collaborator, kneels on the steps.50 He contributed to several of Maximilian’s print and illustrated book projects, including the Weißkunig, the emperor’s biography of his father and himself. The two artists adjacent to Dürer are thought to be Hans Burgkmair (1473–1531), the Augsburg painter and printmaker who worked extensively for Maximilian, and Alexander Colin (1527/29–1612).51 Colin, a Flemish sculptor, in 1563 moved to Innsbruck, where he carved several of the marble reliefs for Maximilian’s cenotaph in the Hofkirche, which was completed only in 1584. Maximilian is situated between allusions to his father, Emperor Friedrich III (r. 1452–93), and Franz Joseph I. On the step just beneath his feet are the letters “aeiou.” This was the enigmatic motto used by his father. One explanation supposedly offered by Friedrich late in life was that the vowels stood for “Alles Erdreich ist Österreich untertan” (All the world is subject to Austria).52 This motto would certainly apply to the imperial worldview of the Habsburgs from Maximilian onward. It was his father who negotiated Maximilian’s first marriage, to Mary of Burgundy, in 1477, a union that joined the Habsburgs with the Low Countries and a generation later with the Crown of Spain. The golden medallion with the profile portrait of Franz Joseph adorns the front of the canopy of the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 187

cloth of honor. Contemporaries sometimes referred to the emperor as the “second Maximilian” because of his great admiration for his ancestor.53 Franz Joseph and his wife, Elisabeth, celebrated their twenty-fifth wedding anniversary on April 24, 1879. Three days later the citizens of Vienna honored the couple with a joyous procession winding through the city, including along the Ringstraße. Hans Makart was in charge of designing the horse-drawn floats and the Renaissance-style clothing of the participants, who were chosen from the different trade and social groups, such as the tanners and the mechanics.54 For inspiration, Makart emulated features of Dürer’s Great Triumphal Chariot of Maximilian I (1522) and the Triumphal Procession of Maximilian I (1516–18, 1526), on which Dürer and his assistants collaborated with Hans Burgkmair and Albrecht Altdorfer, among others. This pageant, along with costume fests that Vienna’s artists had organized annually since 1846 in conjunction with Albrecht Dürer’s birthday (May 21), helps to contextualize the historicizing character of the Kunsthistorisches Museum’s decorative program. The Renaissance, however romantically envisioned, was still popularly viewed as one of the most culturally significant periods in European history and, in this case, in Habsburg Austria. Franz Joseph was so pleased with Berger’s ceiling painting that he doubled the final payment to 20,000 gulden, or roughly the equivalent of 253,000 euros today.55

187

Dürer in the Gallery

Finally, Albrecht Dürer’s portrait adorns Gallery viii (former Gallery xxv), on the first upper floor (fig. 142).56 This room, located immediately above the Golden Hall and of the same size, was originally used

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

188

Fig. 142  Victor Tilgner, Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, before 1891.

Stucco bust. Gallery viii (formerly xxv), Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Photo: author.

for displaying German paintings by Dürer and his contemporaries. Today the room serves as the museum’s main exhibition space. Stucco portrait busts of artists are set on pedestals over the doorways of the thirteen large galleries arranged around the two interior courtyards on this floor, Gallery viii, and Gallery xvii (originally Gallery xx), in the southeast corner.57 Eleven of the rooms also included bas-relief stucco portrait heads of artists on the ceiling. Some rooms lost their portraits during World War II. Victor Tilgner’s Dürer still appears in the niche directly above the middle door to Gallery viii. He is aligned at the southern end of the museum’s central axis, with the much more prominent celebration of Emperor Franz Joseph I on the vault of the cupola to the north. The bareheaded portrait of the artist once again goes back to the Munich self-portrait and, more likely, to the many reproductions after this painting. “albrecht dürer” is inscribed on the bust’s pedestal. The niche is framed by a wreath and hanging laurel swag. Tilgner (1844–1896) was also responsible

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 188

for the busts of Hans Burgkmair and Lucas Cranach the Elder over the room’s other two doorways, which lead into side galleries. Johann Scherpe (1855–1929) added four stucco Victories to the room. The bold inscription on the lintel of the main entrance façade, “The Monuments of Art and Antiquity / Emperor Franz Joseph I / 1881,” announces the creation of a universal museum, which, as visually defined by the staircase’s program, encompasses the arts from ancient Egypt to European painting, sculpture, and decorative arts of the eighteenth century. Vienna now had an impressive museum to rival the greatest institutions in Berlin and other European capitals. The Kunsthistorisches Museum’s collection and its elaborate decorative scheme tell many stories about Habsburg patronage and the history of art. Narratives need a good beginning and a dramatic ending. Maximilian I is honored as the dynasty’s first significant collector and supporter of contemporary artists. Franz Joseph’s gift to the nation marks him as the latest and perhaps the most munificent of the Habsburg rulers. The museum’s artistic program instructs viewers especially as it singles out a pantheon of artists worthy of their particular attention. At this time in the late nineteenth century, Albrecht Dürer was the icon of the greatness of German art. Yet at the Kunsthistorisches Museum, he plays an additional role as the favorite court artist of Maximilian I. Standing beside the emperor in the cupola relief and in Berger’s ceiling painting in the Golden Hall, Dürer’s presence serves as living proof of Maximilian’s support of art at the highest level, just as the association between the artist and the emperor lends further distinction to the Nuremberg master. Dürer and Maximilian represent the opening chapter in the illustrious history of Habsburg patronage.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Conclusion

W

hy was Albrecht Dürer the object of such fascination and adulation in the nineteenth century? My book has attempted to answer this question by delving into the complex artistic, cultural, and political histories of this era. To understand the period’s mindset in microcosm, consider one final image—an ornate letter I for the incipit “In Nürnberg” (fig. 143). Calligraphic tendrils rising from a lush flower blossom support a stone pedestal. Four men, aided by ropes and a pulley, strain to push and to pull into position a heavy life-size stone statue. The familiar likeness and the name Dürer, inscribed on the base, identify the honoree. They are literally hoisting a memorial to this monument-worthy Nuremberg artist. The initial, designed by the Düsseldorf-trained artist Sophia Hermine Stilke (1804–1869), appears in Athanasius Graf von Raczynski’s Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst (History of the newer German art).1 This three-volume study, published between 1836 and 1841, was the first detailed examination of German art from the late eighteenth century to the 1830s. Raczynski, a wealthy Polish noble, royal

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 189

Prussian diplomat, and famed art collector, was a friend of many of the leading contemporary artists. Their works adorned his palace in Berlin, located on the site where the Reichstag now stands. His stated goal was to make modern German art better known both outside and inside the German-speaking lands.2 This wonderful arabesque initial’s design brilliantly captures the spirit of the age. It opens chapter 13, which is devoted to the contemporary artists of Nuremberg, Augsburg, and Regensburg. The page’s second sentence proclaims, “This is the father city of Dürer and Vischer,” while two pages later the reader is told, “Nuremberg’s biggest celebrity is albrecht dürer.” Dürer is the only artist, historical or modern, honored with an initial portrait in this book.3 His rendition in sculpture recalls the contemporary completion of his statues on the façade of the Alte Pinakothek and in the Milk Market in Nuremberg, among others. For Raczynski and Stilke, he is synonymous with Nuremberg and its artistic fame. Indeed, much of Raczynski’s chapter 13 consists of lists of the artists who

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Albrecht Dürer and the Embodiment of Genius

190

Fig. 143  Sophia Hermine Stilke, Erecting a Monument to Albrecht

Dürer. Engraving. From Athanasius Graf von Raczynski, Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst (Berlin: Raczynski, 1840), 2:543. Photo: author.

contributed to the Dürer Stammbuch, the exhibition at the heart of the Nuremberg jubilee of 1828 (figs. 21–22).4 A Stammbuch is an album of friendship or, in other cases, of genealogy. The participating artists proclaimed their deep admiration and creative kinship with this Nuremberg master who died three centuries earlier. Albrecht Dürer personified the greatness of German art and German moral character. The question—why Dürer?—is easily answered. He was the most famous late medieval–early modern German master not only in the opinions of his contemporaries but also in the waxing adulation articulated by artists, writers, and connoisseurs from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. The biographical accounts beginning with Neudörfer, Vasari, van Mander, and Sandrart singled out Dürer from his peers. These influential writings, among

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 190

many others, placed exceptional value on specific masters and their art. Their imprimatur, coupled with the agreement of collectors and the art market, contributed significantly to the selection of a limited group of elite artists as “canonical.” This essentializing trend was stoked further in the early decades of the nineteenth century when Napoleon’s conquests, including the systematic looting of art across Europe, prompted renewed attention to national identity and cultural patrimony following 1815. Dürer’s well-established Nachleben, or afterlife, reached its zenith in the decades around 1828, the year of his jubilee in Nuremberg and several other cities. His personal piety, character, and work ethic were celebrated, often with considerable hyperbole. One contributing factor was the fame of Raphael. Heralded as the most perfect of artists and the face of Italian cultural greatness, Raphael, at least in the minds of German artists and intellectuals, seemingly demanded a Northern European counterpart. It was well known that Raphael and Dürer had exchanged presents in the 1510s and that both men died on the same day, April 6, albeit eight years apart. From Wackenroder and the Nazarene masters on, Dürer was twinned with Raphael. In so many of the museum programs discussed in this book, the pair stand side by side, often holding hands or in reverent conversation. Their age, whether in Rome or Nuremberg, seemed heroic, a time of giants who cast long shadows over artists in succeeding centuries. Both Dürer and Raphael were acclaimed as relevant models to be emulated in order to stimulate a new era of artistic greatness in the nineteenth century. Their marble busts on the staircases of the museums in Frankfurt and Karlsruhe embody this message for anyone walking past (figs. 65 and 71–73). Dürer even became a narrative subject, one fictionalized in works of art and literature.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Conclusion

His character was resurrected and reimagined to perform in contemporary processions, plays, and operas. His home in Nuremberg, the first artist’s house museum in northern Europe; his tomb, in the St. Johannis Cemetery; and his bronze statue in the Milk Market became tourist attractions and quasi-pilgrimage sites. Dürer’s adulation peaked precisely at the moment that new museums were being planned and then erected in Berlin, Munich, and an ever-growing number of other cities. Institutions like the British Museum in London and the Musée Napoléon / Musée du Louvre in Paris set precedents for national museums open to the public. Familial pride, cultural ambitions, and political rivalries prompted German nobles, notably King Ludwig I of Bavaria in the case of the Alte Pinakothek, to construct art museums. More modestly, at least at first, Frankfurt and other towns built civic collections. The prestige associated with museums became a cultural desideratum for towns and collectors alike. Although the architecture of these nineteenth-century museums varied considerably in scale and complexity, most buildings included elaborate decorative programs to establish their institutional identities. Beginning with the Alte Pinakothek, portraits of famous artists commonly adorned their exteriors and/or interiors. These canonical masters, typically the same artists celebrated in the emerging discipline of art history, embodied the highest level of creative genius. They stood as models for contemporary artists and aesthetic paragons for instructing a public audience.5 Whether standing side by side or arrayed in an allegorical display, these very masters were enlisted to promote moral and cultural education, the concept of Bildung, which was so central to prevailing theories about the public good.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 191

Stilke’s letter I playfully alludes to the enshrinement of Albrecht Dürer in this rarified pantheon. Her laborers raise an enduring memorial to this worthy master. My book addresses the many roles this late medieval / Renaissance / early modern artist was asked to play in the exterior and interior decorative programs of dozens of museums in Germany and beyond. It is worth recalling that these museums hired the period’s leading central European architects (Klenze, Semper, Hasenauer, Stüler, Cuypers), painters (Cornelius, Kaulbach, Makart), and sculptors (Rauch, Schwanthaler, Rietschel, Hähnel). These institutions reflected the cultural politics and rivalries of great princely houses, national and regional governments, and ambitious towns, civic organizations, and schools of art. Many of these buildings were destroyed or severely damaged during World War II. Even those that were rebuilt, like the Alte Pinakothek, rarely renewed their nineteenth-century decorations, as newer aesthetic preferences favored sparer, less ornamented solutions. As a result, even specialists poorly know this fascinating chapter in the history of taste. Albrecht Dürer’s Nachleben provides a fascinating case study not only about his enduring fame but also about the history of his reception, indeed the remarkable cultural need for his continuing presence. The nineteenth-century Dürer remained a touchstone, a universally recognized standard of artistic genius, intellectual achievement, and impeccable personal character. Surely the historical Dürer, who worked so diligently to fashion and publicize his own identity, would have been pleased.

191

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 192

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes

Preface

1. Deneke and Kahnitz, Das Germanische Nationalmuseum, 11–124, 357–469.

Introduction 1. Heckscher, “Metropolitan Museum of Art,” 36–38. 2. Hunt planned four allegorical groups signifying the great periods of art (ancient, medieval, Renaissance, and modern) for the attic story of the east wing. These were to be assigned to different artists through the National Sculpture Society. 3. Dennis, Karl Bitter, 77–80. 4. Heckscher, “Metropolitan Museum of Art,” 37. 5. In addition to or instead of portraits, many museums inscribed the names of artists on their exterior and interior walls. These include the Art Institute of Chicago, the Detroit Institute of Arts, the Corcoran Gallery of Art, the Art Gallery of New South Wales (in Sydney, Australia), and, most recently, as part of an artwork on the exterior, the Neues Museum in Nuremberg, which opened in 2000. 6. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, no. 66. 7. Cass Gilbert’s Palace of Fine Arts was built in 1902–3 for the 1904 World’s Fair in St. Louis. After the fair, it became the St. Louis Art Museum. Its façade and side wings are decorated with artists’ portrait roundels. That of Dürer is virtually identical to Bitter’s relief in New York. 8. Zilsel, Entstehung, 3. See also Gaehtgens and Wedekind, Culte des grands hommes, and Ball, “Genius in History.” 9. McHam, Pliny, 6, 42. 10. Starn, “Reinventing Heroes,” 75–76. See also McHam, Pliny, 42, 71–74. 11. Starn, “Reinventing Heroes,” 84. 12. Three façades of Henri Labrouste’s Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève (1838–50) in Paris display inscribed panels bearing the names of 810 authors, from Moses to Jöns Jacob Berzelius (1779–1848), whose writings are found within the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 193







library. The vestibule is decorated with busts of French artists, writers, scientists, and philosophers plus a copy of Raphael’s School of Athens. Levine, “Architectural Legibility,” esp. 335–56. 13. Alberti, Art of Building in Ten Books, 7.17, cited by McHam, Pliny, 126–27. 14. McHam, Pliny, 179–81. 15. Cheney, Homes, 91–100, 158–86, figs. 3, 5, 8–14, 53–57. 16. Emison, Creating the “Divine” Artist, 110–71, here 112. 17. Ibid., 3–4, 128–29, 144. Shortly after his death in 1446, Filippo Brunelleschi, architect of the dome of Florence Cathedral, was praised for his “divini ingenio.” Kemp, “‘Super-Artist,’” 37. Jacopo Giunti’s account of Michelangelo’s funeral celebrations, organized by Florence’s Academy of Design in 1564, is entitled Esequie del divino Michelagnolo. Giunti, Divine Michelangelo, and Wallace, “Artist as Genius.” 18. Cited by Williams, “Vasari’s Biography of Raphael,” 69. 19. Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 150–51. 20. As, for instance, in the opening woodcuts of Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle (1493). Ibid., 151, fig. 75. 21. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:368. 22. Kris and Kurz, Legend, Myth, and Magic, 49. 23. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 93, 99–103, and Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 63–79. 24. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 101, fig. 35, and Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 71–72, fig. 32. Johann Gottlob von Quandt, among others, remarked on this resemblance already in 1813. 25. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:77–81, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 3:460. 26. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:77. See also Białostocki, “Vernunft und Ingenium.” 27. Köhne, “Cult of Genius,” 123. 28. Cited in ibid. 29. Emison, Creating the “Divine” Artist, 321–48 (“The Historiography of Ingegno”). 30. Kemp, “‘Super-Artist,’” 34, 36, 38. Kemp also lists the words fantasia, invenzione, excogitare, intelletto, spirito, and furore.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 4–14

194

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 194

31. Meaning 1a in http://​woerterbuchnetz​.de​/cgi​‑bin​/WBNetz​ /wbgui​_py​?sigle​=​DWB​&mode​=​Vernetzung​&lemid​=​GG 07943​#XGG07943. 32. Cited in Köhne, “Cult of Genius,” 121. 33. Salmi, Nineteenth-Century Europe, 45. 34. Zilsel, Entstehung, 4. 35. Kemp, “‘Super-Artist,’” 41. 36. Merback, Perfection’s Therapy. 37. Panofsky, Dürer, 156–71, here 171 (“Melencolia i reflects the whole of Dürer’s personality”). 38. Brann, Origin of Genius. 39. Dixon, Dark Side of Genius. 40. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 189–211. See also Thimann, “Raffael und Dürer,” 30; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 377–78 (von Freyberg, “Dritter Kunstabend,” 41–46). 41. Kemp, “‘Super-Artist,’” 41. 42. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 2:1009–10. Debora Shuger has reminded me that Melanchthon’s idea of the heroic as applied here to just two of his contemporaries, Dürer and composer Josquin des Prez (ca. 1450/55–1521), approaches the later concept of artistic genius. 43. Maertz, Cult of Personality, 99. 44. Schlegel, Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works, 143. 45. Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst. 46. See esp. chapters 1 and 6 below. 47. Cited by Anderson, “British Museum,” 54. More generally, see Hudson, Social History, 9–30. 48. Bauernfeind, Alte Pinakothek, 418, and 414–24 for what follows. 49. Manfred Bachmann’s foreword in Walther, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden, 8. 50. Piotrovsky and Torshina, Hermitage, 112. 51. Cited by von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek,” 325. 52. Hochreiter, Vom Musentempel zum Lernort, 11–24, 47–50. 53. Bruford, German Tradition of Self-Cultivation. 54. Crane, Collecting, 141. 55. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 66. 56. Gaehtgens, “Altes Museum, Berlin,” 290. 57. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 77, quoting Waagen, Kleine Schriften, 8; Gaehtgens, “Altes Museum, Berlin,” 290. 58. Hochreiter, Vom Musentempel zum Lernort, 52. 59. In 1861 Carl Ludwig Frommel, director of the Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe, stated the goal of his institution was to show the development of the various arts from the earliest times to the present. These models would exert their “beneficial influence on the beautification and civilization of life” as well as aid in the training of aspiring artists. Frommel, Verzeichniß der Kunstgegenstände, vi, cited by Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum,

96; Hochreiter, Vom Musentempel zum Lernort, 55. On the nature of the museum and the psychology of museum attendance in Britain in the later nineteenth century, see Siegel, Emergence of the Modern Museum, 277–99. 60. Preti-Hamard, “‘Destruction of the Museum,’” 148 and 150. 61. Van Wezel, “Denon’s Louvre and Schinkel’s Altes Museum.” Chapter 1





1. Epigraph: H. Grimm, Albrecht Dürer, 44, as cited by Lenman, Artists and Society in Germany, 46. 2. Lenman, Artists and Society in Germany, 53. 3. Cited by McClellan, Art Museum, 18. 4. Savoy, Kunstraub. 5. Ibid., 117–48, and R. Kaiser, Der glückliche Kunsträuber. For Denon’s interest in Dürer’s art, including personally collecting his prints, see ibid., 205, 230, 243, 259, 329, 348–49. 6. J. C. Smith, “Jesuit Artistic Diaspora.” 7. Teichmann, “Vom Kloster ins Museum.” 8. Preti-Hamard, “‘Destruction of the Museum,’” and Savoy, Kunstraub, 151–93, 237–64. 9. Von Groote, a native of Cologne, acted on behalf of the city and Prussia. Krischel, “Rückkehr des Rubens,” 92 and 94, and R. Kaiser, Der glückliche Kunsträuber, 19. 10. Krischel, “Rückkehr des Rubens,” fig. 12, and Savoy, Kunstraub, 273–74, figs. 65–66. 11. Spengler, “. . . Apportés de Cologne.” 12. Crane, Collecting, 48. 13. Diederich, “Säkularisation in Köln,” 81. 14. Thierhoff, “Ferdinand Franz Wallraf.” 15. Kier and Zehnder, Lust und Verlust, 494. 16. See chapter 8 below. 17. Whaley, Germany, 2:620–24. 18. John, “Napoleonic Legacy,” 84–89. 19. Ibid., 85–86. 20. Whaley, Germany, 2:636–44. 21. Kitchen, Cambridge Illustrated History, map on 163, and Vick, Congress of Vienna. 22. Blackbourn, Long Nineteenth Century, 92–97, here 97. 23. H. W. Smith, Continuities, 58. 24. Salmi, Nineteenth-Century Europe, 58–71, here 70. 25. Koselleck, Sediments, 3–4. 26. Ibid., 65–70, here 67. 27. Bass, Gossart, 75. 28. Crane, Collecting, xi–xii. 29. Ibid., 79, 83–90. 30. Ibid., 44–59. 31. Ibid., 49–53.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 15–23 32. Exner, Domstift. 33. Klüpfel, “Die historischen Vereine,” 546, cited by Crane, Collecting, 38. 34. Crane, Collecting, 115. 35. For instance, Friedrich’s Eldena Ruin, ca. 1825, Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin. Koerner, Caspar David Friedrich, 230, fig. 137. 36. Gethmann-Siefert and Pöggeler, Kunst als Kulturgut; Borchert, “Collecting Early Netherlandish Paintings,” 180–85; Gethmann-Siefert and Collenberg, “Kunstsammlung”; Crane, Collecting, 130–32; Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 34–41; “Boisserée, Melchior” and “Boisserée, Sulpiz,” in Dictionary of Art Historians, http://​www​.arthistorians​.info. 37. During these years Schlegel began publishing his detailed observations about art that he had seen in Paris in Europa: Eine Zeitschrift 1, no. 2 (1803): 3–19 (“Vom Raphael”), and in letters, for which, see Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works, 1–41 (Letter I, on the Louvre) and 42–71 (Letter II, “Characteristics of Raphael”). 38. Sheehan, Museums, 52. 39. Gethmann-Siefert and Collenberg, “Kunstsammlung,” 183. 40. Borchert, “Collecting Early Netherlandish Paintings,” 181, and Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 7–8. 41. Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 7 and 73 (W. no. 99). While in the Boisserées’ collection, it was attributed to a pupil of Israhel van Meckenem but is now given to an artist in the circle of the Master of the Lyversberger Passion and dated around 1470. 42. Alte Pinakothek, Munich. Ibid., 68 (W. no. 84), and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 342–51. 43. The altarpiece is now considered to be by Stefan Lochner. Schlegel, Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works, 111–48 (Letter IV), here 132–41. 44. Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 9. In 1816 Goethe described his visit to Heidelberg and the Boisserée collection along with the brothers’ efforts to rescue older Cologne and German paintings. See Goethe on Art, 130–49. 45. Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 9 and 12, and Fleischhauer, “Die Boisserée und Stuttgart.” 46. Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 21–32 (text by Maria Engels). Strixner’s Albrecht Dürers christlich-mythologische Handzeichnungen (1808), with its copies of the marginalia in the Prayer Book of Maximilian I, proved highly influential. The prints inspired Cornelius’s Bilder zu Goethe’s Faust. Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 296–99, nos. 63–64. On the growing role of reproductions of noted works of art as art-historical illustrations, see Vermeulen, Picturing Art History. 47. Goldberg, “Schicksal der Sammlung Boisserée.” 48. Gethmann-Siefert and Collenberg, “Kunstsammlung,” 188. Dillis first visited the Boisserée-Bertram collection in Heidelberg in 1815, on his return from Paris, where he reclaimed

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 195



looted paintings, such as Albrecht Altdorfer’s Battle of Alexander and Darius, for the Bavarian royal collection. Schachtner, “Tag und Nacht reisefertig . . . ,” 39 and 51. On Christian von Mechel’s innovative decision to display paintings by schools and periods in the imperial Belvedere Galerie in Vienna at the end of the eighteenth century, see Patz, “Schulzimmer,” 439 and 450–54. 49. Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 44–47. 50. Feldhaus, Gemälde der Sammlung, 13. 51. Schlegel, “Gemäldebeschreibungen aus Paris,” 152, cited by Vaughan, German Romantic Painting, 166. 52. The Gothic style increasingly interested some German intellectuals, including Friedrich Schlegel and his brother, August Wilhelm von Schlegel. The latter delivered lectures on art, history, and style at the University of Berlin in 1801–2. Friedrich’s comments on the Gothic appeared in his Grundzüge der gothischen Baukunst: Auf einer Reise durch die Niederlande, Rheingegenden, die Schweiz und einen Teil von Frankreich in den Jahren 1804–1805. Schlegel, Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works, 149–99; Frankl, Gothic, 450–64.

195

Chapter 2





1. Duverger and Onghena, “Beeldhouwer Willem van den Broecke,” 90–96; Van der Stock, Antwerp, 165–66, no. 16; Beck and Decker, Dürers Verwandlung, 100–101, no. 48; Mende, “Germanorvm decvs.” Mende dates the busts to ca. 1550 and attributes them merely to an anonymous Antwerp sculptor. 2. Mende, “Germanorvm decvs,” 124, cites an 1840 description of the goblet. Van der Stock, Antwerp, no. 16, 165–66, says the goblet instead depicts Dürer, Raphael, Apelles, and Zeuxis. 3. Mende, “Germanorvm decvs,” 123–24. 4. J. C. Smith, “Dürer on Dürer.” 5. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, nos. A 10, 49, 66. 6. Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 63–186; Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 314–53. 7. Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 332–34. 8. Ibid., 340. 9. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, no. A 93. 10. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:159–62, esp. 160, no. 29.8, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:39–60, esp. 54–57. 11. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, no. A 105. 12. Ibid., nos. A 111–115K. Matthias Grünewald painted the altar’s second set of wings. 13. Ibid., no. A 118. 14. The literature on this term, its definition, and its validity is extensive. For a brief overview, see Bubenik, Reframing Albrecht Dürer, 4–7, 138–40.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 23–32

196













Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 196

15. Strauss, Complete Drawings, vol. 1, no. 1484/1. 16. Ibid., nos. 1491/9 and 1493/6. 17. Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1503/18. 18. Ibid., no. 1508/8, and vol. 3, no. 1519/2. 19. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, no. 117v; Nesselrath, “Raphael’s Gift to Dürer”; J. C. Smith, “Dürer as Collector,” 3–6, fig. 2. 20. “1515 Raffahell de Vrbin, der so hoch peim pobst geacht ist gewest, der hat dyse nackette bild gemacht vnd hat sy dem Albrecht Dürer gen Nornberg geschichkt, im sein hand zw weisen.” Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:209, 212. 21. Ibid., 1:157, 185. On the medal, see Mende, Dürer-Medaillen, 57–68, 187–200, and J. C. Smith, German Sculpture, 326–27, figs. 287–88. 22. Mende, Dürer-Medaillen, 37–46, figs. 12–13. 23. J. C. Smith, German Sculpture, 339, fig. 301, and Eser, Hans Daucher, no. 8. 24. Bartrum, Dürer and His Legacy, 87–88, no. 14. The ultimate distillation of the artist’s portrait to just his centrally parted hair appeared on a banner hanging on the façade of Nuremberg’s city hall in the summer of 2012. It announced a multimedia display of Dürer’s Triumphal Procession in the great hall. 25. Mende, Dürer-Medaillen, 82–93, 211–31. 26. “imago.‌alberti. ‌dvreri. ‌aetatis. ‌svae.lvi” and “inclita. ‌virtvs. ‌m.d.xxxvii.” 27. Meder, Dürer-Katalog, 240–42; J. C. Smith, Nuremberg, 168–69, nos. 66–67; Mielke, Erhard Schön, 52–56, no. 156. Corneille de la Haye created a woodcut after Gebel’s medal as an illustration in Guillaume Rouillé’s Promptuaire des medalles, 2nd ed. (Lyon, 1577), part 2, 248. The accompanying biography praises Dürer as a very excellent painter and author. Dürer, Raphael, and Michelangelo were among the roughly one hundred new illustrated biographies added to the 1577 edition of this popular text. Cunnally, Images, 96–104. 28. Goethehaus, Weimar. Already in 1772 Goethe compared the face with artists of his own period. He wrote, “I do not wish to rehearse how much I hate our tarted-up doll-painters. With their stagey poses, false complexions and gaudy clothes they have caught the eye of the ladies. Your wood-carved face, O manly Dürer, whom these novices mock, is far more welcome to me.” Goethe on Art, 110–11, fig. 8. On Goethe’s comments on Dürer, whom he regarded as “our healthy brain” (Dürer unser gesundes Gehirn) and whom he held above all other German artists, see von Einem, Goethe-Studien, 25–49. 29. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. nos. 1104 (basin) and 1128 (ewer). Irmscher, Amor und Aeternitas, 151–60, figs. 36–38. 30. Kotková, Albrecht Dürer, 154, no. ii./17, and Bubenik, Reframing Albrecht Dürer, 29–30.

