African Cinema: Manifesto and Practice for Cultural Decolonization: Volume 3: The Documentary Record―Declarations, Resolutions, Manifestos, Speeches 025306628X, 9780253066282

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Martin and Kaboré

FILM AND MEDIA | AFRICAN STUDIES

MANIFESTO AND PRACTICE FOR CULTURAL DECOLONIZATION

“This is a long-awaited volume of detailed and analytical information and commentary that maps the development of the cinema of a large continent and the background ideas that have influenced its formation.” —JUNE GIVANNI, Director of the June Givanni Pan African Cinema Archive (JGPACA)

GASTON JEAN-MARIE KABORÉ is a film director, producer, and screenwriter and the former director of the Centre National du Cinéma in Burkina Faso.

Studies in the Cinema of the Black Diaspora Michael T. Martin and David C. Wall, editors

iupress.org ISBN 9780253066299

9 780253 066299

VOLUME 3

MICHAEL T. MARTIN is Professor of Cinema and Media Studies at the Media School at Indiana University, Bloomington. He is editor or coeditor of several anthologies, including (with David C. Wall) The Politics and Poetics of Black Film: Nothing But a Man and Race and the Revolutionary Impulse in The Spook Who Sat by the Door. Martin directed and coproduced the award-winning feature documentary on Nicaragua, In the Absence of Peace, distributed by Third World Newsreel.

AFRICAN CINEMA

Volume Three of this landmark series on African cinema spans the past century and is devoted to the documentation of decoloniality in cultural policy in both Africa and the Black diaspora worldwide. A compendium of formal resolutions, declarations, manifestos, and programmatic statements, it chronologically maps the long history and trajectories of cultural policy in Africa and the Black Atlantic. Beginning with the 1920 declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, which anticipates cinema as we know it today, and the formal oppositional assertions—aspirational and practical. The first part of this work references formal statements that pertain directly to cultural policy and cinematic formations in Africa, while the next part addresses the Black diaspora. Each entry is chronologically ordered to account for when the statement was created, followed by where and in what context it was enunciated.

MANIFESTO AND PRACTICE FOR CULTURAL DECOLONIZATION

Challenging established views and assumptions about traditions and practices of filmmaking in the African diaspora, this three-volume set offers readers a researched critique on black film.

AFRICAN CINEMA

90000 >

Edited (with contributions) by Michael T. Martin and Gaston Jean-Marie Kaboré

VOLUME 3

PRESS

The Documentary Record—Declarations, Resolutions, Manifestos, Speeches

AFRICAN CINEMA

AFRICAN CINEMA Manifesto and Practice for Cultural Decolonization Volume 3 The Documentary Record— Declarations, Resolutions, Manifestos, Speeches

Edited by Michael T. Martin and Gaston J. M. Kaboré with Allison J. Brown, Cole Nelson, and Joseph E. Roskos

Indiana University Press

This book is a publication of Indiana University Press Office of Scholarly Publishing Herman B Wells Library 350 1320 East 10th Street Bloomington, Indiana 47405 USA iupress.org © 2023 by Indiana University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. Manufactured in the United States of America First Printing 2023 Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-253-06628-2 (hdbk.) ISBN 978-0-253-06629-9 (pbk.) ISBN 978-0-253-06630-5 (web PDF) This book is a collaboration of Black Camera: An International Film Journal, the Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO), and IMAGINE Film Institute, Burkina Faso.

The Editors wish to dedicate this volume to the artists and cultural workers who labor against the misrepresentation of Africa and its descendants—past, present, and future

Constituting an archive represents . . . the end of a certain kind of creative innocence, and the beginning of a new stage of self-reflexivity in an artistic movement. Here the whole apparatus of a “history”—periods, key figures and works, tendencies, shifts, breaks, ruptures—slips silently into place. —Stuart Hall, 2001

Contents Acknowledgments xvii

On Decoloniality: African and Diasporic Cinema

Michael T. Martin and Gaston J. M. Kaboré

1

Part I. Africa 1958

 eclaration and Resolutions of the Conference of D Independent African States

19

1968

Manifesto of New Cinema in Egypt

23

1969

Pan-African Cultural Manifesto, Algiers, Algeria

29

1969

Resolution on Inter-African Cultural Festival

42

1970

 roposed Establishment of an All-African Cinema P Union 43

1970s

Regulations of the Carthage Film Festival

44

1972

 esolution on the Pan-African Film Festival R of Ouagadougou

52

1974

 orkshop Resolutions: Seminar on “The Role of the W African Filmmaker in Rousing an Awareness of Black Civilization” 55

1975

The Algiers Charter on African Cinema

63

1975

The Accra Declaration on Cultural Policies

65

Contents

x

1976

Cultural Charter for Africa

69

1977

Cinematographic Art (FESTAC 77)

80

1977

 esolution of Commendation and Appreciation to the R Federal Republic of Nigeria

85

1980

 egulations of the Pan-African Film Festival of R Ouagadougou (FESPACO)

86

1982

Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers

91

1984

Final Communique, African Regional Film Workshop

97

1986

The Language Plan of Action for Africa

1987

 esolutions on the Development of Film and Endogenous R and Non-Endogenous Cultural Industries 108

1989

First International Day of Partnership (FEPACI)

110

1989

An Outlook on FEPACI

121

1990

 inal Communique of the First Frontline Film Festival F and Workshop

152

1991

S tatement by the African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video

157

1991

The Status of the Audiovisual Sector in Africa

160

1991

Declaration of Windhoek

183

1992

 frican Audio-Visual Industries: Prospects A and Strategies

187

1992

 ultural Industries for Development in Africa: Dakar C Plan of Action

192

1995

 esolution on the Celebration of the Centenary of Film R Invention 226

2001

African Charter on Broadcasting

228

2002

 ccra Declaration on Public Service Broadcasting in A West Africa

232

2002

 eclaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in D Africa 235

102

Contents

xi

2006

African Film Summit

242

2009

FEPACI Master Report: Selections

256

2010

Queer African Manifesto/Declaration 

273

2010

Manifesto: Conference of African Women Filmmakers

275

2010

Sollywood: A Movement

277

2010

 ommunique from the “Sustaining the New Wave of C Pan-Africanism” Workshop

281

2011

The WEMF V Accra Declaration

285

2013

African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedom

288

2013

 eclaration at the Second African Women in Film D Forum 305

2016

 e African Editors Forum (TAEF): Declaration on Th World Media Freedom Day

307

2016

African Media Initiative

309

2016

Sisters Working in Film and Television (SWIFT)

312

2017

Manifesto of Ouagadougou, FESPACO 25th Edition

313

2017

The Surreal16 Collective Manifesto White Paper

319

2018

African Cinema Day: One Africa, One Cinema Project

322

2003; 2019

 e African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission Th (AACC) • Decision on the Establishment of an AACC 326 • Draft Statute of the AACC 327

Part II. Black Diaspora 1920

 eclaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the D World 347

1945

S elections from the Declarations and Resolutions of the Fifth Pan-African Congress

355

1956

First Congress of Negro Writers and Artists

364

Contents

xii

1958

 ppeal: The Unity and Responsibilities of African Negro A Culture 366

1959

Second Congress of Negro Writers and Artists

370

1965

An Esthetic of Hunger

380

1969

Black Manifesto

383

1970

Towards a Third Cinema

390

1972

Manifesto of the Palestinian Cinema Group

414

1972

S uper Fly: A Summary of Objections by the Kuumba Workshop 416

1973

Resolutions of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting

1974

The Resolution on Culture, Sixth Pan-African Congress 428

1974

 inal Resolutions: International Conference for a F New Cinema

430

1983

 lack Independent Filmmaking: A Statement by the B Black Audio Film Collective

447

1983

S ymposium Declaration: Third Eye – Struggle for Black & Third World Cinema

450

1983

NAMEDIA Declaration

453

1986

I nauguration of the San Antonio de Los Baños International School of Cinema and Television

456

1990

FeCAVIP Manifesto

458

1990

 udiovisual Market Caught Between the Chances in the A North and South-South Cooperation 459

1991

Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Charter

464

1992

Caribbean Film and Video Federation: A Report

466

1993

 orking Group: Women in Cinema, Television, and W Video Workshop

473

1994

Resolution of the Seventh Pan-African Congress

474

417

Contents

xiii

1995

 an-African Union of Women of the Moving Image P (UPAFI) 476

1999

Dogma Feijoada

490

1999

Tunis Declaration for the Defense of National Cinemas

491

2003

 akar Declaration on the Promotion of ACP Cultures D and Cultural Industries

495

2003

 ational Cultural Policy of Jamaica: Toward Jamaica the N Cultural Superstate—Excerpts 504

2003

I ssues Paper: Towards a Protocol for Filmmakers Working with Indigenous Content and Indigenous Communities 514

2004

Poor Cinema Manifesto

529

2005

Principles of Kaupapa Māori

531

2006

S anto Domingo Resolution From the 2nd Meeting of the ACP Ministers of Culture 534

2008

Jollywood Manifesto

2009

2009

542

 russels Declaration by Artists and Cultural Professionals B and Entrepreneurs 543 • Annex to the Brussels Declaration: The Cinema and Audiovisual Sector as a Factor of Development (2009) 549  frosurreal Manifesto: Black is the New black— A A 21st-Century Manifesto

556

2011–2014

 BCD CINEMA: Filmmakers of Africa, Brazil, the A Caribbean, and their Diasporas • Final Declaration of the First Meeting of ABCD CINEMA (2011) • Final Declaration of the Second Meeting of ABCD CINEMA (2012) • Final Declaration of the Third Meeting of ABCD CINEMA (2013) • Cameras of Diversity (2012–2014)

561 565 568 570

Contents

xiv

2012

 e Association for the Advancement of Cinematic Th Creative Maladjustment: A Manifesto

580

2012

Forty Years of Cinema by Women of Africa

589

2013

Tela Preta Manifesto

599

2013

 rinidad and Tobago Declaration on Developing the T Caribbean Film Industry

601

2013

The New Negress Film Society 

606

2015

Resolutions of the Eighth Pan-African Congress

608

2016

“ Black Is…” and That’s the Beauty of It: Ten Propositions Concerning the Visible and the Visual, in Consideration of Black Cinema and Black Visual Culture 614

2016

 eport on the Launch of the African Women R Filmmakers Hub

618

2016

 inema Pasifika: Developing the Narrative Film and C Television Sector in the Pacific Island Region— Executive Summary

620

2017

 an-African Alliance of Screenwriters and Filmmakers P (APASER) 623

2018

 ore Shamans, Less Intolerance! An Indigenous M Manifesto at Berlin Film Festival

2018

 ia Manawanui: Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical K Framework 632

2019

Reclaiming Black Film and Media Studies

651

2021

 e New Normal: A Manifesto to Create a Safe Space, Th Free of Racism, for the Black Artist

655

626

Index 661

Acknowledgments In recognition of this two-year collaboration, we salute the following individuals and institutions upon which was realized this three-volume scholarly endeavor and project of this scope, scale, and utility on African and Black diasporic cinema.

Advising Consultants • Erna Beumers, Museum Curator, Africa, Utrecht, Netherlands • June Givanni, Curator & Director, Pan African Cinema Archives (JGPACA), London • Eileen Julien, Professor Emeritus, Departments of Comparative Literature & French, Indiana University, Bloomington • Ron Stoneman, Professor Emeritus & former Director, Huston School of Film & Digital Media, National University of Ireland, Galway • Emma Sandon, Senior Lecturer, Department of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, School of Arts Birbeck, University of London • Olivier Barlet, Film critic and scholar, former Director of Africultures, France • Justin Ouoro, Professor of Film, University of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso • Somet Yoporeka, University of Strasbourg, France, Burkina Faso

Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO), Burkina Faso • Ardiouma Soma, General Delegate, FESPACO, 2014–2020

Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), Burkina Faso • Dramane Deme, Executive Director, Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI)

Acknowledgments

xvi

Institut IMAGINE (Burkina Faso) • • • •

Edith Kaboré Edmond Sawodogo, Research Associate Toussaint Zongo, Filmmaker and Director of Administration Daouda Sanguisso, Interpreter/Translator, Burkina Faso

Media School, Indiana University, Bloomington • Walter Gantz, Interim Dean • Radhika Parameswaran, Associate Dean

Black Camera: An International Film Journal • Megan Connor, Former Managing Editor • Katherine Tartaglia, Former Managing Editor • David Coen, Freelance Copyeditor

AFRICAN CINEMA

On Decoloniality: African and Diasporic Cinema Michael T. Martin and Gaston J. M. Kaboré

T

he epoch of slavery and concomitant trauma of colonial settlement and rule in Africa, the Caribbean, the Americas, and Pasifika is arguably without precedent in the long history of Western imperialism and ascendancy of capitalism. Africans and the resistance of their descendent peoples in the diaspora are no less a challenge today than they were during the period of conquest, settlement, and enslavement. Indeed, the legacy of this period and those defaced by it, the continuing struggle against its repressive cultural, systemic, and institutional practices in the contemporary world, constitutes an abiding summons to refute the denial, by design and ignorance, of Africa’s contribution to world culture and civilization. To this day, along with the hazards of globalization’s relentless homogenization of cultures and societies, the corporate project of accumulation sequesters and undermines humankind’s capacity and will to “act” in solidarity against the pillaging of the natural world that sustains life and planet Earth. In these relational historical determinations and their inherent collective trauma, what is to be discerned from African cinema and its varied iterations in the Black Atlantic and Pasifika? Like other artistic modes, evinced in and refracted by a kaleidoscope of genres, themes, aesthetics, and representations—emblematic and signifying—African cinema is a work in progress, recuperating the past, as it imagines and gestures a futurity. In the project of world making, and in the African specificity, cinematic texts labor as mediated solidarity between the filmmaker/cultural producer and marginalized peoples and social movements they identify with and endeavor to represent and advocate for. Such films are “about a subject and about itself,” in the former, as political praxis, and the latter, the process and apparatus of filmmaking.1 Differences in genre, aesthetic registers, and narrative storytelling notwithstanding, films of this kind are in correspondence with historical activity—the evidentiary and the fantastical. Such counterhistorical texts, indeed all cinematic texts, are no less contingent on the vagaries and determinations of circumstance, place, and the temporal by which they

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are informed and constituted in local, regional, national, continental circuits of production and exchange. Broadly speaking, with these conditionalities in mind, the genealogy—the descent lines—of African cinema are situated and rendered intelligible, historical, and culturally distinct. What began in the colonial project of denial and cultural devaluation was followed by the formative utterances by African cineastes and their allies to forge and cohere a collective call for a cinema borne from and fashioned by Africanity, as a decolonial assertion and valorization of all manner of African experience. No less determining, this cinema’s nascita was first made manifest through the interplay of Pan-Africanism and anticolonial struggles from the mid-1950s and 1960s. In considering the postindependence period, with African cinema’s “nationalizations” in the early 1980s to late 1990s and under conditions of a “market economy,” Olivier Barlet and Claude Forest contend that this marked the decline of “collective awareness” and rise of a cinema of “individuation.”2 Since then to the present moment, the authors assert that the digital revolution has occasioned “a radical thematic and aesthetic revival” of African cinema, which this collection examines, along with earlier formations and stages in the evolution of the African cinematic.3 Mapping the African cinematographic encounter to the present is rendered in the following, and intentionally, simplified chronology. In 1895—the year of the Lumière brothers’ screening of La Sortie de l’Usine Lumière à Lyon (France)—Félix Regnault documented the labors of a Wolof clay potter in Une Femme Ouolove / A Woman Ouolove. The following year, screenings took place in Egypt and South Africa, and in the next year, Tunisia and Morocco. During the period of colonial denunciation, René Vautier denounced the colonial project in the documentary Afrique 50 (1950, France), Paulin Soumanou Vieyra and Mamadou Sarr addressed identity among African students in Paris and the emblematic and locational meaning of Africa as a floating signifier in Afrique sur Seine (1955, France), and Chris Marker and Alain Resnais examined racism in readings of African art in Les Statues meurent aussi / Statues Also Die (1953, France). For film texts representative of the anticolonial period, see Borom Sarret by Ousmane Sembène (1963, Senegal) and Emitaï (1971, Senegal); Gillo Pontecorvo’s theorized meditation on the Algerian War of Independence in the Algerian-Italian production of La Bataille d’Alger / The Battle of Algiers (1966, Italy and Algeria), Sarah Maldoror’s Sambizanga (1972, Angola and France), Med Hondo’s Soleil Ô (1967, Mauritania), Djibril Diop Mambéty’s Touki Bouki (1973, Senegal), and Gaston J. M. Kaboré’s allegorical Wend Kuuni (1982, Burkina Faso). And during the period of market economy and nationalization Souleymane Cissé’s Finyè (1982, Mali) and Yeelen (1987, Mali), Hondo’s Sarraounia (1986, Mauritania), Flora Gomes’s Mortu Nega (1988, GuineaBissau), Sembène’s Guelwaar (1993, Senegal), Jean-Marie Téno’s Afrique, je

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Attendees and participants of FESPACO 1972. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

te plumerai (1992) and Clando (1996, Cameroon), Kaboré’s Buud Yam (1997, Burkina Faso), and Bourlem Guerdjou, Vivre au paradis / Living in Paradise (1998, Algeria). Lastly, consigning films to Barlet and Forest’s contemporary “moment” (“Aesthetic renewal and digital revolution”), Mahamat-Saleh Haroun’s Bye Bye Africa (1999, France and Chad) and Un homme qui crie (2010, Chad); Sembène’s Faat Kiné (2001, Senegal) and Moolaadé (2003, Senegal); Abderrahmane Sissako’s Heremakono (2002, Mali), Bamako (2006, Mali), and Timbuktu (2014, Mali); Téno’s Le Malentendu colonial (2004, Cameroon); Haile Gerima’s Teza (2008, Ethiopia); Moussa Touré’s La Pirogue (2012, Senegal); Amor Hakkar’s La Maison jaune (2007, Algeria); Alain Gomis’s Félicité (2017, Senegal); and Mati Diop’s Atlantics (2019, France and Senegal). Beginning with Vieyra and Sarr’s Afrique sur Seine, each film entry in the chronology is distinct, and together they foreground the thematics and diversity that is African (and Black diasporic) cinema as a continental and global project, at once particular and universal. And in this chronological continuum, each film is informed by the specificities of historical activity, its temporal and circumstantial registers, as well as by the modalities of storytelling particular to cultural formations. This collection was first conceived in 2019 during the twenty-sixth edition of the Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) in Burkina Faso and then assembled and published in 2020–21

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Paulin Soumanou Vieyra (left) and Georges Caristan (right) during the filming of Afrique Sur Seine/ Africa on the Seine (dir. Mamadou Sarr and Vieyra, 1955, France). Image courtesy of Stéphane Vieyra.

in three successive issues of Black Camera: An International Film Journal (Indiana University Press) in partnership with FESPACO and IMAGINE Film Institute, both film entities in Burkina Faso. In this new iteration comprising three volumes, volumes 1 and 2 have been reversed in order for greater coherency, and additional materials have been added to the contents of each volume. Relational yet distinct, the following are the contents of each volume delineated.

Volume 1: Colonial Antecedents, Constituents, Theory, and Articulations Organized into four parts, this volume features foundational essays; thematic, practical, and theoretical conversations; and three dossiers that chronicle and enunciate the development of African cinema to the present.

Part 1: Colonial Formations Six chapters illumine the ideological project of colonial cinema to legitimize the economic exploitation, political control, and cultural hegemony of the African continent during the period of imperial rule. Roy Armes’s chapter, the first, is a case study of colonial policy and practice that is examined in the contexts of Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria. This is followed by James E.

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The Gold Coast Film Unit disseminated government policy to local audiences. Here, a Mass Education team outlines scenes from the 1950 GCFU production Amenu’s Child. Image courtesy of the Public Relations Office, Gold Coast.

Genova’s take on the French “Colonialist Regime of Representation,” which is detailed in his expansive overview and critical reading of Georges Régnier’s Paysans noirs (1948, France). The film, Genova contends, “was intended to (re) construct images of Africa that would resonate with African audiences, and also challenge the prevailing tropes of Africa and Africans circulating among external audiences.”4 Next, Femi Okiremuette Shaka’s “Politics of Cultural Conversion in Colonialist African Cinema” examines two variants of colonial cinema: “instructional cinema” and “colonialist cinema,” the former deployed for public education in the project of modernization, the latter, commercial, emphasizing “conventionalized stereotypes of Africans in European culture.”5 James Burns’s chapter, “The African Bioscope: Movie-House Culture in British Colonial Africa,” assesses the evolution of urban screening sites designated for the nonwhite, largely poor and illiterate population, sites where such audiences “consumed the Hollywood films that their colonial masters found so threatening,” while constituting spaces to enable and sustain “urban sociability” among Africans of lower social standing. Tom Rice’s chapter, “From the Inside: The Colonial Film Unit and the Beginning of the End,” interrogates the shifting politics of British colonial policy engaged with “training Africans” in the postwar period, emphasizing the practice of policy in the Gold Coast (now Ghana). Last, consider in Odile Goerg’s

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chapter “The Independence Generation: Film Culture and the Anti-Colonial Struggle in the 1950s,” on the development of film culture in the postwar years. Here Goerg maps the circulation of Western cinema and the reception of American films by African audiences, the role and variations of censorship practiced by the French and British colonies, and the emergent challenges to colonial discourses on cinema.

