Ageism at Work: Deconstructing Age and Gender in the Discriminating Labour Market 9781442667358

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AGEISM AT WORK

The Canadian population is aging, bringing with it an increasing number of social and economic challenges. With the aging of the workforce, the reconceptualization of older workers and retirement, the increasing share of women in the labour force, the elimination of mandatory retirement, the fluctuating economy, and the changes to the pension system, barriers to employment for older workers, such as ageism, need to be of central concern. Ageism at Work examines the subjective experiences of older workers in Canada and explores how they negotiate ageism and manage their interactions in the employment setting. Further, this book looks at the intersection between age and gender and the pervasiveness of gendered ageism in the labour market. Finally, this book examines employers’ attitudes towards older workers quantitatively, while also exploring their first-hand accounts about them through qualitative inquiry. Understanding how ageism plays out in the labour market, how it intersects with sexism, and its consequences on a personal level are critical to moving the discussion on discrimination and human rights forward in Canada. ellie berger is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Nipissing University.

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Ageism at Work Deconstructing Age and Gender in the Discriminating Labour Market

ELLIE BERGER

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

©  University of Toronto Press 2021 Toronto Buffalo London utorontopress.com Printed in the U.S.A. ISBN 978-1-4426-4713-8 (cloth)   ISBN 978-1-4426-6736-5 (EPUB) ISBN 978-1-4426-1528-1 (paper)     ISBN 978-1-4426-6735-8 (PDF) Publication cataloguing information is available from Library and Archives Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency of the Government of Ontario.

To my grandfather, Louis Hahn, the first person I knew who experienced ageism in the workplace and who taught me that age is just a number.

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Contents

List of Figures and Tables  ix Foreword  xi Acknowledgments  xv 1 Exploring Ageism  3 2 Organizational and Personal Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes towards Older Workers  29 3 “Prejudice Is Always Just under the Surface”: Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  40 4 “I Feel Like a Castaway; Like an Old Shoe That Is of No Use Anymore”: Aging Identities  59 5 “The One Thing You Need Is Your Bottle of Dye”: Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  73 6 “If Someone’s Looking Creaky and Shaky … You Don’t Hire Them”: Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers  91 7 Reflections on Ageism at Work: Conclusions and Implications  113 Appendix 139 Notes  149 References  163 Index  183

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Figures and Tables

Figure 1 Older workers’ labour market experiences  125 Tables 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #1: Employer Survey 140 2 Frequency distributions on positive and negative attitudinal statements about older workers  142 3 Factor structure for employers’ attitudes towards older workers  143 4 Means [standard deviations] from ANOVAs and t-tests on characteristics of employers  144 5 Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews  145 6 Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #3: Older Worker Survey  147 7 Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #4: Employer Interviews 148

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Foreword

It is an honour and a pleasure to accept Ellie Berger’s invitation to provide a foreword for Ageism at Work: Deconstructing Age and Gender in the Discriminating Labour Market. Based on Ellie’s extensive career (far from ended), this book draws on and synthesizes her findings and theorizing in the broad and complex areas noted in the title. Unlike so many scholars, including myself, Ellie has pursued research in the same, albeit broad area over her career. The book shows the progression of her thinking, as one project after another (beginning with her master’s thesis) has raised new questions, while trying to answer earlier questions. The chapters take us from project to project, but they do more than that. She masterfully brings everything together in a unified and highly nuanced work of scholarship. The result is a comprehensive sociological investigation of ageism in the Canadian marketplace and workplace. The first of seven chapters sets the stage with a brief history of changes in the formal definition of “older worker” and the developments of laws forbidding age discrimination in employment in Canadian legislation as well as legislation at the provincial level. These changes began in the 1980s and continued until 2012, when amendments to the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Canada Labour Code eliminated mandatory retirement in federally regulated workplaces. Yet, Berger notes, some provincial jurisdictions continue to allow employers to use mandatory retirement if it is related to the company retirement or pension plans. This chapter also presents evidence of changing attitudes and practices of firm owners and older workers concerning age of retirement. Also important in setting the stage for the accounts of her own research is her overview of changing values and attitudes of workers and employers, as captured in various surveys. The introductory chapter then turns to ageism in general and in the labour market. She grounds this discussion in international writings

xii Foreword

about ageism but then turns to the very few Canadian research reports (including my own) on this topic. Berger is careful to distinguish between employers’ attitudes and their practices, to show how the existing international literature links these, and how employers’ attitudes are consequential for such things as variability by age in job training opportunities. Older workers in Canada receive fewer training opportunities than younger workers, but nevertheless have a lower rate of job turnover. Ageism in employment, Berger argues, is highly gendered to the disadvantage of women; and workplace ageism, she notes, has more than economic consequences as it can also lead to adverse health effects. Berger next introduces the symbolic interactionist theoretical perspective that has guided her research career and her interpretations of data. Drawing on the major theorists in this tradition, she provides a concise overview of symbolic interactionism, with particular attention to the importance of stigma, identity, and impression management in interactionist thought. Moreover, Berger does not fall into the trap of considering symbolic interactionism to be suitable only for guidance in qualitative fieldwork, the interpretation of qualitative data, and applications at the micro level of analysis. Commendably, in the chapters that follow, she ventures well beyond the micro or social-psychological level as this book is very much about ageism in the workplace and the job market, as seen from the employee and employer perspective. Such symbolic interactionist concepts as identity and career (in both cases, both “objective” and “subjective”) provide a useful foundation for the subsequent empirical analyses. Berger executes these analyses with great clarity, making the book a joy to read. The remainder of chapter 1 provides a brief overview of the four studies, which are pursued in the following five chapters. Chapter 2 explores employer attitudes towards older workers using data from a national survey of 559 Canadian private-sector companies. The survey was conducted by the Institute for Human Development, Life Course and Aging at the University of Toronto in partnership with One Voice, the Canadian Seniors Network and funded by Human Resources Development Canada. The remaining chapters draw on three of Berger’s qualitative research studies. Chapters 3–5 draw on her own interviews with unemployed older workers and a later follow-up survey with many of these respondents. Study #2 used semi-structured interviews with thirty unemployed males and females aged forty-five to sixty-five, as well as participant observation in three older worker programs (funded by Human Resources Development Canada) in the Toronto area. From this study, Berger raises four research questions that are addressed in the book: What are older

Foreword xiii

displaced workers’ perceptions of the nature and existence of ageism in the job search process? How do gender and age relations structure the experience of searching for employment? What are the psychosocial consequences for older individuals who perceive they have experienced ageism in their job-seeking? And, do they develop specific age management techniques that they feel help them in the job search process? The third study is longitudinal, in that Berger goes back to some of the respondents in the second study to assess their experiences and degree of success in the job search. This study occurred three to six years after her initial interviews. The fourth and last study is based on semi-structured interviews with twenty-six owners, human resources professionals, directors or managers of companies in North Bay and Toronto, Ontario. Chapter 6 focuses on employers’ attitudes towards older workers and the extent to which age of applicant guides their hiring decisions, how the elimination of mandatory retirement in Ontario has influenced their attitudes towards older workers, and how employers’ attitudes are related to older workers’ perceptions. The companies varied by size, and she investigates the extent to which size matters. Gender of the respondents is also ­considered in the analyses. The book concludes with an integrative chapter, Reflections on Ageism at Work: Conclusions and Implications. I will resist spoiling the reader’s enjoyment by not summarizing Berger’s results. Suffice it to say, the strength of the book comes from several features. The theoretical grounding in the very clearly explained perspective of symbolic interactionism is one. The respondent follow-up is another, providing a longitudinal perspective. Attention to gender differences in the experiences and identities of unemployed workers and of managers, who often do have negative attitudes towards older job applicants, runs through the book. Berger’s conceptual model is clear and an asset to the reader’s understanding of causal pathways. And a concluding chapter brings her findings and interpretations all together and suggests directions for future research. As a result, this book will be not only useful, but a pleasure to read for several audiences, including bureaucrats who design or run older worker and unemployed worker programs, managers, older workers and job seekers, and younger workers for whom a realistic view of ageism in the occupational realm will be useful. In the academic realm, the book Ageism at Work should be read by professors in sociology and management who deal with workers in their research and in their teaching. Although the book is complex, it is highly readable and is thus suited not only for graduate students in these areas but as a monograph for upper-level undergraduates. In addition, this book presents a valuable introduction of

xiv Foreword

the symbolic interactionist perspective and would be very useful in social psychology or social theory courses. In summary, Professor Berger’s well-crafted monograph provides an integrated review of Canadian research on age and work, as well as a beautiful application and demonstration of the usefulness of the symbolic interactionist perspective. Although the book is aimed at Canadian audiences, it is a valuable resource for aging and work scholars and those interested in an example of how the symbolic interactionist perspective works, wherever they may be. Victor Marshall, late professor emeritus, UNC-Chapel Hill

Acknowledgments

I have tremendous gratitude to those who have helped me both personally and professionally throughout my academic career. I would like to begin by thanking my grandparents, Louis and Grete Hahn and ­Samuel and Janet Berger, for demonstrating strength and courage throughout their lives, which inspired me in countless ways and instilled my interest in the aging field. Thank you to my very special family and friends, including Cheryl Berger, Paul Cohen, Ruth Sheinfeld, Mark Sheinfeld, Lisa Boltman, Megan Sheinfeld, Michael Sheinfeld, Kim Arbus, Michelle Waxer, Lisa Hemi, Sharice Shear, Suzy Weidenfelder, and Shoshanna Tanner, for supporting me and being unwavering influences in my life. I cannot begin to express how much the support of my parents has meant to me throughout my entire lifetime, and during my academic career in particular. Thank you to Eveline Berger and Sam Berger for their endless encouragement and love of proofreading. I also want to thank my husband Rob for being my rock throughout this entire journey. His unconditional love and support have allowed me to maintain my sanity during many difficult times. Finally, I am grateful to my amazing children, Gabby and Joel, for providing me with endless joy, inspiration, and love. Many thanks go to the late Victor Marshall for writing the foreword to my book and for his mentorship. I also would like to thank Julie ­McMullin, Fred Ashbury, Carolyn Rosenthal, Margaret Denton, William Shaffir, and Anju Joshi for their intellectual guidance over the course of my research. I am thankful for the research support and assistance at various phases of my projects and this book from Rebecca Casey, Doug Hodgins, Mylae Costello, Jennifer Burgoyne, Morgan Oddie, and Sheelagh Frame. There are several other colleagues who have helped cultivate my creativity and knowledge over the years. Many thanks go to David Baker,

xvi Acknowledgments

Candace Kemp, Laura Hurd Clarke, Amanda Grenier, Jennifer Craft Morgan, Martine Lagacé, Marcia Facey, Suzanne Cook, Philip Taylor, Toni Calasanti, John Rietschlin, David Gosse, Pnina Alon-Shenker, Cathy Pike, Sunil Gurmukh, David MacGregor, Kari Brozowski, Jane Barker, Christina DeRoche, Trevor Smith, Greg Brown, Carly Dokis, David Zarifa, Benjamin Kelly, Amir Erfani, and Jennifer Wraight. I would like to thank my editor and friend Angela Pietrobon. This book would not have come to its completion without her attention to detail, invaluable feedback, and endless encouragement. Thanks also go to Doug Hildebrand, who, as acquisitions editor at University of Toronto Press (UTP), first saw the value in this book and guided its completion in many ways. Thanks also to UTP acquisitions editor Jodi Lewchuk for her assistance and encouragement in the final stages of writing, and to Ellie Barton for her thorough copy editing. In addition, I would like to thank my three anonymous reviewers and the anonymous scholar at UTP, whose comments and feedback helped strengthen the final manuscript. Finally, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the participants in all four of my studies for sharing their opinions with me. I cannot thank them enough for their vulnerability and candidness. Study #1, which is presented in chapter 2, is a condensed version of my master’s thesis “Organizational and Personal Characteristics Influencing Canadian Employers’ Attitudes toward Older Workers” for the Master of Science program in the Department of Public Health Sciences at the University of Toronto, under the guidance of Victor Marshall and Fred Ashbury. The research for Study #2: Older Worker Interviews that is presented in chapters 3, 4, and 5 first appeared in my doctoral dissertation “‘Older’ Workers: The Negotiation of Age Discrimination and Identity in the Job Search Process” for the Department of Sociology at McMaster University, under the guidance of Carolyn Rosenthal, Margaret Denton, and ­William Shaffir. My research was supported by several Social and Economic Dimensions of an Aging Population (SEDAP) fellowships of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I am grateful to Byron Spencer for these funding opportunities. Study #3: Older Worker Survey and Study #4: Employer Interviews were supported by a Nipissing University Internal Research Grant and a Nipissing University Research Achievement Award. I am grateful for this financial support. Some material from the section on gender in chapter 3 has been previously published as a book chapter: Julie A. McMullin and Ellie D.  Berger, “Gendered Ageism / Age(ed) Sexism: The Case of Unemployed Older Workers,” in Age Matters: Re-Aligning Feminist Thinking, edited

Acknowledgments xvii

by T.M. Calasanti and K.F. Slevin (New York: Routledge, 2006). The material is used here with Dr McMullin’s consent and copyright permission. Chapter 4 includes some material previously published in “‘Aging’ Identities: Degradation and Negotiation in the Search for Employment,” Journal of Aging Studies 20, no. 4 (2006), 303–16, with copyright permission. Chapter 5 includes some material previously published in “Managing Age Discrimination: An Examination of the Techniques Used When Seeking Employment,” Gerontologist, 49, no. 3 (2009): 317–32, with copyright permission. All three chapters have been updated with new data from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews and Study #3: Older Worker Survey.

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AGEISM AT WORK

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1  Exploring Ageism

The Canadian population is aging, and as a result, there have been an increasing number of social and economic changes that will continue to occur at an unprecedented rate in the coming years. With the aging of the workforce, the reconceptualization of older workers and retirement, the increasing share of women in the labour force, the elimination of mandatory retirement, the fluctuating economy, and the changes to the pension system, barriers to employment for older workers such as ageism need to be of central concern. Further, understanding what ageism ­entails, how it plays out in the labour market, how it intersects with gender, and its consequences on a personal level are critical to moving the discussion on discrimination and human rights forward in Canada. There is little known about the experiences of older workers, as well as employers of older workers, in the Canadian labour market. In this book, I fill this much needed gap in the literature by analysing the results of interviews and surveys I conducted with both older workers and employers. Much of the research done in the past and that will be reviewed in this introductory chapter is quantitative in nature and comes from the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. Findings from other countries differ from Canadian findings due to distinct legislation, such as the Age Discrimination in Employment Act in the United States. In this book, I examine the subjective experiences of older workers in ­Canada and explore how they negotiate ageism, the ensuing identity-­related changes they experience, and their interactions in the employment setting. Further, while women have comprised an increasing share of the labour force for some time, most research on ageism has ­neglected the intersection between age and gender and the pervasiveness of gendered ageism in the labour market. This is another important gap addressed by the research presented in this book.

4  Ageism at Work

In addition to examining employers’ attitudes towards older workers quantitatively, my book explores their first-hand accounts about the aging of the workforce and older workers’ capabilities through qualitative enquiry. My research involves interviews with employers soon after the ­removal of mandatory retirement in Ontario. Therefore, my work offers a rare glimpse into the mindset of employers, perhaps before they realized the full implications of mandatory retirement’s removal (or the implications of ageist ideologies and practices shared with me). ­Documenting these “unofficial” attitudes towards older workers, coupled with older workers’ perceptions about these attitudes, has allowed me to deconstruct the intricacies of ageism in the labour market and to suggest areas where programs and policies could be targeted for future interventions. I am not aware of other work that brings together both employers’ and older workers’ voices with a mixed methodological approach. Multiple accounts and voices at various points in time are necessary to completely understand the power dynamics present in today’s labour market. Thus, I will draw on four studies (both qualitative and quantitative), two with employers and two with older workers, that I have conducted over my twenty-five years spent in the aging and work field. During this time I also served as an expert witness in ageism for the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal,1 the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario,2 and the House of Commons’ Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities.3 I have also been asked to consult with Employment and Social Development Canada4 and the Forum of Labour Market Ministers5 on issues related to the aging of the workforce. This book draws upon both my expertise and my research studies to explore the persistence of ageism in modern society. It examines how older workers’ experiences with ageism contribute to the negotiation of an “old” and often gendered identity. It also investigates how deeply rooted ideologies influence employers’ practices in the workplace. By exploring the intersection between age, gender, and discrimination in the labour market, this book examines the meanings that older workers and employers attribute to their experiences and advances the body of knowledge that presently exists in the sociological and gerontological literatures. Setting the Stage The average life expectancy in Canada is increasing. Life expectancy at birth between 1994 and 2013 went from age 81.2 to 83.8 for females and from age 75.4 to 79.5 for males.6 There are now a greater number of people aged sixty-five and over than aged fourteen and under,7 indicating

Exploring Ageism  5

that individuals are living longer and healthier lives. As a result, there will be more older people active in the labour market for a longer period of time.8 Changes in the domain of work will thus continue to be considerable. A new image of the labour market is taking shape that looks entirely different from that of the last few decades. Moreover, increasing attention is now being paid to the aging workforce by the media, policymakers, and academics. My prior research has illustrated that there are two opposing pictures of work in later life depending on personal and structural circumstances.9 The first, more positive picture is seen as “enriching” and occurs when individuals are able to choose to continue working or to retire. A more “discouraging” or negative picture presents when individuals feel compelled to work longer than desired due to financial necessity, or if they are forced to retire earlier than anticipated because of health issues, caregiving, or ageism.10 Experiencing ageism is often a barrier to finding and retaining employment in later life. With the aging of the population, ageism could soon affect more people than other types of discrimination. This area of discrimination thus warrants our immediate attention. Defining Older Workers In 1999, Human Resources Development Canada (HRDC; now called Employment and Social Development Canada) defined older workers as those aged forty-five to sixty-four.11 Individuals in this age bracket continue to be defined as older workers in some of the literature and in many government programs, due in large part to the existence of age discrimination that can occur as early as age forty-five.12 As such, age forty-five was used as the starting point for defining “older workers” in my research. The seriousness of this discrimination was demonstrated by Canada’s response in developing programs such as the Targeted ­Initiative for Older Workers (TIOW), which was funded federally in 2006 and offered services like skills upgrading to unemployed workers aged fifty-five to sixty-four in smaller towns experiencing high unemployment rates.13 The TIOW was eliminated, and services for older ­Canadians are now consolidated with the Canada Job Fund Agreements and the ­Labour Market Agreements for Persons with Disabilities under the new Workforce Development Agreements (WDAs), which were established between 2014 and 2016, depending on the province.14 Thus there is no longer a federally funded program that specifically addresses the needs of older Canadians. Instead, these WDAs help to address “diverse employment and skills training needs of Canadians … [and] include specific

6  Ageism at Work

funding targeted for persons with disabilities, and can also be used to provide supports to members of underrepresented groups such as Indigenous peoples, youth, older workers, and newcomers to ­Canada.”15 Another ­example of a program that was aimed at older workers was ­ThirdQuarter, a ­national non-profit organization funded in part by the federal government through a pilot project in 2010, which became a permanent program in February 2013.16 This program recognized the difficulties facing the forty-five-plus age group in finding employment due to the onset of age discrimination, and provided an employer matching service for these individuals based on their skills. Unfortunately, this program was discontinued due to loss of funding in March 2016. Variations do exist in government programs, and in particular with the loss of programs and creation of new programs, the definition of who is, and who can be, defined as an older worker continues to change. The literature has defined the age of older workers as starting anywhere from forty-five to fifty to fifty-five and ending at sixty-five (the former age of mandatory retirement and pension eligibility), and yet this upper age limit has been increasingly removed. For example, in 2011, Human ­Resources and Skills Development Canada (HRSDC; formerly HRDC and now called Employment and Social Development Canada) released a report summarizing consultations with Canadian employers and older workers on challenges faced by individuals over the age of fifty.17 In 2014, Employment and Social Development Canada recategorized the older worker as anyone aged fifty-five or older.18 Statistics Canada similarly groups workers by age and reported in 2016 that “Canadians aged 55 and over accounted for 36% of the working age population (aged 15 and over), up from 30% in 2007 and noticeably higher than the average of 25% through the 1990s.”19 It is also important to note that this definition can vary by industry, health status, and appearance, with those in physically demanding industries or in poor health being labelled as older workers at younger ages. For example, In a field such as IT [information technology] known for its youthful demographic, being an older worker is highly relative … Respondents in their late twenties and early thirties often positioned themselves as older workers, thereby suggesting the constructed nature of “older” in the IT field.20

Thus, age can be seen as a social construct that varies by industry. It can also vary by gender where women are seen as older workers earlier than men.21 Overall, the notion of “old” is fluid for both individuals and society.22 It has become clear during the course of my research that there

Exploring Ageism  7

is no universal definition of older worker – even across government agencies – just as there is no agreed upon definition of “old” in modern society. The concept of age is variable and can change depending on social context, which has implications for research on ageism, as will be explored in this book. The Reconceptualization of Retirement The notion of what it means to retire and the age at which individuals choose or are forced to retire have changed considerably over time. As a result, the concept of retirement is difficult to study and analyse. In the late nineteenth century, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of G ­ ermany created a financial scheme that evolved into the public pension ­system.23 This scheme included an arbitrarily chosen retirement age of sixty-five, ­arrived at since, at the time, many died before this age. That age sixty-five ­continued to define most mandatory retirement policies and pension plans for years to come, and even remains a marker of old age today, is somewhat surprising and largely unwarranted. Because retirement has been historically tied to chronological age, as are other markers in the labour market discussed in this book, the definition of age used throughout my research was chronological age. In the 1980s and early 1990s, it was common for employers who wanted to turn over their staff to encourage older employees to take early retirement.24 For many employees, early retirement was seen as an incentive for hard work and something to look forward to, which involved a period of more leisure and the idea of what came to be known as “Freedom 55.” However, in 1997, this trend reversed: the “employment rate of individuals age 55 and over … increased by 12 percentage points to 34% – higher than in 1976.”25 Therefore, since the late 1990s, individuals have been generally working longer and are now less likely to completely retire or remain retired. There were a few reasons for these shifts. First, many pension plans experienced large losses as a result of economic fluctuations, which meant that older individuals had to remain in the labour market longer than anticipated to achieve financial security in retirement. A survey done by the Conference Board of Canada determined that 60 per cent of those aged fifty-five to sixty-four and 40 per cent of individuals sixty-five and over did not feel that they had saved enough money for their retirement.26 Thus, many individuals will be forced to continue paid work well into their “retirement years” due to reduced income from RRSPs and employer pensions, and reduced savings in general. Furthermore, many older individuals also began choosing to work longer for personal fulfilment and intellectual stimulation.27 As well,

8  Ageism at Work

due to medical advances, working longer, whether by choice or necessity, ­became possible as a result of increased life expectancy and better health.28 Compared with earlier cohorts, others may want to work longer due to the declining prevalence of physically demanding jobs.29 One of the biggest factors in transforming the meaning of retirement was the elimination of mandatory retirement in Canada, allowing people to have the ability to work longer. Implementation of legislation to remove mandatory retirement in Canada has been handled independently by each province. Legislation was enacted in 1982 by Quebec and New Brunswick, and in 1983 by Manitoba.30 On 12 December 2006, the ­Ontario government banned the use of mandatory retirement by employers (my research location).31 Newfoundland and Labrador eliminated mandatory retirement on 26 May 2006,32 Saskatchewan on 17 ­November 2007,33 British Columbia on 1 January 2008,34 and Nova Scotia on 1 July 2009.35 Alberta, Prince Edward Island, Nunavut, Northwest Territories, and Yukon have no retirement age.36 On 15 December 2011, Bill C-13 amended the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Canada Labour Code and eliminated mandatory retirement in federally regulated workplaces. This bill came into effect on 16 December 2012.37 These developments were a huge victory for older workers across Canada. Unfortunately, there are still a few exceptions to these rules. Some juris­dictions still allow employers to use mandatory retirement if it is part of a company’s retirement or pension plan. Further, many law firms and consulting companies have clauses that specify that “partners” cannot be over the age of sixty-five, although such clauses will theoretically allow them to remain at the firm in a different role. Other employers maintain that being below a certain age is a bona fide occupational requirement (BFOR) necessary to perform the duties of a particular job (e.g., firefighter, police officer). While it is important to have the highest level of skill for these occupations, people age at different rates, and functional age is not always connected to chronological age. In fact, chronological age becomes less and less useful as an index of age as one grows older.38 Functional age is a better reflection of one’s capabilities over the life course, and this should be reflected in workplace practices and policies. In addition, physically demanding jobs may be adjusted to offset any age-related changes before they become an issue. Although mandatory retirement has been virtually eliminated and the trend to earlier retirement has been reversed, baby boomers will continue to retire in large numbers in the coming decade. Statistics Canada found that, in 2016, 66 per cent of people between the ages of fifty-five and sixty-four participated in the workforce, “compared with 14% among those aged 65 and over.”39 Thus, while people are working longer, it is still

Exploring Ageism  9

a low percentage of people who choose to remain employed in later life. There is some anticipation that these trends will continue to increase. In 2015, Sun Life Financial reported that 32 per cent of ­Canadians plan to still be working full-time at age sixty-six; only 27 per cent expect to be fully retired. Another study has shown that 10 per cent of Canadians were retired by age fifty-six, while approximately 75 per cent were retired by age sixty-six.40 Prior to the elimination of mandatory retirement, only 12  per  cent of retirees stated that they would have stayed on the job after sixty-five if it were not for mandatory retirement policies,41 and the Canadian ­Department of Health and Welfare found that only 18 per cent of men and 3 per cent of women wished to remain working after age sixty-five.42 This attitude is still prevalent today as most Canadians are choosing ­retirement over work after age sixty-five. Despite the removal of mandatory retirement in Canada, the average age of retirement in 2014 was approximately sixty-three.43 However, a detailed analysis found that the apparent stability of the age of retirement at the age of sixty-two or sixtythree is a statistical illusion.44 Canadians are working longer now, to about age sixty-six. According to MacEwen, The expected length of working-life for Canadians has increased in line with life expectancy since the mid-1990s, so the expected length of time spent in retirement has been stable … The average retirement age which is lower is pulled down by a relatively small group of persons who retire early, while most workers now work well into their 60s.45

Notably, with more women entering the workforce and staying in their jobs longer by choice or necessity, the average retirement age for women has been catching up to that for men in recent years.46 The traditional style of retirement – retiring from one stable job into a period of leisure (or at least not engaging in paid work) – and the tripartite boxes of education, work, and retirement47 are also increasingly being reconceptualized.48 According to Cook, for many people retirement has become a time of “redirection” into volunteer work, for example.49 Individuals are now engaging in numerous jobs, various work statuses (e.g., full-time, part-time, contract, volunteer), and multiple entries and exits into and out of the labour market.50 Many older people will work in a “bridge job” that will help ease them into retirement, which can be a similar occupation to one they had before or a completely new occupation or second career.51 In fact, Hébert and Luong have determined that bridge employment is often a choice not a necessity, as it is more common among those with a university education, an employer-sponsored

10  Ageism at Work

pension plan, and overall higher earnings.52 The choice to return to work is also related to age at retirement – as age increases, individuals are less likely to return to work once they retire.53 Older individuals are also engaging in self-employment, both by choice and by necessity.54 In March 2012, the Conservative government made a controversial decision affecting retirement and public policy to raise the age of eligibility for the Old Age Security (OAS) pension and the Guaranteed Income ­Supplement (GIS) from sixty-five to sixty-seven.55 This change in pension­ able age coupled with the elimination of mandatory retirement would have served to keep older workers in the labour force longer. Around this time, I co-authored a policy brief56 and I speculated that these changes had the potential to lead to an increase in ageism in the workplace.57 Feeling compelled to retain older workers may cause employers with negative attitudes towards such workers to view them even more negatively, resulting in ageist workplace practices that may not have been as evident in former years. Government employment and pension policies that encourage people to work longer, when many individuals already have a difficult time securing employment, may only serve to heighten the difficulties that older workers face. C ­ hallenges are especially difficult for those who started their careers late or who have been unable to work for various reasons, the chief examples of which are women who have had children and gone back to work after a period of time, those with chronic illnesses and/ or disabilities who have periodically experienced an inability to work, and recent immigrants to Canada. As I have argued, “particular attention must be paid to older female employees and their battles with gendered ageism.”58 When the newly elected Liberals put together their federal budget in March 2016, they overturned this decision and changed the age back to sixty-five.59 Overall, individuals now have the ability to work longer, but even if they are willing to work longer, their opportunities will be limited if employers are unwilling to hire or retain them. Thus, while there is now greater freedom for older workers in some ways, the aforementioned changes to retirement behaviours have the potential to lead to more challenges and barriers to employment, including ageism. What Is Ageism? Negative views about aging and older people are common in our society. In fact, some researchers, and the media in particular, often use statistical projections related to aging to “warn” the public about the economic “demands” of an aging population, instilling more fear and intergenerational conflict. However, as has been demonstrated in the literature in relation to health care,60 the family,61 retirement income,62 and the

Exploring Ageism  11

labour market,63 this type of “apocalyptic demography,”64 or alarmist thinking, is unwarranted. Researchers have noted that while health-care spending will increase as the baby-boom generation ages, the real culprits of escalating health-care costs are inflation and technological innovations.65 Nonetheless, these fears contribute to negative perceptions about aging and older people. Furthermore, terms like “dependency ratio” are often used by economists and policymakers to analyse trends in the labour market, resulting in an inaccurate portrayal of the capabilities of individuals over the age of sixty-five. The dependency ratio assumes that individuals between the ages of eighteen and sixty-five are working, whereas those under eighteen and above sixty-five are not part of the paid labour market. Those belonging to the latter group are considered “dependent,” that is, they are not “productive” and contributing members of society. However, many of these individuals are involved in both paid and unpaid work and are “productive” in other ways such as volunteering or caregiving; thus, lumping them together is problematic and may lead to increased ageism. With the increasing proportion of older people in the population, there is a potential for intergenerational conflict and negative stereotypes to increase.66 Robert Butler coined the term ageism to describe discriminatory attitudes, behaviours, and policies against people because of their age.67 This is the definition of ageism used throughout my work. Erdman Palmore, another recognized expert in the area of ageism, argues, All societies use age and sex to classify their members, and they have different expectations for each category. But Americans have developed a set of prejudices and discriminations against our elders that may be unequaled by any other society. The prejudices range from the stereotype that most are senile to the cruel assumption that they have no need for sexual gratification. The discriminations range from forced retirement to elder abuse.68

It is highly likely that the same applies to Canadian society. Further, Bytheway argues that ageism can be related to appearance or chronological age and distinguishes between these two types of ageism: “Like racism and sexism, [ageism] is rooted in the social identity of the individual, both a bureaucratically managed identity and an identity conveyed by the physical appearance of the body.”69 For example, Laura Hurd Clarke has found that body image and ageism are crucial factors in the experience of growing older. She discusses how the conception of our body changes negatively as we age and begin to internalize the anti-aging culture in modern society.70

12  Ageism at Work

According to the Anti-Ageism Task Force developed by the International Longevity Center (founded by Robert Butler), ageism can be classified into four categories: Personal Ageism – Ideas, attitudes, beliefs, and practices on the part of individuals that are biased against persons or groups based on their older age … Institutional Ageism – Missions, rules, and practices that discriminate against individuals and or groups because of their older age … I­ ntentional Ageism – Ideas, attitudes, rules, or practices that are carried out with the knowledge that they are biased against persons or groups based on their older age … Unintentional Ageism – Ideas, attitudes, rules, or practices that are carried out without the perpetrator’s awareness that they are biased against persons or groups based on their older age.71

As this book will demonstrate, all of the types of ageism described above are present in the Canadian labour market. As Palmore indicates, “Ageism is a kind of ‘social disease,’ which is spread from person to person and from generation to generation.”72 So, despite the increased recognition of ageism as a social and economic problem in the literature, its existence in society, and in the workplace in particular, remains strong. Ageism and Age Discrimination in the Labour Market A distinction is often made in the literature between ageism and age discrimination: ageism is tied to attitudes, whereas age discrimination refers to negative behaviours. In the legal context, age discrimination occurs when “unequal treatment is based on ageist stereotypes or ­ageism … [e.g.,] when it perpetuates oppression of senior workers.”73 It is very likely that with the aging of the population, an increasing number of people will soon be confronted with this type of discrimination, making this a pressing issue for research and policy. In fact, Stuart Ishimaru, chairman of the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, has commented, “I wonder whether employers, or whether the public generally realizes that age discrimination is illegal.”74 Such a lack of knowledge persists despite the fact that the Age Discrimination in Employment Act has been in existence since 1967. It is still surprising to me as a scholar in this area that employers do not appear to recognize their ageist attitudes and practices as such, particularly in light of the demographic transformations occurring in the labour force. Of course, it is important to note that legislation has been created more slowly in Canada. Provincial legislation, such as the Ontario Human Rights Code, is designed to protect workers against discrimination

Exploring Ageism  13

on the basis of age, yet the Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) reports that age discrimination in employment is very much a reality.75 The commission identifies a pressing need to eliminate employers’ prejudicial attitudes and behaviours, and reports a suspicion that the magnitude of this problem is likely greater than what is described in statistical reports due to the difficult nature of quantifying and proving the existence of discrimination, particularly in relation to the job search process.76 Further, I have found that individuals who experience age discrimination in the job search process are often unemployed and unable to afford the financial expense of making claims against employers. Ageism manifests itself in many ways in the labour market. In fact, not only are older workers at a high risk of being laid off, they also suffer more significant decreases in wages after displacement, and it is difficult for them to get back into the labour market.77 As age increases, so does the average duration of unemployment for working-age ­Canadians, pointing to ageism in the hiring process. Individuals aged fifteen to twenty-four spend an average of 12.2 weeks unemployed after losing a job; those aged twenty-five to fifty-four spend 22.7 weeks unemployed, and those aged fifty-five to sixty-four spend 30.3 weeks unemployed.78 Findings are similar in the United States, where individuals aged sixteen to twenty-four spend an average of 23.3 weeks unemployed; those aged twenty-five to fifty-four, 30.3 weeks; and those over fifty-five, 35.5 weeks.79 According to a survey of 1,502 individuals aged forty-five to seventyfour conducted by the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), 64 per cent had seen or experienced age discrimination in the workplace and 58 per cent believe that this starts occurring when people are in their fifties.80 An earlier AARP study indicated that older workers’ perceptions about age-related barriers to re-employment are a reality, relating this conclusion to an increased number of complaints about age discrimination made to the Equal Employment Opportunity ­Commission.81 The Canadian Human Rights Commission found that from 2007 to 2012, age-related complaints increased from 96 to 126.82 Thus, it is plausible that ageism in both the Canadian and the US labour markets is more widespread than reported in the statistics, due to the fear of publicly reporting these claims, the costs associated with filing them, and the subtle (though equally disturbing) nature of many claims that make them difficult to prove. Furthermore, the slower development of anti-ageism legislation in Canada has likely contributed to the challenges faced by older workers in this sociopolitical context. Research has illustrated that employers have positive attitudes towards older workers on certain dimensions (e.g., knowledge, experience, honesty, dependability, work ethic, mentoring, and stability).83 However,

14  Ageism at Work

employers conditioned by a youth-oriented society can also display ageist attitudes in the workplace to the detriment of older workers.84 Studies indicate that employers believe older workers are less flexible, in poorer health, less creative, less interested in technological change, and less trainable than are younger workers.85 Many employers also believe that even the work experiences that accumulate over the life course tend to be lost due to “skill obsolescence.”86 Individuals who are older are also seen as less competent and less competitive than younger individuals.87 In addition, older workers are seen by some as being more prone to accidents and likely to stay with the company for a shorter period of time as compared to younger workers. Older workers are also viewed by some employers as less productive and less able to engage in physically demanding work than their younger counterparts.88 I have observed similar findings on many of these attributes, which will be demonstrated throughout this book. It should be noted that the majority of these negative stereotypes have been disproved by research over time.89 For example, in a ­meta-analysis of 418 empirical studies, Ng and Feldman looked at six common negative stereotypes of older workers, including being less motivated, more resistant to change, less trusting, less healthy, more vulnerable to work-family imbalance, and less willing to participate in training and career development.90 Their analysis found that only the latter trait was an evidenced-based stereotype. Research has also indicated that learning ability, intelligence, memory, and motivation do not decline with advancing age.91 Further, in relation to absenteeism, instances of unavoidable absenteeism due to health-related reasons are similar for both old and young workers; in fact, when an absence from work is either avoidable or voluntary, older workers are absent less frequently.92 In addition, research has shown that older workers have a strong commitment to their job, a lower turnover rate, and lose fewer work hours due to personal time off.93 One of the most comprehensive reviews of the relationship between age and job performance, involving an examination of ninety-six studies taken from forty-six journals over twenty-two years, found a low correlation between the two, aside from very young workers.94 It has also been suggested that, while tasks related to fluid intelligence are not their strongpoint, older workers strategically use their lifetime of experience to excel in fields that require wisdom-related knowledge (e.g., clinical psychologists).95 Research also shows that employers have negative attitudes towards older workers with respect to assumptions around their lack of energy and flexibility,96 a lack of computer literacy and other relevant skills or qualifications, a lack of training, adaptability, and/or flexibility, and higher financial costs to the company (related to benefits