31. Rottenhammer painted an Annunciation that was placed on the altar in San Bartolomeo after the departure of Dürer’s picture. Borggrefe et al., Hans Rottenhammer, 73, 169–70, no. 76, fig. 63. 32. Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum, Albrecht Dürer, vol. 1, nos. 89, 97–99, 101. 33. Kotková, Albrecht Dürer, 153, no. ii./16, and Bubenik, Reframing Albrecht Dürer, 31–32. 34. Von Sandrart’s Teutsche Academie, vol. 1, part 2, book 3, chap. 3, 222–29, and the plate between 224 and 225. 35. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:304, and Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 35. 36. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:298–324; Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 15–35; Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 2:894–916. 37. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:297–98; Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 248–50; Mende, Künstler in seiner Stadt, no. 119; Roth, “Dürerreliquie in Ulm?”; Schmitt, “Dürers Locke”; Grebe, “Dürer as Object.” 38. At the request of theologian Justus Jonas, who was with Martin Luther when he died, a death mask was made of the reformer on February 20–21, 1546, as his body rested overnight in the Marktkirche in Halle on its way from Eisenach to Wittenberg. Joestel and Strehle, Luthers Bild, 65–68, fig. 55. 39. Grebe, “Dürer as Object,” 1061. 40. Hess and Eser, “‘Erker,’” 151–55. 41. See also chapter 4 below. Hübner, “Exuvien.” 42. There is excellent literature on Dürer’s Nachleben. See esp. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics; Mende, Künstler in seiner Stadt; Bubenik, Reframing Albrecht Dürer; and Grebe, Geschichte seines Ruhms. 43. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:309; A. Smith, “Dürer and Bellini”; Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 21; Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 2:954–55, no. 299. 44. Gombrich, “Dürer, Vives, and Bruegel.” 45. On this phenomenon, see Loh, Still Lives, 171–74. 46. Smith, “Early Collecting.” 47. Schmid, Dürer als Unternehmer, 547. 48. Vogt, Bild nach Vorlagen, 31. 49. Wackenroder, Confessions and Fantasies, 112–17. 50. Pirsich, “Dürer-Rezeption.” 51. Wackenroder, Confessions and Fantasies, 114. 52. Ibid., 115. More generally, see Belting, Germans and Their Art. 53. Wackenroder, Confessions and Fantasies, 115–16. 54. Pevsner, Academies of Art, and Mai, Die deutschen Kunstakademien. See Gossman, Romantic Icon, 24, fig. 4, for Overbeck’s Stamp of the Brotherhood of Saint Luke (1809), which closely emulates late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century guild paintings of the saint.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 32–40 55. Vaughan, German Romantic Painting, 170. 56. For Cornelius’s critical role in museum decoration, see chapter 3. 57. Vaughan, German Romantic Painting, 170; Frank, German Romantic Painting Redefined; Grewe, Nazarenes. 58. Gossman, Romantic Icon, 1 and 12–13. 59. Ibid., 16–18. 60. Ibid., 10–11. 61. Thimann, Friedrich Overbeck, 43. 62. Gossman, Romantic Icon, 73. 63. Through their travels, Friedrich Schlegel and his wife, Dorothea, knew many of the artists and writers interested in older German art. Dorothea, daughter of Moses Mendelssohn, was the mother of the artists Johannes and Philipp Veit by her first husband, Simon Veit. She divorced him and married Schlegel. Ibid., 66–68. 64. The drawing measured 13.7 × 21.4 cm. It was published initially in Compositionen und Handzeichnungen aus dem Nachlass von Franz Pforr by the Kunstverein zu Frankfurt a. M., part 1 (1832), no. 1. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 92–93, 135; Vignau-Wilberg, “Zur Dürer-Verehrung”; Hollein and Steinle, Religion, Macht, Kunst, 253; Gossman, Romantic Icon, 29–30; Thimann, Friedrich Overbeck, 156–61; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 312–13, no. 68. 65. Wackenroder, Confessions and Fantasies, 116–17. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 79–80, discusses Georg Wolfgang Knorr’s Historsiche Künstler-Belustigung, oder Gespräche in dem Reiche derer Todten (Conversations in the empire of the dead) (Nuremberg, 1738), in which Dürer and Raphael meet and talk. 66. Wackenroder, Confessions and Fantasies, 117. 67. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 73–90 (chap. 4, “The Two Worlds of Art: Dürer Versus Raphael”). 68. Gossman, Romantic Icon, 29. 69. Grewe, Nazarenes, 179. 70. R. Wegner, “Dürerkult.” 71. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden. Grewe, Nazarenes, 176–79, fig. 51. 72. Vogel may not have intended to reference a specific print or drawing. Dürer’s small engraved Virgin of the Apocalypse of 1514 does include the date over the monogram, though these are set in the lower right-hand corner, not in the center as shown by Vogel. Its German-style Virgin would make a nice counterpart to the Italian-style Virgin on the easel. Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum, Albrecht Dürer, 1:185–86, no. 72. 73. Thimann, “Raffael und Dürer.” 74. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 93, fig. 29, and Gossman, Romantic Icon, 29–30, fig. 8. 75. Overbeck mentioned this painting in a letter to his parents of June 4, 1817. Thimann, Friedrich Overbeck, 159. This would

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 197













influence Adam Eberle’s transparency for the Dürer jubilee of 1828 in Nuremberg. 76. Büttner, “Kunst,” figs. 3 and 4, and Glaser, “‘Schwung hatte er, wie Keiner!,’” 11–15. 77. Hinz, “Friede den Fakultäten.” 78. Ibid., figs. 8–9, 13. 79. Ibid., figs. 5–8. 80. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 103, and Mende, “Albrecht-Dürer-Verein.” The Albrecht-Dürer-Verein in Vienna was established in 1846. 81. Mende, Dürerhaus, and Berninger, “‘Zeitperiode Dürers.’” 82. Mende, Dürerhaus, 25. 83. Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, 5–44, 5–8 for the invitation; Mende, “Zum Nürnberger Dürer-Stammbuch.” 84. Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, 12–15, lists participating masters. 85. Ibid., 82 and 84, no. 30. Mende and Hebecker suggested the bust might have been carved by Ernst Meyer or might be a copy of Jakob Daniel Burgschmiet’s bust of the artist in the Dürer house. 86. See also Konrad Eberhard’s Apotheosis of Albrecht Dürer (1838) drawing that shows Christ placing a wreath on Dürer’s head as he is introduced by Saint Luke. Mende, “Apotheose Albrecht Dürers,” 301–2, figs. 1 and 2, and Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, no. 73. 87. Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, 5, and Mende, “Albrecht-Dürer-Verein.” 88. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 117, fig. 47; Leuschner, “Ludwig Emil Grimms Zeichnung”; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 256–57, no. 54. 89. Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 18–25, 33–34, 48–52, 66–81, 109–16, 195–220. 90. Many of the revelers continued their celebrations at the Gasthof “Zum Reichsadler” until one in the morning. Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 35. 91. Mende, “Transparente,” and Goddard, “Ernst Förster’s Drawing.” 92. Mende, “Transparente,” 181. 93. Ibid., 194–97. 94. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:27–38, 146–202, and Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:31–41, 93–100, and 545–628, nos. 1, 15, and 162. 95. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:35, no. 1, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:31. 96. Mende, “Transparente,” 187. 97. Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, 5. 98. In their descriptions of these two paintings, Johann Gottlob von Quandt (1813) and Max Procop von Freyberg-Eisenberg (1825) stressed features they believed defined the artists’

197

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 42–49

198

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 198

respective personal and national characters. Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 340–47, and Thimann, “Raffael und Dürer,” 27–30. 99. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 25–27; Mende, “Dürer-Denkmal”; von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 260–65, nos. 161–63; Fischer-Pache, “Albrecht-Dürer-Platz”; Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 156–57; Maaz, Skulptur in Deutschland, 1:106–8. 100. Beneath the cornerstone the organizers placed Friedrich Campe’s Reliquien von Albrecht Dürer, portrait medals of Dürer and Pirckheimer, a woodcut of the head of Christ by H. Reuther, a glass painting of Ludwig I, two bottles of cherry brandy, and three tubes of seeds. Goddard, “Ernst Förster’s Drawing,” 118–19. 101. The plaster model, bronzed, is 112 cm high. Alte Nationalgalerie, Berlin, inv. no. RM 5000/60. The statuettes were to depict Hans von Kulmbach, Albrecht Aldegrever, Albrecht Altdorfer, Hans Schäufelein, Georg Pencz, Hans Burgkmair, Sebald Beham, and Martin (Matthias) Grünewald; the medallions were to represent Erhard Schön, Hans Springinklee, Jacob Bink, and Albrecht Glockendon. All of these masters were assumed, incorrectly, to be Dürer’s pupils. Their number recalls Christ’s twelve disciples. In Rauch’s studio, the number of represented artists was reduced to four. Von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 261, and Knop, “Carl Alexander Heideloff,” 45–46. 102. Von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 261. 103. Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst. 104. Maaz, Skulptur in Deutschland, 1:100–101, fig. 107. 105. The Maxplatz is named after King Maximilian I Joseph, Ludwig I’s father, who had been officially received there in 1809. Mende, Dürerhaus, 15, fig. 4; Diefenbacher and Enders, Stadtlexikon Nürnberg, 227–28; Knop, “Carl Alexander Heideloff,” 41–42; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 252–53, no. 52c. 106. Neumeyer, “Monuments to ‘Genius,’” plates 28b–ca. 107. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 91–92, here 92. 108. Mende and Hebecker, Dürer-Stammbuch, 54–55, no. 23, fig. 32. Portrait busts of his pupils on pedestals were painted within this edifice. 109. Ibid., 55, and Hutchison, Albrecht Dürer, 194. 110. Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern. 111. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 20–22, fig. 16, and Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 26–28, 40–42, 54–56, 89–97, 120–25, 233–52. 112. The story describes Dürer’s fictitious birthday party on May 21, 1523. Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 90–91. 113. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 154, no. 28; Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 92–93. 114. Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum, Albrecht Dürer, vol. 2, no. 231. 115. Blumenthal, Dürer-Feiern, 233–34.

116. The banquet hall in the English House displayed Julius Simony’s great bust of Dürer with a laurel crown. It was set before a red drape between two windows and flanked by fresh flowers to symbolize a Christian paradise garden. An eight-strophelong poem was addressed to the statue. Ibid., 94–96, 248–49. 117. Förster also praised Peter Vischer the Elder, who three centuries earlier created the tomb of Elector Johann Cicero, now in Berlin Cathedral. Ibid., 90, 234. 118. On artists as “moralizing exemplifications” to connect earlier masters with more modern ones, see the sociological study by Kris and Kurz, Legend, Myth, and Magic, 23. Chapter 3















1. Nikolaus Pevsner has described the Alte Pinakothek as “the most influential museum building of the nineteenth century.” Pevsner, History of Building Types, 128, as cited in Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 208. 2. Glaser, König Ludwig I., esp. vol. 2, with extensive references to the completion and the decoration of the Alte Pinakothek; von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek,” 321. 3. Bouwers, Public Pantheons, 16–18, 132–60. 4. Pietrangeli, “Protomoteca Capitolina.” 5. On pantheons as a phenomenon, and on the Parliamentary Pantheon in St. Paul’s Cathedral in London and the Imperial Pantheon in the Church of Saint-Geneviève in Paris, see Bouwers, Public Pantheons, 1–131. 6. Ludwig originally planned to build Walhalla in the English Garden in Munich. Staatliches Hochbauamt Regensburg, Walhalla, 3–12 and no. 40 (Albrecht Dürer’s bust), and Bouwers, Public Pantheons, 161–212, 236–44. 7. Kirchmayer’s bust is 66 cm high (Bayerische Verwaltung der staatlichen Schlösser, Gärten und Seen, Munich). Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 350–51, fig. 6.27. 8. Marble, 1836–37, 64 cm. Von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 368–69, no. 240. The Munich Ruhmeshalle (Bavarian Hall of Fame), on the Sendlinger Höhe, commissioned by Ludwig and designed by Klenze (1843–54), contains the busts of eight famous Bavarian artists, including Dürer, Holbein, Albrecht Altdorfer, Ludwig Schwanthaler, and Peter von Cornelius. Watkin and Mellinghoff, German Architecture, 166–67. 9. Ludwig I of Bavaria, Walhalla’s Genossen, 105–9, 119–20, 133–34 (Dürer), 148, 268–69. A second edition, published in 1847, includes illustrations of the Walhalla busts. Rauch’s portrait of Dürer appears on page 164. 10. Cornelius argued that the building should be in the German Gothic style rather than the classical style. Watkin and Mellinghoff, German Architecture, 159.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 49–54 11. Ibid., 160. 12. Vierneisel, Leinz, and Sembach, Glyptothek München; Schwahn, Glyptothek in München, 110–14; von Buttlar, “Glyptothek, Pinakothek, Neue Eremitage,” 41–44; Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 102–4, 190–203, no. 39; von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek.” 13. Beyond the broad neoclassical influence of Winckelmann, among others, Ludwig I and Klenze sought a Bavarian national style that differed from both the Franco-Roman tradition of the Napoleonic era and the Gothic style championed by the Romantics. In 1816 the journalist Christian Müller, commenting on Klenze’s design for the Glyptothek, argued for a Greco-Germanic synthesis based on a common Indo-Germanic ethnic heritage. Von Buttlar, “Museum and the City,” 183. 14. Grewe, Nazarenes, 76. 15. The party was held at the Villa Schultheiss on Monti Parioli outside the Porta del Popolo. Büttner, “Kunst,” esp. fig. 3. 16. Cited by Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie des Museums,” 71–72. 17. Sieveking, “Materialen zu Programm”; Schwahn, Glyptothek in München, 110–14; Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 102–4, no. 39. 18. Tenerani’s statue was destroyed and not replaced. Rauch’s statue was remade, but only the head survived the bombing. 19. Joost-Gaugier, “Early Beginnings of the Notion.” 20. Weski and Frosien-Leinz, Antiquarium, 1:13–84. 21. Hüneke, “Skulpturenschmuck,” 30, 36–42, and see also photos of the building from 1912 on 22 and 29; Locker, “Bildergalerie,” 217–24, figs. 1, 5–7. 22. Watkin and Mellinghoff, German Architecture, 157. 23. Friedrich II, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel (r. 1760–85), established the Museum Fridericianum in Kassel in 1769–79. Dreier, “Kunstkammer,” 108. 24. From left to right are Adam van Noort, Giulio Romano, Jacopo Robusti (Tintoretto), Phidias, Rubens, Perino dal Vago, Protogenes, Anthony van Dyck, Raphael, Apelles, Michelangelo, Giuseppe Mazzuoli, Steffano della Bella, Bartholomäus Spranger, Dürer, Joos van Winghe, Vasari, Lucas Cranach, and Abraham Bloemaert. Annibale Carracci appears around the corner, on the east side. 25. Between 1778 and 1780 Johann Peter Wagner (1730–1809) carved twenty-four sandstone sculptures for the court garden of the Residenz, the prince-bishop’s palace, in Würzburg. A grieving putto holds a shield with Dürer’s bust. Museum für Franken, Würzburg, inv. no. I.N.S. 35741. Beck and Decker, Dürers Verwandlung, no. 53 (entry by Bernhard Decker). 26. Sterling and Adhémar, Musée national du Louvre, 1:1, no. 5; 3:7, no. 1109; and 4:39, no. 1977; Kuhlmann-Hodick, Kunstgeschichtsbild, 2:13–15.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 199

27. The sculptures, including those of eighteen artists, were carved in 1853–57. Photographe et l’architecte, 73–84, 119–24. 28. On the architecture, see Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 82–89; Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 12–47; an der Heiden, “Stellung der Alten Pinakothek”; S. Hildebrand, “Werkverzeichnis,” 282–90, no. 46; and von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek,” 321–26. 29. Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 32–37. On the museum’s history, post–World War II rebuilding, and conservation issues, see Bauernfeind, Alte Pinakothek, 86–103. 30. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 38–39, and S. Hildebrand, “Werkverzeichnis,” fig. 46.4 (Klenze’s façade design of 1823). 31. Schachtner, “Tag und Nacht reisefertig . . . ,” 39–66, 297–307. 32. Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 140, and Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 66–69. 33. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, Rooms (Sälen)—painting nos. 191, 201–2, 329, 335, 343, 349; Cabinets (Cabineten)— painting nos. 254–60, 264, 267–68, 290; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 55. Dillis’s catalogue is ordered by Rooms (Sälen) i–ix followed by Cabinets (Cabineten) 1–24, each section with its own separate numbering of pictures. 34. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 465–624, also includes the catalogue as an appendix. 35. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, Rooms (Sälen)—painting nos. 1, 3, 17 (whose attribution is listed as disputed), 51, 66, 71, 72, 76, 93, and Cabinets (Cabineten)—painting nos. 120, 123, 124, 127, 128, 139, 147, 153, 161. 36. Marggraff and Marggraff, München, 411, cited by Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 87; von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek,” 325. 37. Schwanthaler’s drawings are in the Münchner Stadtmuseum and the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung. The group drawing is Stadtmuseum, Schwanthaler-Slg, inv. no. 661. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, figs. 48–105, and Volk, “Kleinbronzen,” 217–21, figs. 2–6. On the artist, see esp. Otten, Schwanthaler. 38. The chronology is given in Otten, Schwanthaler, 42–44 and 108. 39. Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 105. 40. Amsler’s drawings of Raphael and Dürer in Munich’s Staatliche Graphische Sammlung are respectively inv. nos. 1968:76 Z and 1968:82 Z. Georg Jakob Felsing’s new prints after some of Schwanthaler’s statuettes were published in Künstler-Gestalten aus der Blüthezeit der Kunst: Entworfen von Schwanthaler; In Kupfer gestochen von Felsing (Gera, 1879). Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 39. 41. Otten, Schwanthaler, 42. 42. Cited in ibid., 43. 43. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 38, figs. 57–58. 44. Ibid., figs. 50–56, 77–78.

199

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 54–63

200

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 200

45. He was assisted by Ernst Mayer, Ernst Hähnel, Francesco Sanguinetti, Johann Leeb, Ludwig Schaller, and Giuseppe Lazzerini. Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 166, n. 7. 46. Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 66, illustrates the current damaged state of Jan van Eyck’s statue. 47. Otten, Schwanthaler, 108, figs. 6–8; Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 39. See also Volk, “Kleinbronzen,” 217–19, for these and other examples, and Maaz, Skulptur in Deutschland, 1:307–8, fig. 403 (the bronze cast of Schwanthaler’s Domenichino statuette, dating before 1844 and 47.5 cm high, in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich). 48. Eichler and Holsten, Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 120–25, nos. P. 204–24, 229. Dürer’s statuette is 122–23, no. 212. 49. Christian Jank’s depiction of Klenze’s studio in 1864 shows the statuettes standing atop the bookcases on both sides of the room. Nerdinger, Leo von Klenze, 191. 50. Kugler, Handbuch der Geschichte der Malerei, 2:77–78. 51. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, ix; Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 468. 52. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 179–99. 53. Ibid., 179–81, figs. 346–49. 54. Ibid., 179–80. 55. Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich, inv. nos. 818–65. Heinrich Merz’s illustrations appeared in Förster, Peter von Cornelius. See https://​de​.wikisource​.org​/wiki​/Peter​_von​ _Cornelius​_%E2​%88​%92​_Entwürfe​_zu​_Fresken​_in​_den​ _Loggien​_der​_Pinakothek​_zu​_München. In two issues of Kunst-Blatt, Ludwig Schorn described the new building and various facets of its decoration, including detailed remarks on the loggias. See Kunst-Blatt 10, no. 28 (April 6, 1829): 109–10, and no. 29 (April 9, 1829): 113–15, esp. 113–14. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 159, no. 85, figs. 29–30; Bielmeier, Gemalte Kunstgeschichte; Büttner, Peter Cornelius, pt. 5, 61–152; Büttner, “Vorschule der Kunstgeschichte”; Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 90–155; Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 207–27. 56. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 60–61; Strack and Strack, “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte,” 196. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 11–12, introduces the cycle and explains Cornelius’s intentions. 57. Strack and Strack, “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte,” 197. 58. Ibid., 156–58, 197–98. This twenty-eight-page manuscript, long part of Cornelius’s estate, was purchased in 1968 by the Freie deutsche Hochstift. The Stracks provide a full transcription and analysis. 59. Cited by Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 217. 60. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 11. 61. Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 142. 62. Clemens von Zimmermann, who trained in his native Düsseldorf before moving to Munich, served as the Pinakothek’s

















director from 1846 to 1865 as well as the director of the Neue Pinakothek from 1853. 63. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 184–85, figs. 190–94; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 210; Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 154; Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 92–97. 64. From east to west, the loggias illustrated as follows: (1) dedication, (2) introduction, (3) Cimabue, (4) Giotto, (5) Fra Angelico, (6) Masaccio, (7) Perugino, (8) predecessors and contemporaries of Raphael, (9) Leonardo, (10) Correggio, (11) the Venetian school, (12) Michelangelo, (13) Raphael, (14) Rubens, (15) Poussin and Eustache Le Sueur, (16) Claude and Rembrandt, (17) Dürer, (18) Holbein the Younger and his contemporaries, (19) Lucas van Leyden and his contemporaries, (20) Memling, (21) the Van Eyck brothers, (22) Master Wilhelm of Cologne and his followers, (23) German architecture of the thirteenth century, (24) the beginning of German training in the time of Charlemagne, and (25) conclusion and Apotheosis of Art. 65. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 184, figs. 271–74; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 219; Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 154; Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 150–55. 66. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 50–51; Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 188–89, figs. 242–44; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 216; Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 157; Büttner, Peter Cornelius, 109–12; Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 132–33. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 50, refers to this bay as Loggia ix, since he starts numbering from the opposite direction. 67. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 188–89, figs. 218, 220, and Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 116–17. 68. Büttner, Peter Cornelius, 111. 69. Ibid., 50. 70. Ibid. 71. A poem entitled “Bund der Kirche mit den Künsten,” which August Wilhelm von Schlegel published in Kunst-Blatt (no. 29 [1829]: 113), typifies the Romantics’ belief in the inherent association of art with Christianity, specifically the Catholic Church. 72. Ludwig I of Bavaria, Walhalla’s Genossen, 133–34. 73. Cornelius’s drawing for the cupola is Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich, inv. no. 851Z. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, plate 33. 74. Ferdinand Fellner’s drawing was the basis for a section of the large transparent painting erected in the Great Hall. It was later copied as a print by Johann Philipp Walther and in stained glass by Joseph Sauterleute. Mende and Hirschmann, Nürnberger Dürerfeiern, nos. 18a, 19a, 20, 21a; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 262–71, no. 57a–g. 75. Kris and Kurz, Legend, Myth, and Magic, 8–9.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 63–70 76. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:35, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:27–34, here 30–31. 77. The portrait was acquired in 1805 by the king of Bavaria. Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 314–53, esp. 342–43. 78. On their relationship, see Rupprich, “Dürer und Pirckheimer.” 79. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 50, wrote that Agnes “did not make his life very cheerful” and that she was very displeased when Pirckheimer came to visit. 80. Strack and Strack, “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte,” 169, and Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 132. Ludwig also mentioned the artist’s unfortunate marriage. Ludwig I of Bavaria, Walhalla’s Genossen, 133. 81. The figure of Agnes is modeled loosely after Cornelius’s Frau Marthe from his Faust illustrations. Büttner, Peter Cornelius, 109. 82. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 50. 83. Beck and Decker, Dürers Verwandlung, figs. 74–75, 81–82, 87–88, 95, 215, 217; plates 14, 22. When the artists of the Saint Luke Brotherhood in Rome celebrated Dürer’s birthday in 1815, they honored him also as a sculptor. Büttner, Peter Cornelius, 109. 84. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 50. 85. Renger, “Ihm, welcher der Andacht Tempel baut . . . ,” 238, 240–42. 86. No photos of lunette scenes survive. Cornelius’s drawing for the lunette is Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich, inv. no. 852. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, plate 34. 87. Ibid., 51, provides the story’s location. 88. Van Mander, Lives, 1:92–93. A similar story is told about King Henry VIII of England and his court artist, Hans Holbein the Younger. 89. Von Sandrart, Teutsche Academie, vol. 1, part 2, book 3, 224. 90. Mende, Künstler in seiner Stadt, 104–5. 91. Private collection. Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 288–91, no. 61 (entry by Ulrich Pfisterer). 92. Dürer, Diary of His Journey, 57–58, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:151. In his manuscript Boisserée also mentioned that Antwerp’s artists and city councilors honored Dürer. Strack and Strack, “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte,” 170. 93. Campe, Reliquien von Albrecht Dürer, 71–145. 94. Mende and Hirschmann, Nürnberger Dürerfeiern, nos. 18c, 19c, and 21c. 95. Though all agreed that Raphael had been born in Urbino in 1483, it was uncertain whether he had been born on April 6 or 7. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, vii, and Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 467. 96. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 55. 97. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, vii. 98. Von Sonnenburg, Raphael, 8–14.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 201

99. Ibid., 92, 98, 107. The Portrait of Bindo Altoviti was deaccessioned by the Alte Pinakothek in 1938 and purchased by Samuel H. Kress, who donated it to the National Gallery of Art in Washington in 1943. 100. Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 27–30, 204–5, 316–19, nos. 31 and 70, and fig. 12. 101. Von Sonnenburg, Raphael, 106. 102. Savoy, Tempel der Kunst, 539–47, esp. 541–42, 545–46. 103. Ibid., 547–49. 104. Ibid., 541 and 548. 105. Cornelius’s drawing for the cupola is Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich, inv. no. 839. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 190, figs. 224 and 226; Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 120–21. 106. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:43–45, and Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:139. 107. Förster, Peter von Cornelius, 35, plate 21. 108. De Symmetria Partium in Rectis Formis Humanorum Corporum (Nuremberg: Hieronymus Andreae, 1532). Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 2:934–35, and Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:309. 109. Johann Obernetter’s prints after some of the designs were published in the Klenze Sammlung architektonische Entwürfe. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, figs. 357–61, and Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 147. 110. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 177–79. 111. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde; Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, 477–95; Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 145–49. 112. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, figs. 147–66. 113. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, and Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 148. 114. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, Room i—painting no. 1, and Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, 156–60, nos. 50–54K. 115. Von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, Room i—painting nos. 3, 17, 51, 66, 71, 72, 76. 116. Ibid., 9–24. 117. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, figs. 167–68, and Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 76–77. 118. The decorations of Room ii (now v) were destroyed in World War II. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, fig. 169, and Hipp and Schawe, Alte Pinakothek, 78–79. On Lucretia, see von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemaelde, Room ii—painting no. 93, and Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, 251–52, no. 137. 119. Kunst-Blatt, no. 54 (1834): 214; Goldberg, “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung,” 148. 120. See chapter 5 below for the Prussian taste for nineteenth-century copies of Raphael’s paintings. Windholz, “‘Savior, Prince of Color.’” 121. Cited in Strack and Strack, “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte,” 171. 122. Ludwig I of Bavaria, Walhalla’s Genossen, 134.

201

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 71–79

202

Chapter 4













Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 202

1. Von Buttlar and Savoy, “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek,” 325. On its direct and indirect influence, see an der Heiden, “Stellung der Alten Pinakothek,” 195–202. Pevsner, review of Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, observes that in 1811–14 John Soane’s Dulwich Picture Gallery had five galleries illuminated by skylights. 2. In his Aesthetics: Lectures on the Fine Arts, first published in 1835, Hegel remarks about museums, “Unless we bring with us in the case of each picture a knowledge of the country, period, and school to which it belongs, as well as of the master who painted it, most galleries seem to be a senseless confusion out of which we cannot find our way. Thus the greatest aid to study and intelligent enjoyment is an historical arrangement.” Cited in Carrier, “Remembering,” 61–62. 3. Inspired by the Munich example, Albert von Zahn, the keeper of the newly erected (1854–58) Museum der bildenden Künste in Leipzig, held a competition for the fresco decoration of the east loggia in 1860. Theodor Grosse’s cycle (1863/64–72) included allegorical figures rather than artists. The middle cupola, with Fantasy riding a Sphinx, incorporated bust portraits of four great patrons of the arts: Ramesses II the Great, Pericles, Pope Julius II, and, significantly for my purposes, King Ludwig I of Bavaria. Vogel, Das Städtische Museum zu Leipzig, 58–65; Marr, Vom Bildungsprogramm, 125–29, fig. 6. 4. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 109–16; Watkin and Mellinghoff, German Architecture, 162–64; von Buttlar, “Glyptothek, Pinakothek, Neue Eremitage,” 49–51; von Buttlar, Leo von Klenze, 369–91; Semjonova and Wesnin, “Leo von Klenzes Planung der Neuen Eremitage”; S. Hildebrand, “Werkverzeichnis,” 451–67, no. 168. 5. Piotrovsky and Torshina, Hermitage, figs. 53–56. 6. Klenze’s Tempel des olympischen Jupiter in Agrigent was published Stuttgart in 1821, a second edition in 1827. Nerdinger, Leo von Klenze, 57 (with Klenze’s illustration) and 187; Bankel, “Leo von Klenze ein Bauforscher?” 7. Böttger, Alte Pinakothek, fig. 12. 8. Von Buttlar, Leo von Klenze, 380; Piotrovsky, My Hermitage, 26–27. 9. Kudrjavceva, Ermitage, 237; see also Gritsay, “Flemish Paintings.” 10. J. A. Kuhn, Professor Johann Halbig, 4; Otten, Schwanthaler, 76; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 109; Piotrovsky, My Hermitage, 27. 11. Von Buttlar, “Glyptothek, Pinakothek, Neue Eremitage,” 50; von Buttlar, Leo von Klenze, 380.