Part 2: Constituting African Cinema Eight chapters engage with (a) the “moment” of what would become African cinema as an anticolonial formation that challenged imperial rule in the continent and the global South; (b) the postindependence period and opposition to, and dependency on, foreign, largely Western, screens, production, and exhibition sites; and (c) the creation of major film festivals in Tunis (Journées cinématographiques de Carthage, also known as JCC) and Ouagadougou (FESPACO),6 as well as the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) that, in counterpoint to foreign domination, institutionalized and promoted African cinema and its role in the educational and cultural development of African societies. Beginning with two founding texts, Med Hondo’s “What Is Cinema for Us?” and Férid Boughedir’s “A Cinema Fighting for Its Liberation,” the problematique and organizing principles of African cinema are declared for its independence and development, decolonizing African minds, and advocacy for the self-determination of African societies. Haile Gerima’s contribution follows with “Where Are the African Women Filmmakers?,” which revisits patriarchy and sexism on African screens. Gerima asserts, “The depiction and portrayal of women in African cinema is by and large a deformed one,”7 and he cites three trajectories of this gendered disfigurement: (a) African women are portrayed as sexual objects; (b) symbols of a “pure” Africa; and (c) among “progressive” male filmmakers, portrayals of “liberated men and women with some kind of social, political, and economic vision.”8 The next two chapters address the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), detailed in Monique Mbeka Phoba’s interview with Seipati Bulane-Hopa, “New Avenues for FEPACI,” and Sada Niang’s “The FEPACI and Its Artistic Legacies,” in which he assesses the postwar cinematic landscape and context of FEPACI, including the rise of anticolonial movements in the global South and the theorization and deployment of Third Cinema by tricontinental, particularly Caribbean and Latin American, filmmakers, among them Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, Fernando Birri, Julio García Espinosa, Glauber Rocha, Fernando Solanas.9

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Attendees and participants of FESPACO 1972. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

In “The Six Decades of African Film,” Olivier Barlet maps and distinguishes each decade in the evolution of African cinema from the 1960s period of “mandatory commitment” to “mirroring society” (1970s), the “autofiction” of the 1980s, “the individual versus the world” (1990s), “towards humanity” (2000s), and during the 2010s “a tribute to concern,” which Barlet describes as “troubled times” marked by “the rise in inequality, populism, and dictatorships.” Part 2’s final chapters conclude with overviews of the colonial project and evolution of African cinema in Clyde Taylor’s “Africa, The Last Cinema” through to the 1980s and Férid Boughedir’s overview and critical summation of the past five decades of African cinema in “The Pan-African Cinema Movement: Achievements, Misfortunes, and Failures (1969–2020).”

Part 3: Theorizing African Cinema Part 3 interrogates the organizing premises and foregrounds the critical terms, categories, and frameworks upon which African cinema is constituted and debated. Here, such contingent, yet determining, factors, such as nationality, race, location, language, and orality, are examined, along with thorny questions such as “Who is an African filmmaker?”; “What is ‘Africanity’ in the conception and practice of African cinema?”; and “In defining African

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cinema, are we creating a ‘theoretical ghetto’ and formulaic orthodoxy that will stifle new expressive forms and representational strategies?” In the first chapter “African Cinema(s): Definition, Identity, and Theoretical Considerations,” Alexie Tcheuyap examines the conundrum of fashioning a coherent conceptualization of African cinema. In surveying the theoretical landscape, he foregrounds the disputes and limitations of ensconced notions and arguments that support unsettled claims about African cinema. In doing so, and on behalf of clarity of terms and criteria, this chapter is particularly useful for discussion. Esiaba Irobi’s “Theorizing African Cinema: Contemporary African Cinematic Discourse and Its Discontents” proffers the construct of the Nsibidi as the framing edifice of a theory of African cinema, which posits “that our filmmakers should, as their own unique contribution into the fabric of world cinema, quilt complex, cultic, iconography that requires an authentic and deep understanding of a given African culture’s art history.”10 For comparisons between ideological discourses and frameworks, see Stephen A. Zacks’s chapter, “The Theoretical Construction of African Cinema,” on “neo-structuralism,” “popular modernism,” and the neo-Marxist approach of Frantz Fanon and Third Cinema to history and social transformation. Elaboration of this approach can be found in Teshome H. Gabriel’s chapter and seminal text “Toward a Critical Theory of Third World Films.” On the matter of authenticity, consult David Murphy’s “Africans Filming Africa: Questioning Theories of an Authentic African Cinema”; and on the binary of tradition/modernity, Jude Akudinobi’s “Tradition/Modernity and the Discourse of African Cinema.” To consider the saliency of “oral cultures” in theorizing African cinema, see “Towards a Theory of Orality in African Cinema,” by Keyan G. Tomaselli, Arnold Shepperson, and Maureen Eke; and for the importance of African languages on the reception of African cinema by African audiences, see Paulin Soumanou Vieyra’s defining chapter, “Film and the Problem of Languages in Africa.” Here, Vieyra sets out to address obstacles in indigenous filmmaking when the spoken language is not in the original. To invoke Gaston J. M. Kaboré in the construction of an African imaginary, in a people’s language, is the capacity to recover and interpret the past, as it is to develop a national and continental identity because language, Kaboré asserts, “brings specificity to our experience.”11 And Frantz Fanon, no less, declares in Black Skin, White Masks that “[t]o speak means to be in a position to use a certain syntax, to grasp the morphology of this or that language, but it means above all to assume a culture, to support the weight of a civilization.”12 Against the limitations of dubbing and, ironically, its capacity to reaffirm Western values, Vieyra advocates for dubbing as a trade-off, “the lesser of two evils,” rather than support a [foreign] language that is understood by 10 percent

Michael T. Martin & Gaston J. M. Kaboré / On Decoloniality

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Panel discussion at the 2017 FESPACO. Gaston Kaboré, Burkinabe filmmaker, pictured on the right. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

of the audience, declaring that “grafting African language would bring local meaning and affective dimension” for African audiences. In this regard, for Vieyra, “African cinema must start by being totally African,” if it is to contribute to the world, which means “that Africa must originate with African languages.”13 On the refashioning of African screens and their application to the training of media professionals and reorientation of African visual media, see Boukary Sawadogo’s chapter “In Defense of African Film Studies.”

Part 4: Articulations of African Cinema Part 4 is comprised of three commissioned dossiers, beginning with a comprehensive chronology, “Key Dates in the History of African Cinema,” by Olivier Barlet and Claude Forest, who distinguish the four “moments” in the evolution of African cinema and include entries for films, filmmakers, countries, defining events, and institutional formations. The second dossier, “African Women in Cinema,” curated by Beti Ellerson, maps the location, mobilizations, and contributions of African women filmmakers from African cinema’s nascency to the present. This much-needed intervention serves as a corrective to an understudied and under-valorized area of study in the literatures, as well as university curricula on film, visual, and cultural studies. And the third dossier, curated and introduced by Sada Niang and Samba Gadjigo, is devoted to the “father of African Cinema,” Ousmane Sembène,

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Entrance to the 1979 FESPACO in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

and features a poem and statement by Sembène; a tribute by Gadjigo; a lengthy conversation with filmmakers Gadjigo and Jason Silverman on their feature documentary Sembene! (2015), by Michael T. Martin; and an annotated gallery of Sembène’s personal documents, curated by Cole Nelson.

Volume 2: Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO)—Formation, Evolution, Challenges The second volume of the collection, which begins with a preface by Ardiouma Soma, the former General Delegate of FESPACO (2014–2020) is organized into six parts, the latter part composed of three dossiers. This volume engages with the decolonizing intervention of FESPACO, the most celebrated, inclusive, and consequential cinematic convocation of its kind in the Black world. Since its formation in 1969, FESPACO’s mission is, in principle, remarkably unchanged, though organizationally distressed, undercapitalized, and dependent. In the long and fraught history of representation, FESPACO’s defining mission is to unapologetically recover, chronicle, affirm, and reconstitute the representation of the African continent and its global diaspora of peoples, thereby enunciating in the cinematic, all manner of Pan-African identity, experience, and, in the project of world making, the futurity of the Black world.

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With this raison d’être of FESPACO in mind, the festival is to neither be mistaken for merely a site of exhibition, nor a venue for the display of African and Black artistic achievement, nor a modality for cultural performance and representation. FESPACO is itself a historical activity and intervention on behalf, and in the play of art, politics, modernity, and most important, the cultural identity of African descended peoples and valorization of all manner of Black life on the African continent and diaspora worldwide. As noted earlier, first published in Black Camera in 2020 to coincide with and commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of FESPACO,14 this second volume includes landmark and commissioned essays, commentaries, conversations, dossiers, and programmatic statements and manifestos that mark and elaborate the key moments in the evolution of FESPACO over the span of the past five decades. Together, they document twenty-six editions of this biennial festival—time enough to assess its development, practice, reception, efficacy, and challenges. By examining FESPACO’s role as host to important and defining deliberations about cultural policy and artistic practice in forums, workshops, and colloquia among media professionals, scholars, critics, and cineastes in public conversation, we are able to discern how African cinema, as a local, national, continental, and increasingly in its diasporic iterations, constitutes a global cultural formation influencing other artistic traditions and movements internationally.

Part 1: Sites and Contexts of Exhibition Part 1 begins with an overview of the “Sites and Contexts of Exhibition” featuring five chapters by Lindiwe Dovey, Manthia Diawara, Beti Ellerson, Sambolgo Bangré, and Dorothee Wenner that together track the international festival circuit for screening African films, the presence of African women filmmakers in the “festival landscape,” how and in what exhibition sites African audiences are shaped and cultivated, and the politics that inform transcultural networking and exhibition of African films.

Part 2: FESPACO: An Ever-Evolving Cinematic and Cultural Formation Part 2 engages with the fifty-year history of the festival itself and comprises nineteen chapters in the form of essays, statements, and interviews by Diawara, M. Africanus Aveh, Mahir Şaul, Sembène, Wole Soyinka, Aboubakar Sanogo, Teresa Hoefert de Turégano, Claire Andrade-Watkins, and Colin Dupré; commissioned essays15 by Beti Ellerson, Rod Stoneman, Mbye Cham, Claire Diao, Férid Boughedir, Michel Amarger, and Sheila Petty; and interviews with Gaston J. M. Kaboré by Michael T. Martin and Alimata Salambéré by Olivier Barlet.

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Part 3: Conditionalities and Challenges The contents of part 3, “Conditionalities and Challenges,” consists of five chapters. Three are formerly commissioned by Imruh Bakari, June Givanni, and Rémi Abéga. The other two are by Mahir Şaul and Olivier Barlet. From the vantage of observation and participation in recent editions of the festival, several contributors project forward into the future of FESPACO and discuss the challenges ahead.16

Part 4: Commentaries: Filmmakers, Film Scholars, and Media Professionals Next in the lineup, part 4, “Commentaries,” consists of fifty-four commissioned short statements by filmmakers and other media professionals, film scholars, and critics reflecting on their experience—favorable and otherwise—at past editions, which illume the flaws and grandeur that is FESPACO. Among such statements, include by Françoise Pfaff, Jean-Marie Téno, Danny Glover, Mansour Sora Wade, Bridgett Davis, Jane Bryce, JeanPierre Bekolo, Dani Kouyaté, Joseph Gaï Ramaka, Zézé Gamboa, Cheryl Fabio, Cornelius Moore, Makéna Diop, Catherine Ruelle, Melissa Thackway, Mahmoud Ben Mahmoud, to name a few.

Part 5: Documents and Part 6: Dossiers While part 5 is devoted to the resolutions, regulations, manifestos, record of juried awards, and events obtained during past editions of FESPACO, part 6 constitutes three distinct dossiers. The first dossier addresses the Paul Robeson Award Initiative (PRAI), which was created to broaden the scope of FESPACO by celebrating filmmaking in the Black Diaspora, and the second and third dossiers address the two major film training institutes in Ouagadougou, the Institut Supérieur de l’Image et du Son/Ecole de Studio (Higher Institute of Image and Sound/Studio School, ISIS-SE) and IMAGINE Film Training Institute. Each dossier details the history, purpose, and essential labor of these cinematographic entities in Burkina Faso.

Volume 3: The Documentary Record: Declarations, Resolutions, Manifestos, Speeches Volume 3 spans the past century and documents decoloniality in cultural policy, emphasizing the cinematic. Closing the collection, it serves as a compendium of proclamations in the form of resolutions, declarations, manifestos, and programmatic statements that chronologically map the

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Representatives of Nigeria at the 1977 Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC ’77). Public domain.

long history and trajectories of cultural policy in Africa and its diasporas in the Black Atlantic and Pasifika. Part 2 of the volume begins with the 1920 “Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World,” which refers to movies as “picture films” and an insidious mode of misrepresentation rather than an affirmation and valuation of African-descended peoples. We hereby protest against the publication of scandalous and inflammatory articles by an alien press tending to create racial strife and the exhibition of picture films [emphasis ours] showing the Negro as a cannibal.17

In counterpoint to such representation of African Americans as “cannibals,” the “Declaration” refutes as it anticipates [Black] filmmaking as a self-conscious and reflexive art form and practice that, foregrounding cinema’s role in decoloniality, labors to reconstitute African peoples as historical subjects in the project of world making. Later documents in the compendium prescribe and articulate the necessity of media—in its various forms and technologies—as no less important to the development of African societies against neo-imperial forms of globalization under such determinations of capitalism. However discrete and distinguished by time, institutional affiliation, country/region/continent of origin, venue of address, and historical circumstance and setting, each entry in the compendium is a “speech act” that

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• constitutes a public declaration of a decolonial purpose and intention • prescribes the role of artist, as intellectual in the service of people dispossessed of their culture and humanity • is ascendant and made manifest during moments of crisis—not stasis • is instructive, describing means by which social progress and a different world might be realized • conjures a futurity. Consider this third volume an aggregate of oppositional assertions and claims in a living archive that as directives on cultural policy and cultural production—aspirational and practical—are in conversation with cinema. As the documentary record and appendix to volumes 1 and 2, this volume is intended to situate African and Black diasporic cinema in the ambit of modernity and the historical project of recovery and renewal. The compendium is organized into two parts: part 1 references formal statements that pertain directly to cultural policy and cinematic formations in Africa, while part 2 addresses the Black diaspora. Entries in each part are chronologically ordered to account for when such proclamations were created, followed by where and in which setting or context they were enunciated. In doing so, historical time serves to periodize cultural policy and particular cinematic iterations in both Africa and the diaspora alike—in the latter, North/South America, the Caribbean, Europe, and Pasifika. While this organizing approach privileges the temporal and geographical, it draws attention to the cultural politics and determinations of circumstance for each entry in the compendium. Part 1, on Africa, consists of forty-seven entries. Among the formative and defining proclamations, consider the “Declaration and Resolutions of the Conference of Independent African States” (1958), the “Pan-African Cultural Manifesto, Algiers, Algeria” (1969), and the “Proposed Establishment of an All-African Cinema Union” (1970); and, too, such later statements: “The Algiers Charter on African Cinema” (1975), the “Cultural Charter of Africa” (1976), and “Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers” (1982); and on matters of gender and sexuality, the “Statement by the African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video” (1991), “Queer African Manifesto/Declaration” (2010), “Manifesto: Conference of African Women Filmmakers” (2010), and “Sisters Working in Film and Television (SWIFT)” (2016). Part 2, on the Black diaspora, comprises fifty-three entries. Note that the earlier entries in this part predate those in part 1 by several decades and start with (as noted earlier) the 1920 “Declaration of the Rights of the Negro

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Peoples of the World.” This and other defining proclamations are particularly consequential for their emblematic value as denunciations of imperial rule and raced doctrines of domination. Correspondingly, they mobilize and propose programmatic initiatives to decolonize African peoples in solidarity with allied social and political formations. Here, the “Selections from the Declarations and Resolutions of the Fifth Pan-African Congress” (1945), the resolutions of the “Congress of Negro Writers and Artists” (1956 and 1959), and “Towards a Third Cinema” (1970), among others, are foundational followed by the “Resolutions of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting” (1973) and the “Federation of Caribbean Audiovisual Professions” (FeCAVIP Manifesto, 1990). While the entries in the compendium document the history, evolution, and trajectories of cultural policy in Africa and the diaspora during the second half of the twentieth century, each proclamation has a backstory— a particular setting, circumstance, motivation, and impetus. In addition to these factors, we should contemplate the human protagonists, who were driven by personal concerns and class and gendered interests, along with competing ideological and philosophical orientations, as well as alliances that privileged one art form over others, and territorial claims and loyalties in national, regional, and continental contexts, which render specificity to each proclamation, and in relationship to larger economic and political affairs and considerations. Together, with these subjectivities and conditionalities, and the relative and shifting notions and practice of Negritude and Pan-Africanism as organizing conceptions, we refer you to volumes 2 and 3 of this collection and to the ever-growing corpus of literature that, in revisiting African decoloniality during the long and tumultuous twentieth century is cause to recalibrate our assessment of the Black world and the artistic and cultural renaissance it spawned.18

Notes 1. Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (Routledge, 1994), 279. 2. See in volume 1, Olivier Barlet and Claude Forest’s periodization of African cinema, “Key Dates in the History of African Cinema.” 3. Ibid. 4. Based on the novel of the same title by colonial administrator and ethnographer Robert Delavignette (1931). 5. Ibid. 6. For a comprehensive account of FESPACO, see volume 2; for FEPACI see also volume 2’s “The Long Take: Gaston Kaboré on FEPACI & FESPACO.” 7. Ibid.

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8. Ibid. 9. For a consideration of the defining texts of Third Cinema, see Michael T. Martin, New Latin American Cinema: Theory, Practices, and Transcontinental Articulations (Vol. 1) (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University, 1997). 10. Ibid., 6. 11. Michael T. Martin, “I Am a Storyteller, Drawing Water from the Well of My Culture: Gaston Kaboré, Griot of African Cinema,” Research in African Literatures 33, no. 4 (Winter 2002): 163–64. 12. Ibid., 164. 13. See volume 2, part 3. 14. Black Camera 12, no. 1 (Fall 2020). 15. Formerly published in Black Camera 12, no. 1 (2020). 16. Ibid. 17. Drafted and adopted at the UNIA International Convention of the Negroes of the World, New York City, August 31, 1920, see Bob Blaisdell, ed., Selected Writings and Speeches of Marcus Garvey (Garden City, NY: Dover Publications, 2004), 20. 18. For example, see Presence Africaine, nos. 8–10 (1956): 3–412; Presence Africaine, nos. 24–25 (1959): 3–472; Nathan Hare, “A Report on the Pan-African Cultural Festival,” The Black Scholar 1, no. 1 (1969): 2–10; Olivier Hadouchi, “‘African Culture Will Be Revolutionary or Will Not Be’: William Klein’s Film of the First-Pan-African Festival of Algiers,” Third Text 25, no. 1 (2011): 117–28; Christopher Bonner, “Alioune Diop and the Cultural Politics of Negritude: Reading the First Congress of Black Writers and Artists, 1956,” Research in African Literatures 50, no. 2 (2019): 1–18; Guirdex Masse, “A Diasporic Encounter: The Politics of Race and Culture at the First International Congress of Black Writers and Artists Open,” https://etd.library.emory.edu/concern/ etds/p8418p06z?locaele=en; Babacar M’Baye, “Richard Wright and African Francophone Intellectuals: A Reassessment of the 1956 Congress of Black Writers in Paris,” African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 2, no. (2009): 29–42; Merve Fejzula, “Women and the 1956 Congress of Black Writers and Artists in Paris,” https://www.aaihs.org/ women-and-the-1956-congress-of-black-writers-and-artists-in-paris/; Robert W. July, An African Voice: The Role of the Humanities in African Independence (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1987), 24–44; David Murphy, The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2016); Paul Cooke, “The Art of Africa for the Whole World: An Account of the First World Festival of Negro Arts in Dakar, Senegal—April 1–24, 1966,” Negro History Bulletin 29, no. 8 (1966): 172–89; John Povey, “Dakar: An African Rendez-vous,” Africa Today 13, no. 5 (1966): 4–6; Alioune Diop, “From the Festival of Negro Arts at Dakar to the Lagos Festival,” Presence Africaine, no. 92 (1974): 9–14; Andrew Apter, “Beyond Négritude: Black Cultural Citizenship and the Arab Question in FESTAC 77,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 28, no. 3 (2016): 313–26; Etienne Lock, “The Intellectual Dimension of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC 1977) and Its Relevance Today,” Canadian Journal of African Studies, https://doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.18 35682; and E. Mveng, “General Report: 1st Pre-Colloquium of the 3rd World Festival of Negro Arts,” Presence Africaine, nos. 117–18 (1981): 365–74.

I. AFRICA

Conference of Independent African States: Declaration and Resolution IX Accra, Ghana, April, 1958

Declaration

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e, the African States assembled here in Accra, in this our first Conference, conscious of our responsibilities to humanity and especially to the peoples of Africa, and desiring to assert our African personality on the side of peace, hereby proclaim and solemnly reaffirm our unswerving loyalty to the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Declaration of the Asian-African Conference held at Bandung. We further assert and proclaim the unity among ourselves and our solidarity with the dependent peoples of Africa as well as our friendship with all nations. We resolve to preserve the unity of purpose and action in international affairs which we have forged among ourselves in this historic Conference; to safeguard our hard-won independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity; and to preserve among ourselves the fundamental unity of outlook on foreign policy so that a distinctive African personality will play its part in cooperation with other peace-loving nations to further the cause of peace. We pledge ourselves to apply all our endeavors to avoid being committed to any action which might entangle our countries to the detriment of our interests and freedom; to recognize the right of the African peoples to independence and self-determination and to take appropriate steps to hasten the realization of this right; to affirm the right of the Algerian people to independence and self-determination and to exert all possible effort to hasten the realization of their independence; to uproot forever the evil of racial discrimination in all its forms wherever it may be found; to persuade the Great Powers to discontinue the production and testing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons; and to reduce conventional weapons. Furthermore, mindful of the urgent need to raise the living standards of our peoples by developing to the fullest possible advantage the great and varied resources of our lands, we hereby pledge ourselves to coordinate our economic planning through a joint economic effort and study the economic

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potentialities, the technical possibilities and related problems existing in our respective States; to promote coordinated industrial planning either through our own individual efforts and/or through cooperation with Specialized Agencies of the United Nations; to take measures to increase trade among our countries by improving communications between our respective countries; and to encourage the investment of foreign capital and skills provided they do not compromise the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of our States. Desirous of mobilizing the human resources of our respective countries, in furtherance of our social and cultural aspirations, we will endeavor to promote and facilitate the exchange of teachers, professors, students, exhibitions, educational, cultural and scientific material which will improve cultural relations between the African States and inculcate greater knowledge amongst us through such efforts as joint youth festivals, sporting events, etc.; we will encourage and strengthen studies of African culture, history, and geography in the institutions of learning in the African States; and we will take all measures in our respective countries to ensure that such studies are correctly orientated. We have charged our Permanent Representatives at the United Nations to be the permanent machinery for coordinating all matters of common concern to our States; for examining and making recommendations on concrete practical steps for implementing our decisions; and for preparing the grounds for future Conferences. Faithful to the obligations and responsibilities which history has thrown upon us as the vanguard of the complete emancipation of Africa, we do hereby affirm our dedication to the causes which we have proclaimed.