Exploring Ageism  15

and salaries, for example).97 Although the research disproving the aforementioned stereotypes is increasing and older workers are being proven valuable to the workforce,98 employer ideologies on this front appear to be firmly entrenched, and many employers continue to make their workplace decisions accordingly. Discriminatory attitudes and behaviours towards older workers have been reflected in specific domains such as job postings and interviews. Age bars in job advertisements are now illegal in Ontario (as well as in Canada as a whole).99 In 2009, the OHRC indicated the following in their report on age discrimination in employment in a paragraph on job advertisements: “Statements that directly or indirectly relate to age should be avoided. Nothing should unfairly prevent or discourage an older worker from applying for a job. Requirements or duties for ­employment should be reasonable, genuine and directly related to the performance of the job.”100 However, nothing prevents employers from requesting that a candidate be a “digital native,” a term coined by Marc Prensky,101 or a “good cultural fit” with their organization. In addition, with the increasing use of social media in recent years, a new type of ageism has arisen. For example, older job hunters have accused Facebook of permitting recruiters to target job advertisements to younger cohorts only.102 Furthermore, an applicant’s age can often be assessed in a job interview and thus employers can use physical appearance as a criterion for discrimination in this setting. Ageist beliefs can also be found in the discourse on aging.103 Specific words such as “senile” or “decrepit” immediately evoke negative images of aging. However, even words that are not typically negative in nature can create negative “meanings through association.”104 For example, the word “old” itself is objectively a chronological marker, yet subjectively this word is often linked to other negative words, such as “senile” and “decrepit.” More specifically, the role of language has been studied in relation to age discrimination in employment105 and health care.106 ­McCann and Giles suggest that employers use an ageist discourse in relation to older workers, such as telling older job candidates that the company needs more “young blood.”107 So while employers may try to justify their company’s lack of older employees in what they consider to be non-ageist terms (e.g., “young” industry), this in itself has been found to convey a type of “new ageism.”108 Many employers make assumptions when it comes to hiring or retaining older workers, such as the belief that these individuals have inflexible views that do not, or no longer, “fit” with the company.109 While remarks such as those described in this section have been used as evidence in lawsuits against employers,110 it is often a challenge to prove the existence of age discrimination on the basis of these subtle comments.111

16  Ageism at Work

However, if employers’ ageist attitudes are reflected in their workplace practices, then age discrimination has occurred. This is the case when employers refuse to hire older workers, do not provide them with the same training prospects (leading to reduced advancement opportunities), demote older workers, or choose to fire older workers over younger ones, all as a result of age.112 One of the first studies to specifically examine the relationship between employers’ attitudes and their behaviours towards older workers found a direct association between the two in relation to hiring, training, and advancement opportunities.113 Things have not changed considerably since the time this study was conducted. For example, Abrams, Swift, and Drury conducted three studies in which they asked people to evaluate two hypothetical job candidates, one young and one old, with equal qualifications. They found that participants would prefer to hire the younger applicant, and that they would only hire the older person if they would be subordinate to a young supervisor.114 Employers’ stereotypical attitudes have been linked to diminished hiring of older workers.115 The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has recognized that age is a barrier in the hiring process in Canada and has recommended that more research be done to investigate these barriers and determine why many older workers are reluctant to file claims based on ageist practices.116 In one study, while employers often identified positive attributes of older workers, as compared with younger workers, when they were required to make a decision regarding the hiring of an older worker, most reported being “not very likely” to hire that individual.117 Other research suggests that employers are only willing to hire older workers as a “last resort.”118 The literature also indicates that employers’ negative attitudes about older workers can be linked to fewer opportunities for their training and retention.119 Taylor and Urwin found that older workers participate less than younger workers in employer training programs, due in large part to an age bias in their employers’ decision-making.120 Employers are more likely to invest in the training of younger workers as compared to older workers.121 Canduela et al. also found that compared to younger workers, older workers are less likely to be offered training and to participate in training programs due to negative employer attitudes.122 More specifically, the group of workers least likely to be offered training programs by their employers was men over age fifty. Overall, incidence of training has been found to decline with age.123 Training older workers is seen as not being worth the monetary investment due to their close proximity to retirement.124 Furthermore, employers have been found to replace older workers with younger ones to avoid the perceived higher costs associated with pensions and salaries.125 Moreover, according to

Exploring Ageism  17

Alon-Shenker, employers often justify their indirect ageist practices by citing the perceived higher costs and overqualification of older workers.126 It should be noted that age alone does not translate to higher costs or a shorter duration with any given employer. In fact, research indicates that older workers have the lowest rate of job turnover in Canada.127 This suggests that costs associated with training older workers may be more valuable than employers expect. Employers should therefore be made aware of how training can positively affect their organizational success.128 Gendered Ageism For the purposes of my research, gender is defined as “the characteristics of women and men that are socially constructed.”129 Therefore, while gender has more recently come to be understood as a fluid and non-binary concept, in my research I explored the notion of gender and gendered ageism with respect to the socially constructed ideas of gender and gender roles that are more binary in nature. For example, due to social constructions of what it means to be male or female, unemployed older men discussed the pressure they felt to be breadwinners. Also, older women were more inclined to alter their appearance before job interviews, and were in fact judged more harshly by employers concerning their appearance than were males. Women are increasingly entering and remaining in the paid labour force longer, making the interconnectedness of ageism and sexism a growing concern. While sexism has been studied and recognized as an issue in the labour market, ageism is not as likely to be seen as an issue by employers and policymakers, and gendered ageism even less so. Most of the feminist literature has focused on issues that are more significant to younger women, including pay inequities, glass ceilings, childcare, and sexual harassment, and thus older women are neglected in relation to younger women. Gerontological scholars have done a better job than feminist scholars of applying a gendered lens to aging to shed light on the intersection of ageism and gender.130 The emphasis that is placed on beauty and youth in our culture puts older women at a disadvantage in the labour market.131 Gender and age relations structure our expectations of what people in particular occupations should look like, which in turn influences employers’ practices and policies. The importance of one’s appearance when seeking or maintaining employment, particularly for females, has been well established in the literature: “When women attain the symbolic meaning of ‘physically unattractive’ (to men) they may be pushed out of visible areas or forced into retirement regardless of their skills.”132 Due to the appearance

18  Ageism at Work

norms in Western culture, it has been recognized that women face age discrimination in the workforce to an even greater degree and beginning at an earlier age than do men.133 Further, older women are neglected in the work and retirement literature, rendering them “invisible” in comparison with older men.134 Women are also more likely to be care­ givers,135 and are often, as a result, inadequately prepared financially for their retirement.136 Caregivers will often reduce their work hours or even leave the labour market entirely to care, which can greatly reduce their ability to accumulate retirement savings and pensions.137 Gender represents a “deep” social structure138 that infiltrates all aspects of our lives, and so ideologies about gender norms and behaviours are deeply entrenched. This entrenchment is often subconscious and includes “taken-for-granted mental assumptions or modes of procedure that actors normally apply without being aware that they are applying them.”139 Similarly, age is a deep social structure, as norms dictating age-appropriate behaviours are common in society and in the workplace in particular. Therefore, age and gender relations are intersecting forms of inequality that “are fundamental structures or organizing features of all aspects of social life”140 – and work is no exception. The Personal Consequences of Ageism While ageism has numerous implications at the societal level, it can also affect individuals at the personal level. Ageism can cause prospects of re-employment to be poor relative to those in other age groups, lead to a decline in psychological and emotional well-being, and bring financial strain due to employment being placed in jeopardy.141 Thus, ageism results in “reduced social and economic opportunities, damage to ­self-esteem, and exacerbated physical health problems.”142 ­Health-related research has also shown that exposure to negative stereotypes about aging can lead to a decline in the health of older individuals.143 For ­example, a study of older adults in China found that negative stereotypes relating to older people as burdens were associated with a higher risk of depression.144 Furthermore, women’s health has been shown to be more affected by perceived age discrimination than has men’s health.145 Research shows how the intersection of sexism and ageism leads to issues with health and well-being that are compounded for older women.146 Ageism can lead to isolation and oppression for older workers.147 ­Macdonald and Levy found that perceived age discrimination and one’s anxiety about aging tend to be associated with lower job longevity.148 Ageist views are often internalized by older workers who may start to believe that they are useless, inefficient, or unable to keep up to date with new

Exploring Ageism  19

technology.149 Lagacé et al. suggest that when seniors internalize negative stereotypes about their ability to use technology, their self-perception may in turn negatively impact their competency in this domain.150 Internalizing negative stereotypes may even lead to changes in one’s identity. Kuypers and Bengtson conceptualized the “social breakdown syndrome,” which they say occurs when older individuals are exposed to negative labelling and in turn label themselves as incompetent.151 The label becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, a term first coined by Merton.152 This stigmatization process has detrimental effects on “a person’s location relative to others in the situation, the community, or the society as a whole.”153 As Breytspraak explains, “What happens is that to the extent that we believe our stereotypes, we set up social structures to guarantee that our expectations are correct; the social structure in turn prompts the behaviours that confirm the stereotypes.”154 In other words, as we start to believe others’ stereotypes about ourselves, our own opinion of ourselves changes in line with these stereotypes. Older people are particularly susceptible to internalizing stigmatization and labelling due to an ambiguity in norms and the loss of roles and reference groups that are associated with aging.155 Theoretical Perspective In much of this book, I use the symbolic interactionist perspective to gain first-hand understanding of how individuals subjectively interpret their experiences within the structural constraints (i.e., ageism) of the labour market. This tradition of thinking first became recognized as a sociological school of thought through the efforts of Herbert Blumer to refer to the study of human interaction and group life.156 As a student of George Herbert Mead, Blumer gave credit to the social behaviourist for creating the foundation for the symbolic interactionist perspective. Mead discussed the relationship between individuals and society, as well as the importance of interaction, interpretation, and language.157 Charles Horton Cooley also contributed greatly to the creation of symbolic interactionism, discussing the important function of interaction and interpretation in group life, and demonstrating how language, reflected appraisals, and images play a role in the formation of the self.158 His concept of the “looking-glass self,” where our opinions of ourselves are a direct reflection of how we think others perceive us, is widely recognized in sociology today. Because the symbolic interactionist tradition focuses on individual meaning and interpretations, it has been critiqued for ignoring more macro-level social structures. While the use of this theory does somewhat limit my analysis, I address this limitation

20  Ageism at Work

by examining the structural constraints of ageism and gendered ageism and their impact on individual participants. Within the symbolic interactionist umbrella, Erving Goffman developed what is now known as the dramaturgical approach. Of particular relevance here are stigma, identity, and impression management.159 Goffman used the term stigma in his work to refer to “an attribute that is deeply discrediting”160 that results in discriminatory attitudes and behaviours being directed towards the stigmatized individual. He distinguished between discreditable stigma (traits that can be hidden) and discredited stigma (obvious traits). The conceptualization of stigma has since been redefined as existing “when elements of labelling, stereotyping, separating, status loss, and discrimination co-occur in a power situation that allows these processes to unfold.”161 The category of “old” has been described as a stigma in research on older widows.162 Being viewed as “old” by others can become a master status,163 or refer to the primary characteristic that others associate with an individual. Identity is a dynamic process that may change over time through negotiated interaction between the individual and society.164 Three types of identity are used in this process: “felt identity,” the meaning attributed to one’s own identity; “presented identity,” a view of oneself that is projected to others; and “social identity,” the meaning that others attribute to an individual. Goffman argues that people can alter their “presented identity” to meet the needs of any given situation.165 By using certain techniques, individuals actively control the image they are projecting to others (“presented identity”) in order to obtain a desirable “social identity.” In order to overcome negative changes in identity, individuals often use various identity negotiation strategies. These strategies either help maintain their established identities or help negotiate new or transformed identities.166 Cooley’s notion of the “looking-glass self,”167 mentioned earlier, is an important part of the process of identity negotiation throughout the life course.168 Due to the influence of others’ perceptions on one’s own identity, individuals actively use strategies to negotiate their identities on a continual basis.169 Research that specifically addresses the age-related identity transformation that occurs for individuals between the ages of fifty and sixty labels this time period the “decade of reminders,” as numerous events often occur (e.g., death of parents, becoming a grandparent) that cause individuals to begin to define themselves as “old.”170 As individuals age and are faced with declining physical abilities, those who are able to negotiate their lives to tolerate these changes (and who avoid being preoccupied by them) will be able to maintain a positive identity.171 Karp’s research demonstrated that individuals in

Exploring Ageism  21

their fifties were better able to cope with change than when they were younger by coming to the realization that advancing age is generally coupled with advancing wisdom, which made them feel a sense of personal liberation.172 Relatedly, research on chronically ill individuals has shown that illness can lead to a loss of self and identity if individuals compare their past identities (e.g., healthy) to their current ones (e.g., sick).173 However, if individuals are able to work through their illnesses, they can often reflect on their past hardships and realize that their experiences were part of a “path to knowledge and self-discovery.”174 Identity development has also been discussed in relation to the concept of a “career.” Individuals generally move along a continuum where identities change as a result of various changes in status (e.g., unemployment, marriage). Thus, identities may be transformed over time in relation to individuals’ personal histories and sequence of statuses.175 What is of primary relevance here is not only how careers link individuals to society, but also how people transform their identities in a process linked to the larger social structure in which it occurs. Structural characteristics, such as socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, gender, and more specifically age, undoubtedly work to shape and transform identity. It is important to note that while identities can be transformed as a result of age and aging, they also can be transformed as a result of other structural conditions, such as unemployment or discrimination. Despite challenges to identity over time, “continuous restructuring allows individuals to maintain a feeling of unity about themselves and a sense of connection with the parts of their pasts they consider relevant to who they are at present.”176 Other research has discussed a model of identity processes in relation to aging that includes identity assimilation and accommodation.177 Identity accommodation or change occurs as a result of an experience that causes one to re-evaluate his or her identity. Work can also be a key component of identity that changes over time in relation to employment status. It can be psychologically gratifying and provide a sense of self-fulfilment to an individual.178 Whether one is currently working or not, there can still be a strong attachment to work. This is revealed in the fact that “the material, psychological, and social rewards of working”179 are highlighted when one becomes unemployed. However, research has found that older individuals who experienced long periods of unemployment continued to identify with work and their work ethic to the same degree as when they were employed.180 Therefore, despite the fact that unemployed individuals are not actually working, their work roles still remain important and provide them with a mechanism to maintain their identities. While much of the literature on aging has focused on role loss in old age, some research has argued

22  Ageism at Work

that what is important to identity in later life involves those roles that are maintained.181 This confirms findings that individuals who no longer occupy certain roles continue to identify with them in retirement.182 Similarly, McMullin, Cooke, and Tomchick found that displaced older workers started labelling themselves as “retired” instead of “unemployed” to avoid the stigma associated with the latter.183 My research on ageism and identity found that older workers do in fact negotiate their identity and status following an experience with ageism.184 This process will be explored in detail in chapter 4. In addition to discussing the notions of stigma and identity, Goffman examined the use of impression management, whereby individuals “manipulate” the image they present to others to achieve a desired “social identity.”185 In this way, individuals are creating a specific “definition of the situation”186 in order to sway others’ perceptions of them in a positive direction. In relation to aging, research has shown that, to avoid being stigmatized and maintain a positive identity, individuals may “suppress” evidence of age.187 Further, people “have time allotted to tend to physical and mental needs … to cover potential age stigma signs, such as wrinkles or grey hair, by surgical intervention or hair dyes.”188 Thus, research suggests that individuals use certain management strategies to avoid being classified as “old” and being stigmatized by others. Studies indicate that impression management tactics are often used in the context of a job interview.189 Individuals may use impression management strategies when they perceive discrepancies between the feedback received during interviews and their desired social identity.190 When such discrepancies occur, individuals acquire alternative techniques to use and then wait for additional feedback, which determines the future interaction between the interview participants. Statements made to justify actions, or accounts,191 and to avoid negatively affecting social interactions, or disclaimers,192 are also used in the employment context193 in order to avoid negative stigmatization and negotiate identity in relation to past and future behaviours. Thus, while other research has not focused on older workers seeking employment, it does suggest that certain strategies are particularly useful for enabling individuals to focus the interview on their strengths and positive attributes. My previous research has shown that there are particular strategies developed by older workers.194 These strategies will be discussed in chapter 5, with an emphasis on ways that participants attempted to conceal or counteract judgments related to age. Overall, as will be demonstrated in this book, ageism has dire consequences for older workers. The countless examples of ageism presented in the coming chapters will provide justification for the creation and improvement of policies and practices to help these individuals overcome the multitude of barriers to re-employment that they face in later life.

Exploring Ageism  23

Overview of the Book The purpose of this book is to pull together my research in the aging and work field over the last two and a half decades, in order to provide a comprehensive picture of barriers to employment for older workers. The book follows the progression of my research, starting with a quantitative survey of employers’ attitudes towards older workers. As a result of some mixed findings on ageism, I decided to turn my focus to older workers’ first-hand accounts of ageism experienced in their search for employment. Next, I was interested in how ageism played out in the job search process over time, and so I conducted a follow-up study with these older workers. Finally, I became interested in whether employers were aware of the techniques used by older workers in their job search and their opinions on the aging of the workforce more generally. I felt the intricacies of these attitudes might be more accurately conveyed in qualitative research, and so I conducted interviews with employers to round out my research agenda. Since beginning my research in this area, I have seen multiple changes to the definition of older worker, the elimination of mandatory retirement in Ontario and the whole of Canada, changes to pensions and the age of eligibility, fluctuations in the economy, and the reconceptualization of retirement. In order to set the stage for the chapters that follow, I will briefly describe the four studies drawn upon throughout the book (see the appendix for further detail on research methods and data analyses). I will then summarize the findings contained in the chapters that lie ahead. Study #1: National Employer Survey of Attitudes towards Older Workers In the first study presented in this book, Study #1: Employer Survey, I undertook secondary analysis of a survey conducted with 559 Canadian employers. The survey was created by Victor Marshall, principal investigator and director of the Institute for Human Development, Life Course, and Aging, of the University of Toronto, in partnership with One Voice, the Canadian Seniors Network, as part of its Options 45+ employment initiative for workers aged forty-five and older, as a result of funding by Human Resources Development Canada (HRDC; now called Employment and Social Development Canada [ESDC]).195 My analysis of this survey uncovers employers’ attitudes towards older workers and identifies six factors influencing these attitudes: organizational characteristics (industrial sector, company size, and proportion of older workers in the organization) and employers’ personal characteristics (age, gender, and education). The purpose of my research was not only to describe employers’ attitudes regarding older workers, but also

24  Ageism at Work

to explain which organizational and/or employer personal characteristics influenced attitudes towards older workers. The study posed one central research question and one sub-question: (1) What are Canadian employers’ attitudes towards older workers? and (2) Which factors influence ­Canadian employers’ attitudes towards older workers? In other words, the study addressed how employers’ attitudes were influenced by characteristics of the employers and the organizations participating in the survey. Study #2: Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market Study #2: Older Worker Interviews involved semi-structured interviews with thirty unemployed males and females between the ages of forty-five and sixty-five from a variety of occupational backgrounds.196 Individuals were included in the study if they had been unemployed for three months or longer and were actively seeking employment.197 The ­analysis was also informed by thirty-five hours of participant observation in three older worker programs in the Greater Toronto Area. The use of participant observation allowed me to witness the interactions between employment counsellors and older workers and the dynamics between them. The programs were created by HRDC to assist older workers through services and workshops designed to meet their ­specific needs. This study explored whether employers’ attitudes, assessed quantitatively in Study #1: Employer Survey, were being reflected in practice. This study addressed four research questions that are explored in chapters 3–5: (1) What are older workers’ perceptions regarding the nature and existence of ageism in the job search process? (2) How do gender and age relations structure the experiences of older displaced workers in their search for employment? (3) What are the psychosocial consequences for older individuals who perceive they have experienced ageism when seeking employment? and (4) Once older job hunters perceive they have experienced ageism, do they develop specific age-related management techniques that they feel help them in the job search process, and if so, what are they? Study #3: Follow-Up Study with Older Workers The third study presented in this book, Study #3: Older Worker Survey, used a longitudinal approach to ascertain individuals’ experiences in the job search process after a prolonged period of time and to assess the influence of ageism and additional barriers to gaining employment.

Exploring Ageism  25

This project examined the experiences of my original group of participants from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews from three to six years after their initial interviews (depending on the timing of the first interview). The questions were designed to assess participants’ current employment status (e.g., unemployed; employed part-time, full-time, or in contract/occasional work; retired or semi-retired), occupation, and job search strategies and challenges. Participants were asked (1) if they had completed any additional schooling or training programs; (2) whether they had used any of the “management strategies” to find employment that were described in the executive summary from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, which I included with the survey (e.g., dyeing their hair, altering their résumé, changing the type of work they were seeking); (3) to comment on whether they felt any of these strategies had helped in their job search; (4) whether they had experienced any additional work- or age-related challenges since our initial interview; (5) to provide any suggestions for other individuals their age regarding searching for employment; and (6) to recommend how job search programs or services in general might be improved. Study #4: Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers The last and most recent project that will be presented in this book, Study #4: Employer Interviews, explores employers’ attitudes about the aging of the workforce and the elimination of mandatory retirement. I conducted interviews in North Bay, Ontario, and Toronto, Ontario, with twenty-six employers or individuals responsible for doing the hiring (owners, human resources professionals, directors, and managers). The following three research questions and two sub-questions guided my analysis: (1) What are employers’ current attitudes towards older workers? Does age enter into employers’ hiring decisions? (2) How does the elimination of mandatory retirement in Ontario influence employers’ attitudes towards older workers? Will this lead to improved attitudes or will it contribute to increased ageism in the workplace? and (3) How are employers’ attitudes related to older workers’ perceptions? Chapter Summaries Chapter 2 presents the findings from Study #1: Employer Survey, involving data collected from 559 Canadian employers who responded to a national survey. This quantitative analysis provides context for the remaining qualitative data that will be presented in the book. My analysis

26  Ageism at Work

found that employers’ attitudes towards older workers are mixed. Of the six variables explored (industrial sector, company size, and proportion of older workers in the organization; and employers’ age, gender, and education), company size and employers’ age and gender significantly influenced attitudes towards older workers. Findings suggest that older workers encounter the most positive work environment in small companies run by older female employers. In light of some mixed findings from Study #1: Employer Survey, I was driven to uncover more about the reality of employers’ attitudes and whether these attitudes were actually being reflected in practice. ­Further, the paucity of qualitative scholarly work from the older worker’s perspective strengthened my belief that the best way to gain a better understanding of the import of age in the labour market is to listen to the voices of older workers themselves concerning their lived experiences when searching for employment. Thus, chapters 3 through 5 each tell a separate, yet related “story” about older workers’ experiences in the labour market. These three chapters contain findings from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews that involved participant observation in three employment centres geared towards older workers and semi-structured interviews with thirty unemployed males and females between the ages of forty-five and sixty-five from a variety of occupational backgrounds. I have interwoven findings from my follow-up study with these participants, described in Study #3: Older Worker Survey above, throughout these three chapters. In chapter 3, I explore perceptions regarding the “unofficial” mechanisms that employers use to discriminate against older workers. Specific comments about older workers being considered “overqualified” or “too experienced,” someone more “junior” being hired, or the organization being too “fast-paced” for certain workers, are ways in which employers (not so) subtly communicate that individuals are too old for the job. Findings relate to participants sensing the “age factor” (i.e., receiving explicit confirmation that age was preventing them from finding work); both positive and negative age stereotypes and the discrimination process; and mechanisms for discrimination that involve job advertisements, résumés, the job interview, and the same “old” talk. I then explore how gender relations often combine with age relations to structure the experiences of older displaced workers in their search for employment. The importance of gender was apparent in older workers’ disclosed perceptions. The gendered nature of ageism also presented itself with respect to gendered work itself, gendered ideologies, and older gendered bodies. In chapter 4, I turn to the changes in identity that occur during older workers’ search for employment and explore how being labelled “old” by others (i.e., potential employers as well as employment counsellors from

Exploring Ageism  27

older worker programs) causes individuals to begin to define themselves as “old.” This in turns leads to identity degradation – a term first used by Garfinkel.198 I look at these findings through the lens of symbolic interaction theory to explore how identity is shaped by ageism and loss of employment. Despite the fact that older worker programs were intended to assist individuals in their search for employment, these programs actually caused many individuals to become even more discouraged by emphasizing the importance of age in the job search process. Some respondents were able to successfully negotiate a more positive identity following their degrading experiences using strategies such as drawing on social support from others at older worker programs and using these programs to provide a sense of daily purpose and structure, which is often lost when one is faced with prolonged periods of unemployment. In addition to taking advantage of the assistance provided by the older worker programs, individuals negotiated new statuses for themselves once their old ones became undesirable (e.g., going from “unemployed” to “semi-retired”), maintained their subjective work roles, and changed their mental outlook by staying positive and looking forward. In chapter 5, I analyse the range of age-related techniques used by older workers to reduce the stigma of being defined as “old” by potential employers. Through their use of these methods, individuals actively control the image they are projecting to others (“presented identity”), in order to obtain a desirable “social identity.”199 The first type of technique that I found respondents used, I have termed “­counteractions” – strategies developed to offset employers’ negative stereotypes. ­ Specifically, participants stay up to date with their training and change their work-related expectations to counteract the effect of employers’ ageist stereotypes. I named the second type of technique used by participants “­concealments” – strategies used to hide specific information (i.e., age). Individuals reported modifying their résumés in an attempt to conceal age by removing years of work experience and the year that degrees were received. They also attempted to conceal their age by using “youthful” language, dyeing their hair prior to job interviews, and wearing what they considered to be “young-looking clothes”; several men reported contemplating shaving their beard off or using a toupee (if they were balding) in order to appear younger. I also explore the gendered nature of these age-related management techniques. My follow-up study with older workers (Study #3: Older Worker Survey) combined with my analysis from Study #1: Employer Survey enabled me to discover a third age-related management technique that I call “targeting.” My findings indicate that targeting specific employers who are considered the “Best Employers” or “Age Friendly” can be a useful

28  Ageism at Work

technique for older workers searching for employment. Since older female employers from small companies were found to be more positive in their attitudes towards older workers, I suggest that targeting them whenever possible may assist in the job search process. In chapter 6, I discuss the results of Study #4: Employer Interviews, my qualitative study involving interviews with twenty-six employers. I believe that using face-to-face interviews allowed me to more accurately assess the “unofficial” attitudes and practices that employers use to discriminate against older workers. This more recent study demonstrates that ageism is not merely perceived on the part of older workers – it is often the reality. Overall, the employers expressed major reservations about retaining, hiring, training, and promoting older workers. In fact, the majority of employers indicated that workers over the age of forty-five, and particularly ones over the age of fifty-five, must be “exceptional” in order to be considered for a job vacancy. Employers discussed some positive views about older workers, as well as some negative stereotypes about younger workers; however, the majority of findings point to negative views about older workers. Negative attitudes and practices concerning older workers related to productivity, training, flexibility, and technology. Employers also discussed financial fears and fears about being “stuck” with older workers. Findings showed that employers often used an ageist discourse, scanned older workers’ résumés for signs of age, and physically assessed candidates’ ages in the interview setting. The existence of gendered ageism was also found on the part of employers. Employers also provided some suggestions for older workers seeking employment and provided feedback on the role of the government in this process. In chapter 7, the concluding chapter of this book, I first summarize the research presented in the previous chapters. I then link the evidence I found from my research with both employers and older workers in order to assess the similarities and differences amongst them. Next, I present the model that I created using results from all four studies, which illustrates the value of longitudinal research and the importance of multiple voices and methods. This model conceptualizes the meaning and import of age in the labour market. The current societal norms that favour youth over age create a structural context for older workers that acts as a barrier to their employment. Thus, I end this book by turning to future directions for research as well as practices, programs, and policies that can challenge ageism with respect to employers, older workers, the legal context, and government.

2 Organizational and Personal Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes towards Older Workers

The relationship between older workers and their employers requires attention in order to develop meaningful, effective program and policyrelated responses that meet the needs of Canada’s aging workforce. ­Previous research has found that employers have mixed attitudes towards older workers. To better understand employers’ attitudes and practices regarding older workers, I pursue two central research objectives in this chapter, based on findings from Study #1: Employer S ­ urvey.1 The first objective is to identify the extent to which employers’ attitudes are positive, negative, or mixed. The second is to investigate how employers’ attitudes are influenced by characteristics of their organizations and the personal characteristics of the employers who participated in the survey. Based on the literature reviewed for the study, in relation to the first objective, I hypothesized that Canadian employers in positions of responsibility to recruit and supervise others have positive attitudes toward older employees in the workplace. Hypotheses related to the second objective will be explored in the targeted literature review that follows. This chapter lays the groundwork for the remaining chapters in this book as it provides an overview of areas where employers might be discriminating against older workers. It also represents the foundation of my own research agenda, as the mixed findings in this study led to my desire to speak to older workers and employers first-hand about their lived experiences in the labour market. Potential Indicators of Employers’ Attitudes towards Older Workers In Study #1: Employer Survey, I addressed the following six factors that might influence employers’ attitudes towards older workers: industrial sector; company size; proportion of older workers in the organization;

30  Ageism at Work

and the age, gender, and education of the employer surveyed. Before turning to my own findings, I will first examine the targeted literature. An analysis of Canadian case studies conducted in five different industrial sectors found that differences in attitudes towards older workers depended on the sector investigated.2 This was especially true with respect to technology; for example, “reservations about the ability of older workers to adapt to new technology were greater in the garment industry than in other white collar and industrial sectors.”3 Studies also indicated that employers in the production and construction industries were more likely to perceive problems with diminishing productivity and enthusiasm for new technology among older workers.4 In addition, employers from the service sector have shown improving attitudes towards older workers more than those in the manufacturing sector.5 Based on this literature, I hypothesized that employers in industries involving a low degree of technology and less physical labour would be more positive in their attitudinal judgments concerning older workers, as compared to other industrial sectors. According to the literature, the size of the company (i.e., number of employees) influences employers’ attitudes,6 with employers in larger companies displaying the least positive attitudes towards older workers. Research that examined the relationship between individuals’ frequency of interaction and their attitudes (the “contact hypothesis”)7 determined that managers’ attitudes towards older workers with respect to productivity were positively related to their amount of contact with older workers.8 I therefore hypothesized that employers from small companies (fewer than twenty employees) would have more positive attitudes towards older workers than those from larger companies (twenty or more employees). Employers’ attitudes towards older workers have been found to be more positive when a larger proportion of their employees are older workers.9 In certain industries (e.g., agriculture, manufacturing) older workers are proportionately over-represented largely due to economic trends, which have led to decreased employment opportunities in occupations where growth has not occurred for several years.10 Further, the value of a particular occupation largely determines the age of the individuals found working in it. Youth are concentrated in “bad-job” segments of the labour force, while prime-aged individuals dominate the “good-job” sectors. Whether higher proportions of older workers cause more positive attitudes towards them or whether more positive attitudes cause a higher proportion of older workers to be hired in any given organization is an issue worth exploring. Having a smaller proportion of older workers may in fact be a direct consequence of ageist beliefs and practices. With this in mind, I hypothesized that employers from

Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes  31

organizations with larger proportions of older workers (≥ 50 per cent) would have more positive attitudes towards older employees than employers from companies with smaller proportions of older workers (< 50 per cent). Turning to age of employer, research on intergroup differentiation has recognized that a clear preference is continuously demonstrated for in-group members, and, reflecting this, older employers have been found to be more positive towards older workers, and younger employers to be more positive towards younger workers.11 Similarly, according to social identity theory, individuals generally favour members of their own group in order to maintain a positive image of themselves in comparison with people outside their group.12 However, employers’ attitudes are not necessarily that straightforward. For example, another study reported that “older respondents were tougher, more punitive, and less supportive than their younger counterparts.”13 In response to my assessment of this literature regarding employers’ age and attitudes towards workers, I hypothesized that older employers (forty-five or older) would have more positive attitudes towards older workers, as compared to younger employers (under forty-five). It is apparent from the literature that an employer’s gender can have an effect on his or her managerial style.14 However, the magnitude and type of effect has been disputed. Reskin and Ross reported that female managers are less likely to be in charge of making decisions, supervising others, and supervising males.15 In cases of such limited authority, female employers may have less hands-on experience with older workers (similar to the findings noted in relation to employers in larger organizations), which may in turn influence their attitudes. Both female and male managers continue to be judged by employees according to stereotypes about their gender.16 This was true despite the fact that first-hand experience with female managers did not match these gender stereotypes. While the existence of women in managerial roles has improved in recent years, men still dominate higher levels of management and leadership positions.17 Research on management styles suggests that while male leaders’ style of authority is based on a norm of equity, female leaders respond to workers based on a combination of equity and equality.18 Using the example of poor behaviour by a worker, the norm of equity dictates that a manager will respond to his or her subordinate based on the cause of that poor behaviour. In contrast, the norm of equality is based more on equal treatment, or overall fairness and “likableness.” Furthermore, research found that both men and women felt that women’s leadership style was more reflective of a “concern for people,” whereas men’s leadership style was more reflective of a “concern

32  Ageism at Work

for production.”19 Regarding this variable, I hypothesized that female employers have more positive attitudes than male employers towards older workers. The literature also indicates that employers’ level of education influences their attitudes. According to the psychodynamic theory, individuals with higher levels of education tend to be more secure personally and thus are more able to tolerate diversity.20 Some scholars have investigated whether education is a measure of social status or whether the correlation simply illustrates the effect of class.21 Weil concluded that education had a significant effect on tolerance for diversity, even after economic status was considered. Therefore, it is plausible that the elements of psychodynamic theory can be tested in relation to employers’ attitudes towards older workers. Given this, I hypothesized that employers with higher levels of educational attainment would have more positive attitudes towards older workers than those with lower levels of educational attainment. To summarize, the above literature review suggests reasons and evidence for linking industrial sector, company size, proportion of older workers in the organization, and employers’ age, gender, and education to employers’ attitudes towards older workers. Some of these relationships have been identified and discussed more explicitly in the literature, while others, including employers’ gender and education, have been inferred from other research pertaining to organizational behaviour and workplace studies. Results Sociodemographic Characteristics of Organizations and Employers Surveyed: Descriptive Results In Study #1: Employer Survey, I analysed the responses of 559 Canadian employers to a national survey (for tabular results of the frequency distributions, see table 1 in the appendix). The organizations are representative of five industrial sectors: sales and service (21 per cent); construction (18 per cent); manufacturing (23 per cent); transportation, communication, and public utilities (21 per cent); and agriculture and resources (17 per cent). The companies surveyed were also representative of four regions across Canada, with 27 per cent from the western provinces, 25 per cent from Ontario, 25 per cent from Quebec, and 24 per cent from the Atlantic provinces.22 With respect to company size, larger organizations were over-represented in the achieved sample. Thirty-five per cent of organizations were small (fewer than twenty employees) and 65 per

Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes  33

cent were larger (twenty or more employees). The proportion of older workers in the companies surveyed was examined: 31 per cent had less than 10 per cent older workers; 30 per cent, between 10 and 25 per cent older workers; 32 per cent, between 26 and 50 per cent older workers; and 8 per cent, above 50 per cent older workers. Relatively equal proportions of both older and younger employers’ attitudes were captured in this survey. In relation to employers’ gender, 69 per cent were male and 31 per cent were female. The level of employers’ educational attainment varied, with the majority of them having completed some type of educational diploma or degree after high school. Employers’ Attitudes towards Older Workers: Results of Attitudinal Statements I calculated frequency distributions on the 16 attitudinal statements included in the survey. Responses for both the positively and the negatively worded statements are summarized in table 2 in the appendix. On the survey itself, the statements were presented to the respondents in an order that interspersed the positive and negative statements. However, for easier comprehensibility, the positively worded statements are first presented, followed by the negatively worded statements. The responses for all eight of the positively worded statements indicate that the employers held favourable views towards older workers. Being good mentors or teachers for younger employees (94 per cent strongly or moderately agreed), being reliable (98 per cent strongly or moderately agreed), and being productive (93 per cent strongly or moderately agreed) were the domains where employers felt the strongest about older workers. Employers also strongly or moderately agreed that older workers could adapt to organizational change (79 per cent), are highly respected (91 per cent), have strong communication skills (63 per cent), and have few accidents (79 per cent). Interestingly, employers also strongly or moderately agreed that older workers are interested in technological change (55 per cent). This finding contradicts much of the current literature and thus will be explored further in the ensuing chapters. In terms of the negatively worded statements, employers strongly endorsed only two statements that suggested negative attitudes towards older workers. The statement “older workers dislike taking orders from younger employees” had the highest proportion of negative views (56 per cent strongly or moderately agreed). Employers’ views on older workers’ ability to do heavy physical work were also negative (52 per cent strongly or moderately agreed). On the remaining items, there were not a significant number of employers who endorsed the negative statements.