12. Morghen, a noted Italian engraver, frequently made prints after Raphael and other older artists. 13. Kagan, Western European Cameos, 5–27. 14. Piotrovsky and Torshina, Hermitage, fig. 146. 15. S. Hildebrand, “Werkverzeichnis,” 464; Piotrovsky and Torshina, Hermitage, 113–14, figs. 127, 142, 146, 161; Kudrjavceva, Ermitage, 62, fig. 60. 16. Mittlmeier, Neue Pinakothek, esp. 49–62, here 59; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 83–96, 240–49; Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 104; Hess, “Wilhelm von Kaulbachs gemalte Kunstgeschichte.” 17. Glaser, “‘Schwung hatte er, wie Keiner!,’” 14. 18. Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlung, Neue Pinakothek, inv. no. WAF 406-424. The paintings were removed in 1901. 19. Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 84. 20. Allgemeine Zeitung, March 4, 1850 (Beilage to no. 63); Mittlmeier, Neue Pinakothek, 224. 21. Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 95. 22. Mittlmeier, Neue Pinakothek, 56–57; Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 99–100. 23. Mittlmeier, Neue Pinakothek, 59; Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 104. 24. Lachner’s choir sang the “Walhallalied” at the museum’s dedication. Glaser, “‘Schwung hatte er, wie Keiner!,’” 35. 25. Marggraff, Kaiser Maximilian I.; J. C. Smith, “Performing Dürer.” 26. Hartmann, Kaiser Maximilian I., 18–19, 33–36, figs. 4–5. Eugen Napoleon Neureuther’s 106 surviving drawings are in the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich. 27. Hartmann, Kaiser Maximilian I., 18, fig. 4. 28. This building, used by other groups such as the Bürger-Sänger-Zunft, stood at the corner of Sonnenstraße and Josephspitalstraße. Marggraff, Kaiser Maximilian I., 6. 29. Marggraff, Kaiser Maximilian I., 3 and 62. See also August von Kreling’s dedication page of King Ludwig’s Album (1856), showing Dürer standing with Maximilian as they and others honor the Bavarian king’s promotion of the arts. Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 111–12, fig. 28. 30. Marggraff, Kaiser Maximilian I., 9–12. The heyday of Nuremberg is also the subject of Max Adamo’s painting of 1862 in Gallery x of the original Bayerisches Nationalmuseum in Munich, which is today the Museum Fünf Kontinente. This was part of a vast cycle throughout the building recounting the history of Bavaria. Adamo was a student of Kaulbach’s. E.-M. Wagner, Bilderzyklus, 209, fig. 29. 31. On the stories of how Dürer reportedly obtained the painters’ coat of arms for Nuremberg’s artists as well as his own personal helm, see Marggraff, Kaiser Maximilian I., 60–62, who admits that the stories might be apocryphal. In van Mander’s

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 79–88













and Sandrart’s texts, this story appears immediately after the account of Maximilian holding the artist’s ladder (fig. 41). Van Mander, Lives, 1:93 and 2:303; von Sandrart, Teutsche Academie, vol. 1, part 2, book 3, 224. 32. The shield had been employed commonly at least since the late fifteenth century in depictions of Saint Luke. It may have begun as a verbal play on the words for painter (Schilder) and shield (Schild) in German, the latter of which can refer to an armorial panel or the wooden support used by artists. Weissert, Kunst der Künste, 30, 36–37, 103–5, 111–12, figs. 6, 15, 94–95, and 104–5. 33. In 1819 Carl Alexander Heideloff created an image of Peter Vischer the Elder and Dürer being elevated to the stars by female geniuses. While Vischer’s portrait includes just his personal coat of arms, Dürer has the painters’ shield and his personal arms. This was engraved by Christian Geissler for the Neues Taschenbuch von Nürnberg (1819); see Mende, Künstler in seiner Stadt, 183. The shield adorns the reverse of a medal with Dürer’s portrait made in 1853 for the Society of Younger Artists and Academics in Vienna to commemorate their spring festival of May 20, the eve of the Nuremberg artist’s birthday. Mende, Dürer-Medaillen, 306–7, no. 92. 34. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, figs. 33–34; Mende, Künstler in seiner Stadt, 458–59; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 252, no. 52a. 35. Following a mid-fourteenth-century revolt, Nuremberg’s city council banned guilds. Instead, these became craft organizations, which the council carefully monitored. 36. Hartmann, Der historische Festzug, figs. 25–26; Hartmann, Kaiser Maximilian I., 5–6; Bartrum, Dürer and His Legacy, 305, no. 269. 37. Mittlmeier, Neue Pinakothek, 59. 38. Büttner, “Herrscherlob und Satire,” 102–4, figs. 19–23. 39. Hess, “Wilhelm von Kaulbachs gemalte Kunstgeschichte,” 318. 40. Sander, “Biographie in Dokumenten,” 36, 38–39. 41. Ille, Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s kunstgeschichtliche Wandgemaelde. A photograph of the exterior of the museum appears on the title page. Hess, “Wilhelm von Kaulbachs gemalte Kunstgeschichte,” 319. 42. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 12–48; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 8–19, on the history of the building and exterior sculpture. The Kassel museum’s staircase, with its statue of Germany holding a portrait of Dürer, is discussed in chapter 8. 43. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 36–40; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 26–38. 44. The original paintings were done in encaustic. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 28–38, 64–65. 45. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 29, fig. 31, no. 45; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 340–41, no. 77b. 46. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 29, fig. 30, no. 22; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 340–41, no. 77a.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 203

47. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 24, fig. 25, no. 19. 48. The closest source is Dürer’s Adoration of the Holy Trinity (or Landauer Altarpiece) in Vienna, though the Holy Spirit there is above, not between, God and Christ. Von Dehn-Rotfelser, “Das neue Gemäldegalerie-Gebäude,” col. 27. 49. Cited in Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 49 n. 79. 50. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 29. 51. The loggias at the Alte Pinakothek had comparable, if more modest, benches featuring sphinxes. See figure 37. 52. Von Dehn-Rotfelser, “Das neue Gemäldegalerie-Gebäude,” col. 28; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 30, fig. 33. 53. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 26, fig. 29. 54. Von Dehn-Rotfelser, “Das neue Gemäldegalerie-Gebäude,” col. 28; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 31, figs. 34–36. 55. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 32, fig. 37; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 292–93, no. 62. 56. Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, no. GK 6. Schneckenburger-Broschek, Altdeutsche Malerei, 110–20, esp. 112, no. 73. 57. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 32, fig. 38, no. 30. 58. Ibid., 32, fig. 39. 59. For Merkel’s original design, 49 × 70.2 cm, see Graphische Sammlung, Neue Galerie, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, inv. no. GS 14918. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 33, fig. 40, no. 33; Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 226–27, no. 40. 60. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 33, fig. 41, no. 35. 61. Ibid., 34–38, figs. 42–49, nos. 36–47. 62. This is recorded in a letter of May 13, 1878. Schöne was a member of the Berlin Kunstkommission from 1869 and the director of the Royal Museums of Berlin from 1878 until 1905. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 37–38, 57–58 (Anhang 18).

203

Chapter 5 1. On the museums in Berlin, see chapter 6 below. 2. The Städel Kunstinstitut has had various names (Städel Institut, Städelsche Galerie, Städelsches Kunstinstitut und Städtische Galerie, and Städtische Galerie im Städelschen Kunstinstitut) since its founding. “Staedelsches Kunstinstitut” is inscribed on the entrance of the 1877 building. More recently the institution was rebranded as the Städel Museum. The Städelschule, or art school, is now separate. Ziemke, Geschichte; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 64–72; Krämer, “Städel and Its Collection,” 18–19; C. Meyer, Geburt, esp. 133–36 on his will. 3. For views of the façade, see Verein Freunde der Städelschule e.V., Städelschule Frankfurt am Main, 11 and 160, and Krämer, “Städel and Its Collection,” 19, fig. 3. 4. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 65.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 89–95

204













Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 204

5. Krämer, “Städel and Its Collection,” 18, remarks, “For their [the Nazarenes’] visions of renewal they looked to the Bible for inspiration and to the art of Raphael and Albrecht Dürer.” 6. Schlegel, Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works, 54. 7. C. Meyer, Geburt, 323–42, esp. 328–31. On Passavant, see Schröter, “Raffael-Kult.” 8. C. Meyer, Geburt, 328. 9. Overbeck, Account of the Picture; Ziemke, Gemälde, 1:266–69; Hinz, “Triumph der Religion”; Kuhlmann-Hodick, Kunstgeschichtsbild, 1:462–68; C. Meyer, Geburt, 331; Thimann, Friedrich Overbeck, 195–201. For a contemporary source citing Overbeck as “by far the greatest artist who ever lived,” see Krämer, “Städel and Its Collection,” 18. 10. August Wilhelm Schlegel, writing in 1799, and Friedrich, his brother, writing in 1803–5, praised Holbein and often compared him (or confused him, in the attribution of his paintings) with Leonardo. August Wilhelm claimed that only Dürer and Holbein, among German painters, were worthy of a place at the front of “Raphael’s Sanctuarium.” Borchert, “Hans Holbein,” 194–98. 11. Veit resigned in protest when the Kunstinstitut’s board in 1843 purchased Carl Friedrich Lessing’s Johann Hus at Constance (1842; 308 × 455 cm), a painting he felt was anti-Catholic and, presumably, a challenge to his vision of the institution. It represents Hus defending himself at the Council of Constance (1414–18). Heinrich Hoffmann, an author and member of the Kunstinstitut’s administration, justified the purchase in his memoirs: “We, the administration, including the Protestants among us, had made a concession to the Catholic-minded in our primarily Protestant city a few years earlier by acquiring Overbeck’s painting ‘Triumph of the Arts.’ Now it was our duty to acknowledge the Protestant community in like manner with the work by Lessing.” Krämer, “Städel and Its Collection,” 18–19, fig. 5. 12. The Karlsruhe cartoon was destroyed. On the others, see Hinz, “Triumph der Religion,” figs. 2–5, and Kudrjavceva, Ermitage, 248–49, figs. 216–17. 13. Bann, Paul Delaroche, 200–212, 225–27; Allemand-Cosneau and Julia, Paul Delaroche, 105–29. 14. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 67–69, 225–27. 15. Best rented a mansion at Neue Mainzer Straße 9, just down the street from the Kunstinstitut. She sketched the Old German, Italian, Flemish, and watercolor galleries. Her watercolors were sold separately, and their current locations are unknown. The sketch of the Italian picture gallery was offered by Sotheby’s in 1984. C. Meyer, Geburt, 178–79, fig. 68; Davidson, Women’s Worlds, 35, 41–42, 45, and figs. 46–47; https://www.staedelmu seum.de/en/history-museum.

16. Erwin von Steinbach (ca. 1244–1318) oversaw the construction of the west façade of Strasbourg Cathedral. 17. Verein Freunde der Städelschule e.V., Städelschule Frankfurt am Main, 6. 18. Ziemke, Gemälde, 1:449–54, vol. 2, plates 16–17; Schulze, Bildprogramme, plates 87–89. 19. For a discussion of Veit’s concept of Germania and its development in the nineteenth century, see Skokan, Germania und Italia, 44–60. 20. Kunst-Blatt 17, no. 82 (1836): 340, cited in ibid., 45–46. In 1837 Eduard Eugen Schäffer engraved the figures of Italia and Germania for members of the Frankfurt Kunstverein. 21. Decker, “Dürer und Raffael.” The busts were transferred to the Polytechnische Gesellschaft in 1879 and removed from the Kunstinstitut’s inventory. Decker thinks the two busts were there until 1940, when the building was acquired by the Frankfurter Sparkasse. These next entered the collection of a painter in the Rheingau and thus escaped bombardment. 22. Lotsch made a pencil drawing of himself sculpting the bust of Raphael. He added the following inscription: “Rom den 16ten Juli 1832 in zwei Monaten soll die Büste / fertig sein / an Meister Philippus.” Mittelrheinisches Museum, Mainz. Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 82, fig. 4. 23. Ibid., 82. 24. Kunst-Blatt 15, no. 19 (March 6, 1834): 73–75, here 74, cited in ibid. On Ludwig von Schorn’s description of the Kunstinstitut, see also Kunst-Blatt 15, no. 20 (March 11, 1834): 78–79, and no. 21 (March 13, 1834): 82–84. The busts are listed in the museum’s first guidebook, of 1835; Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 80. 25. Raphael and Dürer were paired frequently during this period, as discussed in chapter 2 above. Carl Gustav Carus’s Recollections of Rome painting of 1831, now in the Goethe-Museum in Frankfurt, shows the two artists from the rear as they look at the skyline of Rome in the background. Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 84–85, fig. 7. 26. Heck, “Bezüglichkeit der Kunst,” 12. 27. Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 83, lists several earlier busts of Dürer. 28. Thorvaldsen Museum, Copenhagen, inv. no. A 752, acquired in 1850. Giuseppe Fabris’s bust of Raphael was placed in the Pantheon in 1833. Di Majo, Jørnaes, and Susinno, Bertel Thorvaldsen, 137, no. 2; Tesan, “Deutsche Bildhauer,” 272–73. 29. Loh, Still Lives, 210, and see chapter 3 above. 30. Ost, “Ruhmesblatt”; H. Wagner, Raffael im Bildnis, 80–83, fig. 55; Schröter, “Raffael-Kult,” 318–19, fig. 17; Eichler and Holsten, Staatlichen Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 88. On Thorvaldsen, see Bott and Spielmann, Künstlerleben in Rom, 191, 272.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 95–105 31. See also the comments below about the exhumation of Raphael’s body in 1834. Francesco Milizia, Memorie degli architetti antichi et moderni, 3rd ed. (Parma: Stamperia reale, 1781), 1:204, cited by Loh, Still Lives, 211 and 267 n. 150 (with the original text). 32. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 358–78; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 64–72. 33. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 360–66 and illustrations between 378 and 379. The other plans were by Jonas Mylius and A. Friedrich Bluntschli. 34. He stated that he wanted “die Bilder durch kein decoratives Beiwerk irgend welcher Art beeinträchtigen.” Schulze, Bildprogramme, 72, citing the Neunter Bericht über das Städelsche Kunstinstitut (Frankfurt am Main: published by the administration, June 1879), 41. Gottfried Semper voiced similar sentiments concerning the Neues Museum in Berlin. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 142; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 72. 35. See chapters 7 and 9 below for the museums in Dresden and Vienna. 36. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 369–74, on the rest of the program. 37. Gustav Kaupert and his assistants also carved reliefs depicting Beauty and Truth (east wing), Love and Diligence (west wing), Study and Humor (back side of east wing), and Strength and Moderation (back side of west wing). These virtues and Muses signal the traits inherent in great art and artists, including, above all, the Germans Dürer and Holbein. 38. Konrad Eberhard’s 1828 design for a standing statue of Dürer shows the artist using his right hand to hold his cloak together while carrying a clasped book marked with the AD monogram and the year 1528 in his left hand. While this is not identical to the Karlsruhe statue, it demonstrates the variety of similar portrait models then circulating. Mende and Hirschmann, Nürnberger Dürerfeiern, 73, figs. 35–36. 39. On this shield, see chapter 4 above. 40. Kupferstichkabinett, Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. no. 1662.6. Müller, Zeichnungen, 121, no. 181. 41. Hegner, Hans Holbein der Jüngere; Griener, “Alfred Woltmann,” 212–13, figs. 2 and 5. 42. Brinkmann and Kemperdick, Deutsche Gemälde im Städel, 257–87, esp. 258 and 278. 43. Ibid., 434–41. 44. On the gradual and uneven rediscovery of Altdorfer, see Janzen, Albrecht Altdorfer, 23–51. 45. Handbook of Painting: The German, Flemish, and Dutch Schools; Based on the Handbook of Kugler; Enlarged and for the Most Part Re-written (London: John Murray, 1860), part 1, 187–88, cited by Michael, Hans Holbein the Younger, 12. 46. Reinhold Würth acquired the Darmstadt picture in 2011 for his collection in Schwäbisch-Hall. Borchert, “Hans Holbein”;

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 205















Griener, “Alfred Woltmann”; Brinkmann, Bürgermeister; Bätschmann, “Holbein-Streit”; Kemperdick, “Meisterwerk.” 47. Griener, “Alfred Woltmann,” 212–13; Henning, Sixtinische Madonna. 48. Von Lützow, “Ergebnisse der Dresdener Holbein Ausstellung,” reprinted in Brinkmann, Bürgermeister, 115–21. Michael, Hans Holbein the Younger, 318–50, for a bibliography with numerous publications from the 1860s and 1870s on this controversy. 49. Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 86. 50. On May 10, 1871, the city served as the site for the Treaty of Frankfurt, which ratified the Treaty of Versailles (February 25, 1871) ending the Franco-Prussian War and formally recognized King Wilhelm I of Prussia (r. 1861–88) as the new emperor (r. 1871–88) of the unified German state. 51. U. Grimm, “Ausbau von Karlsruhe”; Valdenaire, Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Karlsruhe, 25–39. 52. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 93–101, figs. 86–104; Rössling, “Studien zur Baugeschichte,” 82–101; Hassler, Kunsthalle als Kunstwerk, 9–29; Valdenaire, Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Karlsruhe, 281–94, figs. 493–500. 53. Karlsruhe: Chr. Fr. Müller, 1828. Hübsch et al., In What Style Should We Build?, 1–6 and 63–101 (text); Hess, Bauen und Zeigen. 54. Hübsch et al., In What Style Should We Build?, 63. 55. Kuhlmann-Hodick, Kunstgeschichtsbild, 1:253. 56. Vey, “Schmuck,” 14–15. 57. Eichler and Holsten, Staatlichen Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 101–6. 58. In Verzeichniß der Kunstgegenstände in der Großherzoglichen Kunsthalle zu Karlsruhe (Karlsruhe, 1847), cited in Vey, “Schmuck,” 14. 59. Vey, “Schmuck,” 14. 60. Eichler and Holsten, Staatlichen Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 102. 61. Vey, “Schmuck,” 14. 62. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 75; Vey, “Schmuck,” 16–19; Strack, “Die historisierenden Wandbilder.” 63. On Sabina, see Kuhlmann-Hodick, Kunstgeschichtsbild, 1:258–64. 64. Karlsen, Das mitteleuropäische Treppenhaus. 65. Eichler and Holsten, Staatlichen Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 86–88; Decker, “Dürer und Raffael,” 79–80. 66. Loh, Still Lives, 209–16. 67. The cartoon was destroyed in World War II. Hinz, “Triumph der Religion,” 166 n. 1. 68. Dürer’s statuette is inv. no. P 212. Eichler and Holsten, Staatlichen Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 120–25 (esp. 122–23), 159 (with illustration). 69. Ibid., 120.

205

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 105–119

206

70. Ibid., 60–62; Valdenaire, Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Karlsruhe, fig. 496 (historic photograph). 71. The building, constructed in 1887–89 after designs by Josef Durm, and the sculpted portraits no longer exist. U. Grimm, Das badische Landesmuseum, 205–25. Chapter 6









Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 206

1. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 45–54, 197–202; Gaehtgens, “Altes Museum, Berlin.” 2. Van Wezel, “Denon’s Louvre and Schinkel’s Alte Museum.” 3. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 66–81, esp. 73–78, fig. 62 (Gustav Friedrich Waagen’s plan for the gallery displays). 4. Dehio, Friedrich Wilhelm IV.; Börsch-Supan and Müller-Stüler, Friedrich August Stüler, 42–109; Meiner and Werquet, Friedrich Wilhelm IV. 5. Börsch-Supan and Müller-Stüler, Friedrich August Stüler, 64–67, figs. 24–25. 6. Ibid., 67–74, 907–11; Fritzsch, “Museums.” 7. Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 167–68. 8. This project was never carried out. Ibid., 167. 9. The cycle was destroyed in World War II. Schasler, Wandgemälde; Dobbert, Monumentale Darstellung der Reformation; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 122–25; Busch, “Wilhelm von Kaulbach”; Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 58–88; M. Wagner, “Wohin mit der verlorenen Geschichte?”; Maaz, “Kulturgeschichte in Bildern,” 138–39. 10. Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 236. 11. Kaulbach originally planned to show Friedrich Barbarossa not Friedrich II. The latter makes much more sense for this Prussian museum. Schasler, Wandgemälde, 35. 12. Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 162, figs. 21–22. 13. Ibid., 69. 14. Ibid., 64–69. 15. Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 237. 16. Wach, Zeitalter der Reformation, passim, and the foldout illustration opposite the title page. Kaulbach sought sources, such as Nicolaus Reusner’s Icones (Strasbourg: Iobinus, 1587), for accurate portraits of these historical figures. Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 87, fig. 18. 17. Dobbert, Monumentale Darstellung der Reformation, 33. 18. Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 83. 19. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, nos. 183–84; Goldberg, Heimberg, and Schawe, Albrecht Dürer, 478–559, no. 14. 20. On Kaulbach’s use of humor, see Busch, “Wilhelm von Kaulbach,” and chapter 4 above. 21. Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, fig. 63, nos. 42.1 and 44.6.

22. The identification was made by Kaulbach’s contemporaries. Wach, Zeitalter der Reformation, 29; Dobbert, Monumentale Darstellung der Reformation, 23. 23. Friedrich Wilhelm IV, like his father, had a special love for Raphael’s art. Between 1851 and 1864 Stüler built the Orangerie in Potsdam for the king. Its main room, the Raphael Hall (1853–58), was created solely to display about fifty nineteenth-century copies of Raphael’s paintings. Börsch-Supan and Müller-Stüler, Friedrich August Stüler, 850–51, plate 124; Windholz, “‘Savior, Prince of Color.’” 24. Busch, “Wilhelm von Kaulbach,” 128–30. Grewe, “Writing on the Wall,” 241, has suggested that “the Romantic dream of Italia and Germania’s marriage appears to come true” as the Italian artists visit Dürer. 25. Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 79. 26. Busch, “Wilhelm von Kaulbach,” 118. 27. Carrière, Philosophische Weltanschauung; Friedrich Theodor Vischer’s various writings on aesthetics, most notably his essays on works of art in Kritische Gänge and Aesthetik, oder Wissenschaft des Schönen; von Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation; and Neudecker, Neuen Beiträge zur Geschichte der Reformation and Geschichte der deutschen Reformation. Busch, “Wilhelm von Kaulbach,” 118–19, 123–29; Menke-Schwinghammer, Weltgeschichte, 82–85. 28. The painting, formerly in Berlin, was destroyed in 1945. Heck, “Bezüglichkeit der Kunst,” 13. 29. Heck, “Bezüglichkeit der Kunst,” 10. 30. Rietschel published a brief text in conjunction with the cycle’s dedication. See Schulte-Arndt, Ernst Rietschel als Zeichner, 172–73. 31. Ibid., 172–94, with a photograph of the original display on 172; Stephan, Ernst Rietschel 1804–1861, 196–208, nos. 31a–l, and 308–9, nos. 27–41. 32. Rietschel inscribed his original design sketch as follows: “Kunst in Italie. Raphael. Mich. Angelo. Kunst in Deutschland. Pet Fischer. Alb. Dürer. 16. Jahrh.” Schulte-Arndt, Ernst Rietschel als Zeichner, 189–90, 192, no. 257. In the drawing, the image faintly outlined on the canvas looks like Dürer’s Charlemagne (Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg), with the imperial crown. The plaster model for the Leipzig relief was acquired by the Skulpturensammlung in Dresden along with the holdings of the Rietschel Museum in 1889; inv. ASN 1221 (Abg.-ZV 4002). 33. Schasler, Wandgemälde. 34. Ibid., 33. 35. Wach, Zeitalter der Reformation, 6. 36. Ibid., 26. 37. Ibid., 27–30.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 119–125 38. Ibid., 29. 39. Ibid., 80. 40. Dobbert, Monumentale Darstellung der Reformation; Weber, “Luther-Denkmäler,” 204–9, figs. 25–27. 41. Schilling was a medical doctor treating mental illnesses. Schilling, Wilhelm v. Kaulbach’s Narrenhaus; Waldvogel, Wilhelm Kaulbachs Narrenhaus. 42. Dobbert, Monumentale Darstellung der Reformation, 23. 43. Ibid., 35. 44. Ibid., 36. 45. Schulze Altcappenberg, “Bilder eines Museums”; Schulze Altcappenberg, “Kupferstichkabinett”; and Schulze Altcappenberg, “Inszenierte Kunstgeschichte.” 46. Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, plate 4; Schulze Altcappenberg, “Bilder eines Museums,” 205. 47. Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, plate 6 (cross section of the museum). The Red Room and Green Room are respectively in the upper right and left corners. 48. Stone colored, 64 × 33 × 30.5 cm. Partially damaged. Inv. no. RM 191. Formerly in the Rauch-Museum. Von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 368–69, no. 240; Maaz, Nationalgalerie Berlin, 2:577, no. 856. 49. Cited by Schulze Altcappenberg, “Kupferstichkabinett,” 227. 50. The section with Raphael Morghen is the best preserved. Schulze Altcappenberg, “Kupferstichkabinett,” 229. 51. Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, plate 6; Schulze Altcappenberg, “Kupferstichkabinett,” 229. 52. Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, plate 21; Schulze Altcappenberg, “Bilder eines Museums,” 210, fig. 4; Schulze Altcappenberg, “Inszenierte Kunstgeschichte,” 247, fig. 6. 53. Based on Stüler, Das Neue Museum in Berlin, plate 6, Raimondi was given long hair to match Dürer’s. Maaz, Christian Friedrich Tieck, 398, no. F 25. 54. Börsch-Supan and Müller-Stüler, Friedrich August Stüler, 74–78, 911–14. 55. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 103. 56. The building’s sponsor was Emperor Wilhelm I even though the official funding agency was the Ministerium der geistlichen, Unterrichts- und Medicinal-Angelegenheiten (Ministry for Spiritual, Educational, and Medical Affairs). Keisch, Alte Nationalgalerie Berlin, 7. 57. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 86 and 108. 58. Strack supplied the subject, and Schulz produced the first sketches in 1869–70. The sculptures were carved in 1870–71. 59. Maaz, Alte Nationalgalerie, 97, fig. 96. 60. Jordan, Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie, xxviii. The first edition appeared in 1876.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 207

61. Carl Busse’s drawing after Stüler’s design of 1865 includes this memorial and staircase, which were originally intended for the island’s northern tip before being repurposed as the museum’s frontispiece. Calandrelli followed the more developed model by Gustav Bläser (1813–1874). The three socle figures depict Religion, Art (Poesie), and Philosophy. The memorial recalls Rauch’s equestrian monument of King Friedrich II the Great (r. 1740–86), made in 1839–51 and located nearby on Unter den Lindenstraße. Commissioned by Friedrich Wilhelm III, the father of Friedrich Wilhelm IV and Wilhelm I, this older memorial extolled the rise of the modern Prussian state and its military power. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 106–7; von Simson, Christian Daniel Rauch, 298–312, no. 188. 62. The far left-hand panel was destroyed in World War II. R. Böhm restored the whole cycle in 1964. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 110–11. 63. The left frieze depicts, from left to right, Charlemagne, Bernward von Hildesheim, Erwin von Steinbach with his daughter Sabina, Gerhard von Rile, Nikolaus Wurmser, Theodorich von Prag, Heinrich von Duderstadt, Wilhelm von Köln, Stefan Lochner, Jakob der Deutsche, Adam Kraft, Sebald Schonhofer, Veit Stoss, Peter Vischer, Hans Brüggemann, Martin Schongauer, Alexander Colin, Hans Holbein, Virgilius Solis, Michael Wolgemut, Matthias Grünewald, Hans Burgkmair, Hans von Kulmbach, and Albrecht Dürer. 64. Jordan, Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie, xxviii. 65. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 111. The right frieze shows, from right to left, King Friedrich I, the bronze caster Jacobi with Andreas Schlüter’s model for the equestrian statue for the Great Elector, Schlüter, Joachim von Sandrart, Georg Friedrich Schmidt, Georg Rafael Donner, Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, Georg Wenzeslaus von Knobelsdorff, Anton Graff, Daniel Chodowiecki, Gottlieb Schick, Asmus Jacob Carstens, Johann Friedrich Overbeck, Joseph Anton Koch, Leo von Klenze, Ludwig Schwanthaler, Johann Heinrich von Dannecker, Carl Rottmann, Bonaventura Genelli, Moritz von Schwind, Alfred Rethel, Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, Johann Gottfried and Wilhelm Schadow, Ernst Rietschel, Friedrich August Stüler, Carl Blechen, Karl Friedrich Schinkel, Christian Daniel Rauch, Gustav Bläser, Peter von Cornelius, and Wilhelm von Kaulbach. 66. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 114; Maaz, Alte Nationalgalerie, fig. 94; Schuster, Alte Nationalgalerie, fig. 15. 67. There were some complaints about the choices, such as Sandrart, for having nothing to do with modern art, and Alexander Colin (1527/29–1612), who worked in Heidelberg and Innsbruck, for being Flemish, not German.

207

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 126–135

208

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 208

68. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 114–16, citing Raczynski, Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst; Förster, Geschichte der neuen deutschen Kunst; Förster’s popular Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, which begins in the Middle Ages and goes to the mid-nineteenth century; Schnasse’s Geschichte der bildenden Künste; and Kugler, Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte. 69. Maaz, Alte Nationalgalerie, 48–49, fig. 37. 70. The portraits, completed in 1874, are by Rudolf Schweinitz (Rauch and Schinkel), Otto Geyer (Stüler, Kaulbach, Schwind, Carstens, and Klenze), Karl Adalbert Moser (Schwanthaler, Eduard Hildebrandt, and Rietschel), and Ludwig Brodwolf (Schadow, Cornelius, Tieck, Schnorr, and Overbeck). Jordan, Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie, xxix–xxx; Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 129–31. 71. Jordan, Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie, xxxii–xxxv; J. Hildebrand, “Otto Geyer”; Maaz, Alte Nationalgalerie, 112, figs. 117–19; esp. Wullen, Die Deutschen sind im Treppenhaus. 72. Böcklin authored three wall paintings for the staircase in the Basel Museum in 1868–69. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 87. 73. “Die Hauptmomente der Kunstentwicklung im Laufe der deutschen Geschichte.” J. Hildebrand, “Otto Geyer,” 70, citing Zeitschrift für Bauwesen (1871): col. 246. 74. Unverfehrt, “Arminius als nationale Leitfigur.” 75. Ibid., 321–23, fig. 7. 76. Wullen, Die Deutschen sind im Treppenhaus, 24. 77. Ibid., 28. 78. J. Hildebrand, “Otto Geyer,” 74. 79. Horst Bredekamp commented, “This Knight epitomized the self-definition of the German who, with an iron heart, follows his chosen path in spite of the times. So in this sense the Knight became the symbol of steadfastness, holding to his line, disregarding all enemies or barriers in his way.” Quoted and translated in MacGregor, Germany, 313–14. See esp. Białostocki, Dürer and His Critics, 235–42. 80. Wullen, Die Deutschen sind im Treppenhaus, 27. 81. Ibid., 33. 82. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, 134. J. Hildebrand, “Otto Geyer,” 105–17, compares the presentation of history in Geyer’s cycle, notably the role accorded to Prussian rulers, with the similar general narrative in school curricula and history texts used in the later nineteenth century. 83. Jordan, Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie, xxxvi–xxxvii. 84. Plansammlung der Universitätsbibliothek der Technische Universität Berlin, inv. no. 17112. Dorgerloh, Nationalgalerie in Berlin, color plate 1. It is published in reverse in Maaz, Alte Nationalgalerie, 154, fig. 160.