Resolution IX: On the Cultural Level, the Formulation of Concrete Proposals for the Exchange of Visiting Missions between the Various Countries, Both Government and NonGovernment, which May Lead to First-Hand Knowledge of One Country to Another, and to a Mutual Appreciation of Their Respective Cultures THE CONFERENCE OF INDEPENDENT AFRICAN STATES, HAVING made the widest exchange of views on all aspects of the cultures of all Participating Countries, DESIRING to promote the widest dissemination of the cultures of all Participating Countries,

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A. UPHOLDS the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and reaffirms the principles approved by the Bandung Conference of April 1955, concerning cultural cooperation, and accordingly: 1. STATES that colonialism is prejudicial to national culture and as such hinders any possible cultural cooperation; 2. CALLS for the development of cultural cooperation among African States in the larger context of world cooperation and in the spirit of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization; B. RECOMMENDS to all Participating Members: 1. To promote and facilitate the exchange of teachers and professors; 2. To encourage the establishment of cultural centers in each other’s country on the approval of the country in which such a center may be established and in conformity with its laws, regulations, and practices; 3. To encourage and facilitate the exchange of their students, each providing a certain number of scholarships for students from other African countries; 4. To facilitate the exchange of exhibitions, educational, scientific and cultural material including books, periodicals, bulletins, audiovisual aids, and other cultural and educational material; 5. To ensure that syllabi of history and geography applied in the schools and educational institutions of each include such material as may help to give each student accurate information of the way of life and culture in the other African countries; 6. To spare no efforts to revise history and geography textbooks and syllabi used in their schools with the view to removing any incorrect information due to colonial or other foreign influences; 7. To coordinate their school systems at all levels and to recognize the certificates, diplomas, and degrees awarded by their educational institutions and universities of equivalent status; 8. To encourage reciprocal visits by their different organizations of youths, teachers, press, labor, women, artists, sports, etc., granting them all possible facilities; 9. To strive to include principal African languages in the curriculum of secondary schools and colleges with the view to facilitating the cultural cooperation envisaged;

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10. To hold inter-African periodic and ad hoc conferences for their educators, scientists, men of letters, journalists, etc., with the view to discussing common problems and to extend all possible facilities for such purposes; 11. To conclude mutual cultural agreements among them for the promotion of cultural cooperation; 12. To encourage in their universities and institutes of higher learning research on African culture and civilization creating fellowships for this purpose; 13. To encourage the establishment of African publishing centers and to make concerted efforts to publish an African journal edited and contributed to by Africans introducing Africa’s culture, civilization, and development to the world and to the various African countries; 14. To set up an annual prize for works which promote closer solidarity among the African States, the ideas of liberty, friendship, and peace and which disseminate knowledge about African civilization and culture; 15. To encourage the translation of books dealing with African culture and civilization into their principal languages, e.g. creating fellowships for this purpose; 16. To establish an annual inter-African sports meeting and an annual youth festival; 17. To set up, each in its respective country, a local organization whose functions will be the promotion and development of cultural cooperation among African countries.

Note This document was excerpted from Parliament House of Ghana, “Conference of Independent African States: Declarations and Resolutions,” April 22, 1958, http://ugspace .ug.edu.gh/handle/123456789/30406.

Manifesto of New Cinema in Egypt New Cinema Group, Egypt, 1968

D

uring October 1966’s General Conference of Filmmakers, and similarly at the Filmmakers’ Conference that took place a few weeks ago, we young filmmakers noticed that the solutions being proposed spun around the same closed circuit that has constrained Egyptian cinema for more than twenty years. At the same time, we felt our voices getting lost among many others that lacked a grounding in objective discussion and the spirit of scientific inquiry. Responding to guidance given by the Minister of Culture when he met with the young filmmakers, we decided to convene a gathering involving all young people working in cinema: directors, cinematographers, set designers, editors, screenwriters, sound engineers, and production managers. We also extended the invitation to young critics and cinema intellectuals. Committees were formed around shared skills, one each for directing, screenwriting, cinematography, editing, set design, and sound, and attendees were asked to vote on whether to set up a coordination and writing committee. We determined that it would be necessary to produce a comprehensive amalgamated report laying out all the young filmmakers’ demands along with the workable solutions that could arise from their experience and culture. We also recognized that, in order for the report to be thorough and precise, it should be divided into four sections: • Section One: Our definition of cinema. We derive this first by exposing the backwardness of conventional filmmakers’ understandings of cinema. Then, second, by rectifying perspectives on it in response to standards accomplished by European cinema in countries that, despite having come to film only recently, have attained phenomenal success at international festivals. • Section Two: The organizational structure we must implement if Egyptian cinema is to traverse the chasm necessary for catching up with the rest of the world. • Section Three: A plan to practically solve problems related to production, distribution, and exhibition, drawing on our own reality

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as well as expertise gleaned from countries that have preceded us in addressing such circumstances. • Section Four: We specifically demand a healthy social climate that must be created through film culture.

Our Understanding of Cinema We believe that the crisis in the public sector has arisen, first and foremost, because a specific conception of cinema, one that now lags behind on all fronts, predominates. Our own audience ridicules it and any foreign country where our films are screened acknowledges their backwardness. This is the reason for the decline in audiences for Egyptian cinema and a turn, conversely, toward foreign fare. In point of fact, our audiences are responsible for the success of excellent films by Antonioni, Lelouch, and Cacoyannis, for Blow Up, A Man and a Woman, Live for Life, and Zorba the Greek, which played here for months. Notwithstanding, conservative filmmakers insist on addressing the same topics to which Egyptian cinema has cleaved for twenty years, the unvarying artistic forms that have now become outdated, even laughable. The audience has proven the falsity of the myth oft repeated by conventional filmmakers who claim it is impossible to develop unfamiliar artistic forms and novel methods, or introduce new actors, directors, screenwriters, and cinematographers, for fear of losing the audience through such experiments. Clearly, they are propagating a fiction that does not correspond to reality. Not satisfied with confining Egyptian cinema to this outmoded framework, they have committed a fatal error for our national economy by also insisting on high production spending for Egyptian film, even though distribution figures for these types of movie barely cover half the allocated budget. This means that they know in advance that films they make yield no profits and sustain distinct losses. In our opinion, the entire problem lies in the conventional filmmakers’ notion of cinema. It is a model that trails behind in the following ways:

On the Intellectual Level The conventional filmmakers’ origins account for their understanding of cinema. Most of them did not enter the profession to express particular ideas or implement specific artistic styles. They have no grasp of this. Consequently, the entire history of Egyptian cinema has not brought forth a single thinker that can stand shoulder to shoulder with the likes of Eisenstein, Rossellini, Godard, Truffaut, Antonioni, or Bergman.

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Work within the profession of cinema remains hampered by artisanal relationships. Filmmakers start out as apprentices hoping to master a finite number of rules that pertain to their mentors’ trade. When the apprentices themselves become mentors, they replicate exactly the same imagery from years gone by. Like their mentors, they are surrounded by new apprentices who, in turn, aspire to conform to this limited number of rules of their teachers’ craft. The upshot has been recourse to specific, preferred models for direction, cinematography, screenwriting, and other aspects of filmmaking. This paradigm flies in the face of cinema’s function. Cinema is an art rooted in scientific principles, in knowledge of the properties of light and film’s chemistry and sensitivity, and in the positions the filmmaker adopts with regard to progressive movements within the plastic arts. “The unity of the film (i.e., the frame) resembles that of photography (stemming from the painted image), its sensitivity to mass and size, and harmony between colours, etc.” Filmmakers must also adopt a position on current trends in music. Editing can be contrapuntal, polyphonic, serial, or figured through the conflict between solo and chorus, and so on. In sum, cinema is an art form that brings together, in one organized, independent unity, all the others that humankind has known to date. Such unity can only be achieved through scientific foundations. Even if all this knowledge were available, filmmakers still cannot achieve significant work through these means alone for the simple reason that such gains are but a tool to help them see reality. The filmmaker’s reality in the twentieth century is unstable. Societies develop, systems of production change, and class and manufacturing relations constantly mutate. Social foundations radically shift as societies themselves open up to international currents. We have seen how countries in Asia and Africa have transformed psychologically and intellectually since their unification at the Bandung Conference in 1955, and how new social formations have merged out of the liberation movements of the three continents of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. All these point to some crucial truths about filmmakers: they should be up to date, embrace everything that arises from these relations in their society, give them appropriate dramatic formulation, and explore all the tools at their disposal to find a new language capable of conveying these new conditions. Accordingly, the filmmaker is thoughtful and well-informed, an honest artist. Traditional cinema can achieve none of this because it is a mechanical craft and thus fails to render itself contemporary. Because it is not of the moment, it neither speaks to our masses’ feelings nor stirs their thoughts, which prompts them to turn away from it.

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This type of cinema has fallen behind the ever-evolving momentum of our society.

On the Technical Level As a result of the occupational bent of our output, conventional filmmakers have not seen fit to train themselves in new technical foundations. They might remonstrate: “but we haven’t imported new equipment in a long time.” This is a flimsy excuse given that technique does not derive solely from modern tools. A machine—obviously—is incapable of expressing itself; the core problem lies with the human operating it. Evidence of this is provided by the major new movements in Italy and France, realized through basic equipment and within complicated conditions of production. The situation is scarcely different in the fields of direction and cinematography, which are necessarily sites for experimentation and the continuous search for modes of expression. For ease, the director works according to “the limited number of rules,” asking the conventional screenwriter to “divide up” the subject matter so that 90 percent of the events take place in closed rooms, which set designers can construct as a sequence of sets. Their film thereby duplicates the same angles, compositions, and dramatic situations brought to life in their previous works. Similarly, anyone who watches an Egyptian film notices their cinematographers’ insistence on flooding scenes with dazzling light, to the point where we behold a laborer or peasant’s home illuminated as if it were a grand casino. Imprisoned in this status quo, Egyptian film falsifies reality while, on the contrary, contemporary film schools steer it toward an exit. Technique, as we see it, refers neither to equipment nor the cinematic style, but instead to the means. The means to a specific end, which is to illuminate aspects of lived reality, giving the spectator new eyes with which to see it.

On the Level of Production and Economics From the end of World War II up until the present, numerous Egyptian film producers have sought to import Hollywood production practices, the most prominent of which is the star system. Star systems are based on creating heroes of extraordinary courage and showcasing women who arouse the audience through their physical appearance. These sets of people are then publicized widely in newspapers and other media. Encircling them are myths about their way of life, their dogs, cats, and favorite dishes, the purpose of which is to inspire an intimate involvement between the viewer and this singular, bewitching atmosphere in which the star resides. Through this relationship, stars are transformed into commodities, just like the clothes and shoes placed in shop windows, welcomed by the public for their mere

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presence in any film. A production strategy is then drawn up according to whatever stars lie within the producer’s reach, the film becoming a mishmash of themes “tailored” to what the producer wants of the star. The repercussions run as follows: • The scenarios hold no artistic value, nor are they grounded in analyses of human reality. Rather, they are written to concoct a mystique around the star, or stars, in order to place them in as many situations as possible that adhere to the image desired by the producer. • The star becomes the most valuable component of the film, leading to an unbelievable hike in wages, while the ratio of funds allocated to true film work shrivels. • The budget devolves in line with the overall star presence in the film instead of attending to the realities of the actual commercial life cycle and the revenues a specific type of film could realistically earn. Accounting for this combination of a policy around stardom with what was noted earlier about paucity of technique and intellect allows us to grasp the reasons behind the economic crisis Egyptian cinema is currently experiencing. How strange that, when cinema grew out of the public sector, it embraced the same modes of production that now seem backwards, even in countries like the United States, where cinema walks in step with the monopoly production of cars, rubber, and petroleum. Because our cinema is mechanical. Because it transforms stars into commodities. Because it is expansively decorative, unrealistic, drenched in light that only exists in how we imagine the heroes of A Thousand and One Nights. Because it is unthinking and ignorant of the spirit of scientific inquiry, because it does not confront reality in order to draw dramatic force from its momentum as a means of formulating authentic, honest scenarios. For all these reasons, as well as the others detailed above, the Egyptian film industry has lost its audience, persisted in planning production according to a star system regardless of distribution figures, and languished in total technical and artistic backwardness. It is evident from what we have pointed out that the cinema we want is a cinema free from all the defects that impede its progress. What we require is an Egyptian cinema that digs deep into the commotion of Egyptian society, breaks down new relations, and reveals the meaning of life for individuals amid them so that, if our reality enters into other more

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developed interactions, cinema can evolve with them, and bring to light— once again—the true Egyptian in each coming phase. Only then will cinema become contemporary. For film to achieve this, it must absorb expertise from new cinema globally. It should benefit from the experiences of the national cinemas not only of Europe, but also from the countries, like those of Latin America, Japan, and India, that have accomplished breakthroughs in film production and entered the international field by virtue of delving into local contexts. When our cinema renders itself realist, local in subject matter, global in technique, and clear in its content thanks to filmmakers heightening our reality, it will undoubtedly restore its audience and achieve international reach. Contrary to what traditional filmmakers imagine, statistics have proven that films which have made significant progress have also accrued substantial revenues. New reality films, like Rome, Open City, Bicycle Thieves, and Miracle in Milan, and the post-reality films of Italy, such as Antonioni’s and Fellini’s, in addition to works from the French New Wave and British Free Cinema, are the ones garnering the greatest returns in both national and international terms.

Note Reprinted from Kay Dickinson, Arab Film and Video Manifestos: Forty-Five Years of the Moving Image Amid Revolution (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. 27–33. This manifesto was previously published as “Bayan al-Simina al-Jadida fi Misr (1968),” reprinted in Al-Sinima wa al-Tarikh 3, no. 1 (1994): 71–76. Translated by Samiha Khalil, Kay Dickinson, and Fadi Abu Ne’meh.

Pan-African Cultural Manifesto Algiers, Algeria, July/August 1969

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aking as basis for study, reflection, and discussion, the inaugural address by His Excellency, Houari Bournedienne, President of the Revolutionary Council, President of the Council of Ministers of the Algerian People’s Democratic Republic, and current Chairman of the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], the Symposium of the First Pan-African Cultural Festival held in Algiers from July 21st to August 1st, 1969 fully discussed the theme of the Symposium, i.e. - The realities of African culture, - The role of African culture in national liberation struggle and in the consolidation of African Unity, - The role of African culture in the economic and social development of Africa.

Realities of African Culture Culture starts with the people as creators of themselves and transformers of their environment. Culture, in its widest and most complete sense, enables men to give shape to their lives. It is not freely received but is built up by the people. It is the vision of man and of the world and is thus systems of thought, philosophies, sciences, beliefs, arts, and languages. It is likewise the action of man on himself and on the world to transform it, and thus covers the social, political, economic, and technical fields. Culture is essentially dynamic: in other words, it is both rooted in the people and orientated towards the future. We must go back to the sources of our values, not to confine ourselves to them, but rather to draw up a critical inventory in order to get rid of archaic and stultifying elements, the fallacious and alienating foreign elements brought in by colonialism, and to retain only those elements which are still valid, bringing them up to date and enriching them with the benefits of

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the scientific, technical, and social revolutions so as to bring them into line with what is modern and universal. Colonialism is an evil that has been experienced and endured by all our people, first in its most distinctive form, the slave trade, which devastated almost all the African continent, and in its most tangible and insolent form, political domination, over which we must strive to triumph. But its machinery is complex and cannot be simplified into a single operation. It is a well-known economic, social, and political fact that colonialism is a total action, both in its essence and its spirit. In order to survive it has to justify itself morally and intellectually by force and coercion to extend its hold over all fields of human activity. In order to exist as such, it must exercise in addition to its concrete and material hegemony, a social and intellectual hold—particularly over the ruling classes on which it relies. It consequently thinks that it can challenge men with impunity and deny their very essence. The peoples of Africa believed and spontaneously felt that liberty is one and the same as nationhood, and that the welfare and progress of our people have to be achieved around our specific personality. They naturally accepted that liberty, nation, and personality are essentially the origin and product of culture. Culture is the essential cement of every social group, its primary means of intercommunication and of coming to grips with the outside world: it is its soul, its materialization, and its capacity for change. Thus culture is the totality of tangible and intangible tools, works of art and science, knowledge and know-how, languages, modes of thought, patterns of behavior, and experience acquired by the people in its liberating effort to dominate nature and to build up an ever improving society. An imposed culture generally bred a type of African intellectual not at home in his national realities because of his depersonalization and alienation. The African man of culture, the artist, the intellectual in general must integrate himself into his people and shoulder the particularly decisive responsibilities incumbent upon him. His action must inspire that radical transformation of the mind without which it is impossible for a people to overcome its economic and social underdevelopment. The people must be the first to benefit from their economic and cultural riches. But culture is the sum total of experiences and concrete expressions, linked to the history of peoples. Thus culture, from our point of view, must embrace the particular expressions that characterize each major civilization. But our Africanity is determined by profound similarities and common aspirations.

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Africanity obeys the law of a dialectic of the particular and the general, of specificity and universality, in other words of variety at the origin and unity at the destination. African culture, art, and science, whatever the diversity of their expression, are in no way essentially different from each other. They are but the specific expression of a single universality. Beyond similarities and convergent forms of thought, beyond the common heritage, Africanity is also a shared destiny, the fraternity of the liberating struggle and a common future which should be assumed by all in order to master it. Africanity springs from the double source of our common heritage and our common destiny and that is why it is worthwhile, at the present stage of our historical development, to examine a number of problems linked with the origin, the existence, and the development of our culture. Culture is a dynamic means of edifying the nation over and above tribal or ethnic divisions and African Unity above all forms of chauvinism. Culture, which is created by the people, may be confiscated by a dominating class. Now culture should be a constant search for the people’s creative consciousness. Any African cultural policy should therefore be based on the necessity of enabling the people to become informed, educated, mobilized, and organized so as to make them responsible for their cultural heritage and its development. The preservation of culture has saved Africans from the attempts made to turn them into peoples with no soul nor history. Culture protected them. It is quite obvious that they would henceforth wish to use it to forward their progress and development, for if culture—a permanent and continuous creation—is a definition of personalities and a link between men, it also gives an impetus to progress. This is the reason why Africa devotes such care and accords such value to the recovery of its cultural heritage, to the defense of its personality and the creation of new branches of its culture. It would have been easy for certain people and convenient for others if we had not set out conditions for our political independence—we could have been satisfied with merely that and have borrowed thought, language, and art from those who had the good fortune to enjoy a harmonious internal development. We might have also been satisfied with a folkloric cultural past, a poor man’s culture, and have given up all thought of true freedom and real independence. But the colonized peoples have never given up their inner identity. In this, the national language plays an irreplaceable role, it is the mainstay and the medium of culture, the guarantee of popular support both in its creation, and its consumption. Once we had recovered our sovereignty, it was a first essential duty for us to revive the national languages inherited from our forefathers, without in any way calling to question the profound unity of our nations.

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Language is one of these features in the life of peoples which embody their genius. It develops with them, and they cannot be deprived of it without being out of it, wounded and handicapped. Nevertheless, and in order to survive and fight, a part of our peoples had to learn the language of our colonizers. There is no one language which is basically more suited than another to be a mainstay of science and knowledge. A language translates and expresses the lives and thoughts of men. From the time when our development was suspended, our cultures trampled underfoot and the teaching of our languages often forbidden, it has been obvious that we must double our efforts to make African languages efficient instruments for our development. The analysis of our cultural realities reveals to us the dynamic elements in the life of peoples, in both their spiritual and material aspects. Among these elements which made up our indomitable African personality, we should emphasize these values which have come down to us in spite of the vagaries of our history and the colonialist attempts at depersonalization. From them can be abstracted a sense of ethics revealing a profound inborn sense of solidarity, hospitality, mutual aid, brotherhood, and the feeling of belonging to the same humanity. These values and this sense of ethics are to be found expressed in our African languages, in our oral and written literatures, in our tales, legends, sayings, and proverbs, transmitting the wisdom and experiences evolved by our peoples. The knowledge of our history will scientifically lay the foundations of our personality and thus constitute a factor of progress, enabling us to show our capabilities and examine our possibilities. The methods of organizing African society are lessons for us and will enable us to be ourselves while acceding to the modern world. The ingenuity of our techniques, if there is need to mention it, show our creative capacity. Our arts, paintings, sculptures, architecture, music, songs, dances, and our plays are a testimony to our existence and that of our culture. This culture, which has for long been considered by colonialism to be outlandish and only relegated to museums, is today a living expression in the world. This world in which we want to take our place and the future which we have a mission to build, are dominated by problems of development and progress. We reaffirm that our culture would be lifeless if it ignored modern science and technology. It requires therefore a personal original contribution to the one and the same heritage, the same dynamic progress and social resolution.

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Role of African Culture in the Liberation Struggle and African Unity It is the duty of African States to answer total colonization with a total liberation struggle. Unity of Africa is rooted first and foremost in History. Under the colonial domination, African countries found themselves in the same political, economic, social, and cultural situation. Cultural domination entailed the distortion of the personality of a part of the African peoples, their history, systematically disparaged and suppressed, their religious and moral values, attempted to replace progressively and officially their language with that of the colonizer, thus rendering them powerless and stripping them of their raison d’etre. Consequently, African culture, though checked in its development at the level of the masses, was enshrined by its language, manners, songs, dances, beliefs, etc. But despite the underestimation it suffered, African culture has revealed itself to be a vital rampart for resisting colonial intrusion and has in this way stood the test of time alongside the African spirit. Colonization favored the formation of a cultural elite for assimilating and imbibing colonial culture, even sustaining it and often serving as guarantee. Thus, there was a serious and profound rift between the African elite and the African popular masses. Only the adherence to the concepts of freedom, independence, and nationhood enabled the conflict to be placed in its real context. The dual culture lapsed with the advent of liberation movements, wars of independence, and firm and unshakeable opposition to colonial servitude. Africa’s struggle has provided both material and spiritual structures within which African culture can develop and thus prove the natural dialectical correlation between national liberation and culture. For the African countries which won their freedom and for those that are in armed conflict with the colonial powers, culture had been and will remain a weapon. In all cases, armed struggle for liberation was and is a preeminently cultural act. The experience of liberation movements shows that the integration of the intellectuals into the masses gives a great authenticity to their work and vitalizes African culture. Both the winning of true independence and the armed struggles still in progress have permitted a cultural renaissance. The fight for freedom, in all its forms, has logically become the constant factor of cultural Africanity. Thus Africanity is a reality essentially deriving from men born of the same land and living in the same continent, bound to share the same destiny by

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the inevitable process of decolonization at all levels and complete liberation, notwithstanding regional or national specificities. Because it is involved in the same struggle, because it is a prerequisite of national and continental liberation, in a word, because it is the primary and final motive of man, and because it alone is likely to constitute the first basis of resistance to threats hanging over Africa, Africanity goes beyond national and regional concerns. Africa’s present necessities require from artists and intellectuals a firm commitment to Africa’s basic principles and its desire for freedom. Today’s cultural act should be at the center of today’s striving for authenticity and for the development of African values. The cultural policy of neocolonialism calls for an objective and concrete critical analysis of our present cultural situation. Neocolonialism, aware of the still negative aspects to this situation, has conceived a new well-concerted form of action which, although no longer violent, is no less ominous and dangerous, subtle and insidious as it is for the development and future culture of Africa. Real dangers are menacing our culture as regards both the perpetration of alien norms, and that of mental prototypes of institutions and political life. A cultural front should therefore take the place of the front of resistance, for culture remains the vital and essential force of the nation, the safeguard of our existence, and the ultimate resource of our combat. Therefore, only Africanity can bring about a resurrection and rebirth of an avant-garde African humanism, confronted by other cultures; it will take its place as part of universal humanism and continue from there. Our artists, authors, and intellectuals must, if they are to be of service to Africa, find their inspiration in Africa. Complete independence is thus the basic condition for the development of culture in the service of masses.