34  Ageism at Work

Dimensions of Employers’ Attitudes: Results of Factor Analysis My analysis of the data revealed four factors or dimensions of employers’ attitudes towards older workers, summarized in table 3 in the appendix. The first factor originally included five variables: “older workers have difficulty working overtime”; “older workers are hard to train”; “older workers cannot do heavy physical work”; “older workers dislike taking orders from younger employees”; and “older workers have trouble with shift work.” It is not clear why the item “older workers dislike taking orders from younger employees” loaded highly with the other items, which seemed to represent situations that increase physical demands (a greater challenge for older workers). Thus, taking orders from others, including younger employees, would not appear to be associated either theoretically or conceptually with the other items. Therefore, including four of the five variables, the first factor “age-related decline” was constructed. This factor depicts the stereotypes surrounding the health of older workers, specifically processes associated with physical and cognitive decline. It is interesting to note that all four of these variables are negatively worded statements. This suggests that the employers who responded to this survey held more positive attitudes towards older workers on this first dimension involving “age-related decline.” The second factor in my analysis included four variables: “older workers are good mentors/teachers for younger workers”; “older workers have strong communication skills”; “older workers can adapt to organizational change”; and “older workers are highly respected.” This factor depicts “experiential attributes” of older workers, as the items represent employee characteristics that are often developed through prolonged experience in the workforce. These items all describe positive attitudinal statements, and the findings suggest that employer attitudes are relatively positive for the dimension of “experiential attributes.” The third factor included two variables: “older workers are reliable employees” and “older workers are productive employees.” I labelled this factor “reliable and productive.” The last factor, representing “attention to safety standards,” also included two items: “older workers have few accidents” and “older workers are too cautious.” This factor proved to be quite problematic as its reliability score was low. Respondents viewed the first statement as a positive attribute and the second one as a negative attribute. It could be reasoned that if the word “too” were removed, the attribute “cautious” would have been viewed in a positive light. Therefore, based on the reliability score, the interaction between these two variables, and the problematic wording of the second statement, this factor was eliminated from further analysis. The first factor (“age-related

Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes  35

decline”) explained 26 per cent of the variance, the second factor (“experiential attributes”) 14 per cent, the third factor (“reliable and productive”) 8 per cent, and the last factor (“attention to safety standards”), which, as noted above, was not used for further analysis, explained 6 per cent of the variance. Indicators of Employers’ Attitudes: Results of ANOVAs and t-tests Using the three constructs I created in the factor analysis, I calculated a series of one-way ANOVAs and t-tests to compare the means for each of the six independent variables and to see if these means were statistically different (see table 4 in the appendix for more detail). The results from the one-way ANOVA concerning the variable “industrial sector,” using the three dimensions of attitudes I created, were not statistically significant. Therefore, the data do not support a relationship between the industrial sector and attitudes towards older workers. The results from the t-test for the variable “company size” reveal that, while attitudes did not significantly differ by company size on “age-related decline” and “reliable and productive,” there was a significant difference in the means of small and larger companies when looking at attitudes concerning “experiential attributes.” Therefore, it can be interpreted that employers from small companies are more positive in their attitudes towards experiential attributes than are those from larger companies. Examination of the variable “proportion of older workers in organization” using a one-way ANOVA revealed no statistically significant differences on all three dimensions of attitudes. When looking at the variable “age of employer” using a t-test, I found no significant differences on the first two dimensions of employers’ attitudes when comparing older (over forty-five) and younger (under forty-five) employers. However, there were significant differences between these age groups on the dimension “reliable and productive”; older employers have more positive attitudes towards older workers than their younger counterparts. The t-test to look at “gender of employer” revealed that female employers had significantly more positive views towards older workers on all three dimensions of attitude than did male employers. Attitudes were more positive concerning “age-related decline,” “experiential attributes,” and “reliable and productive.” I had hypothesized that employers with higher levels of education would have more positive attitudes towards older workers. This hypothesis appeared to be supported on the first dimension of attitudes, “age-related decline,” in the results of a one-way ANOVA to look at the variable “education of employer.” However, upon closer examination of

36  Ageism at Work

this variable, I discovered that while the means appear to become increasingly positive for all five of the educational groups listed in table 1, the second group (employers with a high school education) are more positive than the two groups that follow (those with a vocational or technical college degree or diploma and those with an undergraduate degree). To explore this further, a Tukey’s test was performed to identify which group means significantly differed from one another. The Tukey’s test indicated that group five (the most highly educated group with a post-graduate degree) differed significantly from groups one, three, and four, while group one also differed significantly from group two. Therefore, this closer examination of educational status revealed that, in this group of employers, attitudes towards older workers did not become increasingly positive the more educated the individual. Discussion The descriptive statistics reveal that the employers who participated in this study had positive attitudes towards older workers on certain dimensions and negative attitudes on others. Therefore, the first hypothesis (Canadian employers in positions of responsibility to recruit and supervise others have positive attitudes towards older employees in the workplace) is partially supported. Employers expressed the most positive views on the following three items: “older workers are reliable employees”; “older workers are good mentors or teachers for younger employees”; and “older workers are productive employees.” Employers demonstrated negative views towards older workers on the following two items: “older workers dislike taking orders from younger employees” and “older workers cannot do heavy physical work.” While my finding concerning employers’ views on older workers’ ability to do heavy physical work was negative (52 per cent strongly or moderately agreed), the proportion of employers who had negative attitudes on this dimension was not as large as in other research reviewed. Perhaps in the current work environment, where technology is increasingly replacing human physical labour, the physical abilities of older workers are less important. Fifty-five per cent of employers agreed (moderately and strongly) that “older workers are interested in technological change.” This somewhat positive finding contradicts the majority of literature I have reviewed with respect to technology. It is plausible that, while employers believe that older workers are interested in technological change, they do not believe older workers are able to adapt to new technological advances in the work environment. Such a perception on the part of employers could be

Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes  37

one reason for the proportionately fewer training opportunities offered to older workers. My second phase of analysis yielded the following constructs to test the indicators of employers’ attitudes: “age-related decline”; “experiential attributes”; and “reliable and productive.” I created these factors to assess the significance of industrial sector, company size, proportion of older workers in the organization, and the effect of employers’ age, gender, and education on their attitudes towards older workers. After reviewing the literature in relation to the industrial sector, I hypothesized that employers in industries involving a high degree of technology and physical labour would have the most negative views towards older workers. This hypothesis was not supported. The industrial groupings created in the sampling strategy of the survey were very broad; there was a great degree of variation within each sector that may have confounded the results. For example, the sales and service sector included a wide range of occupations (e.g., real estate agents, wholesalers). This type of variation within each sector may account for the lack of differences found among industrial sectors when testing this particular hypothesis. Employers from small companies value “experiential attributes” (being good mentors, having strong communication skills, adapting to organizational change, and being highly respected) more so than do those in larger companies. It is probable that disparate organizational cultures emerge in companies of different size.23 These disparate cultures may stem largely from the degree of interpersonal interaction and the relationships that may develop between employers and employees. For example, employers in small organizations may have responded to the attitudinal statements based on first-hand knowledge of older workers’ capabilities, whereas those in larger organizations may have responded to a more abstract notion of an older worker – more likely based on unfounded stereotypes or misconceptions. Thus, questioning respondents on issues specifically involving older workers in their respective organizations (such was the case in this survey), and not asking them about younger workers as well, may be a methodological flaw in the survey design. In addition, significant differences may only have appeared on one factor, as there was considerable variation within the larger group of companies. I anticipate that organizations with sixty employees would respond differently to certain items, as compared to those with 2,000 employees. While these classifications were based on the sampling strategy used in the survey, future research should consider a more refined breakdown. The literature review suggested that organizations with larger proportions of older workers have more positive attitudes towards older

38  Ageism at Work

employees than those with smaller proportions. This finding was not supported, as there were no statistically significant differences for all three factors involving the proportion of older workers in an organization. I also anticipated that the findings on this variable would allow for the inference that, as the workforce itself ages, employers’ attitudes will become increasingly positive. This assumption was not validated in the current study. In fact, based on the current state of the labour market and my more recent research discussed later in this book, I suspect that attitudes have become increasingly negative as the number of older workers has continued to increase due to the aging of the baby-boom generation and the elimination of mandatory retirement since this survey was conducted. The next variable investigated was employers’ age. On this item, I found that in relation to the dimension “reliable and productive,” older employers do in fact have more positive attitudes than their younger counterparts. These results support the social identity theory24 and the notion of an ingroup bias,25 where older employers will favour older workers. In addition, it is plausible that older employers believe more strongly in the importance of these qualities, and thus more strongly assert that their own age cohort also possess these attributes. A third possibility is that older workers are in fact more reliable than younger workers and that this is not solely a perceptual issue. Older workers may be more reliable than younger workers in attendance/absenteeism, and they may make fewer mistakes because of a greater familiarity with the required tasks or a longer period of on-the-job skills acquisition. Women had significantly more positive views towards older workers on all three factors than did men. It is plausible that because women are often faced with a greater number of challenges in their working careers than are men, they become more empathetic to the needs of other disadvantaged groups, such as older workers. In addition, earlier studies identified that female leaders respond to workers based on the norms of both equality and equity (males only used the norm of equity).26 These norms also indicate that there would be a larger number of female employers with positive attitudes towards older workers compared with male employers. Attitudes towards older workers have not been adequately assessed in previous Canadian literature with respect to employers’ level of education. However, I hypothesized from related literature that as a person’s level of educational attainment increases, his or her attitudes towards older workers will become more positive. The ANOVA generated on the educational status of employers showed that the relationship was not this straightforward. Attitudes did not consistently improve as employers’

Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes  39

level of education increased, and thus further investigation of this variable is warranted. Summary The results from my study suggest that employers’ attitudes are mixed, yet it is significant to note that older workers will encounter the most positive work environment with older, female employers from smaller companies. The findings also suggest that older workers should not experience differences in employers’ attitudes in varying industrial sectors, in companies with differing proportions of older workers, or from employers with varying levels of educational attainment. Despite the existence of some positive attitudes found in this study, it is possible that it is the negative age stereotypes that are being reflected in the workplace policies, programs, and practices of employers (e.g., recruitment, training opportunities). As will be demonstrated from my more recent research discussed in the following chapters, my belief is that quantitative surveys such as this one, while valuable in many ways, do not provide an accurate assessment of employers’ actual attitudes. My interviews with employers conducted since the time of this survey highlight various areas where they are displaying prejudicial attitudes and practices, and many of these domains are ones that appear positive in quantitative surveys. In other words, I argue that these quantitative surveys allow employers to simply check off socially desirable responses out of fear of retribution. I realize that confidentiality is given to employers in both quantitative and qualitative surveys, yet they seem to be more comfortable expressing their overall views when sharing their opinions in an interview setting, as will be shown in chapter 6. Furthermore, when the purpose is indeed to gain a more complete picture of the labour market experiences of older workers, it is invaluable to hear their voices, and thus I will now turn to their own perceptions of the challenges they face.

3 “Prejudice Is Always Just under the Surface”: Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market

As someone who was employed for a number of years in various different positions, I felt very much respected and valued and treated well. No question at all. But I find that it is a very different picture when, for whatever reason, you are in the job market at that particular age. (Ray, age 50)1

While the findings that I presented in the previous chapter included some positive attitudes from employers regarding older workers at their current companies, as suggested by the above quotation, a very different story can be revealed when attitudes involve the hiring of older workers. Findings from my interviews with unemployed older workers indicate that ageism was prevalent in their job search, and that it ranged from a general feeling that employers were stigmatizing them to a more concrete belief or confirmation that discrimination was occurring. This chapter explores older individuals’ perceptions concerning how employers managed to discriminate against them in the hiring process, despite the legality of the issue. Both subtle and overt forms of ageism and age discrimination are presented. This is followed by a discussion of the manifestation of stereotypes about older workers with respect to their skills, training, adaptability or flexibility, and financial costs to the company. Next, older individuals’ perceptions of the mechanisms that e­ mployers used to discriminate against them are discussed, which involved job ­ advertisements, résumés, job interviews, and language. I then turn to the intersectionality of gender and age and demonstrate how gender presents itself in the interconnectedness between paid and ­unpaid work, the ideologies of the participants in this study, and respondents’ ­perceptions of their aging bodies.2 This chapter contains data from my initial interviews with unemployed older workers (Study #2: Older Worker I­nterviews) and from my follow-up study with them (Study #3: Older Worker Survey).3

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  41

Sensing the “Age Factor” Interviews with older workers revealed that subtle forms of both ageism and age discrimination were believed to exist in the job search process. For example, This is very subtle. I am bringing into high focus what is done and said in very subtle languages. After all, they don’t want me to go to the Human Rights Commission and sue them. They are not that blatant. Prejudice is never blatant. Prejudice is always just under the surface. You have got to really read between the lines and look hard for it, but it’s there. And you know where you will see it in your books? You will see it in the hiring statistics. (Derek, age 52)

Individuals also discussed their experiences in the job search process more generally and described how they “sensed” that age was a factor in hiring decisions: I know the age thing for sure is definitely a factor … Even if they [employers] don’t actually say it, you can sense it … It is more sensing than anything. (Lynn, age 53) I went for the interview and everybody – like people passing by that work there – they were all under thirty … The thing is, you wonder if they are not letting you have the job because of, you know, age, or is it because of other reasons. It’s kind of hard to figure out. (Jennifer, age 53) I don’t know what the employer thinks. You know, there is a perception that the employer thinks “Hey, you’re over the hill” or “You should be retired. How come you’re not retired? What’s wrong?” (Brian, age 54) It was just an impression I got. I can sense these things. I think we all know that this kind of age discrimination exists. (Julie, age 50)

Another individual had similar feelings regarding the subtlety of age discrimination and explained how this perception developed: All of my life, I have been able to get jobs – any job that I wanted – and only this year, where I have been applying for jobs for six months, have I not only not had an interview, but I haven’t even had an acknowledgment of an application. Everything has gotten better over the years – the qualifications, the credentials – they are all improving. Whereas say twenty years

42  Ageism at Work ago or even fifteen years ago, I was getting calls from head hunters two or three times a week, wanting me to move from one company to another, today I am not even getting an acknowledgment, let alone an interview. (Ray, age 50)

Respondents believed that the age of the employer interviewing them factored into the hiring process. Several individuals discussed their perceptions that younger employers regarded them unfairly, merely due to the age differential: Employers don’t feel you will be able to report to younger bosses. I have been asked this in an interview – “How do you feel about reporting to a younger person?” (James, age 57) The manager felt very threatened by my age … because she was so much younger … I had a hell of a lot more experience than she had … People become very jealous if you are overqualified for the job. (Simone, age 50)

In other cases it was the respondents’ own awkwardness with the age ­difference between themselves and the employers that was discussed: When I went there [to the interview]… it was like a young crowd. Everyone was like about twenty-five, so I didn’t feel too comfortable being interviewed by twenty-five-year-old guys … I mean, you know, just so much younger and it felt strange ’cause I was much more experienced … We didn’t talk about age, but it was just me that felt uncomfortable. They didn’t say anything. (Andrew, age 46)

Participants indicated that they experienced these subtle forms of age discrimination more often than overt forms, yet they found them to be an equally disturbing occurrence in their search for employment. When I followed up with my original participants several years after these interviews, it was clear that finding full-time work had continued to be a challenge. Many participants specifically cited “age” as the main or only factor in their ongoing struggles. Interestingly, some of these participants had stated in my initial interview with them that they felt that other factors were contributing to their inability to find work – issues related to intersectionality, including gender, immigration status, and race/ethnicity. However, in the follow-up study, the only demographic barrier to finding employment mentioned by participants was age. After extended periods of time, it seemed that their thoughts turned to more definitively tying age to unemployment. Several respondents discussed

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  43

getting job interviews but not job offers. Again, the question of ageism with respect to appearance and age assessment during the interview surfaced. For example, one respondent indicated that while he had obtained many job interviews (ten to twelve), he had not had any offers, and he reported that it had been six months since his last job interview, which was becoming increasingly disturbing to him. Although participants’ experiences were generally related to sensing the existence of age discrimination in the hiring process, far too often participants were provided with explicit confirmation of employers’ discriminatory beliefs. My analysis now turns to these types of situations. Explicit Confirmation In contrast to the comments from the participants cited above, many individuals I interviewed described their experiences with more blatant discriminatory behaviours. In fact, several participants described how they had sensed the existence of discrimination in the hiring process and had decided to question the source of their perceptions for confirmation. For example, after listening to various excuses made by a potential employer, Ken explained: And then he told me the truth. He said, “If you were thirty-five, it would be no problem, I would know where to send you. But you are about my age. Look, they [the company] won’t consider you at your age.” (Ken, age 62)

Ken described a similar situation following another job interview where he was given explicit confirmation that age was a factor in the hiring decision: I phoned up a month after I was told that they were not going to give me the position, because I wanted to talk to the person and see why. I was then told point blank that the main factor was my age. Point blank. Never mind the Ontario Human Rights Code, never mind age discrimination is illegal. She [the job interviewer] swore me to secrecy … Without having met me, the president of the company decided that I am not going to be his subordinate. She told me that age was a main factor. (Ken, age 62)

Another participant was caught off guard by a similar age-related comment made by an employer in the context of a job interview: I applied for a job and the guy said, “Gee, we didn’t expect anybody your age to apply for this.” (Ed, age 60)

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Other individuals described negative experiences with job recruiters hired by employers. For example, James attended a “networking” meeting held by recruiters and described his experience: They themselves at a number of meetings have expressed this – that if you’re over fifty or fifty-five perhaps the best thing you should do is think of opening your own business because you are not employable by larger companies. And it’s quite appalling … I went to a number of meetings that were targeted for executives and all these things and it was quite shocking how these people came to speak to this group of executives. Who would be so, I guess, direct about age discrimination and warn these executives that – “don’t think it’s going to be easy to find another job”? … Age is a big factor and yes, the recruiting community has a negative outlook on it. (James, age 57)

In addition to these types of discrimination from job recruiters and potential employers, several respondents described experiences when “friends” explicitly informed them that age was a factor in the hiring process: No one will tell you; no one will admit it. But I have a friend who owns his own company and he said, “If I interview three people, even though you have the experience, if I think I can get more years out of another one, I would hire another person.” And you know, they don’t have to say that, that’s just the way it’s done. (Margaret, age 60) I’ve gone and asked … I worked at a place for eleven and a half years and I did speak to the human resource person and she’s given me, you know, a great reference. And I said, “What’s wrong?” and she said, “It’s age” …You know, I guess I don’t think of myself in terms of being older yet. (Cynthia, age 58)

The blunt response of the human resource professional simply linking age with not being able to get a job is telling. But also interesting is Cynthia’s lack of recognition of being “older,” at least in the employment world. Unfortunately, over time many do begin to feel old as a result of this process, as will be discussed in more detail in chapter 4. Irrespective of the source of the discrimination, participants I interviewed had clearly felt the existence of both subtle and overt forms of ageism in the hiring process. It was experienced most often in conversations with employers, and it was clear that the meanings attributed to these experiences were influencing their overall job search process.

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  45

Age Stereotypes Positive Age Stereotypes It should be recognized that some stereotypes can be positive, and many participants did report feeling that they possessed certain positive characteristics that are associated with being older. For example, the wisdom and experience that come with decades of work experience were recognized by several respondents with respect to describing their previous work situations: There is a lot to be said about the judgment that comes with experience. The ability to judge and the ability to make a decision … I am used to decisions … I am able to apply my past background … That is where someone like me ought to be appreciated. (Derek, age 52) I mean there is no substitute for experience … it does make the work that much more efficient; that much more professional. Honestly, I think a lot of people – say my age – when they go to an office and see a person my age, they would say “Okay, this person knows what she or he is doing. It seems that they’ve been doing this for a long enough time.” (Simone, age 50)

Unfortunately, potential employers do not always recognize these positive age attributes and this is where the challenges came into play for the individuals I interviewed. Negative Age Stereotypes and the Discrimination Process Overall, respondents felt that employers judged them according to negative age-related stereotypes. Surveys of employers’ attitudes towards older workers (including mine, discussed in chapter 2) indicate that they are viewed more negatively than younger workers in many areas, including training, adaptability or flexibility, and financial cost to the company. Most individuals I interviewed had engaged in training programs and remained up to date with their skills and qualifications. Where participants felt that training was posing a barrier related to the perception that ­employers did not want to invest money and time in training older workers: They look at a person and – this has been told to me point blank by h ­ uman resources people – they look at people as a monetary investment. They ­invest a certain amount of time and effort in training a new recruit – the higher level of the recruit, the more expensive the time in training. And they expect to get back ten times their investment, or else it isn’t worth it to

46  Ageism at Work them to hire them. So if they spend a year acclimatizing me, training me, getting me integrated into the system, then they would expect to get ten years of profitable time out of me. Now, if I am fifty years old, they look at me as a poor prospect. Even at forty-six, they were looking at me as a very poor prospect. (Derek, age 52)

Regarding adaptability or flexibility, Barbara described her perception concerning employers’ requirements: It is difficult to find work when you are over fifty. Even forty-five or forty is hard. Employers only want young people. They think they can work quickly and they are more flexible and will agree to work the night shift. (Barbara, age 45)

Julie’s commentary demonstrated that this stereotype might be illconceived, while also illustrating that employers may not be able to move past this misconception: Have you ever heard of this Emotional Intelligence? Basically, it talks about various skills that people have, rather than their IQ. It talks about interpersonal, adaptability, stress management, and general mood. What it says here is if you effectively function, your score will be between 90 and 110. My total score was 124 – so about 15 above where you function effectively. I think the funniest thing was related to my highest score. My manager was always complaining that I was not able to adapt well, but do you know that my flexibility score is 134 out of 150? (Julie, age 50)

Participants also felt that employers would not hire them because of the perception that older workers are more expensive to employ (i.e., employee turnover, salary, benefits) as compared to younger workers. Respondents described how they came to this realization: The end result for me is to find a position. I’m not finding a position. The end result of a company is to make money. They think they are going to make money off younger people better than they are going to make money off an older person because they think that the younger person will be with the company longer and is going to be able to produce or benefit revenue for a longer period of time. It’s not true. An older person doesn’t make the mistakes of the less experienced. So, the learning curve is a lot shorter. But they don’t look at that. They don’t look at the results line. (Derek, age 52) I think salary is a barrier because employers think we expect more money. (Barbara, age 45)

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  47 See, if you’re a certain age too, it affects the group company pension, and the medical premiums are higher for a company. I know that from working in a company – from working in that department. So I don’t know if they [employers] think along those lines as well. (Stella, age 64)

In my follow-up study, Derek reiterated his conviction in the higher costs he believed employers associated with recruiting or retaining older workers: Middle-aged people are perceived as health insurance risks and pension plan risks … Middle-aged people are perceived as too expensive because of their experience. (Derek, age 58)4

Concerns about the financial risks associated with employing older workers, including health insurance and pension plan costs, were commonly anticipated by participants in both studies. Going back to my original study, Julie felt quite justified in her belief that the higher financial costs associated with older individuals represented a barrier to her re-employment. In discussing her experience with requesting a raise from her previous employer, she commented, I said, “You know I cannot afford to work for nothing” – because there was always so many hours of unpaid overtime. And he said, “Well, I can have fifty young girls sitting here looking pretty and I can pay them whatever I want” … The younger people that he did hire really got very low pay. (Julie, age 50)

This quotation points to employers and older workers equating youth not only with lower financial expectations but also with beauty (and gender), a perception that will be explored further in subsequent chapters. In my follow-up study, participants reported that they still believed that employers felt that they were always more “expensive to hire.” While this may be the case some of the time, the majority of individuals I interviewed were willing to take jobs at a lower pay rate just to get back into the workforce, as will be expanded on in chapter 5. Mechanisms for Discrimination Job Advertisements The first area where older individuals feel they are being stigmatized is in relation to the job application process. Citing age restrictions for a particular job in advertisements, or setting age bars, is illegal in Canada.

48  Ageism at Work

However, some participants had sensed that employers were using more subtle mechanisms in job advertisements to concentrate their search on younger candidates. For example: I feel that discrimination takes place in job advertisements. The ads won’t state that they want younger people, but they will only ask for three to five years’ experience and state lower salary ranges. Older people have more experience and expect higher salaries. So these job advertisements are only attracting younger, more inexperienced people. (Michelle, age 45) A lot of the forms one fills out when you’re applying for these jobs over the internet – a lot of them ask for your experience. It says, “one to three years, three to five years, five to eight years, eight to ten years, ten plus years”… I’m glad they don’t go above that otherwise they’ll say, “oh this guy’s older than Methuselah.” (Ken, age 62)

This discriminatory technique of specifying years of experience in advertisements or requesting this information on application forms was only referred to explicitly by a handful of respondents, yet those who did discuss it were quite disturbed by its occurrence. They felt it allowed employers to use “experience” to indirectly discriminate on the basis of age and thus avoid being held responsible for their discriminatory actions. Résumés Participants also felt that employers used their résumés as a tool to discriminate in the hiring process. Individuals thought employers did this by examining résumés and rejecting applicants based on the number of years spent in the labour force or the number of jobs held: They don’t say anything, but you know when there is absolutely no reason why you shouldn’t be considered – to just look at my résumé, they know how many years I’ve been in the business and they can sort of deduct that I’m not thirty-five or forty. (Margaret, age 60) You don’t know if they’re looking at your résumé and looking at … like figuring you got all that experience so obviously you got to be a certain age, right? (Jennifer, age 53) As you can see by my résumé I have twenty-five years [experience] so you know I’m not thirty-five. (David, age 50)

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  49

In addition, respondents thought employers scanned résumés to determine the year that a potential job candidate’s degree was received and to reject older job seekers. For example, As soon as they see 1975 [referring to the year his degree was received] – or whatever it is – they say, “Okay, this guy is fifty – waste-paper basket.” I mean, I don’t know, I just have that feeling. (Ray, age 50)

Other individuals described similar challenges in relation to both the years of experience they had in the workforce and the years their degrees were received. Many felt that their extensive experience was being used against them. For example, I think that they can see from the level of the work that I was doing that I’m overqualified for what they want. (Ed, age 60)

Interviews also revealed that participants attempted to conceal their age on their résumés by excluding years of work experience, number of jobs held, or the year a degree was received. Chapter 5 will explore these age concealment strategies in more detail. While age is often equated with experience in a positive way, participants felt that somehow the meaning of experience was now being tied to age in a discriminatory fashion. Thus, respondents felt that experience was being used to identify and select younger candidates to interview for job openings. The Job Interview Another way respondents felt that employers discriminated against them related to the interview process. These individuals believed that after employers had the opportunity to see them during an initial interview, they could immediately estimate how old they were and often only requested a second interview from the younger applicants. Several participants provided justification for this belief: What is quite interesting is that a friend of mine who is forty-five years old, about the same age as me and who just got her degree is getting more interviews than me. She is only getting the first interview though. I am not sure if it is because the employers assume that she is younger because of her recent degree, but once she gets in there and has an interview, she is never asked back for a second interview. I am not sure if it is age per se, but that is just my feeling. (Michelle, age 45)

50  Ageism at Work We [her and other older workers] get interviews but not jobs … When they [employers] look at you they decide. (Bonnie, age 53) They’re probably looking for younger people. I know I have the qualifications but I just don’t know why I can’t secure that job … They can’t tell you that [it is because of your age] nowadays but obviously when I walk in they know I’m not twenty-one. (Stella, age 64) A lot of these interviews for entry-level positions amount to cattle calls. You go there and they meet you in person, you hand in a résumé, and then they make like they are interested … I never hear from them. So I am suspicious right away because obviously they have seen me. Usually I am the oldest one there. You see some of the other candidates that are there around the same time as you and you can kind of see that they are all younger than I am and don’t have grey hair. So I think people subconsciously, if not consciously, judge you by your appearance. So there is discrimination against religious things, there is discrimination against colour, and discrimination definitely against colour of hair too (laughs). (Lynn, age 53)

Similar to the last comment above by Lynn, several respondents mentioned that after going to job interviews they recognized the importance of “fitting in” to an employer’s organizational culture, which essentially meant giving the impression of being younger. For example, I think that the organizational culture in an organization is very important. You need to fit into the company’s culture. Many companies have youth-­ oriented cultures and they may only hire someone who fits into this culture. (Greg, age 50) Employers don’t see you as fitting in with younger people. We are not part of the gang if we are older. You don’t fit in with the younger guys. (James, age 57) No one has ever verbalized it. But you can look around and see the other employees. And you sort of think hey, maybe they feel that you’re not going to fit. (Cynthia, age 58)

In sum, participants found that the interview setting provided a context for employers to discriminate against them by allowing them to judge their appearance and assess whether they would “fit in” to the organizational culture. These findings concur with research cited earlier on the importance of physical appearance in relation to employment and older workers.5

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  51

Same “Old” Talk The importance of language and its interpretation are two of the key tenets of the symbolic interactionist framework.6 Thus, the meaning ­assigned to employers’ language is critical to understanding the lived realities of older workers. Respondents believed that an ageist discourse was being used by employers to discriminate against them. While respondents felt that employers attempted to use language that would not appear discriminatory to job candidates, it did not take participants long to deconstruct this ageist talk and realize that being told they were “overqualified” or “too experienced,” that someone more “junior” was hired, or that the organization was too “fast-paced” for them were just different ways to tell them they were too “old” for the job: I got turned down for a job and I asked the temp agency who was responsible for getting the job [why I got turned down] because I wanted to know for sure … and the answer was, and I quote, “Well, they hired somebody more junior.” So in other words, “junior” is a euphemism for “younger.” Now I am not supposed to realize that. I am supposed to be too stupid to realize that. So obviously they realize that if they were to have said “we hired somebody younger” that’s illegal, so now it seems like it is in vogue to say “more junior.” Well, “junior” means younger doesn’t it? So why shouldn’t that be illegal too? (Lynn, age 53) I went to two interviews there. They finally rejected me … I, as they put it, was “overqualified”… But I couldn’t get anyone to hire me. (Ken, age 62) There was one company I sent my résumé to … I was kind of surprised that I didn’t get an interview there and I sent an email to the HR lady asking why and what happened … Her email seemed to indicate … Her email said “too experienced” and I just assumed she means – as meaning too old. (Andrew, age 46) I can see the way they [employers] talk to me sometimes – kind of in a lingo here. ’Cause I can read the employers’ lingo very well, you know … They tell me “the place is very fast-paced”… That’s all a line of crap, as we know … It’s more or less saying “goodbye, I’m glad to have met you.” Oh yeah. So I’m getting a bit tired of listening to that. (Linda, age 59)

The negative feelings experienced by respondents as a result of being considered “overqualified,” too “senior,” not able to keep up with the “fast pace” of the organization, or being “too experienced” were reflected

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in their comments. Thus, the meaning assigned to employers’ language was quite negative, and participants considered the belief that they were incapable of deconstructing this ageist discourse to be insulting. Gendered Work Unfortunately, for older women, ageism becomes even more of a multifaceted experience, as employers commonly believe that years of experience are generally tied to age. Equating age and experience reflects a gendered bias that assumes life-long, full-time employment, which remains more typical of men’s lives than of women’s. Notably, the women in my sample tended to have less paid work experience than did the men, due mainly to their responsibilities for raising children and their other gendered care activities. Lynn commented specifically on the erroneous assumption that “age and experience” are correlated: The assumption is that if you are older you have more experience … The two concepts of age and experience go hand-in-hand. But it is not necessarily accurate because you can be older and have very little experience if you have done something else with your life or whatever or doing a career change or your life has gone some other direction. (Lynn, age 53)

Another disadvantage that the older women in this study faced is a result of the double-edged sword of domestic labour responsibilities. Many of these women take years out of paid labour to care for their children, thereby limiting their paid work experience. In addition, unpaid domestic work is devalued. This devaluation of the skills associated with unpaid work made several women in the study fear the prospect of returning to paid employment. As Carolyn noted, If I really want to go back to full-time, probably I’d have to overcome my feeling that yes, I can do the job … Still, there is a “but” that is coming out. It’s not so much the confidence; I do have confidence to do my work, but to face the reality … I started to feel scared … It’s a very, very scary thing, I tell you … It’s no longer the same as around thirty years ago. They look for a particular type of person … So this is the first time I’m facing it. So it’s really tough. (Carolyn, age 61)

Rochelle had decided to leave paid work to stay home and raise her children, and explained to me the fear and struggles that she had with the idea of going back to the field after being out of it for so many years. She spoke with many of her friends and colleagues in the industry about

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  53

the possibility of going back to work, and these conversations heightened her fears because her associates told her that much had changed in the industry since she had left. She eventually got an offer to volunteer in her field. She struggled with this decision but in the end accepted the volunteer position: I was probably too chicken to get a job. I guess really, I didn’t feel confident that I could get a job in my field because I haven’t been in it for so many years. I left it to raise my kids, and then when I wanted to go back to work I was too afraid … It’s funny actually. A lot of my friends around my age are already considering retiring – early. And here I am going back to work. (Rochelle, age 56)

The combination of age-related norms about how old someone should be when they are looking for work and a gendered structure that makes women primarily responsible for the care of their children and families made it difficult for Rochelle to get a paid job. Instead, she took an unpaid job, which serves to reinforce the devaluation of her specific skills and women’s skills more generally. When I followed up with Rochelle for Study #3: Older Worker Survey several years after her initial interview in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, she indicated that this volunteer position had led to a part-time paid position. Therefore, in this case, volunteering helped her obtain paid work, and she said she would recommend this strategy to other unemployed older individuals in the future. Unfortunately, reflecting back on her experience, she also explained how she had encountered ageism on her return to work: As a formality [when I moved from the volunteer to the paid position] I had to visit HR. That was a very degrading experience because the HR person was very young and treated me very disrespectfully. He would not have hired me. My boss told me later that it was not uncommon … Years later, ageism, in my opinion, reared up again. I was called in to HR and was told due to internal reorganization my position was being eliminated – to cut costs according to them – and I was offered a package. I have been back since and there are much younger persons earning less working there. (Rochelle, age 62)

Conversely, some of the men in my study indicated that their paid work experience was a valuable asset in the job search process, particularly in a job interview. They suggested that being able to discuss their varied experience with potential employers was a technique that actively counteracted ageism in an interview setting. For example, Derek described

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how he would emphasize the value of his experience in past employment positions when going on job interviews: There is also a lot to be said about the judgment that comes with experience. The ability to judge and the ability to make a decision … The people they had there were very inexperienced. They couldn’t make any decisions. I was able to make decisions and so I kept things moving … I am used to decisions. That is why I think that someone like me – even though it was an unaccustomed situation for me – I was able to apply my past background. I jumped in, took over, and did what was necessary to get the thing moving again. And that is where someone like me ought to be appreciated. (Derek, age 52)

Similarly, David explained how emphasizing his experience was a strategy he used in job interviews in order to reframe the meaning tied to agerelated questions from potential employers: Depending on the questions [during a job interview], you know – “How old are you?” – rather than respond, “That’s none of your business,” I would have said something like, “Well, I’m old enough to have twenty-five years of experience in this business,” which gives them an age bracket and it doesn’t affect me. (David, age 50)

Because many of the women in this study lacked paid work experience, they did not hold this one advantage that was associated with being an older worker among the men in the sample. Gendered Ideologies The job search experience and the meaning that respondents attributed to it were conditioned by respondents’ deeply held views about the roles of men and women in society. Although things have changed somewhat in recent decades, dominant middle-class ideologies still suggest that men should be primarily responsible for “breadwinning” and that women should be primarily responsible for unpaid domestic labour. These ideologies infiltrate the experiences of men and women and shape the extent to which they identify with paid and unpaid labour. As such, many of the men in my study discussed an inherent pressure they felt to be the “breadwinner” of the family. This meant not only finding a job, but finding a good job that paid well enough to support their families. Alan explained this notion to me in the following way: My wife is the same as other wives, she cannot just accept that this man is idle, doing nothing; no earning … and, you know when a man is doing

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  55 nothing then he’s not in a good mood. He cannot be a happy man. And all these are something that makes a family life difficult. I cannot be a good father also, when I don’t have a good job, I’m not active, I don’t have any social activity. (Alan, age 57)

He elaborated on how his unemployment was affecting his personal relationships and those of friends in similar situations: Ladies have the authority more than the man, so they can easily send a man out of the house. He’s not working and he’s also having a lot of, let’s say, bad type of attitude, angry, not helpful, not friendly. So all this helps the condition that comes to the point that ladies do not like to continue their joint life anymore. (Alan, age 57)

When asked if he faced any barriers to finding a job, Timothy indicated that gender was a factor. Interestingly, he felt that women had an easier time adjusting to unemployment and the job search because they have had to hold multiple roles throughout their lives. As he put it, The barriers are sort of marginally there – I do sense that gender is a bit of a factor … Men have had a difficult time adjusting … I think we all know about “The Angry White Male”… that the white male has had a difficult time, the most difficult time adjusting to the changes and because of maybe certain expectations that he was raised with. You know, that he was going to be a provider and that he would be stoic, loyal … Women are, in many ways, more adaptable – multitasking – I’m throwing a lot of stereotypes … It is harder for men to adjust – because, I mean, women obviously – women are having to do it all now. (Timothy, age 48)

Finally, many of the male participants expressed how they thought it was much easier for women to get jobs than it was for them, and this is linked to the gendered structure of paid work and the fact that women are segregated into jobs that are not well paid. According to Alan, Let’s consider a lady in the family is faced with the problem that I just mentioned … here [in Canada] it is easier for ladies to get a job. Because the kind of jobs in the supermarket as a cashier, front desk, like that, administration, it is preferred to be done by ladies. So it is easier for ladies to get a job. (Alan, age 57)

The paradox in this quotation is clear. It is easier for women to get jobs because they are preferred for the kinds of jobs that are readily available: jobs that are the least well paid and most marginalized in society. This

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quotation also points to the importance of examining intersectionality, the gendered structure of paid work, and the layered sources of inequality present in the labour market today. For example, recent immigrants to Canada also frequently face heightened discrimination, and this was the case for many of my study participants. Older Gendered Bodies The interview setting provides a context for employers to discriminate against both men and women through stereotypical assessments of older bodies. Yet, although both men and women in my sample had considered altering their physical appearance for job interviews, this occurred far more frequently for women. Only two men had considered dyeing their hair and another two men considered using toupees or shaving their beards to appear younger. In contrast, with a single exception, the women in this study dyed their hair in an effort to present a younger appearance to potential employers. Although Lynn did not agree with modifying her physical appearance in order to obtain employment, she did recognize that this conviction was likely harming her job search success: I have grey hair and I refuse on general principle to dye my hair … I don’t want to cater to this … I can see the reaction of people to somebody who has dyed hair – you know they dye their hair blond or whatever – they tend to think of them as younger and prettier and so on and I refuse to do it. I’m stubborn that way. It’s costing me I know but I don’t believe in catering to that. I don’t believe the colour of your hair should be an influence on how people treat you. (Lynn, age 53)

In my follow-up study with these same participants, most individuals reiterated the importance of dyeing one’s hair and altering one’s appearance to look younger to potential employers in an interview setting. These age concealment strategies are discussed in more detail in chapter 5. Most women felt that their “older” bodies represented a barrier to finding employment. In response to a specific question about whether she faced any barriers to finding work in general, Barbara responded as follows: Well definitely because I am a woman and because of my age. They want young, attractive women, not women who are forty-five, fifty, or older. (Barbara, age 45)

Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market  57

Equating youth with beauty was a typical theme discussed in my interviews and reflects deeply held, ageist societal views about bodies. Julie also conveyed her experiences with ageist and sexist sentiments when expressing her frustrations with her former employer. She described him as being “the kind of a dentist that would rather have a twenty-year-old bimbo sitting by his side looking pretty with her perfect smile, than a fifty-year-old woman. And there’s no question about it. This is the kind of clientele his practice is geared to. I mean, who reads Flair? Not fiftyyear-olds.” This was the same participant who had earlier described to me how this employer wanted to save money by hiring “fifty young girls” who look “pretty.” A conflict exists here between the pay expectations of younger and older employees. This conflict is heightened by the value an employer sees in having pretty young girls working for him rather than a fifty-year-old alternative. In this way, younger women have an advantage in the workplace in terms of obtaining employment. Because younger women are valued for their looks, it follows that older women are devalued in the workplace, both in relation to younger women and in relation to men. This, in combination with past research which suggests that women face age discrimination at work at younger ages than men largely as a result of bodily appearance, suggests that such issues need to be significant dimensions of feminist analyses of the workplace in the future. Summary It is well documented that, once unemployed, older workers take considerably longer than younger workers to become re-employed, due in part to the existence of age discrimination in hiring practices. Despite this knowledge, there has been little qualitative research to examine the views of older workers themselves about their experiences in the labour market. This chapter examined their perceptions concerning the meaning and importance of age in the job-seeking process. Findings indicated that ageism is perceived to occur through a variety of subtle and overt mechanisms that relate to employers’ ageist stereotypes concerning skills, training, adaptability or flexibility, and financial costs. Participants reported that employers had used specific mechanisms to discriminate against them, including job advertisements, résumés, interviews, and discourse. As is the case with sexism, ageism encompasses both negative attitudes and behaviours and has been identified as a significant employment issue for older workers. Yet relative to sexism, very little is known about the mechanisms through which ageism is manifested in paid work

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environments and how sexism intersects with this process. The qualitative data presented in this chapter demonstrate how gender and age relations mutually constitute one another through sexism and ageism among displaced older workers. Gendered ageism is also reflected in age-related job search strategies and will be explored further in chapter 5. Women face more discrimination than men in the workplace, and older workers face more discrimination than their younger counterparts. As a result, older women also use more age concealment strategies in their job search. To only look at one structural characteristic such as gender or age at a time often will not portray an accurate picture. Chapter 4 will explore the identity-related consequences of these ageist experiences. Chapter 5 will then present the age-related management techniques developed by participants as a result of the ageism and gendered ageism encountered in the labour market.