85. The Nationalgalerie’s use of stucco reliefs, statues, and artists’ names inscribed on the exterior of the building directly inspired the decoration of Berlin’s new Kunstgewerbemuseum (Museum of Decorative Arts) in the Martin-Gropius-Bau (1877–81). Otto Geyer and Emil Hundrieser created the roughly three-meter-high stucco frieze for its central courtyard. Most of this cycle was destroyed in World War II. Fragments depict Dürer, Hans Holbein the Younger, and Peter Vischer the Elder transporting his Saint Sebaldus Shrine. Beier and Koschnick, Martin-Gropius-Bau, 136–37. Chapter 7





1. Ernst Julius Hähnel’s now-lost statues of Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger once stood against the walls beside the staircase in the Museum der bildenden Künste in Leipzig. His plaster model for Dürer, measuring 53.5 × 22.5 × 16 cm, is in the Albertinum, Skulpturensammlung, Dresden, inv. no. ASN 0259. Vogel, Das Städtische Museum zu Leipzig, 82. 2. See chapter 8 below. 3. The Lindenau-Museum in Altenburg, earlier called the Kunstund Altertumsmuseum and then the Sachsen-Altenburgisches Landesmuseum, opened in 1848. A new building, designed by Julius Robert Enger (1820–1890), was constructed in 1874–76. In 1873 Emil Hesse was commissioned to carve the façade’s limestone statues of Raphael, Phidias, and Bramante, on the left, and, opposite, Vischer, Dürer, and Michelangelo. See Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 186–201, esp. 195–96. The original Roemer Museum, or Stadtmuseum, in Hildesheim included the former Franciscan monastery of Saint Martini, which the local art society acquired in 1855. A new construction, with a main façade done in neo-Gothic style to match the older building, was erected in 1884–87 after plans by Gustav Schwartz (1847–1910). The statues were damaged in World War II and not replaced. See Jörg Kuhn, “Portraits d’artistes,” 266–67. 4. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 160–64, 401. 5. Cited in ibid., 161. 6. Schoch, “Von Wien nach Bremen.” 7. Ibid., 8, fig. 1. 8. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 165–68 and 401; Jörg Kuhn, “Portraits d’artistes,” 264. 9. The three societies were the Naturhistorische Gesellschaft Hannover, founded in 1797; the Historischer Verein für Niedersachsen, founded in 1835; and the Verein für die öffentliche Kunstsammlung, established in 1845. The collection first opened in 1852 in the Gräflich Kielmannseggschen Haus in der Calenberger Neustadt (Calenberger Straße 42) before moving into the new building.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 135–142 10. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 154, no. 28, fig. 16. 11. Kraft depicted himself as one of the three men kneeling to support the sacrament tabernacle (1493) in the choir of St. Lorenz Church and as one of the mourners on Golgotha in the Schreyer-Landauer epitaph (1490–92) on the exterior wall of the choir of St. Sebaldus Church. Vischer portrayed himself in the statuette at the eastern side of the St. Sebaldus Shrine. J. C. Smith, German Sculpture, 12, 18–20, 25–26, figs. 4, 10, and 14. 12. G. Wegner, “Zur Geschichte.” 13. A hundred and twenty-seven architects participated in the open design competition. Twenty-seven plans were exhibited in the Ständehaus in Breslau from September 7 to 21, 1873. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 49–92, esp. 68–92; Bandurska, “Architektura,” 188–92. 14. The full-scale plaster models were completed in 1880. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 471; Bandurska, “Architektura,” 190, figs. 82–83; Bandurska, “Archivalien,” 75. 15. The book is inscribed, “Herin sind begriffen vier bücher von menschlicher Proportion durch Albrechten Dürer von Nürenberg erfunden.” The artist’s fingers cover up a few letters. 16. Rooms were once reserved for the teaching of landscape painting and sculpture, until these courses were given up in 1889 and 1905 respectively. It is easy to envision Michelangelo as the patron of sculptors. Dürer was among the earliest artists to make landscape drawings and watercolors. Bandurska, “Archivalien,” 75. 17. The names of Cornelius, Schinkel, and Rauch were inscribed on the north wall, and Van Dyck, Schlüter, and Rembrandt on the south wall, near these portraits. Bandurska, “Architektura,” 192. 18. Duke Carl I first opened his Kunst- und Naturaliencabinette, the forerunner of the museum, to the public in 1754. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 202–43, esp. 232–37; Wex, 100 Jahre Museumstr. 1, 229–34. 19. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 131–44; Magirius, “Bildkünstlerische Ausgestaltung”; Magirius, “Gemäldegalerie in Dresden.” 20. Hvattum, Gottfried Semper, 160 and, on historicism, 162–74. 21. The Kupferstichkabinett was established in 1720, the Grünes Gewölbe (Green Vault) in 1721, the Porcelain Collection in 1723, and the Collection of Antiquities in 1728. Walther, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden, 8–9 (Manfred Bachmann) and 13–17 (Anneliese Mayer-Meintschel); Marx, “‘Werke unsterblicher Meister.’” 22. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 131–44, figs. 143–68. 23. Semper (1803–1879) fled Dresden before his museum was completed. His involvement in the May 1849 uprising and his republican political convictions clashed with the positions of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 209











the king and his government. Semper traveled to Paris and London before settling in Zürich, where he held a professorship in architecture at the Polytechnikum (known as the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule since 1911) beginning in 1855. 24. “johannes. rex. saxoniae. artis. monvmenta. principvm. / saxonicorvm. sollerti. stvdio. collecta. in. hoc. / aedificio pvblico. qvod. condidit. fridericvs. avgvstvs. / rex. reponenda. et. servanda. cvravit. a. mdccclv.” 25. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” which was originally published in the Leipziger Zeitung; Schäfer, Königliche Gemälde-Gallerie, 1:129–44. 26. Schäfer, Königliche Gemälde-Gallerie, 1:144; also cited in Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 142. 27. Cited in Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 142. 28. Hvattum, Gottfried Semper, 173. 29. Schäfer, Königliche Gemälde-Gallerie, 1:130. Schäfer paraphrased Hettner’s 1855 remark, “Our triumphal gate is a triumphal gate of art”; see Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 330. 30. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 330–31. 31. In the collection of the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule in Zürich. Magirius, “Gemäldegalerie in Dresden,” 39; Birkholz, “Ernst Rietschel,” 75 and fig. 1. 32. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 331 and 335; Schulte-Arndt, Ernst Rietschel als Zeichner; Birkholz, “Ernst Rietschel”; Springer, “Hähnel, Ernst Julius.” The two artists, though frequent rivals, collaborated closely and contributed sculptures to all four sides of the Gemäldegalerie. Rietschel was a student, collaborator, and close friend of Christian Daniel Rauch in Berlin. He helped Rauch with the Dürer monument in Nuremberg between 1826 and 1832 and the statue of King Maximilian I Joseph of Bavaria next to the Residenz in Munich in 1835, and he did minor work on the gable decoration of the Glyptothek. Rietschel became a professor at Dresden’s Kunstakademie in 1832. Between 1836 and 1839 he authored the historical reliefs in the Augusteum of the University of Leipzig (fig. 83). Rietschel collaborated with Semper on Dresden’s original State Theater, which was destroyed by fire in 1869 and rebuilt by 1878. Hähnel studied in Dresden and Munich before a trip to Florence and Rome, where he met Semper, in 1831–32. Back in Munich in 1835, Hähnel created the statues of Perugino and Poussin after Schwanthaler’s models for the south façade of the Alte Pinakothek. At Semper’s urging, Hähnel returned to Dresden in 1838 to help with the decoration of the State Theater. In 1848 he was appointed professor at the Kunstakademie in Dresden. Hähnel’s large bronze equestrian statue of King Friedrich August II, completed in 1867, would later

209

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 143–148

210













Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 210

occupy the center of the square before Semper’s State Theater and the north side of the Gemäldegalerie. 33. Concerning the overall program, Hettner remarked, “The livelier we look into this rich symbolism, the more profound is its depth and sensibility for us.” Cited by Schäfer, Königliche Gemälde-Gallerie, 138, and Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 141–42. 34. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 329–39. This provides the basis for the excellent discussion in Birkholz, “Ernst Rietschel.” 35. The estate of the painter Anton Raphael Mengs (1728–1779), with 833 plaster casts, mostly of ancient sculpture, was acquired in 1783. 36. Hähnel carved the statues of Raphael, Michelangelo, Dante, and Cornelius. Hettner singled out Raphael as particularly successful. Destroyed in 1945, the statue was replicated after the war. Hähnel’s marble versions from 1871 and 1877 are, respectively, in the Museum der bildenden Künste in Leipzig and the Alte Nationalgalerie in Berlin. Maaz, Skulptur in Deutschland, 2:541–42. Rietschel contributed Dürer, Holbein, Giotto, and Goethe; Birkholz, “Ernst Rietschel,” 95. 37. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 331–32. 38. Ibid., 334 and 339. Hettner thought the positions of Dante and Goethe should be switched. 39. Moving from the far left to the center on Raphael’s side are sculptures portraying Gottfried (Godefroy) of Bouillon, Friedrich Barbarossa, Charlemagne, Pope Gregory the Great, then Saints Cecilia, Catherine, Lawrence, Stephen, Paul, Peter, John, Luke, Mark, Matthew, and John the Baptist, and finally, closest to the central pavilion, the Virgin Mary with the Christ child. 40. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 338–39. 41. The painter Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, director of the Gemäldegalerie since 1847, had a special liking for Dürer. On the occasion of his sixty-third birthday, on March 26, 1857, family and close friends organized a celebration at his house. The highlight was a performance of Dürer’s birthday, with the guests enacting the roles of Dürer, his wife (Agnes), Willibald Pirckheimer, Katharina Fürlegerin, two servants, and a muse. The writer Otto Roquette, who was Pirckheimer that night, organized the play. Two years later, in early March 1859, Schnorr von Carolsfeld was named an honorary member of the Albrecht-Dürer-Verein of Vienna. Sander, “Biographie in Dokumenten,” 39–40. 42. Stephan, “Rietschel-Gesamtbestand,” 326, nos. 209–10, Abg-inv. ZV 4042a, ASN 106, and ZV 4041, ASN 1346, respectively. These were acquired by the Skulpturensammlung along with the holdings of the Rietschel Museum in 1889.

43. The Seven Sorrows of the Virgin, the Dresden Altarpiece, and the Portrait of Bernhard von Reesen (1521). Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, nos. 20–27, 39–40, and 163; Marx, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden, 1:550–54; Melzer, Von der Kunstkammer zum Kupferstich-Kabinett. 44. When in 1746 August the Strong purchased Holbein’s Man with a Golden Dagger (now Charles de Solier, Sieur de Morette, 1534–35), it was believed to be a portrait of Ludovico Sforza by Leonardo da Vinci. Holbein’s Thomas Godsalve and His Son Sir John (1528) entered the royal collection in 1751. Marx, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden, 1:578–80, 616, and see my discussion of the Madonna of Jakob Meyer in chapter 5 above. 45. Lübke, Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, 644. 46. Marx and Mössinger, Cranach. 47. Birkholz, “Ernst Rietschel,” 99. 48. Ibid., 93. 49. Ibid., 98–99. 50. Magirius, “Gemäldegalerie in Dresden,” 48–49. 51. Hettner, “Das neue Museum in Dresden,” 340, attributes the reliefs on the south side to Hähnel, who may have been responsible for their designs. These represent Charlemagne, King Heinrich I, Heinrich the Lion, Friedrich Barbarossa, Emperor Charles IV, a scene of nuns weaving, Wilhelm of Cologne, Lochner, glass and polychrome painters at work, the Van Eyck brothers, Memling, Quinten Massys, Cranach, Dürer, Holbein, Jan Gossart (Mabuse), Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Rubens, Van Dyck, Rembrandt, Carstens, Veit, Schnorr von Carolsfeld, Heinrich Hess, Overbeck, Cornelius, Ludwig I, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, busts of Friedrich August II and Johann of Saxony, Grandduke Alexander of Sachsen-Weimar, Moritz Schwind, Kaulbach, Peter Hess, Wilhelm von Schadow, Bonaventura Genelli, Joseph Anton Koch, Ludwig Richter, and Friedrich Preller. Magirius, “Gemäldegalerie in Dresden,” 49 and 56. 52. J. C. Smith, German Sculpture, figs. 10, 14, 184. 53. Sander, “Biographie in Dokumenten,” 39–40. 54. Lichtwark, Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister, 14–29, on the Kunsthalle’s history; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 189–95, esp. 193–95; Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie”; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 126–35, 281–90; Plagemann, “Anfänge.” 55. Lichtwark, Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister, 9–10. 56. Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie,” 73–74. 57. The list of artists and their placement changed over time. The 1868 and 1886 plans are published in Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie,” 76, 78–83, figs. 5 and 6. See also Schulze, Bildprogramme, 128–30, 285–88, and Plagemann, “Anfänge,” 17. 58. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 193.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 148–160 59. Lichtwark, Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister, 20–21; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 193–94, for what follows. 60. The unnamed sculptors were all from Hamburg. Lichtwark, Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister, 10. 61. Their counterparts on the east façade are Architecture and the Graphic Arts. 62. Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie,” 82–83. 63. These represent Raphael Morghen, Daniel Chodowiecki (1726–1801), Friedrich Müller (1749–1825), Ludwig Richter (1803–1884), Adolph Menzel (1815–1905), Eduard Mandel (1810–1882), and Pierre-Alexandre Wille (1748–1821). Schulze, Bildprogramme, 285 and 288. 64. See Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, fig. 227, for the original design for the southwest side, with an entrance and a single large niche for the statue of Steinbach. 65. Lichtwark, Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister, 9–10; also cited in Plagemann, “Zur Ikonographie,” 84. See also Junge-Gent, Alfred Lichtwark. 66. On its prehistory, see Bergvelt, “Rijksmuseum Amsterdam.” On the museum’s extensive restoration, see Meurs and Van Thoor, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam. 67. The most detailed discussion is Becker, “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel.’” 68. Delvigne and Heij, “Rehabilitation for Georg Sturm,” 30–31. 69. Becker, “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel,’” 273–78; Delvigne and Heij, “Rehabilitation for Georg Sturm,” 54–55. 70. Becker, “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel,’” fig. 41. 71. Ibid., 276–77. 72. “Albrecht Dürer in het jaar 1520 te ’s Hertogenbosch door het Gild der Goudsmeden onthaald.” 73. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:567, no. 162; Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:161. 74. Cornet, Après et d’après Van Dyck, 104, 184–85, nos. 8, 88–89. 75. Becker, “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel,’” 277. 76. Meurs and Van Thoor, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, 28, figs. 1.19, 4.21, D13–15. 77. Becker, “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel,’” 324; Delvigne and Heij, “Rehabilitation for Georg Sturm,” 58. Chapter 8

1. Verbeek, “Das erste Wallraf-Richartz-Museum”; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 169–75. 2. Stüler also designed the Nationalmuseum (1847–66) in Stockholm, where the spandrels of the arches supporting the ceiling above the staircase are decorated with painted bust roundels of

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 211















famous artists. The cycle includes Dürer paired with Titian in one section. Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 145–49. 3. The façade had eleven standing statues on its façade, carved by Berlin sculptor Gustav Bläser (1813–1874) and Cologne Cathedral sculptor Peter Fuchs (1829–1898) together with Christian Mohr (1823–1888) and Anton Werres (1830–1890). The figures included, among others, Agrippina the Younger (15–59 c.e.), who founded the city; Saint Helena (ca. 250–ca. 330); Archbishops Bruno I (r. 953–65) and Engelbert (r. 1216–25); and Saint Albertus Magnus (before 1200–1280). 4. On Steinle’s career, see Wippermann, Frederic Leightons Ausbildung, 20–72. 5. Reiter, “Engelsserie von Edward Jakob Steinle,” 99. 6. Wippermann, Frederic Leightons Ausbildung, 65. 7. Andree, “Fresken Steinles”; Plagemann, Das deutsche Kunstmuseum, 174; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 110–19, 266–74; U. Meyer, “Fresken Eduard von Steinles.” 8. U. Meyer, “Fresken Eduard von Steinles,” 253. 9. Steinle’s descriptions were published in Verzeichnis der Gemälde-Sammlung des Museums Wallraf-Richartz in Köln (Cologne, 1869), cited by Schulze, Bildprogramme, 269. 10. Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 1:150, 160, 178; Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:554, 565–66, 589. 11. Ashcroft, Albrecht Dürer, 1:565. 12. Sections of the journal were known before its full publication. Schopenhauer, Johann van Eyck. In 1810 the altarpiece was moved from the city hall to the Marienkapelle in the cathedral. Chapuis, Stefan Lochner, 16–19, for what follows. 13. Chapuis, Stefan Lochner, 295, 297. 14. Schlegel, “Dritter Nachtrag,” 134–37; Goethe, Über Kunst und Altertum, cited in Chapuis, Stefan Lochner, 14–21. 15. Chapuis, Stefan Lochner, 274. 16. Schulze, Bildprogramme, 99. 17. Wippermann, Frederic Leightons Ausbildung, 21 and 35. 18. Ibid., 60. 19. Contemporary reactions to the museum’s cycle were mixed. In 1858 Johann David Passavant praised the first two pictures as a reflection of Germany’s collective art life. Others criticized Steinle’s designs, especially the lack of unity and the lack of interaction among figures in the different scenes. U. Meyer, “Fresken Eduard von Steinles,” 254–57. 20. Nipperdey, “Kölner Dom.” 21. The original staircase and hall were destroyed in World War II. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 30–36; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 20–25, 63, figs. 15–26. 22. They measure between 1.82 and 1.92 meters high. In a contemporary project, Christian Behren (1852–1905) created standing personifications of the same eight countries for the Museum

211

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 160–170

212

















Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 212

der bildenden Künste in Leipzig. These dated to 1872–77, when Behren worked in Ernst Julius Hähnel’s atelier in Dresden. Following the expansion of the museum in 1880–86, these statues were arranged in groups of four on the attics of the new main façade pavilions. Vogel, Das Städtische Museum zu Leipzig, 82. 23. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 23, 48. 24. Echtermeier labeled each statue on the front of the socle. He inscribed his name, Dresden, where each figure was made, and, with two exceptions, the date of completion on the sides or back of the socle. The nations are dated as follows: Greece (1876), Rome (1878), England and France (1879), Netherlands (1881), Spain and Italy (undated), and Germany (1882). 25. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 44, 451–52. 26. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 62, no. 10 (with incorrect inventory number). 27. The landgraves of Hesse-Kassel possessed a copy of Raphael’s Holy Family with a Lamb, long thought to be an original. It is a replica of Raphael’s 1507 picture in the Prado Museum in Madrid. Lehmann, Italienische, französische und spanische Gemälde, 212–13. 28. Inv. no. GK585. Ibid., 180–81. 29. All eight statues have been restored or remade. These are now displayed in the former loggias of the museum. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 30, 447 n. 61; Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 90. 30. Heinz, Neue Galerie, Architektur, 24, fig. 25, no. 19. 31. Schleicher, Treppenhaus-Fresken von Carl Gehrts; von Kalnein, Düsseldorfer Malerschule, 313–14, nos. 78–79; Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 244–305; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 136–44, 291–96; Schroyen, Carl Gehrts, 21–26, 61–74, 120–21; and esp. Mai, Carl Gehrts. 32. Gehrts wrote this in a letter to the Kunsthalle administrators on January 22, 1895. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 33. 33. Markowitz, Düsseldorfer Malerschule. 34. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 45–46, figs. 10–11; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 84–121, 228–49, nos. 1–41. These are owned by the Dr. Axe-Stiftung, the Künstlerverein Malkasten in Düsseldorf, and a private collector. 35. On the early history of the Kunsthalle, see Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 244–63; Schulze, Bildprogramme, 136–38; and Wiener, “Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle.” 36. Wiener, “Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle,” 58, fig. 6; Springer, “Fritz Roeber und sein Mosaik,” figs. 1–2. 37. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 267; Springer, “Fritz Roeber und sein Mosaik.” 38. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 266 and 589; Wiener, “Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle,” 63. 39. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 33–45.

40. The design for the fresco of Antiquity went through various transformations. The final version was set on the Acropolis in Athens during the age of Pericles. It featured, from left to right, the statue of Athena; the Erechtheion; Phidias with his model for the colossal statue of Zeus for Olympia; Pericles; his partner, Aspasia; Ictinus, the architect of the Parthenon, which is under construction behind him; and Socrates. Schleicher, Treppenhaus-Fresken von Carl Gehrts, foldout plate between 9 and 10; Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 39, fig. 5; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 89–90, no. 6. 41. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 35, fig. 2, with a plan of the entire cycle; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 84–86, 101–3, nos. 1 and 20. 42. Mai, Carl Gehrts, 104, 113–14, nos. 23 and 33. 43. Gehrts also visited Munich and Würzburg. Among his surviving drawings from this trip is a sketch of Raphael’s tomb in the Pantheon in Rome. Schroyen, Carl Gehrts, 100, no. 124. 44. Ibid., 94–96, 136–39, nos. 114–17. 45. The play’s one-page program identifies Dürer’s companion as Titian, not Bellini. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei :Programm_Albrecht_Dürer_in_Venedig_Masken-Fest _Künstlerverein_Malkasten_im_Februar_1889.jpg. 46. Auer, “Caterina Cornaro,” plate 12; Gleis, Makart, 176. On Makart’s portrait of Dürer, see chapter 9 below. 47. Schroyen, “‘Mein Schaffensdrang,’” 27. 48. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 37, fig. 4. 49. Ibid., 39–42, fig. 6. 50. Ibid., 40. 51. Oil on canvas, 76.5 × 189 cm. Dr. Axe-Stiftung, Bonn, no. 104/5. Mai, Carl Gehrts, 98 and 100, no. 18. 52. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 41; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 98. 53. Schleicher, Treppenhaus-Fresken von Carl Gehrts, foldout plate between 11 and 12; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 236–37. 54. Martin, Zur Ikonologie, 288–89. 55. Schroyen, “‘Mein Schaffensdrang,’” 27. 56. Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 43. 57. Pecht, “Fresken von Carl Gehrts,” 65; Mai, Carl Gehrts, 240–43, esp. 241; Pickartz, “Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts,” 43–44. 58. The Museum der bildenden Künste in Leipzig once displayed Ernst Julius Hähnel’s statues of Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger adjacent to the staircase. Vogel, Das Städtische Museum zu Leipzig, 82. The Augusteum in Oldenburg, constructed between 1864 and 1867 by the architect Ernst Klingenberg (1830–1918), still displays a rich cycle on the ceiling and three walls of its stairway hall showing the history of art from the beginning to the present. Between 1873 and 1877 Christian Griepenkerl (1839–1912), an Oldenburg native who worked in

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 171–181 Vienna, and his assistants decorated the ceiling with canvas pictures of Venus Urania, symbolizing ideal beauty, four episodes from the myth of Prometheus, and the geniuses of Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, and Graphic Arts. The walls exhibit sixty-seven artists and architects from antiquity to the nineteenth century. On the wall featuring Netherlandish, German, and French masters, one group shows Dürer, with his back turned to the viewer, as he converses with Hans Holbein the Younger, Peter Vischer the Elder, and, seated and holding a painter’s palette, Hubert (not Jan) van Eyck. Marr, Vom Bildungsprogramm, 130–50, 257–86; Gradel, “Augusteum in Oldenburg.” Chapter 9







1. For the relationship between the artist and the emperor, generally, see Silver, Marketing Maximilian. 2. On the architecture, see G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien; Kriller and Kugler, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 9–71; Haiko, “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau”; and Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 15–75. 3. His decree is known by its first words, “Es ist mein Wille” (It is my will). Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 25. 4. Ibid., 52, 59–61. 5. On Carl von Hasenauer, see ibid., 34–35. 6. Haiko, “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau,” 146, 151. 7. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 81. 8. Haiko, “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau,” 142–51. 9. Semper wrote, “den aüsseren Schmuck eines Kunstmuseums mit dessen Inhalte auch in dieser Beziehung in Einklang zu bringen.” G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien, 51; Haiko, “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau,” 151. 10. This and other texts were published in a short book edited by his sons in 1892. G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien, 54–59. Kriller and Kugler, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 67–71, reproduce the text. 11. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 81–82. 12. G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien, 59–62; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 92–98, 100. 13. G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien, 52. 14. Kriller and Kugler, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 68. 15. These masters have lesser status than that of the eight artists whose statues stand on the attic level of this façade. See below. Giovanni da Bologna (Giambologna), Leonardo da Vinci, and Donato Bramante’s names appear on the central pavilion.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 213

16. The inscription given in an illustration from 1895 reads, “den denkmälern der kvnst vnd des alterthvmes / hat dieses mvsevm erbavt kaiser franz joseph i. / im jahre mdccclxxiii.” M. Semper, Hasenauer und Semper, plate 2, reproduced in Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 56–57. 17. G. Semper, Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien, 52. 18. Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 112, fig. 62. 19. The statue is in poor condition. Aichelburg, Wiener Künstlerhaus; Reichardt, Heroen der Kunst, 112–14, 212–16, no. 42. See also http://​www​.wladimir​‑aichelburg​.at​/kuenstlerhaus​ /historische‑beitraege​/publikationen​/fest​‑und​‑historische​ ‑schriften. 20. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 53. 21. The vestibule’s ceiling contains an oculus, affording a view up to the cupola hall. It is ornamented with decorative stuccos, including the bust portraits and inscribed names of Bramante, Michelangelo, Raphael, and Benvenuto Cellini by Victor Tilgner. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 110–11, 116–17. 22. Wiercinski, “Makart and the Munich School.” 23. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 148. 24. Ibid., 123–25. 25. In a talk delivered in 1892, Albert Ilg, who played a consulting role in the planning of the museum’s interior embellishment, praised the museum’s neo-Baroque character. He argued that Austria had played a critical role in the creation of Baroque art. He was also closely associated with the Künstlerhaus in Vienna. Ilg authored their exhibition catalogues for 1882 and 1888. Haiko, “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau,” 153–54; Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger, 8–11. 26. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 126–33. 27. Gleis, Makart, 234, no. 8.22. 28. This alludes to the story of how Raphael was inspired to paint his Madonna della sedia. See Carl Gottlieb Merkel’s first design for the Raphael bay of the Kassel loggias, discussed in chapter 4 above. 29. Ilg, Zwickelbilder; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 136–47. 30. Ilg, Zwickelbilder, 1–2. 31. Ibid., 5, plate 10; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 142–43. 32. The crown dates from the late eleventh century but was long believed to be that of Charlemagne, who was crowned in Rome in 800. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, 235–40, no. 123. 33. A bust-length version, once at Schloß Ambras in Innsbruck, was then in the Imperial Collection in Vienna. Schütz, Albrecht Dürer, 138–41, nos. 43 and 45. 34. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 150–63, esp. 156–57 for both the Maximilian I and Charles V reliefs. 35. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 156–57.

213

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Notes to Pages 181–191

214

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 214

36. Anzelewsky, Albrecht Dürer, 257–59, no. 146; Luber, “Albrecht Dürer’s Maximilian Portraits”; Schütz, Albrecht Dürer, 82–85, no. 7; Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum, Albrecht Dürer, 2:456– 59, no. 252. 37. Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum, Albrecht Dürer, 2:470–83, no. 257; Michel and Sternath, Emperor Maximilian I, 258–61, nos. 58–60. 38. Mende, Das alte Nürnberger Rathaus, 224–45. 39. J. C. Smith, German Sculpture, 185–92, figs. 145–53. 40. Celtis is buried at St. Stephen’s Cathedral. Flood, Poets Laureate, 1:lxxxiv–ciii, 303–11. 41. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 156–57. 42. Ibid., 162–63. 43. For the lengthy account of Emperor Franz Joseph I’s tour through the museum, published in the Neue Freie Presse on October 18, see Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 72–75. 44. Berger painted with oil on two sections of canvas. The architect Hasenauer’s design for the ceiling determined the picture’s shape. Kriller and Kugler, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 160–77; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 202–7; Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger. 45. Unrelated to Berger’s painting, Ilg wrote about artists’ fame plus their ethical and social positions. Ilg, Zeitstimmen über Kunst und Künstler. 46. Berger’s model was Raphael’s Disputa (1509–10), in the Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican. Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 202. 47. Berger’s drawing of Mary of Hungary was one of five preparatory sketches for the ceiling that the museum purchased in 2014. Berger carefully copied the museum’s bronze bust of the queen (ca. 1555) by Leone Leoni. Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger, 27–30, figs. 19–20. 48. Berger included himself and Ilg at the left hand of the three background figures between the stone lion and the two columns at right. Berger looks out at the viewer, while Ilg, holding some papers, appears to be listening to artist Daniel Seghers. 49. Schütz, Albrecht Dürer, 82–85, no. 7. For Berger’s chalk-andpencil preparatory drawing (1891), see Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger, 17, fig. 10. 50. For an anonymous engraving (ca. 1891–92) illustrating Dürer, Maximilian, Stabius, Sesselschreiber, and Springinklee, plus the throne canopy with Franz Joseph’s portrait roundel, see Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger, fig. 13. 51. The identification of these figures, while probable, is not based on a secure source. 52. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A.E.I.O.U.