The Role of Culture in the Economic and Social Development of Africa Heirs to a civilization that is thousands of years old and rich in untold economic possibilities, we stand ready today to continue in the total recovery of our personalities, the struggle that won us our independence. The assertion of our profound identity and the utilization of our material riches for the good of the people will enable us to participate actively in the building of a universal civilization as freed and free partners. Culture, simultaneously representing a style of life, an economic and social relationship determined at a particular moment in human evolution,

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forms a totality with political life. As a permanent and continuous creation and the expression of the perenniality of a people, African culture definitely intends to put itself to the service of the liberation of Africa from Colonialism in all its forms and from all forms of alienation, and to serve the economic and social betterment of the people. Safeguarded and experienced by the people, it becomes a motivating element in social and economic development and a factor in the transformation of the environment. A society or a culture can stay itself while undergoing economic development, providing it takes the necessary steps. A place must necessarily be made for science and technology as for economic rationality, the need to look ahead and other prerequisites of our age. This is because no culture is passively operative. In order to place its resources to the aid of development, it must be revived and brought up to date by contact with technology which tends to create a universal civilization. A society should both return to its essential being or else crumble away, and to its usefulness, or lose its existence and autonomy. It perseveres and adapts itself by a continuous dialectic effort of giving and contributing between national culture and universal values. Moreover, it is absolutely necessary to watch over the defense and preservation of African dignity and personality. But this looking back or constant reference to the living sources of Africanity must avoid a complacent and unfruitful evocation of the past, and must, on the contrary, imply an innovating effort and an adaption of African culture to be modern requirements of well-balanced social and economic development. The following objectives were adopted—to free African society from the sociocultural conditions hindering its development and to rid African culture of alienating factors by integrating it, in particular with popular action. African culture, faithful to its origins, must be revived and brought into the modern world by contact with science and technology in order to develop its operative capacities for, while technology progresses by accumulation, culture progresses by creation and fidelity. All means of doing this should be set in motion. Africa must recover from a retardation which is primarily cultural. This entails: (a) A change in attitude towards the material world, towards quantification and scientific rationalism. The role of education may have a determinant, beneficial, or baneful influence according to the importance one attaches to technical instruction. (b) The movement of political power towards a genuine revolution in the climate of opinion.

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(c) The combined effort of members of the community which will only be possible if the citizens really take their future in their own hands in an atmosphere of freedom and happiness. In addition to Arabic, which has been for some years an official language of the OAU, it is recommended that studies be undertaken to promote the use of other widely spoken languages. The immediate tasks impingent upon all of us are to make African languages into written languages and the medium of scientific thought, to ensure that education, adult literacy, and the emancipation of women are open to all Africans. Any delay in the reorganization of the present educational system will result in a delay in the training of responsible public servants and this justifies the continuation of foreign technical and cultural aid. We must get out of this vicious circle as quickly as possible as this aid, if prolonged, could turn into a scarcely disguised form of domination. The principal aim of higher education is to form the trained personnel needed for both economic and cultural production, and these people need to make themselves understood by both the workers and the masses. This higher education should then, wherever possible, be given in the national language. These tasks will be all the better carried out for being supported by mass information media belonging to Africa (radio stations, TV, cinemas, theatres and cultural centers in factories, offices, etc.) and by an increase in the number of cultural events and exchanges. These values will enable us to face, without frustration or alienation, the inevitable social transformation entailed by the process of development. We must use those that can contribute to economic progress and the mobilization of the masses, so as to arouse the enthusiasm needed for major collective effort. In this gigantic effort to recover Africa’s cultural heritage and adapt it to the needs of technological civilization, the artist, the thinker, the scientist, and the intellectual have all their part to play, i.e. to contribute, within the framework of popular action to revealing and making known the common inspiration and common heritage which go to make up Africanity. Generally speaking, Africa must return to its original modes of perception, its techniques, its media of communication and bring them up to date so as to turn them into powerful means of dominating Nature and of harmonizing the development of African society. Likewise, it rests with us to avoid the obstacle of the academic and futile search for a dilettante culture leading to unproductive and decadent aestheticism.

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We should therefore take systematic and appropriate measures to imbue our youth with African culture, so that the young people of our continent may understand its profound values and may be better armed to resist certain demoralizing cultural manifestations, and better prepared to become integrated into the masses. In this way, African culture, true to itself and drawing strength from the deep sources of its wealth and of its creative genius, not only intends to defend its personality and its authenticity but also to become an instrument in the service of the people in the liberation of Africa from all forms of alienation, an instrument of a synchronized economic and social development. It will thus bring about the techno-industrial promotion of Africa, and also a living and fraternal humanism far removed from racialism and exploitation. Culture, as a decisive force in economic and social development, constitutes the surest means for our peoples to overcome their technological, i.e. economic, handicap and the most effective force in our victorious resistance against imperialist blackmail. It has become now both urgent and necessary to free Africa from illiteracy, to promote the permanent education of the masses in every field, to develop in them a scientific, technological, and critical spirit and attitude and to render popular culture fully effective. All our efforts should be towards a true revolution in Africa’s cultural activity. The popular character of our culture should promote a specific conception of scientific organization and the rationalization of our productive activities, as well as the methods of appropriating the means of production (land, natural resources, industry, etc.) and the distribution of the goods produced. Africanity should be apparent in a concrete and tangible manner in the joint use of our national forces and natural resources to promote a harmonious and accelerated economic, social, and cultural development throughout the continent.

Recommendations The symposium made the following suggestions for the dynamic utilization of the elements of African culture: 1. To reinforce and intensify Africa’s cultural activities by giving the OAU Committees for Education, Culture, Science, and Health a more active and continuous role.

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2. To create cultural magazines edited in the working languages of the OAU and if possible in other African languages. 3. To assemble a corpus of the arts and an encyclopedia of the African continent and support fine arts organizations in the member countries of the OAU and the publication of an encyclopedia of literature and the arts; to establish courses in the universities to teach the values and the realities of African culture. 4. To promote and coordinate research in all spheres of traditional medicine and African pharmacopoeia in order to modernize them by giving them a scientific foundation and by ridding them of their esoteric and empirical character so that they may become a source of enrichment for modern medicine; to promote, encourage, and coordinate scientific research in Africa. 5. To set up a Pan-African Institute for the film industry. In this field, Africa should produce its own mode of expression and choose suitable means to make its expression available to the people. The African States should, therefore, organize themselves to produce, release, and market their own films and to fight against the limits which are holding up the development of a truly African cinema. 6. To establish organizations for the publication and sale in Africa of books, school handbooks, records, and newspapers so as to fight speculation and make them instruments for mass education. The symposium supports the OAU’s decision to set up a Pan-African News Agency; so as to intensify the exchange of news between African countries. 7. To establish suitable organizations to integrate African arts into industry and business. 8. To protect the intellectual property of Africans by appropriate legislation. 9. To take all necessary steps, including that of calling upon international institutions, so as to recuperate the works of art and archives seized by the colonial powers; to take necessary steps to stop the drain of cultural assets leaving the African continent. 10. To increase cultural exchanges through such means as exhibitions, conferences, seminars, and meetings of young people, women, workers, intellectuals, militants, and officials for a greater mutual understanding. 11. To organize inter-African economic and technical aid. 12. To promote the use and the teaching of national languages necessary for the authentic expression of African culture as a popular tool for the spreading of science and technology; to give

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competitive prizes for practical techniques invented by Africans, so as to stimulate creativity in the technological field. 13. To reform and develop education at all levels so as to give it the efficient means for the fulfilment of its mission to promote and develop the African peoples. The contents of this teaching, the methods, and the school books must take into account our national realities, and the necessity of reinforcing our unity and solidarity by a greater degree of mutual understanding. 14. To translate into our languages the scientific, philosophical, historical, and literary works which constitute the common heritage of mankind; to encourage the translation of African literary works into foreign languages. 15. To encourage and develop in the African continent handicrafts free from commercial speculation. 16. To associate the women and youth of Africa more actively and massively in the transmission and the full flowering of our cultural heritage. 17. To establish prizes to recompense the more genuine and useful works of the African artists and writers. 18. To give firmer support to the African national liberation movements to promote an artistic, political, and ideological renewal. 19. To arrive at a full understanding, and to make the masses and international opinion aware of the value and the impact of the struggle for national liberation. 20. To expose the real facts of the liberation struggles and publicize them widely by every means of communication available to the African States. 21. To enable the African liberation movements to participate actively in unified cultural action, within the framework of African cultural institutions. 22. To enable African experiences in cultural decolonization in every field—history, language, education, etc.—to be studied and made known in the different African countries. 23. To give Africa and her history pride of place in research, in meetings of experts and African men of science, and in school and university programs. 24. To judge African arts according to the standards of the African continent and in accordance with the requirements of unity and the liberation struggle; to create appropriate cultural institutions in Africa for this purpose.

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25. To encourage African artists in their mission of reflecting the concerns of the people so as to bridge the gap created and maintained by colonial alienation between the intellectual elite and the masses. 26. To enable African artists and intellectuals to reestablish the historical truth, while participating in the combat of our people and also to help the liberation struggles by making people aware of them, both inside and outside Africa. 27. To bring about participation of the people in the decisions, the organization and management of economic, social, and cultural matters. 28. To define the methods by which the people can recover all natural resources and essential means of production. 29. To transpose Africanity into: (a) a unified African Trade Union movement (b) the development of mass organizations (youth organizations, women’s organizations, etc.) 30. To promote a program of a technical cooperation between the African countries, especially to offset the ravages due to the ‘brain drain.’ 31. To provide primary education to all children regardless of sex, race, or religion. 32. To mount a massive campaign for functional adult literacy. 33. To develop those cultural media which are the most directly accessible to the people (cinemas, theatres, radio, and television). 34. To establish cultural units in the countryside and in business organizations, capable of: (a) spreading elementary scientific knowledge (b) spreading a knowledge of works of art in both African and other traditions (c) stimulating cultural activities in the rural areas through the use of mass media; and building museums to enrich the mind of peoples living in the less developed areas. 35. To make a survey of African folklore and popularizing it among the masses. 36. To promote the Pan-Africanization and regionalization of the universities and the technical institutes which are the meeting point of youth; these cultural centers must give the opportunity to all African students to pursue their studies in the best conditions.

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37. To set up a system of exchange of documents and experience in mass education between the member countries of the OAU. 38. To exchange programs of economic, social, and cultural nature between the African radio, TV stations, and film libraries, particularly through the medium of the URTNA [Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa]. 39. To hold interregional cultural seminars and of painting and handicraft exhibitions with a view to fostering the economic and social development of the continent. 40. Contribution to UNESCO project on African History.

Note Organization of African Unity, “Pan-African Cultural Manifesto,” Algiers, First AllAfrican Cultural Festival, July/August 1969. Published with the permission of the PanAfrican Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Resolution on Inter-African Cultural Festival Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, August 27–September 6, 1969

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), meeting in its Thirteenth Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 27 August to 6 September 1969, Having noted with great satisfaction that the First All-African Cultural Festival was successfully held in Algiers, Algeria, from 21 July to 1 August 1969, as reported in document CM/287 (Part) Annex 1, Noting that the symposium held during the Festival adopted an All-African Cultural Manifesto, and called for the establishment of a Pan-African Association of Cinematography: (1) RECORDS its satisfaction at the success of the First All-African Cultural Festival; (2) EXPRESSES its gratitude to all those who contribute to this great success of the Organization of African Unity; (3) TAKE NOTE of the All-African Cultural Manifesto; and (4) ENCOURAGES the formation of a Pan-African Association of Cinematography as an independent organization having observer status with the OAU.

Note Excerpted from Organization of African Unity, “Resolutions Adopted by the Thirteenth Ordinary Session of the Council of Ministers Held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,” CM/Res. 199 (XIII), Addis Ababa, September 1969. Published with the permission of the PanAfrican Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Proposed Establishment of an All-African Cinema Union 

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, August 24–31, 1970

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity meeting in its Fifteenth Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from August 24th to 31st, 1970. Recalling its Resolution MV/Res. 199 (XIII) relating to the establishment of an All-African Cinema Union; Takes note of the fact that this union has not so far been established; and Requests the General Secretariat to help in organizing the constituent meeting of the said Union.

Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Regulations of the Carthage Film Festival Carthage, Tunisia, 1970s

This set of regulations was in use following the establishment of the festival throughout the 1970s.

Article 1: The Carthage Film Festival (CFF) is a biennial international cultural event based on the public screening of films and the organization of meetings between their authors, directors, screenwriters, technicians, actors, etc. They aim to: • Contribute to the development of a national culture in each African and Arab country; • Encourage the promotion of African and Arab cinemas, both in terms of production and distribution: • By fostering creative emulation; • By supporting films that are representative of their cultural heritage and social reality; • By promoting the emergence of an original and specific style, likely to contribute to the development of a new cinematographic model; • Enable fruitful meetings and debates between cinema professionals for better mutual recognition, for a wide confrontation of experiences and ideas, and particularly for the promotion and development of viable film structures in African and Arab countries; • Contribute to the international-scale distribution of African and Arab films; • Facilitate contacts and dialogue between the various African and Arab cultures and those from other countries.

Article 2: The CFF is placed under the aegis of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs. A Management Committee is in charge of its organization.

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Article 3: Any film taking part in the CFF may be shown within the country subject to the prior agreement of the party that included it in the program.

Article 4: The official CFF agenda includes the following events: • An Official Competition, open to African and Arab short and feature films, as defined in Article 6 below and selected for this purpose by the CFF Management Committee; • An Information Section, open to short and feature films of all origins, selected by the CFF Management Committee for their thematic relationship to African and Arab realities or for any other interest they may arouse; • A Children’s Film section, open to short and feature films of any origin, selected by the CFF Management Committee; • A Retrospective section: tribute to a national cinema, to a film director, to a film genre, etc.; • An International Film Fair, open to feature films and short films of all origins; • Symposia, seminars, and conferences on the film art and industry in African and Arab countries.

Article 5: Film selection for the Official Competition, the Information section, and the Children’s Film section is the exclusive prerogative of the CFF Management Committee, which has the sole authority to determine the number of short and feature films that may participate in one of the above-mentioned programs. To be eligible, films must: • Be solicited by the CFF Board of Directors from their directors or producers or their assigns who have accepted their registration in one of the above-mentioned sections; • Be proposed to the CFF Management Committee by their directors or producers or their assigns for inclusion in one of the abovementioned sections.

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Article 6: To be entered in the Official Competition, any film must: • Have been directed by a director of African or Arab nationality; • Have been made within two years preceding the relevant edition of the CFF; • Have not been awarded at previous international film festivals organized in Africa or the Arab world; • Have not been commercially exploited in Tunisia, except for Tunisian films which are not subject to this obligation.

Article 7: Films participating in the CFF represent only their directors and/or producers, for whom the awards and bonuses or other benefits are explicitly intended. These films are presented to the public by the CFF Management Committee under its exclusive responsibility in accordance with these General Regulations. In no case can they be considered as binding or officially representing the governments or states of which the directors and/or producers are nationals at the CFF.

Article 8: The Official Competition is consecrated by an official award list established and proclaimed by an International Jury appointed by the Minister of Cultural Affairs upon proposal of the CFF Management Committee, and comprising a Chair and a maximum of ten members. The International Jury meets, deliberates, and takes its decisions in accordance with these Regulations. Anyone who has taken part in the technical and artistic production, or the distribution of a film selected for the Official Competition of the ongoing edition of the CFF, may not be part of that International Jury.

Article 9: The Official Competition of the CFF is comprised of the following awards:

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I. The Tanit • Golden Tanit (First Prizes): • Golden Tanit for the best feature film • Golden Tanit for the best short film • Silver Tanit (Second Prizes): • Silver Tanit for a feature film • Silver Tanit for a short film • Bronze Tanit (Third Prizes): • Bronze Tanit for a feature film • Bronze Tanit for a short film

II. Other Awards • A Special Jury Prize awarded to a feature film and/or a short film participating in the Official Competition but not included in the above-mentioned prize winners. • A First Work Prize awarded to the director of a first feature and/ or short film in the Official Competition but not included in the above-mentioned prize winners. • An Acting Award for the best actress and the best actor of the films participating in the Official Competition. • Other prizes (optional) may be awarded to the Image, Editing, Music, etc. of the films participating in the Official Competition. • The award of all these prizes is the exclusive prerogative of the Jury.

Article 10: The Tanit awards confer the following benefits;

Golden Tanit: • Feature films: specific medal and a bonus of one thousand five hundred Tunisian dinars (1,500 DT). • Short films: A specific medal and a bonus of five hundred Tunisian dinars (500 DT) to the director of the film.

Silver Tanit: • Feature films: A specific medal and a bonus of one thousand Tunisian dinars (1000 DT) to the director of the film.

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• Short films: A specific medal and a bonus of three hundred Tunisian dinars (300 DT) to the director of the film.

Bronze Tanit: • Feature films: A specific medal and a bonus of five hundred Tunisian dinars (500 DT) to the director of the film. • Short films: A specific medal and a bonus of two hundred Tunisian dinars (200 DT) for the benefit of the director of the film. All of the amounts mentioned above are paid in Tunisian Dinars or in a transferable currency.

Article 11: To appear in the programs of the CFF, copies of the films must be in 16 or 35mm with their optics.

Article 12: The CFF’s working languages are Arabic, French, and English.

Article 13: Films selected for the Official Competition and not originally shot in one of the working languages of the Festival must be subtitled in one of these languages. In addition, the submission of copies of such films must be preceded by the submission of their written dialogues in one of the working languages of the Festival. Any film presented at the CFF but not in the framework of the Official Competition and which was not originally shot in either Arabic or French must be subtitled in one of these two languages.

Article 14: The General Regulations of the CFF and its annexed documents can be obtained from the headquarters of the CFF Management Committee or from Tunisia’s diplomatic representations abroad.

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Article 15: The deadline for registering films is forty-five days before each CFF edition.

Article 16: Copies of films must reach the headquarters of the CFF Management Committee no later than one month before the edition for which they are being submitted. The films and their related documents and correspondence must be sent to: COMITE DIRECTEUR DES JOURNEES CINEMATOGRAPHIQUE DE CARTHAGE BP 1029 1045-TUNIS R.P. (TUNISIE) Adresse Télégraphique AFCULT-TUNIS Télex: 12032 TN.

Article 17: Insurance and transport costs incurred by the shipment of films to Tunis are the responsibility of the shippers. The CFF Management Committee assumes material responsibility of film copies between the date it receives them and the date it returns them. If the film arrived through a direct intermediary in Tunis, such as a diplomatic representation, the latter must take care of its reshipment at their own expense.

Article 18: The request for participation in any event of the CFF implies the unreserved adherence of the relevant film directors and producers to these General Regulations.

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Article 19: The CFF Management Committee alone is empowered to make any decision concerning either points not provided for in these General Regulations or their interpretation.

Figure 1. Photo of Tahar Cheriaa, creator of the Carthage Film Festival. Public Domain.

Figure 2. Tahar Cheriaa with Senegalese filmmaker Ousmane Sembène. Public Domain.

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Note This document was previously published as “Regulations of the Carthage Film Festival,” Black Camera: An International Film Journal 12, no. 1 (Fall 2020): 456–462, doi:10.2979/ blackcamera.12.1.33.

Resolution on the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) Rabat, Morocco, June 5–12, 1972

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) meeting in its Nineteenth Ordinary Session in Rabat, Morocco, from June 5th to 12th, 1972. Having considered document CM/172 on OAU assistance to the Pan-African Film Festival Ouagadougou (FESPACO). Notes with satisfaction the constant efforts made by the Republic of Upper Volta to organize an all-African film festival with a view to promoting the production of typically African films in view of the importance of this event for the development of African culture. Recommends that Member States of the Organization of African Unity give their full support to the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou.

Figure 1. Attendees and participants of FESPACO 1972. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

Figure 2. Attendees and participants of FESPACO 1972. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

Figure 3. Attendees and participants of FESPACO 1972. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

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Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO).

Workshop Resolutions: Seminar on “The Role of the African Filmmaker in Rousing an Awareness of Black Civilization”

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, April 8–13, 1974

First Workshop Resolution 1: On African History

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ince the history of Africa is badly known by Africans, African filmmakers will have a major role to play in promoting the knowledge of this history by producing historical films. They will have to recall and illustrate the great empires of the past, evoke legends and mythical stories through which the profound life of the people is expressed. All these concern ancient history. As for modern and contemporary history, African filmmakers will have to retrace the different episodes of colonization and analyze them in order to learn the lessons that explain what Africa is today. They will also have to fight against the after effects and relics of systematically organized cultural subjugation. In all cases, the cinema will have to strive to highlight the unity of Africa, while going beyond the dismantlement imposed by colonization: it will have to portray the cultural unity of Black civilization, a unity which is evident. Such an assignment necessitates thorough historical research so that filmmakers can avoid clichés or errors despite their good intentions. That is why there must be close collaboration between filmmakers, writers, traditionalists (griots, poets, storytellers, etc.), historians, and researchers.

Resolution 2: On Civilization and African Culture The seminar began with a premise unanimously accepted as true: the existence of a civilization and a culture that are African, perceived as the sum of values, usages, and customs of Black peoples, which establishes the relations between man and his environment. It will be the job of another seminar to go deeper into this very general definition and, eventually, discuss it.