4 “I Feel like a Castaway; Like an Old Shoe That Is of No Use Anymore”: Aging Identities

In this chapter, I examine changes in identity that occur during older workers’ job search process.1 As part of this process, participants began to define themselves as “old” after perceiving to be labelled this way by others. While older worker programs were designed to help in the search for employment, they actually caused many individuals to become even more discouraged by emphasizing the importance of age. Age clearly represents a stigma2 and a master status,3 as participants felt that being considered “old” was the primary characteristic connected to them when searching for work. Therefore, both their “social identities” and their “felt identities”4 changed to reflect “old” and often “gendered” identities. Many respondents managed to overcome these challenges and were able to negotiate more positive statuses for themselves. This chapter contains data from my interviews with unemployed older workers (Study #2: Older Worker Interviews) and from my follow-up study with them (Study #3: Older Worker Survey).5 Identity Degradation during the Job Search Process The concept of identity degradation was first used by Garfinkel in relation to “degradation ceremonies.”6 He explained that these ceremonies are designed to deprive individuals of their prior identities as well as emphasize their lack of power and autonomy. For example, being fingerprinted and searched when sent to prison would be considered a type of degradation ceremony by Garfinkel.7 In my research, I suggest that negative experiences related to age (e.g., being considered “old”) and the meanings assigned to these experiences by participants led to the degradation of their identities. The concept of identity degradation will be discussed in this section in relation to negative experiences with both personnel at older worker programs and employers. More specifically, the analysis in this section focuses on participants’ experiences

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and feelings relating to the discovery that age is a factor in the search for employment, being labelled “old,” and feeling “old.” The “Age” Factor Due to the participants’ chronological ages and associated number of years in the workforce, many of them mentioned that they had been unemployed at various points throughout their lives. Despite these occurrences, they explained that this was the first time they had encountered difficulties re-entering the workforce, which led to them being suspicious about the reason behind their inability to secure employment. For example: I never had troubles getting jobs before. I mean they used to come so easy for me but now it’s not that easy … [After the interview] you say – “Did I do something wrong? Did I say something wrong? Why aren’t they calling?” I always say to myself – “Well, is it me?” – or – “What’s going on; why am I not getting a job? Why am I not getting a reply from anybody?” You know, it’s not like it was many years ago … That’s why it’s really frustrating. (Celia, age 55)

Thus, many participants eventually came to the conclusion that their inability to secure employment was a result of their age. Many participants attended older worker programs that had been created by Human Resources Development Canada (now called Employment and Social Development Canada) to assist in the job search process. My findings indicate, however, that these programs had some negative consequences in that participants soon realized that age was a factor in their search for employment: I had a course that [name of agency] provided for experienced workers – a specialized program for experienced workers they called it – for older ­workers … It made me very much aware of what’s going on out there. I was not realizing it. I never realized that age was a factor. (Cynthia, age 58) We saw a tape, a video about age barriers … This problem related to age, I didn’t expect. (Carolyn, age 61)

Many learned that age represented a barrier through listening to lectures by staff or watching films concerning stereotypes about older workers and age discrimination. They were told that employers’ attitudes often reflect stereotypical and inaccurate perceptions of older workers’

Aging Identities  61

abilities. Being told that age represented a barrier in their job search made many participants very angry and upset: One of the things that really annoyed me [about the older worker program] was the lecture they gave on age, interestingly enough, saying this is going to be a factor. And I remember having my back go up and saying, “Well, I don’t think this is as much as a factor as they’re making it out to be.” (Timothy, age 48) I watched a video at [name of older worker program] that was about age discrimination. I found it so depressing that I had to leave in the middle of the video. I was so upset by it that it is hard for me to discuss it even now … I would never want to see that again. And I really don’t think that they are giving you the whole story … The longer it went on, the worse I felt I had to leave. To me it was totally negative. (Bonnie, age 53)

Unfortunately, over time, the age factor became even more prevalent in the thoughts of the participants. In my follow-up study with them, this internal struggle related to being labelled older but not actually feeling that way yet was becoming increasingly common. For example, in discussing her forced retirement/unemployment, Debbie said, I had to retire because the school board kicked me out at sixty-five although I was not ready and I am still young! (Debbie, age 68)

This quotation points not only to the forced nature of retirement for many, but also to a self-perception of being too young to retire, which translates to a self-reflection and an identity that are incongruent with the norms in society. Debbie was still holding on to a great deal of resentment about this forced retirement three years after it happened; this was justifiable given that she had been unable to find another job. Fortunately, since the time this study was conducted, mandatory retirement has been eliminated in Canada, and individuals can no longer be forced out of the workforce. However, it should be noted that other discriminatory practices are still in existence, such as the ability for employers to discontinue health-care coverage at age sixty-five, causing new challenges for older individuals wishing to remain employed.8 The “Old” Label Being considered “old” due to physical appearance was a stigma9 that the participants felt they had trouble overcoming. In addition, as illustrated

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in chapter 3, being identified as “old” functioned as a master status,10 as many participants felt that it was the primary characteristic connected to them when searching for work. They felt it overshadowed any other status or qualifications that they possessed. For example, It doesn’t matter that we can do the same job as well or better, they look at my grey hair and they see an old man. Perception is everything … Looks? It’s nothing but skin surface. And people look at me and they see the skin surface … I am being judged by my appearance and my date of birth … They don’t want to see my experience. (Derek, age 52)

As illustrated in the above quotations, respondents clearly did not agree that their physical appearance should be the determining factor in their finding employment. Once participants were told to seek out assistance from older worker programs, they began to see that they were now branded as “older” workers by other key people; thus, their “social identity”11 or meaning that others attributed to them had become “old.” Feeling “Old” Once individuals were placed into an “older” category by others, they generally began to see themselves as old as well, an occurrence which had damaging effects on their “felt identities.”12 This led many participants to question their own self-worth and caused many negative emotions, particularly in relation to feeling “old”: It is kind of like you feel like … maybe nobody wants me. You start thinking that kind of a thing … Like you’re starting to figure well maybe, you know, after all these years … It’s made me think – “Oh my god. I feel kind of old.” (Jennifer, age 53) I was rejected altogether – I didn’t keep an accurate count – but it comes pretty close to twenty times. And I began to wonder, “Why? What’s wrong with me?” … It makes me feel, at the same time, both sad and angry – because people are looking at my outer self … I admit it; I’m kind of depressed over it. I feel bad. I feel like a castaway; like an old shoe that is of no use anymore. (Derek, age 52) It’s a horrible experience. I hope [other] people don’t have to be humiliated like this. You sort of feel you’ve worked all your life and then – whack – sort of at the end of your career they just sort of say goodbye, who needs you. (Cynthia, age 58)

Aging Identities  63 It does play with your ego … I find it very frustrating … I find it degrading. (Mitch, age 45)

The above quotations not only convey that the participants felt old, but also illustrate how they felt devalued, cast aside, and degraded by potential employers. Unfortunately, perceived age discrimination encountered from employers was not the only pathway to identity degradation. Some participants also explained that going to older worker programs, where they were surrounded by other unemployed older individuals, contributed to their discouragement. Individuals who were not discouraged before being sent to these programs by an employment counsellor started to feel discouraged once they entered the programs and realized how many other individuals were in the same dire situation. According to two individuals with these views, Look at all these older people. They’re looking for a job and maybe they’re going to be looking for a job next year too. I’m not sure. ’Cause there is no such thing that there is enough jobs for everybody out there. No way. (Daniel, age 56) When I went there [older worker program] I thought, “Oh my gosh. I am here with all the other unemployed old people. They’re just going to come here and complain about the world. (Simone, age 50)

Interestingly, despite all the problems many of these individuals were having finding employment, some of them indicated in my follow-up study that they agreed that hiring older workers could be seen as disadvantageous. For example, Debbie (age 68) said, “In some instances there is some justification in not hiring older workers.” Similarly, in my follow-up study, Ray (age 56) said that there was “not much demand” for older workers in the current labour market. The danger here lies in individuals beginning to internalize these negative beliefs and this lack of confidence then being reflected to potential employers in the job interview setting. In effect, a self-fulfilling prophecy was occurring where these individuals started to believe the stereotypes conveyed to them by employers and began to see themselves as less valuable in the labour market. Many respondents in both studies believed that they were indeed not qualified for re-employment due to their age. In line with the “social breakdown syndrome”13 and the notion of a self-fulfilling ­prophecy,14 comments made by participants suggest that they too

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engaged in age-related negative labelling. For example, turning back to my original study, while suggesting remedies for avoiding age discrimination, Jason (age forty-five) stated, “I think it is very important for our Human Rights Code to consider issues of age. I understand that as you age you may not be as efficient. Certain things decline with age.” Other participants had similar views when describing older workers in their previous places of employment: A lot of the older workers were not as efficient and productive because they did stay on for a long time … They are going to be slower, their memory will fail more, you know, that kind of thing. (Ray, age 50) Age has its own problem … They [older people] are not that much, let’s say, in a good mood to deal with the clients and customers. You know, older people have their own mode of living. They are not that much, you know, outgoing people … The other problem, which is the main problem I can say, is that age means – when someone is old it means that he has a lot of experience and he knows a lot, or she knows a lot. And these old people cannot stop practicing their experience and their knowledge … So it is more difficult to work with old people than young people. Young people, you can just easily tell them to do this and that. And as they don’t have any experience from previous, they just do it. (Alan, age 57)

A more obvious example of the self-fulfilling prophecy was illustrated by Margaret when discussing the age distribution of workers in her previous place of employment: I would say they probably had 30 per cent up to thirty-five, 40 per cent up to fifty and then a few old geezers – some of them who were there for a long, long time …When I was hired it was very funny … every time I walked by I had ten eyes following me. I’m sure they were thinking, “They actually hired an old broad. (Margaret, age 60)

Many individuals also began to question the value that they would provide to potential employers: Mentally – again, this thing is playing with my ego, there’s no question about that … I mean you’ve got to go back and say – well, maybe I’m not presenting the value that I did in the past – or – maybe I didn’t have the value that I thought and that was one of the reasons I was let go – I don’t know. (Mitch, age 45)

Aging Identities  65 Even though I have gotten a few calls you still feel like, you know – you don’t know what to think. Like you’re starting to figure well maybe, you know, after all these years you don’t know anything. (Jennifer, age 53)

According to the participants, these feelings ultimately led to varying levels of depression, which were difficult to overcome when there was no end in sight for their current situation: Not just me alone but a lot of people I can speak for [at the older worker program] are all feeling depressed and the feeling that you can’t get a job … Just like almost waiting at death’s door really. (Linda, age 59) I started to fall apart … I don’t really want to go into the details … I kind of got depressed and into the isolation kind of stage sitting here at home. (Andrew, age 46) I think I fell into a little bit of depression, you know … You do get hit with it. It is a heavy thing to go through … It’s like ploughing the field and having nothing grow. So that will do a slow depressional burn on you because you’re not getting any fruits from your labours. (Ian, age 46)

Therefore, feeling “old” not only had severe consequences for participants’ identities, self-worth, and mental health, it also likely contributed to their inability to secure employment if these feelings were reflected (unwittingly) to potential employers in an interview setting. The concepts discussed in this section in relation to employers and older worker programs contributed to the identity degradation process. However, as the next section will describe, this stage of identity degradation was overcome by the majority of participants at some point during their job search through the successful negotiation of their identities. The Negotiation of Identity during the Job Search Process While the events that can lead individuals to begin to question their self-worth are upsetting (e.g., being labelled “old”), the individuals in this study were generally able to move beyond them. Participants were able to maintain their core identities throughout their job search experience but did experience transformations in other aspects of their identities, as is suggested in the more general literature on aging and identity.15 Several strategies were used by participants that contributed to the “successful” negotiation of their identities. Despite the fact that the older worker programs contributed in many ways to the degradation of

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identity, ironically these programs also helped some of the respondents overcome this negative point in their lives. Identity negotiation strategies included drawing on social support from family, friends, and others at older worker programs. The programs also provided participants with a sense of daily purpose and structure. In addition, participants felt that changing identities, maintaining some of their key roles, and altering their overall mental outlook by staying positive helped them successfully negotiate more positive identities. Drawing on Social Support The first negotiation strategy used by participants related to the importance of social support. Many individuals who become unemployed tend to lose many of their social contacts.16 Research indicates that decreased peer group contact due to unemployment can lead to depression.17 However, symptoms of depression can be moderated by a greater degree of social support. The availability of social support not only provides opportunities for social contact, but also acts as a buffer to reduce the stress associated with unemployment. In fact, the existence of social support has been shown to have a direct impact on the transition from unemployment to employment.18 The participants in my study indicated that the social support provided by friends and family was very beneficial to them: If individuals have a family to lean on it is okay, but without a family it is terrible … I am happy I have my family and friends to talk to. (Barbara, age 45) I do appreciate their friendship and their support [friends and family]. And I don’t think I could really cope as well as I am without that support … So in that sense I am lucky, and that’s what gives me strength and energy. (Simone, age 50)

In addition, many respondents indicated that they received a great deal of support through their connections with other individuals attending the older worker programs: The centre I went to was absolutely a life-saving series for me. I was very depressed. I was worried. I was upset. I was second-guessing myself, saying “what’s wrong with me?” and that type of thing. Well, at the centre in my group of twelve or thirteen people, we were pretty much all in the same boat. All of us the same age, all of us experienced workers that somehow or other were downsized or, whatever the reason, found themselves without a job. (Simone, age 50)

Aging Identities  67 When I was taking the course it did help ’cause there’s a lot of other people in the same position right? So if you feel a little bit down about something you can call and talk to them and it makes you feel a little bit better. And it’s somebody who’s in the same position as you too, you know. (Jennifer, age 53) I was glad to get into this [older worker] program … where there’s other people to talk to. (Andrew, age 46)

The literature indicates that individuals often attempt to conceal their unemployment status to members of their own social network due to misconceptions concerning others’ attitudes towards them or their own feelings of shame and embarrassment.19 Many respondents indicated that being with other individuals in similar situations gave them more confidence and helped them overcome feelings of shame and embarrassment related to being unemployed. For example, Simone remarked, You know what? Until I actually went to the centre and the day I completed the training was the first time I actually had enough nerve to say to one of my neighbours that I was actually not working and I was looking for a job … The first time that was since June, and this is October. This is what I learned at the centre – you do not have to be ashamed. (Simone, age 50)

Thus, many of the participants’ attitudes towards their current predicament were transformed after going to older worker programs. Because many individuals lose the social contacts associated with their previous jobs, networking with new social contacts becomes important. According to two participants, Just interacting with the people around the table – maybe there’s not a lot of people in there that are in the tourism industry but maybe there’s somebody in there that knows somebody that knows somebody that knows of a job. So, again, it’s expanding your network. (Brian, age 54) That’s why I was at [name of older worker program] that week. That was my first time ever there. Somebody suggested it to me and I went there to see about making some connections that would possibly result in getting some new work. (Derek, age 52)

The data made it clear that being around others in similar age brackets and employment situations, as is the case at older worker programs,

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provided the opportunity for much-needed social support and in some cases allowed for new networking possibilities. When I followed up with respondents several years after my original interviews with them, many of them continued to discuss the importance of networking to gain connections, and in some cases, jobs. They stressed this in relation to advice they would give to other individuals looking for work in later life. For example, Celia said, Don’t give up. Speak to people and let them know you are looking for work. Think positive. Look at the Internet, newspapers and all sources available for work including employment agencies. (Celia, age 58)

On a similar note, when discussing advice for other older job seekers, Rochelle said, Try to find someone in your field of employment and try to get a recommendation from them. (Rochelle, age 62)

The importance of networking, establishing job-related contacts, having a positive attitude, and using valuable sources for finding employment were all emphasized here. In addition to the social support provided by other individuals in the same situation as themselves, some participants commented on the overall supportive nature of the staff and the older worker program itself. For example, The people that were there were absolutely wonderful. Nobody treated us like second-class citizens because we were fired or whatever – because we were old or whatever. They were all absolutely wonderful, encouraging, supportive in every way possible. So that is actually what gave me a new wind. And, of course, there’s that added support, that if we need the centre or if we need some help we can call on them for extra help. Now having that alone is like a security blanket, really and truly. Like I could just email or call on one of the facilitators there and I get a word of encouragement or just a little hint that I could not come up with because of the stress or whatever. And you get energy for another day or week or so. So that is a wonderful thing. (Simone, age 50)

The importance of the help received from employment agencies and their staff was mentioned frequently in my follow-up study with the respondents. For example, years later, reflecting back on her experiences, Stella (age 67) continued to have very positive things to say about this

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element of her job search: “The help I received from the government employment centre was so helpful and everyone I encountered was so kind to me.” Therefore, it appears that the staff at these centres not only assist with specific job search skills and training, but they also continue to have an indirect role on identity negotiation throughout the process of seeking employment. Acquiring Purpose and Structure Another way that the older worker programs helped participants transform their identities was by providing them with a sense of daily purpose and structure, which is often lost when one is faced with prolonged periods of unemployment.20 For example, That routine [from work] is no longer there. The purpose to get up in the morning and go elsewhere, that is what I miss. So this [older worker] program I really enjoy because in the morning I get up and I have to go at a certain time. That is a really good feeling. The work and the pressure, I don’t miss, but a kind of a routine and the purpose, I do. (Carolyn, age 61) Coming to this program puts an activity in your day … It’s beneficial … So the whole procedure is having structure and when you get depressed you lose that structure. And to get out of depression is to just resume your day and aim for structure again in your life, and that really picks you up. (Ian, age 46)

Thus, having a routine or activity to engage in every day helped respondents negotiate a more positive identity. Changing Identities Another strategy used by participants involved them actively negotiating new identities once their old ones became undesirable. In order to do so, many participants changed identities from a negative one (e.g., unemployed) to a more positive one (e.g., semi-retired). Thus, despite the fact that the respondents did not actually feel ready to retire, mentally or financially, several of them discussed utilizing this notion of identity reconstruction: I sort of call myself semi-retired ’cause that means that I could tolerate, say, a lesser job than I had before. Like part-time work or something …When I first looked [for work] that’s what I told people – that I wasn’t anxiously

70  Ageism at Work looking. Like when I say people, I mean the neighbour I bump into on the street, or something, wondering why I was home during the day. (Ed, age 60) You know, I almost made up my mind that this is semi-retirement, but I’m not ready for it, I’ll tell you. (Margaret, age 60)

These findings support those in the literature, as it has been recognized that older unemployed individuals may eventually decide to define themselves as retired in order to avoid the stigma associated with being unemployed.21 Maintaining Roles Another strategy used by participants, similar to the research reported earlier on aging and roles in general,22 was that they continued to associate with their previous work roles to some degree even through periods of unemployment. Respondents referred to themselves as being someone in a particular occupation (e.g., accountant, health-care practitioner) looking for work – not simply as someone who was unemployed. One respondent who was seeking to diversify his career found that others continued to associate him with his previous role: I thought about applying there for a management position, maybe something dealing with leasing or helping with negotiations for major clients. Or perhaps something along the corporate line – there are many things I could do. [But] people tend to think of me – I found out – as “The Lawyer.” I’m branded for life. (Derek, age 52)

Despite the fact that the work role was objectively “lost” during periods of unemployment and during retirement, it was subjectively maintained by many of the participants, and drawing on these roles helped many of them overcome identity degradation. Adjusting Attitudes The final strategy used by participants to negotiate a more positive identity was to change their mental outlook. Individuals discussed the importance of staying positive and looking forward: There have been negative experiences but you learn to look on the positive side … It’s just another bump in the road of life. Sure, you know you’ve

Aging Identities  71 lost that job [opportunity] – not specifically because of age, but you know that a younger guy got it. You can take that as a negative experience or you can take it as a positive experience – at least the kid’s out there working. I started that way, you know; someone stepped down to allow me a job … If we can’t help the next generation, forget it … If one door closes another one opens, so you go through that door and tomorrow’s another day. I think as soon as you make that decision it gives you a vision to go forward; you’re positive from that day on. (David, age 50) I’m still optimistic. I come from the east coast and fishing is … you can’t catch fish if you don’t put the hook in the water. And you just stand out there until you catch. Be patient and use what you’ve got and be faithful and keep the hook in the water … What I’m in right now is a temporary setting. (Ian, age 46)

It was clear from comments similar to those above that a positive attitude was often the key in overcoming identity degradation. The job search process was quite a negative one for many individuals, yet those who were able to either stay positive or adopt a more positive outlook felt that they were making more progress in their search for employment. Interestingly, in my follow-up study with these participants, the importance of a positive attitude was the most common type of advice that they wanted to pass on to other older individuals searching for employment. While this may have been challenging for them at times, most of them stressed the importance of trying to maintain a positive attitude. Summary This chapter investigated changes in identity that occur for older workers during their search for employment. Findings indicate that participants encountered several stages in their job search process that contributed to the degradation of their identities. This process began for the respondents when they realized that age was a factor in their job search process. However, as the symbolic interactionist perspective suggests, interaction with others led participants to re-define their subjective experiences related to their job searches. Individuals sensed they had been labelled “old” by potential employers or personnel at older worker programs, which caused them to begin to feel “old.” Findings show that both their “social identities” and “felt identities”23 had changed to reflect this perception. It was clear that the meanings attributed to the language used by employers and the self-reflected appraisals played a large role in the negotiation of participants’ identities.24

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Despite many of the stages experienced in the identity degradation process, the majority of individuals were able to successfully negotiate more positive identities through a variety of tactics. For example, attendance at older worker programs provided participants with social support and a sense of purpose and structure. In addition, participants negotiated more positive identities by drawing on family and friends outside of older worker programs, changing identities, maintaining some of their key roles, and altering their overall mental outlook by staying positive.

5  “The One Thing You Need Is Your Bottle of Dye”: Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search

While it is recognized that most individuals, regardless of age, use various management techniques during their job searches (e.g., wearing appropriate attire, preparing mentally for an interview), the strategies that I discuss in this chapter are management techniques that are related to age.1 As has been shown in the preceding chapters, the older workers who participated in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews and Study #3: Older Worker Survey felt that employers used various mechanisms to discriminate against them that reflected negative stereotypes with respect to skills, training, adaptability or flexibility, and financial costs.2 Participants felt that employers examined their résumés in a discriminatory fashion (i.e., choosing candidates to interview based on the year their degree was received or the number of years of experience they had), assessed their age during the job interview, and used ageist language during the hiring process. As a result of these negative experiences, most individuals I interviewed developed specific strategies that they felt helped them avoid being stigmatized as “old” when searching for employment.3 The first type of technique used by respondents I call “counteractions” – tactics used to offset negative stereotypes. These techniques involve participants attempting to counteract employers’ ageist stereotypes by maintaining their skills and changing their work-related expectations. I named the second type of technique used by participants “concealments” – strategies to hide specific information (i.e., age) – by altering their résumés, changing their physical appearance, and using specific language. When I analysed the techniques of counteractions and concealments, I also determined that there was a gendered nature to these age-related management techniques. Finally, I discovered that older workers use a third age-related management technique – “targeting” – to focus their job search on specific employers.

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Counteractions Skill Maintenance The first age-related management technique used by respondents to counteract employers’ negative attitudes towards them involved keeping up to date with training. This technique was used by the majority of participants, slightly more often by females. Overall, participants felt that employers did not want to invest the money and time in training older workers, as described in chapter 3. Respondents therefore kept their training current to avoid being classified as “out of touch” by potential employers: Any training going on, I signed up for it, and I did it. You know, when it came to computer training, I was one of the older ones. Everyone realized it, but I’m computer literate, so that’s not an issue … I have also gone for all the training on how to job search. They have my résumé, a follow-up letter and the whole bit – doing it professionally. (Margaret, age 60) I went to the University of Toronto to take some courses to update my knowledge. I also go when different organizations offer specific workshops that I am interested in. (Rochelle, age 56)

In my follow-up study, only two individuals mentioned taking additional training or workshops since the time of our initial interview. Debbie, who was sixty-eight years old at the time of follow-up, pointed to the importance of ongoing training programs, seminars, and workshops as a means of satisfying an aspiration for “lifelong learning and a desire for knowledge.” When asked whether this training helped in her job search, she said, “Absolutely – I keep current and increase wisdom.” Therefore, staying up to date with her training was an overall strategy for achieving personal fulfilment, in addition to being a specific job search strategy. However, despite the recognized importance of keeping training and skills up to date, many participants at both stages of my research were very frustrated with their inability to pay for the training needed to obtain employment. During our initial interviews, they described a type of “catch 22” situation: I need the qualifications, but I need money to get the qualifications, but I need the qualifications in the first place to get the job to have the money. It’s kind of like a catch 22. It’s very similar to the seventeen-year-old fresh

Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  75 out of high school who can’t get a job because he doesn’t have any experience and doesn’t have any experience because he can’t a job. It is the same kind of catch 22 only thirty-five years later. (Lynn, age 53) If you have an education here [Canada] you can reach whatever you want. But I have no money to take courses to upgrade my education from [my previous country of residence]. It is not a nice feeling. It is unpleasant and very difficult … I am planning to learn more and get a Canadian license but the problem for me is money. If I can get a job and start to work I will be able to save money and get a license. (Barbara, age 45)

Two participants mentioned that they were doing volunteer work in the hopes that this would help them gain re-entry into their desired occupation: We both [she and her husband] are volunteering and always keeping busy. This allows us to improve our knowledge … And I am reading every day on the computer to improve my professional skills. (Barbara, age 45) I have worked for two years as a volunteer … I am probably too chicken to get a [paid] job because I haven’t worked in a while. (Rochelle, age 56)

Volunteering was viewed as a temporary (and undesirable) solution to prolonged unemployment, yet participants felt that this would help them update their skills or keep them current and hoped that it would give them the chance to get a foot back in the door. This was in fact the case for several participants who indicated that volunteer work had led to more permanent paid work for them. When I followed up with Rochelle in Study #3: Older Worker Survey, she explained, When I was fifty-four I decided to go back to my career. A friend of mine suggested that I might find it easier to ease back in if I volunteered in the field and got familiar with all the changes. After one and a half years, a paying position came up and I agreed to take the position. (Rochelle, age 62)

Another way that participants in my original study were able to update their skills was by attending workshops held by older worker programs: I never really used the Internet very much where I worked ’cause you know, you were busy with your other things … They [older worker program] spent a lot of time on computer skills, like using Word and getting on the Internet. (Ken, age 62)

76  Ageism at Work I was advised to go for that [older worker] program … I needed some updating in my computer skills because the courses I had in computers … [were] from more than twenty years ago. (Alan, age 57) I have changed majorly since I took the training [provided through the older worker program] … There were a lot of books available there. There was a lot of advice given … I went to the centre and every day I learned something new. (Simone, age 50)

Interestingly, what was previously considered an advantage by participants – having job security by remaining in one job for a long period of time – was now something that they believed was hindering their job search success. In order to overcome this newfound limitation, participants felt that they not only needed to update their skills, but they also needed to mentally alter their expectations to find work. Participants’ changing expectations will now be discussed. Changing Expectations Participants also attempted to counteract employers’ ageist stereotypes in relation to their work-related expectations. Most respondents (men and women equally) changed their employment expectations with respect to either altering their original employment goals, the type of employment sought, or the geographic location of the place of employment. One third of participants indicated that they had altered their original employment goals, while the majority changed the type of employment they were seeking (i.e., monetary remuneration, career change, employment status), and one third had also considered geographic relocation in order to secure employment. While these strategies may be applicable to all individuals regardless of age, older workers often need to use these management techniques to heightened degrees due to the experience and higher salaries often associated with advancing age. Thus, once the participants had perceived that their age was a barrier to re-­ employment, they soon realized that they could no longer have the same expectations they once had if their main goal was to secure employment. In terms of employment goals, while monetary rewards were viewed as important to a degree, satisfaction and fulfilment with work were seen as the primary motivators in seeking employment by some of the participants in higher income brackets. According to Derek, You know, I’m not an entry-level person, and I don’t expect an entry-level kind of remuneration. Not that money is the most important thing to

Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  77 me – satisfaction to me is as important or more important at this stage of my life than money. (Derek, age 52)

The ability to focus on satisfaction over monetary rewards may assist older individuals in their job-seeking process as employers often cite higher financial costs (associated with employee turnover, salaries, and benefits) as a reason for not hiring older employees. For other participants, however, work was a financial necessity. For example, in my follow-up study, Ray indicated that he was willing to take a pay cut but did not think that others were as willing: Many middle-aged people I have spoken to are not willing to start over at the bottom. (Ray, age 56)

Turning back to my original study, it follows that many of the respondents realized that receiving the same level of financial compensation as they had prior to becoming unemployed was not necessarily feasible, and thus they lowered their monetary expectations in relation to the type of employment being sought. For example, I know that I will take a lower [pay] rate to come in [to the labour force] … You just have to keep going, you know. Lower your expectations, unfortunately, and just keep going … It seems the longer you’re unemployed the more you can rationalize it. You don’t feel any better but you just sort of, like I said, you lower your expectations just basically to get back into the job market. (Cynthia, age 58)

Thus, with this type of realization, job advertisements stating lower salaries, a mechanism that participants believed employers used to discriminate against them, were no longer considered a barrier to these respondents. Although many participants were willing to take jobs at lower pay to get back into the workforce, they stated in my follow-up study that employers assumed they expected higher salaries than younger workers would receive. In many cases participants were not even given the chance to tell employers that they were willing to accept lower salaries. Instead, employers just assumed that older individuals were not interested in lower pay or were overqualified for a particular job and thus would leave as soon as a better offer came along. Furthermore, after long periods of unemployment, many individuals in my original study began to consider a change in career or industry in order to gain re-entry into the workforce:

78  Ageism at Work The frustration is immense because you keep sending your résumés back out to the same people … I’ve been about eighteen months out of work and a couple of months ago I decided I’ve got to switch this trade. That’s when I considered bartending … Then I decided on this building maintenance course … But [it is hard] knowing that no matter what industry I go into now I’ll never make that kind of money again. (David, age 50) I am trying now to shift my focus … I am trying to diversify … It has been very difficult to get interviews so now I am trying to look into other areas. (Julie, age 50)

While a change in career was not their preference, many respondents realized that this sacrifice had to be made at some point in their job search process. Some individuals even deliberated between returning to their previous careers with lowered salary expectations and changing careers in the hopes of achieving any level of financial stability. This decision was not an easy one as many participants soon realized that once they left their original career they would have great difficulty re-entering it at a later date. For example, Simone explained her current predicament: I am looking into – I mean I’m not really sure that I would be just as good doing other things and I’m thinking why should I waste twenty-five years of training … I have set up a deadline for myself that at least by the end of January if I do not get a job as a dental assistant – I never thought I could think along the lines and I’m still not happy doing that – but I just might consider other jobs … But then that’s where the problem lies, that if you go into other things it’s that much harder to go back. If you go for an interview and the doctor’s asking you what you are doing and you say, “I’m in a bookstore” or something like that – “So why are you applying for the job? I can have twenty assistants that are actually assistants.” So that’s the dilemma there. (Simone, age 50)

In my follow-up study, some individuals mentioned that they had changed the type of work they were looking for due to limited opportunities in their field. Celia, who was fifty-eight years old at the time of the follow-up study, said that making this change enabled her to find satisfying work in another field. Expectations may also change in relation to the status of employment that is being sought. Many older individuals decide (voluntarily or not) to work on a contract or part-time basis with various organizations. For example,

Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  79 I would accept part-time work and at the moment I’m doing some consulting work for a boutique; it gets me out of the house. (Margaret, age 60) There are some jobs that admittedly the salary is not what I want but right now, would I take a part-time job? Yes … Right now I’m willing to listen to any offers that come around. (Ken, age 62)

Although the security of full-time employment had not been awarded to these individuals, they felt that working part-time would allow them to display their strengths to employers, which they hoped would ultimately lead to more stable employment in the future. This trend towards seeking part-time or contract work continued for many respondents several years after this initial interview. When I followed up with them in Study #3: Older Worker Survey, many indicated that contract or consulting work was the norm for them. While some were pleased to be working in some capacity, they also expressed their growing frustration at not being able to find something more permanent and secure. Others did not consider themselves to be “working” since occasional part-time work was not what they desired. Still others seemed to accept that the nature of work in later life may have changed. For example, Ray observed that consulting work was common in later life: Most of us in our forties and fifties end up starting our own business usually as consultants. Since this is not our first choice, we often bumble around scratching a living … All these institutions want my expertise but none wants to make a commitment. (Ray, age 56)

While Ray seemed to accept his situation, he would have preferred being hired full-time by an organization and pointed to age as a reason for his ongoing struggles. Several other individuals discussed self-employment as a viable option in later life; again, not necessarily by choice. However, while starting one’s own business may seem like a viable alternative, as indicated, this comes with its own set of challenges: I am currently in the process of trying to establish my own business but I need a partner, an idea, and money. (Jason, age 51)

Thus, while employment in later life can mean different things to different people and self-employment and entrepreneurship during this time is an area increasingly studied in the literature, it is clear that more attention should be paid to the conflicting demands that are in

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play for these older workers. It appears that those older individuals who want to or may feel compelled to start their own business as a result of limited opportunities in the labour market are often the same people who have been unemployed for prolonged periods of time and have depleted their resources and thus are not financially able to make this transition. Many participants in my original study felt that changing their own “definition of the situation”4 from unemployed to semi-retired helped them to accept their current status. As described in chapter 4 when discussing the negotiation of a degraded identity, both Ed (age 60) and Margaret (age 60) eventually started calling themselves “semi-retired” to “tolerate” a downgrade in employment status or an inability to find work. Individuals reconceptualized their status from unemployed to semiretired in order to provide a new and more acceptable social meaning to their current situation, similar to findings reported in the literature on displaced workers.5 Many respondents who re-evaluated their situation years later (Study #3: Older Worker Survey) realized that accepting part-time work repeatedly over the years had allowed them to begin to define themselves as partially or semi-retired. This negotiated status and identity, described in chapter 4, afforded several participants the ability to make their current situation more socially desirable and achieve a more positive sense of self and identity. Changing how they viewed their job status was beneficial to their identity and psychological well-being and helped them be more accepting of their limited job opportunities. Interestingly, others felt that they did not fit into any socially defined categories or “boxes”: “I don’t seem to fit into your categories and I suspect this of many others too” (Ray, age 56). Participants who struggled to define themselves as part of any particular category (e.g., retired, working, or unemployed) appeared to have a heightened sense of frustration concerning their prolonged labour market situations. Returning to my original study, despite making drastic changes in monetary, career, and employment status expectations, participants were still unable to secure employment: I’d like to have full-time but if like I could only get part-time, well, I would do that, you know, in the interim … I’d take another job … you know, just to be working and doing something. (Jennifer, age 53) I’m willing to try anything and I’m not asking thirty dollars an hour, what I used to make before, I’m not asking that. I’m going to go for … minimum wage … I’m willing to start with that if the job is normal and I’m capable of

Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  81 doing it. I’m not picky. I’m not asking this kind of wages, minimum wage is going to do it. I’m going to be there. I’m going to try. (Daniel, age 56) I’ve junk mailed every employer out there with my résumé – even survival jobs where I went to a car dealer and wanted to be a lot person – you know, park cars, take them in and get them washed, vacuum them out, and that kind of stuff – even to get minimum wage. And I can’t even land that ’cause they look at you and go – “What is your problem?” You know, it’s just tough. (Ian, age 46)

Making these extreme changes in their expectations without success (i.e., securing employment) was obviously quite disturbing to many of the respondents. Their comments conveyed a sense of desperation as well as a willingness to adapt even further. As Stella (age 64) stated, “I’m willing to do practically anything to work rather than not work.” Many individuals were also quite willing to move to another geographical location to find work: Don’t just depend on Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton, or York because there is nothing out there. And you gotta have your mind made up to want to leave your home and to be travelling wherever the job is … You have to try all different angles. (Linda, age 59) When I started my job search … I placed that restriction – my job search parameters – and then realized it. I used to say, “I want only full-time and I want it downtown.” Then I said “I want full-time but I’m willing to stay anywhere in greater Toronto or contract in greater Toronto.” So now it’s full-time, part-time, or contract anywhere in Ontario … And this month I’ve also begun sending résumés off to the [United] States … So now I’ve widened my search … So we’ll see. (Ken, age 62)