53. Telesko, “Imperator Perpetuus?,” 123–24; Krause, “‘zum staeten Andenken,’” 193–96. 54. Telesko, “Makart-Festzug 1879”; Gleis, Makart, 228–55 and, for photographs of Makart and architect Carl von Hasenauer in fanciful period dress, 238–40, figs. 8.34, 8.44, 8.50. 55. Kriller-Erdrich, Julius Victor Berger, 35. 56. Kriller and Kugler, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 281; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 220, includes a photograph of this gallery in about 1910. 57. Lhotsky, Festschrift des Kunsthistorischen Museums, 170–71; Bischoff, Das Kunsthistorische Museum, 218–35. Conclusion





1. U. Kaiser, “‘Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst.’” Sophia Hermine Stilke, who is identified in Raczynski’s work simply as the wife of the painter Stilke in Düsseldorf, created sixteen initials for volume 2. Raczynski, Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst, 2:x. She married the history painter Hermann Stilke in 1832. Hinz, Dürers Gloria, 157, no. 63. 2. U. Kaiser, “‘Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst,’” 187–88. 3. For instance, the initial for chapter 1, about Walhalla, shows the seated figure of Bavaria, while that in chapter 15, for Prague, depicts Saint George vanquishing the dragon, a reference to Marton and Gyorgy of Kolozsvar’s sculpture (1373) between the palace and St. Vitus Cathedral. Raczynski, Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst, 2:99 and 587. 4. See chapter 2 above. 5. Portraits of artists increasingly appeared at museums outside of the German lands. Michel-Louis Mercier’s bust of Nicolas Poussin (ca. 1850) marks the entrance to the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Aniceto Marinas’s seated statue of Diego Velázquez (1899) greets visitors to the Prado in Madrid. Between 1862 and 1871 the South Kensington Museum (later Victoria and Albert Museum) in London displayed thirty-five mosaic portraits of famous artists (the Kensington Valhalla, as it was dubbed) in its South Court. W. H. Fisk’s painting of Dürer was to be included but the intended mosaic portrait was never finished. Physick, Victoria and Albert Museum, 60–67. The Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (1884–90) in Antwerp included eleven busts of artists on its façade. Holbein was portrayed but not Dürer. The Nuremberg master is shown meeting Quinten Massys in one panel of Nicaise de Keyser’s Fame of the Antwerp School (1861–72) for the Antwerp Academy of Fine Arts. These paintings became the centerpiece of the interior decorative program when moved to the new museum. Hevenne, foreword to Nicaise de Keyser.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography Aichelburg, Wladimir. Das Wiener Künstlerhaus 1861–1986: 125 Jahre in Bilddokumenten. Vienna: Wolfram, 1986. Alberti, Leon Battista. On the Art of Building in Ten Books. Translated by Joseph Rykwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996. Allemand-Cosneau, Claude, and Isabelle Julia, eds. Paul Delaroche: Un peintre dans l’histoire. Nantes: Musée des beaux-arts, 1999. Exhibition catalogue. Anderson, Robert G. W. “British Museum, London: Institutionalizing Enlightenment.” In Paul, First Modern Museums of Art, 47–71. Andree, Rolf. “Die Fresken Steinles im ersten Wallraf-Richartz-Museum.” Museen in Köln—Bulletin 2 (1963): 155–60. Anzelewsky, Fedja. Albrecht Dürer: Das malerische Werk. 2 vols. Rev. ed. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1991. Ashcroft, Jeffrey. Albrecht Dürer: Documentary Biography. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017. Auer, Stephanie. “Caterina Cornaro: ‘The Dearest Painted Queen.’” In Makart: Painter of the Senses, exhibition catalogue, edited by Agnes Husslein-Arco and Alexander Klee, 46–55. Vienna: Belvedere, 2011. Ball, Laura C. “The Genius in History: Historiographic Explorations.” In The Wiley Handbook of Genius, edited by Dean Keith Simonton, 3–19. New York: Wiley, 2014. Bandurska, Zofia. “Architektura budynków muzealnych / Architektur der Museumsgebäude.” In Muzea sztuki w dawnym Wrocławiu / Kunstmuseen im alten Breslau, edited by Piotr Lukaszewicz, 159–211. Wrocław: Muzeum Narodowe we Wrocławiu, 1998. ———. “Archivalien der ehemaligen Breslauer Kunstmuseen.” Berichte und Forschungen: Jahrbuch des Bundesinstituts für Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa 12 (2004): 71–98. Bankel, Hansgeorg. “Leo von Klenze ein Bauforscher? Aphoristische Bemerkungen über Klenzes Forschungen zur Tempelbaukunst Siziliens.” In Nerdinger, Leo von Klenze, 85–103. Bann, Stephen. Paul Delaroche: History Painted. London: Reaktion, 1997.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 215

Bartrum, Giulia, ed. Albrecht Dürer and His Legacy: The Graphic Work of a Renaissance Artist. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. Exhibition catalogue. Bass, Marisa. Jan Gossart and the Invention of Netherlandish Antiquity. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016. Bätschmann, Oskar. “Der Holbein-Streit: Eine Krise der Kunstgeschichte.” In Brinkmann, Der Bürgermeister, sein Maler und seine Familie, 97–109. Bauernfeind, Melanie. Die Alte Pinakothek: Ein Museumsbau im Wandel der Zeit. Cologne: Böhlau, 2016. Beck, Herbert, and Bernhard Decker, eds. Dürers Verwandlung in der Skulptur zwischen Renaissance und Barock. Frankfurt am Main: Liebieghaus Museum alter Plastik, 1981. Exhibition catalogue. Becker, Jochen. “‘Ons Rijksmuseum wordt een tempel’: Zur Ikonographie des Amsterdamer Rijksmuseums.” Nederlands kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 35 (1984): 227–326. Beier, Rosmarie, and Leonore Koschnick. Der Martin-Gropius-Bau: Geschichte und Gegenwart des ehemaligen Kunstgewerbemuseums. Berlin: Nicolai, 1986. Belting, Hans. The Germans and Their Art: A Troublesome Relationship. Translated by Scott Kleager. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. Bergvelt, Ellinoor. “The Rijksmuseum Amsterdam—Ideals and Reality (1798–1848).” In Kunst als Kulturgut, vol. 2, “Kunst” und “Staat,” edited by Elisabeth Weisser-Lohmann, 251–74. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011. Berninger, Ulrike. “‘Im Gepräge der Zeitperiode Dürers . . .’: Die Musealisierung des Albrecht-Dürer-Hauses durch den Künstler Friedrich Wilhelm Wanderer.” In Nürnberg als romantische Stadt: Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, edited by Karl Möseneder, 83–101. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2013. Białostocki, Jan. Dürer and His Critics, 1500–1971. Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1986. ———. “Vernunft und Ingenium in Dürers kunsttheoretischem Denken.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 25 (1971): 107–14.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

216

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 216

Bielmeier, Stefanie. Gemalte Kunstgeschichte: Zu den Entwürfen des Peter von Cornelius für die Loggien der Alten Pinakothek. Munich: Kommissionsverlag UNI-Druck, 1983. Birkholz, Holger. “Ernst Rietschel und das bauplastische Programm der Dresdner Gemäldegalerie.” In Ernst Rietschel und die Überwindung des Klassizismus: Ein Bildhauer zwischen Tradition und modernem Zeitbewußtsein, edited by Rainer Beck with Holger Birkholz, 73–106. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2012. Bischoff, Cäcilia. Das Kunsthistorische Museum: Baugeschichte, Architektur, Dekoration. Vienna: Christian Brandstätter, 2008. Blackbourn, David. The Long Nineteenth Century: A History of Germany, 1780–1918. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Blumenthal, Margot. Die Dürer-Feiern 1828: Kunst und Gesellschaft im Vormärz. Egelsbach: Hänsel-Hohenhausen, 2001. Borchert, Till-Holger. “Collecting Early Netherlandish Paintings in Europe and the United States.” In Early Netherlandish Paintings: Rediscovery, Reception, and Research, edited by Bernhard Ridderbos, Anne van Buren, and Henk van Veen, 173–216. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2005. ———. “Hans Holbein and the Literary Art Criticism of the German Romantics.” In Roskill and Hand, Hans Holbein, 187–209. Borggrefe, Heiner, Lubomir Konečný, Vera Lüpkes, and Vít Vlnas, eds. Hans Rottenhammer: Begehrt—vergessen—neu entdeckt. Munich: Hirmer, 2008. Exhibition catalogue. Börsch-Supan, Eva, and Dietrich Müller-Stüler. Friedrich August Stüler: 1800–1865. Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1997. Bott, Gerhard, and Heinz Spielmann, eds. Künstlerleben in Rom: Bertel Thorvaldsen (1770–1844), der dänische Bildhauer und seine deutschen Freunde. Nuremberg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 1991. Exhibition catalogue. Böttger, Peter. Die Alte Pinakothek in München: Architektur, Ausstattung und museales Programm. Munich: Prestel, 1972. Bouwers, Eveline G. Public Pantheons in Revolutionary Europe: Comparing Cultures of Remembrance, c. 1790–1840. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Brann, Noel L. The Debate over the Origin of Genius During the Italian Renaissance: The Theories of Supernatural Frenzy and Natural Melancholy in Accord and in Conflict on the Threshold of the Scientific Revolution. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Brinkmann, Bodo, ed. Der Bürgermeister, sein Maler und seine Familie: Hans Holbeins Madonna im Städel. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2004. Exhibition catalogue. Brinkmann, Bodo, and Stephan Kemperdick. Deutsche Gemälde im Städel 1500–1550. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2005.

Bruford, W. H. The German Tradition of Self-Cultivation: “Bildung” from Humboldt to Thomas Mann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975. Bubenik, Andrea. Reframing Albrecht Dürer: The Appropriation of Art, 1528–1700. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2013. Busch, Werner. “Wilhelm von Kaulbach—Peintre-Philosophe und Modern Painter.” In Welt und Wirkung von Hegels Ästhetik, edited by Annemarie Gethmann-Siefert and Otto Pöggeler, 117–38. Bonn: Bouvier, 1986. Buttlar, Adrian von. “Glyptothek, Pinakothek, Neue Eremitage— Klenzes immanenter Historismus.” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 88 (1992): 39–52. ———. Leo von Klenze: Leben—Werk—Vision. Munich: Beck, 1999. ———. “The Museum and the City: Schinkel’s and Klenze’s Contribution to the Autonomy of Civic Culture.” In Vierneisel, Leinz, and Sembach, Glyptothek München 1830–1980, 173–89. Buttlar, Adrian von, and Bénédicte Savoy. “Glyptothek and Alte Pinakothek, Munich: Museums as Public Monuments.” In Paul, First Modern Museums of Art, 305–29. Büttner, Frank. “Herrscherlob und Satire: Wilhelm von Kaulbachs Zyklus zur Geschichte der Kunst unter Ludwig I.” In Rott, Ludwig I. und die Neue Pinakothek, 82–121. ———. “Die Kunst, die Künstler und die Mäzene. Die Dekorationen zum römischen Künstlerfest von 1818.” In Romantik und Gegenwart: Festschrift für Jens Christian Jensen zum 60. Geburtstag, edited by Ulrich Bischoff, 19–32. Cologne: DuMont, 1988. ———. Peter Cornelius: Fresken und Freskenprojekte. Vol. 2. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1999. ———. “Eine Vorschule der Kunstgeschichte: Die Entwürfe von Peter Cornelius für die Fresken in den Loggien der Münchner Pinakothek.” In Kunst als Kulturgut, vol. 2, “Kunst” und “Staat,” edited by Elisabeth Weisser-Lohmann, 203–26. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011. Campe, Friedrich. Reliquien von Albrecht Dürer. Nuremberg: Campe, 1828. Carrier, David. “Remembering the Past: Art Museums as Memory Theaters.” Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 61, no. 1 (2003): 61–65. Carrière, Moriz. Die philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit in ihren Beziehungen zur Gegenwart. Stuttgart: J. G. Cotte’scher, 1847. Chapuis, Julien. Stefan Lochner: Image Making in Fifteenth-Century Cologne. Turnhout: Brepols, 2004. Cheney, Liana De Girolami. The Homes of Giorgio Vasari. New York: Peter Lang, 2006.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography Cornelius, Peter von. Bilder zu Goethe’s Faust. Frankfurt am Main: Johann Friedrich Wenner, 1816–17. Cornet, Pascal, ed. Après & d’après Van Dyck: La récupération romantique au xixe siècle. Antwerp: Hessenhuis, 1999. Exhibition catalogue. Crane, Susan A. Collecting and Historical Consciousness in Early Nineteenth-Century Germany. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000. Cunnally, John. Images of the Illustrious: The Numismatic Presence in the Renaissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Davidson, Caroline. Women’s Worlds: The Art and Life of Mary Ellen Best, 1809–1891. New York: Crown, 1985. Decker, Bernhard. “Dürer und Raffael in Marmor: Die Museums-Büsten in Frankfurt am Main und Karlsruhe.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 79–87. Dehio, Ludwig. Friedrich Wilhelm IV. von Preußen: Ein Baukünstler der Romantik. Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1961. Dehn-Rotfelser, Heinrich von. “Das neue Gemäldegalerie-Gebäude zu Cassel.” Zeitschrift für Bauwesen 29 (1879): cols. 9–34. Delvigne, Rob, and Jan Jaap Heij. “Rehabilitation for Georg Sturm.” Rijksmuseum Bulletin 61, no. 1 (2013): 24–63. Deneke Bernward, and Rainer Kahnitz, eds. Das Germanische Nationalmuseum Nürnberg 1852–1977. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1978. Dennis, James M. Karl Bitter: Architectural Sculptor, 1867–1915. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967. Diederich, Toni. “Die Säkularisation in Köln während der Franzosenzeit—Vorgeschichte, Durchführung und Folgen.” In Kier and Zehnder, Lust und Verlust, 77–84. Diefenbacher, Michael, and Rudolf Endres, eds. Stadtlexikon Nürnberg. Nuremberg: W. Tümmels, 2000. Dillis, Johann Georg von. Verzeichniss der Gemaelde in der königlichen Pinakothek zu München. Munich: J. A. Finsterlin, 1838. Dixon, Laurinda S. The Dark Side of Genius: The Melancholic Persona in Art, ca. 1500–1700. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013. Dobbert, Eduard. Die monumentale Darstellung der Reformation durch Rietschel und Kaulbach. Berlin: C. G. Lüderitz, 1869. Dorgerloh, Hartmut. Die Nationalgalerie in Berlin: Zur Geschichte des Gebäudes auf der Museumsinsel 1841–1970. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1999. Dreier, Franz Adrian. “The Kunstkammer of the Hessian Langraves in Kassel.” In The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe, edited by Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, 102–9. Oxford: Clarendon, 1985.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 217

Dürer, Albrecht. Albrecht Dürer: Diary of His Journey to the Netherlands, 1520–1521. Translated by William Martin Conway. Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1971. ———. Schriftlicher Nachlass. Edited by Hans Rupprich. 3 vols. Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956–69. Duverger, J., and M. J. Onghena. “Beeldhouwer Willem van den Broecke, alias Guilielmus Paludanus (1530 tot 1579 of 1580).” Gentsche bijdragen tot de kunstgeschiedenis 5 (1938): 75–140. Eichler, Anja, and Siegmar Holsten. Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe: Katalog der Skulpturen. Karlsruhe: Staatliche Kunsthalle, 1994. Einem, Hubert von. Goethe-Studien. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1972. Emison, Patricia A. Creating the “Divine” Artist: From Dante to Michelangelo. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Eser, Thomas. Hans Daucher: Augsburger Kleinplastik der Renaissance. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1996. Exner, Matthias, ed. Stadt Bamberg. Vol. 2, Domberg, part 1, Das Domstift. Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2015. Feldhaus, Irmgard. Gemälde der Sammlung Sulpiz und Melchior Boisserée und Johann B. Bertram lithographiert von Johann Nepomuk Strixner. Neuss: Clemens-Sels-Museum, 1980. Exhibition catalogue. Fischer-Pache, Wiltrude. “Albrecht-Dürer-Platz.” In Diefenbacher and Endres, Stadtlexikon Nürnberg, 57. Fleischhauer, Werner. “Die Boisserée und Stuttgart.” In Kunst als Kulturgut, vol. 2, “Kunst” and “Staat,” edited by Elisabeth Weisser-Lohmann, 63–119. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011. Flood, John L. Poets Laureate in the Holy Roman Empire: A Bio-bibliographical Handbook. 4 vols. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2006. Förster, Ernst. Geschichte der deutschen Kunst. 5 vols. Leipzig: T. D. Weigel, 1851–60. ———. Geschichte der neuen deutschen Kunst. 2 vols. Leipzig: T. D. Weigel, 1863. ———. Peter von Cornelius: Entwürfe zu den Kunstgeschichtlichen Fresken in den Loggien der königlichen Pinakothek zu München. Leipzig: Alphons Dürr, 1875. Frank, Mitchell Benjamin. German Romantic Painting Redefined: Nazarene Tradition and the Narratives of Romanticism. Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate, 2001. Frankl, Paul. The Gothic: Literary Sources and Interpretations Through Eight Centuries. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960. Freyberg, Maximilian Prokop Freiherr von. “Dritter Kunstabend: Albrecht Dürer.” In Orpheus, eine Zeitschrift in zwanglosen Heften, edited by Carl Weichselbaumer, 4:1–46. Nuremberg: Riegel & Wießner, 1825.

217

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

218

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 218

Fritzsch, Anke. “The Museums.” In Friedrich August Stüler: Das architektonische Werk Heute—The Architectural Work Today, edited by Hillert Ibbeken, 24–25. Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges, 2006. Frommel, Carl Ludwig. Verzeichniß der Kunstgegenstände in der Großherzoglichen Kunsthalle zu Karlsruhe. 4th reprint, Karlsruhe, 1861. Gaehtgens, Thomas W. “Altes Museum, Berlin: Building Prussia’s First Modern Museum.” In Paul, First Modern Museums of Art, 285–303. Gaehtgens, Thomas W., and Gregor Wedekind, eds. Le culte des grands hommes, 1750–1850. Paris: Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme, 2009. Geisberg, Max. The German Single-Leaf Woodcut, 1500–1550. Edited by Walter L. Strauss. 4 vols. New York: Hacker, 1974. Gethmann-Siefert, Annemarie, and Bernadette Collenberg. “Die Kunstsammlung auf dem Weg ins Museum—Anspruch und Wirkung der Bildersammlung der Brüder Boisserée.” In Kier and Zehnder, Lust und Verlust, 183–91. Gethmann-Siefert, Annemarie, and Otto Pöggeler, eds. Kunst als Kulturgut: Die Bildersammlung der Brüder Boisserée, ein Schritt in der Begründung des Museums. Bonn: Bouvier, 1995. Giunti, Jacopo. The Divine Michelangelo: The Florentine Academy’s Homage on His Death in 1564. Introduced, translated, and annotated by Rudolf Wittkower and Margot Wittkower. London: Phaidon, 1964. Glaser, Hubert, ed. König Ludwig I. von Bayern und Leo von Klenze: Der Briefwechsel. 3 vols. Munich: Kommission für bayerische Landesgeschichte, 2007. ———. “‘Schwung hatte er, wie Keiner!’: König Ludwig I. von Bayern als Protektor der Künste.” In Rott, Ludwig I. und die Neue Pinakothek, 11–41. Gleis, Ralph, ed. Makart: Ein Künstler regiert die Stadt. Vienna: Wien Museum im Künstlerhaus, 2011. Exhibition catalogue. Goddard, Stephen. “Ernst Förster’s Drawing ‘Dürer at His Mother’s Deathbed’ and Its Role in the 1828 Dürer Festival in Nuremberg.” Pantheon 46 (1988): 117–20. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. Goethe on Art. Edited and translated by John Gage. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. ———. Über Kunst und Altertum in den Rhein- und Main-Gegenden. Stuttgart: Cottaische Buchhandlung, 1816. Goldberg, Gisela. “Ursprüngliche Ausstattung und Bilderhängung der Alten Pinakothek.” In Renger, “Ihm, welcher der Andacht Tempel baut . . . ,” 140–75. ———. “Das Schicksal der Sammlung Boisserée in Bayern.” In Kunst als Kulturgut, vol. 2, “Kunst” und “Staat,” edited by Elisabeth Weisser-Lohmann, 121–41. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011.

Goldberg, Gisela, Bruno Heimberg, and Martin Schawe, eds. Albrecht Dürer: Die Gemälde der Alten Pinakothek. Munich: Braus, 1998. Gombrich, Ernst H. “Dürer, Vives, and Bruegel.” In Album Amicorum J. G. van Gelder, edited by J. Bruyn, J. A. Emmons, E. de Jongh, and D. P. Snoep, 132–34. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1973. Gossman, Lionel. The Making of a Romantic Icon: The Religious Context of Friedrich Overbeck’s Italia und Germania. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2007. Gradel, Oliver. “Das Augusteum in Oldenburg und seine Wandgemälde von Christian Griepenkerl: Ein Baukunstwerk des Historismus von europäischen Rang.” Oldenburger Jahrbuch 102 (2002): 167–96. Grebe, Anja. “Dürer as Object: Relic(t)s of an Artist.” In The Challenge of the Object / Die Herausforderung des Objekts, edited by Georg Ulrich Großmann and Petra Krutisch, 3:1059–63. Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 2013. ———. Dürer: Die Geschichte seines Ruhms. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2013. Grewe, Cordula. The Nazarenes: Romantic Avant-Garde and the Art of the Concept. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015. ———. “The Writing on the Wall: Art History, Theories of Civilization, and the Politics of Museum Murals in Nineteenth-Century Germany.” Museum History Journal 5, no. 2 (2012): 207–44. Griener, Pascal. “Alfred Woltmann and the Holbein Dispute, 1863– 1871.” In Roskill and Hand, Hans Holbein, 211–25. Grimm, Hermann. Albrecht Dürer. 2nd ed. Berlin: C. G. Lüderitz, 1873. Grimm, Ulrike. “Der Ausbau von Karlsruhe unter den Großherzögen von Baden 1806–1918.” In Kunst in der Residenz: Karlsruhe zwischen Rokoko und Moderne, exhibition catalogue, edited by Siegmar Holsten, Gerlinde Brandenburger, and Jutta Dresch, 73–85. Heidelberg: Braus, 1990. ———. Das badische Landesmuseum in Karlsruhe: Zur Geschichte seiner Sammlungen. Karlsruhe: Badisches Landesmuseum Karlsruhe, 1993. Gritsay, Natalya. “Flemish Paintings from the Age of Rubens in the Hermitage Museum.” In Rubens and His Age: Treasures from the Hermitage Museum, Russia, exhibition catalogue, edited by Christina Corsiglia, 27–32. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2001. Haiko, Peter. “Das Kunsthistorische Museum als Monumentalbau: Architektur zwischen bürgerlichem Selbstverständnis und

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography imperialer Selbstdarstellung.” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 88 (1992): 141–55. Hartmann, Wolfgang. Der historische Festzug. Munich: Prestel, 1976. ———. Kaiser Maximilian I. und Albrecht Dürer: Ein Künstlerfest der Spätromantik und sein Anspruch. Nuremberg: Stadtgeschichtliche Museen Nürnberg, 1977. Hassler, Uta. Die Kunsthalle als Kunstwerk: Bilder aus ihrer Baugeschichte. Stuttgart: Cantz, 1993. Heck, Kilian. “Die Bezüglichkeit der Kunst zum Leben: Franz Kugler und das erste akademische Lehrprogramm der Kunstgeschichte.” Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 32 (2005): 7–15. Heckscher, Morrison H. “The Metropolitan Museum of Art: An Architectural History.” Special issue, Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 53, no. 1 (1995). Hegner, Ulrich. Hans Holbein der Jüngere. Berlin: G. Reimer, 1827. Heiden, Rüdiger an der. “Die Stellung der Alten Pinakothek in der Entwicklung des Museumsbaues.” In Renger, “Ihm, welcher der Andacht Tempel baut . . . ,” 177–204. Heinz, Marianne. Neue Galerie, Architektur. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2011. Henning, Andreas, ed. Die Sixtinische Madonna: Raffaels Kultbild wird 500. Munich: Prestel, 2012. Exhibition catalogue. Hess, Daniel, and Thomas Eser. “‘Der Erker, worin Dürer malte’: Fragen zur Örtlichkeit von Dürers künstlerischer Arbeit.” In Das Dürer-Haus: Neue Ergebnisse der Forschung, edited by Georg Ulrich Großmann and Franz Sonnenberger, 141–72. Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 2007. Hess, Helmut. “Wilhelm von Kaulbachs gemalte Kunstgeschichte im photographischen Mappenwerk und seine Atelier-Inszenierungen.” In Zwischen Biedermeier und Gründerzeit: Deutschland in frühen Photographien 1840–1890 aus der Sammlung Siegert, exhibition catalogue, edited by Ulrich Pohlmann and Dieter Siegert, 318–31. Munich: Münchner Stadtmuseum, 2012. Hess Regine, ed. Bauen und Zeigen aus Geschichte und Gegenwart der Kunsthalle Karlsruhe. Bielefeld: Kerber, 2014. Exhibition catalogue. Hettner, Hermann. “Das neue Museum in Dresden: Drei kritische Betrachtungen (1855).” In Kleine Schriften, 322–49. Braunschweig: F. Vieweg, 1884. Hevenne, Paul. Foreword to Nicaise de Keyser, exhibition catalogue. Antwerp: Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, 2001. Hildebrand, Josephine. “Das Leben und Werk des Berliner Bildhauers Otto Geyer (1843–1914) dargestellt unter besonderer Berücksichtigung seiner historischen Figurenfriese.” Ph.D. diss., Freie Universität, Berlin, 1975.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 219

Hildebrand, Sonja. “Werkverzeichnis.” In Nerdinger, Leo von Klenze, 196–499. Hinz, Berthold. Dürers Gloria: Kunst—Kult—Konsum. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1971. Exhibition catalogue. ———. “Friede den Fakultäten: Zur Programmatik des Verhältnisses von Kunst und Wissenschaft zwischen Aufklärung und Vormärz—Die Fakultätenbilder in Bonn.” In “Geschichte allein ist zeitgemäß”: Historismus in Deutschland, edited by Michael Brix and Monika Steinhauser, 53–72. Lahn-Giessen: Anabas, 1978. ———. “Der Triumph der Religion in den Künsten: Overbecks ‘Werk und Wort’ im Widerspruch seiner Zeit.” Städel-Jahrbuch, n.s., 7 (1979): 149–70. Hipp, Elisabeth, and Martin Schawe. Die Alte Pinakothek in historischen Fotografien. Munich: Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, 2011. Exhibition catalogue. Hochreiter, Walter. Vom Musentempel zum Lernort: Zur Sozialgeschichte deutscher Museen 1800–1914. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994. Hollein, Max, and Christa Steinle, eds. Religion, Macht, Kunst: Die Nazarener. Frankfurt am Main: Schirn Kunsthalle Frankfurt, 2005. Exhibition catalogue. Höltge, Kathrin. “Das Herzogliche Museum von 1806–1887.” In Das Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum und seine Sammlungen: 1578, 1754, 2004, edited by Jochen Luckhardt, 201–53. Munich: Hirmer, 2004. Hübner, Christine. “‘Die Exuvien eines der schönsten Menschen, in jedem Sinne’: Die Schädel Raffaels zwischen Reliquienkult und Anthropologie.” In Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 72–91. Hübsch, Heinrich, Rudolf Wiegman, Carl Albert Rosenthal, Johann Heinrich Wolff, and Carl Gottlieb Wilhelm Bötticher. In What Style Should We Build? The German Debate on Architectural Style. Introduction and translation by Wolfgang Herrmann. Santa Monica, Calif.: Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, 1992. Hudson, Kenneth. A Social History of Museums: What the Visitors Thought. Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1975. Hüneke, Saskia. “Der Skulpturenschmuck an der Bildergalerie.” In Die Bildergalerie in Sanssouci: Bauwerk, Sammlung und Restaurierung; Festschrift zur Wiedereröffnung 1996, edited by Claudia Sommer, 27–44. Milan: Skira, 1996. Hutchison, Jane Campbell. Albrecht Dürer: A Biography. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. Hvattum, Mari. Gottfried Semper and the Problem of Historicism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Ilg, Albert. Zeitstimmen über Kunst und Künstler der Vergangenheit. Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1881.

219

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

220

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 220

———. Zwickelbilder im Stiegenhause des k. k. Kunsthistorischen Hof-Museums zu Wien von Ernst und Gustav Klimt und Franz Matsch. Vienna: Anton Schroll, 1893. Ille, Eduard. Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s kunstgeschichtliche Wandgemaelde an der neuen Pinakothek seiner majestät des Königs Ludwig I. von Bayern in München. Munich: Piloty & Löhle, 1863. Irmscher, Günter. Amor und Aeternitas: Das Trionfi-Lavabo Christoph Jamnitzers für Kaiser Rudolf II. Milan: Skira, 1999. Janzen, Reinhild. Albrecht Altdorfer: Four Centuries of Criticism. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1980. Joestel, Volkmar, and Jutta Strehle. Luthers Bild und Lutherbilder: Ein Rundgang durch die Wirkungsgeschichte. Wittenberg: Stiftung Luthergedenkstätten in Sachsen-Anhalt, 2003. John, Michael. “The Napoleonic Legacy and Problems of Restoration in Central Europe: The German Confederation.” In Napoleon’s Legacy: Problems of Government in Restoration Europe, edited by David Laven and Lucy Riall, 83–96. Oxford: Berg, 2000. Joost-Gaugier, Christiane L. “The Early Beginnings of the Notion of ‘Uomini Famosi’ and the ‘De Viris Illustribus’ in Greco-Roman Literary Tradition.” Artibus et Historiae 3, no. 6 (1982): 97–115. Jordan, Max. Katalog der königlichen National-Galerie zu Berlin: Erster Theil. 7th ed. Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler & Sohn, 1885. Junge-Gent, Henrike. Alfred Lichtwark: Zwischen den Zeiten. Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2012. Kagan, Ju. Western European Cameos in the Hermitage Collection. Leningrad: Aurora, 1973. Kaiser, Reinhard. Der glückliche Kunsträuber: Das Leben des Vivant Denon. Munich: C. H. Beck, 2016. Kaiser, Uta. “Die ‘Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst’ des Athanasius Graf Raczyński (1788–1874).” In Die Etablierung und Entwicklung des Faches Kunstgeschichte in Deutschland, Polen und Mitteleuropa (anlässlich des 125-jährigen Gründungsjubiläums des ersten Lehrstuhls für Kunstgeschichte in Polen), edited by Wojciech Balus and Joanna Wolańska, 183–209. Warsaw: Instytut Sztuki Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 2010. Kalnein, Wend von, ed. Die Düsseldorfer Malerschule. Düsseldorf: Kunstmuseum Düsseldorf, 1979. Exhibition catalogue. Karlsen, Anja. Das mitteleuropäische Treppenhaus des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts as Schaubühne repräsentativer Inszenierung. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2016. Kaulbach, Wilhelm von. Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museums zu Berlin. Berlin: Alexander Duncker, 1872.

Keisch, Claude, ed. Die Alte Nationalgalerie Berlin. London: Scala, 2005. Kemp, Martin. “The ‘Super-Artist’ as Genius: The Sixteenth-Century View.” In Genius: The History of an Idea, edited by Penelope Murray, 32–53. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989. Kemperdick, Stephan. “Ein Meisterwerk, ein Rätsel: Mutmaßungen über Hans Holbeins Madonnentafel des Jakob Meyer zum Hasen.” In Holbein in Berlin: Die Madonna der Sammlung Würth mit Meisterwerken der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, exhibition catalogue, edited by Stephan Kemperdick, Michael Roth, and Christine Seidel, 26–41. Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 2016. Kier, Hiltrud, and Frank Günter Zehnder, eds. Lust und Verlust: Kölner Sammler zwischen Trikolore und Preußenadler. Cologne: Museen der Stadt Köln, 1995. Exhibition catalogue. Kitchen, Martin. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Klenze, Leo von. Klenze Sammlung architektonische Entwürfe. Munich, 1842. (2nd ed., Munich, 1847.) Klüpfel, Karl August. “Die historischen Vereine und Zeitschriften Deutschlands.” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 1 (1844): 518–59. Knop, Andrea. “Carl Alexander Heideloff und Nürnberg als romantisches Denkmal.” In Nürnberg als romantische Stadt: Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, edited by Karl Möseneder, 41–52. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2013. Koerner, Joseph Leo. Caspar David Friedrich and the Subject of Landscape. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990. ———. The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Köhne, Julia Barbara. “The Cult of Genius in Germany and Austria at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century.” In Genealogies of Genius, edited by Joyce E. Chaplin and Darrin M. McMahon, 115–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Koselleck, Reinhart. Sediments of Time: On Possible Histories. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018. Kotková, Olga, ed. Albrecht Dürer: The Feast of the Rose Garlands, 1506–2006. Prague: Národní galerie, 2006. Exhibition catalogue. Krämer, Felix. “The Städel and Its Collection of Nineteenth Century and Modern Art.” In European Masters: Städel Museum, 19th–20th Century, exhibition catalogue, edited by Felix Krämer, 17–27. Melbourne: National Gallery of Victoria, 2010. Krause, Stefan. “‘zum staeten Andenken diesen dem Herze Oesterreichs unvergeßlichen Kaisers’—Zur Rezeption Kaiser Maximilians I.” In Kaiser Maximilian I.: Der letzte Ritter

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography und das höfische Turnier, exhibition catalogue, edited by Sabine Haag, Alfried Wieczorek, Matthias Pfaffenbichler, and Hans-Jürgen Buderer, 185–201. Mannheim: Reiss-Engelhorn-Museen, 2014. Kriller, Beatrix, and Georg Kugler. Das Kunsthistorische Museum: Die Architektur und Ausstattung; Idee und Wirklichkeit des Gesamtkunstwerkes. Vienna: Christian Brandstätter, 1991. Kriller-Erdrich, Beatrix. Julius Victor Berger und die Mäzene des Hauses Habsburg. Vienna: KHM-Museumsverband, 2016. Exhibition catalogue. Kris, Ernst, and Otto Kurz. Legend, Myth, and Magic in the Image of the Artist: A Historical Experiment. Translated by Alastair Laing and Lottie M. Newman. Preface by E. H. Gombrich. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979. (First published in German 1934.) Krischel, Roland. “Die Rückkehr des Rubens: Kölns Kunstszene zu Beginn der preußischen Epoche.” In Kier and Zehnder, Lust und Verlust, 91–112. Kudrjavceva, Sofje. Ermitage: Dem 300. Jahrestag der Gründung von St. Petersburg gewidmet. Foreword by Mikhail Piotrovsky. St. Petersburg: P-2 Art, 2001. Kugler, Franz. Handbuch der Geschichte der Malerei von Constantin dem Grossen bis auf die neure Zeit. 2 vols. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1837. ———. Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Ebner & Seubert, 1842. Kuhlmann-Hodick, Petra. Das Kunstgeschichtsbild: Zur Darstellung von Kunstgeschichte und Kunsttheorie in der deutschen Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1989. Kuhn, Jörg. “Portraits d’artistes de la fin du Moyen Âge, de la Renaissance et du début du baroque dans la sculpture allemande du xixe siècle et fonction de ces portraits.” In Cornet, Après & d’après Van Dyck, 254–74. Kuhn, Joseph Alois. Professor Johann Halbig und seine Werke. Munich: Knorr & Hirth, 1879. Lehmann, Jürgen M. Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Kassel: Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Schloß Wilhelmshöhe, Katalog i., Italienische, französische und spanische Gemälde des 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert. Fridingen: Graf Klenau, 1980. Lenman, Robin. Artists and Society in Germany, 1850–1914. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997. Leuschner, Vera. “Ludwig Emil Grimms Zeichnung ‘Morgenfeier an Albrecht Dürers Grab’ (1828) und das Künstlergruppenbildnis zwischen 1817 und 1828.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 51–64. Levine, Neil. “The Romantic Idea of Architectural Legibility: Henri Labrouste and the Neo-Grec.” In The Architecture of the

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 221

École des Beaux-Arts, edited by Arthur Drexler, 325–416. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1977. Lhotsky, Alphons. Festschrift des Kunsthistorischen Museums zur Feier des fünfzigjährigen Bestandes. Vol. 1, Die Baugeschichte der Museen und der neuen Burg. Vienna: Ferdinand Berger, Horn, 1941. Lichtwark, Alfred. Verzeichnis der Gemälde neuerer Meister. Hamburg: Lütcke & Wulff, 1897. Locker, Tobias. “Die Bildergalerie von Sanssouci bei Potsdam.” In Savoy, Tempel der Kunst, 217–42. Loh, Maria H. Still Lives: Death, Desire, and the Portrait of the Old Master. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Luber, Katherine Crawford. “Albrecht Dürer’s Maximilian Portraits: An Investigation of Versions.” Master Drawings 29, no. 1 (1991): 30–47. Lübke, Wilhelm. Geschichte der deutschen Kunst von den frühesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart. Stuttgart: Ebner & Seubert, 1890. Ludwig I of Bavaria. Walhalla’s Genossen, geschildert durch König Ludwig den Ersten von Bayern, den Gründer Walhalla’s. Munich: Literarisch-artistische Anstalt, 1842. Lützow, Carl von. “Ergebnisse der Dresdener Holbein Ausstellung mit der anschließen Erklärung der Kunsthistoriker.” Zeitschrift für Bildende Kunst 6 (1871): 349–55. Maaz, Bernhard, ed. Die Alte Nationalgalerie: Geschichte, Bau und Umbau. Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 2001. ———. Christian Friedrich Tieck 1776–1851: Leben und Werk. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1995. ———. “Eine Kulturgeschichte in Bildern: Wilhelm von Kaulbachs Wandgemälde.” In Neues Museum: Architektur, Sammlung, Geschichte, edited by Elke Blauert and Astrid Bähr, 132–41. Berlin: Nicolai, 2009. ———, ed. Nationalgalerie Berlin: Das xix. Jahrhundert; Bestandskatalog der Skulpturen. 2 vols. Leipzig: Seemann, 2006. ———. Skulptur in Deutschland zwischen Französischer Revolution und Erstem Weltkrieg. 2 vols. Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2010. MacGregor, Neil. Germany: Memories of a Nation. London: Allen Lane, 2014. Maertz, Gregory. Literature and the Cult of Personality: Essays on Goethe and His Influence. Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2017. Magirius, Heinrich. “Die bildkünstlerische Ausgestaltung von Gottfried Sempers Gemäldegalerie in Dresden.” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 88 (1992): 71–87. ———. “Die Gemäldegalerie in Dresden: Ein Bau von Gottfried Semper.” In Gemäldegalerie Dresden: Die Sammlung Alte Meister; Der Bau Gottfried Sempers, edited by Harald Marx and Heinrich Magirius, 29–55. Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1992.