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On this basis, the seminar has emphasized the necessity for the African cinema to show all aspects of this civilization and culture, as well as its problems, contradictions, and the dynamics of its modern evolution, so that they can serve Africans as a basis of reflection on their own world. The cinema will therefore have to: a) React against the evils of colonization and cultural alienation carried and spread for decades by the foreign cinema; b) Take stock of and enhance all domains of our culture and civilization in order to inculcate a deeper knowledge of Africa upon Africans themselves. In this respect, there is no question of painting an imaginative or idyllic Africa but, rather, the realities of the continent as they are, so as to make the spectator reflect on them; c) Produce, in addition to fiction films, documentaries with a view to describing all aspects of the life of Africans, their techniques, and traditional arts. Here again, close collaboration between filmmakers and other specialists is indispensable. Various organizations and the research services of different States can play a determinant role in acquiring documents and magazines on their research activities and discoveries.

Resolution 3: The Responsibility of Filmmakers From the proceedings of this seminar, it is clear that the African filmmaker has an important mission, that of educating the masses through the power of this tool which is the cinema. To carry out this heavy task of restoring Africa to the Africans, the filmmaker has to: a) Educate and cultivate himself in the realities of Africa and her people; by this act of humility, he will overcome the problem of cultural insufficiency and ignorance noticed in a good number of present-day filmmakers who have been generally trained in European or American schools; b) Spare no effort in producing documentaries that are easily accessible to the masses for whom they are made; to this end he must be fully involved in the realities which he is presenting; c) Be advised to be in touch with research specialists, organizations, and institutes of all kinds to complete his culture and elaborate his projects.

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Resolution 4: The Responsibility of Governments African governments are urged to recognize the importance of the cinema as a means of education and formation, beyond its short-sighted use as a simple means of information and propaganda: a) While promulgating charters guaranteeing the rights and obligations of artists, African States are advised to understand the usefulness to individual States and to Africa of according freedom of thought and creation to filmmakers, other artists, and intellectuals. b) From the material point of view, the cinema should be considered as a primary investment, since it is invaluably efficacious as a factor of economic, social, and cultural development. Governments are therefore advised, each according to its means, to establish rapidly small production units by training competent personnel and assuring adequate technical material, with the understanding that the least effort speedily made will be developed progressively so as to give the cinematographic industry all the necessary conditions for growth. c) These national efforts will be grouped into inter-African units whose greater capacity will be a determining element of effectiveness. d) On the other hand, the various States will give strength and brilliance to the African cinema by creating an inter-African organization to carry out documentation, research, etc. e) In view of the situation inherited from colonialism, African States will have to try to find solutions that favor the birth of an independent cinema at all stages: production, distribution, and exploitation. f) There is a need for an African Cinema School in order to train filmmakers deeply rooted in African culture and civilization. African States have a duty to promote rapidly such a school at a Pan-African level or even at regional levels. The State has a fundamental role to play in the development of the cinema in Africa.

Special Mention 1: The Financial Problem Since this problem is of crucial importance, a working group has envisaged certain solutions to be proposed to different authorities.

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a) Various forms of State aid in addition to financial help from departments and communities. b) A sinking fund to be created from cinema returns. c) Help from individuals, businessmen, etc. d) The intervention of universities, institutes, and organizations, as well as the creation of particular development programs. e) The idea of offering scholarships and bursaries in the service of cinema development has been raised and merits attentive study. In any event, it has to be noted that neglect of this problem runs the risk of bringing to naught the efforts made in other sectors.

Special Mention 2: Francophones and Anglophones Many delegates deplore the absence of English-speaking participants at this seminar, which is, in a way, preparatory to the Festival of Lagos. They want to remind Africans that, in order to restore the unity of our civilization and culture, it is important to overcome the barriers created by the colonial masters, especially in the domain of vernacular languages.

Special Mention 3: Exchanges The seminar recommends the development of exchanges in the domain of arts throughout the different countries of Africa. It invites governments, inter-African, and other organizations to favor these exchanges by organizing coproductions, festivals, congresses, study tours, scholarships, etc. The seminar lays emphasis on the fact that the free movement of artists throughout African countries is an important motivating factor of unity which African States can powerfully help to achieve.

Second Workshop African Languages and The African Cinema The seminar studies the relationships between African languages, culture, and the cinema, and makes the following resolutions. a) The African cinema cannot afford to be simply a cinema of entertainment; it has to become a means of educating the people, especially if the cinematographic message is expressed in African

The Role of the African Filmmaker (1974)

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c)

d) e)

f )

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languages. In fact, this will favor, from all points of view, a more active participation of the population in cinematographic creation. The seminar is, moreover, conscious of the fact that every language molds a particular mental structure and determines individual behavior patterns. The seminar is therefore convinced that one cannot liberate cultural exiles politically and economically, and that the use of African languages is an effective weapon against foreign cultural and economic domination. This can be done by demystifying Western languages, often considered as the only valid means of expression, and by enhancing African languages, which are the soul of the African personality that they model and whose richness only they can express in the final analysis. The seminar considers that, far from favoring tribalism or exacerbating it, the use of African languages can highlight the fundamental cultural unity of the Black world. In view of these facts, the seminar strongly encourages African filmmakers to continue to use African languages with the aid of all the technical resources at their disposal; and invites African States to favor the diffusion of African films in cinemas, on television, by the use of mobile cinemas, etc., so that a vaster public can be involved. To this end, States would need to establish the necessary infrastructure, not only by installing the equipment necessary for diffusion (projection rooms, televised circuits, mobile cinemas), but also those necessary for production (studios, etc.). In this regard, the seminar recalls the need to apply rapidly the decisions to create the necessary circuits of distribution and production at a continental or regional level. The seminar suggests that, where possible, the best foreign films be commented in African languages. It once more draws the attention of African States to the necessity of intensifying the teaching of African languages; it equally seizes the opportunity to congratulate the efforts of both African States and international organizations like the OAU and UNESCO in this domain. Finally, the seminar wishes African governments to encourage linguists and teachers in their efforts to make African languages vehicles of scientific, technical, and technological knowledge.

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Third Workshop 1. What Is the Cinema? The cinema is an instrument of communication and education through image and sound; it is therefore a language. This language is particularly adapted to Africa because it can cut across linguistic barriers through its power of image and can adapt itself essentially to our oral civilizations, which are based on spectacle and speech.

2. What Is a Cinematographic Language? One should not confuse cinematographic language with cinematographic technique. Since the invention of the cinema, technique has been practically the same in all countries of the world; the language in itself is different according to whether the film is Japanese, Brazilian, Russian, or American. That is to say that the language is a component of many elements which can differ according to countries. These elements are of three kinds: visual, sonant, and rhythmic. The visual element includes the actor’s countenance, his clothing, the background, movement, gesticulations, and the dramatic act: in brief, the signs and symbols of a civilization. In the sonant element can be classed essentially the language used by the actors, sounds, the surroundings, and, finally, music. As for the rhythm, it is the manner of arranging all these elements according to cadence, respiration, and a dramatic curve characteristic of the sensibility of each people. One will not fail to remark that the cinema embodies all these elements to the point that it has been said that the cinema is the synthesis of all acts. One can therefore say that a cinematographic language is specific when the sum of its elements belongs to a nation, a culture, a given civilization. From this it can be seen what an African cinematographic language could be—that which uses African languages and music and which should be joined to African pictorial, architectural, gesticular, and dramatic traditions.

3. The Function of Cinematographic Language Like the spoken word, cinematographic language can convey true or false information. It can therefore be used either to educate and make the spectator aware of realities or, on the contrary, mask these realities and lull him to sleep. In Africa, it has been used with two principal aims in mind to depersonalize the African by imposing a language, a culture, and a vision of the world that are foreign to him; to make him close his eyes to the reality of his being a colonized man, and thereby perpetuating economic domination.

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Therefore, the role of an African cinematographic language in the postcolonial and socio-historical context which we are now in should be to: a) Restore to the African his lost identity by bringing him closer to his civilization so as to guarantee his cultural independence; b) Give him the means of analyzing the contradictions of present realities so as to allow him to fight for his economic independence.

4. How to Use This Language in Africa and Why? The word “language” implies a speaker and a listener; in this precise case, it means the filmmaker and the public. In Africa, the former have been formed and the latter deformed in the manner of the West—that is to say, conditioned by a certain type of cinema. The African filmmaker should abandon the Western notion of a learned artist cut off from the popular masses and reality; let him accept the need to reeducate himself by contact with historians and African men of culture and involve his art in the daily life of the people; let him take his people into consideration by showing them their reflection without shocking them by too difficult intricacies of form; when he is working on fiction, let him try to win interest by way of presenting events related to African stories. In all cases, he should try to readjust his language with his public in mind.

5. Diffusion In all the countries of the world, it has been noticed that the traditional commercial structure of the cinema, based on money, has always favored the triumph of escapist and violent films. The State has a big role to play in diffusion. Non-commercial structures should henceforth be established (mobile cinemas and television networks for collectivities) to bring the cinema to Africans of all social classes at the lowest cost. As for the commercial cinema, it is advisable for admittance to be cheap enough to allow as many people as possible to see films. It is equally advisable that projections be preceded or followed by explanations in local dialects or languages. It is also desirable that part of the receipts realized be used to mount and finance a general program of education through the cinema.

6. Conclusion We congratulate the different initiatives taken by African governments to promote their cinema. However, it has been noticed that there is a lack of coordination between States on the decisions taken in this domain.

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Consequently, we are inviting them to organize, at the level of the OAU, a special conference on “The Cinema” so as to agree on the policy of distributing African films on our continent and in the rest of the world, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, that of our consumption of foreign films, while respecting the sovereignty of each State.

Note Originally published as “The Role of the African Film-maker in Rousing an Awareness of Black Civilization,” Presence Africaine, no. 90 (1974). Reprinted with the permission of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO).

The Algiers Charter on African Cinema Algiers, Algeria, January, 1975

For a responsible, free, and committed cinema

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his charter was adopted at the Second Congress of the FEPACI (Fédération Panafricaine des Cinéastes) in Algiers, January, 1975. Contemporary African societies are still objectively undergoing an experience of domination exerted on a number of levels: political, economic, and cultural. Cultural domination, which is all the more dangerous for being insidious, imposes on our peoples models of behavior and systems of values whose essential function is to buttress the ideological and economic ascendancy of the imperialist powers. The main channels open to this form of control are supplied by the new technologies of communication: books, the audiovisual, and very specifically the cinema. In this way the economic stranglehold over our countries is increased twofold by a pervading ideological alienation that stems from a massive injection of cultural by-products thrust on the African markets for passive consumption. Moreover, in the face of this condition of cultural domination and deracination, there is a pressing need to reformulate in liberating terms the internal problematic of development and of the part that must be played in this worldwide advance by culture and by the cinema. To assume a genuinely active role in the process of development, African culture must be popular, democratic, and progressive in character, inspired by its own realities and responding to its own needs. It must also be in solidarity with cultural struggles all over the world. The issue is not to try to catch up with the developed capitalist societies, but rather to allow the masses to take control of the means of their own development, giving them back the cultural initiative by drawing on the resources of a fully liberated popular creativity. Within this perspective the cinema has a vital part to play because it is a means of education, information, and consciousness raising, as well as a stimulus to creativity. The accomplishing of these goals implies a questioning by African filmmakers of the image they have of themselves, of the nature of their function and their social status and of their general place in society. The stereotyped image of the solitary and marginal creator that is widespread in Western capitalist society must be rejected by African filmmakers, who must, on the contrary, see themselves as creative artisans at the service of their people. It also demands great

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vigilance on their part with regard to imperialism’s attempts at ideological recuperation as it redoubles its efforts to maintain, renew, and increase its cultural ascendancy. In this context, African filmmakers must be in solidarity with progressive filmmakers who are waging anti-imperialist struggles throughout the world. Moreover, the question of commercial profit can be no yardstick for African filmmakers. The only relevant criterion of profitability is the knowledge of whether the needs and aspirations of the people are expressed, and not those of specific interest groups. This means that all the structural problems of their national cinema must be of paramount importance to African filmmakers. The commitment demanded from African filmmakers should in no way signify subordination. The states must take a leading role in building a national cinema free of the shackles of censorship or any other form of coercion likely to diminish the filmmakers’ creative scope and the democratic and responsible exercise of their profession. This freedom of expression for filmmakers is in fact one of the prerequisite conditions of their ability to contribute to the development of a critical understanding among the masses and the flowering of their potentialities.

Note Printed with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

The Accra Declaration of the Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa Accra, Ghana, 1975

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e, representing the Governments of the African Member States of UNESCO, meeting at Accra from October 27th to November 6th, 1975 on the occasion of the Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, organized by UNESCO with the cooperation of the Organization of African Unity,

RECALLING • that under colonial domination, African countries found themselves in identical political, economic, social, and cultural positions; • that on the cultural level, domination led to the depersonalization of some of the peoples of Africa, falsified their history, systemically denigrated and opposed African values, and attempted to replace African languages progressively and officially by those of the colonial powers; • that colonialization encouraged the formation of an elite, too frequently absorbed and assimilated into the foreign culture, and that a deep division appeared between this elite and the African people at large;

CONVINCED • that African unity is grounded, first and foremost, in history; • that complete independence is the prime condition for the flourishing of culture in the service of the people;

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DECLARE • that the assertion of cultural identity expresses a reality common to all the peoples of Africa; • that cultural identity serves as a foundation for the independence and the construction of modern African nations; • that African culture remains a decisive weapon in struggles for liberation and in the continuing fight against colonialism, racism, and apartheid; • that it is a basic manifestation of the feeling of unity and solidarity inspiring contemporary Africa; • that it represents a guarantee in international relationships and the prerequisite for the establishment of a new, more equitable, and more humane world order, based on the right to national self-determination and unconditional recognition of the equality and dignity of all cultures; • that the full enjoyment and promotion of human rights can be ensured only in the framework of genuine political, economic, and cultural independence; • that development must aim primarily at enriching human life by providing a harmonious balance of values;

AFFIRM the will of the African States • to embark resolutely on the search for patterns of development, which confirm to their particular genius, so as to meet the needs and legitimate aspirations of their peoples and safeguard the authenticity of their values; • in so doing, to enable the African men, women, and young people of our time to develop harmoniously and play an active part in the life of the nation and help them join in the mainstream of world affairs; • hence to give to culture the decisive position, which it should rightfully occupy in the process of global development, of which man is both the agent and the end;

DECLARE • that cultural authenticity and technical progress, in the reciprocity and complementarity of their effects, are the surest guarantee of

Accra Declaration on Cultural Policies (1975)

•

•

•

•

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cultural development and of the advent of new societies linking up with the lofty tradition of African humanism; that it is therefore necessary in this connection to bring about a change in attitudes and the rejection of cultural patterns which are ill-fitted to express the cultural reality of present-day Africa; that it is also necessary to make effective use of scientific and technological advances and the mass media so as to strengthen cultural identity and the safeguarding of authenticity, and so as to foster a harmonious relationship between man, his environment, and his society; that it is urgent to define educational systems, which incorporate African values of civilization, ensure that young people will be rooted in African culture, and enlist the active participation of all social forces, in a context of lifelong education; that it is no less urgent to take resolute steps for promotion of the African languages—which are irreplaceable tools of social communication, auxiliaries and vehicles of cultural heritages in their most authentic form, and sure guarantees for their essentially popular nature—and to draw up a systematic inventory of cultural heritages, especially in the historical, linguistic, and artistic spheres;

AFFIRM • that African cultural diversity, the expression of a self-same universality, is a factor of equilibrium and creative fertility, serving the cause of social mobilization and national integration; • that the wealth of the cultural heritage shared by all the peoples of Africa, which is the historical basis of African personality, is the surest guarantee of African unity; • that African cultural creativity has never ceased to enrich the cultural heritage of mankind and to enhance Africa’s presence in the world; • that African cultures, in their turn, remain receptive to outside contributions and are alert to the major trends at work in the modern world; • that cultural cooperation among free and equal partners fosters mutual enrichment of cultures in a spirit of respect for each, and can be a determining factor in the promotion of international understanding and world peace;

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RECOGNIZE • accordingly the responsibilities incumbent on African States with regard to the definition of national cultural policies, which must be geared to the policies decided on in the political, economic, and social fields;

AFFIRM • our determination to implement or intensify our cultural policies for this purpose, bearing in mind the interaction that takes place between them and the policies followed in regard to, inter alia, education, science and technology, communication, and the environment;

UNDERTAKE • to be guided accordingly in considering the recommendations made by this Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, which represents a milestone in the history of African culture; • to pay tribute to UNESCO’s activities to further the cultural development of Africa; and • to welcome the draft Cultural Charter that the Organization of African Unity is proposing to draw up.

Note UNESCO, “Declaration of the Intergovernmental Conference of Cultural Policies in Africa,” 1975, Accra, Ghana. Published with the permission of the Observatory of Cultural Policies in Africa.

Cultural Charter for Africa Port Louis, Mauritius, 1976

Preamble

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e, Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), meeting in its Thirteenth Ordinary Session, in Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2nd to 5th July, 1976, Guided by the Organization of African Unity Charter, by Resolution CM/Res.371 (XXIII) adopted by the Twenty-Third ordinary Session of the Council of Ministers and by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU (June 1974, Mogadishu); by the Declaration of principles of international cultural cooperation adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO at its fourteenth Session in 1966; by the Pan-African Cultural Manifesto of Algiers (1969), and by the Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa organized by UNESCO in Accra in 1975 in cooperation with the Organization of African Unity; Convinced that any human society is necessarily governed by rules and principles based on traditions, languages, ways of life, and thought, in other words, on a set of cultural values which reflect its distinctive character and personality; Convinced that cultures emanate from the people, and that any African cultural policy should of necessity enable the people to expand for increased responsibility in the development of its cultural heritage; Aware of the fact that any people has the inalienable right to organize its cultural life in full harmony with its political, economic, social, philosophical, and spiritual ideas; Convinced that all the cultures of the world are equally entitled to respect just as all individuals are equal as regards free access to culture; Recalling that, under colonial domination, the African countries found themselves in the same political, economic, social, and cultural situation; that cultural domination led to the depersonalization of part of the African peoples, falsified their history, systematically disparaged and combated African values, and tried to replace, progressively and officially, their languages by that of the colonizer; that colonization has encouraged the formation of an elite which is too often alienated from its culture and susceptible to assimilation, and that a serious gap has been opened between the said elite and the African popular masses;

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Convinced that the unity of Africa is founded first and foremost on its History; that the affirmation of cultural identity denotes a concern common to all Peoples of Africa; that African cultural diversity, the expression of a single identity, is a factor making for equilibrium and development in the service of national integration; that it is imperative to edify educational systems which embody the African values of civilization, so as to ensure the rooting of youth in African culture and mobilize the social forces in the context of permanent education; that it is imperative to resolutely ensure the promotion of African languages, mainstay, and media of cultural heritage in its most authentic and essentially popular form; that it is imperative to carry out a systematic inventory of the cultural heritage, in particular in the spheres of Traditions, History, and Arts; Guided by a common determination to strengthen understanding among our peoples and cooperation among our States in order to meet the aspirations of our peoples to see brotherhood and solidarity reinforced and integrated within a greater cultural unity that transcends ethnic and national divergences; Aware that culture constitutes for our people the surest means of overcoming our technological backwardness and the most efficient force of our victorious resistance to imperialist blackmail; Convinced that African culture is meaningless unless it plays a full part in the political and social liberation struggle, and in the rehabilitation and unification efforts and that there is no limit to the cultural development of a people; Convinced that a common resolve provides the basis for promoting the harmonious cultural development of our States; Agree to establish the Cultural Charter for Africa as set out below.

Part I: Aims, Objectives, and Principles Article 1 The aims and objectives of this Charter are as follows: a. To liberate the African peoples from sociocultural conditions that impede their development in order to recreate and maintain the sense and will for progress, the sense and will for development; b. The rehabilitation, restoration, preservation, and promotion of the African cultural heritage; c. The assertion of the dignity of the African and of the popular foundations of his culture;

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d. The combating and elimination of all forms of alienation and cultural suppression and oppression everywhere in Africa, especially in countries still under colonial and racist domination, including apartheid; e. The encouragement of cultural cooperation among the States with a view to the strengthening of African unity; f. The encouragement of international cultural cooperation for a better understanding among peoples within which Africa will make its original and appropriate contribution to human culture; g. Promotion in each country of popular knowledge of science and technology, a necessary condition for the control of nature; h. Development of all dynamic values in the African cultural heritage and rejection of any element that is an impediment to progress. Article 2 In order to fulfil the objectives set out in Article 1, the African States solemnly subscribe to the following principles: a. Access of all citizens to education and culture; b. Respect for the freedom to create and the liberation of the creative genius of the people; c. Respect for national authenticities and specificities in the field of culture; d. Selective integration of science and modern technology into the cultural life of the African peoples; e. Exchange and dissemination of cultural experience between African countries, in the field of cultural decolonization in all its forms.

Part II: Cultural Diversity and National Identity Article 3 The African States recognize the need to take account of national identities, cultural diversity being a factor making for balance within the nation and a source of mutual enrichment for various communities. Article 4 The African States recognize that African cultural diversity is the expression of the same identity; a factor of unity and an effective weapon for genuine liberty, effective responsibility, and full sovereignty of the people;

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Article 5 The assertion of national identity must not be at the cost of impoverishing or subjecting various cultures within the State.

Part III: National Cultural Development Chapter I: Basic Principles Governing a National Cultural Policy Article 6 Each African State recognizes that it is the working people who make history and establish the foundations and conditions for the advancement of culture. As culture has an innovating and beneficial influence on the means of production and on man, each African State agrees: a. To work out a national cultural policy for each State. This policy should be designed as a codification of social practices and concerted activities whose aim is to satisfy cultural needs through the optimal utilization of all the available material and human resources; b. To integrate the cultural development plan in the overall program for economic and social development; c. That individual States shall be free to establish their priorities and select the methods they consider best suited for attaining their cultural development objectives and to that end individual States regard the following priorities and methods as guidelines; 1. Priorities a. The transcription, teaching, and development of national languages with a view to using them for the dissemination and the development of science and technology; b. The recording, conservation, use, and dissemination of information on oral tradition; c. The adaptation of educational curricula to development needs and to the national and African cultural and social realities; d. The promotion of cultural activities, encouragement to artists, and assistance to creativity in the people; e. The protection of creative artists and cultural assets; f. The development of research and the establishment of permanent research centers in the field of culture;

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g. Research, on the basis of modern science, in the field of local African medicine and pharmacopoeia: 2. Methods and Means a. The introduction of African culture into all national educational systems; b. The introduction and intensification of the teaching in national languages in order to accelerate the economic, social, political, and cultural development in our States; c. The establishment of appropriate institutions for the development, preservation, and dissemination of culture; d. The training of competent staff, at all levels; e. The concrete and effective establishment of links between the school and the national realities as well as the life of the people, a link which should be apparent in the school curricula and structure; f. The sensitization and exhortation of all citizens to ensure their willing participation in the field of culture; g. The provision of a budget corresponding to the needs of culture and of research in the humanities, natural sciences, and technology; h. The financing of cultural programs essentially but of national resources in order to implement certain cultural projects; i. The organization of competitions offering prizes; j. The organization of national and Pan-African cultural festivals in the spirit of this Charter. Chapter II: The Democratization of Culture Article 7 The African States recognize that the driving force of Africa is based more on development of the collective personality than on individual advancement and profit, and that culture cannot be considered as the privilege of an elite. Article 8 The African States agree to undertake the following: • Create conditions which will enable their peoples to participate to the full in the development and implementation of cultural policies; • Defend and develop the people’s culture;

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• Implement a cultural policy providing for the advancement of creative artists; • Wherever necessary, abolish the caste system and rehabilitate the functions of artist and craftsman (griots and craftsmen). Chapter III: The Need for Active Participation by Youth in National Cultural Life Article 9 Continuous cultural development in Africa rests with its young people. Therefore, the African States should create conditions for the active and enlightened participation of young people in African cultural life. Article 10 The African States shall endeavor to raise continually the cultural awareness of young people through the introduction of African cultural values into education and through the organization of national and Pan-African festivals, conferences, seminars, and training and refresher courses. Article 11 The cultural policies of the various States shall ensure that young African people also have the means of familiarizing themselves with the whole of African and other civilizations in order to prepare them for fruitful intercultural relations.