However, several participants noted that although they would personally be willing to re-locate in order to secure employment, they felt that the needs of their family members would best be met by remaining in their current geographic location. For example, participants who had immigrated to Canada felt that there would be better long-term opportunities for their families if they remained in Canada, regardless of their employment status, due to the educational system or a general feeling of safety and security: I would have, you know, left the country [if] I didn’t have the problem of my daughter studying here. It’s only for her that I continue to stay here. (Alan, age 57)

82  Ageism at Work We came to Canada because of the dangers of living in [my previous country of residence] … My husband was a big company director and I was a medical doctor and now we are both unemployed and on welfare … We can’t find work here. We have been unemployed for five years – since we have been in Canada. (Barbara, age 45)

Here, the intersecting nature of immigration status with age (and gender in some cases as discussed in chapter 3) can clearly be seen. Finding work after immigrating is difficult at any age, but that coupled with ageism in the labour market was challenging for many. The changes in expectations described in this section were deemed necessary by the participants in an attempt to overcome some of the stereotypes associated with being an older worker, such as higher salary expectations. Unfortunately, making these mental adjustments did not help participants secure employment, and so many of them felt that more drastic measures were needed in order to conceal their age from potential employers. The analysis now turns to these management techniques. Concealments Résumé Modification It should be recognized that stereotypes can also be positive, and some participants felt that they possessed certain positive characteristics that are associated with being older. For example, Simone recognized the work experience that comes with age (discussed in chapter 3). However, having experience can also be a negative thing, and several respondents said that their extensive experience was being used by employers to determine their age from their résumé and select younger candidates to interview for job openings. Therefore, most respondents felt that they had to conceal their age on their résumés by eliminating some of their work experience, the number of jobs held, or the year a degree was received: I try to hide it [my experience]. Sometimes I don’t mention my degree and that sort of thing, and I only show the last ten years of work experience. (Ed, age 60) I changed my résumé somewhat to exclude the number of years I’ve worked and said, “I have extensive [experience]”… Even though – I guess now everybody who uses “extensive,” they [employers] say, “Oh. This guy’s got twenty plus years.” (Ken, age 62)

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Participants also switched the style of their résumés from chronological ones to functional ones to highlight the importance of skills rather than specific jobs or years in the labour force: I changed my résumé around. I was using a chronological résumé at first, but for the last four months I have been using a functional one. (Ray, age 50) I use a particular style of résumé that emphasizes skills more than the number of jobs or length of time that I have been in certain jobs. (Greg, age 50)

Responses from the participants made it increasingly clear that “de-emphasizing age” was a strategy taught by personnel at the older worker programs: At the [older worker program] they helped me modify my résumé – to de-emphasize age … They would tell us don’t give them [employers] any more information, basically, than is necessary. Like sort of just give them your last ten years of work, let them see you versus, you know, putting down everywhere you’ve worked for the last thirty years or forty years. (Cynthia, age 58) I was taught [at the older worker program] that when you send a résumé you don’t put the date you graduated from school … or stuff like that. So they really don’t know how old I am when I send them the résumé. (Celia, age 55)

Although some individuals may have decided to alter their résumés on their own, most participants did so in response to advice from staff at older worker programs. Several years later, in Study #3: Older Worker Survey, many individuals were still finding it hard to get a job interview, and speculated that their age might be contributing to employers rejecting them on the basis of their résumés. Many participants reiterated the importance of altering their résumés to remove years of experience in order to try to appear younger to potential employers. “Improving” Appearances Some participants who managed to get an interview believed that employers took that opportunity to estimate their age based on their appearance, and that second interviews went to younger applicants. Thus,

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another type of concealment used by the majority of participants, but by women far more often than men, was to portray a “youthful” appearance to potential employers. Several participants described the physical preparations they would make for a job interview. For example, many men and women admitted dyeing their hair prior to an important interview: When I actually get an interview … I dye my hair. (Greg, age 50) When you look around you and you see the faces getting younger and younger and you know you’ve got to keep it up. Even if you can’t afford it, that’s the one thing you need is your bottle of dye. (Cynthia, age 58)

The age-related management techniques used by individuals during their job search discussed in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews appeared in Study #3: Older Worker Survey as well. Most participants also mentioned dyeing their hair prior to going for an interview and said they felt that this was a valuable management technique to continue into the future to maintain a desired image in the workplace. In the original study, several men had considered using a toupee if they were balding or shaving their beards to appear younger, even though they did not necessarily agree with it or admit that it was their idea in the first place: They want to see me have a full head of dark brown hair. Maybe I should go to Honest Ed’s [discount department store] and buy a nylon toupee. That would improve my appearance, don’t you think? (Derek, age 52) People say to me, because I’m bald, “why don’t you get one of these wigs?” or whatever you call them or “why don’t you shave your beard?” I have had my beard all of my life – since I was twenty. It was never a problem, so why is it a problem now? (Ray, age 50)

Similarly, several respondents mentioned that after going to job interviews, they recognized the importance of “fitting in” to an employer’s organizational culture, which essentially meant giving the impression of being younger. Therefore, Greg explained how he would dress a certain way for an interview in an attempt to “fit in” with what he believed was a young organizational culture: There are certain techniques that I use [in an interview] to seem younger … I always wear young-looking clothes … I dress in certain clothes that fit in with their company’s culture. (Greg, age 50)

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Another strategy that respondents used to convey a “youthful” appearance was to make a concerted effort to maintain their health. Thus, while many of the participants encountered changes in their identity and mental health following experiences with age discrimination and prolonged unemployment as discussed in chapter 4, the majority of participants were in good physical health prior to becoming unemployed and remained this way following unemployment. Several respondents felt that their physical health had improved since they had become unemployed. For example, when asked to describe his health since he had become unemployed, Ian explained, My health has improved quite a bit because I’ve got back into a running program … My previous job, you know, they wanted the sixty-hour weeks … So physically I’m doing a lot better and my eating habits have improved. (Ian, age 46)

Other respondents expressed feeling fortunate that they did not physically look “old” due to their good health and thus did not have to alter their appearance to avoid experiencing age discrimination from employers: I guess [in relation to] how I look – I really haven’t had that kind of age discrimination. I think that when I go to a [work-related] event I always look good, so I think that also helps a lot. (Julie, age 50) Appearance-wise I find I’m okay … to be able to say, “Yes, I’m still capable of working; I don’t have a cane yet.” (Cynthia, age 58)

Finally, it should be noted that not all of the participants agreed with modifying their physical appearance in order to obtain employment. Some individuals actually were quite against such active age-concealment behaviour. As mentioned earlier, Lynn refused on “principle” to dye her hair because she did not want to conform to society’s expectations regarding her physical appearance, yet she also recognized that this conviction might be harming her job search success. The “Right” Age Talk The last way that many participants attempted to conceal their age was by managing their outward portrayal during job interviews through language. This was done either by using certain discourse to reframe

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otherwise undesirable conversations or by using “youth-oriented” language. Turning first to reframing undesirable age-related conversations, Bonnie said, I was told that [I was too qualified for a position] but I turned it around because I had so much experience or knowledge in finance that – I was applying for a job in mutual funds – and I said, “You are getting kids out of school who don’t even own them so how do you expect them to sell them.” I turned it around. (Bonnie, age 53)

Many respondents explained how they managed to avoid or deflect discussions in which their age could become known to employers, and explained the importance of anticipating age-related questions during job interviews in order to mentally rehearse desirable answers: I’m not saying falsify an image [during an interview]. Be yourself and be honest. But, again, depending on the questions, you know – “How old are you?” – rather than respond, “That’s none of your business,” I would have said something like, “Well, I’m old enough to have twenty-five years of experience in this business,” which gives them an age bracket and it doesn’t affect me. “As you can see by my résumé, I have twenty-five years [experience], so you know I’m not thirty-five.” (David, age 50) I try to verbalize what I’m going to say to them [employers] because they seem to do this constantly … I guess I just sort of prepare myself mentally for these, I call them, stupid questions – “What are your goals, let’s say ten years down the road?” Well, I don’t have ten years left, you know. So you have to verbalize what you are going to say. (Cynthia, age 58)

Several individuals engaged in what they considered to be “youthful” language. For example, Greg explained the lengths he went to in order to avoid being defined as “out of touch” more generally in terms of current societal trends: What I talk about is really youth oriented. I make sure I discuss very physically active kinds of sports and I mention various social groups that I have joined. (Greg, age 50)

Participants also realized the importance of using certain “buzzwords” (e.g., in the sales field, what was once referred to as a “forecast” is now called a “pipeline”) during a job interview to show employers that they were up to date with the language in their field:

Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search  87 The high-tech industry has so many different skills and languages. Like you have to be an expert … You’ve got to really move quickly and learn new stuff. (Andrew, age 46) I think the lingo has changed considerably … There are a whole slew of buzzwords that I am sure are being used today by corporations that perhaps a person that was trained twenty, twenty-five years ago understands but is not comfortable using because it’s not in their everyday vocabulary. They were trained with a different set of words … I think it’s a barrier … As soon as you go into an interview and you use your own terminology, you date yourself – automatically, subconsciously. (James, age 57)

James went on to list the “buzzwords” that he felt were being used by individuals in his field and in human resources more generally: We were just discussing a whole list of words yesterday [at the older worker program]. And they were words that I personally had not seen, let’s say twenty years ago. Such as “telecommuting” and “motor-skilling” and “lifelong learning” and “career planners” and “dejobbing.” This is just on human resources side … The same thing occurred in the marketing industry in a different way. For example, you know, having “new enhancements.” That’s one way people would refer to things. In the old days you would just call it, you know, “increased sales” … I do believe that it would be useful to create, I don’t know, a whole set of words, buzzwords, that are currently in use in an industry that show involvement and progression – at least of terminologies. (James, age 57)

Mitch also described the use of “buzzwords” to explain his difficulties in an interview situation: Let’s say they [employers] describe a particular position you have to do … You have to meet “revenue targets” and you have to “integrate pricing and portfolio managements” and “database marketing” and you have to work “retention strategies” … Unless you are able to repeat these words that they put in their job description, you may sound outdated. You may sound that you will not be able to fit because you don’t understand their terminology, which is not true. You are [just] more comfortable working with established business terms. (Mitch, age 45)

Thus, some respondents felt they were at a disadvantage in relation to the language being used in their field after realizing that the lingo they had been trained to use in the past was outdated; being unemployed

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for a lengthy period of time complicated the matter. They found this language barrier to be quite frustrating, similar to the “catch 22” situation they found themselves in with respect to their skills and training. Thus, individuals felt that the only way to maintain their knowledge of the current lingo in their field was to be employed in it, and this was not happening for them at the time of these interviews. Gendered Age-Related Management Techniques In light of findings in the literature that point to women experiencing more challenges in the workplace and with respect to ageism more generally, it is valuable to assess the gender differences in the types and frequency of management techniques used by the participants. Overall, they used counteractions more often than concealments. Of the five management techniques within the categories of counteractions and concealments, my findings show that “changing expectations” was used most often, followed by “skill maintenance,” “the ‘right’ age talk,” “résumé modification,” and “‘improving’ appearances.” When I broke this down by gender, in descending order of use, women were most likely to “‘improve’ appearances,” equally used “changing expectations” and “skill maintenance,” then used “the ‘right’ age talk” and “résumé modification.” For men, the pattern of usage was slightly different. They predominately used “changing expectations,” followed equally by “résumé modification” and “the ‘right’ age talk,” “skill maintenance,” and “‘improving’ appearances.” It is interesting to note that the biggest gender difference appeared with respect to the sub-category “‘improving’ appearances.” Aged bodies are more commonly perceived to be a barrier to finding employment for women than for men since youth is more often equated with attractiveness for women, as discussed in chapter 3. As many of the women in my sample had come to this realization over the course of their job search, most felt the need to alter their appearance before a job interview. More women than men also continued to feel this way years after their job search first started. When assessing their management techniques in Study #3: Older Worker Survey, I found that a greater number of women than men cited dyeing their hair and “improving” their appearance as a job search strategy that they felt had assisted with their finding employment. Targeting The conclusions from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, my original study with older workers, led me to identify two types of age-related management techniques: counteractions and concealments. After following

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up with these participants in Study #3: Older Worker Survey, I added a third strategy: “targeting.” The idea of targeting as an age-related management technique arose from a comment that Julie made in this study. When asked about suggestions to give other older job hunters, she said, “Try to find an employer who is interested in an older worker … use books, like 100 Best Employers in Canada to target suitable companies.” This strategy would be worthy of exploration by older workers in their job search. Presumably, if an employer is considered one of the best in the country or has won some type of “Best Employer” award, they may have more inclusive workplace practices that take diversity at all levels, including age, into account. Targeting “Age Friendly” employers might therefore assist older workers in their labour market experiences. My quantitative research on employers’ attitudes towards older workers (Study #1: Employer Survey), discussed in chapter 2, also found evidence for the value of targeting employers. The survey found that female employers aged forty-five and over from smaller companies are more positive in their views towards older workers. Therefore, it is plausible that older individuals seeking employment may fare better in their search if they gear it towards employers in smaller companies. Of course, it is much easier to assess the organizational characteristics of an employer in advance than a prospective employer’s personal characteristics. Nevertheless, the combination of findings from Study #1: Employer Survey and Study #3: Older Worker Survey suggest that targeting employers could be an effective avenue for older workers to pursue when searching for employment. Summary This chapter explored how older individuals’ perceptions of age discrimination in the job search process led them to develop age-related management techniques. Participants’ feedback on seeking employment illustrated how age became a discrediting attribute or stigma,6 which resulted in discriminatory attitudes and behaviours from potential employers. Using Goffman’s three notions of identity,7 individuals began to feel old (felt identity) when the image they were projecting to employers (presented identity) was perceived to be that of an “older” worker (social identity). Because presented identity can be modified, depending on social context, by using the management techniques described in this chapter, participants actively controlled the image they projected to others in order to present a more advantageous social identity. Similar to findings discussed previously in relation to impression management techniques in general8 and their use in the organizational

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behaviour literature,9 I found that once individuals perceived that a discrepancy existed between the image they wanted to convey to potential employers and the feedback they received (perceived age discrimination), the vast majority of them developed age-related management techniques in order to project a positive presented identity10 and avoid being stigmatized by potential employers. For example, most respondents altered their physical appearance to portray a more youthful image in the job interview setting, in order to manipulate their self-­presentations and sway potential employers to hire them. Participants developed age-related management techniques to combat employers’ negative attitudes towards their skills, training, adaptability or flexibility, and higher perceived monetary costs. For example, they kept their skills and training up to date and changed their work-related expectations. Furthermore, participants felt that employers examined their résumés and chose candidates to interview in a discriminatory fashion. After coming to this realization, individuals began to use concealment tactics on their résumés that involved eliminating the year that they received their degree or reducing the amount of experience (i.e., number of jobs or number of years in a job) in order to gain a more competitive advantage in the job market. Similarly, respondents felt that the job interview and the language used by employers were key mechanisms for discrimination. In altering their appearance or using specific language to mentally prepare for age-related concerns, they felt they were ensuring a more “youthful” image was being conveyed to potential employers. These age-related management techniques were also gendered in nature, with women relying more on “improving” their appearance and men on changing their expectations. In addition to the strategies of counteractions and concealments, my analysis identified a third age-related management technique – targeting “Best Employers” or “Age Friendly” workplaces. In the next chapter, I turn the focus back to employers in order to understand more about their views on the use of age-related management techniques, as well as their perceptions of older workers and the aging of the workforce more broadly.

6 “If Someone’s Looking Creaky and Shaky … You Don’t Hire Them”: Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers

Little qualitative research has examined employers’ accounts of the hiring process or their views on managing the aging workforce in light of the elimination of mandatory retirement in Ontario and throughout Canada in recent years. This chapter addresses this gap in the literature by drawing on qualitative interviews with employers. Findings from chapter 2 (Study #1: Employer Survey) demonstrated that employers have mixed attitudes towards older workers as reported in a large-scale national survey. My research in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews and Study #3: Older Worker Survey, discussed in chapters 3 through 5, revealed that it is common to experience ageism from employers in the job search process. After hearing these first-hand accounts of the ageism experienced by participants, I felt it was vital to speak to employers and assess their perceptions concerning older workers and the aging of the workforce in general. Since Study #4: Employer Interviews was completed after the three aforementioned studies, I was able to use an informed lens to guide my interviews and analyse the data.1 As such, I found it particularly interesting to examine employers’ perceptions in the areas where older workers had reported experiencing ageist attitudes and practices. This chapter will provide the data and analysis of employers’ perceptions, and the concluding chapter that follows will more specifically compare and contrast older workers’ and employers’ perceptions of the barriers present in today’s labour market. In this chapter, I will first present the positive feedback I received about older workers in terms of their strengths and their contributions to the organization. I will then break down some of the areas where both younger and older workers are negatively stereotyped, and then turn to a discussion about employers’ fears regarding older workers, including those related to financial costs and productivity levels. I share some of the ageist discourse I observed coming from employers and illustrate how

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gendered ageism also arose and magnified the difficulties faced by older women. Finally, I explore some of the ageist practices used by employers, including several strategies that counteract older workers’ job search techniques as revealed in chapter 5. The specific employer strategies that will be discussed include scanning older workers’ résumés for indicators of age and assessing age in the interview setting by judging overall appearance, youthfulness of clothes, and the language used by older job candidates. Strengths of Older Workers The national survey of employers’ attitudes analysed in chapter 2 found that older workers are viewed as having greater knowledge, dependability, honesty, work ethic, stability, and mentoring capabilities than their younger counterparts. Many of these strengths also came out in the qualitative interviews I did with employers, including traits such as dedication, loyalty, reliability, lower rates of absenteeism, dependability, availability, and responsibility. Most of these attributes were recognized by employers when I asked them if they saw any advantages to employing older workers. Employers commented, I think for the older worker, they’re a lot more dedicated to the company and loyal … There’s more reliability [for older workers] with regards to things like attendance … Most older workers don’t really take their sick days or they take them occasionally, whereas younger workers take all of them because they see it as an entitlement. (Amy, age 32) They’re usually more dependable, more reliable, more flexible in their availability … I have a lot of long-term employees that are older and they are more responsible, more reliable, more dependable. You don’t get the silly “I can’t come in because I’m sick.” If they’re not in, they’re really sick … They’re usually working because they need the income. (Leah, age 43) Older workers … they’re more dedicated to attendance, to show up and to get paid. Not necessarily dedicated to the company or to the job that they are doing. Like anything you [older workers] know, the more experience [older workers] can teach and instil on other people [the better] … I think the same works the opposite way, where older people can instil experience, younger people can work easily or work better with people too, not to force change, but accept change, and appreciate change and everything that comes with it. (Evan, age 27)

Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers  93 They [older workers] are more committed and dedicated to the company. They also work much harder than the younger ones. However, they don’t work as quickly as the younger ones. (Shawn, age 38)

It is interesting to note that the first three employers cited above believed that older workers take fewer sick days or have fewer absences from work than younger workers, since health issues and absenteeism rates are often cited as reasons for not hiring or retaining older workers. Also noteworthy in the latter two quotations is that even when strengths about older workers are being discussed, negative views inevitably come out in other areas, including dedication to the company and job and work speed, for example. Older workers often act as mentors to younger workers, and this was another common strength cited by employers. For example, Aaron, the owner of a construction firm, expressed his appreciation for the older workers who had taught him about the business when he first entered the industry. He believed that having older workers who act as mentors can be invaluable: I learned how to drive a truck, work with equipment, work in the bush – I learned it from guys in their fifties and sixties. They were the bulk of knowledge that taught the young guys what to do … If you’re capable of doing the job and want to do the job, [older workers] should stay. I think we’re far too quick – or our society has been far too quick – to want to put people out to pasture and we’ve lost so many valuable resources. (Aaron, age 42)

Two employers working in organizations where physical labour and related skill sets are a necessity also praised the invaluable experience gained from hiring older workers or experienced workers in general: Hiring an older worker with experience is as I said; you can’t put a value on that. I mean it’s one thing to train someone over six months or a year, but there’s also the practical experience that someone acquires – more skill set and safer work practices following their initial training – so you could never take away the fact that an older worker coming in with experience is probably a safer person to have on your property. (Colin, age 44) In construction – the skill set and experience – it’s always an asset. And it’s not necessarily by age, it’s by the amount of experience they have … It’s more based on the experience and the expertise they bring to it. (Aaron, age 42)

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The positive view that being an “older” worker is often equated with being an experienced one was also conveyed by Jack, an employer in the engineering industry, who commented on how the retirement of the baby-boom generation could affect his business: I think what we lose is the experience … We need the experience from the older. And from the younger we need that freshness to come up with new ideas. And they have to work together to make the best of both worlds. (Jack, age 56)

This statement illustrates what I think is one of the keys for change – the inclusion of multigenerational workers and age diversity in the workplace. However, it is also important to note that this comment has some negative connotations since it is based on the assumption that older workers cannot come up with new ideas. In fact, research has shown that creativity can occur at any age and may even increase for some in later life.2 Many of the employers I interviewed were willing to acknowledge some of the benefits of retaining older workers, but few of them were actually taking steps to recruit or hire older workers. So, as was demonstrated in earlier chapters of this book, it is a very different picture for older workers who are unemployed and trying to gain employment than it is for those already gainfully employed. It is hoped employers will increasingly recruit and hire older workers in the future, as the elimination of mandatory retirement and the reasoning behind its removal start to alter the firmly held ideologies of employers. There was a glimmer of hope provided from Amy, an employer in the film industry: Prior to mandatory retirement legislation if someone was coming in the doors at sixty-three, you know that they could work for a year or so. Now you’re going to look at them and say, well they could probably work for ten years, so that maybe opens the door a little more for them. (Amy, age 32)

Due to the elimination of a somewhat arbitrary upper-age limit in the workplace, doors may increasingly be opened for individuals looking for work at later ages. Of course, differences are likely to be dependent on the industry in question; while a sixty-three-year-old in the film industry may encounter less ageism as a result of the removal of mandatory retirement, a sixty-three-year-old construction worker will likely continue to face ageism to a large degree. Conversely, despite the fact that many individuals in the film industry do not require superior physical abilities to perform their jobs, I suspect that the prevalence of ageism in the media and Hollywood does offset this discrepancy.

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Stereotyping Younger Workers Interestingly, while describing the strengths of older workers, employers revealed some negative stereotypes about younger workers. Aaron, who expressed his appreciation for older workers in many areas, described his mixed experience with younger workers: In construction, the younger workers, it’s one of two things – you could have a very good work ethic and had the desire to be in it … and those are the ones that last and become your good operators or tradespeople … Or you get the “I heard the money was good and Mom bought me a new pair of work boots so I guess I’ll give it a try.” And they generally last anywhere from half the day to a couple of weeks. (Aaron, age 42)

Amy also gave her opinion about younger workers: They [statistics] show that younger workers, maybe every three to five years, they’re changing jobs, even changing careers sometimes … that if you hire someone who’s fifty-five they are, they’re going to commit to stay because they don’t want to jump around anymore, because they’re at a place where they know they’re getting close to kind of, the end of their career, and they just want some security and they just want to almost ride it out … I don’t think that our younger and older workers have the same type of approach to work … The turnover rates are much higher with younger workers … Most older workers don’t really take their sick days or they take them occasionally, whereas younger workers take all of them because they see it as an entitlement. (Amy, age 32)

Amy felt similarly about older workers’ lower rates of absenteeism, discussed previously with respect to the positive stereotypes related to age. However, despite some positive views, she was also assuming that older workers want to “ride it out” until retirement instead of understanding that many of them continue to enjoy their work in later life. Natalie, who told me that 65 per cent of her workforce was over the age of forty-five, also expressed a negative attitude towards younger employees: It’s hard to get young people who are ambitious; for them it’s just a job, it’s not a career. Whereas a lot of the older people this is their life-long work, so they make it more of a career. So, the young people they’re not as interested in progressing or learning as much as they can, so you really have to stay on them, you know … They’re [younger workers] not as ambitious,

96  Ageism at Work and their retention of information just isn’t there because they just don’t really care … [They are] also not here as often as the older workers. Being part-time they maybe get a couple shifts a week, so if you only work twice a week, four hours a shift, there is only minimal work that you actually get done. (Natalie, age 43)

Other employers commented on additional age-related stereotypes with respect to younger workers: The younger ones have not adapted to home offices quite as easily as the older. (Richard, age 45) A lot of the younger people that work for me, some of them are still at home, some of them don’t have a lot of responsibilities – wife, husband, kids, mortgage – so they tend to not take things seriously. If this is not the industry they want to stay in, if it’s just a job to make money, or cover their expenses for wherever they are in their life right now. (Evan, age 27) The younger people are more likely to be late for work, and they like to sleep in in the morning, and they are not as dedicated as the older people maybe because they’re not in need of money as much, I guess. (Alex, age 59) Honestly, I don’t think that younger workers have the same attention to detail that a more mature worker would … I don’t think it’s because they don’t want to do a good job. I think it’s because they just simply haven’t, they don’t have that innate feeling of accomplishment and pride in what they do. So, I think that older workers have that instilled in them after many years of working. They know pride in a job and what it does for them. (Elizabeth, age 50)

What is interesting in the first quotation from Richard is that older workers are generally seen as less adaptable and capable of change by employers, yet in the particular example of adapting to home offices, they are perceived as superior by this one employer. Also noteworthy above is the assumption that younger workers need less money and have fewer responsibilities than older individuals. While employers may also be negatively stereotyping younger workers, these stereotypes do not appear to be reflected in practice; unlike older workers, younger workers are still hired, trained, promoted, and retained. Therefore, the key difference here is that negative attitudes on the part of employers are more commonly linked to negative practices when older workers are considered in the labour market. Next, I will

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explore the negative stereotypes about older workers and address how these stereotypes are being translated into employers’ practices. Ageist Attitudes and Practices Productivity, Training, Flexibility, and Technology Many negative attitudes from and practices by employers were revealed in conversations with them about employing older workers. These attitudes usually presented when employers were asked if they considered hiring people over the age of forty-five, fifty-five, or sixty-five. The majority of employers indicated that workers over the age of fifty-five, and particularly ones over the age of sixty-five, must be “exceptional” in order to be considered for a job vacancy. For example, Matthew said he would be interested in hiring individuals over the age of forty-five, but when asked about those aged fifty-five and sixty-five, he said, Fifty-five – that’s a different story … If you’re looking at an individual who’s fifty-five, how many productive years do they have left for your particular organization? So, it’s a matter of investing your time and training in that person and bringing them up to where you would want them to be; whether that would offset the length of time and the productivity and what they could bring to the organization … So, I’d really take a second look. This person would have to be outstanding, in all areas … Sixty-five – I wouldn’t go there. (Matthew, age 54)

This quotation illustrates negative views with respect to older workers and their perceived diminished productivity and need for training investment. It also provides evidence that these stereotypical views lead to ageist practices where Matthew discusses his lack of desire to hire workers over the age of fifty-five. Interestingly, Matthew was fifty-four years old himself. While the preceding chapters demonstrated how older workers can internalize negative stereotypes, I found that many employers were doing the same thing, internalizing the negative belief that workers over a certain age are not as valuable, even when they themselves were older. I can only imagine what Matthew or other like-minded employers would experience if they suddenly lost their jobs and had to find work. Several employers conveyed the idea that older workers do not respond well to change or are inflexible. For example, The older workers are set in their ways; it’s hard to make them change. They want to do the same routine even though you might have a different method. (Grace, age 50)

98  Ageism at Work The older you get, the more set in your ways you become, and maybe to try and train an individual, or mould the person to the way you’d like them to be in your organization might be a little more difficult because they may be carrying some baggage. (Matthew, age 54)

This belief in older workers’ inability to change generally translated into the ageist belief that older workers are harder to train than younger ones. According to Alex, Whenever there is changes the older workers are the hardest ones to retrain … It is human nature to accustomize to certain ways of doing things. (Alex, age 59)

Again, it is worth pointing out that this ageist comment came from a fifty-nine-year-old employer who perhaps did not realize that, by definition (as explained in the interview), he would be considered an older worker himself. When analysing the areas of training and technology, I found that stereotypes and ageist views were quite common. Some employers commented that older workers were at a disadvantage with respect to the use of technology: I think probably they [older workers] are at a disadvantage because of technology. In many cases workers in that age group … Technology I think does pose a bit of a barrier to the older worker, because everything, even if it’s working in a retail store, they have to be comfortable with working a key pad, they have to be comfortable with a mouse, and some functions of computers, and I know for a fact that that is something that is very intimidating for an older person who has never used a computer. (Elizabeth, age 50)

Employers were also quick to note that in an era of increasing technological advances, older workers found it difficult to accept new technology and were clinging to outdated ways: They [older workers] don’t get it … Generally I go younger because of technology and they adapt to it easily. (Tom, age 51) They [older workers] generally work slower … Older workers take longer to train and require extra training when learning something new, especially if it involves technology. I had one woman in her late forties quit because she couldn’t learn the new computer system and really didn’t have a desire to try. (Shawn, age 38)

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In the second quotation, the employer generalized one individual’s lack of desire to learn new technology to an entire demographic of workers. These quotations appear to reflect employers’ perceptions regarding older workers’ lack of interest and ability with respect to technology and training. In general, employers viewed older workers as more difficult to train with respect to their perceived lack of ability to change and the speed at which they supposedly learn. There was also a belief that older individuals think they “know it all” already or have a sense of entitlement from being with an employer for a prolonged period of time. For example, I think [older people need] more training to keep up because they think they know everything but they don’t. (Natalie, age 43) I think for somebody who has to – who’s older – who has to be at the job they’re doing, not because they want to be, but they need to be for financial reasons, whether it’s … to collect a pension, or whether it’s just to pay the bills, or for whatever reason, they tend to feel that they’re owed more, not necessarily for what they’re doing or what they know, but just because they’ve been there for seniority reasons or whatever. (Evan, age 27)

If older workers are not given the same training opportunities, their skills may become outdated, causing them to be disadvantaged at their current workplace and even more so if they become unemployed. So, to a large extent, employers are contributing to their own stereotypes about older workers not having up-to-date skills by engaging in ageist practices and only training younger employees. In fact, Leah described the importance of older workers having computer training, yet had indicated earlier that she did not provide this for her own employees: Well, I think depending on the job they should have some computer skills. Do a computer upgrading, just a basic computer course so they’re comfortable with the actual keyboard and those kinds of things because if they have no knowledge of it, that’s hard. (Leah, age 43)

Financial Fears For the majority of employers I interviewed, fears about the costs associated with an aging workforce and the elimination of mandatory retirement overshadowed any potential benefits of hiring or retaining older workers discussed earlier. These costs related to salaries, training, and health benefit plans. First, there was the common assumption

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or stereotype that older workers demand higher salaries than younger workers: Someone with ten years’ experience may say, “I’m not gonna work for less than $50,000 per year,” when the entry-level position pays thirty [thousand], because of the amount of experience and what the job requires. (Amy, age 32)

Richard expressed his concern that older workers’ large salaries strained company budgets: Some of the folks, especially at senior levels, are pulling in tremendous bucks and it’s a blessing sometimes when they’re gone in terms [of] your budgets. (Richard, age 45)

Older workers are often perceived as more expensive to employ than younger workers due to the ageist belief that older workers are not worth the long-term investment with respect to training. This then translates into a lack of interest in hiring individuals over the age of fifty-five, as previously discussed. Another key area of concern relates to health benefit plans provided to employees by their employers. One employer indicated that she supported the removal of mandatory retirement, but recognized the financial risk related to health benefit plans for the organization: For health-care costs – the onus – it’s going to be put on employers. (Charlotte, age 49)

Similarly, Dominic said, The only issue for me in lifting the mandatory retirement [age] is going to be the benefit issue to the companies who are left holding that bag right now … There’s a burden of having that cost [come] back on the company. (Dominic, age 44)

The fact that employers are still able to discriminate in their practices towards employees aged sixty-five and older by not providing them with the same health-care benefits as those workers under the age of sixty-five points to a clear gap in the current system. The removal of mandatory retirement was a huge step forward in improving the human rights of older employees; yet, as it stands, the law allows employers to stop providing benefits to employees once they reach age sixty-five. This permits

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ongoing ageism against older workers by employers choosing to enforce this practice.3 What this also means, however, is that the payment of health benefits should not really be a deterrent for employers to hire older workers since they are not actually required to pay benefits. Employers may choose policies that are inclusive of workers aged sixty-five and older or find other ways to compensate those individuals who choose to work beyond the once typical retirement age, but these practices are not currently a requirement or the norm. Being “Stuck” In addition to financial worries, my research illustrates that employers are concerned that older employees are less productive than younger ones or will become less productive as they age. Because of this fear, they discussed the notion of being “stuck” with older employees, since the use of mandatory retirement was no longer an option. Charlotte described her concerns about having to hold on to older employees who choose not to retire: If somebody’s at the age where they should be retiring because they don’t want to be there anymore, it’s really tough for the employer, because then you’re really kind of stuck with that person. (Charlotte, age 49)

Here Charlotte is making the assumption that the older individual no longer wants to be employed at the organization. Desire to work should not automatically be tied to age, however. Furthermore, the fear of being “stuck” with what are perceived to be older and unproductive employees was a common finding, yet this employer found a way to deflect her feelings by blaming the employee for staying at the company past the “typical” retirement age. This blaming behaviour often translates into blaming older workers for other stereotypical assessments tied to age. If employers are blaming older workers for staying at a company too long, the inherent belief is that “too long” means too expensive with respect to benefits and salaries. In terms of benefits, the blame is put on the individual for requiring these benefits, when really the blame should be put on the health insurance companies for charging higher premiums for older clients or the government for not covering these services in the first place. Blaming the victim does not serve anyone well, and in this case leads to poor decision-making where older workers are concerned. On the whole, I found that employers were actively trying to create mechanisms to ensure that “unproductive” older workers could be let go from the workforce. According to Amanda,

102  Ageism at Work When we were talking about mandatory retirement being lifted, people [would] talk about “Will people be able to perform after sixty-five?” “Should there be some kind of merit system put in?”… those kinds of things. So I think people start to worry about one’s competencies, you know. (Amanda, age 48)

Amanda talked about the potential of a merit system or other programs where employees would be judged by their supervisors or peers. An interesting proposition was given by another employer – he thought that the tenure and/or promotion process used for professors, who are judged on service, teaching, and research, is an evaluation framework that might offer some benefits in other fields. This area warrants further investigation, but if any type of merit or evaluation procedure is done, it needs to include assessments of individuals of all age groups and not simply start once they hit a certain age. Overall, instead of being praised for loyalty and dedication to an organization, older employees who choose to remain in the workforce past the once typical retirement age of sixty-five are now being judged for staying too long – presumably past the point of contributing to the company in a positive way. Ageist Discourse Employers also used ageist discourse to discriminate against older workers with respect to judging them to be “overqualified” or “too experienced,” or saying that the organization was too “fast-paced” or not a good “fit” for them. Regardless of the terms used, it was clear that the meaning was the same – certain people were too “old” for the job. Individuals, even as young as age forty-five, were often seen as overqualified and were thus discriminated against in hiring practices. As Amy stated, If someone was forty-five then generally they have more experience … I probably would not consider them for the job; not because of their age, but because my concern would be their experience far exceeds what we’re looking for and therefore they may not stay because they’ll get bored. They may not enjoy the role … So I wouldn’t necessarily say I’d base it on age, but, yes, based on the amount of experience [I would not hire them]. (Amy, age 32)

Thinking of older employees as not fitting into the company culture or not having enough energy were also ways employers seemed to discriminate against older individuals: They have to fit in with the surroundings. (Shawn, age 38)

Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers  103 I would say probably in order, someone we would hire, in order to fit well in our culture and in our environment has to have a positive attitude, high energy, willingness to be flexible and work extra hours – all those types of things. (Amy, age 32)

Generally, older workers were seen as not fitting in, as having less energy, and as being inflexible – stereotypes that directly oppose whom this employer was looking to hire in her workplace. I also found a common assumption that older people work to fill in their time or that they are buying time until retirement, which presumes that they do not work for financial reasons or personal fulfilment. In fact, quite often ageist comments came out when discussing reasons why older individuals want to work. For example, It’s not a big deal if older workers have to cancel their curling or whatever and say “Okay, well we have to do this and let’s go.” (Jacob, age 46)

When talking about a former employee, Natalie said, I think we gave him a lot of self-esteem by taking him on … It’s good to get out and just do little stuff … Like the Walmart greeters. They don’t do anything. But it gives them something to do – to get out. (Natalie, age 43)

Stereotypes about older workers also included the ideas that they are in need of validation or are guided by fear: How do I describe this? We have to be able to validate them. ’Cause I think that’s the biggest impediment that older workers have in going out to get that job is they feel worthless. And they feel that they’re not going to be able to compete with the younger worker. And so I think every opportunity, whether it be physicians or folks in the social service industries that are working with some of these people, they have to validate them and make them feel like they can get out and do the job. Because, in many cases, it’s more mental incapability, fear, all those kinds of things … I think for the individual going out, they just need to be encouraged. (Elizabeth, age 50)

Similarly, Claire, who was asked to comment on whether she saw an impending labour shortage coming, stated, We would fail – for someone who is looking for employment for more recreational, you know, they just want to get out of the house, they want to

104  Ageism at Work do a little something, they want to interact with people – but we could not provide an income for them that would pay bills. (Claire, age 48)

While work may fill in time, provide validation, or serve as a recreational pursuit for some, many individuals have no choice but to work in later life. The dream of retiring to a life of leisure that is free from financial worries is not the reality for most people. This fallacy is perpetuated in the media and by the attitudes of many employers who see the work of older individuals as a way to fill in time in their retirement years. Scanning of Résumés Chapter 3 showed that older workers felt that employers examined their résumés in a discriminatory fashion that resulted in them not getting hired. Chapter 5 illustrated that, as a result, most older workers attempted to conceal age on their résumés by eliminating some of their work experience or the year that their degrees were received. I did find some justification for older workers’ belief about the value of removing some experience from their résumés. For example, We’ve had women apply for clerical positions that haven’t been successful in the entry positions [who] will take off their degree to look not as well educated because people will think that they’re overqualified …We had a man who is working here who actually has a PhD in a certain area. Actually he applied for an office position. Took off his PhD because he realized he wasn’t going to get picked and didn’t want to teach … and for years had been on unemployment. (Amanda, age 48)

On the other hand, employers often seemed to be aware of these agerelated concealment strategies and viewed them in a negative way. Shawn said, I have seen that dates are left off of résumés to prevent me from approximating their age. This deters me from even considering them for a position, though, because I want to be able to determine their approximate age prior to contacting them. (Shawn, age 38)

Similarly, Dominic stated, When we were going through the résumés for the last position I was trying to figure out exactly how old some of the people were … With the younger people, they put down “graduated ’97, ’96,” whatever it is. With the older

Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers  105 group, it will say “Bachelor of Science,” but it won’t have the year. (Dominic, age 44)

In fact, I also found clear confirmation from Richard about the importance of not using age concealment techniques: Be very honest and clear in your résumé as to who you are. Don’t try to hide anything because there’s no benefit to it anyway … Don’t dye your hair. Don’t hide your age. Don’t hide who you are. It’s okay to be fit and it’s okay to be neat in appearance … I don’t believe in changing your appearance because you’re getting older. (Richard, age 45)

Of course, while instructing older workers not to alter their appearance, this employer also said that it was okay to be “fit,” so appearance likely factors into the decision-making process on some level. As indicated in chapter 5, employment counsellors often advise older workers to modify their appearance. Given that most employers see through this strategy, perhaps employment counsellors need to reconsider this advice. Interview Setting Employers also described how, if they felt that they could not determine the age of job candidates from their résumés, they went about assessing them in person. This included determining whether they were “fit,” as described in the previous quotation, and judging their overall image in the interview setting. According to Colin, When you’re sitting down and you invite someone into an interview room … you start watching their physical abilities. You watch for all those things in an interview, those are important … So if someone’s looking creaky and shaky … you don’t hire them. (Colin, age 44).