221

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

222

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 222

Mai, Ekkehard, ed. Carl Gehrts (1853–1898) und die Düsseldorfer Malerschule. Petersberg: Michel Imhof, 2015. Exhibition catalogue. ———. Die deutschen Kunstakademien im 19. Jahrhundert: Künstlerausbildung zwischen Tradition und Avantgarde. Cologne: Böhlau, 2010. Majo, Elena di, Bjarne Jørnaes, and Stefano Susinno. Bertel Thorvaldsen, 1770–1844: Scultore danese a Roma. Rome: De Luca, 1989. Exhibition catalogue. Mander, Karel van. The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, from the First Edition of the “Schilder-boeck” (1603–4). Edited by Hessel Miedema. 6 vols. Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994–99. Marggraff, Rudolf. Kaiser Maximilian I. und Albrecht Dürer in Nürnberg: Ein Gedenkbuch für die Theilnehmer und Freunde des Maskenzugs der Künstler in München am 17. Februar und 2. März 1840. Nuremberg: Campe, 1840. Marggraff, Rudolf, and Hermann Marggraff. München mit seinen Kunstschätzen und Merkwürdigkeiten. Munich: Joseph A. Finsterlin, 1846. Markowitz, Irene. Die Düsseldorfer Malerschule. Vol. 2 of Malerei. Düsseldorf: Kunstmuseum Düsseldorf, 1969. Markschies, Alexander. Die Siegessäule. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2001. Marr, Thorsten. Vom Bildungsprogramm zum autonomen Kunstwerk: Studien zu Ausstattungen deutscher Kunstmuseen (1855–1904). Munich: Akademischer, 1999. Martin, Otto. Zur Ikonologie der deutschen Museumsarchitektur zu Beginn des Zweiten Kaiserreiches. Ph.D. diss., Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, 1983. Marx, Harald, ed. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden. 2 vols. Cologne: Walter König, 2005. ———. “‘Werke unsterblicher Meister aller Zeiten und Schulen’: Die Dresdener Gemäldegalerie im Semperbau.” In Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden, 1:11–35. Marx, Harald, and Ingrid Mössinger, eds. Cranach: Gemälde aus Dresden. Cologne: Wienand, 2005. Exhibition catalogue. McClellan, Andrew. The Art Museum from Boullée to Bilbao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. McHam, Sarah Blake. Pliny and the Artistic Culture of the Italian Renaissance: The Legacy of the Natural History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013. Meder, Joseph. Dürer-Katalog. Vienna: Gilhofer & Ranschburg, 1932. Meiner, Jörg, and Jan Werquet, eds. Friedrich Wilhelm IV. von Preußen: Politik, Kunst, Ideal. Berlin: Lukas, 2014. Melzer, Christien. Von der Kunstkammer zum Kupferstich-Kabinett: Zur Frühgeschichte des Graphiksammelns in Dresden (1560– 1738). Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 2010.

Mende, Matthias, ed. Albrecht Dürer—Ein Künstler in seiner Stadt. Nuremberg: Tümmels, 2000. Exhibition catalogue. ———. “Albrecht-Dürer-Verein.” In Diefenbacher and Endres, Stadtlexikon Nürnberg, 58. ———. Das alte Nürnberger Rathaus: Baugeschichte und Ausstattung des groβen Saales und der Ratsstube. Nuremberg: Stadtgeschichtliche Museen Nürnberg, 1979. Exhibition catalogue. ———. “Apotheose Albrecht Dürers.” Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 58 (1971): 287–303. ———. “Das Dürer-Denkmal.” In Denkmäler im 19. Jahrhundert: Deutung und Kritik, edited by Hans-Ernst Mittig and Volker Plagemann, 163–81. Munich: Prestel, 1972. ———. Das Dürerhaus in Nürnberg: Geschichte und Gegenwart in Ansichten von 1714 bis 1990 / The Dürer House in Nuremberg: Its Past and Present in Views from 1714 to 1990. Nuremberg: Hans Carl, 1991. ———. Dürer-Medaillen. Nuremberg: Hans Carl, 1983. ———. “Germanorvm decvs: Zur Bildnisbüste Albrecht Dürers im Museum Vleeshuis in Antwerpen.” In Beständig im Wandel: Innovationen—Verwandlungen—Konkretisierungen; Festschrift für Karl Möseneder zum 60. Geburtstag, edited by Christian Hecht, 121–28. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz, 2009. ———. “Die Transparente der Nürnberger Dürer-Feier von 1828: Ein Beitrag zur Dürerverehrung der Romantik.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1969): 177–209. ———. “Zum Nürnberger Dürer-Stammbuch von 1828.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 43–50. Mende, Matthias, and Inge Hebecker. Das Dürer-Stammbuch von 1828. Nuremberg: Hans Carl, 1973. Exhibition catalogue. Mende, Matthias, and Gerhard Hirschmann. Nürnberger Dürerfeiern, 1828–1928. Nuremberg: Museen der Stadt Nürnberg, 1971. Exhibition catalogue. Menke-Schwinghammer, Annemarie. Weltgeschichte als “Nationalepos”: Wilhelm von Kaulbachs kulturhistorischer Zyklus im Treppenhaus des Neuen Museums in Berlin. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1994. Merback, Mitchell B. Perfection’s Therapy: An Essay on Albrecht Dürer’s Melencolia i. New York: Zone Books, 2017. Meurs, Paul, and Marie-Thérèse van Thoor. Rijksmuseum Amsterdam: Restoration and Transformation of a National Monument. Rotterdam: NAi010, 2013. Meyer, Corina. Die Geburt des bürgerlichen Kunstmuseums—Johann Friedrich Städel und sein Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt am Main. Berlin: G + H, 2013. Meyer, Ulrike. “Die Fresken Eduard von Steinles im Treppenhaus des ersten Wallraf-Richartz-Museums in Köln.” Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 57 (1996): 251–58.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography Michael, Erika. Hans Holbein the Younger: A Guide to Research. New York: Garland, 1997. Michel, Eva, and Maria Luise Sternath, eds. Emperor Maximilian I and the Age of Dürer. Vienna: Albertina, 2012. Exhibition catalogue. Mielke, Ursula. Erhard Schön, edited by Rainer Schoch. Vol. 2. Vol. 48 of Hollstein’s German Engravings, Etchings, and Woodcuts, 1400–1700. Rotterdam: Sound & Vision, 2000. Mittlmeier, Werner. Die Neue Pinakothek in München 1843–1854: Planung, Baugeschichte und Fresken. Munich: Prestel, 1977. Müller, Christian. Die Zeichnungen von Hans Holbein dem Jüngeren und Ambrosius Holbein. Part 2A of Katalog der Zeichnungen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts im Kupferstichkabinett Basel. Basel: Schwabe, 1996. Nerdinger, Winfried, ed. Leo von Klenze: Architekt zwischen Kunst und Hof 1784–1864. Munich: Prestel, 2000. Exhibition catalogue. Nesselrath, Arnold. “Raphael’s Gift to Dürer.” Master Drawings 31, no. 4 (1993): 376–89. Neudecker, Christian Gotthold. Geschichte der deutschen Reformation von 1517–1532. Leipzig: Baumgartner, 1843. ———. Neuen Beiträge zur Geschichte der Reformation. 2 vols. Leipzig: Friedrich Fleischer, 1841. Neumeyer, Alfred. “Monuments to ‘Genius’ in German Classicism.” Journal of the Warburg Institute 2, no. 2 (1938): 159–63. Nipperdey, Thomas. “Der Kölner Dom als Nationaldenkmal.” Historische Zeitschrift 233, no. 1 (1981): 595–613. Ost, Hans. “Ein Ruhmesblatt für Raphael bei Maratti und Mengs.” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 28 (1965): 281–98. Otten, Frank. Ludwig Michael Schwanthaler 1802–1848. Munich: Prestel, 1970. Overbeck, Johann Friedrich. An Account of the Picture of Frederick Overbeck, Representing Religion Glorified by the Fine Arts; Now in Städel’s Art-Institute, at Frankfort-on-the-Maine. Translated by John Macray. Oxford: John Henry Parker, 1843. Panofsky, Erwin. The Life and Art of Albrecht Dürer. With an introduction by Jeffrey Chipps Smith. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. Patz, Kristine. “Schulzimmer: ‘Nicht nur zum vorübergehenden Vergnügen’; Galerie—Bibliothek—Verschulung.” In Die kaiserliche Gemäldegalerie in Wien und die Anfänge des öffentlichen Kunstmuseums, edited by Gudrun Swoboda, 2:436–57. Vienna: Böhlau, 2013. Paul, Carole, ed. The First Modern Museums of Art: The Birth of an Institution in 18th- and Early-19th-Century Europe. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2012.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 223

Pecht, Friedrich. “Die Fresken von Carl Gehrts in der Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle.” In Die Kunst für Alle 13 (1898): 64–67. Pevsner, Nikolaus. Academies of Art, Past and Present. New York: Da Capo, 1973. ———. A History of Building Types. London: Thames & Hudson, 1976. ———. Review of Das deutsche Kunstmuseum 1790–1870, by Volker Plagemann. Burlington Magazine 110 (1968): 584–85. Le photographe et l’architecte: Edouard Baldus, Hector-Martin Lefuel et le chantier du nouveau Louvre de Napoléon III. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 1995. Exhibition catalogue. Physick, John. The Victoria and Albert Museum: The History of Its Building. Oxford: Phaidon, 1982. Pickartz, Christine. “‘. . . Ein Werk, welches auch nach Jahrhunderten noch Befriedigung gewähren soll’: Das Bildprogramm von Carl Gehrts im Treppenhaus der alten Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle.” In Mai, Carl Gehrts (1853–1898) und die Düsseldorfer Malerschule, 33–48. Pietrangeli, Carlo. “La Protomoteca Capitolina.” Capitolium 27 (1952): 183–94. Piotrovsky, Mikhail [Michail Piotrovskij]. My Hermitage. Translated by Antonina W. Bouis. New York: Skira, 2015. Piotrovsky, Mikhail [Michail Piotrovskij], and Liudmila Torshina. The Hermitage: The History of the Buildings and Collections. Translated by Paul Williams. St. Petersburg: Alfa-Colour, 2001. Pirsich, Volker. “Die Dürer-Rezeption in der Literatur des beginnenden 19. Jahrhunderts.” Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 70 (1983): 304–33. Plagemann, Volker. “Die Anfänge der hamburgischen Kunstsammlungen und die erste Kunsthalle.” In Die Hamburger Kunsthalle: Bauten und Bilder, edited by Uwe M. Schneede and Helmut R. Leppien, 9–19. Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1997. ———. Das deutsche Kunstmuseum 1790–1870. Munich: Prestel, 1967. ———. “Zur Ikonographie des Museums: Das Programm der Künstlerbildnisse am Außenbau der Hamburger Kunsthalle 1863–1869.” Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen 12 (1967): 71–84. Preti-Hamard, Monica. “‘The Destruction of the Museum Has Become a Historical Monument’: The Restitution of Art Works from the Viewpoint of the Staff of the Louvre (1814– 1815).” In Napoleon’s Legacy: The Rise of National Museums in Europe, 1794–1830, edited by Ellinoor Bergvelt, Debora J. Meijers, Lieske Tibbe, and Elsa van Wezel, 137–56. Berlin: G + H, 2009. Raczynski, Athanasius. Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst. 3 vols. Berlin: Raczynski, 1836–41.

223

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

224

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 224

Ranke, Leopold von. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation. 5 vols. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1839–43. Reichardt, Gerd. Heroen der Kunst: Standbilder und Denkmale für bildende Künstler im 19. Jahrhundert. Cologne: Letter Stiftung, 2009. Reiter, Cornelia. “Die Engelsserie von Edward Jakob Steinle für den Kölner Dom im Kupferstichkabinett der Wiener Akademie.” Das Münster 65 (2012): 99–106. Renger, Konrad, ed. “Ihm, welcher der Andacht Tempel baut . . .”: Ludwig I. und die Alte Pinakothek: Festschrift zum Jubiläumsjahr 1986. Munich: Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, 1986. Roskill, Mark, and John Oliver Hand, eds. Hans Holbein: Paintings, Prints, and Reception. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001. Rössling, Wilfried. “Studien zur Baugeschichte des ‘AkademieGebäudes’ und der Großherzoglichen Kunsthalle in Karlsruhe.” Jahrbuch der staatlichen Kunstsammlungen in Baden Württemberg 23 (1986): 77–119. Roth, Michael. “Eine Dürerreliquie in Ulm?” In Aus Albrecht Dürers Welt: Festschrift für Fedja Anzelewsky, edited by Bodo Brinkmann, Hartmut Krohm, and Michael Roth, 189–98. Turnhout: Brepols, 2001. Rott, Herbert W. Ludwig I. und die Neue Pinakothek. Munich: Pinakothek, 2003. Rupprich, Hans. “Dürer und Pirckheimer: Geschichte einer Freundschaft.” In Albrecht Dürers Umwelt, edited by Gerhard Hirschmann and Fritz Schnelbögl. Nuremberg: Verein für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 1971. Salmi, Hannu. Nineteenth-Century Europe: A Cultural History. Oxford: Wiley, 2013. Sander, Dietulf. “Biographie in Dokumenten und Selbstzeugnissen.” In Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld 1794–1872, exhibition catalogue, edited by Herwig Guratzsch, 13–44. Leipzig: Museum der bildenden Künste Leipzig, 1994. Sandrart, Joachim von. Teutsche Academie der edlen Bau-, Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste. 3 vols. 1675–80. Reprint, with an introduction by Christian Klemm, Nördlingen: Dr. Alfons Uhl, 1994. Savoy, Bénédicte. Kunstraub: Napoleons Konfiszierungen in Deutschland und die europäischen Folgen. Translated by Tom Heithoff. Vienna: Böhlau, 2011. ———, ed. Tempel der Kunst: Die Geburt des öffentlichen Museums in Deutschland 1701–1815. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2006. Schachtner, Christiane. “Tag und Nacht reisefertig . . .”: Die Reiseskizzenbücher des Münchner Künstlers und Galeriedirektors Johann Georg von Dillis (1759–1841). Sankt Ottilien: EOS, 2014.

Schäfer, Wilhelm. Die Königliche Gemälde-Gallerie im Neuen Museum zu Dresden: Beschreibung und Erläuterung sämmtlicher Gemälde nach der Ordnung der Räume. 3 vols. Dresden: H. Klemm, 1860. Schasler, Max. Die Wandgemälde Wilhelm von Kaulbachs im Treppenhaus des Neuen Museums zu Berlin. Berlin: Allgemeine Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1854. Schawe, Martin. Alte Pinakothek: Altdeutsche und altniederländische Malerei. Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2006. Schilling, Johann August. Wilhelm v. Kaulbach’s Narrenhaus. Augsburg: J. A. Schlosser, 1863. Schlegel, Friedrich von. The Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works of Frederick von Schlegel. Translated by E. J. Millington. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1860. ———. “Dritter Nachtrag alter Gemälde.” Europa: Eine Zeitschrift 2, no. 2 (1805): 109–45. ———. “Gemäldebeschreibungen aus Paris und den Niederlanden in den Jahren 1802–1804.” In Kritische Friedrich-Schlegel-Ausgabe, edited by Hans Eichner, 4:7–152. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1959. Schleicher, Wilhelm. Die Treppenhaus-Fresken von Carl Gehrts. Düsseldorf: August Bagel, [ca. 1897]. Schmid, Wolfgang. Dürer als Unternehmer: Kunst, Humanismus und Ökonomie in Nürnberg um 1500. Trier: Porta Alba, 2003. Schmitt, Lothar. “Dürers Locke.” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 66 (2003): 261–72. Schnasse, Karl. Geschichte der bildenden Künste. 6 vols. Düsseldorf: Julius Buddeus, 1843–64. Schneckenburger-Broschek, Anja. Altdeutsche Malerei: Die Tafelbilder und Ältare des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts in der Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister und im Hessischen Landesmuseum Kassel. Eurasburg: Edition Minerva Hermann Farnung, 1997. Schoch, Rainer. “Von Wien nach Bremen: Der ‘norddeutsche Dürer.’” In Dürer-Zeit: Die Geschichte der Dürer-Sammlung in der Kunsthalle Bremen, exhibition catalogue, edited by Anne Röver-Kann with Manu von Miller, 8–17. Munich: Hirmer, 2012. Schoch, Rainer, Matthias Mende, and Anna Scherbaum, eds. Albrecht Dürer: Das druckgraphische Werk. 3 vols. Munich: Prestel, 2001–4. Schopenhauer, Johanna. Johann van Eyck und seine Nachfolger. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main: H. Wilmans, 1822. Schröter, Elisabeth. “Raffael-Kult und Raffael-Forschung: Johann David Passavant und seine Raffael-Monographie im Kontext der Kunst und Kunstgeschichte seiner Zeit.” Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana 26 (1990): 304–97.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography Schroyen, Sabine. Carl Gehrts: 1853, Hamburg–1898, Bonn, edited by Ingrid Bodsch. Bonn: Stadtmuseum Bonn, 1994. Exhibition catalogue. ———. “‘Mein Schaffensdrang ist augenblicklich ein sehr starker. Es drängt mich sehr nach großen Arbeiten’: Zum Leben und Werk von Carl Gehrts.” In Mai, Carl Gehrts (1853–1898) und die Düsseldorfer Malerschule, 9–32. Schulte-Arndt, Monika. Ernst Rietschel als Zeichner. Mainz: Von Zabern, 1995. Schulze, Sabine. Bildprogramme in deutschen Kunstmuseen des 19. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1984. Schulze Altcappenberg, Hein-Thomas. “Bilder eines Museums: Das Kupferstichkabinett im Neuen Museum.” In Denken in Bildern: 31 Positionen zu Kunst, Museum und Wissenschaft, edited by Günther Schauerte and Moritz Wullen, 204–11. Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2008. ———. “Inszenierte Kunstgeschichte: Das Kupferstichkabinett im Neuen Museum.” In Museale Spezialisierung und Nationalisierung ab 1830: Das Neue Museum in Berlin im internationalen Kontext, edited by Ellinoor Bergvelt, Debora J. Meijers, Lieske Tibbe, and Elsa van Wezel, 241–53. Berlin: G + H, 2011. ———. “Das Kupferstichkabinett: Raüme der Kunstgeschichte.” In Neues Museum: Architekture, Sammlung, Geschichte, edited by Elke Blauert with Astrid Bähr, 224–31. Berlin: Nicolai, 2009. Schuster, Peter-Klaus, ed. Die Alte Nationalgalerie. Berlin: DuMont, 2003. Schütz, Karl, ed. Albrecht Dürer im Kunsthistorischen Museum. Milan: Electa, 1994. Exhibition catalogue. Schwahn, Britta-Roswitha. Die Glyptothek in München: Baugeschichte und Ikonologie. Munich: UNI-Druck, 1983. Schwanthaler, Ludwig von. Künstler-Gestalten aus der Blüthezeit der Kunst: Entworfen von Schwanthaler; In Kupfer gestochen von Felsing. Gera, 1879. Semjonova, Tatjana, and Sergei Wesnin. “Leo von Klenzes Planung der Neuen Eremitage im Spiegel seiner Briefe nach St. Petersburg.” In Nerdiner, Leo von Klenze, 174–81. Semper, Gottfried. Die k. k. Hofmuseen in Wien und Gottfried Semper. Edited by Manfred Semper and Emanuel Semper. Innsbruck: Edlinger, 1892. Semper, Manfred. Hasenauer und Semper. Hamburg: Boysen & Maasch, 1895. Sheehan, James J. Museums in the German Art World: From the End of the Old Regime to the Rise of Modernism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Siegel, Jonah, ed. The Emergence of the Modern Museum: An Anthology of Nineteenth-Century Sources. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 225

Sieveking, Hinrich. “Materialen zu Programm und Entstehung des Skulpturenschmucks am Außenbau der Glyptothek.” In Vierneisel, Leinz, and Sembach, Glyptothek München 1830–1980, 234–55 and 544–75. Silver, Larry. Marketing Maximilian: The Visual Ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008. Simson, Jutta von. Christian Daniel Rauch: Oeuvre-Katalog. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1996. Skokan, Isabel. Germania und Italia: Nationale Mythen und Heldengestalten in Gemälden des 19. Jahrhunderts. Berlin: Lukas, 2009. Smith, Alistair. “Dürer and Bellini, Apelles and Protogenes.” Burlington Magazine 114, no. 830 (1972): 326–29. Smith, Helmut Walser. The Continuities of German History: Nation, Religion, and Race Across the Long Nineteenth Century. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Smith, Jeffrey Chipps. “Albrecht Dürer as Collector.” Renaissance Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2011): 1–49. ———. “Dürer on Dürer: Thoughts on Intentionality and Self-Fashioning.” In Die Biographie—Mode oder Universalie?, edited by Beate Böckem, Olaf Peters, and Barbara Schellwald, 73–87. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015. ———. “The Early Collecting of Dürer’s Prints.” In Prayer Nuts, Private Devotion, and Early Modern Art Collecting, edited by Evelin Wetter and Frits Scholten, 140–55. Riggisberg: Abegg-Stiftung, 2017. ———. German Sculpture of the Later Renaissance, c. 1520–1580: Art in an Age of Uncertainty. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. ———. “The Jesuit Artistic Diaspora in Germany After 1773.” In Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773–1900, edited by Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright, 129–47. Leiden: Brill, 2015. ———. Nuremberg, a Renaissance City, 1500–1618. Austin: Huntington Art Gallery, University of Texas, 1983. Exhibition catalogue. ———. “Performing Dürer: Staging the Artist in the Nineteenth Century.” In The Primacy of the Image in Northern European Art, 1400–1700: Essays in Honor of Larry Silver, edited by Debra Taylor Cashion, Henry Luttikhuizen, and Ashley D. West, 329–43. Leiden: Brill, 2017. Sonnenburg, Hubertus von. Raphael in der Alten Pinakothek. Munich: Prestel, 1983. Exhibition catalogue. Spengler, Dietmar. “. . . Apportés de Cologne: Zeichnungen und Graphiken aus der ehemaligen Kölner Jesuitensammlung in Paris wiederentdeckt.” Kölner Museums-Bulletin 1 (1993): 18–28.

225

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography

226

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 226

Springer, Peter. “Fritz Roeber und sein Mosaik an der alten Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle.” In Mai, Carl Gehrts (1853–1898) und die Düsseldorfer Malerschule, 72–81. ———. “Hähnel, Ernst Julius.” Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online. Oxford University Press. https://​doi​.org​/10​.1093​/ gao​/9781884446054​.article​.T036142. Staatliches Hochbauamt Regensburg, ed. Walhalla: Amtlicher Führer. Regensburg: Bernhard Bosse, 2004. Starn, Randolph. “Reinventing Heroes in Renaissance Italy.” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 1 (1986): 67–84. Stephan, Bärbel, ed. Ernst Rietschel 1804–1861: Zum 200. Geburtstag des Bildhauers. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2004. ———. “Der Rietschel-Gesamtbestand der Dresdner Skulpturensammlung—Modelle in Ton und Gips, Reprogipse, Bildwerke in Sandstein, Marmor, Bronze und Eisenguß, Zeichnungen.” In Stephan, Ernst Rietschel 1804–1861, 303–40. Sterling, Charles, and Hélène Adhémar. Musée national du Louvre: Peintures—École française xixe siècle. 4 vols. Paris: Éditions des Musées nationaux, 1958–61. Stock, Jan Van der, ed. Antwerp: Story of a Metropolis, 16th–17th Century. Ghent: Martial & Snoeck, 1993. Exhibition catalogue. Strack, Doris. “Die historisierenden Wandbilder Schwinds im Treppenhaus der Karlsruher Kunsthalle.” In Moritz von Schwind: Meister der Spätromantik, exhibition catalogue, edited by Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, 55–75. Ostfildern-Ruit: Gerd Hatje, 1996. Strack, Doris, and Friedrich Strack. “Kunst und Kunstgeschichte in Wechselwirkung: Ein unbekanntes Manuskript Sulpiz Boisserées zur altdeutschen Malerei.” Jahrbuch des Freien Deutschen Hochstifts (1989): 156–201. Strauss, Walter L. The Complete Drawings of Albrecht Dürer. 6 vols. New York: Abaris, 1974. Strixner, Johann Nepomuk. Albrecht Dürers christlich-mythologische Handzeichnungen. Munich: Alois Senefelder, 1808. Stüler, Friedrich August. Das Neue Museum in Berlin. Berlin: Ernst & Korn, 1862. Teichmann, Michael. “Vom Kloster ins Museum: Zur Rezeption Alter Meister während der Säkularisation in Bayern.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 153–59. Telesko, Werner. “Imperator Perpetuus? The Reception of Emperor Maximilian I from the Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Centuries.” In Michel and Sternath, Emperor Maximilian I and the Age of Dürer, 117–27. ———. “Der Makart-Festzug 1879: Medienstrategien zwischen bürgerlichem Anspruch und monarchischer Jubelfeier.” In

Makart: Ein Künstler regiert die Stadt, exhibition catalogue, edited by Ralph Gleis, 104–15. Munich: Prestel, 2011. Tesan, Harald C. “Deutsche Bildhauer bei Thorvaldsen in Rom. ” In Bott and Spielmann, Künstlerleben in Rom, 259–77. Thierhoff, Bianca. “Ferdinand Franz Wallraf: Ein Sammler des ‘pädagogischen Zeitalters.’” In Kier and Zehnder, Lust und Verlust, 389–405. Thimann, Michael. Friedrich Overbeck und die Bildkonzepte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2014. ———. “Raffael und Dürer: Ursprung, Wachstum und Verschwinden einer Idee in der deutschen Romantik.” In Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 9–41. Thimann, Michael, and Christine Hübner, eds. Sterbliche Götter: Raffael und Dürer in der Kunst der deutschen Romantik. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2015. Exhibition catalogue. Unverfehrt, Gerd. “Arminius als nationale Leitfigur.” In Kunstverwaltung, Bau- und Denkmal-Politik im Kaiserreich, edited by Ekkehard Mai and Stephan Waetzoldt, 315–40. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1981. Valdenaire, Arthur. Die Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Karlsruhe: Der Stadtbau und der Schloßbezirk. Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2014. Vaughan, William. German Romantic Painting. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. Verbeek, Albert. “Das erste Wallraf-Richartz-Museum.” Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 23 (1961): 7–36. Verein Freunde der Städelschule e.V., ed. Städelschule Frankfurt am Main: Aus der Geschichte einer deutschen Kunsthochschule. Frankfurt am Main: Waldemar Kramer, 1982. Vermeulen, Ingrid R. Picturing Art History: The Rise of the Illustrated History of Art in the Eighteenth Century. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010. Vey, Horst. “Der Schmuck der neuen Kunsthalle.” In Kunst in der Residenz: Karlsruhe zwischen Rokoko und Moderne, exhibition catalogue, edited by Siegmar Holsten, Gerlinde Brandenburger, and Jutta Dresch, 14–23. Heidelberg: Braus, 1990. Vick, Brian E. The Congress of Vienna: Power and Politics After Napoleon. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014. Vierneisel, Klaus, Gottfried Leinz, and Klaus-Jürgen Sembach, eds. Glyptothek München 1830–1980: Jubiläumsausstellung zur Entstehungs- und Baugeschichte. Munich: Glyptothek München, 1980. Exhibition catalogue. Vignau-Wilberg, Peter. “Zur Dürer-Verehrung in der Romantik und zu Franz Pforrs Streben nach dem ‘Sichtbaren’ in der Kunst.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 29–34.