Part IV: Training and Lifelong Education Chapter IV: Training Article 12 Professional training is as important both for cultural development as for economic and social development. Consequently, the African States should devote themselves to creating conditions favoring large-scale participation of culture by the African working class and peasants at the actual work sites. Article 13 To achieve the aim laid down in the preceding Article, States should adopt a training policy for specialists at all levels and in all fields. Article 14 Professional training for creative artists should be improved, renewed, and adapted to modern methods without breaking the umbilical

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cord linking it with the traditional sources of African art. Hence, special training should be provided in national, regional, and subregional training centers. Chapter V: Lifelong Education Article 15 African governments will have to pay special attention to the growing importance of lifelong education in modern societies. Article 16 African governments should take steps to organize continuous training in a rational way and to establish an appropriate system of education that satisfies the specific needs of their people.

Part V: The Use of African Languages Article 17 The African States recognize the imperative need to develop African languages that will ensure their cultural advancement and accelerate their economic and social development and to this end will endeavor to formulate a national policy in regard to languages. Article 18 The African States should prepare and implement the reforms necessary for the introduction of African languages into education. To this end each state may choose one or more languages. Article 19 The introduction of African languages at all levels of education should have to go hand in hand with literacy work among the people at large.

Part VI: Use of Mass Media Article 20 The African States should recognize that there can be no cultural policy without corresponding policies on information and communication. Article 21 The African States should encourage the use of the information and communication media for their cultural development.

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Article 22 a. African governments should ensure the total decolonization of the mass media and increase the production of radio and television broadcasts and cinematographic films that reflect the political, economic, and social realities of the people in order to enable the masses to have greater access to participation in the cultural riches; b. African governments should create publishing and distribution institutions for books, school manuals, records, and instruments of the press in Africa to combat market speculators and make them into instruments of popular education; c. African governments should establish joint cooperation in order to break the monopoly of non-African countries in this field.

Part VII: The Role of Governments in Cultural Development Chapter VI: Assistance to Artistic Creation Article 23 African States should be active in promoting national cultural development through a policy of effective assistance both as regards collective methods of creation and in favor of individual artists. Such assistance may take various forms: a. Organization of competitions offering prizes and mobile exhibitions of works of art and artistic visits; b. Fiscal assistance through a policy in which African cultural assets are exempted wholly or partly from tax; c. Supporting artists, writers, and research workers by providing financial assistance and scholarships for training or refresher courses; d. The creation of a National Fund for the promotion of culture and the arts. Chapter VII: The Protection of African Works Article 24 African States should prepare inter-African convention on copyright so as to guarantee the protection of African works. They should also intensify their efforts to modify existing international conventions to meet African interests.

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Article 25 African governments should enact national and inter-African laws and regulations guaranteeing the protection of copyright, set up national copyright offices, and encourage the establishment of authors’ associations responsible for protecting the morale and material interests of those who produce work that gives spiritual and mental pleasure. Chapter VIII: Protection of the African Cultural Heritage Article 26 The African cultural heritage must be protected on the legal and practical planes in the manner laid down in the international instruments in force and in conformity with the best standards applicable in this field. Article 27 The African governments should have to adopt national laws and interAfrican regulations governing the protection of cultural property in times of peace and in the event of war. Article 28 The African States should take steps to put an end to the despoliation of African cultural property and ensure that cultural assets, in particular archives, works of art, and archaeological objects that have been removed from Africa are returned there. To this end they should, in particular, support the efforts exerted by UNESCO and take all other necessary steps to ensure the implementation of the United Nations General Assembly resolution on the restitution of works of art removed from their country of origin. Article 29 The African States should take steps to ensure that the archives which have been removed from Africans are returned to African governments in order that they may have complete archives concerning the history of their country.

Part VIII: Inter-African Cultural Cooperation Article 30 The African States acknowledge that it is vital to establish inter-African cultural cooperation as a contribution to the mutual understanding of national cultures and enrichment of African cultures, thus to take the form

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of a two-way exchange, firstly, among all the countries on the continent and, secondly, between Africa and the rest of the world through specialized institutions like UNESCO. Article 31 To achieve the aims set out in the previous Article, the African States agree: a. To consolidate their cooperation by way of joint cultural activities and periodical discussions of major issues on which cultural development of Africa depends; b. To develop the exchange of information, documentation, and cultural material by – strengthening the Association of African Universities; – university and specialist exchange, in order that scientific cultural studies can develop in research institutes; – exchange and meetings between young people; – the organization of joint cultural events such as festivals, symposia, sports, and art exhibitions; – establishment of cultural research centers on national, regional, and Pan-African levels; – creation of an Inter-African Fund for the support and promotion of cultural studies and programs. c. To endeavor to ensure that African cultural values are deployed to maximum effect in order to illustrate that all African States are members of one and the same community; d. Creation of regional specialized institutions for the training of specialized cultural cadres. Article 32 The African Cultural Council should function in close cooperation and consultation with the OAU Commission on Education, Science, Health, and Culture in the field of cultural policies.

Part IX: Final Provisions Article 33 Signature and Ratification This Charter shall be open for signature to all Member States of the Organization of African Unity and shall be ratified by the signatory States in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. The original

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instrument, done if possible in African languages and in English and French, all texts being equally authentic, shall be deposited with the General Secretariat of the Organization of African Unity, which shall transmit copies thereof to all OAU Member States. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the OAU General Secretariat, which shall notify all signatories of such deposit. Article 34 Entry into Force This Charter shall come into force immediately upon receipt by the OAU General Secretariat of the instruments of ratification and adhesion from two-thirds of the total membership of the OAU. Article 35 Registration of the Charter The Charter shall, after due ratification, be registered with the Secretariat of the United Nations through the OAU General Secretariat in conformity with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations. Article 36 Interpretation of the Charter Any question that may arise concerning the interpretation of this Charter shall be resolved by decision of Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU. Article 37 Adhesion and Accession a. Any OAU Member State may at any time notify the General Secretariat of the OAU of its intention to adhere or accede to this Charter. b. The General Secretariat shall, on receipt of such notification, communicate a copy of it to all the Member States. Adhesion and Accessions shall take effect fourteen days after communication of the applicant’s notice to all Member States by the General Secretariat of the OAU.

Note Republished from African Union, “Cultural Charter for Africa,” July, 1976, Port Louis, Mauritius.

Cinematographic Art (FESTAC ’77) Paulin Soumanou Vieyra, Lagos, Kaduna, Nigeria, 1977

Figure 1. Paulin Soumanou Vieyra (left) and Georges Caristan (right) during the filming of Afrique Sur Seine / Africa on the Seine (dir. Mamadou Sarr and Vieyra, 1955, France). Image courtesy of Stephane Vieyra.

Presented by Paul Soumanou Vieyra at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC ’77).

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he cinema is one of the arts which is still in search of its African expression. The reasons for the delay in this new art integrating itself totally into African life come from a situation which has been created for it in Africa, and from problems which it must continue to face. Organized the first time by the West, the cinema at its beginnings imposed a Western view of life on the world. And throughout the evolution of the cinema, the evolution of Western European and American artistic concepts were in evidence. The African influence on worldwide cinema has only been superficial. It has been limited to the utilization of Africa as a decor for actions not belonging to Africa and according to the Western view of the operators who have come there to film.

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African judgement has a need for African films in order to appreciate the conceptual and singular originality of the cinema in comparison to other means of expression. The exclusive view of Western films, which inevitably puts into play only aspects of life in Europe, cannot touch African sensibility; at least of those Africans, and they are the majority, who do not have a tangible knowledge of the West. After a new balance between the cinema and other forms of entertainment had been established, as far as the public’s participation was concerned, cinema took up the offensive again, but this time, not by introducing new techniques, but on the contrary, by accentuating the originality of the subject’s treatment. The New Wave in France, then in Europe, and finally throughout the world, upset traditions and used a new writing to express itself. The public became interested in experimentation, and producers followed the movement of this renovation which permitted them to make money while realizing films for two or three times less the expense than before. Proceeding from France, this New Wave movement won the world. Only the African continent found itself outside the movement once again for lack of a cinematographic industry. Since the cinema’s situation in the world becomes the situation of the cinema in Africa, and since Africa remains a market for the entire world’s productions, the New Wave films have also invaded the African continent without, as ever, dethroning Western and classic Indian and Egyptian films from the public’s taste. African cinema is naturally going to benefit from research, works, and experiences of the previously developed cinema. The African public has become accustomed to a certain form of cinema. Its sensibility has entered into contact, among the flood of films proposed to it, with those which were directly accessible and the comprehension of which has been even more facilitated by the simplicity of the dramatic plot. Unfortunately, these were not the best. But distributors have concluded that this was the taste of the African public, and they concentrate their efforts on the distribution of this kind of film. Naturally, being constantly solicited by westerns, police stories, and Zorro, the African public has ended up, by acquiring through habit, a pronounced taste for action films. Alongside this, there now exists a more cultivated public, and which, by its education, is capable of feeling and appreciating the more elaborate films coming from all parts of the world. The breadth of the cinematographic phenomenon is such that, in some urban centers of Africa, it represents practically the only entertainment for a certain category of people. The cinema is not far from having a fetish function in Africa.

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We are already faced with a certain number of problems which are going to be posed by the African cinema, in order to perfectly introduce it into African social life. Egypt gives us an insight into what popular cinema could be in Africa: a film of long duration is cut up into sequences of songs and dances in order to permit spectators to relax. If at present, one deplores the non-existence of a Black African cinema, one assuredly owes this to the industrial non-organization of the cinema of Black Africa. For the moment, African scenario-writers are concerned less with the recording of folklore and ethnographic manifestations. For the first African scenario-writers, it is a matter of actually using the cinema as a means of personal expression. For them, editing is not the essential of creation which is found on the level of conception and production. Before shooting a short African film in a completely classical way, there is a scenario, a shooting script, and a commentary. At the moment, what precisely creates the difficulty for African productions is the need for the author to conform to the idea of what he wants to obtain. In fact, and in spite of what Europeans say about it, when using Africans, producers realize that their compatriots are not born actors and that they lack the calling, even though they are clever in manifesting their culture. In addition to this, not being professional actors, they have a tendency towards dilettantism. They arrive late or not at all; they are capricious or call upon tradition in order not to play a scene; they forget their working clothes, or they have lost them. Adding the lack of collaborators, technique, and materials to the financial questions, one can easily imagine the difficult working conditions in which African films are now produced. One of their satisfactions after every film produced is to say to themselves that they are keeping the way open to a cinematographic industry which will permit the African cinema to develop. The awards obtained in different festivals nevertheless prove their quality. And the infatuation with which the African public in turn views them, shows the expectation of this public for films which mirror its preoccupations. Now we must ask ourselves, what is meant by the African cinema? In the present situation in Africa where forty-seven independent nations exist, what cinema should represent African cinema? Will it be as on the American continent where one cinema, that of the United States, is qualified as the American cinema, because it is the most developed? Is the Egyptian cinema going to be the only one qualified as African, because at present it is the most advanced, while the cinema of other African states will simply take the name of their country, as for instance, the Senegalese cinema, the

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Nigerian cinema, the Ghanaian cinema, as one speaks about the Brazilian, Argentinian, or Mexican cinema? In Africa for the moment (without a doubt, for reasons of convenience), one speaks of African cinema to designate films produced in Ghana, as well as the Ivory Coast, Senegal, or Nigeria. Naturally, these films are indeed African but are they totally Congolese and Kenyan at the same time? At this level, these are notions of culture and of civilization which are in play. The African civilization from which naturally all African countries issue, is particularized by specified cultures, according to its ethnic groups. This fact necessarily brings into action the traditions, the costumes, and the languages which are going to be found in each of the African cinemas, in order for them to give meaning to the life of each people considered. The cinema, as a modern art, needs to be nourished on sources of particular traditions in order to singularize before attending universality. And we know that nothing limits its radiance, not even the different languages which it borrows to better manifest itself. The problem posed by languages to the African cinema nevertheless remains. Besides, it is an economic problem which from the fact of the multiplicity of languages in Africa would call for an enormous amount of means, if it were necessary to post-synchronize every film in all languages in order to reach more certainly the totality of the population. The solution of this problem can be found in the future, in a linguistic organization on the African continent which would limit the function of an inter-African communication vehicle to a few languages. In this matter, foreign experience could usefully serve Africa. The USSR is very analogous to Africa—a vast span of territory, a population relatively as large, and a great number of spoken languages. Here the door is open to research, of which the first part concerns linguists. Some work has been accomplished in this domain; other work is in progress. Cheikh Anta Diop in his Nations Nègres et Culture gave a solution. What concerns African scenario-writers in the future will be to possess in every domain the means which will permit them to ensure that their cinematographic productions will truly be the expression of African realities. In Africa, faced with growing television which is developing quickly by identifying itself with the State, what is going to become of the cinema which has hardly taken wing? One can fear that television will out-distance the cinema in the years to come, not only in means of knowledge and diffusion but as a means of expression. One already talks of television as a new art. There is no doubt that it will soon be in Africa, as in the West, the great competitor of the cinema among the audiovisual means in the cultural formation of people. Its advantage

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is found on several levels. Its diffusion technique in the first place, which permits a film to reach thousands, indeed, millions, of people at once in the intimacy of their homes; next, its possibilities to transmit an event the moment it takes place. Television would have the disadvantage, however, of not being lucrative and of being exclusively a public establishment—that is, a government business. At present, in the West, one can see a balance established between television and the cinema. The cinema is a modern art which, to become equally African, needs to be organized in order to show itself well in the cultural battle which Africa is waging for her dignity. One cannot speak of the future of the African cinema as long as its present is barely a reality.

Note Previously published as Paulin Soumanou Vieyra, “Cinematographic Art,” FESTAC ’77 (Lagos: International Festival Committee, and London: African Journal Limited, 1977), pp. 72–79.

Resolution of Commendation and Appreciation to the Federal Republic of Nigeria for Hosting the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture Lomé, Togo, February 21–28, 1977

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, meeting in its Twenty-Eight Ordinary Session in Lomé, Togo, from February 21–28, 1977. Recalling the decision adopted at the end of the First World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture, known as the World Festival of Negro Arts, held in Dakar, Senegal, in 1966, by which Nigeria was invited to host the Second Festival, Convinced that the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture offered the African Peoples the world over, an opportunity to demonstrate resolutely and confidently their undeniable dignity, their immortal originality, and their personality, Convinced further that African Peoples had demonstrated in Lagos, as they will soon do in areas in Southern Africa under white domination, that no amount of inhumanity can destroy the African soul, that soul which is daily manifesting its powerful force which will soon triumph over repression, Noting the contribution of enormous resources of the Federal Military Government and people of Nigeria in planning and organizing of the FESTAC II, 1. HIGHLY COMMENDS and expresses deep and profound appreciation to the Government and People of Nigeria for this invaluable contribution to the promotion of the entire African cultural heritage; 2. APPRECIATES, in particular, the kind support of General Olusegun Obansanjo, Head of State of the Federal Government of Nigeria and Honorary president of the FESTAC II, and the Government and people of Nigeria who had made this Festival such a resounding success.

Regulations of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO)

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, August 27, 1980

Preamble

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he Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO), created by Decree No. 80/276/PRES/-INFO of August 27, 1980 and recognized by the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, has for essential goals: • to promote the dissemination of all works of African Cinema and hence to encourage all African filmmakers through contacts and confrontations of works and ideas; • to make known the various cultures and currents of African civilization through their expression through animated images; • to contribute to the development of African Cinema as a means of expression and a phenomenon of culture and education.

Participation Article 1: The Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou is an exhibition of African Cinematographic Works. It is open to all African Filmmakers and to all their films. Article 2: In addition to the officially scheduled African films, it is planned, for information, the screening of non-African films accepted by the Festival. Article 3: The FESPACO Committee alone remains empowered to register or refuse any film proposed to the Festival. Consequently, any film selected will be screened under the sole responsibility of FESPACO. Article 4: Any participation in the film implies, on the part of the Director, the Producer, or any other official representative of the film, the scrupulous respect of the following:

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• send no later than January 1st of the year in which the Festival is held (early February), the duly completed registration forms, films, film synopses, posters, and, if possible, any other medium advertising. Article 5: Films, registration forms, and advertising material must be sent to the following address: MINISTRY OF INFORMATION B.P. 2505 TELEX 5255 BF 5231 BF OUAGADOUGOU, BURKINA FASO Article 6: The Festival is not responsible for errors in the routing of films on arrival, nor for damage resulting from poor packaging or transport. The Festival can in no way be held responsible for deterioration resulting from the poor initial condition of the copies. Article 7: Any film participating in the Festival can only be withdrawn by the director or the producer (before or after its screening) with the agreement of the General Secretariat of FESPACO and after signature of a release and verification of the Customs services of the Burkina Faso. Article 8: In the event that a film is held in Ouagadougou with the agreement of the owner, the Festival will send it back in accordance with the instructions given to it to do so.

Of the Competition Article 9: The official competition of FESPACO is reserved only for African films fulfilling the following conditions: (a) The zero copy of the film must be dated within three years. (b) The film must not have been screened in public on Burkinabe territory. Burkinabe films are not subject to this last condition (b). Article 10: The official competition is open to two films per country, presented by the competent authorities of that country and failing that selected by the Organizing Committee and produced by different Authors.

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Article 11: The films are offered for official competition either by the official services of the participating countries, or by the Director, or by the Producer.

Of the Jury Article 12: The Official Jury of FESPACO is an international jury composed of a president and ten members at most, including two Burkinabe.

Awards Article 13: The members of the Jury are appointed by the Festival; their designation is subject to the approval of the competent authorities of Burkina Faso. Article 14: The members of the Jury are supported by the Festival; compensation may be awarded to them. Article 15: The official FESPACO Awards are as follows: • Grand Prize: Étalon de Yennenga awarded to the feature film judged by the jury as the film which best reflects African cultural identity or the social realities of Africa today. This film must also be remarkable for the rigor of its construction, its technical qualities, and the mastery of its staging. In addition to the trophy, this prize is endowed with the sum of 1,000,000 CFA francs. • Best Short Film Prize: awarded by the jury to the short film in accordance with the criteria defined above by the Grand Prize. This prize is endowed with 500,000 CFA francs. • Seventh Art Prize: will be awarded to the director who demonstrates through his work, a perfect mastery of cinematographic language. This prize is endowed with 300,000 CFA francs. • Award For Best Feminine Interpretation: awarded to the feature film actress who has best portrayed her character. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Prize For Best Male Interpretation: awarded to the feature film actor who has best portrayed his character. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Best Image Prize: awarded to the cinematographer who has taken the best photograph. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs.

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• Gold Camera Prize: awarded to the operator who achieved the best framing. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Best Golden Perch Award: awarded to the sound recording operator who produced the best sound. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Golden Manivelle Prize: awarded to the technician who produced the best cut. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Best Scenario Award: awarded to the author who wrote the best story. This prize is endowed with 250,000 CFA francs. • Oumarou Ganda Prize: awarded to the first work of a director whose creative efforts are particularly remarkable and worthy of encouragement. This prize is endowed with 300,000 CFA francs. • General Public Award: awarded to the film that has proven to be the best in an audience poll. This prize is endowed with 300,000 CFA francs. Article 16: There can be no tie in the awarding of prizes. Article 17: A participation diploma is awarded to any film that has actually been screened during the Festival. Article 18: The Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou may accept other prizes, mentions, or material endowments.

General Provisions Article 19: The official participants of the Festival are delegates from African States and any other person whose presence is deemed useful in various capacities by the Festival. Article 20: The subsistence expenses of official participants (accommodation, meals inside Burkina Faso) within the framework of the official program are provided by the Festival within the limits of its possibilities. Article 21: No reimbursement of travel expenses will be made by the Festival. Article 22: The Organizing Committee alone is empowered to rule on cases not provided for in these regulations. Article 23: Participation in the Festival implies acceptance of these regulations.

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Figure 1. Entrance to the 1979 FESPACO in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

Note Originally published as “Regulations of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO),” Black Camera: An International Film Journal 12, no. 1 (Fall 2020): 463–466, doi: 10.2979/blackcamera.12.1.34. Reprinted with the permission of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO).

Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers: First International Conference on Cinema Production in Africa Niamey, Niger, March 1–4, 1982

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he first International Conference on Cinema was held in Niamey, Niger, March 1–4, 1982. The participants were filmmakers, critics, officials from several African countries, and international cinema experts. The participants recognized the underdevelopment of cinema, including regular film productions, in the majority of African countries. Further, the participants are convinced that African cinema must be committed to asserting the cultural identity of African peoples; be an effective means for international understanding, education, and entertainment; provide an incentive for development; and contribute to national and regional economic policies. The conference started by making a serious evaluation of African and international policies on cinema. The participants then studied proposals for the development of African cinema, production and the financing of productions, and the possibilities of legislation that would promote Pan-African strategies for the development of the African cinema industry. They examined ways of implementing the proposals. The conference finally adopted the following resolutions and recommendations:

General Principles The participants considered and set up the following principles: ▶ The viability of cinema production is closely tied to the complementary viability of the other four main sectors of cinema, namely the exploitation of cinema theaters, importation of films, distribution of films, and technical infrastructure and training. ▶ There cannot be any viable cinema without the involvement of African states for the organization, support, and stabilization of

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cinema, and the encouragement and protection of private public investment in cinema. ▶ It is not possible to have a viable cinema industry on a national level in Africa. The development of, national cinema should take into consideration regional and Pan-African cooperation by integrating cinema into political and economic ties that already exist between States. ▶ At the present stage of development of audiovisual facilities in the world, and particularly in Africa, television should be complementary to cinema. ▶ It is possible to finance African film production from the present revenue from the millions who patronize cinemas in Africa. What is required is a strategy that will ensure that part of this revenue legitimately returns to the production of films. Production should not rely solely on patronage.