This comment is not only ageist, but it also reflects the intersection of age and disability, and points to the need to be physically fit and in good health in order to be perceived as a “younger” (and useful) worker. In addition to noticing the overall image of older job candidates, employers observed the youthfulness of candidates’ language and appearance (including clothing). In chapter 5, I demonstrated that older workers used what they considered to be “youthful” language to avoid being defined as “out of touch” by employers. However, this age-related management technique does not always work in older individuals’ favour. According to Tyler,

106  Ageism at Work Older people try to use Internet slang a lot for some reason … like, “I was DLing something the other day.” Then, I’m like, “You’re sixty-five years old – you could be downloading something, but you should be using the term ‘downloading’ because DLing is definitely something you shouldn’t do” … They use other young stuff, and they don’t know how to use it. (Tyler, age 30)

Although it seems that using youthful language does not always work to one’s advantage in the job search process, it appears that youthful clothing does seem to make a difference – at least for men. For example, He [former employee] used to dress really young … It was almost like the GAP, but he used to wear really nice stuff … He was very old. But he always wore like docker pants. (Natalie, age 43)

Many of the older workers that I interviewed discussed trying to hide their age by changing their appearance in ways they felt made them look younger, as discussed in chapter 5. However, while this strategy appears to work for older men, since the man cited above was viewed in a positive light by Natalie, the same effect does not appear to work for older women. The heightened importance of older women’s appearance, as discussed in more detail in the next section, can be seen in comments relating to clothing and overall appearance in the interview setting as well. For example, I interviewed a couple of women who were in their late forties who came in dressing like my daughter … I found … that the men would wear suits, shirts, and ties typically. And they would come in with a sports jacket or suit and dress pants. I had two women … who came in that looked like they were out shopping on a Saturday morning … The women I’ve seen dressed down to the point where it was a blouse that was open with a low top and a pair of pants that were just off of shopping Saturday morning. (Dominic, age 44) In the hospitality industry women will try and make themselves younger, which I think is a huge mistake … Oftentimes with the dress, I mean it’s like they’re dressing in their daughters’ clothes thinking that’s going to get them the job … Sometimes with some of the older women it’s the – in this industry it’s the sheer amount of make-up they will wear … It’s kind of the cougar scenario. (Gavin, age 42)

While appearing professional in an interview setting is definitely important, the style of clothing chosen should not be connected to age or

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sexuality, as seen in both comments made by relatively younger males above. Gendered Ageism As was illustrated in chapter 3, older female workers often experience both ageism and sexism, which serves to limit their employment opportunities even further. When describing his reasons for hiring younger (female) workers, Shawn stated, They [restaurant clientele] want to see young, pretty girls. Generally in food services people want to be served by younger pretty staff because they are easy on the eyes. They don’t want to have older wait staff who are also worn out and not as friendly. Older workers can work harder and they still won’t make as much as the younger pretty servers because of the tips they receive from the customers. The tips really determine who the general public wants to be served by; it’s not always based on service … [it’s] because of society’s views … People don’t want non-attractive people serving them, and the older we get the less attractive we become. (Shawn, age 38)

These sentiments are very similar to the research findings presented in chapter 3 on gendered ageism and older workers’ perceptions. When I was talking to employers it also appeared that some industries, such as the service industry, are more prone to ageism than others. Similarly, Henry said, The fact of the matter is that there’s typically a trend in the industry where a young female that is well groomed, that looks pleasing to the eye, smiling, you know has a great personality, typically do more successfully as servers and guest service agents … They’re more successful in just selling period, just because of their looks. Even female customers come in and react better to a pleasing-to-the-eye female than they will to a pleasing-to-the-eye male. (Henry, age 57)

He continued on to describe the “package” his company was looking for when they were hiring: We don’t want to say we typecast, and we don’t, but typically when we do our hiring, we’re looking for a general package, we’re looking for what’s best for us … Like we don’t want to hire people that have no skill whatsoever, and they’re clueless in their mind just because they’re beautiful. We’re not going to do that. But, if we have a woman, like if we have two ladies and

108  Ageism at Work they’re completely equal in skill level, and one is better looking than the other, depending on what job, we have to go with that candidate that has the physical appearance that we’re looking for … Experience in a hotel setting trumps looks any day of the week. (Henry, age 57)

The contradictions in Henry’s comments are astonishing. He does not want to typecast, but he is looking for a certain attractive “package,” and yet he also says that experience is what counts in his industry. Experience is generally equated with age and youth with beauty, yet Henry wanted an experienced and attractive candidate to fill the position. This commentary is indicative of many employers interviewed, who appeared to prefer the more youthful and attractive candidates despite believing in the value of experience. Due to gendered ageism in our society and in the workforce in particular, older women are often made to feel invisible. In fact, Amanda recognized that this was happening to her at work, even at age forty-eight, within her own management role at the organization: She [another manager] and I are at the meeting and we said some things but it was like we weren’t heard, and we were wondering about the female voice … I don’t know if it’s the tone of our voice or the pitch or what it is … [being] women and being older … The stereotype for [older] men – it’s distinguishing. For women it’s old. So quite often women do not want to appear to be old in any workforce. In fact I think for things like the senior administrator positions they would try and talk tougher, maybe more like white male Anglo-Saxon behaviours. (Amanda, age 48)

Males may also be negatively affected by gender stereotypes. According to two employers in my study, He wouldn’t interview males for the position [administrative assistant] … There were a few male applicants but it was females that were called. (Eva, age 49) Honestly, we don’t get men applying for front desk for some reason. And it might be stereotypical but they think that maybe it’s a secretary’s position; therefore they don’t apply for it. (Henry, age 57)

While gendered ideologies have the potential to affect both males and females of all ages, overall findings illustrate that older women face multiple barriers to employment that are unique to their demographics.

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Areas for Change Suggestions for Older Workers When interviewing employers I asked them whether they had any suggestions to assist older workers in the job search process or ways to eliminate ageism in society. Evan replied, Do I have any advice [for older workers looking for jobs]? I guess not. Because I’m not of their generation. (Evan, age 27)

This simplistic answer points to the challenges ahead in terms of improving intergenerational linkages in the workplace. This younger employer was also quick to point out that ageism occurs for both younger and older workers: Ageism is something that works both ways, and as much as there is [ageism], a perception might be that the discrimination is against the older generation. I think there’s equal discrimination against the younger generation. (Evan, age 27)

While stereotypical thinking does seem to occur about workers of all ages, negative stereotypes about younger workers do not appear to be translated into practice the same way that they are for older workers, as noted earlier. Fortunately, many employers did offer some strategies that they felt would improve the outlook for older individuals in the labour market in the future. When asked about his suggestions for older workers seeking employment, Richard replied, I think a person over forty-five has a real advantage if they embrace who they are. And they realize what a valuable commodity they are. And they have confidence. I mean, you should have confidence at forty-five walking into an interview. (Richard, age 45)

Elizabeth pointed to the need for societal awareness and change: I think, honestly, that maybe the best thing that could happen is that, in terms of public service announcement, there has to be awareness built on the fact that older workers are valued. And, that it not just be some cute little commercial on television, but that every opportunity that we have to engage an older worker [we should]. (Elizabeth, age 50)

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Encouraging employers to rethink how they see older workers and to recognize the potential value those workers can bring to organizations may be the key to changing ideologies in the future. Role of the Government During my interviews with employers, the topic of government intervention in the workplace came up quite often. The government is trying to keep people working longer, as can be seen, for example, through various funding opportunities to explore longer working lives, including the international joint programming initiative More Years, Better Lives, funded in Canada by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. In some ways, government intervention was welcomed by employers, particularly when finances were considered. Employers discussed ways that the government could assist them by paying for internship-type programs for older workers in the same way they do for younger ones. This suggestion was also provided by older workers. While the government has created some programs, like the former Targeted Initiative for Older Workers, designed to help a sub-section of unemployed older workers (those aged fifty-five to sixty-four who live in small towns with high unemployment rates), additional support paid directly to employers might alleviate some of the financial pressures and ultimately lead to more positive views about having older workers in their organizations. Employers also identified health-care benefits as a key area for government support. They suggested that the government compensate employers for the health-care benefits of workers over the age of sixty-five, or pay for the health care of this demographic group directly either through extended government coverage or through the government paying insurance companies. As Dominic explained, I think if the government is going to lift the mandatory age of retirement, then they should be looking at the insurance issues for the companies that are going to keep these people working … I think they have to help them with the benefit packages. They have to come from the insurance companies … like Sun Life cuts you off at sixty-five … and if [his company] wants to hire somebody over the age of sixty-five, then [his company] is on the hook for those benefits, and I think that’s wrong. (Dominic, age 44)

However, as indicated earlier, while employers may now be required to retain workers over the age of sixty-five, there is nothing that prevents them from cutting off benefits to employees at this age – which many are

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doing.4 Despite the fact that employers are able to cease benefits, all workers, regardless of their age, should receive the same health-care benefits. Many employers in my study suggested that some type of governmentlevel intervention should take place to encourage employers to hire older workers and help fund their health-care expenses or benefit packages, which points to a need for change in these areas. With the aging of the baby-boom generation, health-care costs have been increasingly highlighted in the media, causing alarm for many employers. If one of the main things preventing employers from hiring older workers is the costs associated with funding their health benefits, perhaps this intervention would offset these costs and in turn help employers see the positives in hiring and retaining older workers. On the other hand, many employers felt that the government should not interfere with their business. For example, Government – the less it interferes with the workforce the better. (Alex, age 59) I think that the government tries to do too much that they really have no business doing. (Elizabeth, age 50)

These sentiments are in opposition to the views expressed by employers with respect to health-care benefits. In general, employers conveyed that the government needs to stay out of their way, but they would be happy to see the government intervene and supplement health-care benefits so they would not have to handle this aspect themselves. Summary Older workers want to work and often need to work for financial reasons, yet still have trouble gaining employment, as illustrated throughout this book. Interviews with older workers and with employers suggest that ageist attitudes persist in the labour market. Thus, despite the recognized positive qualities that older workers bring to an organization described in this chapter, including experience and loyalty, there are still ageist attitudes. While employers value older workers in some respects, employers also feel that older workers cannot adapt to change, that they are slow learners, that they lack interest in new technology or training, and that they are less productive due to declining physical abilities. Employers also believe such workers are more expensive with respect to salaries, yet older workers themselves have indicated that they are willing to work for lower salaries if given the opportunity. In relation to perceived higher costs associated with health-care benefits, at the moment, employers are not required to pay for these once

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employees reach age sixty-five, and so this cost should not be a factor in employers’ decisions to hire older workers. Changes in the Canadian health-care system and by insurance providers need to be made in order for workers of all ages to continue to receive their benefits and not be treated differently than their younger colleagues. My research suggests not only that employers’ attitudes are ageist, but also that their practices are reflective of ageism. By examining the types of negative stereotypes that employers hold, we can observe where ageist practices are occurring. For example, negative attitudes with respect to turnover and the belief that older workers will soon leave the company can lead to poor views about training or promoting them, which in turn leads to the decision not to train or promote them when these opportunities arise. The belief that older workers are more expensive to train, due to the perception that they learn more slowly than younger workers and will take longer to train, can also lead employers to decide not to train older workers. Similarly, the belief that older workers are less productive than younger ones can lead to the belief that training programs are of less value to older employees. Further, it is plausible that stereotypes related to older workers’ lack of interest in and inability to learn new technology lead to the decision to only train younger workers when new technology presents itself in the workplace. When employers make the assumption that older workers require higher salaries than younger ones, without first asking them if they are willing to accept a particular salary, they are making ageist decisions in their hiring practices and justifying these practices by citing inaccurate stereotypes that suggest salary is automatically tied to age. In some cases, direct links from ageist attitudes to ageist practices were made in this chapter and, in other cases, these links can be inferred. Some forms of ageism are subtle in nature, while other forms are more overt or direct. Regardless of the nature of the ageist strategy used, if employers are not hiring, training, and promoting older workers at the same rate as younger workers, or if they even deny one older worker a training opportunity that younger workers are afforded, ageism is occurring. If employers were predominantly in support of the positive stereotypes about older workers and ignored the negative ones, we would see older workers being hired, retained, trained, and promoted at the same rate as younger workers. Clearly, this is not happening. Data from this study reveal areas where employers are stereotyping older workers, and my analysis has shown how these stereotypes are translating into ageist practices. When employers start to believe more of the positive stereotypes about older workers, also provided here, as well as understand the realities concerning older workers’ true capabilities, then perhaps change will occur in the future.

7 Reflections on Ageism at Work: Conclusions and Implications

The importance of ageism in the labour market from the perspective of older workers and employers has been explored throughout this book. In this concluding chapter, I first summarize the results from my two studies with older workers. Second, I summarize my research with employers using a national survey and qualitative interviews. I then link the findings from all four studies together and describe the similarities and differences among them. Next, I present the model that I created from these findings in order to conceptualize older workers’ experiences in the labour market. Finally, I explore some future directions for research and the policy implications of my findings. Older Workers’ Perspectives Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market In describing their job search experiences, many older workers explained that they sensed the existence of age stereotyping from employers in relation to their skills, training, adaptability or flexibility, and financial costs. Older workers perceived this age stereotyping during job interviews and more generally after prolonged periods of unemployment. They discussed how they had been able to secure employment quite easily in the past, yet their present difficulties had led them to connect their age to their inability to find work. In addition to sensing that age was a factor that led to this stereotyping, most older workers received explicit confirmation of employers’ discriminatory beliefs. Older workers described conversations with employers who made comments such as “they [the company] won’t consider you at your age” or “we didn’t expect anybody your age to apply for this.” Older workers also discussed negative encounters with job recruiters hired by

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employers and even with “friends” who told them the “truth” about the hiring process. Furthermore, participants pointed to specific mechanisms that they felt employers used that reflected their discriminatory attitudes. They explained how employers advertise job vacancies with specific wording (e.g., related to work experience, energy level, or salary expectations) that is targeted at younger job candidates. Older workers also felt that employers scanned résumés to determine the number of years of experience, the number of jobs held, or the year a degree was received in order to estimate an applicant’s age. In addition, older workers explained that the job interview was used as a mechanism to selectively hire individuals based on a visual assessment of their age. Related to this, many older individuals felt that they did not “fit in” to the employer’s organizational culture, which essentially meant that they looked too old. Another discriminatory mechanism that older workers reflected on was the language or ageist discourse used by employers. Making specific comments, relating to being considered “overqualified” or “too experienced,” or stating that someone more “junior” had been hired or that the organization was too “fast-paced” for them, were ways that employers communicated that particular individuals were too old for the job. While ageism was an issue for both the men and the women in my research, I found that sexism compounded the ageism experienced by older women. When women disrupted their careers for caregiving (both child and elder care), they often lost their jobs and then faced difficulties in becoming re-employed once they were ready to re-enter the workforce. Thus, while the men in my study attempted to counteract ageism by illustrating how their experience was an asset in the workplace, the women, due to their sometimes more limited experience, could not always do the same thing. I also found that many of the men in my study held gendered ideologies that were affecting their labour market experiences. They described a strong need to be the “breadwinner” in the family and felt more pressure (according to them) to find employment. Many men also felt that it was easier for women to get jobs, albeit doing low-paying contingent work, since this work could complement their unpaid domestic duties. While it is plausible that these stereotypical beliefs will change in the future, gendered ideologies, as is the case with ageist ideologies, are also very slow to change. Lastly, I found that employers discriminated against older women by focusing on their older bodies. To combat this discrimination, most of the women discussed using age concealment practices, including dyeing their hair before job interviews. In contrast, only a few men considered shaving their beards or purchasing toupees. Overall, older women faced heightened inequalities in their job search as compared to older men.

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Over the course of investigating older workers’ experiences with ageism, I found that these experiences resulted in various changes in their identities. I argue that experiences with age discrimination lead to identity degradation – a term first used by Garfinkel.1 The use of this concept in my research illustrates its continuing utility in the sociological literature, as well as its applicability to older individuals in the labour market. Identity degradation occurred in the job search when workers perceived that they were being defined as “old” by employers and employment counsellors. Further, this finding suggests that age represents a stigma2 and a master status,3 as older workers felt that being considered “old” was the primary characteristic connected to them when searching for work. While some older workers did not agree with this label and made comments that suggested attempts to resist this process, most were not successful, and thus many experienced identity degradation. For the majority of them, both their “social identities” and their “felt identities”4 had changed to reflect “older” perceptions. The meanings that older workers gave to the experience of being defined as “old” caused further negative feelings. They felt devalued, useless, cast aside, and in particular, degraded. For many participants, these feelings led to a self-fulfilling prophecy5 in that they succumbed to age-related negative labelling (e.g., referring to themselves as “old geezers” and “old broads”). These terms are clearly ageist in nature, and thus while many of the individuals were fighting a battle against age discrimination, they also appeared to be falling into some of the traps that they were fighting against by using ageist terms themselves. Overall, older workers’ experiences with age-related labelling had meaningful consequences with respect to their identities, which may have contributed indirectly to several participants’ inability to secure employment. Another interesting finding from my research is that older worker programs mirrored employers’ roles in the stigmatization and degradation processes. Although these programs were intended to assist individuals in their search for employment, many participants commented that these programs, by emphasizing the importance of age, made them feel even more discouraged. These latent consequences6 appeared to have discouraged some participants in their job search process. This finding echoes the research done by Scott,7 who discussed how organizations created to help blind individuals actually hinder their route to independence. The more general literature on aging and identity has suggested that older individuals are often able to negotiate more positive identities following negative experiences.8 My findings show that this holds true in

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the specific instance of older workers seeking re-employment, as most of the participants were able to successfully negotiate a more positive identity following their degrading experiences with age discrimination. To do so, individuals used a number of different strategies. They drew upon social support from family and friends, as well as from staff at older worker programs and people attending who were in similar situations. These programs also provided older workers with a sense of daily purpose and structure, which are often lost when people are faced with prolonged periods of unemployment.9 In addition to the help provided by the older worker programs, individuals negotiated new statuses for themselves once their original ones became undesirable (e.g., by going from “unemployed” to “semi-retired”), maintained their subjective work roles, and changed their mental outlook by staying positive and looking forward. Throughout this book, it has been suggested that older workers develop a range of techniques related to age that are believed to reduce the stigma of being defined as “old” by potential employers. Thus, individuals actively control the image they project to others (“presented identity”) in order to obtain a desirable “social identity.”10 These findings expand on the range of impression management techniques explored in this field of research in relation to job search more generally.11 Based on my research, I have discovered three age-related management techniques used by older workers: counteractions, concealments, and targeting.12 Counteractions refer to strategies developed to offset employers’ negative stereotypes. Specifically, older workers sought to keep their training current and changed their work-related expectations to counteract the effect of employers’ ageist stereotypes. At older worker programs, they attended workshops on résumé modification, interviewing skills, and word processing; however, older worker programs did not provide the industry-specific training that some participants required. Despite the recognized importance of staying up to date, many older workers voiced frustrations about the high costs of certain training programs – a “catch 22” situation where they needed work to afford the training but could not secure work without the training. With respect to changing work-related expectations, many of the older workers explained that they had altered their original employment goals, changed the type of employment they were seeking, or considered geographic relocation in order to secure employment. Some participants expressed their willingness to work for lower pay. I suspect that these mental adjustments may help older workers secure employment, as employers often cite higher financial costs (associated with salaries

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and benefits) as a reason for not hiring older employees. Older workers willing to accept lower wages no longer considered job advertisements that specified low salary levels – a mechanism believed to be used by employers to select younger job candidates – to be a barrier. Further, by changing their expectations in relation to the type or status of employment being sought, individuals were able to associate a new and more acceptable meaning with their current situation. The second type of technique used by the older workers I interviewed, concealments, refers to strategies used to hide specific information (i.e., age). Participants discussed three ways that they attempted to conceal their age: modifying their résumés, changing their physical appearance, and adopting “youthful” language. First, most of the older workers modified their résumés by removing years of work experience and the year that degrees were received. Many of them also replaced their chronological résumé with a functional one, which highlights skills and not specific jobs or length of employment. Interestingly, many individuals indicated that it was the personnel at older worker programs who initially encouraged them to “de-­ emphasize age” on their résumés. Second, I found that older workers changed their physical appearance, similar to findings on aging more generally13 and to those related to Goffman’s concept of impression management.14 For example, individuals explained how they would dye their hair prior to job interviews and wear what they considered to be “young-looking clothes.” Several men had also contemplated shaving their beards or using toupees (if they were balding) to appear younger. Third, some older workers said that during job interviews they deflected age-related conversations and used “youthful” terminology, such as the current buzzwords in a particular field. While not all older workers agreed with these concealment strategies, an overwhelming majority were using some type of strategy in an attempt to secure employment. In exploring the gendered nature of these age-related management techniques, I found that women were most likely to “improve” their appearance to conceal their age. The next most common strategy among women was to change their employment expectations and maintain their skills to counteract employers’ ageist assumptions. Finally, they used what they considered to be the “right” age talk and modified their résumé to conceal their age. Men, on the other hand, were most likely to change their employment expectations. This was followed in order of frequency by modifying their résumé and using the “right” age talk, then maintaining their skills and “improving” their appearance. These gender differences were telling as it was clear that women felt more

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compelled to alter their appearance, likely due to the gendered beauty norms in society. It also became evident in my follow-up study (Study #3: Older Worker Survey) that women believed that presenting a youthful appearance helped them to secure employment. After conducting follow-up research in Study #3: Older Worker Survey with the same participants from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, I discovered a third age-related management technique, targeting, that may be useful for older workers in their job search. Targeting their employment searches to employers who have been deemed “Best Employers” or “Age Friendly” may allow older workers to encounter organizations with more inclusive policies and practices. Further, my findings from Study #1: Employer Survey suggest that targeting may also work when directing job searches to small companies with older female employers, since these employers hold the most positive attitudes towards older workers. Although older workers may not be able to ascertain the personal characteristics of employers in advance of a job interview, they can actively target smaller companies in order to encounter more favourable interactions. My conceptualization of “counteractions” and “concealments” may be applied to a broader area of literature relating to impression management and aging more generally. Both counteractions and concealments may relate to behaviours that attempt to offset any type of stereotype or hide any type of stigma, although further research is needed to demonstrate the utility of these concepts beyond their applicability to older workers and the hiring process. Furthermore, “targeting” has emerged from my research as a useful age-related management technique for older workers to pursue in their search for employment. Follow-Up Study with Older Workers Findings from my follow-up study with older workers that were interwoven in chapters 3–5 support my original conclusions about older participants’ experiences of ageism, struggles with identity, and development of management techniques. Findings also reveal that these older workers struggled in their job searches for extended periods of time. When some did find work, they used age-related management techniques, such as updating their skills, changing work-related expectations, and concealing their age, whenever possible. However, despite some of them finding employment, most of it was precarious and involved part-time or consulting work. Other participants felt compelled to start their own companies or consider themselves semi-retired after prolonged periods of unemployment.

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Employers’ Perspectives National Employer Survey of Attitudes towards Older Workers My quantitative analysis of a national employer survey revealed that employers’ views are mixed. Findings indicate that employers’ attitudes are linked to both their personal and organizational characteristics. Employers from large companies (with twenty or more employees) had more negative attitudes towards older workers than those from small companies. Employers’ age and gender were also related to their attitudes, with younger male managers being the most negative towards older workers. Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers My findings suggest that while employers may project positive attitudes towards older workers in a large-scale quantitative survey, their dayto-day practices and off-the-cuff comments do not reflect this positive outlook. Perhaps the positive responses are due to the sensitive nature of age discrimination, resulting in a social desirability bias whereby employers, in responding to the survey questions, anticipated the socially desired and “correct” responses. Further, results may have been positive due to differences in employers’ knowledge about policies surrounding age discrimination, and thus more informed employers may actually feel more positive, or may feel that they must appear more positive in their views towards older employees. Regardless of the reason, my quantitative findings led to my interest in discovering the “unofficial” attitudes of employers to determine whether they use any mechanisms to discriminate against older workers. The richness of these qualitative insights is absent from national reporting statistics. My research involving interviews with employers suggests that while they value older workers in some areas (e.g., loyalty, dedication, reliability), they also have many ageist attitudes that are reflected in their practices with respect to retaining, training, promoting, and especially hiring older workers. Chapter 6 illustrated ageist views of and practices by employers and highlighted the areas where this discrimination is occurring. In fact, I found that the nature of some of their remarks points to the possibility that ageist ideologies are so deeply ingrained that employers either do not recognize that they are being ageist or do not view their ageist beliefs and practices as problematic. Furthermore, many of the views concerning the elimination of mandatory retirement reflect ageist attitudes that will need to be erased in order to give older workers a reasonable chance at gaining and retaining employment.

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Linking Multiple Accounts for Knowledge Mobilization The approach I used in this book was to address both employers’ attitudes and older workers’ perceptions in order to gain a better picture of the realities in today’s labour market. I began this book by exploring employers’ attitudes towards older workers garnered from a national survey (chapter 2). Next, I examined older workers’ perceptions of ageism in the labour market and the gendered nature of ageism (chapter 3), the identity-related consequences of ageism (chapter 4), and the age-related management techniques that are used as a result (chapter 5). Lastly, in order to gain a more well-rounded perspective, I turned my focus back to employers and their first-hand accounts about older workers and the aging of the workforce (chapter 6). Each of these studies and chapters presents valuable insights into the current employment landscape. In this section, I provide another layer of understanding by juxtaposing older workers’ perceptions with employers’ attitudes in order to see where they align and ways in which they differ. Seeing many of the participants’ attitudes, both older workers and employers, side by side allows for the perception and the reality to be highlighted quite clearly. First, I noted that similarities occur between employers’ attitudes and older workers’ perceptions with respect to the strengths associated with age in the workplace. My research revealed that both older workers and employers cited experience, mentorship, reliability, loyalty, availability, and dedication as areas where older individuals excel, similar to other research in this area.15 Employers said that older workers are “more committed,” “more reliable,” “more dedicated to attendance,” and “more flexible in their availability.” Despite some positive stereotypes cited above, my research with older workers and employers indicates that negative stereotypes are generally the ones used to make decisions in hiring, training, promoting, and retaining older workers. My general finding was that age was a factor in employing older workers. Older workers sensed this, but most also indicated that they received explicit confirmation from employers. For example, recounting his experience with two different employers, one sixty-two-year-old participant said, “I was then told point blank that the main factor was my age.” Another employer told him that once a worker reaches a certain age, the person is no longer a desired employee: “Then he told me the truth. He said, ‘Look, they [the company] won’t consider you at your age.’” I heard very similar attitudes in my interviews with employers, who were surprisingly open about their opinions concerning older workers. For example, when discussing his lack of desire to hire an older worker, one employer said, “How many productive years do they [older workers] have left for

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your particular organization?” Yet, when discussing the fact that workers may now work past the age of sixty-five, another employer said, “You’re really kind of stuck with that person.” As can be seen above, although older workers were positively stereotyped in some areas, negative stereotypes dominated in my interviews with employers, and further, older workers realized that this was the case in their encounters with employers. Unfortunately, employers often conveyed ageist attitudes in general and with respect to specific traits such as flexibility, health, creativity, technology, and trainability.16 In my research, negative views were related to technology, turnover, training ability and interest, flexibility, and financial costs related to salaries and benefits. Employers felt that older individuals are “more set in their ways,” “take longer to train,” “don’t really care about technology,” “work slower,” and are “not as ambitious” as younger workers. Although older workers actively tried to disprove these stereotypes, employers largely hold on to ageist ideologies that affected their retention, hiring, training, and promotion practices. Older workers also felt that employers would not hire them because of the perception that they would be more expensive (i.e., turnover, salary, benefits) as compared with younger workers. Employers confirmed that they indeed had financial worries around employing older workers. As one employer commented, “Some of the folks, especially at senior levels, are pulling in tremendous bucks and it’s a blessing sometimes when they’re gone in terms [of] your budgets.” In addition, both older workers and employers discussed the assumption that older individuals are only working to keep busy or to pass time until retirement. Even when older individuals attempted to get work for lower pay or in a different industry, they felt that they were being judged harshly. For example, one individual said, “I went to a car dealer and wanted to be a lot person … even to get minimum wage. And I can’t even land that ’cause they look at you and go – ‘What is your problem?’” Older workers’ perceptions of how their motives were being judged by potential employers were in fact validated by the employer interviews. Employers commented that older workers could “cancel their curling” to cover a shift for someone and suggested that an older worker might work as a Walmart greeter to “get out” of the house and gain self-esteem. With respect to training and technology, many older workers voiced the perception that employers had ageist views about their (out of date) skills, and many had been denied training opportunities in the past. Unfortunately, these perceptions reflected employers’ actual views as expressed in my conversations with them. Employers seemed to believe that older workers have a lack of interest and an inability to be trained,

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or take longer to train with respect to technology than younger employees. This ageist belief generally leads to older workers not being afforded the same training opportunities, which in turn puts them at an even greater disadvantage in their current workplace in terms of promotion opportunities or when they are looking for re-employment. Ageist ideologies and practices were both perceived to exist by older workers and noted in my interviews with employers with respect to perceptions of age in candidate selection procedures, specifically with respect to older workers’ résumés. Most of the older workers I interviewed revealed that they had attempted to conceal age on their résumés by removing the year they received their degree(s) and reducing the amount of work experience listed. Others discussed changing from a chronological résumé to a functional one in an effort to reduce the number of jobs that would be evident to employers. My participants told me that this strategy was taught to them by employment counsellors or other staff at employment agencies, some even tailored to the older client. Unfortunately, what soon became evident in my interviews with employers was that seeing dates or jobs missing from a résumé was a clear indication that the candidate was older, which in some cases led to an immediate disqualification from the hiring process. As one employer revealed, this tactic is quite transparent and “deters me from even considering them for a position.” Another employer more directly addressed this age concealment practice, saying, “Don’t hide your age. Don’t hide who you are.” The fact that so many employers were admitting to me that missing dates were a clear indicator of age and consequently led to disqualification in the hiring process is troubling. It appears that this age concealment management technique works against older workers by putting up an “old” red flag. Overt ageist attitudes and practices were most evident in the job interview. While certain age concealment strategies discussed in chapter 5 serve to help older workers in this setting, others appear to be harming their job searches. First, I found that older workers’ perceptions of being judged by their appearance were aligned with employers’ actual assessments. According to one older worker, “when they [employers] look at you, they decide.” Similarly, an employer stated that when “you invite someone into an interview room … if someone’s looking creaky and shaky … you don’t hire them.” In response, older workers attempted to conceal their age and avoid the “old” label by using “youthful” language – like “buzzwords” in their particular field. For example, one participant told me that in the sales field, what was once referred to as a “forecast” is now called a “pipeline.” However, employers pointed out that the use of buzzwords and slang

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often worked against older job candidates: “You’re sixty-five years old … you should be using the term downloading because DLing is definitely something you shouldn’t do.” Wearing what was perceived to be younger-looking clothing was another age concealment technique used by the older workers in this study. While this seemed to be working for older men (“He used to dress really young … he used to wear really nice stuff”), older women who dressed “young” were perceived negatively by employers (“women will try and make themselves younger which I think is a huge mistake … It’s kind of the cougar scenario”). This gender distinction was the most pronounced of all the gender-related findings, but other distinctions in age concealment practices were found with respect to the greater importance of dyeing one’s hair for women and the active contemplation of using toupees or shaving greying beards by men. The existence of gendered ageism has been discussed elsewhere in the literature.17 Numerous examples of gendered ageism in older workers’ perceptions and employers’ beliefs were found in my research as well. Both employers and older workers (when discussing employers’ beliefs) commented on the hiring of “pretty young girls.” Older workers recognized the gendered nature of such comments, whereas employers were quick to point out that this is what the public wants: “to be served by younger pretty staff because they are easy on the eyes”; “people don’t want non-attractive people serving them, and the older we get the less attractive we become.” The majority of older workers I interviewed alluded to an ageist discourse being used by employers. Various euphemisms for being “old” that my participants would hear included being told they were “overqualified” or “too experienced” or that someone more “junior” or “energetic” was a better fit for the “fast-paced” organization. Employers did use these terms to explain their hiring decisions, yet they generally did not recognize that they were ageist in any way. Comments such as “I probably would not consider them for the job; not because of their age, but because my concern would be their experience far exceeds what we’re looking for” are evidence of such ageism. Furthermore, older workers noted, “Employers don’t see you as fitting in with younger people. We are not part of the gang if we are older.” Employers agreed with this assessment, making statements like “they have to fit in with the surroundings.” As indicated earlier in the book, symbolic interactionism stresses the importance of language and its related meanings.18 Therefore, the meaning that older workers give to employers’ language is significant to them and to their job seeking process. In turn, the meaning or lack of meaning that employers attribute to their own language is also significant, to

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them and to the older workers they use it with. Further, whether employers recognize that their language (e.g., using euphemisms for “old”) is ageist, or whether their ideologies are so deeply rooted that they do not realize they are discriminating, is irrelevant in many respects, since the reality is that they are choosing to hire, train, and promote younger individuals. In weaving together the findings presented throughout this book, my aim is to reveal a broader understanding of the barriers that older workers face in the labour market. My research demonstrates that ageism and gendered ageism are structural barriers to employment. These barriers are both perceived (by older workers) and real, since ageist views were also revealed by the employers I interviewed. Both the older worker and employer interviews described subtle and overt forms of discrimination occurring in the attitudes and practices of employers. I now turn to the model that I created using these findings. Conceptualizing the Meaning and Import of Age in the Labour Market The insights that I gathered from older workers and employers at two points in time, through both quantitative and qualitative methods, demonstrate the utility of multiple voices, mixed methods, and longitudinal research in understanding older workers’ experiences. After analysing all of these research findings, I developed a model to illustrate older workers’ labour market experiences (see figure 1). This model demonstrates the phases that participants went through (solid arrows) and theorizes additional stages that I believe occurred or would occur in the future (broken arrows) when they were seeking employment. I believe that these phases are a valuable way to visualize the barriers to employment for older workers in the labour market today. As has been discussed in the more general literature on work, the continuous (male) career profile has changed, and individuals can no longer expect to work in one job throughout their lifetime.19 Further, the tripartite model of education, work, and retirement20 is no longer the Canadian norm. Both of these trends have enormous implications for older individuals in particular due to the lengthy periods of time spent moving from one job to another. Given these long periods of unemployment, it is important to understand the stages that older individuals go through on their route to re-employment. Research has recognized that there are multiple “pathways” to retirement,21 and I would add that there are also multiple pathways in older workers’ labour market experiences. A “pathway” is defined as “an

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Search for Employment

Ageism/ Gendered Ageism

Older Worker Programs

Age-Related Management Techniques

Identity Degradation

Identity Negotiation

Employment Found

Still Searching for Work

Discouraged Worker

Retirement

Figure 1.  Older workers’ labour market experiences

institutional arrangement or – in most cases – a combination of different institutional arrangements that are sequentially linked to manage the transition process … Pathways consist of sequences of institutional arrangements, with rules providing for a specific program to be followed by a specific second (and third, etc.) one.”22 The model presented in figure 1 highlights the importance of examining variations in pathways in this experience by illustrating the stages and barriers that threaten identity (e.g., ageism) and re-employment success (e.g., discouragement). Within each pathway, there are several stages. The first stage occurs when individuals seeking employment perceive that they have experienced ageism or gendered ageism. As can be seen from chapter 2, ageist attitudes are significantly affected by the gender and age of the employer and the size of the organization. Thus an older worker going for a job interview in a large organization and interviewed by a young male employer (or experiencing just one of these organizational or employer attributes) may experience more negative attitudes than someone going