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Bibliography Vischer, Friedrich Theodor. Aesthetik, oder Wissenschaft des Schönen. 6 parts. Reutlingen: C. Mäcken, 1846–57. ———. Kritische Gänge. Tübingen: Fues, 1841–42. Vogel, Julius. Das Städtische Museum zu Leipzig von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. Leipzig: E. A. Seeman, 1892. Vogt, Christine. Das druckgraphische Bild nach Vorlagen Albrecht Dürers (1471–1528). Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2008. Volk, Peter. “Kleinbronzen aus der Königlichen Erzgießerei in München.” Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst 50 (1999): 217–47. Waagen, Gustav Friedrich. Kleine Schriften. Stuttgart: Ebner & Seubert, 1875. Wach, Carl. Das Zeitalter der Reformation: Wilhelm v. Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museums in Berlin. Berlin: Nicolaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1867. Wackenroder, Wilhelm Heinrich. Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder’s Confessions and Fantasies. Introduction and translation by Mary Hurst Schubert. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. Wagner, Erna-Maria. Der Bilderzyklus im ehemaligen Bayerischen Nationalmuseum. Munich: Scaneg, 2004. Wagner, Hugo. Raffael im Bildnis. Bern: Benteli, 1969. Wagner, Monika. “Wohin mit der verlorenen Geschichte? Kaulbachs weltgeschichtlicher Bildzyklus im Neuen Museum.” In Berlins Museen: Geschichte und Zukunft, edited by Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte München, 87–98. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1994. Waldvogel, Miriam. Wilhelm Kaulbachs Narrenhaus (um 1830): Zum Bild des Wahnsinns in der Biedermeierzeit. Munich: LMU, 2007. Wallace, William E. “The Artist as Genius.” In A Companion to Renaissance and Baroque Art, edited by Babette Bohn and James M. Saslow, 151–67. New York: Wiley, 2013. Walther, Angelo, ed. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister Dresden: Katalog der ausgestellten Werke. 3rd printing. Dresden: Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, 1983. Watkin, David, and Tilman Mellinghoff. German Architecture and the Classical Ideal. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1987. Weber, Wilhelm. “Luther-Denkmäler.” In Denkmäler im 19. Jahrhundert: Deutung und Kritik, edited by Hans-Ernst Mittig and Volker Plagemann, 185–214. Munich: Prestel, 1972. Wegner, Günter. “Zur Geschichte des Niedersächsischen Landesmuseums Hannover.” In Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover: Führer durch das Museum, edited by Heide Grape-Albers, 8–10. Hannover: Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover, 2000.

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 227

Wegner, Reinhard. “Dürerkult in der Romantik: Das Mittelalterbild der Nazarener.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1998): 25–27. Weissert, Caecilie. Die kunstreichste Kunst der Künste: Niederländische Malerei im 16. Jahrhundert. Munich: Hirmer, 2011. Weski, Ellen, and Heike Frosien-Leinz. Das Antiquarium der Münchner Residenz: Katalog der Skulpturen. 2 vols. Munich: Hirmer, 1987. Wex, Reinhold. 100 Jahre Museumstr. 1: Ein Museum stellt sich aus. Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich–Museum, 1987. Wezel, Elsa van. “Denon’s Louvre and Schinkel’s Altes Museum: War Trophy Museum Versus Monument to Peace.” In Napoleon’s Legacy: The Rise of National Museums in Europe, 1794–1830, edited by Ellinoor Bergvelt, Debora J. Meijers, Lieske Tibbe, and Elsa van Wezel, 157–72. Berlin: G + H, 2009. Whaley, Joachim. Germany and the Holy Roman Empire. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Wiener, Jürgen. “Die Düsseldorfer Kunsthalle—Kaiserstil und kulturelles Kapital.” In Mai, Carl Gehrts (1853–1898) und die Düsseldorfer Malerschule, 49–71. Wiercinski, Thomas. “Makart and the Munich School.” In Makart: Painter of the Senses, exhibition catalogue, edited by Agnes Husslein-Arco and Alexander Klee, 99–109. Vienna: Belvedere, 2011. Williams, Robert. “‘How Life Should Be Lived’: Vasari’s Biography of Raphael.” In Thimann and Hübner, Sterbliche Götter, 62–71. Windholz, Angela. “‘Savior, Prince of Color’: The Collection of Raphael Copies in the Orangery at Potsdam (1858).” In Sacred Possessions: Collecting Italian Religious Art, 1500–1900, edited by Gail Feigenbaum, Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, and Galina Timanić, 207–23. Los Angeles: Getty, 2011. Wippermann, Katharina. Frederic Leightons Ausbildung unter Edward Jakob von Steinle an der Städelschule zu Frankfurt am Main. Ph.D. diss., Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2005. Wullen, Moritz. Die Deutschen sind im Treppenhaus: Der Fries Otto Geyers in der Alten Nationalgalerie. Cologne: DuMont, 2002. Ziemke, Hans-Joachim. Das Städelsche Kunstinstitut—Die Geschichte einer Stiftung. Frankfurt am Main: Städelsches Kunstinstitut, 1980. ———. Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt am Main: Die Gemälde des 19. Jahrhunderts. Edited by Ernst Holzinger. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main: G. Schulte-Bulmke, 1972. Zilsel, Edgar. Die Enstehung des Geniebegriffes: Ein Beitrag zur Ideengeschichte der Antike und des Frühkapitalismus. Tübingen: Mohr, 1926.

227

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 228

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index Page numbers in italics indicate illustrative material. Museums are listed under city. Abelard, Peter, 116 Abendroth, August, 148 Adamo, Max, 202n30 Adriaensen, Jan, 19 Agrippa von Nettesheim, 158 Agrippina the Younger, 156, 211n3 Albert, Joseph, 81 Alberti, Leon Battista, De re Aedificatoria, 3 Albertus Magnus, 4, 158, 211n3 Albrecht, Prince of Prussia, 146 Albrecht VII, Archduke of Austria, 180, 186 Albrecht-Dürer-Verein (Albrecht Dürer Association), 37, 42, 175 Aldegrever, Albrecht, 198n101 Alexander, Grandduke of Sachsen-Weimar, 210n51 Alexander II, Czar of Russia, 8, 146 Altdorfer, Albrecht, 7, 98, 187, 198n101 Battle of Alexander and Darius, 195n48 Altenburg Lindenau-Museum, 208n3 Altenstein, Karl, Freiherr vom Stein zum, 9 Altichiero, 3 Amalia van Solms, 152 Amsler, Samuel, Munich Alte Pinakothek sculpture engravings (after Schwanthaler), 53, 55 Amsterdam Rijksmuseum, 150–54, 151, 153 Andrea Pisano, 92 Angelico, Fra Giovanni da Fiesole, 52, 54, 60, 158, 159 Antonello da Messina, 169 Antwerp Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, 214n5 Apelles, 75, 91, 199n24 Arminius, 127 Arnold of Brescia, 116 Arnolfo di Lapo, 92 Art Institute of Chicago, 193n5 Aubel, Carl, 81 August, Elector of Saxony, 141 August II the Strong, Elector of Saxony, 141 Augusta Victoria, Empress, 126

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 229

Bach, Johann Sebastian, 154 Baier, Melchior, 79 Balbach, Othemar, 99 Baldung Grien, Hans, 7, 30, 102 Bandel, Ernst von, Arminius sculpture, 127 Bartolommeo, Fra, 169 Bass, Marisa, 14 Bechstein, Ludwig, 30 Beethoven, Ludwig van, 43 Begas, Carl, Wilhelm I bust, 163 Behaim, Martin, 111, 129 Beham, Barthel, 69, 85, 149, 150 Beham, Sebald, 129, 198n101 Behren, Christian, Leipzig Museum der bildenden Künste sculptures, 211n22 Bella, Steffano della, 199n24 Bellini, Giovanni, 30, 52, 66–67, 85, 169, 43 Benk, Johannes Pallas Athena, 174 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculptures, 180–84, 181, 183 Berger, Julius Victor, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 184–87, 185, 214n44, 214nn46–48 Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie admission, 8 commission, 121–22 façade, 122–26, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127 interior frieze, 126–31, 128, 130 staircase, 126, 128 Berlin Altes Museum, 8, 9, 46, 107 Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum, 208n85 Berlin Neues Museum façade, 108, 108 frescoes, 108–16, 112, 113, 114, 118–19 Kupferstichkabinet, 119–21, 120, 209n21 Semper on, 205n34 staircase, 108–9, 109, 110, 111 Bernward von Hildesheim, 174, 207n63 Bertram, Johann Baptist, 15–17, 159 Best, Mary Ellen, Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut watercolors, 91, 92, 204n15 Białostocki, Jan, 5, 37, 44, 197n65

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

230

Bildung, as concept, 9 Bink, Jacob, 198n101 Birkholz, Holger, 145 Bitter, Karl, 1–2 Albrecht Dürer, 2 Bläser, Gustav, 159, 207n61, 207n65 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum sculptures, 211n3 Blechen, Carl, 207n65 Bloemaert, Abraham, 199n24 Bluntschli, A. Friedrich, 205n33 Böhmer, Johann Friedrich, 89 Boisserée, Melchior, 15–18, 158, 159 Boisserée, Sulpiz, 15–18, 56–58, 63, 70, 77, 158, 159, 201n92 Boleyn, Anne, 70, 98 Bonn University, 36, 36 Borch, Gerard ter, 85 Brahe, Tycho, 113 Bramante, Donato, 1, 92, 93, 169, 178, 208n3 Brandt, Heinrich Wilhelm, 82, 84 Braun, Josef, 157 Braunschweig Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 138–41, 140 Bredekamp, Horst, 208n79 Bremen Kunsthalle, 134, 134 Bremermann, J., Bremen Kunsthalle lithograph, 134, 134 Breslau (Wrocław) Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste, 137–38, 139 Brodwolf, Ludwig, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie sculptures, 131, 208n70 Broecke, Willem van den, Albrecht Dürer, 20 Brotherhood of Saint Luke (Lukasbrüder), 32 Brouwer, Adriaen, 186 Bruegel, Pieter, the Elder, 210n51 Brüggemann, Hans, 122, 129, 207n63 Bordesholm Passion Altar, 130 Brulliot, Franz Seraph, 77 Brunelleschi, Filippo, 150, 193n17 Bruno I, Archbishop of Cologne, 211n3 Bugenhagen, Johannes, 111, 129 Bülow, Heinrich von, 17 Burgkmair, Hans, 7, 64, 69, 122, 187, 198n101, 207n63 Burgschmiet, Jakob Daniel, 37, 42 bust of Dürer, 197n85 Philipp Melanchthon, 43 Büring, Johann Gottfried, Potsdam Picture Gallery design, 50–51 Burton, Robert, 5 Busch, Werner, 114–15 Busse, Carl, 122, 207n61 Büttner, Frank, 76 Calandrelli, Alexander, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie sculptures, 122, 207n61 Callot, Jacques, 149, 150 Calvin, Jean ( Johannes), 111 Camerarius, Joachim, 4, 5–6, 30, 67

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 230

Campe, Friedrich, 37, 42, 65 Reliquien von Albrecht Dürer, 198n100 Canova, Antonio, 17, 48, 50, 149, 174 Carracci, Annibale, 199n24 Carrière, Moriz, 113, 116 Carstens, Asmus Jacob, 149, 165, 207n65, 210n51 Carus, Carl Gustav, Recollections of Rome, 204n25 Catarina Cornaro, 167 Catherine, Saint, 210n39 Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, 71, 73, 75 Catholics vs. Protestants, 17, 44, 49, 89, 90, 98, 110–11, 129, 204n11 Cecilia, Saint, 210n39 Cellini, Benvenuto, 50, 75 Salt Cellar, 186 Celtis, Conrad, 4, 21, 182 Cervantes, Miguel de, 113 Cesnola, Luigi Palma di, 2 Charlemagne, 109, 180, 207n63, 210n39, 210n51 Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor, 180, 186, 210n51 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 180, 183, 183–84, 186 Chicago Art Institute, 193n5 Chodowiecki, Daniel, 207n65, 211n63 Christ, pairings with Dürer, 39, 40, 44 Cimabue, 56, 60, 63 Clement VII (pope), 169 Clement XIV (pope), 12 Colin, Alexander, 187, 207n63, 207n67 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum collection donation, 13 façade, 133, 156, 211n3 staircase frescoes, 155–59, 157 Colonna, Vittoria, 169 Columbus, Christopher, 111 Copernicus, Nicolaus, 113, 115, 129 Cornelius, Peter von and Boisserée-Bertram collection, 17 criticism of Munich Neue Pinakothek frescoes, 80 jubilee involvement (1828), 40, 42 in Lukasbrüder, 32 in museum designs, 124, 133, 134, 144, 145, 148, 165, 174, 207n65, 210n36, 210n51 on Walhalla, 49, 198n10 works Bilder zu Goethe’s Faust, 195n46 Ludwigskirche frescoes, 156 Munich Alte Pinakothek loggias design, 56–67, 61, 66 triptych for Ludwig feast, 35 Correggio, Antonio, 53, 75, 141, 169 Cosimo III, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 66 Crabeth brothers, 154 Cranach, Lucas, the Elder modern reception and representation, 7, 98, 145

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index in museum designs, exterior, 122, 141, 199n24 in museum designs, interior, 64, 85, 91, 129, 146, 210n51 cultural heritage. See national identity Cuvilliés, François, 81 Cuypers, Pierre, Amsterdam Rijksmuseum design, 150, 151 Daedalus, 73 Dähling, Heinrich, Holy Trinity, or Throne of Grace, 44–45 Dannecker, Johann Heinrich von, 207n65 Dante Alighieri, 63, 144, 145, 210n36 Daucher, Hans, Allegory with Albrecht Dürer, 26, 26–27 David, King, 154 De Keyser, Nicaise, 152 Decker, Bernhard, 204n21 Dehn-Rotfelser, Heinrich von, Kassel Neue Galerie design, 81, 81, 84, 159–60, 160 Delaroche, Paul, Hémicycle, 90–91, 91 Denner, Balthasar, 149 Denon, Dominique-Vivant, 12 Detroit Institute of Arts, 193n5 Dillis, Johann Georg von, 17–18, 49, 51–52, 56–58, 67–69, 77, 195n48 divine artist, as concept, 3–4 Dobbert, Eduard, 119 Döllgast, Hans, Munich Alte Pinakothek staircases, 56, 58 Domenichino, Domenico Zampieri, 53 Donatello, 50, 92 Donizetti, Gaetano, 167 Donner, Georg Rafael, 174, 207n65 Dorgerloh, Hartmut, 131 Dou, Gerrit, 85 Drake, Friedrich, Berlin Neues Museum exterior, 108, 108 Dresden Gemäldegalerie admission, 8 façade, 96, 141, 141–46, 143, 146 Duban, Félix, 91 Duderstadt, Heinrich von, 207n63 Duncker, Alexander, 118 Duns Scotus, 158 Dürek-Kaulbach, Josefa, 80 Dürer, Agnes (wife of Dürer), 40, 63, 146, 201n79 Dürer, Albrecht in Antwerp, 19, 64–65, 152 apprenticeship with Wolgemut, 40, 63 in Cologne, 158 on divine inspiration, 4 early posthumous cult, 29–31 “jubilee” (1840), 78–79 jubilees (1828), 36–46 Nuremberg, Albrecht-Dürer-Verein (Albrecht Dürer Association), 37, 42 representation in theater festival, 167, 167 self-presentation, 20–27

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 231

Vienna, Albrecht-Dürer-Verein (Albrecht Dürer Association), 175 in museum designs Altenburg Lindenau-Museum, 208n3 Amsterdam Rijksmuseum, 152–54, 153 Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie, 122–24, 129–30, 130, 131 Berlin Neues Museum, 113–16, 114, 119 Braunschweig Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 138, 140 Bremen Kunsthalle, 134 Breslau Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste, 138, 139 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum, 155–56, 158 Dresden Gemäldegalerie, 142, 144–45, 145, 146 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle, 168, 169–70 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut, 89–90, 91, 93–95, 94 Frankfurt Second Städel Kunstinstitut, 96–98, 97 Hamburg Kunsthalle, 148 Hannover Künstlerhaus, 135–36, 136 Hannover Landesmuseum, 137, 138 Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle, 100, 101, 102–4, 103, 104, 105, 106 Kassel Neue Galerie, 82, 82, 84, 85, 160–62, 161 Leipzig University Augusteum, 117, 213n58 Munich Alte Pinakothek, 51, 52, 53–55, 54, 55, 58, 60–65, 61, 63, 65, 66–67, 68–70 Munich Neue Pinakothek, 77–80, 78 Paris École des Beaux-Arts, 90–91 Potsdam Picture Gallery, 199n24 St. Petersburg New Hermitage, 72, 73, 73–75, 74 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, 174–75, 175, 178, 179, 182, 186–88, 188 Vienna Künstlerhaus, 114, 175–76, 176 pairings and associations with Giovanni Bellini, 66-67, 43 with Christ, 39, 40, 44 with Van Eyck (Hubert), 213n58 with Van Eyck ( Jan), 19, 174–75 with Giotto, 174–75 with Holbein, 96–98, 97, 105, 106, 142, 213n58 with Michelangelo, 138, 139 with painters’ coat of arms, 79, 80, 97, 203n33 with Raphael, 33–36, 34, 36, 40, 93–94, 94, 102–4, 103, 162, 168, 169–70, 174–75, 204n25 with Schongauer, 138, 140 with Vischer, 135–36, 136, 137, 138, 213n58 works All Saints’ Altarpiece, or Adoration of the Holy Trinity, Landauer Altarpiece, 22–23, 24, 28, 42, 122, 175, 183–84 Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin, or Heller Altarpiece (and Harrich replica), 21–22, 23, 28 Death of the Virgin, 40 Feast of the Rose Garlands, 21, 22, 28, 85, 89 Four Apostles, The, 53, 113–14, 115, 119, 146, 175 Great Triumphal Chariot of Maximilian I, 187 Ideal Portrait of Charlemagne, 180

231

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

232

Dürer, Albrecht, works (continued) Job on the Dung Heap, 98 King Arthur, 182, 182 Knight, Death, and the Devil, 129, 208n79 Lucretia, 69 Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand, 21, 22, 42 Melencolia I, 5, 124, 178 Michael Wolgemut, 53 Portrait of Elsbeth Tucher, 85 Portrait of Emperor Maximilian I, 186, 186 Prayer Book of Emperor Maximilian I, 85, 195n46 Saint Eustace, 68–69 Self-Portrait (1493), 20 Self-Portrait (1498), 20, 21, 90 Self-Portrait (1500), 2, 4, 5, 20, 40, 53, 66, 95, 178 Triumphal Arch of Maximilian (with Stabius), 187 Virgin of the Apocalypse, 197n72 Young Woman with Her Hair Worn Loose, 98 Dürer, Albrecht, the Elder (father of Dürer), 38, 63, 64 Dürer, Hans (brother of Dürer), 64 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle planned exterior, 133 staircase frescoes, 163–70, 165, 166, 168 Dyck, Anthony van, 52, 85, 141, 169, 178, 199n24, 210n51 Eberhard, Konrad, 205n38 Eberle, Adam, Raphael and Dürer at the Throne of Art, 40, 197n75 Echtermeier, Karl, 82, 84 Kassel Neue Galerie sculptures, 160, 160–63, 161, 162, 212n24 Eckhart, Master, 158 Eggers, Friedrich, 126 Eginhard, 154 Eiler, Gustav, Age of the Reformation, The (after Kaulbach), 113, 114, 118 Eloy, Saint, 174 Engelbert, Archbishop of Cologne, 211n3 Engelhard, Wilhelm Albrecht Dürer (for Hamburg Kunsthalle), 148, 149 Albrecht Dürer (for Hannover Künstlerhaus), 135–36, 136 Peter Vischer the Elder, 135–36, 136 Enger, Julius Robert, Altenburg Lindenau-Museum design, 208n3 Erasmus, 113 exterior designs. See façades Eyck, Hubert van, 60, 89, 210n51, 213n58 Eyck, Jan van Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece, formerly attributed, 16 in museum designs, exterior, 19, 52, 54, 138, 152, 174 in museum designs, interior, 60, 69, 85, 89, 91, 93, 158, 210n51 pairings with Dürer, 19, 174–75 in Walhalla’s Genossen, 49 Eyck, Margaret van, 89

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 232

Fabris, Giuseppe, Raphael bust, 204n28 façades Amsterdam Rijksmuseum, 150–53, 151, 153 Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie, 122–26, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127 Berlin Neues Museum, 108, 108 Braunschweig Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 138–41, 140 Bremen Kunsthalle, 134, 134 Breslau Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste, 137–38, 139 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum, 133, 156, 211n3 Dresden Gemäldegalerie, 96, 141, 141–46, 143, 146 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut, 88 Frankfurt Second Städel Kunstinstitut, 95–98, 96, 97 Hamburg Kunsthalle, 147, 147–50, 149, 150 Hannover Künstlerhaus, 135, 135–36, 136 Hannover Landesmuseum, 136–37, 137, 138 Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle, 99–102, 100, 101, 105, 106 Kassel Neue Galerie, 81, 81–82 Munich Alte Pinakothek, 51–55, 52, 54, 55, 97 Munich Glyptothek, 49, 49–50 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, 96, 173–75, 175, 176 Vienna Künstlerhaus, 114, 175–76, 176 Fellner, Ferdinand, 200n74 Dürer in the Storm on the River Scheldt, 40 Dürer’s Entry into Michael Wolgemut’s Shop, 40 Felten, Josef, Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum design, 156 Ferdinand II, Archduke of Tyrol, 180, 186 Ferstel, Heinrich von, University of Vienna design, 173 Ficino, Marsilio, 5 Fischer von Erlach, Johann Bernhard, 207n65 Fisk, W. H., 214n5 Förster, Ernst, 40, 58, 61, 64, 67, 201n79 Dürer at His Mother’s Deathbed, 40 Förster, Friedrich, 46, 198n117 Francis I, King of France, 85 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut donation and planning, 87–89 façade, 88 frescoes, 89–93, 90, 91, 92, 93 name, 203n2 staircase, 93–95, 94 Frankfurt Second Städel Kunstinstitut, 95–99, 96, 97 Franz Joseph I, Emperor of Austria, 13, 17, 171–72, 173, 180, 184, 187 Franz Karl, Archduke of Austria, 146 frescoes Berlin Neues Museum, 108–16, 112, 113, 114, 118–19 Bonn University, 36, 36 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum, 155–59, 157 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle, 165–70, 166, 168 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut, 89–93, 90, 91, 92, 93 Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle, 102, 103 Kassel Neue Galerie, 83, 83–86, 84

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index Leipzig University Augusteum, 212n58 Munich Alte Pinakothek, 56, 56–67, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 200n64 Munich Neue Pinakothek, 75, 76, 76–81, 77, 78 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, 177–80, 178, 179, 184–87, 185, 214n44, 214nn46–48 Freyberg-Eisenberg, Max Procop von, 197n98 Friedrich, Caspar David, 15 Friedrich I, King of Prussia, 207n65 Friedrich II, King of Prussia, 50, 109, 124 Friedrich II, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel, 199n23 Friedrich III, Holy Roman Emperor, 182, 187 Friedrich III the Wise, Elector of Saxony, 21, 129 Friedrich August II, King of Saxony, 141, 142, 209n32, 210n51 Friedrich Barbarossa, 210n39, 210n51 Friedrich Wilhelm the Great, Elector of Brandenburg, Duke of Prussia, 131 Friedrich Wilhelm III, King of Prussia, 46, 107, 207n61 Friedrich Wilhelm IV, King of Prussia in museum designs, 131, 146, 210n51 patronage of the arts, 46, 107–8, 109, 121–22, 156, 159, 206n23 Frommel, Carl Ludwig, 99, 101, 104, 194n59 Fuchs, Peter, Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum sculptures, 211n3 Führich, Joseph Ritter von, 174 Galilei, Galileo, 113 Gärtner, Friedrich von, 43, 75, 76 Gebel, Matthes, Dürer medal, 27, 196n27 Gedeonov, Stepan, 8 Gehrts, Carl, 212n43 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle frescoes, 163–70, 166, 168 Stage Design for the Play “Albrecht Dürer in Venice”, 167, 167 Geissel, Johannes von, Archbishop, 159 Geissler, Christian, 203n33 Genelli, Bonaventura, 207n65, 210n51 Genelli, Janus, watercolor monuments, 44 genius, as concept, 4–5 Gensler, Martin, 148 Georg, Prince of Dessau, 146 Georg V, King of Hannover, 135 Gerhardt, Eduard, 78 German national identity. See national identity Germania imagery, 83, 83–84, 92–93, 100–101, 109, 122, 131, 160–62, 161 Geyer, Otto Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie frieze, 126–31, 128, 130, 208n70 Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum frieze, 208n85 Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 50, 149 Ghirlandaio, Domenico, 53 Giambologna, 50 Gibson, John, 50 Giese, Ernst, Düsseldorf Kunsthalle design, 164, 165

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 233

Giocondo, Fra, 169 Giorgione, 169 Giotto, 60, 63, 138, 144, 145, 174 Giunti, Jacopo, 193n17 Glimm, Hans, 79 Glockendon, Albrecht, 198n101 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von and Boisserée-Bertram collection, 17, 195n44 and German national identity, 13, 145 in museum designs, 109, 144, 145, 154, 159 praise for Dürer, 27, 196n28 praise for Lochner, 158 Raphael skull copy owned by, 30 Gossart, Jan, 210n51 Gottfried (Godefroy) of Bouillon, 210n39 Gottfried, Johann, 207n65 Götzenberger, Jakob, University of Bonn frescoes, 36, 36 Graff, Anton, 207n65 Gregory, Saint, 154 Gregory the Great (pope), 210n39 Grewe, Cordula, 35, 206n24 Griepenkerl, Christian, Leipzig University Augusteum frescoes, 212n58 Grimm, Ludwig Emil, Jubilee Celebration at the Tomb of Albrecht Dürer, 39, 39 Grimm brothers, 17 Groote, Eberhard von, 12–13, 194n9 Grosse, Theodor, 202n3 Grünewald, Matthias), 7, 69, 91, 122, 198n101, 207n63 Gubitz, Friedrich, Hans Sachs oder Dürers Festabend, 44 Guffens, Godfried, 152 Gutenberg, Johannes, 53, 115, 129

233

Hagen, Friedrich Heinrich von der, 66 Hagen, Gottfried von, 158 Hähnel, Ernst Julius, 148, 200n45, 209n32 Beethoven sculpture, 43 Dresden Gemäldegalerie sculptures, 142–44, 145, 210n36, 210n51 Dürer and Holbein sculptures, 208n1, 212n58 Friedrich August II sculpture, 209n32 Halbig, Johann, 73, 77 Hals, Frans, 154, 169 Hamburg Kunsthalle, 147, 147–50, 149, 150 Hampe, Karl, 44 Hannover Künstlerhaus, 135, 135–36, 136 Hannover Landesmuseum, 136–37, 137, 138 Hansen, Theophil, Vienna Parliament design, 173 Harrich, Jobst, Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin (after Dürer), 21–22, 23 Hartmann, Joseph, 67 Hartmann, Mathias Christoph, Artist Showing His Two Sons the Bust of Albrecht Dürer, The, 37–38, 38

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

234

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 234

Hartzer, Karl Ferdinand, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie sculptures, 126, 131 Hase, Conrad Wilhelm, 148 Hasenauer, Carl von, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum design, 171–73, 172 Hassenpflug, Karl, 81–82, 84 Haye, Corneille de la, Dürer medal woodcut (after Gebel), 196n27 Hebecker, Inge, 197n85 Heer, Adolf, Arts, with Albrecht Dürer and Hans Holbein the Younger, The, 105, 106 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm, Aesthetics: Lectures on the Fine Arts, 202n2 Hegner, Ulrich, 98 Heideloff, Carl Alexander, 37, 203n33 Planned Base for the Albrecht Dürer Monument, 42–43, 43, 79, 198n101 Heinrich I, King of Germany, 210n51 Heinrich II, Holy Roman Emperor, 131 Heinrich the Lion, 210n51 Helena, Saint, 211n3 Heller, Jakob, 21 Heller, Joseph, 40 Hendrik, Frederik, 152 Henry VIII, King of England, 70, 98 Herder, Johann Gottfried, 44 Treatise on the Origin of Language, 13–14 hero, as concept, 3 Herrmann, Karl Death of Dürer, 40 Theology, 36 Herwegh, F. J. von, 158 Hess, Heinrich, 210n51 Hess, Johann Friedrich Christian, 87 Hess, Peter, 210n51 Hesse, Emil, Altenburg Lindenau-Museum sculptures, 208n3 Hessemer, Friedrich Maximilian, 87 Hettner, Hermann, 142, 143–44, 145, 209n29, 210n33, 210n36, 210n51 Heyden, August von, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie portraits, 131 Hildebrand, J., 208n82 Hildesheim Roemer Museum, 208n3 Hilger, Carl, Düsseldorf Kunsthalle sculptures, 165 historical consciousness and preservation, 13–15 Hochstaden, Konrad von, Archbishop of Cologne, 158 Hoff, Georg Carl, Albrecht Dürer and Raphael at the Throne of Art (after Pforr), 33, 34, 34–35 Hoffmann, Heinrich, 204n11 Holbein, Hans, the Elder, 60, 85, 91 Holbein, Hans, the Younger in Ludwig’s Walhalla’s Genossen, 49 in museum designs, exterior, 52, 96–98, 97, 100, 101, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 148, 175 in museum designs, interior, 70, 85, 89, 91, 93, 105, 106, 129, 146, 169, 178, 207n63, 210n51, 213n58, 214n5 pairings with Dürer, 96–98, 97, 105, 106, 142, 213n58 praise for, 204n10

in Russian collections, 73 works Dance of Death woodcuts, 85 Madonna of Jakob Meyer, 98, 145, 146 Man with a Golden Dagger, 210n44 Portrait of Jane Seymour, 178 Portrait of Simon George of Cornwall, 98 Thomas Godsalve and His Son Sir John, 210n44 Homer, 4, 154 Hotho, Heinrich Gustav, 126 Hübsch, Heinrich Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle design, 99 In welchem Style sollen wir bauen?, 99 Hude, Hermann von der, Hamburg Kunsthalle design, 147, 147 Humboldt, Alexander von, 109, 136 Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 17 Hundrieser, Emil, Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum frieze, 208n85 Hunt, Richard Howland, 1 Hunt, Richard Morris, Metropolitan Museum of Art façade, 1–2, 2, 193n2 Hus, Jan, 111 Hutten, Ulrich von, 129, 146 Hvattum, Mari, 142 Ictinus, 91 Ilg, Albert, 179, 184, 213n25, 214n45, 214n48 Ille, Eduard, 81 interior designs. See frescoes; staircases Isabella d’Este, 169 Italia imagery, 83, 83, 92, 100–101, 162, 162 Jabach, Everhard, 159 Jakob der Deutsche, 207n63 Jamnitzer, Christoph, 28 Jank, Christian, 200n49 Jenner, Johann Gottfried, Potsdam Picture Gallery sculptures, 50, 51 Johann, King of Saxony, 142, 145, 210n51 Johann von Cöln, 158 Johann Friedrich, Elector of Saxony, 111 Johann the Steadfast, Elector of Saxony, 111, 129 Johann Wilhelm, Elector Palatine, 65–66 John, Saint, 210n39 John the Baptist, Saint, 210n39 John of Bavaria, Count of Holland, 152 Jonas, Justus, 111, 129, 196n38 Jordan, Max, 122, 124 Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, 12 Josquin des Prez, 194n42 Julius II (pope), 56, 85, 169 Kachel, Ludwig, 99 Kant, Immanuel, 5, 44 Karl III Wilhelm, Margrave of Baden-Durlach, 99