Recommendations Cinema Market (Exploitation and Projection) Every state should organize, support, safeguard, and develop its movie theater market and encourage and collaborate with neighboring states to form a regional common market for the importation and exploitation of films.

Measures to be taken: a. The setting up of national ticket agencies to monitor receipts of cinemas for the benefit of the exchequer, the cinema owners, and film producers. b. The provision of cinemas and other appropriate film projection venues and facilities. c. Funds to be made available from cinema taxes to encourage exhibitors to expand their cinema circuits, thus enlarging the market. d. States to exempt taxation on equipment imported for film projections. e. States to encourage investment to build cinemas by creating incentives for would-be investors.

Importation and Distribution of Films We have to control and organize the importation and distribution of foreign films to ensure the projection of African films on national, regional,

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and continental levels. We have to limit the dependence on foreign suppliers and ensure cultural diversification of foreign films, thus preventing the domination of films from particular areas. All this must be done with the aim of reconquering and enlarging our cultural and economic space.

Measures to be taken: a. The setting up of national distribution corporations in countries where they don’t already exist, be they state-run or in the private sector. b. The setting up of regional film importation companies that would function as cooperatives, e.g., CIDC.1 Where possible representative film purchasing companies based in foreign countries should have African status so that taxes related to their activities can be paid in Africa. These companies should promote African films and their diffusion abroad. c. The strengthening of existing importing companies like CIDC by the participation of other states. d. The enactment of distribution laws to favor African films nationally, regionally, and continentally. This can be achieved by decreasing the share of revenue to distributors when dealing with African films. This would contribute to the financing of future productions.

Production Cinema productions, whether national, regional, or inter-African, should be financed, not necessarily by state funds, but mainly by revenue from distribution and from various forms of cinema taxation including taxes on earnings by foreign films. Thus, cinema will finance cinema.

Measures to be taken to finance productions: a. The creation of film finance corporations funded by revenue from cinema. b. The creation of support funds to be administered by the corporations. The support funds help the production of film on the approval of scenarios. c. The exemption from taxes of imported products and equipment required for the production of films. This would reduce the production costs. d. Increase of African producers’ shares of box office receipts.

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e. Advance payments to producers by distributors. f. Government legislation that television participate in financing of film production in various ways. g. Creation by legislation incentives for capital investments in film productions. This can be accomplished by offering tax exemptions. h. Making bank loans at low interest available to producers by national banks. These loans would be guaranteed by support funds. i. Having intergovernmental agreements, bilaterally, regionally, and continentally, for the free circulation of technicians, equipment, and other productions facilities, and to reciprocal support funds and infrastructure. j. Reinforcing and encouraging the activities of existing production organizations, such as CIPROFILMS (International Center for Film Production), through participation by states by paying subscriptions and by contributions from revenues acquired through cinema taxes. k. Supporting the production of short feature films through financing from support funds. These will give added experience to filmmakers and be an additional source of labor for technicians. Cinemas should also be compelled to screen these films. l. Obtaining financing for productions from theatrical and nontheatrical rights from distributors and television.

Technical Infrastructure Measures to be taken: a. The last twenty years’ experience has proved that for cinema technical infrastructures were impossible to be maintained and made profitable on a national level because of the high costs of maintenance and management. The conference recommends that the future establishment of these structures should be on regional levels after joint studies and agreements between parties involved. b. To create archives and film libraries on regional and continental levels.

Training It is preferable that the training of technicians and other disciplines related to cinema be in centers established in regions and within the

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framework of any cinema activities in Africa. Wherever foreign technicians are employed it should be obligatory that African technicians are attached. African filmmakers and technicians working abroad should be encouraged to return to the continent to contribute to the development of African cinema.

Measures to be taken: a. Vocational training centers should be established to ensure the training of film and television technicians and their absorption in both media. b. Ensure the training of managerial staff and other non-technical personnel, e.g., lawyers, producers, production managers, etc. c. Facilitate efficient distribution, the training in programming, promotion, and public relations. d. Ensure the training of projectionists, cinema managers, and others related to exhibition of films. e. Promote the development of film critics through continuous dialogue between filmmakers and critics.

Legislation Cinema legislation of any state should take into consideration the joint development of its cinema industry with that of its neighboring states and also of the region.

National Film Corporations National film corporations should be established in every country. The corporations should be autonomous in decision-making yet be under a ministry. The role of these corporations should be to centralize all activities and matters relating to cinema in the country. There can be a management committee representing the government and the corporation. A complementary authority should be established on a regional level to ensure coordination of cinema policies of regions.

Final Recommendation Any decision made executively or regarding legislation on cinema, nationally or regionally, should be considered by a committee representing the

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state, filmmakers, cinema professionals, and investors and cinema owners, to avoid individual or bureaucratic decisions arbitrarily being taken against the interests of African cinema. On the other hand, filmmakers should maintain a sense of responsibility and morality in dealing with their governments and others they have dealings with.

Notes Previously published as “Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers, March 1982,” Black Camera: An International Film Journal 1, no. 2 (Summer 2010): 111–16. Sections of this document were translated by Louise Jefferson. 1. Consortium Interafricain de Distribution Cinématographique/Inter-African Consortium of Film Distribution.

Final Communique, African Regional Film Workshop Harare, Zimbabwe, August 27–31, 1984

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e, the participants in the African Regional Film Workshop, held in Harare, the capital of the Republic of Zimbabwe from August 27–31,

Note: 1. that in many countries in the region there is a total absence of coherent film policies; 2. that in many countries there is a lack of clear cultural and communication policies to express cultural realities within the region. As a result there is heavy monopoly of Western film styles in the region shown by production and distribution technique and structures which perpetuate foreign film values and ideologies and delay the development of national film cultures; 3. that given the historical situation of the countries represented in the workshop, the cinema is not seen as part of the process of liberation and national development; that the lack of a coherent approach or direction in film/video development and the fragmental and isolated film activities in the region show that the cinema has not been given the role of a unifying and developmental tool; 4. that without national film policies that can bring about regional cooperation, the experiences of those with more developed film practices such as Mozambique and Angola will not be utilized; 5. the most significant absence of film cooperation among countries who have strong political and ideological solidarity; 6. the under-utilization of most advanced technical infrastructure in the region. Comparison was drawn to countries such as Upper Volta1 which has very poor financial and technical infrastructure but with a very advanced national film culture as a result of a political decision that made cinema a priority in national development; 7. that there was a general absence of African films in the region because of the nature of the film distribution infrastructure;

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8. that most Zimbabweans are not aware of the existence of the African cinema and that even the Zimbabwean film/video makers have had no exposure to African cinema; 9. that both Government and independent film/video makers in the region were deficient in basic film/video making techniques as a result of inadequate training programs; 10. that there is frustration among many film/video makers in the region caused by the absence of institutionalized film/video training but that such training should be preceded by the development of national film policies; 11. that the nature and quality of training in film and video development has not been adapted to the historical and ideological context of the countries in the region; 12. that countries in the region with more successful national film industries, film policies were developed and implemented by film practitioners, and that in countries where film policy makers are not film practitioners, film practitioners are not given a role in the development and definition of such policies; 13. that from the documentaries and feature films shown in the workshop and the First African Film Festival, the idea that different languages create barriers in African cinema and a distribution problem was in fact a mere excuse by film distributors to block the distribution of African films; 14. that opening the Workshop to experiences from the other regions of the African Continent, west and east, was most successful in demonstrating that the regional isolation brought about by colonialism was another major constraint in the development of the African cinema.

Recommend: 1. that in the national context, the formation of organizations for film/video makers and the consolidation of their role in the definition of national film policies should be priority actions in the development of film/video; 2. that film/video makers in the region should organize themselves so that they can assume the role of formulating and implementing film policies in their respective countries; 3. that efforts should be made by film/video makers in the region to coordinate effectively in the various activities in the development of the cinema which takes place on national and regional levels;

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4. that a systematic directory of film resources and manpower available in the region should be compiled and that the National Film Institute of Mozambique be empowered to coordinate the project; 5. that the exchange of films in the region should be initiated by groups of filmmakers through direct contacts with each other and also through the establishment of regular national film festivals and workshops; 6. that performing artists (i.e. film, video makers, writers, theater artists) endeavor to cooperate in order to collectively encourage the development of an audience for African theater and African cinema; 7. that experienced and recognized artists from all cultural aspects be included in the decision-making process by taking part in their respective national theater and film censorship boards; 8. that the countries in the region consider relaxing the censorship of politically progressive films/videos from static rules and regulations such as customs duty which stifle the development of African cinema. This will facilitate effective film/videos transformation and exchange within the region; 9. that the nature and quality of institutionalized training of film/ video making should be adapted to the prevailing cultural and ideological situations of respective countries; 10. that informal and small scale training programs in basic film/ video making, such as script writing workshops, critical film viewing and analysis, as well as small scale collective film/video making for their training purposes be encouraged and filmmakers outside be invited regularly to assist in the training of film/video maker; 11. the promotion of conscientization, mobilization, training, and funding of women for their maximum participation in film culture, and the analysis of the portrayal of women in film/video and advertising as well as all deformed images in general; 12. that the exchange of filmmaking personnel between countries in the region for the purpose of taking part in national film productions should be encouraged as that would help initiate co-productions; 13. that there should be stronger cooperation in the region between filmmaking institutions and fuller utilization of facilities in the region;

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14. that vigorous efforts be initiated to link the region’s filmmakers with those of the rest of the continent in order to destroy regional isolation brought about by colonialism; 15. that cooperation between filmmakers in each country in the region be regarded as the pre-requisite of the establishment of national film industry; 16. that governments in the region be encouraged to introduce levies to foreign films which could constitute national funds for national film/video development; 17. that national organizations be formed in countries where the distribution of films is in private hands so as to become responsible for the acquisition and distribution of progressive films; 18. that the creation of film libraries and archives in the region be undertaken in order to encourage the preservation and exchange of information on film/videos made in the region; 19. that active financial and material support be given by all the countries in the region to the film units of the liberation movements in the region; 20. that SADCC2 and PTA,3 through their established offices, promote film/video activity by spelling out a concrete program by which they can enhance film/video production and development, in consultation with film workers in the region; 21. that support be provided by countries in the region to request by the African Committee of Cinematographers (CAC) for OAU4 to establish a standing office of FEPACI5 within OAU in order to encourage the development of African Cinema.

Participants From: Mozambique Zambia African National Congress of South Africa South West Africa People’s Organization Pan-African Congress of South Africa Committee for African Cineasts (CAC) (Haile Gerima) Senegal (Djibril Diop) Zimbabwe

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Notes Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Present-day Burkina Faso. 2. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference. 3. Preferential Trade Area. 4. Organization of African Unity. 5. Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers.

The Language Plan of Action for Africa Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, July 28–30, 1986

Preamble

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e, Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), meeting in our 22nd Ordinary Session, in Addis Ababa, from July 28th to the 30th, 1986. GUIDED By the Organization of African Unity Charter, By the Pan-African Cultural Manifesto of Algiers (1969), By the Inter-Governmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, organized by UNESCO in Accra (1975), in cooperation with the Organization of African Unity, By the Cultural Charter for Africa, with special reference to Part I Article 1 (a) and (b), Article 2 (a), Part III Article 6.1 (a), 2(b), and Part V Articles 17–19, By the Lagos Plan of Action (1980) for the Economic Development of Africa, By the Final Report (27th April, 1982) of UNESCO’s Meeting of Experts on the “Definition of a Strategy for Promotion of African Languages”; CONVINCED That language is at the heart of a people’s culture and further convinced that, in accordance with the provisions of the Cultural Charter for Africa, the cultural advancement of the African peoples and the acceleration of their economic and social development will not be possible without harnessing, in a practical manner, indigenous African languages in that advancement and development; CONVINCED That, as in other spheres of her national life, Africa needs to assert her independence and identity in the field of language; AWARE That, up to the present, the majority of Member States have not taken the necessary practical steps to accord their indigenous languages their rightful official role as provided for by the Cultural Charter for Africa, the Lagos Plan of Action, and other related resolutions of the Organization of African Unity;

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RECOGNIZING That each sovereign state has the right to devise a language policy that reflects the cultural and socioeconomic realities of its country, which is consonant or in close harmony with the needs and aspirations of its people; CONVINCED That the adoption and practical promotion of African languages as the official languages of the state is dependent primarily, and as manner of absolute imperative, on the political will and determination of each sovereign state; CONVINCED That the adoption and practical promotion of African languages as the official languages of the state are certain to have great advantages over the use of non-indigenous languages in democratizing the process of formal education and involvement of the African populations in the political, cultural, and economic affairs of their country; AWARE That illiteracy is an obstacle to the economic, cultural, and social development of African countries and that mass literacy campaigns cannot succeed without the use of indigenous African languages; AWARE That, in recognition of the ever-growing interdependence and interaction at all levels of human endeavor and brotherhood of man, communication with the outside world beyond the boundaries of the African continent is inevitable and ought to be provided for or reflected in the language policies to be devised and implemented by each sovereign state; CONVINCED That the promotion of African languages, especially those that transcend national frontiers, is a vital factor in the cause of African unity; RECOGNIZING That, within Africa itself, the existence side by side in almost all African countries of several languages is a major fact of life and the knowledge that, because of this, multilingualism (i.e., the mastery and use of several languages by individuals for the purpose of daily communication) is an equally dominant social feature of life in these countries, should induce Member States to make the promotion of multilingualism in their countries a prime consideration in the evolution of an appropriate language policy; AGREE To adopt the Language Plan of Action for Africa, as set out below:

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Part I: Aims, Objectives, and Principles The aims and objectives of this Plan of Action are as follows: a. To encourage each and every Member State to have a clearly defined language policy; b. To ensure that all languages within the boundaries of Member States are recognized and accepted as a source of mutual enrichment; c. To liberate the African peoples from undue reliance on the utilization of non-indigenous languages as the dominant, official languages of the state in favor of the gradual takeover of appropriate and carefully selected indigenous African languages in this domain; d. To ensure that African languages, by appropriate legal provision and practical promotion, assume their rightful role as the means of official communication in the public affairs of each Member State, in replacement of European language, which have hitherto played this role; e. To encourage the increased use of African languages as vehicles of instruction at all educational levels; f. To ensure that all the sectors of the political and socioeconomic systems of each Member State are mobilized in such a manner that they play their due part in ensuring that the African language(s) prescribed as official language(s) assume their intended role in the shortest time possible; g. To foster and promote national, regional, and continental linguistic unity in Africa, in the context of the multilingualism prevailing in most African countries.

Part II: Priorities a. Policy Formulation: Whether at the national, regional, or continental levels, the selection and prescription without undue delay of certain visible national, regional, or continental indigenous African languages as the official languages to be used for the formal official functions of the State, regional groupings, or the OAU. b. Implementation and Promotion: The subsequent implementation of the language policy adopted and the incorporation of the official

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African languages in the political, educational, social, cultural, and economic lives of the people. c. Modernization: The modernization as necessary and by any means required of the indigenous African languages selected and prescribed as official languages. d. Mobilization of Resources: The mobilization of financial, human, and other resources, and all relevant public and private institutions, in the practical promotion of the chosen official languages.

Part III: Program of Action (Methods and Means) In order to fulfill the objectives set out in Part I, the African States solemnly subscribe to the following program of action: a. At the continental level and as a concrete expression and demonstration of the OAU’s seriousness of purpose, the adoption without undue delay by the Organization of African Unity and the regional associations, organizations, or institutions affiliated to it of viable indigenous African languages as working languages; b. To encourage regional associations, organizations, or institutions already accorded or those applying for observer status to the OAU to adopt indigenous African languages as their working languages; c. At the regional level, to encourage the adoption by regional groupings of viable, regional indigenous African languages as official or working languages; d. At the national level, the imperative need for each OAU Member State to consider it necessary and primary that it formulates with the minimum of delay a language policy that places an indigenous African language or language spoken and in active use by its peoples at the center of socioeconomic development; e. In order to fulfil the objectives in (d), the need by each Member State to establish a national language council, where none exists, or to strengthen it, where one already exists, as a national sounding board for the formulation of an appropriate national language policy; f. The absolute necessity that each Member State, as a matter of supreme practical importance, follows up the formulation of an appropriate national language policy with an adequate and

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g.

h.

i.

j.

k.

sustained allocation of the necessary financial and material resources to ensure the language or languages prescribed as official language(s) achieve(s) a level of modernization that meets the needs of administering a modern state; In recognition of the negative estimation in which indigenous African languages are generally held in Africa, by the general public, the necessity for each Member State, as part of its national program of promoting those African languages duly prescribed as official languages, to mount a sustained campaign of educating or reeducating the national population about the inherent or potential practical utility of African languages to counter the present widespread negative attitudes in Africa toward these languages; In recognition that the formal national education system plays a key role in the practical use of any language, the need for each Member State to ensure that all the sectors (i.e. primary, secondary, and tertiary) of the national education system are pressed as appropriate into the service of the practical promotion of the indigenous language(s) selected and prescribed as (an) official language(s); Aware that African universities, research institutes, and other institutions concerned with the study and promotion of African languages have a unique role to play in strengthening the role these languages play in the daily lives of African peoples, the need for these institutions to strike a proper balance in the future between the scientific study of the African languages and their actual use and practical promotion; In connection with (i) above, the need for each Member State to render its national universities and other research and related institutions a primary instrument for the practical promotion of African languages, as regards such critical promotional activities, as the compilation of technical and general dictionaries, the writing of textbooks on useful subjects, the training of teachers of language translators, interpreters, broadcasters, and journalists, the production of useful books and other types of literature relevant to the lives of contemporary Africans, and the updating of vocabulary in African languages; In recognition of the fact that to impart formal or other types of knowledge, the vehicle of instruction or communication should be a language familiar to the learner, the absolute necessity that each Member State should, as an essential part of its educational

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policy, prescribe as media or vehicles of instruction those indigenous African languages that best and most effectively facilitate the learning process; l. In recognition of the singularly strategic role that widespread literacy among the national population plays in the socioeconomic development of a country, and recognizing further that literacy education will be greatly facilitated and speeded up if languages familiar to the national population are employed, the advisability of using indigenous African languages as media of instruction in national literary campaigns mounted by Member States.

Note Originally published as Organization of African Unity, “Language Plan of Action for Africa”, 22nd Ordinary Session, July 28–30, 1986, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Resolution on the Development of Film and Endogenous and Non-Endogenous Cultural Industries Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, July 20–25, 1987

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), meeting in its Forty-sixth Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 20 to 25 July 1987. Recalling the relevant provisions of the cultural Charter for Africa, Recalling Declaration AHG/Decl.1 (XXI) on the Cultural Aspects of the Lagos Plan of Action for Africa’s Economic Development adopted by the Twenty-first Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in July, 1985, Recalling Resolution CMAC/Res.3 (I) and CMAC/Res.13 (I) adopted by the Conference of African Ministers of Culture held in Port-Louis, Mauritius in April, 1985, Considering the need for improved organization of endogenous and nonendogenous cultural industries with a view to streamlining them in accordance with the Lagos Plan of Action and the African Priority Program for Economic Recovery to adequately take into account the cultural dimension of development, Having considered and adopted the report of the Secretary-General on film and endogenous and non-endogenous cultural industries in Africa (Document CM/1439 (XLVI)): 1. RECOMMENDS: a) that the OAU establish and implement a program of activities on the basis of the conclusions of the report adopted by the Council of Ministers without forgetting to complete the study on the other aspects of cultural industries; b) Member States take the necessary steps to ensure a better organization and development of the film and cultural industrial sector based on the above report by particularly strengthening and expanding the Inter-African Film Distribution Consortium (IFCD) and the Inter-African Film Production Consortium (IFPC) based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso;

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c) Inter-governmental African cultural organizations and African economic integration bodies give special attention to cultural films and industries as cultural and economic development factors and take the necessary steps on the basis of the conclusions of the report referred to above; 2. REQUESTS international organizations and African financial institutions to provide assistance to OAU, its Member States, as well as to the African professional organizations concerned for the better organization and development of the film and cultural sector in Africa; 3. THANKS the UNDP (United Nations Development Program) for the assistance it has given OAU within the framework of project RAF/82/003; 4. COMMENDS the efforts African film producers and other professional organizations are making, particularly within the framework of FEPACI; 5. URGES them to make cinematography an instrument of liberation and sociocultural development; 6. APPEALS to African producers of Cultural and Social Services to continue to improve the quality of their works.

Note Originally published as Organization of African Unity, “Resolution on the Development of Film and Endogenous and Non-endogenous Cultural Industries,” Council of Ministers, Forty-sixth Ordinary Session, July 20–25, 1987, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

First International Day of Partnership: Documents Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 1989

The Insertion of Cinema in TV Committee Ouagadougou, January 3, 1989 Members: – Anna Maria Gallone (Italy) – Babou Bado (Burkina Faso) – Kwami Mambu (Zaire) – Raymond Tiendrebeogo (Burkina Faso) – Suzane Sanou (Burkina Faso) – Abdoulaye Dao (Burkina Faso) Have taken part in the collection of information, making contact with Western partners, Sahelian TV leaders, and in writing this short report. – Kwami Mambu Zinga – Babou Bado Western partners contacted: – Germany – Belgium – The Netherlands – Switzerland – Italy – Canada – ACCT – SWEDE

Introduction From March 1 to 4, 1982, in Niamey (Niger) an international colloquium was held, organized for the first time, on the topic “Cinematographic Production in Black Africa.”