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for an interview in a small organization with an older female employer. Furthermore, my interviews with both employers and older workers indicate that older female workers encounter ageism more often than older male workers. Subsequently, ageism is gendered with respect to both the employer’s gender and the older worker’s gender. After encountering varying degrees of ageism, the majority of older workers will experience some type of identity degradation, explained in chapter 4. Most individuals who experienced identity degradation were able to successfully negotiate their identities. Older workers who encountered ageism in the job search may negotiate a new identity on their own or with the assistance of older worker programs (e.g., seeking social support from staff and others in the same situation). Another pathway occurs when individuals who have not yet perceived ageism in their search for employment seek out the assistance of older worker programs. My findings suggest that experiences in programs tailored to older workers mirror experiences related to ageism from employers. Thus, individuals who did not consider themselves “old” may recognize for the first time that they are perceived as old. This recognition of ageism leads to identity degradation and identity negotiation in most program participants. These pathways then lead to the development of age-related management techniques that older workers believe counteract employers’ ageist stereotypes and conceal their age, or that target specific employers, discussed in chapter 5. Alternatively, older workers may move directly from ageism to age-related management techniques, or from older worker programs to age-related management techniques, as many of the techniques used by participants were taught at these programs; for example, individuals discussed how employment counsellors instructed them to “de-emphasize age” on their résumés. My findings suggest that while age structured individuals’ ability to find employment, older individuals also have agency and the ability to shape their own lives; the majority of participants negotiated more positive identities and developed age-related management techniques in an attempt to overcome these structural barriers. My research with employers, discussed in chapters 2 and 6, established that employers’ attitudes were in fact ageist in many areas and were structured by gender, age, and company size. That is, the findings from Study #1: Employer Survey and Study #4: Employer Interviews confirm that ageism and gendered ageism exist in the labour market. My interviews with employers also support the finding that older workers are using age-related management techniques in the search for employment. My first study with older workers (Study #2: Older Worker Interviews) allowed me to speculate whether the age-related management

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techniques developed by older workers were leading to employment. My follow-up study (Study #3: Older Worker Survey) allowed me to uncover their current employment status and confirm this stage as well as three additional phases of older workers’ labour market experience. Some had found employment, others were still searching for work, a third group had given up searching for work and had become what I call “Discouraged Workers,” and the fourth group now considered themselves retired. Thus, I note two distinct groups here – those who are still part of the labour market (“Employment Found” and “Still Searching for Work”) and those who are no longer part of the labour market (“Discouraged Workers” and “Retirement”). Reflecting on the first group (“Employment Found” and “Still Searching for Work”) raises the question of whether the age-related management techniques developed to counteract employers’ ageist stereotypes and conceal age are working. Some of these strategies do appear to make a difference to employers (such as “youthful” clothing for men), and when surveyed approximately three to six years later, some older workers believed that these strategies had helped in their job search. On the other hand, some employers indicated that they were aware of certain age concealment techniques and adjusted their hiring practices accordingly (e.g., by discarding résumés without dates). Further, older individuals are still experiencing much longer periods of unemployment compared with their younger counterparts, providing further support for the connection between age and re-employment. I have also theorized here that participants who were still searching for work at the time of my follow-up study could either find employment or become discouraged at some point in the future (these possibilities are illustrated with broken arrows). Now I will turn to the second group of older individuals – those who are no longer part of the labour market (“Discouraged Workers” and “Retirement”). If individuals are unable to move past the stage of identity degradation, I believe they become “discouraged” from their job search. In the literature, “discouraged workers” were “currently unemployed, desired to work full-time, were not unemployed due to physical or mental disability, and had not searched for a job in the last four weeks due to a personal belief that they could not find a job.”23 These individuals may eventually decide to define themselves as retired, in order to avoid the stigma associated with being unemployed.24 Thus, I suggest here that if an individual cannot get past the stage involving identity degradation, it is possible he or she will become a discouraged worker. Individuals may stay in this “Discouraged Worker” category or shift into “Retirement” at some point (a theorized stage of the model illustrated with a broken

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arrow). The additional challenges faced by discouraged workers warrant further investigation, but I suspect that those who are not able to successfully negotiate a more positive identity largely fall into this category. The findings from Study #3: Older Worker Survey also suggest that many older individuals were at that point classifying themselves as retired or semi-retired. This often occurred as a result of prolonged frustration with their lack of finding work, which then led to them redefining themselves as retired or semi-retired to achieve a more favourable identity. Therefore, I suggest here that experiences with ageism lead some older individuals down a pathway to retirement, often earlier than anticipated, either through identity negotiation or through discouragement. I use a broken arrow to suggest a direct pathway from searching for work to finding work, yet all my research indicates that various barriers are in place that make finding employment more difficult for older workers. I also use broken arrows to illustrate the pathways from ageism and gendered ageism to older worker programs and from developing age-related management techniques to identity degradation, as I did not observe these findings but hypothesize that pathways could occur in this fashion. In summary, my model presented in figure 1 illustrates the stages and pathways encountered in older workers’ labour market experiences. The multitude of pathways represented in my model clearly highlight the fact that older workers are not a homogeneous group. Depending on the pathway that older workers follow, they will have distinct experiences that appear to lead to heightened inequality and polarization within this demographic group. Those who remain employed or who proceed directly from one job to another will have vastly different experiences than those who face extended periods of unemployment, particularly if ageism or gendered ageism and identity degradation are experienced and they become discouraged workers or retire earlier than planned. Serious financial and psychosocial implications can result. More research is needed to better understand these implications and provide more comprehensive interventions to minimize this inequality in the labour market experience in later life. Furthermore, while my model contains numerous pathways, I suspect that there are additional ones not reflected in this model that could be investigated in future research. This model could also be applied more broadly in the sociological literature in relation to other structural factors that restrict the labour market experience, such as class, race, ethnicity, immigration status, sexuality, or disability, and their intersections with age and gender. While some of my participants encountered these types of discrimination, I did not have the opportunity to delve deeper into the importance

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of such intersectionality in the labour market due to the original focus of my research. Summary This book has examined older workers’ and employers’ perceptions about the meaning and import of age in the workplace. The richness of these accounts coupled with findings from a national employer survey provide insights into both the formal and the informal or “unofficial” attitudes and practices that are not found in the literature or in the reporting statistics alone. In summary, my research suggests that there are clearly structural barriers to employment (i.e., ageism and gendered ageism). These barriers are both perceived (by older workers) and real, since many ageist views were revealed by employers. As a result of my findings related to the paradoxical nature of older worker programs and perceptions that age is a barrier in the job search process more generally, I also propose a reconceptualization of the term “older worker” to one that better reflects the positive dimensions tied to aging and work. Thus, I suggest that the term “experienced workers” be used both in the scholarly literature and in relation to governmental definitions of workers aged forty-five and older. I suspect that the meaning associated with this new conceptualization will be more positive and thus be both personally and socially meaningful to individuals searching for work. As the baby-boom cohort (those born between 1947 and 1966) has succeeded in redefining many other social and economic transformations,25 perhaps changes in attitudes and behaviours will also occur as this cohort moves through its “experienced” years. Due to the aging of the population, it is even plausible that attitudes have changed since the times my studies and others cited herein were conducted. As such, work needs to continue in this area, and thus I will now turn to potential directions for future research. Directions for Future Research Based on the findings explored in this book, avenues for future research can be suggested in several areas. The first area that warrants more research attention is the relationships between employers’ attitudes and behaviours and older workers’ labour market experiences. In order to better understand the extent of how ageism translates into older workers finding re-employment, becoming discouraged, or retiring, future research could test my model quantitatively on a larger scale. For example, an investigation examining the frequency of use of the age management

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techniques that I created (counteractions, concealments, and targeting) would improve our understanding of structural barriers in the current labour market. Future research should also involve interviewing individuals over the age of sixty-five who are working past the once “typical” retirement age, in light of the elimination of mandatory retirement in Canada. This research would provide insights into whether these individuals have used specific age-related techniques to obtain and maintain employment, which could help other older individuals. Further, it would be interesting to discover if these individuals are located in certain industries or occupations (e.g., those with less physically demanding jobs). With respect to my research, many employers were struggling to recognize that with the elimination of mandatory retirement also comes the removal of an upper age limit for employment. Since it was still quite recent at the time of my interviews, and attitudes are generally slow to change, perhaps the removal of this age ceiling and the mistaken belief that older individuals will be with a particular employer for only a short period of time will serve to improve attitudes and practices in the future. Further research into this area can help confirm this rationalization. Next, with respect to the older worker programs discussed primarily in chapter 4, I felt that some of the negative experiences encountered warranted a re-examination of these programs since they may have made people more aware of their age at a time when they were already highly “discouraged” and vulnerable. Interestingly, since first coming to this conclusion and writing this, older worker programs have been eliminated. Thus, while I see some value to having programs focused solely on older workers, drawbacks were noted and future research should assess whether targeted programs are helpful in other ways or whether these programs are harmful to older individuals’ identities, and hindering their route to re-employment in this respect. Incorporating some of the positive aspects of these programs (e.g., skill updating) into more general employment services that do not segregate individuals by age is worthy of more research. Furthermore, having employment counsellors with specialized training in issues that pertain to older workers (which need not be revealed to older workers themselves) located within more generalized agencies is also worth investigating. Research that compares the path to re-employment for those who have used older worker programs and those who have used general employment agencies would be valuable to understanding the pathways revealed in my model. Finally, while the intersection between gender and age was explored throughout this book, the ways in which age and gender combine with other demographic variables or structural factors, such as disability,

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sexuality, race, ethnicity, immigration status, class, and occupation, should be examined. In my research, I found some evidence that immigration status has an effect on job search success. Individuals who had recently immigrated to Canada were finding that their professional designations from their countries of origin were not being recognized in Canada. These participants felt that this disadvantage in the labour market combined with their age was worsening their ability to find work. Strategic Practices, Programs, and Policies to Challenge Ageism in the Labour Market The findings presented throughout this book illustrate that more needs to be done to assist older individuals in the labour market. Based on my findings, I will now suggest ways to improve the labour market experiences for older individuals. Practices, programs, and policies that can challenge ageism in the labour market will be discussed in relation to employers, older workers, the legal context, and government. Employers Ageism has negative consequences at both the individual and societal levels. Specifically, ageism has implications for an organization’s productivity and performance.26 Thus, more work needs to be done at the employer level. My research points to the necessity of implementing education programs for employers that include diversity and sensitivity training with the goal of reducing ageism in the workplace. This training could be similar to that offered in many workplaces around sexism and racism, for example, but with a focus on the intersection of age and gender. More specifically, education targeted at reducing ageist training, promotion, retention, and hiring practices is warranted. My research suggests that employer education should focus on how to post job advertisements, select résumés, interview candidates, and use appropriate discourse to avoid age bias. Education is critical because employers are often unaware that they are being ageist and do not realize the ramifications of their ageist ideologies. Furthermore, my findings suggest that education should focus on dispelling specific stereotypes about older workers, including myths surrounding their abilities and interest in technology and training, as well as turnover rates, flexibility, and financial costs. Many policies that are intended to be age-neutral may still lead to discrimination in company practices or programs. For example, while

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an organization’s policy may be to train all workers, in practice managers often select only younger workers to attend technological training programs.27 Employers should assess the numbers of older and younger workers who are being trained. Proportions should also be evaluated in terms of opportunities for advancement that are offered to workers. Strategies designed to retain older workers should be examined and assessed regularly. Employers also need to ensure that their health benefits – such as dental, short-term disability (STD), and long-term disability (LTD) – are age neutral and thus offered to all workers, and that workers are not cut off at a certain age.28 I also strongly believe that we need to encourage the use of “Best Employer” programs and “Age Friendly” workplaces and reward employers who act in flexible or innovative ways to retain or hire older employees. For example, Home Depot actively recruits older workers and has been recognized by both the Canadian Association of Retired Persons and the American Association of Retired Persons for being an older workerfriendly organization. Walmart has won the Best Employers Award for 50 Plus Canadians given out by the Workplace Institute (an award I helped adjudicate in the past). Praise should be given to these employers for their age-friendly recruitment practices and policies. However, it should be noted that many older workers employed in such positions once held higher-paying positions in different industries; they take low-paid jobs out of financial necessity and often have no benefits or job security. Mentorship programs (e.g., reciprocal mentoring) would be another good tool for employers to use in age-friendly workplaces, where older workers would mentor younger employees to pass down their knowledge (which also encourages knowledge retention within the company). Knowledge exchange could go in both directions in that younger workers could also mentor older ones with respect to technology, for example. Policies and practices for workers of any age that help older workers should be encouraged. For example, older workers should be given the opportunity to restructure their jobs, work flexible hours, job share, or telework – strategies that will help workers of all ages meet the changing demands of work and family life. These policies should include offering leaves for health and for caregiving responsibilities. Furthermore, gradual transitions from full-time to part-time work and into and out of retirement should be addressed by employers. As the literature increasingly indicates, retirement is no longer an event, but a process that fluctuates between paid and unpaid work and that continues to be negotiated by older workers and employers.29 Overall, employers need to reframe their thinking and view older workers as an available and valuable resource, and adjust their ideologies, practices, and policies accordingly.

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Older Workers As has been shown in the literature, ageism can have various consequences at the individual level, including changes to self-esteem,30 physical health,31 and increased risk of depression.32 Therefore, more needs to be done at this level to assist older workers in the labour market. Over the course of my research, I discovered several strategies that older workers can use to assist them in the job search process, which I will reiterate here. First, there were several age management techniques including concealments and counteractions that were found by participants to be helpful. Women, in particular, discussed dyeing their hair as an age concealment practice and using what they considered to be “youthful” language to help in job interviews. However, it should be noted that employers considered certain language to be too “young” (e.g., “DLing” a video), and also reported that when women dressed too “young” (e.g., “in their daughter’s clothes”) it was off-putting. A clear gender difference was found here in that men dressing more youthfully was considered a good strategy by both older workers and employers. In contrast, when women dressed in a “younger” fashion, it was viewed as harmful to their job prospects. In addition, while concealing age on résumés was often recommended to older workers by employment counsellors, employers felt that this practice hinders the job search. Missing dates on résumés seemed to be a red flag to employers that the candidate was older, and this disqualified them from the recruitment process. Ideally, employers would be educated on all of these ageist practices and these barriers would be removed; however, at the present time, older job seekers should use caution when considering concealing their age through language, dress (for women), or on résumés. Turning to counteractions, such as staying up to date with training and changing work-related expectations, these techniques were more universally useful for participants to employ. Even when older individuals have not been provided adequate on-the-job technological training in prior jobs, for example, they should still update their computer skills in general to demonstrate to potential employers their willingness and ability to keep up with new technology. Changing expectations can involve making the decision to apply for part-time or consulting work (instead of solely full-time work) to get one’s foot in the door or open up more options. Another important thing to note here is that changing expectations can also involve identity negotiation for older workers. Participants reported that considering themselves retired or semi-retired instead of unemployed was a useful strategy that helped them negotiate a more positive identity and avoid becoming discouraged in their job search.

134  Ageism at Work

Furthermore, targeting age-friendly employers or those who have won “Best Employer” awards and targeting smaller companies with older female employers can also be a useful job search technique. While not a direct finding from my research, it is also plausible that targeting certain industries, such as those with less physically demanding jobs or those that are less technologically savvy, would be a useful avenue for older workers in their job search. Another strategy for older workers is to go to employment agencies to get the training they need to stay up to date in their field, and with computers and technology in general. Also, the social support derived from these agencies was highly useful to my participants and even helped with identity negotiation, which is necessary to avoid becoming discouraged. Employment agencies can also play a larger role in helping older workers become educated about their rights and what constitutes ageism and age discrimination, and can encourage these workers to seek legal help where necessary. It is only when more and more older workers get legal advice and file human rights claims (discussed in the following section) that changes can happen. Legal Context One of my important findings, particularly in the legal context, is the subtle nature of ageism in the workforce. Older workers discussed perceiving that ageism was occurring, but explicit confirmation was also given to them by employers. Many employers in my study used an ageist discourse when discussing older workers, often not realizing or not caring about the consequences of this language (e.g., more junior or more energetic people were desired for their organization). As a scholar in this field, I can attest to the fact that ageism was present throughout my research and my conversations with employers. Although employers may not recognize that they are being ageist, their attitudes and behaviours have consequences. At the legal level, this finding that ageism is a reality is critical, especially in light of the difficulty in proving that age discrimination exists in the workplace. More older workers need to file complaints with human rights tribunals, and employment agencies should be encouraging them to do so. It is only through these claims that changes will continue to be made on the legal front. I was an expert witness for three cases involving the denial of health-care benefits, promotion, and training, respectively.33 The fact that the individuals involved took a stand to fight for their rights represents an excellent step in the right direction. More individuals need to come forward to challenge employers for wrongful treatment, even when they may be at their

Reflections on Ageism at Work  135

most vulnerable (e.g., experiencing ageism while unemployed or from a current employer). Once more cases are brought forward, including Canadian Charter of Human Rights challenges as in the Talos case,34 then government policies can change as well, and the potential for one case to help many others will emerge. Government Ageism has social and economic costs35 that go beyond the individual or employer level. By excluding older workers from the labour market, ageism leads to social exclusion more generally and a greater dependence on government assistance for income.36 Thus, more needs to be done by government to help reduce ageism in the workplace. The first area for policy development relates to the accountability of employers during the recruitment and hiring processes. Participants in my research believed that employers discriminated against them in ways that were difficult to prove. Therefore, it is likely that employers are not being held accountable for their discriminatory actions. Policies and practices that govern employers’ behaviours need closer attention in order to remove the structural barriers from the route to re-employment. Employers need to be held accountable for discriminatory practices with respect to the training, promotion, retention, and hiring of older workers – especially older females. Both subtle and explicit forms of ageism, and gendered ageism in particular, need to be assessed and monitored. For example, data concerning how long individuals are unemployed when searching for work reveal that older workers face the longest periods of unemployment compared to younger workers, in Canada and in the United States,37 pointing to the lack of hiring of older workers. Furthermore, statistics concerning who is hired, and who is chosen for training or promotion in the workplace, should be analysed according to age and gender on a regular basis. Specific policies and practices surrounding job advertisements, résumé selection, interview techniques, and employer discourse need to be monitored, and, in many cases, new policies need to be created, in order to prevent discrimination. A good place to start would be examining human rights tribunals and their cases related to age discrimination in the workplace. Next, while it was great to see some government-funded programs created in the past to help older unemployed workers – like the Targeted Initiative for Older Workers discussed in chapter 1 – as I have illustrated throughout this book, these age-targeted programs are not always the best solutions. Programs are needed that are aimed at updating skills or overcoming the myths and stereotypes associated with older workers, yet

136  Ageism at Work

these programs come with their own sets of challenges. Negative experiences are often encountered at age-targeted programs, starting with the experience of being labelled an “older” worker, that make the programs more harmful than helpful at times. Services for older workers could be substantially enhanced by including job placement, mentoring, and counselling programs and by not segregating “older” workers from others seeking assistance. Internship programs, similar to those offered to youth, could be extended to older workers as well. A type of “mid-life internship” was the term used by one individual, who believed that this would help people in mid-life get their foot back in the door. Perhaps these could be paid internships with government support. Unfortunately, funding employers to hire older workers may single them out as those in need of special treatment, which may result in even more negative age stereotyping. Further investigation into these types of programs is warranted to see their full potential. There is also a need to create educational campaigns to help eliminate ageism – in the workplace (as discussed) and on a broader societal level, including the media in particular. The Expert Panel on Older Workers suggested creating an awareness campaign to educate employers about the value of older workers.38 A general educational campaign, like the one on elder abuse done in Canada, could increase awareness among both employers and the public about what constitutes ageism in the workplace and shed light on the barriers to employment that many older workers face. This needs to be accompanied by anti-ageism training in the workplace for employers and workers of all ages. This type of training is necessary in order for workers to avoid internalizing negative stereotypes, which has been found to be an issue among older people with respect to their ability to use technology.39 Furthermore, Becca Levy at Yale University has conducted numerous studies that demonstrate the impact of negative age stereotypes on the health of older individuals.40 More recently, her research has illustrated how being exposed to implicit positive age stereotypes significantly helps reduce negative age stereotypes and improve self-perceptions of aging and physical functioning.41 While this research was done in a laboratory setting and was targeted at improving the views of older people about their own aging, the findings of Levy and her colleagues represent enormous potential for this type of intervention to be applied in an employment setting. Furthermore, additional research has found that “positive stereotypes about physical health during retirement showed a survival advantage of 4.5 years … and positive stereotypes about mental health during retirement tended to show a survival advantage of 2.5 years.”42 Exposing employers and workers of all ages to positive age stereotypes as part of an educational campaign in

Reflections on Ageism at Work  137

the workplace is an area worthy of future investigation and program and policy development. Concluding Remarks Employers and governments will face significant challenges as the workforce continues to age. In response, employers and policymakers must design and implement innovative policies and programs that meet the needs and harness the strengths of an aging workforce. While ageism is no longer a new concept, it is still treated as such by many employers and policymakers. The concept has now been in existence for over fifty years, and yet employers’ practices and policies are currently not reflective of this. Our society has come a long way in helping reduce sexism and racism in the workplace (though arguably still has a long way to go). With the aging of the baby-boom generation and the increase in the number of older workers in the labour force, practices need to change to be reflective of this. Not only must practices change, but attitudes and deeply held ideologies need to be transformed as well. In many cases, attitudes are slow to change, and as my research has demonstrated, employers are often unaware that they are conveying negative attitudes in their comments or practices involving older workers. Yet this ignorance does not justify treating people in a negative fashion. Our population is aging, and our social structures need to catch up to meet the needs of older individuals. This structural lag is true in many realms, but particularly in employment where “older” workers have the potential to spend twenty to thirty or more years of their lives. Workplace policies that were designed when life expectancy was lower than the average retirement age today are no longer relevant in today’s workplace. It is only by realizing what great contributions older individuals make to the economy that ideologies can change and intergenerational tensions can be minimized. Perceptions of aging have changed drastically over time, and older people are no longer seen as a source of wisdom or value in many western cultures. This devaluing of what it means to be older has led to negative attitudes and practices in the workplace and to unequal treatment based on age. While ageism is a newer form of discrimination compared with sexism and racism, its unique characteristics make it critical to address in both employer and government policies. Ageism can exist at various ages, and individuals can be exempt from ageism at different points in time; however, this does not make the experience of ageism any less traumatic or disturbing. In fact, ageism has the potential to affect the largest demographic group in the population, and my research provides evidence of the urgency to address this growing form of social inequality.

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Appendix

Study #1: National Employer Survey of Attitudes towards Older Workers The national survey I analysed was originally mailed out to 1,980 Canadian organizations between January and June of 1997; 559 employers responded for a response rate of 28 per cent, a modest rate for surveys aimed at private sector firms. A total of 504 organizations were eliminated from the original sample of 1,980 organizations, due to an out-of-date list provided by Dun & Bradstreet Canada. The surveys were distributed randomly in equal proportions to four regions (Ontario; Quebec; western provinces, including British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Northwest Territories, and the Yukon Territories; and Atlantic provinces, including Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island). Other sampling stratification criteria, sampled in equal proportions, were company size and industrial sector. Two company sizes (larger companies with twenty or more employees and small companies with fewer than twenty employees) were sampled. The five industrial sectors were sales and service, including retail, services, wholesale, and finance/real estate; construction; manufacturing; transportation/communication/public utilities; and agriculture and resources, including mining. The survey was purposefully aimed at the individuals responsible for the hiring of employees. Surveys were completed by the vice-president of human resources in larger organizations, and by the president or owner in small organizations. Employers who completed the survey were defined as the individual responsible for the recruitment and supervision of older workers. I analysed the survey results between 1997 and 1999. Table 1 illustrates the sociodemographic characteristics of the sample used in Study #1: Employer Survey.

140 Appendix Table 1.  Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #1: Employer Survey Sociodemographic characteristics

Per cent* (%)

Number of respondents (n)

Industrial sector Sales & service Construction Manufacturing Transportation/communication/public utilities Agriculture/resources

21 18 23 21 17

116 103 130 115 95

27 25 25 24

148 138 139 134

35 65

194 365

31 30 32 8

169 164 175 45

47 53

255 285

69 31

376 170

6 20 32 29 14

32 108 171 156 76

Region Western provinces Ontario Quebec Atlantic provinces Company size Small (< 20 employees) Larger (≥ 20 employees) Proportion of older workers Less than 10% Between 10% & 25% Between 26% & 50% Above 50% Age of employer Younger (< 45 years) Older (≥ 45 years) Gender of employer Male Female Education of employer (level completed) Elementary or public school High school Vocational/technical college or special diploma Undergraduate degree Postgraduate degree(s)

* Proportions may not total 100% due to rounding, and n varies due to missing responses.

In the survey, respondents were asked to assess the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with sixteen attitudinal statements using a 4-point Likert response scale. These statements were adapted from an earlier scale by Taylor and Walker,1 and were based on stereotypes of older workers that had been documented in the literature pertaining to studies of attitudes towards older workers. To measure the first two independent variables – industrial sector and company size – the criteria

Appendix 141

designated in the sampling methodology were used. Specific questions from the survey were used to measure the remaining four independent variables: proportion of older workers in the organization; employers’ age; employers’ gender; and employers’ education. I analysed data from the survey in three phases using SPSS, a statistical data analysis package. In the first phase of analysis, I generated descriptive statistics. Frequency distributions were calculated for each of the items used to construct the dependent variable (sixteen attitudinal statements), and also for additional variables, in order to describe the sociodemographic profile of the organizations and employers surveyed (see table 2). To better understand employers’ attitudes towards older workers, my second phase of inquiry involved determining which of the sixteen attitudinal statements clustered together around distinct conceptual constructs. I used factor analysis to reduce the number of variables that indicate employers’ attitudes towards older workers to a smaller number of factors that were used to address my second research objective. Factor analyses were originally generated using weighted and unweighted data. However, due to problems later discovered with the weighted data, the final stage of analysis (ANOVAs and t-tests) was done with the unweighted data. While the results from this study cannot be generalized to the entire population of Canadian organizations, they do represent data from 559 Canadian companies – a sizeable number of organizations – and support the majority of studies that have been examined in the literature. With respect to sample size, to conduct factor analysis, a sample size of 500 is considered “very good”2; therefore, I determined that the sample of 559 organizations was sufficient. Principal component factor analysis and varimax orthogonal rotations of the factors were performed.3 This method of rotating the variables magnifies certain factor loadings (the correlation between the variable and the factor) and diminishes others to allow for easier comprehensibility of the new constructs.4 I grouped the variables into constructs based on factor loadings of .60 or greater. The Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was done to compare the dimensions of the observed correlation coefficients to the partial correlation coefficients.5 I used Cronbach’s alpha as the reliability coefficient to determine the internal consistency of the factors created.6 This value ranges from 0 to 1, where the reliability of the factor increases as the value approaches 1.7 I recoded the variables to achieve a consistent direction of responses in order to compute Cronbach’s alpha. Variables that did not load on to specific factors, loaded highly on more than one factor, or were believed to be theoretically unrelated to the factors were eliminated from the third phase of analysis. Indices were produced for each respective construct by summing the scores and dividing

142 Appendix Table 2.  Frequency distributions on positive and negative attitudinal statements about older workers Attitudinal statements

Positively worded items Can adapt to organizational change Are good mentors/teachers for younger workers Are highly respected Are reliable Are productive employees Have strong communication skills Are interested in technological change Have few accidents Negatively worded items Are too cautious Have trouble with shift work Are marking time until retirement Are hard to train Have difficulty working overtime Dislike taking orders from younger employees Cannot do heavy physical work Have more absences

Strongly agree %

Moderately agree %

Moderately disagree %

Strongly disagree %

23*

56

19

2

48

46

5

1

31 55 38 11 7

60 43 55 52 48

8 1 6 33 38

1 1 1 4 7

18

61

19

2

5 8 4 6 5 11

40 34 24 35 27 45

47 43 43 45 47 32

8 15 29 14 21 12

11 3

41 14

40 54

8 29

* Proportions may not total 100% due to rounding.

by the number of items, in order for employers to be allocated a score on each dimension of attitudes.8 The factors created were used in bivariate analyses to explore whether industrial sector, company size, proportion of older workers in the organization, and employers’ age, gender, and education influence attitudes towards older employees. I generated either a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) or a t-test in order to test for statistical differences in the means. T-tests were used in variables with two groups (i.e., company size, employers’ age, and employers’ gender) to test for differences. When comparisons were made using variables with more than two groups (i.e., industrial sector, proportion of older workers in the organization, and employers’ education), one-way ANOVAs were used to test their significance. Four per cent (n = 22) of employers did not respond to all sixteen attitudinal items, and some respondents had missing data on specific

Appendix 143 Table 3.  Factor structure for employers’ attitudes towards older workers Variable

Factor 1 Age-related decline

Difficulty working overtime

.73

Hard to train

.68

Cannot do heavy physical work

.64

Trouble with shift work

.62

Factor 2 Experiential attributes

Good mentor/teacher

.73

Strong communication skills

.69

Organizational change

.65

Highly respected

.62

Factor 3 Reliable and productive

Reliable

.80

Productive

.66

Factor 4 Attention to safety standards

Few accidents

.70

Too cautious

.63

Note: n = 436. Factor 1: Cronbach’s reliability alpha = 0.70; Factor 2: Cronbach’s reliability alpha = 0.72; Factor 3: Cronbach’s reliability alpha = 0.67; Factor 4: Cronbach’s reliability alpha = 0.08.

items, thereby reducing the number of respondents in some of the response categories. The data were examined in relation to the independent variables in this study, and it was resolved that the missing items did not contain a pattern of non-response. Therefore, the missing responses do not undermine the validity of the data. The statistical procedures used in this study excluded the missing data from the analyses. The factor analysis extracted four factors with eigenvalues equal to or greater than 1.00, and the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was .83, suggesting common underlying concepts.9 Using varimax rotations, the factor structure in table 3 was established. The means from the ANOVAs and t-tests on the characteristics of the employers investigated is presented in table 4. Study #2: Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market My recruitment strategy for Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, conducted in 1999 and 2002, was designed to attract participants from a

144 Appendix Table 4.  Means [standard deviations] from ANOVAs and t-tests on characteristics of employers Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Age-related Experiential Reliable and decline attributes productive Industrial sector Sales & service Construction Manufacturing Transportation/communication/public utilities Agriculture/resources

2.64 [.57] 2.64 [.66] 2.59 [.57] 2.70 [.53] 2.66 [.66]

1.82 [.48] 1.95 [.50] 1.90 [.49] 1.97 [.51] 1.90 [.49]

1.59 [.54] 1.63 [.49] 1.58 [.55] 1.59 [.53] 1.54 [.48]

Company size Small (< 20 employees) Larger (≥ 20 employees)

2.68 [.60] 2.63 [.59]

1.81 [.51]** 1.96 [.48]**

1.53 [.50] 1.62 [.53]

Proportion of older workers in organization Less than 10% Between 10% & 25% Between 26% & 50% Above 50%

2.62 [.61] 2.61 [.60] 2.66 [.55] 2.76 [.67]

1.85 [.52] 1.90 [.47] 1.96 [.48] 1.89 [.55]

1.61 [.49] 1.60 [.58] 1.57 [.49] 1.51 [.48]

Age of employer Younger (< 45 years) Older (≥ 45 years)

2.69 [.55] 2.60 [.63]

1.94 [.50] 1.87 [.48]

1.64 [.47]* 1.53 [.52]*

Gender of employer Male Female

2.58 [.60]*** 2.78 [.56]***

1.96 [.48]*** 1.79 [.51]***

1.62 [.52]* 1.51 [.51]*

Education of employer (level completed) Elementary or public school High school Vocational/technical college or diploma Undergraduate degree Postgraduate degree(s)

2.36 [.65]** 2.74 [.56]** 2.59 [.58]** 2.61 [.59]** 2.87 [.56]**

1.82 [.46] 1.87 [.51] 1.89 [.48] 1.97 [.50] 1.87 [.48]

1.55 [.45] 1.47 [.54] 1.61 [.50] 1.64 [.53] 1.58 [.48]

Note: *p < .05; **p < .001; ***p < .001.

variety of locations; however, the majority of participants were obtained through older worker programs. I attended workshops at various points throughout the programs in order to recruit a wide range of participants at varying stages in the job search process. I also attempted to recruit participants by advertising through older worker programs, employment agencies for workers of all ages, community centres, libraries, a monthly seniors’ newspaper, my university website, and personal referral. The achieved sample for my study included individuals who varied in age, gender, marital status, ethnic or religious background, country of origin, education, income, and length of time unemployed (see table 5).

Appendix 145 Table 5.  Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews Sociodemographic characteristics

Number of respondents (n)

Age 45–54 55–65

16 14

Gender Female Male

15 15

Marital status Married Divorced Widowed Never married

16 6 2 6

Ethnic or religious background Atheist or unspecified Catholic Protestant Jewish Buddhist Muslim

16 4 4 4 1 1

Country of origin Canada Western Europe Eastern Europe United Kingdom United States India Iran Japan

14 4 3 3 2 2 1 1

Education Less than high school High school degree Certificate/diploma College/ university degree

2 7 2 19

Personal income $20,000 to $39,999 $40,000 to $59,999 $60,000 to $79,999 $80,000 to $99,999 $100,000 or more Unknown Length of time unemployed 3 to 5 months 6 to 8 months 9 to 12 months > 12 months

2 8 4 2 5 9 8 14 2 6 (Continued)

146 Appendix Table 5.  (Continued) Sociodemographic characteristics Occupational background Administrative Construction Consultant Education Engineering Executive Finance Food and service Health care Human resources Lawyer Mid-level management Sales and marketing Television producer

Number of respondents (n) 6 1 2 1 1 1 3 1 3 2 1 4 3 1

Note: n = 30.

Thirty interviews lasting between forty minutes and two hours were held in a variety of locations, and were tape recorded and transcribed. In order to guide the discussion along key areas, the interview guide included questions on demographics, employment background, perceptions of ageism, feelings related to these perceptions, and strategies used to gain employment. The data were coded according to these areas (and sub-areas), as well as additional ones that arose during the course of analysis.10 The qualitative analytical software program QSR NVivo was used in order to manage the data once coding had been completed. The topics covered in the two- to three-week workshops included interviewing skills, personality assessments, computer training, résumé writing, and specific sessions on understanding the myths and realities of being an older worker. One program offered services to older workers only, while the other two had programs for older workers as well as other segments of the labour force. Study #3: Follow-Up Study with Older Workers The majority of participants from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews had indicated an interest in receiving a summary of my research project upon completion, and had consented to be a part of any follow-up investigations. Thus, for Study #3: Older Worker Survey, I mailed a survey, which included some fixed-response questions and a series of open-ended

Appendix 147 Table 6.  Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #3: Older Worker Survey Sociodemographic characteristics

Number of respondents (n)

Age 45–54 ≥ 55

1 7

Gender Female Male

6 2

Education Completed more school/training No additional school/training Current employment status Employed (full-time) Employed (part-time) Employed (contract/occasional) Semi-retired Retired

2 6 2 1 1 2 2

Note: n = 8.

questions, to participants of the first older worker study. The follow-up survey was mailed to participants in 2005. Since respondents had been interviewed for Study #2: Older Worker Interviews in 1999 and 2002, approximately three to six years had passed between the two studies. Eight of the thirty participants from the first study participated in the second study. Unfortunately, many surveys were sent back to me with “Return to Sender” or “Moved” written on the envelope. In order to improve the response rate in the future, I would request not only the participants’ mailing addresses, but also their email addresses and phone numbers, in order to permit better follow-up with those who might have moved since the time the initial study took place. While the response rate was lower than anticipated, the information provides valuable longitudinal feedback about the job search process and validates some of the conclusions drawn in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews. The sample in Study #3: Older Worker Survey was broken down by age, gender, education, and employment status (see table 6). Respondents’ answers were coded for key themes, and data were analysed with respect to barriers to employment and the use of and changes to their job search strategies since the initial interview done in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews. Several new themes also emerged that were coded separately and used for analysis in this book.

148 Appendix Table 7.  Sociodemographic characteristics of sample in Study #4: Employer Interviews Sociodemographic characteristics

Number of respondents (n)

Age < 45 years ≥ 45 years

9 17

Gender Female Male

10 16

Company size Small Large

14 12

Education Less than high school High school degree Certificate/diploma College/university degree

1 5 2 18

Note: n = 26.

Study #4: Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers Semi-structured interviews were conducted between 2006 and 2007 for Study #4: Employer Interviews in participants’ workplaces or in a nearby coffee shop or restaurant. Interviews were tape recorded and later transcribed verbatim. In recruiting participants for this study, I attempted to interview both female and male employers of different ages and educational backgrounds, from both large companies (those with fifty or more employees) and small companies (those with fewer than fifty employees; see table 7). I also interviewed employers from a broad range of industries including hospitality, retail and services (e.g., hotel, clothing store, restaurant), health care, education, manufacturing, engineering, policing, mining, and construction. After the interviews were transcribed by a research assistant, I reviewed them several times to confirm themes and discussed these themes with colleagues to ensure trustworthiness of the data.11 After completing a range of meaningful interviews, I realized that themes were beginning to repeat themselves, illustrating that data saturation had been achieved.12 I coded the data with certain key themes and sub-themes in mind related to the interview guide, similar to the technique proposed by Taylor and Bogdan.13 I then entered the codes into the qualitative analytical software program QSR NVivo.