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle façade, 99–102, 100, 101, 105, 106 interior sculptures, 102–5, 103, 104, 105 staircase frescoes, 102, 103 Kassel Neue Galerie façade, 81, 81–82 loggia frescoes, 83, 83–86, 84 loggia sculptures, 82, 82–83 staircase, 159–63, 160, 161, 162, 163, 212n24 Kaulbach, Wilhelm von, 124–25, 149, 207n65, 210n51 Berlin Neues Museum frescoes, 108–16, 112, 113, 114, 118–19, 206n11, 206n16 Marriage of Dürer to Agnes Frey, 40 Munich Neue Pinakothek frescoes, 75, 76, 76–81, 77, 78 Kaupert, Gustav, 96, 205n37 Keldermans, 154 Keller, Joseph, University of Bonn fresco etchings (after Götzenberger), 36, 36 Kelterborn, Adam, Holbein’s Studio, 98 Kepler, Johannes, 113 Kersaint, Armand-Guy, 12 Kestner, Theodor Friedrich Arnold, 89 Keyser, Hendrik de, 152 Keyser, Nicaise de, Fame of the Antwerp School, 214n5 Kilian, Lucas Double Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, or Albrecht Dürer in the Temple of Honor, 28–29, 29 Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, 28, 28 Kirchmayer, Joseph, bust of Dürer, 48 Klemens von Metternich, Prince, 146 Klenze, Leo von, 9, 207n65 Munich Glyptothek design, 49, 49–50, 199n13 St. Petersburg New Hermitage design, 71–75, 72 Klimt, Ernst, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 179 Klimt, Gustav, 184 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 179 Klingenberg, Ernst, Leipzig University Augusteum design, 212n58 Klüpfel, Karl August, 15 Knaur, Hermann, Dresden Gemäldegalerie friezes, 146 Knobelsdorff, Georg Wenzeslaus von, 207n65 Koch, Joseph Anton, 207n65, 210n51 Koerner, Joseph, 20 Köhne, Julia Barbara, 4–5 Koselleck, Reinhart, 14 Koster, Laurens, 115 Kraft, Adam in Grimm’s Jubilee Celebration at the Tomb of Albrecht Dürer, 39 in museum designs, exterior, 122, 148–49, 207n63 in museum designs, interior, 79, 91, 93, 130, 131, 146, 169 self-portraits, 135, 209n11 Krämer, Felix, 204n5 Kropp, Diedrich, Bremen Kunsthalle sculptures, 134

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 235

Krug, Hans, 79 Kugler, Franz, 94 Handbuch der Geschichte der Malerei von Constantin dem Grossen bis auf die neure Zeit, 55–56, 116 Kulmbach, Hans von, 69, 122, 198n101, 207n63 Kunstdenkmäler volumes, 14–15 Künstlerfest (Munich, 1840), 78–80 Kupelwieser, Leopold, 159

235

Labrouste, Henri, Paris Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève façades, 193n12 Lachner, Franz, 77, 79, 167 Landauer, Matthäus, 22 Lasso, Orlando di, 154 Lawrence, Saint, 210n39 Lazzerini, Giuseppe, 200n45 Leeb, Johann, 67, 200n45 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm von, 136 Leipzig Museum der bildenden Künste, 133, 211n22, 212n58 Leipzig University Augusteum frescoes, 212n58 reliefs, 116–18, 117, 206n32 Leo of Ostia, 174 Leo X (pope), 169, 174 Leonardo da Vinci in museum designs, exterior, 52, 138, 141, 149 in museum designs, interior, 60, 75, 85, 89, 91, 93, 114, 169, 178 works Last Supper, 111 Man with a Golden Dagger, formerly attributed, 210n44 Leoni, Leone, 186 Leopold I, Grand Duke of Baden, 55, 99, 104 Leopold Wilhelm, Archduke of Austria, 180, 186 Lessing, Carl Friedrich, Johann Hus at Constance, 204n11 Lessing, Otto, Breslau Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste frieze, 137–38 Leyden, Lucas van, 85, 89, 141, 149, 150 Leys, Henri, 152 Lichtenheld, Wilhelm, 79 Lichtwark, Alfred, 149–50 Liebig, Justus von, 109 Lochner, Stefan, 85, 133, 138, 156, 207n63, 210n51 Dombild Altarpiece, or Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece, 60, 158, 195n43 Madonna of the Rose Bower, 158 Loehr, Moritz von, 171 Loh, Maria, 95 London British Museum, 8 London South Kensington Museum, 214n5 Lorrain, Claude, 52 Lotsch, Johann Christian, 99, 204n22 Portrait Bust of Albrecht Dürer, 102–4, 103, 104 Portrait Bust of Raphael, 102–4, 103, 105 Raphael, 94, 94–95

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

236

Lübke, Wilhelm, 145 Ludwig I, King of Bavaria in museum designs, 59, 68, 76–77, 77, 131, 210n51 patronage of and interest in the arts, 17, 37, 42–44, 47–53, 56, 66, 75–76, 146 Walhalla’s Genossen, 49, 61–63, 70, 198n9 Lukasbrüder (Brotherhood of Saint Luke), 32 Luke, Saint, 210n39 Luther, Martin, 43, 98, 111, 115, 129, 183, 196n38 Lützow, Carl von, 98 Madrid Prado, 214n5 Maecht, Jan de, 154 Makart, Hans, 184 Venice Pays Homage to Catarina Cornaro, 167 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 177–78, 179, 187 Mandel, Eduard, 211n63 Mander, Karel van, 20, 56, 64, 79 Mantegna, Andrea, 30 Dead Christ, 40 Maratti, Carlo, 95 Marggraff, Rudolf, 78 Marinas, Aniceto, Madrid Prado Velázquez sculpture, 214n5 Mark, Saint, 210n39 Marsilius, 156–57 Masaccio, 52, 138 Massys, Quinten, 85, 210n51, 214n5 Matsch, Franz, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 179–80 Matthew, Saint, 210n39 Maximilian I, Duke of Bavaria, 21, 23 Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, 26, 64, 69, 77–79, 78, 85, 131, 180–82, 181, 186, 186–87 Maximilian I Joseph, King of Bavaria, 47, 68, 164 Maximilian IV Joseph, King of Bavaria, 12 Mayer, Ernst, 54–55, 67, 197n85, 200n45 Mazzuoli, Giuseppe, 199n24 McKim, Mead, and White, 1 Meckenem, Israhel van, 195n41 Meder, Joseph, 31 Medici, Lorenzo de’, 85, 158, 174 Melanchthon, Philipp, 28, 43, 111, 129, 146 Commentary on the Soul, 6, 194n42 Memling, Hans, 49, 52, 54, 69, 85, 89, 91, 93, 154, 210n51 Mende, Matthias, 19, 197n85 Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Felix, 46 Mengs, Anton Raphael, 210n35 Menzel, Adolph, 211n63 Mercier, Michel-Louis, Poussin bust, 214n5 Merkel, Carl Gottlieb, Kassel Neue Galerie frescoes, 83, 83–86, 84 Merz, Heinrich, Munich Alte Pinakothek fresco etchings (after Cornelius), 56, 65, 67 Metsu, Gabriel, 85

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 236

Metternich, Prince, 17 Meyer, Nicolaus, 134 Michelangelo in museum designs, exterior, 1, 50, 52, 75, 100, 134, 138, 139, 143–44, 148–49, 175, 199n24, 208n3, 210n36 in museum designs, interior, 51, 59, 60, 85, 90, 92, 93, 114, 117, 154, 169, 178 pairings with Dürer, 35, 138, 139 praise for, 3, 4, 7 Michelet, Jules, 4 Mieris, Frans van, 85 Milizia, Francesco, 95 Mohr, Christian, Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum sculptures, 211n3 Möller, Eduard von, 81 Montreuil, Pierre de, 154 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 14 monuments. See sculptures More, Thomas, 70, 98 Morghen, Raphael Sanzio, 73, 202n12, 211n63 Moritz, Karl Philipp, 8 Moser, Karl Adalbert, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie sculptures, 122, 208n70 Moses, 109 Müller, Christian, 199n13 Müller, Friedrich, 211n63 Munich Alte Pinakothek admission, 8, 9 Boisserée-Bertram collection, 17–18, 52, 70 façade, 51–55, 52, 54, 55, 97 galleries, 67–70, 68, 69 institutional precedents, 48–51 loggias, 56, 56–67, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 200n64 staircases, 56, 58 See also Munich Neue Pinakothek Munich Antiquarium, 50 Munich Glyptothek admission, 9 façade, 49, 49–50 Greco-Germanic style, 199n13 Munich Neue Pinakothek established, 47 frescoes, 75–81, 76, 77, 78 See also Munich Alte Pinakothek Munich, Royal Bavarian Library (later Bayerische Staatsbibliothek), 75 Munich Ruhmeshalle, 198n8 Munkácsy, Mihály, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum frescoes, 177–78 Münster, Sebastian, 113 Murillo, Bartolomeo Esteban, 52, 141, 162, 169 Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife, 162 Müsch, Leo, 133 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle sculptures, 165 museums admission, 8–9

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index educational goals, 9–10 nineteenth-century decorative programs, overview, 6–8 repatriation of plundered art, 12–13, 15–18 See also specific museums Mylius, Jonas, 205n33 Naldini, Pietro Paolo, Raphael bust, 95 Napoleon Bonaparte, 12, 32 national identity and Dürer jubilees, 36–46, 78–79 and Germania imagery, 83, 83–84, 92–93, 100–101, 109, 122, 131, 160–62, 161 and historical consciousness and preservation, 13–15 (see also specific museums) and repatriation of plundered art, 12–13, 15–18 and revaluation of German art, 32–36 Nazarenes, 32, 35, 89 Neudecker, Christian Gotthold, 116 Neureuther, Eugen Napoleon, Albrecht Dürer Receiving the Painters’ Coat of Arms from Emperor Maximilian I at the Artists’ Festival in Munich, 79, 80 New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1–2, 2 Nicholas I, Czar of Russia, 8, 55, 71, 73 Nilson, Friedrich Christoph, 76 Noort, Adam van, 199n24 Nordheim, Friedrich August von, Frankfurt Second Städel Kunstinstitut sculptures, 97, 97–98 Novalis (Georg Philipp Friedrich von Hardenberg), 6 Nuremberg Art Associations (Albrecht-Dürer-Verein; Nürnberger Kunstverein; Verein für Künstlern und Kunstfreunden), 37, 42 Nuremberg Dürerhaus Museum, 37 Nuremberg Neues Museum, 193n5 Nuremberg Rathaus decorative project (1828 jubilee), 39–40, 41, 63 Obrecht, Jakob, 154 Oër, Theobald Reinhold Freiherr von, 64 Olfers, Ignaz von, 107, 108, 109 Onatas, 73 Oppenheim, Marie, 149 Ostade, Adriaen van, 75, 85 Otten, Frank, 53 Overbeck, Johann Friedrich admiration for Dürer and Raphael, 33, 35 in Lukasbrüder, 32–33 in museum designs, 40, 149, 207n65, 210n51 works Stamp of the Brotherhood of Saint Luke, 196n54 Triumph of Religion in the Arts, The, 89–90, 90, 104 painters’ coat of arms, 79, 80, 97, 203nn32–33 Palestrina, 154 Palma Vecchio, 169

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 237

Panofsky, Erwin, 5 Paris Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, 193n12 Paris École des Beaux-Arts, 90–91, 91, 214n5 Paris Louvre, 9, 12 Parrhasios, 75 Passavant, Johann David, 88, 89, 211n19 Passavant, Philipp Jakob, 89 Paul, Saint, 210n39 Pecht, Friedrich, 170 Pencz, Georg, 64, 198n101 Perugino, Pietro, 53, 63, 85, 169 Peter, Saint, 210n39 Petrarch, Francesco, 113, 158 De Viris Illustribus, 3 Pevsner, Nikolaus, 198n1 Pfeifer, Hans, Braunschweig Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum design, 138, 140 Pforr, Franz, 32–33 Dürer and Raphael Before the Throne of Art, 33, 34, 34–35, 197n64 Pheidon of Argos, 75 Phidias, 75, 91, 199n24, 208n3 Philipp I, Landgrave of Hesse, 129 Pichler, Anton, 75 Pilgram, Anton, 89, 91, 93, 183 Pirckheimer, Willibald, 21, 28, 29, 43, 63, 66 Pius VII (pope), 48, 95 Plato, 3–4 Pliny the Elder, 3, 30 Plockhorst, Bernhard, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie portraits, 126 Polygnotos, 75 Polykleitos, 75 Potsdam Picture Gallery, Sanssouci Palace, 50, 50–51, 199n24 Potter, Paulus, 85 Poussin, Nicolas, 52, 85, 214n5 Preller, Friedrich, 210n51 Protestants vs. Catholics, 17, 44, 49, 89, 90, 98, 110–11, 129, 204n11 Protogenes, 199n24

237

Quandt, Johann Gottlob von, 66, 193n24, 197n98 Quarenghi, Giacomo, 71 Quellinus, Artus the Elder, 154 Quincy, Quatremère de, 9 Racine, 154 Raczynski, Athanasius, 146 Geschichte der neueren deutschen Kunst, 189–90 Raibolini, Francesco, 53 Raimondi, Marcantonio, 73, 149, 150 Ranke, Leopold von, 17, 110, 116 Raphael birth date, 201n95 Dürer’s correspondence with, 25

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

238

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 238

Raphael (continued) in museum designs, exterior, 1, 53, 100, 134, 138, 141, 143–44, 148–49, 199n24, 208n3, 210n36 in museum designs, interior, 60–61, 63, 65–66, 66, 75, 85–86, 89–90, 92, 93–95, 94, 102–4, 103, 105, 111, 114, 117, 154, 162, 168, 169–70, 178, 206n23 pairings with Dürer, 33–36, 34, 36, 40, 93–94, 94, 102–4, 103, 162, 168, 169–70, 174–75, 204n25 praise for, 4 skull of, 30, 104 works Canigiani Holy Family, 65–66 Disputa, 89, 214n46 Holy Family with a Lamb, 212n27 Jupiter and Ganymede, 83 Madonna della sedia, 117 Madonna della tenda, 66 Madonna Tempi, 66 Portrait of a Young Man, 66 Portrait of Bindo Altoviti, 40, 66, 201n99 School of Athens, 89, 95, 111, 114 Sistine Madonna, 83, 98, 131, 145 Study of Nude Men, 25, 25 Vatican Palace decorations, 56 Raschdorff, Julius, Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum design, 156 Rathey, Otto, Breslau Schlesisches Museum der bildenden Künste design, 137, 139 Rauch, Christian Daniel, 40, 50, 124, 134, 148, 174, 207n65, 209n32 Albrecht Dürer Monument, 42, 53, 77, 78, 95, 97, 134, 198n100 Raufer, Aloys, 99 Raupp, H., Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle bronze doors (after Reich), 100–101, 101 Reformation, Protestant, 70, 89, 98, 109–18 Reich, Franz Xaver, Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle entrance portal, 99–102, 100, 101 Reindel, Albert Christoph, 37 relics, secular, 30, 95 religion divine artist concept, 3–4 Dürer’s saint- and Christlike associations, 30, 39, 40, 44, 95 Protestants vs. Catholics, 17, 44, 49, 89, 90, 98, 110–11, 129, 204n11 Reformation, 70, 89, 98, 109–18 and secularization, 12, 13 unity with art, 32, 58–59, 89–90, 200n71 Rembrandt, Harmensz van Rijn, 1, 53, 75, 141, 169, 178, 210n51 Reni, Guido, 85, 150 Rethel, Alfred, 207n65 Reuchlin, Johannes, 113 Reuther, H., 198n100 Rheinbaben, Georg Freiherr von, 168 Richartz, Johann Heinrich, 156, 159 Richter, Ludwig, 210n51, 211n63

Riemenschneider, Tilman, 7 Rietschel, Ernst, 77, 149, 206n30, 207n65, 209n32 Dresden Gemäldegalerie sculptures, 142–45, 143, 145 Leipzig University Augusteum reliefs, 116–18, 117, 206n32 Luther monument, 119 Riffart, Hermann, 164 Rile, Gerhard von, 207n63 Robbia, Luca della, 154 Roche Dinkeloo Associates, 1 Roeber, Ernst, 165, 167 Roeber, Fritz, Truth as the Foundation of All Art, 165 Romano, Giulio, 199n24 Rome German artists in, 32, 35, 94, 95, 156, 159 and Italia imagery, 83, 83, 92, 100–101, 162, 162 Ludwig in, 35, 56 Vatican Palace, 56 Villa Malta, 49 Roquette, Otto, 210n41 Rosen, Kunz von der, 79 Rottenhammer, Hans, 28, 196n31 Rottmann, Carl, 207n65 Rouillé, Guillaume, Promptuaire des medalles, 196n27 Rubens, Peter Paul Crucifixion of Saint Peter, 12–13, 156, 159 freestanding memorial of, 43 in museum designs, exterior, 51, 52, 73, 134, 138, 141, 149, 156, 199n24 in museum designs, interior, 60, 68, 74, 75, 159, 169, 178, 210n51 in Walhalla’s Genossen, 49 Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, 21, 23, 28, 180, 184, 186 Ruisdael, Jacob van, 85 Rutenberg, Lüder, 134 Saint Louis Art Museum, 193n7 Saint Petersburg New Hermitage, 8, 71–75, 72, 73, 74 Salmi, Hannu, 14 Sandrart, Joachim von, 39, 56, 79, 124, 207n65, 207n67 Teutsche Academie der edlen Bau-, Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste, 29, 64 Sanguinetti, Francesco, 200n45 Sansovino, Jacopo, 169 Sarburgh, Bartholomäus, 98 Sarto, Andrea del, 53, 85 Sauterleute, Joseph, 200n74 Scenes from the Life of Albrecht Dürer, 39–40, 41 Self-Portrait (after Dürer, 1500), 40 Savonarola, Girolamo, 111 Scamozzi, Vincenzo, 1 Schadow, Johann Gottfried, 43, 44, 77, 133, 149, 165, 207n65, 210n51 Nicolaus Copernicus, 48 Schäfer, Wilhelm, 142, 209n29 Schäffer, Eugen Eduard, 204n20 Introduction of the Arts into Germany by Christianity (after Veit), 92, 93

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index Schaller, Ludwig, 67, 200n45 Schasler, Max, 118 Schäufelein, Hans, 69, 198n101 Scheurenberg, Josef, 165 Schick, Gottlieb, 207n65 Schiller, Friedrich, 43–44, 109 Schilling, Johannes, Dresden Gemäldegalerie sculptures, 146, 146 Schinkel, Karl Friedrich, 9, 14, 17, 165, 207n65 Berlin Altes Museum design, 107 Blossoming of Greece, The, 116 Dürer Altar, 44–45, 45 Schirrmacher, Georg Theodor, Hamburg Kunsthalle design, 147, 147 Schlegel, August Wilhelm von, 43, 195n52, 204n10 Schlegel, Dorothea, 197n63 Schlegel, Friedrich, 16, 18, 58, 89, 158, 159, 195n37, 195n52, 197n63 Appeal to Painters of the Present Day, 6 Schlüter, Andreas, 124 Schmidgruber, Anton Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculptures, 114, 175, 176 Vienna Künstlerhaus sculpture, 114, 175–76, 176 Schmidt, Friedrich von, Vienna Rathaus design, 173 Schmidt, Georg Friedrich, 207n65 Schnorr von Carolsfeld, Julius, 81, 146, 207n65, 210n41, 210n51 Scholl, Johann, Bremen Kunsthalle sculpture, 134 Schön, Erhard, 198n101 Portrait of Albrecht Dürer, 27 Schöne, Richard, 86, 203n62 Schongauer, Martin, 7, 52, 54, 85, 89, 91, 93, 138, 140, 207n63 Schonhofer, Sebald, 207n63 Schopenhauer, Johanna, 158 Schorn, Ludwig, 200n55 Schubert, Hermann, 149 Schulz, Moritz, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie design, 122–26, 124, 125, 126 Schurman, Anna Maria van, 159 Schwanthaler, Ludwig Michael, 50, 77, 149, 207n65 Bavaria sculpture, 131 Munich Alte Pinakothek sculptures, 51, 52, 53–55, 54, 73, 104–5 Schwartz, Gustav, 208n3 Schwarz, Hans, Albrecht Dürer, 25, 26, 138 Schweinitz, Rudolf, Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie sculptures, 122, 208n70 Schwind, Moritz von, 174, 207n65, 210n51 Consecration of Freiburg Minster, 102, 103 Scorel, Jan van, 89, 91, 93 sculptures for 1828 jubilee, 42, 42–43, 43, 44–45, 45 Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie interior, 126–31, 128, 130 and culture of commemoration, 43–44, 48, 50–51 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut, 93–95, 94 Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle, 102–5, 103, 104, 105 Kassel Neue Galerie, 82, 82–83, 160, 160–63, 161, 162, 212n24 Leipzig University Augusteum, 116–18, 117, 206n32 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, 180, 180–84, 181, 183, 187–88, 188 See also façades

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 239

secularization, 12, 13 self-portraits Dürer’s, 2, 4, 5, 20–23, 21, 22, 23, 24, 66 works modeled after Dürer’s, 28, 28–29, 29, 40, 42, 44, 53, 89, 90, 95, 175, 178 Semper, Gottfried, 95, 148, 205n34, 209n23, 209n32 Dresden Gemäldegalerie design, 96, 141, 141–42 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum design, 96, 172, 172–74 Sesselschreiber, Gilg, 187 Shakespeare, William, 113, 154 Sharp, William, 149, 150 Shuger, Debora, 194n42 Sickingen, Franz von, 129 Siegert, August Friedrich, 64 Signorelli, Luca, 90, 141, 169 Simony, Julius, Dürer bust, 198n116 Skopas, 75 Sluter, Claus, 152 Smilis, 73 Sodoma, 169 Solis, Virgil (Virgilius), 122, 207n63 Solon, 109 Sommer, Oskar Braunschweig Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum design, 138, 140 Frankfurt Städel Kunstinstitut design, 95–96, 96 Sotzmann, Johann Daniel Ferdinand, 158 Spranger, Bartholomäus, 199n24 Springinklee, Hans, 187, 198n101 Stabius, Johann, Triumphal Arch of Maximilian, 187 Städel, Johann Friedrich, 87, 91 staircases Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie, 126, 128 Berlin Neues Museum, 108–16, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 118–19 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum, 156–59, 157, 211n3 Düsseldorf Kunsthalle, 165–70, 166, 168 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut, 93–95 Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle, 102, 103 Kassel Neue Galerie, 159–63, 160, 161, 162, 163, 212n24 Munich Alte Pinakothek, 56, 58 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, 177, 177–80, 178, 179 Starn, Randolph, 3 Stasov, Vasily, 72 Steinbach, Erwin von, 91, 93, 122, 127–29, 149, 204n16, 207n63 Steinbach, Sabina von, 93, 102, 122, 127, 207n63 Steiner, Rudolf, 4 Steinhäuser, Gustav Adolf, Bremen Kunsthalle sculptures, 134 Steinle, Edward (Eduard) Jacob von Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum frescoes, 156–59, 157, 211n19 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut medallions, 93 Stephen, Saint, 210n39 Stieler, Joseph, 68 Stier, Hubert, Hannover Landesmuseum design, 136–37, 137

239

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index

240

Stilke, Hermann, Dürer’s Reception in Antwerp, 40, 65 Stilke, Sophia Hermine, 189, 190, 214n1 Stoss, Veit, 122, 207n63 Angelic Salutation, 130 Strack, Johann Heinrich, 107, 122, 125, 126 Strixner, Johann Nepomuk, 17 Albrecht Dürers christlich-mythologische Handzeichnungen, 195n46 Strümpell, Hermann, the Younger, 138 Stüler, Friedrich August, 148, 207n65 Berlin Alte Nationalgalerie design, 122 Berlin Neues Museum design, 107, 108, 109, 111, 118 Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum design, 156 Stockholm Nationalmuseum design, 211n2 Sturm, Georg, Amsterdam Rijksmuseum tiles, 150–53, 153 Stürmer, Heinrich, 64 Suso, Heinrich, 158 Sydney New South Wales Art Gallery, 193n5 Tagliacarne, Giacomo, 174 Tauler, Johannes, 158 Tenerani, Pietro, 50 Teniers, David, 85, 186 Terebenev, Alexander, 73 Terwen, Jan Aertsz., 152 Theodorich von Prag, 207n63 Theophilos, 174 Thimann, Michael, 35 Thomas Aquinas, 158 Thorvaldsen, Bertel, 40, 50, 55, 77, 94, 148, 165 Gutenberg statue, 53 Schiller statue, 43–44 Tieck, Friedrich, Dürer Altar contribution, 44 Tieck, Ludwig, 6, 13, 31 Franz Sternbalds Wanderungen, 53–54 tiles, 150–53, 151, 153 Tilgner, Victor, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculptures, 188, 188 Timanthes, 75 Tintoretto, Jacopo Robusti, 199n24 Titian, 53, 75, 85, 141, 149, 169, 175, 178 touch relics, 30, 95 Vago, Perino dal, 199n24 Vasari, Giorgio, 3, 4, 18, 25, 34, 56, 199n24 Veit, Johannes, 33 Veit, Philipp, 88–89, 94, 204n11, 210n51 Frankfurt First Städel Kunstinstitut frescoes, 92–93, 93 Velázquez, Diego, 1, 2, 52, 141, 169, 178 Veronese, Paolo, 169, 178 Vienna Albrecht-Dürer-Verein (Albrecht Dürer Association), 175 Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum commission and planning, 171–73 cupola hall, 180, 180–84, 181, 183

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 240

façade, 96, 173–75, 175, 176 gallery, 187–88, 188 Golden Hall, 184–87, 185, 214n44, 214nn46–48 staircase, 177, 177–80, 178, 179 Vienna Künstlerhaus, 114, 175–76, 176 Virgin Mary, 178, 210n39 Vischer, Friedrich Theodor, 116 Vischer, Georg, Christ and the Adulterous Woman, 4 Vischer, Peter, the Elder in museum designs, exterior, 50, 100, 101, 122, 135–36, 136, 137, 138, 148–49, 208n3 in museum designs, interior, 79, 89, 91, 93, 114, 117, 129, 146, 169, 203n33, 207n63, 213n58 pairings with Dürer, 135–36, 136, 137, 138, 213n58 works Johann Cicero tomb, 198n117 King Arthur, 182, 182 Vives, Johannes Ludovicus, Exercitatio Linguae Latinae, 30 Vogel von Vogelstein, Carl Christian, 35, 197n72 Voit, August von, 76 Vondel, Joost van der, 159 Vorwerk, G. F., Mrs., 149 Waagen, Gustav Friedrich, 9, 98, 148, 158 Wach, Carl, Das Zeitalter der Reformation: Wilhelm v. Kaulbach’s Wandgemälde im Treppenhause des Neuen Museums in Berlin, 118–19 Wackenroder, Wilhelm Heinrich, 6, 13, 31–32 Herzensergiessungen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders, 31, 33–34 Phantasien über die Kunst für Freunde der Kunst, 31 Wagener, Joachim Heinrich Wilhelm, 122 Wagner, Anton Paul Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculpture, 175 Vienna Künstlerhaus sculpture, 175, 177 Wagner, Johann Peter, 199n25 Wagner, Martin von, 77 Wagner, Wilhelm Richard, 154 Die Meistersinger, 14 Walhalla temple, 48–49 Wallraf, Ferdinand Franz, 12, 13, 156, 159 Walther, Johann Philipp, 200n74 Washington Corcoran Gallery of Art, 193n5 Weber, Aloys, University of Bonn fresco lithographs (after Götzenberger), 36 Weidner, Paul, Düsseldorf Kunsthalle design, 164, 165 Werres, Anton, Cologne Wallraf-Richartz Museum sculptures, 211n3 Westhofen, Eberhard, 164 Weyden, Rogier van der, Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece, 16 Weyr, Rudolf, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculptures, 180–84, 181, 183 Wichmann, Ludwig, 77 Dürer Altar contribution, 44 Widnmann, Max, 77

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Index Wilhelm of Cologne Dombild Altarpiece, formerly attributed, 16 in museum designs, 60, 69, 89, 91, 93, 127–29, 158, 207n63, 210n51 in Walhalla’s Genossen, 49 Wilhelm I, German Emperor, 83, 121, 126, 163, 164, 173, 207n56 Wilhelm I, King of Württemberg, 17 Wilhelm II, German Emperor, 159 Wilhelm VIII, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel, 81, 85 Wille, Pierre-Alexandre, 211n63 William II, Count of Holland, 152 Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 18, 36, 73, 159, 165 Winghe, Joos van, 199n24 Wintergerst, Joseph, Apotheosis of Albrecht Dürer, 38, 38–39 Wittig, H., 122 Wolgemut, Michael, 38, 40, 53, 63, 64, 79, 85, 122, 207n63 Woltmann, Alfred, 98 Wouwerman, Philips, 85 Wrocław, see Breslau

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 241

Wurmser, Nikolaus, 207n63 Würth, Reinhold, 205n46 Wyclif, John, 111

241

Yefimov, Nikolai, 72 Zafouk, Rudolf, Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum sculptures, 175 Zahn, Albert von, 202n3 Zanchi, Antonio, 93 Zeitblom, Bartholomäus, 85 Zeuxis, 75 Zilsel, Edgar, 3 Zimmermann, Clemens von, 200n62 Munich Alte Pinakothek frescoes (after Cornelius), 58–59, 59, 60, 62, 66 Zwerger, Johann Nepomuk, 91 Albrecht Dürer, 93–95, 94 Zwingli, Huldrych, 111

7/27/20 11:06 AM

Smith, Albrecht_PRINT.indd 242

7/27/20 11:06 AM