Notes

1. Exploring Ageism 1 Berger, Expert Report for confidential age discrimination case, 2014. 2 Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board, [2018] H.R.T.O. 680; Berger, Expert Report for age discrimination case Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board, 2015; Cara v. York Catholic District Schoolboard, [2019] H.R.T.O. 682; Berger, Expert Report for age discrimination case Cara v. York Catholic District School Board, 2015–2016. 3 House of Commons, “Engaging Experience”; I provided expert witness testimony to House of Commons’ Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities. 4 Employment and Social Development Canada, When Work and Caregiving Collide; Berger, “Ageism at Work”; Lagacé et al., “Costs of Ageism.” 5 I was invited to provide my opinion for expert roundtable for the Forum of Labour Market Ministers Pan-Canadian Consultations regarding “Discussion Paper: F-P/T Consultations on the Labour Market Transfer Agreements.” 6 Statistics Canada, “Life Expectancy,” table 13-10-0403-01. 7 Statistics Canada, “Canada’s Population Estimates.” 8 Hicks, “Later Retirement.” 9 Casey and Berger, “Aging and Paid Work in Later Life.” 10 Ibid. 11 Human Resources Development Canada, Older Worker Adjustment Programs. 12 House of Commons, “Engaging Experience.” 13 International Labour Office and OECD, “G20 Country Policy Briefs: Canada.” 14 Employment and Social Development Canada, “About the Workforce Development Agreements Program.” 15 Employment and Social Development Canada, Workforce Development Agreements.

150  Notes to pages 6–8 16 Canadian Association for Retired Persons, “Growing Great across the Country.” 17 Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, Consultations with Older Workers and Employers, i. 18 Employment and Social Development Canada, Funding: Employment Assistance for Older Workers. 19 Fields, Uppal, and LaRochelle-Côté, “Impact of Aging on Labour Market Participation Rates,” 2. 20 McMullin and Duerden Comeau, “Age Discrimination in IT Firms,” 140. 21 Rodeheaver, “Labour Market Progeria.” 22 Levy and Macdonald, “Progress on Understanding Ageism.” 23 Gomez, Gunderson, and Luchak, “Mandatory Retirement.” 24 Gomez and Gunderson, “For Whom the Retirement Bell Tolls.” 25 Carrière and Galarnea, “Delayed Retirement,” 4. 26 Conference Board of Canada, “A Survey of Non-Retirees and Retirees.” 27 See, for example, Silver, Pang, and Williams, “Why Give Something Up That Works So Well?” 28 Sargent et al., “Reinventing Retirement.” 29 Rix, “Employment and Aging.” 30 Klassen, “The Elimination of Mandatory Retirement.” Notably, a news release dated 30 September 2015 states that in 1973, “New Brunswick became the very first province to prohibit age discrimination without an age cap, thus prohibiting mandatory retirement over 65 … However, a major exception to the prohibition of mandatory retirement still remains in situations when a specific mandatory retirement age is specified in an employer’s bona fide retirement or pension plan”; see New Brunswick Human Rights Commission, “Oct. 1 Marks Seniors Day.” 31 Ontario Human Rights Commission, “The End of Mandatory Retirement.” 32 Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, “Government Introduces Legislation to Reflect Changes in Mandatory Retirement Rules.” 33 Saskatchewan, “Legislation to End Mandatory Retirement Receives Royal Assent.” 34 BC Government and Service Employees’ Union, “Mandatory Retirement Ended by Government.” 35 Province of Nova Scotia, “Mandatory Retirement.” 36 CBC News (British Columbia), “Mandatory Retirement Laws Put Out to Pasture.” 37 Canadian Legal Information Institute, “eText on Wrongful Dismissal.” 38 Settersten and Mayer, “Measurement of Age.” 39 Fields, Uppal, and LaRochelle-Côté, “Impact of Aging on Labour Market Participation Rates,” 6.

Notes to pages 9–11  151 40 Uriarte-Landa, Van, and Hébert, “Retirees Returning to the Labour Market.” 41 Ibbott, Kerr, and Beaujot, “Mandatory Retirement in Canada.” 42 Gomez, Gunderson, and Luchak, “Mandatory Retirement.” 43 Statistics Canada, “Labour Force Survey,” Table 282-0051. 44 Carrière and Galarneau, “Delayed Retirement.” 45 Carrière and Galarneau, “Delayed Retirement,” qtd in MacEwen, “Working after Age 65," 3. 46 Carrière and Galarnea, “Delayed Retirement.” 47 Kohli, “Social Organization”; Kohli, “Institutionalization of the Life Course.” 48 See Phyllis Moen’s work in particular for a discussion of the concept of career and the life course and the false assumption that education, work, and retirement follow a predetermined, age-graded pattern. She argues that this pattern is a mostly middle-class male pattern and thus is not accurate. See, for example, Moen, “Rethinking Careers.” 49 Cook, “Redirection.” 50 Armstrong-Stassen and Staats, “Gender Differences”; Denton and Spencer, “What Is Retirement?”; Foot and Venne, “The Long Goodbye”; McDonald and Donahue, “Retirement Lost?”; Sargent et al., “Reinventing Retirement”; Schellenberg, Turcotte, and Ram, “Post-Retirement Employment.” 51 For more information on how bridge jobs can mitigate the transition for those who find themselves facing involuntary retirement, see Dingemans and Henkens, “Involuntary Retirement.” 52 Hébert and Luong, “Bridge Employment.” 53 Uriarte-Landa, Van, and Hébert, “Retirees Returning to the Labour Market.” 54 Cahill, Giandrea, and Quinn, “Retirement Patterns”; van Solinge, “Who Opts for Self-Employment?”; Cahill, Giandrea, and Quinn, “New Evidence on Self-Employment.” 55 Thomas, “OAS Change.” 56 Berger and Hodgins, “Age Discrimination and Paid Work.” 57 Thomas, “OAS Change.” 58 Ibid. 59 For more detail on this decision and its impacts, please see Casey and Berger, “Aging and Paid Work in Later Life”; McNeil, “Government Won’t Raise Age of CPP, OAS Eligibility.” 60 Evans et al., “APOCALYPSE NO.” 61 Rosenthal, “Aging Families.” 62 Prince, “Apocalyptic, Opportunistic.” 63 McDaniel, Wong, and Watt, “Ageing Workforce.” 64 Gee, “Voodoo Demography.”

152  Notes to pages 11–15 65 Evans, “Sustainability of Health Care”; Constant et al., Cost Drivers in the Health Sector. 66 North and Fiske, “An Inconvenienced Youth?” 67 Butler, “Ageism.” 68 Palmore, Ageism: Negative and Positive, 4. 69 Bytheway, “Ageism and Age Categorization,” 362; emphasis original. 70 Hurd Clarke, Facing Age. 71 International Longevity Center, Ageism in America, 21. 72 Palmore, “Ageism Comes of Age,” 874. 73 Alon-Shenker, “Duty to Accommodate Senior Workers,” 177. 74 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Age Discrimination. 75 Ontario Human Rights Commission, Discrimination against Older People, 4. 76 Ibid. 77 Finnie and Gray, “Older Displaced Workers.” 78 Statistics Canada, “Duration of Unemployment,” table 14-10-0057-01. 79 Sok, “Record Unemployment.” 80 American Association of Retired Persons, Staying Ahead of the Curve 2013, 28–9. 81 American Association of Retired Persons, AARP Work and Career Study. 82 Karpinski, Ageism in the Workplace, 2. 83 James et al., “Exploring the Workplace”; Marshall, Aging Workforce in a Changing Society; Walker and Taylor, Combating Age Barriers. 84 Roscigno et al., “Age Discrimination.” 85 Guillemard and Walker, “Employers’ Responses”; Chiu et al., “Age Stereotypes.” 86 Adler and Hilber, “Industry Hiring Patterns,” 72. 87 Cuddy, Norton, and Fiske, “This Old Stereotype.” 88 Henkens, “Stereotyping Older Workers.” 89 Ng and Feldman, “Six Common Stereotypes”; Canadian Network for Experienced Workers, Myths and Realities; Charness, “Aging Worker and Performance”; Davies and Sparrow, “Age and Work Behaviour”; Human Resources Development Canada, Challenges of an Aging Workforce; Marshall and Taylor, “Restructuring the Life Course.” 90 Ng and Feldman, “Six Common Stereotypes.” 91 Canadian Network for Experienced Workers, Myths and Realities. 92 Charness, “Aging Worker and Performance.” 93 James et al., “Exploring the Workplace.” 94 McEvoy and Cascio, “Age and Job Performance.” 95 Baltes et al., “People Nominated as Wise.” 96 Shah and Kleiner, “Age Discrimination.” 97 Guillemard and Walker, “Employer’s Responses”; Marshall, Aging Workforce; McMullin and Marshall, “Garment Industry”; Posthuma and Campion, “Age Stereotypes in the Workplace.”

Notes to pages 15–17  153 98 Moen, Kajola, and Schaefers, “Organizational Change.” 99 Ontario Human Rights Commission, Discrimination and Age, 28. 100 Ontario Human Rights Commission, Policy on Discrimination, 14. 101 Prensky, “Digital Natives.” 102 Angwin, Scheiber, and Tobin, “Facebook Job Ads.” 103 Gendron et al., “Language of Ageism.” 104 Bytheway, Ageism, 59. 105 McCann and Giles, “Ageism in the Workplace”; McVittie, McKinlay, and Widdicombe, “(Un)equal Opportunities?” 106 Gordon, “Grey Tsunami.” 107 McCann and Giles, “Ageism in the Workplace,” 180. 108 McVittie, McKinlay, and Widdicombe, “(Un)equal Opportunities?” 109 Billett et al., “Last Resort.” 110 McCann and Giles, “Ageism in the Worplace,” 180. 111 Ontario Human Rights Commission, Policy on Discrimination, 14. 112 James et al., “Exploring the Workplace,” 909. 113 Taylor and Walker, “Employers’ Attitudes.” 114 Abrams, Swift, and Drury, “Old and Unemployable?” 115 Gringart, Helmes, and Speelman, “Australian Employers”; Posthuma, ­Wagstaff, and Campion, “Age Stereotypes.” 116 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Ageing and Employment Policies, 2012. 117 Gringart, Helmes, and Speelman, “Australian Employers,” 96. 118 Billett et al., “Last Resort.” 119 Henkens, “Stereotyping Older Workers”; Chiu et al., “Age Stereotypes.” 120 Taylor and Urwin, “Vocational Education and Training.” 121 Billett et al., “Last Resort.” 122 Canduela et al., “Work-Related Training in Britain.” 123 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Ageing and Employment Policies, 2006. 124 Ng and Law, “Keeping Up!” 125 Roscigno et al., “Age Discrimination.” 126 Alon-Shenker, “Age Is Different.” 127 Picot, Heisz, and Nakamura, “Job Tenure.” 128 Greller, “Hours Invested.” 129 World Health Organization, Regional Office for Europe, “Gender: Definitions.” 130 See, for example, Arber and Ginn, Connecting Gender and Ageing; Browne, Women, Feminism, and Aging; Calasanti, “Incorporating Diversity”; Calasanti and Slevin, Gender, Social Inequalities, and Aging; Connidis and McMullin, “Sociological Ambivalence”; Laws, “Understanding Ageism”; McMullin, “Diversity”; McMullin, Understanding Social Inequality; Ray, “Feminist Gerontology.”

154  Notes to pages 17–20 131 For more on this, see McMullin and Cairney, “Self-Esteem.” 132 Reinharz, “Friends or Foes,” 512. 133 Arber and Ginn, Connecting Gender and Ageing. 134 McDonald, “Women and Retirement.” 135 Jacobs et al., “Caregiving Intensity.” 136 Berger and Denton, “Women’s Life Course.” 137 Curtis and Rybczynski, “Female Baby Boomers.” 138 Sewell, “Theory of Structure.” 139 Ibid., 22. 140 McMullin, Understanding Social Inequality, 128. 141 Ontario Human Rights Commission, Time for Action. 142 North and Fiske, “An Inconvenienced Youth?” 982. 143 Meisner and Levy, “Age Stereotypes’ Influence on Health”; Lagacé and Laplante, “Echoes of Ageist Discourses”; Levy, Slade, and Kasl, “Longitudinal Benefit of Positive Self-Perceptions”; Levy et al., “Positive Age Stereotypes.” 144 Bai, Lai, and Guo, “Ageism and Depression.” 145 Marshall, “Sociology of Ageism.” 146 Chrisler, Barney, and Palatino, “Ageism Can Be Hazardous to Women’s Health.” 147 Alon-Shenker, “Age Is Different.” 148 Macdonald and Levy, “Ageism in the Workplace.” 149 Ng and Law, “Keeping Up!” 150 Lagacé et al., “Second-Level Digital Divide.” 151 Kuypers and Bengtson, “Social Breakdown.” 152 Merton, Social Theory. 153 Hewitt, Self and Society, 126. 154 Breytspraak, Development of Self, 112. 155 Ibid. 156 Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism. 157 Mead, Mind, Self and Society. 158 Cooley, “Looking Glass.” 159 Goffman, Presentation of Self; Goffman, Stigma. 160 Goffman, Stigma, 3. 161 Link and Phelan, “Conceptualizing Stigma,” 382. 162 Matthews, Social World of Old Women. 163 Becker, “Career Deviance.” 164 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 165 Ibid. 166 See, for example, van den Hoonaard, “Constructing the Boundaries,” for a discussion on how women in particular need to negotiate multiple identities following the transition from paid work to retirement.

Notes to pages 20–3  155 167 Cooley, “Looking Glass.” 168 Although it is beyond the scope of this book, the life-course perspective is an interesting lens to view employment in later life. For more information on this perspective, please see Bengtson, Burgess, and Parrott, “Theoretical Development in Social Gerontology”; and Marshall, “The State of Theory in Aging.” 169 For more on identity negotiation, see George, “Social Structure”; Karp, “Decade of Reminders.” 170 Karp, “Decade of Reminders.” 171 Breytspraak, Development of Self. 172 Karp, “Decade of Reminders.” 173 Charmaz, “Loss of Self”; Charmaz, Good Days, Bad Days. 174 Charmaz, “Loss of Self,” 191. 175 Spence, “Contributions of Symbolic Interaction.” 176 Kaufman, “Ageless Self,” 103. 177 Whitbourne, “Identity and Adaptation.” 178 Hughes, “Work and Self.” 179 Krahn and Lowe, Work, Industry, and Canadian Society, 333. 180 Rife and First, “Discouraged Older Workers.” 181 MacRae, “Older Women.” 182 Breytspraak, Development of Self. 183 McMullin, Cooke, and Tomchick, “Work and Retirement in Canada.” 184 Berger, “‘Aging’ Identities.” 185 Goffman, Stigma; Goffman, Presentation of Self. 186 Thomas, “Definition of the Situation.” 187 Matthews, Social World of Old Women. 188 Luken, “Social Identity in Later Life,” 185. 189 Gioaba and Krings, “Impression Management in the Job Interview”; Delery and Kacmar, “Applicant and Interviewer Characteristics”; Rosenfeld, “Impression Management”; Stevens and Kristof, “Making the Right Impression.” 190 Bozeman and Kacmar, “Cybernetic Model.” 191 Scott and Lyman, “Accounts.” 192 Hewitt and Stokes, “Disclaimers.” 193 Bozeman and Kacmar, “Cybernetic Model.” 194 Berger, “Managing Age Discrimination.” 195 See Underhill, Marshall, and Deliencourt, Options 45+ Survey, for a more detailed description of the methodology used in the survey. Note that my research includes twenty additional questionnaires that were received since the completion of the report. Thus, the response rate was increased from 37 per cent in that report to 38 per cent in my study.

156  Notes to pages 24–31 196 Note that older workers were commonly defined as being between fortyfive and sixty-five years of age when Study #2: Older Worker Interviews was conducted. Since then, some definitions of older workers have removed this upper age limit. In addition, the lower cut-off varies from forty to fifty-five years of age in the literature and in government programs, as ­described in the section “Defining Older Workers” in this chapter. 197 The study stipulated that individuals must be unemployed for three months or longer because those who had been unemployed for a shorter time might still be highly distressed from losing their job and/or might not have begun to actively search for employment. 198 Garfinkel, “Degradation Ceremonies.” 199 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 2. Organizational and Personal Characteristics Influencing Employers’ Attitudes towards Older Workers 1 Please see chapter 1 and the appendix for the methodological details of this study. This chapter is a condensed version of my thesis “Organizational and Personal Characteristics Influencing Canadian Employers’ Attitudes Toward Older Workers” for the Master of Science program in the Department of Public Health Sciences at the University of Toronto, under the guidance of Dr Victor Marshall and Dr Fred Ashbury. 2 Marshall, Aging Workforce, v. 3 Ibid. 4 Guillemard and Walker, “Employers’ Responses.” 5 Taylor and Walker, “The Ageing Workforce.” 6 American Association for Retired Persons, Business and Older Workers ­Current Perceptions. 7 See Hewstone and Brown, “Contact Is Not Enough.” 8 Henkens, “Stereotyping Older Workers.” 9 Guillemard and Walker, “Employers’ Responses.” 10 Betcherman and Leckie, “Age Structure of Employment.” 11 Gibson, Zerbe, and Franken, “Influence of Rater and Ratee Age.” 12 Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations”; Tajfel and Turner, “Theory of Intergroup Conflict.” 13 Rosen and Jerdee, Persistence of Age and Sex Stereotypes, 10. 14 See, for example, Piercy, Cravens, and Lane, “New Gender Agenda.” 15 Reskin and Ross, “Jobs, Authority, and Earnings among Managers.” 16 Crites, Dickson, and Lorenz, “Nurturing Gender Stereotypes”; Sczesny, “Think-Manager-Think-Male Stereotype.” 17 Ibid.; Koenig et al., “Are Leader Stereotypes Masculine?”; Powell, Butterfield, and Parent, “Gender and Managerial Stereotypes.”

Notes to pages 31–59  157 18 Dobbins, “Equity vs Equality.” 19 Crites, Dickson, and Lorenz, “Nurturing Gender Stereotypes,” 15. 20 Lipset, Political Man. 21 Weil, “Variable Effects of Education.” 22 Due to rounding, percentages do not equal 100 per cent. 23 For more on economic and political differences between small and large employers, see Brown, Hamilton, and Medoff, Employers Large and Small. 24 Tajfel, “Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations”; Tajfel and Turner, “Theory of Intergroup Conflict.” 25 Gibson, Zerbe, and Franken, “Influence of Rater and Ratee Age.” 26 Dobbins, “Equity vs Equality.” 3. “Prejudice Is Always Just under the Surface”: Older Workers’ Perceptions of Ageism in the Labour Market 1 Pseudonyms have been used throughout this book to protect the anonymity of the participants. 2 Some material from the section on gender in this chapter has been previously published as a book chapter: Julie A. McMullin and Ellie D. Berger, “Gendered Ageism / Age(ed) Sexism: The Case of Unemployed Older Workers,” in Age Matters: Re-Aligning Feminist Thinking, ed. T.M. Calasanti and K.F. Slevin (New York: Routledge, 2006), 201–23. The material is used here with Dr McMullin’s consent and copyright permission. Findings from this chapter have also been updated with new data from Study #2: Older Worker Interviews and Study #3: Older Worker Survey. 3 Please see chapter 1 and the appendix for the methodological details of these studies. 4 For quotations used from Study #3: Older Worker Survey, I have cited participants’ ages at the time of the follow-up study. As a result, participants’ ages are approximately three to six years older than they were in Study #2: Older Worker Interviews, depending on when their interview took place. 5 Ginn and Arber, “Gender Relations and Ageing”; Reinharz, “Friends or Foes.” 6 Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism; Mead, Mind, Self and Society. 4. “I Feel like a Castaway; Like an Old Shoe That Is of No Use Anymore”: Aging Identities 1 This chapter includes some material previously published in “‘Aging’ Identities: Degradation and Negotiation in the Search for Employment,” Journal of Aging Studies 20, no. 4 (2006), 303–16, with copyright permission. Findings from this chapter have also been updated with new data from Study #3: Older Worker Survey.

158  Notes to pages 59–73 2 Goffman, Stigma. 3 Becker, “Career Deviance.” 4 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 5 Please see chapter 1 and the appendix for the methodological details of these studies. 6 Garfinkel, “Degradation Ceremonies,” 420. 7 Ibid. 8 This practice was legally challenged recently. See Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board [2018]. 9 Goffman, Presentation of Self; Link and Phelan, “Conceptualizing Stigma.” 10 Becker, “Career Deviance.” 11 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 12 Ibid. 13 Kuypers and Bengtson, “Social Breakdown.” 14 Breytspraak, Development of Self, 112; Merton, Social Theory. 15 Kaufman, “Ageless Self.” 16 Kates, Greiff, and Hagen, Psychosocial Impact of Job Loss, 80, 84. 17 Kates, Greiff, and Hagen, Psychosocial Impact of Job Loss, 50. 18 Korpi, “Good Friends in Bad Times?” 19 Kates, Greiff, and Hagen, Psychosocial Impact of Job Loss, 84. 20 Kates, Greiff, and Hagen, Psychosocial Impact of Job Loss, 80–5. 21 McDonald and Chen, “The Youth Freeze.” 22 Breytspraak, Development of Self, 115. 23 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 24 Prus, Symbolic Interaction, 86, 152–3. 5. “The One Thing You Need Is Your Bottle of Dye”: Managing Age Discrimination in the Job Search 1 This chapter includes some material previously published in “Managing Age Discrimination: An Examination of the Techniques Used When Seeking Employment,” Gerontologist, 49, no. 3 (2009): 317–32, with copyright permission. Findings from this chapter have also been updated with new data from Study #3: Older Worker Survey. 2 Please see chapter 1 and the appendix for the methodological details of these studies. 3 In their study of participants with a maximum age of thirty-eight, Delery and Kacmar also found three types of impression management techniques to be useful in an interview setting: (1) entitlements (taking credit for a prior work-related success); (2) enhancements (making statements reflecting one’s own positive attributes); and (3) selfpromotion (highlighting strengths in relation to those required in the

Notes to pages 73–117  159 ideal applicant). See Delery and Kacmar, “Applicant and Interviewer Characteristics.” 4 Thomas, “Definition of the Situation.” 5 McMullin and Marshall, “Structure and Agency in the Retirement Process.” 6 Goffman, Stigma. 7 Goffman, Stigma. 8 Goffman, Stigma; Goffman, Presentation of Self. 9 Bozeman and Kacmar, “Cybernetic Model.” 10 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 6. “If Someone’s Looking Creaky and Shaky…You Don’t Hire Them”: Employers’ Qualitative Accounts about Older Workers 1 Please see chapter 1 and the appendix for the methodological details of this study. 2 Novak, Campbell, and Northcott, Aging and Society. 3 In April 2015, I testified as an ageism expert for the Ontario Human Rights Commission at the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario about a case regarding the cessation of health-care benefits to workers at age sixty-five. This Charter challenge is still in progress, but if it is successful, then workers aged sixty-five and older will begin to receive health-care benefits that are equal to the benefits received by their younger colleagues. 4 The cessation of benefits is currently being challenged in the Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board case [2018]. 7. Reflections on Ageism at Work: Conclusions and Implications 1 Garfinkel, “Degradation Ceremonies.” 2 Goffman, Stigma. 3 Becker, “Career Deviance.” 4 Goffman, Presentation of Self. 5 Breytspraak, Development of Self. 6 Merton, Social Theory. 7 Scott, Blind Men. 8 Kaufman, “Ageless Self.” 9 Kates, Greiff, and Hagen, Psychosocial Impact of Job Loss. 10 Goffman, Stigma. 11 Delery and Kacmar, “Applicant and Interviewer Characteristics.” 12 Also see Berger, “Managing Age Discrimination” for a discussion on the first two strategies I found to be used by older workers: counteractions and concealments. 13 Luken, “Social Identity in Later Life”; Reinharz, “Friends or Foes.”

160  Notes to pages 117–35 14 Goffman, Stigma; Goffman, Presentation of Self. 15 James et al., “Exploring the Workplace”; Marshall, Aging Workforce; Walker and Taylor, Combating Age Barriers. 16 Guillemard and Walker, “Employers’ Responses”; Chiu et al., “Age Stereotypes.” 17 Arber and Ginn, Connecting Gender and Ageing; Browne, Women, Feminism, and Aging; Calasanti, “Incorporating Diversity”; Calasanti and Slevin, ­Gender, Social Inequalities, and Aging; Connidis and McMullin, “Sociological Ambivalence”; Laws, “Understanding Ageism”; McMullin, “Diversity”; ­McMullin, Understanding Social Inequality; Ray, “Feminist Gerontology.” 18 Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism; Mead, Mind, Self and Society; Cooley, “Looking Glass.” 19 Naegele et al., New Organisation. 20 Kohli, “Social Organization”; Kohli, “Institutionalization of the Life Course.” 21 Kohli and Rein, “Changing Balance of Work and Retirement.” 22 Ibid., 6. 23 Rife and First, “Discouraged Older Workers,” 197. 24 McDonald and Chen, “Youth Freeze.” 25 Foot, Boom, Bust & Echo. 26 Naegele, Tavernier, and Hess, “Work Environment.” 27 Marshall, Aging Workforce. 28 See Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board [2018] for more information on the changing legality of the practice of ceasing benefits for workers once they reach a certain age. 29 Armstrong-Stassen and Staats, “Gender Differences”; Denton and Spencer, “What Is Retirement?”; Foot and Venne, “The Long Goodbye”; McDonald and Donahue, “Retirement Lost?”; Sargent et al., “Reinventing Retirement”; Schellenberg, Turcotte, and Ram, “Post-Retirement Employment.” 30 North and Fiske, “An Inconvenienced Youth?” 31 Meisner and Levy, “Age Stereotypes”; Lagacé and Laplante, “Echoes of Ageist Discourses”; Levy, Slade, and Kasl, “Longitudinal Benefit of Positive Self-Perceptions”; Levy et al., “Positive Age Stereotypes.” 32 Bai, Lai, and Guo, “Ageism and Depression.” 33 Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board, [2018] H.R.T.O. 680; Berger, Expert Report for age discrimination case Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board, 2015; Cara v. York Catholic District Schoolboard, [2019] H.R.T.O. 682; Berger, Expert Report for age discrimination case Cara v. York Catholic District School Board, 2015–2016; Berger, Expert Report for confidential age discrimination case, 2014. 34 Talos v. Grand Erie District School Board, [2018] H.R.T.O. 680. 35 Lagacé et al., “Costs of Ageism.”

Notes to pages 135–48  161 36 Stypińska and Nikander, “Ageism.” 37 Statistics Canada, “Duration of Unemployment,” table 14-10-0057-01; Sok, “Record Unemployment.” 38 Riddell, “Older Workers in the New Economy.” 39 Lagacé et al., “How Ageism Contributes to the Second-Level Digital Divide.” 40 See, for example, Levy, Slade, and Kasl, “Longitudinal Benefit of Positive Self-Perceptions”; Levy et al., “Association between Positive Age Stereotypes and Recovery from Disability.” 41 Levy et al., “Subliminal Strengthening.” 42 Ng et al., “Retirement as Meaningful,” 69. Appendix 1 Taylor and Walker, “The Ageing Workforce.” 2 Comrey and Lee, Factor Analysis. 3 Tabachnick and Fidell, Using Multivariate Statistics. 4 Reyment and Jöreskog, Applied Factor Analysis. 5 Norusis, SPSS. 6 Ibid. 7 Fitz-Gibbon and Lyobs Morris, How to Analyze Data. 8 Kim and Mueller, Introduction to Factor Analysis. 9 Ibid. 10 Taylor and Bogdan, Qualitative Research Methods. 11 Lincoln and Guba, Naturalistic Inquiry. 12 Patton, Qualitative Research. 13 Ibid.

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Index

Abrams, Dominic, 16 age chronological, 7–8, 11, 15, 60 functional, 8 age discrimination. See discrimination by age Age Discrimination in Employment Act (US), 3, 12 age of interviewer, impact of, 23, 26, 28, 31–2, 35, 37–9, 42, 89, 119, 125–6 age-friendly employers, 27–8, 89–90, 118, 132, 134 Home Depot, 132 Walmart, 132 ageism definition of, 10–12 health consequences of, 18, 65, 133 indirect or subtle, 15, 17, 40–2, 44, 48, 57, 112, 124, 134–5 overt/explicit, 40, 42–4, 57, 112, 122, 124 personal consequences of, 3, 11, 18–19, 22, 63, 65, 97, 115, 128, 131, 133 types/categories of, 11–12 See also gendered ageism Alon-Shenker, Pnina, 16–17 apocalyptic demography, 10–11

appearance, physical, 11, 15, 17–18, 61–2, 73, 85, 88, 105–6, 133 and gender, 17, 56–7, 88, 106, 117–18, 123, 133 and job interviews, 27, 43, 50, 56–7, 73, 83–5, 88, 90, 92, 105–6, 114, 117–18, 122–3 attributes of older workers, positive, 13–14, 16, 33–7, 45, 92–4, 120 barriers to employment, age-related, 3, 5, 10, 13, 16, 22–5, 28, 42, 56, 60–1, 76, 88, 124–6, 128–30, 135–6 and gender-related, 55–6, 108, 124 and language-related, 87–8, 133 Bengston, Vern, 19 Best Employer programs, 27–8, 89–90, 118, 132, 134 Home Depot, 132 Walmart, 132 Bismarck, Otto von, 7 Blumer, Herbert, 19 bona fide occupational requirement (BFOR), 8 Breytspraak, Linda, 19 Butler, Robert, 11–12 International Longevity Center, 12 Bytheway, Bill, 11

184 Index Canada Labour Code, 8 Canadian Human Rights Act, 8 Canadian Human Rights Commission, 13 Canduela, Jesus, 16 Cook, Suzanne, 9 Cooke, Martin, 22 Cooley, Charles Horton, 19–20 looking-glass self, 19–20 decade of reminders, 20 definition of the situation, 22, 80 dependency ratio, 11 discouraged workers, older, 15, 27, 59, 63, 115, 125f, 127–30, 133 discrimination by age, 5–6, 41–4, 60–1, 63–4, 115–16, 128–9, 134–5, 150n30 complaints about, 13, 134–5 definition of, 12 and gender, 6, 18, 56–8, 114 and immigration status, 56, 82, 131 impact of, 18, 20, 85, 115–16 legal context, 12–13, 134–5 mechanisms for, 47–52, 57, 114 and workplace, 12–16, 26–8, 40–4, 57, 73–90, 102–9, 119, 124, 131–2 displaced workers, older, 22, 24, 26, 58, 80 Drury, Lisbeth, 16 employer attitudes/perspectives, 29–39, 104–5, 109–10, 119 and company size, 23, 26, 28–30, 32, 35, 37, 89, 118–19, 125–6, 134 and employer’s age, 23, 26, 28, 31–2, 35, 37–9, 42, 89, 119, 125–6 and employer’s gender, 23, 26, 28, 30–3, 35, 37–9, 89, 118–19, 125–6, 134 and employer’s level of education, 23, 26, 32–3, 35–9

indicators of, 29–32 and industrial sector, 23, 26, 29–30, 32, 35, 37, 39 and proportion of older employees, 23, 26, 29–33, 35–9 Employment and Social Development Canada, 5–6, 23–4, 60 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (US), 12–13 expectations, changing work-related, 27, 73, 76–82, 88, 90, 116–18, 133 Feldman, Daniel, 14 Freedom 55, 7 Garfinkel, Harold, 27, 59, 115 gendered ageism, 3, 6, 10, 17–20, 26, 28, 57–8, 91–2, 107–8, 120, 123–6, 125f, 128–9, 130–1, 135 gendered bodies, older, 56–7, 118. See also appearance, physical gendered ideologies, 26, 54–6, 108, 114 gendered work, 26, 52–5 Giles, Howard, 15 Goffman, Erving, 20, 22, 89, 117 concept of stigma, 20, 22, 89–90 dramaturgical approach, 20 identity, 20, 22, 89 impression management, 20, 22, 89–90, 116–18, 158n3 Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS), 10 health-care benefits, 64, 100, 110–12, 134, 159n3 Hébert, Benoît-Paul, 9–10 Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (HRSDC), 5–6, 23–4, 60 Human Resources Development Canada (HRDC), 5–6, 23–4, 60 Hurd Clarke, Laura, 11

Index 185 identity change in job search process, 3, 59–72 degradation, 19, 27, 59–66, 70–2, 80, 115–16, 125f, 126–8 felt identity, 20, 59, 62, 71, 89, 115 gendered identity, 4, 59 negotiation strategies, 4, 20, 22, 27, 59, 65–72, 80, 115–16, 125f, 126, 128, 133–4, 154n166 presented identity, 20, 27, 89–90, 116 social identity, 11, 20, 22, 27, 31, 38, 59, 62, 71, 89, 115–16 transformation, 20–1, 65, 69, 127–8 impression management strategies, 20, 22, 89–90, 116–18, 158n3 intergenerational conflict, 10–11, 109, 137 internship programs, 110, 136 interview language, 15, 19, 40, 51–2, 71–2, 85–8, 90, 92, 105–6, 123–4 ageist, 51–2, 73, 114, 122–4, 134 “youthful,” 27, 85–8, 105–6, 117, 122, 133 Ishimaru, Stuart, 12

management techniques, age-related concealments, 22, 27, 49, 58, 73, 82–8, 90, 104–5, 114, 116–18, 122–3, 126–7, 129–30, 133 counteractions, 22, 27, 53–4, 73–82, 88, 90, 92, 114, 116–18, 126–7, 129–30, 133 gender related, 88, 117, 123, 133 targeting, 27–8, 73, 88–90, 116, 118, 126, 129–30, 134 mandatory retirement, elimination of, 3–4, 6–10, 23, 25, 38, 61, 91, 94, 99–102, 119, 130, 150n30 Marshall, Victor, 23 master status, age as a, 20, 59, 62, 115 McCann, Robert, 15 McMullin, Julie, 22 Mead, George Herbert, 19 mentoring, 132, 136 attribute of older workers, 13, 33–4, 36–7, 92–3, 120 Merton, Robert, 19 More Years, Better Lives, 110. See also programs for older workers

job advertisements, 15, 26, 40, 47–8, 57, 77, 117, 131, 135 job turnover rate, 14, 17, 46, 77, 95, 112, 121, 131

Ng, Thomas, 14

Karp, Daniel, 20–1 Kuypers, Jim, 19 labelling, age-related, 6, 19, 26–7, 59–65, 71, 115, 122, 136 Lagacé, Martine, 19 Levy, Becca, 18, 136 Luong, May, 9–10 Macdonald, Jamie, 18 MacEwen, Angella, 9

Old Age Security (OAS) pension, 10 older workers definitions of, 5–7, 23 Ontario Human Rights Code, 12–13, 43 Ontario Human Rights Commission, 13, 15 Palmore, Erdman, 11–12 part-time/contract/occasional work, 9, 25, 53, 78–80, 118, 132–3 pension systems/plans, 3, 7–10, 16, 18, 47, 150n30 eligibility, 6, 23 Prensky, Marc, 15

186 Index programs for older workers, 5–6, 24–8, 59–63, 65–9, 71–2, 75–6, 83, 110, 115–17, 125f, 126, 129–30, 135–6 negative effects of, 60–3, 65–6, 71, 115, 130, 136 psychodynamic theory, 32 Reskin, Barbara, 31 résumés, 25, 26–8, 40, 48–51, 57, 73–4, 92, 104–5, 114, 126–7 chronological, 83, 117, 122 functional, 83, 117, 122 modifications to conceal age, 27, 49, 82–5, 88, 90, 116–17, 122, 133 retirement, 7–10, 16, 18, 23, 94–5, 103–4, 132, 154n166 age of, 7–10, 101–2, 110, 124, 125f, 130, 151n48 early, 7, 9 forced/mandatory, 5, 7–8, 11, 17, 23, 61. See also mandatory retirement, elimination of role identification in, 21–2, 27, 70 semi-retirement, 25, 27, 69–70, 80, 116, 118, 128, 133 transition to, 9–10, 70, 132, 151n50, 154n166 Ross, Catherine, 31 Scott, Robert, 115 self-fulfilling prophecy, 19, 63–4, 115 skill obsolescence, 14, 98–9 skills maintenance, 45, 73–6, 88, 90, 117 social breakdown syndrome, 19, 63 social identity theory, 31 stereotypes by age, 11–20, 26–8, 37, 39–40, 45–7, 56–7, 60–1, 76, 91, 97–100, 109, 112–14, 121, 126–7, 131, 135–6

internalization of, 19, 63, 97, 136 related to flexibility/adaptability, 14–15, 28, 36, 40, 45–6, 57, 73, 90, 96–7, 103, 111, 113, 121, 131 related to health status, 14, 34, 47, 93, 105, 121, 136 related to high financial costs, 14–15, 40, 45, 47, 57, 73, 77, 91, 99–101, 111, 113, 116–17, 121, 131 related to productivity, 11, 14, 28, 30, 35–8, 64, 91, 97, 101, 111–12 related to salary expectations, 14–16, 46, 48, 57, 82, 99–101, 111–12, 114, 116–17, 121 related to training, 14, 28, 40, 45–6, 57, 73, 90, 98–9, 111–13, 120–1 related to use of technology, 19, 28, 30, 36–7, 98–9, 111–12, 121–2, 131–3, 136 and self-fulfilling prophecy, 19, 63–4, 115 and younger workers, 28, 95–7, 109 stereotypes by gender, 17, 31, 54–6, 108, 114 stigmatization, 19–22, 27, 40, 47, 59, 61–2, 70, 73, 89–90, 115–16, 118, 127 definition of, 20 See also Goffman, Erving: concept of stigma Swift, Hannah, 16 symbolic interactionism, 19–20, 27, 51, 71, 123–4 Targeted Initiative for Older Workers (TIOW), 5, 110, 135 Taylor, Phillip, 16

Index 187 ThirdQuarter, 6. See also programs for older workers Tomchick, Terri, 22 training and older workers, 16–17, 37, 39, 97–100, 111–12, 121–2, 132, 135 as counteraction strategy, 27, 74, 116, 133–4 and negative stereotypes, 14, 28, 40, 45–6, 57, 73, 90, 111, 113, 120–1

Urwin, Peter, 16 volunteer work, 9, 11, 53, 75 Weil, Frederick, 32 Workforce Development Agreements (WDAs), 5–6 Canada Job Fund Agreements, 5 Labour Market Agreements for Persons with Disabilities, 5