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Among the final resolutions that the participants, filmmakers, etc., had written and published at the end of their session, it was already mentioned, at that time, cf., “basic texts of the African cinema resolution of Niamey Principle 2,” that there could not “be a viable cinematography without the African states intervening in the organization, the support, and the regulation of the sector.” The same way as it has been underlined at that time (Principle 4): “that at the stage where the development of the audiovisual in the world and in Africa was and is presently, the full viability of the cinematographic production cannot be, without the contribution of the televisions from the concerned countries.” At last, as for us, it is clear that we agree with this. So, our awareness that television could be a great contribution to African cinematographic creation, production, and distribution has not been awakened by the Western partners’ information and paternalistic and almost colonialist advice they gave us the day “FEPACI’s Congress dedicated to Partnership,” with the European leading the stage, like some kind of outbidding, the European way. If there is something all the African filmmakers aware of the problems in our continent should reproach themselves of, it is maybe the fact, as we are often rebuked for, that we have been unable to organize ourselves under FEPACI’s leadership, within frameworks like those of the committees, to take advantage of the assessment of the Niamey resolutions. And to have waited for more than six years later, to start putting them into practice with FEPACI’s 4th Congress, and mostly after the Day of Partnership which witnessed the establishment of work-committees including the committee for the insertion of cinema in television. The members of this committee have noticed, at the end of the talks they had with the representatives of the countries mentioned above, a definite willingness and availability from the Westerners, to lay the foundations, together with African filmmakers, of a fruitful future collaboration at various levels: shootings, production, distribution, and training. The members of the committee for the insertion of cinema in television, having noticed also, that the resolutions of the colloquium organized from March 2 to 4, 1982 in Niamey, on cinematographic production in Africa, had not been exploited enough, suggest 1. That the work started with Europeans for the establishment of this future collaboration between Westerners and African filmmakers should be continued. The Europeans wish to have things quickly. 2. That the settled Niamey resolutions, as was precisely the case with the request of the Europeans, and the conference of the Sahelian television leaders should be made use of through the establishment of contacts, if they are not established yet, with all

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the African television companies to see with their leaders, how television in Africa can help African cinema. That is to say, how it can concretely contribute to the conception, shooting, production, and distribution of African films. Eventually, we know that none of our policies will yield positive result without a steady political will from our states to help filmmakers, cf. Principle 2 from the Niamey resolution and to control the channel of distributions of foreign films in Africa. The Coordinator, Babou Bado

Production Committee During the Partnership Day held on February 23, 1989, in Ouagadougou, FEPACI raised a certain number of issues which are major to the development of the African film industry: – training – production – distribution – promotion Although, on the whole, these elements would require serious work and proposals for actions, FEPACI and the partners that were present have examined the most sensitive aspect, the script: the starting point of production. It will stand as a guide all along the production process. Yet, if the picture, the sound, the mix are more and more mastered, script writing, the dramatic narration, the characters, etc., should be worked over. But there exist no funding possibilities at this level anywhere in Europe. Thus, the producers receive synopses, or continued dialogues, or script that generally do not go through the sponsor’s television committees. The process of production (funds research) is therefore made longer and more tedious. FEPACI and their partners therefore propose the possibilities of North-South collaboration as follows: – The European institutions of support to audiovisual will release annual funds taken from their total budgets for cinema. This money will be used for scenario writing and assistance to development. – These funds will be submitted to the following dispositions:

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1. The script or the continued dialogue should be sent with a synopsis by the producer who will enclose an interest letter from a European or African production company. 2. A European scenario-writer will be co-opted with the African producer to work on the text. To reach this end, the scenariowriter will have to move to the country to help with the writing. He will also have to help a local scenario-writer with further training if there is any. 3. The European institutions of support to audiovisual should commit themselves through this choice, to consider in priority the scriptwriters that will benefit from the assistance to writing, for later financing. 4. The production company should commit themselves to consider this project as a priority among the other projects. 5. The funds granted by the European institutions for assistance to audiovisual will be part of the film budget and will be listed under the pre-production, research and scenario writing, and teaching. 6. In order to avoid having to examine projects insufficiently prepared, only first writing texts cutting continuity, dialogues, etc. will be presented according to professional standards. We request that the European institutions of support to cinema and audiovisual development release the necessary funds to help scriptwriting. N.B. A first survey on institutions likely to be interested in this project enables us to publish the following list: – ACCT, – ZEBRA, – AVISE, – etc. Committee Members: Chairman: Hilou Andre (Burkina Faso) Members: Gérard Schmilt Abdoul War (Mauritania) François Okioh (Benin) Benoît Ramampoy (Benin)

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Charles Mensah (Gabon) Buffalo (Somalia) Emmanuel Saon (Burkina Faso) Signed: FEPACI and the partners present at the 4th Congress. Ouagadougou, March 4, 1989

Training Committee Following the Day of Partnership held on February 23, 1989, a committee responsible for studying the issue of training was established. The training committee included: Sirs: – – – – – – – –

Abdoul War (Mauritania) Roland Dubore (Gabon) Do Kokou (Togo) Lionel Ngakane (ANC) Michel Schneider (ACP Events Germany) Akaffo Yao Berlin (Ivory Coast) Joseph Kpobli (Benin) Gustave Sorgho (Burkina Faso)

After going through the wishes that were maintained during the Partnership Day, the committee surveyed the various African countries, pondering over the training problems that are met. The expectations as far as training is concerned can be summed up in the following main points: – short period training courses, – long period training schools.

1. Short Period Training Courses These training periods will deal with the initiation to the trades of cinema, experts’ retraining, upkeeping, and further training. They could take place inside or outside the country. These training sessions could take place either á la carte, on request from the national associations, or according to the opportunity of the countries in which they occur.

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2. Training Schools As for these schools, a number of gaps have been recorded, which are: – the inadequacy of the existing infrastructures in schools that are still running. – The preponderance of theory over practice. The tendency to create national schools of cinema in each country, which end up training too many filmmakers for the job possibilities in the country. The solution might be the setting up of regional schools in the continent. The second possibility of training in schools is to send the students outside the continent. At this level, the basic difficulties are, first of all, knowing about the existence of these schools and their recruitment conditions, and the possibility to obtain grants. Some private initiatives for training actors are being taken already, but the advertising on their existence is still insufficient. It is necessary that they find internal and foreign partners for this purpose. Putting the leading ideas that came out of the Partnership Day and the internal debates into practice, the committee acknowledged two specific projects, ready to be carried out, that are: 1. A program for initiation and further training periods, 2. A program for scenarios restatement and improvement.

Project No. 1: Program for Initiation and Further Training Periods To complete the training and to keep up the control over the techniques, practice is necessary. The irregularity of African audiovisual production prevents the African experts to practice regularly. Because of this, their professional skills are reduced, creating therefore one of the gaps to the development of the African film industry. In order to fill up these structural gaps, the committee proposes that a program for initiation and further training periods should be provided for in the frame of the EEC/ACP cultural cooperation or in another appropriate frame. This program should enable the experts from the ACP states to participate actively in audiovisual productions in Europe or elsewhere. The concerned experts are mainly: – production direction – directing

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– cameraman and direction of photography – sound – script – editing – mixing On some occasions, it might be possible to have the trainee get paid by the producer that takes care of him, to enable him to pay his travel fees and meet his needs. In order to avoid financial constraints that might badly curb the possibilities of placing a student, it is better to provide for these costs in the program. Placing students requires that one keep regular contacts with television stations, production companies, and directors and active research on projects likely to accept such trainees. It has been proposed to plan the initial length of the program for three years and to consider, at the end of this time lag, the necessity of its extension or adaptation. While drawing the budget it was admitted that twelve trainees can be placed each year, the training periods lasting about one month on average.

Project No. 2: Scenario Improvement Program The participants in the Partnership Day strongly insisted on the necessity to develop good quality scenarios. Without jeopardizing the authors’ creativity and the authenticity of their works, one has to make sure that the technical rules related to the audiovisual expression are respected. Various approaches can lead to this end, including the restatement or rewriting of the script-project by an expert or a group of two authors. However, the method that seems to best respect the author’s creative work, is to examine his project with him, suggest the things that can be improved while leaving him the full responsibility of the final text. An efficient method to do this is the workshop, that is, working in group under the leadership of an experienced tutor. It seems advisable not to limit the members of such a workgroup to African authors only, but to include authors from other places in order to encourage exchange and competition between the authors from the various areas, while asserting their identity by acknowledging their own culture. To be efficient, it might be necessary to hold at least two sessions, each one lasting two weeks minimum with several months in between, during which they can apply to their respective projects the results of the work done in the group. In order to be efficient, the number of the participants must not exceed twelve.

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It is advisable to organize an initiation session before the workshop, open to larger groups of participants. Such a session would make it possible for the participant to get acquainted with writing techniques and to choose the one which seems to be most promising. It has been therefore proposed to organize, in the frame of EEC/ACP cultural cooperation or another appropriate frame, an initiation session (15 days for 24 participants) and two workshops (15 days for 12 participants: 6 from the ACP states and 6 from Europe). The launching session and one of the two workshops will be held in an ACP state, the other one in Europe. The provisional budget gives the figures of the costs related to the organization of the program and the costs related to participants coming from the ACP states. The expenses made by the European participants are not included. In addition to the two specific projects identified by the committee, they think that the following actions are to be strongly advocated for: 1. Support to initiatives taken by African professionals to provide recording and practical training; 2. Measures that make it easy for people in Africa who are interested to select among the vocational foreign institutes, the one that best fit with their professional choice; 3. Actions that enable better use of the financial means provided through bilateral and multilateral agreements, for training African filmmakers. FILM PRODUCTION IN AFRICA Number of films produced

1965

1975

1987

Algeria

5

3

2

Angola

0

0

1

Burkina Faso

0

0

4

Cameroon

0

1

2

Cote d’Ivoire

0

0

1

Egypt

47

90

75

Ghana

?

1

?

Madagascar

0

0

1

Mali

0

1

1

Morocco

?

2

3*

Senegal

0

2

0

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Tanzania

?

?

2

Tunisia

0

1

3*

Zaire

0

0

1

Source: UNESCO. * 1990 * 1990

SOME POINTS OF COMPARISON (1987) # of films produced

# of movie theaters

Annual attendance (millions of people)

France

133

5,063

136

USA

578

21,048

1,089

India

806

8,221

4,800

USSR

156

153,000

3,800

Brazil

86

1,376

91

Source: UNESCO. INFRASTRUCTURE AND ATTENDANCE Number of Number of seats Annual attendance movie theaters (thousands) (millions of people) Algeria (1985)

216

5.1

20.5

Angola (1985)

44

3.8

3.2

Burkina Faso (1987)

29

4.1

6

Cameroon (1987)

69

4

?

168

3.2

30.3

Ethiopia (1985)

46

0.9

?

Gabon (1987)

14

5.2

0.1

Guinea (1985)

29

10.1

2.6

Madagascar (1987)

37

1.1

2.5

Mauritius (1987)

37

31.9

1.5

Morocco (1983)

267

7.7

39

60

2

4.1

5

1.5

?

Sudan (1983)

56

4.7

3

Tunisia (1987)

81

2.3

?

Tanzania (1987)

30

0.7

2.5

Zimbabwe (1985)

32

?

2.5

Egypt (1987)

Mozambique (1987) Rwanda (1985)

Source: UNESCO.

449

137

165

42

Somalia (1983)

Sudan (1982)

Tunisia (1987)

Tanzania (1987) Source: UNESCO.

302

Morocco (1983)

53

273

Mauritius (1987)

144

1 200

Mauritania (1985)

Mozambique (1987)

68

Madagascar (1987)

Rwanda (1985)

29

214

Gabon (1987)

231

304

Ethiopia (1987)

Ghana (1985)

208

Egypt (1987)

Guinea B. (1985)

105

433

Angola (1987)

Benin (1986)

140

Algeria (1985)

16.7

57

18.2

6.3

9.4

21.2

73.3

51

73.5

48.1

59.8

53.3

81.7

27.3

11.4

32.1

9.7

7.3

0.7

1.9

17.2

25

1.5

5.2

28.5

0.5

10.6

5.7

15

4.8

4.2

3.7

74.4

4.2

5.7

9.3

1.5

6.1

3.4

0.7

1.9

6.9

6.7

0.7

54.8

6.1

25.5

25.6

18.9

26.7

24

15.2

24.1

0.5

28.3

2.9

20.8

17.9

2.4

7.3

37.7

2

16.2

9.5

58.6

10.2

1.4

25.7

7.5

Total imported USA France Italy India USSR % films % % % %

2.4

6.7

10.9

7.9

1.5

0.9

10.3

1

2.1

5.7

4.3

0.6

3.7

30.2

1

3.4

0.5

0.2

3.8

0.7

2.6

1.5

3

0.5

1.6

14.3

16.7

4.8

7.3

2.8

3.8

15.9

11.3

11.2

5.3

1.4

25.4

1.4

2.4

10.9

16.1

85.4

11.3

4

4.4

0.9

2.3

9.6

3.7

26.7

20.7

United Kingdom Germany Japan Hong Kong Other % % % % %

WHERE DO THE FILMS THAT AFRICANS IMPORT COME FROM?

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Note FEPACI, “First International Day of Partnership: Documents,” 1989, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

An Outlook on FEPACI

Report submitted to Mr. Gaston Kaboré, Secretary General, Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) Bernard Boucher, Secretary General, Institut Québécois du Cinéma, December, 1989

TRANSLATION OF A LETTER DATED DECEMBER 19, 1989, FROM BERNARD BOUCHER, SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INSTITUT QUÉBÉCOIS DU CINÉMA, TO GASTON KABORÉ, SECRETARY GENERAL OF FEPACI: Mr. Gaston Kaboré Secretary General of FEPACI P.O. Box 2524 Ouagadougou BURKINA FASO Dear Mr. Kaboré: At the beginning of the year, you asked me to analyze certain aspects of the activities of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). I am pleased to submit the report I have prepared on this subject. The present situation of the African film industry would no doubt require a thorough examination to find solutions adapted to its needs. A number of projects have been carried out and FEPACI may already draw on these to establish a master plan for its action. As we agreed, this report is designed first and foremost to evaluate FEPACI and its ability to fully accomplish its mandate rather than to evaluate the film industry in Africa. In this light, you will find herein an evaluation of the environment and problems along with recommendations on the organization structure, and actions of the Federation. The cooperation of the members of the Federal Bureau, and your own constant cooperation have greatly helped me accomplish this task, and I would like to express my gratitude to you. I was also very pleased to have been able to count on the receptiveness and availability of a number of VIPs in the African film industry who granted me very invaluable interviews, given

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all the information I gathered from them. I therefore wish to make special mention of their cooperation as well. In closing, I trust that these observations on FEPACI will prove useful to you and that the relations thus established between the Federation and the Institut Québécois du Cinéma will continue on into other projects. Sincerely yours, Bernard Boucher Secretary General Institut Québécois du Cinéma

Foreword Upon completion of the mandate assigned to it by the Third Congress, the Federal Bureau, through the Secretary General, expressed the desire to seek an outside analysis in order to be given a view of FEPACI under a different light. Since the 1985 Congress provided an opportunity for a revival of the Federation and the creation of new organization structures, it therefore seemed appropriate to benefit from the privileged occasion that the Fourth Congress represented to proceed with an examination of the working of the organization. The Federation felt the need to have a resource person make his own diagnosis of its activities and its action plan. Insofar as the problems of FEPACI and the film industry in Africa are closely related, establishing expectations proved to be quite a huge undertaking at the outset. It became necessary to adapt them to the means available for this project. Accordingly, by mutual agreement, the parameters of the targeted operation and the terms and conditions for carrying it out were decided upon at a meeting with the Federal Bureau in February ’89, confirming the discussions we had had in this regard (Appendix 1). This analysis is based on the following three sources: first, discussions with the members of the Federal Bureau and constant attendance in the activities of the Fourth Congress, February 21–24, 1989 in Ouagadougou. Secondly, interviews with people directly concerned with the cause of the African film industry (Appendix 2). Thirdly, documentation available from the General Secretariat as well as various bibliographical sources on the film industry in Africa (Appendix 3). This report represents the initial stages of what could become strategic planning. It obviously cannot offer as exhaustive an analysis, nor as precise a diagnosis as an in-depth investigation carried out across the continent, supported by numerous consultations and having much greater resources at its

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disposal. Hopefully, it will nevertheless be able to draw attention to the most immediately perceptible aspects of the entire internal dynamics as well as the present and future potential effects of the actions of FEPACI. The recommendations in the report have been confined, to some extent, to urgent matters only. In reality, they establish the scope and timing of this analysis. It is always better to try and start from where we stand. But that does not mean that the things that might seem the most obvious are necessarily the easiest to accomplish and that one does not need to bother with them because they seem so self-evident. These recommendations are banking on FEPACI’s potential and at the same time express the hope that its situation will soon improve. It is hoped that this report will have contributed somewhat toward this end.

I. FEPACI’s Environment In this section, a synthetic analysis will be made of the existing constraints and opportunities, both internal and external, in FEPACI’s environment. Based on this analysis, we shall be in a position, in the next section, to evaluate the situation as well as examine the strengths and weaknesses of the work and action of the Federation.

I.1 Background The Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers was established to promote a united front among all African filmmakers in the interest of cultural cooperation. For the past twenty years, FEPACI has been the acronym that symbolizes the united front and voice of the film industry in Africa. It is also the representative and politically recognized entity that is admitted as an authorized interlocutor in cinematographic and administrative milieus both in Africa and outside the continent. FEPACI is the organization whose name is linked to positions and stands historically as important as the Charter of Algiers and the Manifesto of Niamey. Created during the Third Journées Cinématographiques de Carthage in 1970, FEPACI has been closely associated with the most prominent events in the African film industry—the festivals. It was in this way that “all African film-makers, gathered on the occasion of the FIFEF, July 5–12, 1972, under the auspices of the Pan-African Federation of Film-makers (FEPACI), reaffirmed their conviction that FESPACO is a marvelous and courageous initiative, a necessity that they support. . . .”1 Its involvement in the festivals reflects such a good spirit of cultural cooperation that “an alternation between

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FESPACO and the Journées Cinématographiques de Carthage is proposed in one of FEPACI’s recommendations.”2 The value of this association, which speaks on behalf of African filmmakers, is reinforced by its admission into the Organization of African Unity (OAU), as an observer.3 Despite these positive readings about the Federation, we cannot overlook the fact that, for all intents and purposes, it has spent half of its twenty years of existence in silence, from 1975 to 1985, due to a squabble that paralyzed its bodies. That is an illustration of the paradox on which the history of FEPACI is based. At one and the same time, a historical symbol of the demands and affirmations of the African film industry, FEPACI still remains, in the eyes of filmmakers and observers alike, “a notion more than an organization,”4 as Férid Boughedir put it. The giant has fragile feet, as we shall see further on in analyzing its members and its organization structure. The scope of its task on a huge continent, the need to compromise with political, linguistic, ideological, and cultural power struggles, the scarcity of material resources, and the feeble commitment of the main parties concerned—the filmmakers— diminish the possibilities of survival of FEPACI, institution of consultation that it is. However, it did survive its major crisis and it has started to regain the position that it alone can occupy, as indicated in the Secretary General’s Report at the Fourth Congress in 1989. FEPACI is not a daily, technical, and financial necessity; because it has a “moral action to change mentalities,”5 it managed to survive such a long period of sinking into nothingness. As Tahar Cheriaa suggested: “Politically, the 1985 Congress was a response to a need on the part of filmmakers who believe in the historical necessity and its importance.”6 In fact, the Secretary General recalled in his report that one of the slogans at that time was “FEPACI, unite or die.”7 Events have shown that the credibility of the Federation is difficult to undo. Yet, even though it survived the crisis and it reported positive results in 1989, FEPACI still enjoys only recognition of its existence and the power of its word. Its action is limited by the scarcity of its resources, and it absolutely needs effective and sustained action if it does not want to collapse again. Its political discourse and its moral power will soon no longer be sufficient to mobilize filmmakers.

I.2 The Members FEPACI would not exist without the national associations. At least, that is the intent and even the letter of the bylaws, although filmmakers are allowed to join on an individual basis, in the absence of a national association. Despite this statement, it must be acknowledged that FEPACI exists in the virtual absence of the associations. It is even hard to say how many there are. They

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are generally in a rather precarious state of health. This situation is one of the greatest constraints in FEPACI’s expansion and efficiency. In his report to Congress, the Secretary General noted “that the life of the associations was marred by irregularities in most cases and that, occasionally, there was some regrettable internal dissension. At times, I was astonished by the visible lack of cohesion and solidarity,”8 he noted. In fact, faced with a bout of pessimism (or realism?), a Regional Secretary said that the internal problems of the associations were due to the selfishness and shortsightedness of certain filmmakers. We do not have the capacity to implement our own policies, since we would have to actually go to each location and take stock of the state of affairs there and initiate some kind of action, “but how can we pass on information to film-makers when we do not know who or where they are . . .” he concluded. A partner of the Federation regretfully noted that “interest in a community effort is extremely poor.”9 He, too, having experienced the contradiction between the nature of the organization, which is a consulting agency, and the fragility of its foundations, Souleymane Cissé, a Malian filmmaker, addressed Congress and launched an appeal to his colleagues, saying that “FEPACI must be reinforced by strong and representative associations.”10 And he added: “Let’s change our behaviour, and our authorities will take us into account; we have to measure up to what our people expect of us.”11 In saying that, he was supporting a remark made by Gaston Kaboré, who had “focused on the need to transcend the internal conflicts because the consequences would always have a weakening effect and would result in discredit from national public authorities.”12 “The associations respect FEPACI; they expect services,”13 noted Jacques Behanzin. Forming a strong foundation that is representative, and above all, active among national authorities is of the utmost importance for FEPACI if it wants to succeed in gaining acceptance for its views on the organization and management of the film industry in Africa. This dialectic between its continental influence and its national deep-rootedness cannot be overshadowed by a FEPACI that profoundly wants things to change in the film industry in Africa. To do so, perhaps filmmakers should reflect on the suggestion of Cissé, who is calling for a change of behavior, or that of the Secretary General, who is proposing that we should “change ourselves, develop a new code of ethics in view of the urgent matters that are crying out for our attention.”14

I.3 The Organization of African Unity (OAU) The recognition that the OAU bestows on FEPACI, in admitting it as an observer, gives it a political stature as well as credibility in Africa and outside the continent. For anyone who doubts the value of large political forums, this

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recognition may seem overrated. Yet, on the slow and ceremonious scene of international diplomacy, the inclusion of FEPACI among the recognized interlocutors does have its advantages. The OAU has not lost interest in filmmaking, as indicated in the Balogun Report. The possibility of including questions on the agenda of the sessions of the heads of state, and above all, participation in the conferences of the Ministers of Culture constitute strategically beneficial positioning for FEPACI, which thereby has the opportunity to convey the filmmakers’ expectations to this audience. There it pursues its “moral action.” Of course, it may be pointed out that the attitude of the States has not changed in any obvious way, for all that, in recent years. That sole intervention at the level of continental politics is not sufficient, but it seems more advanced than any action at the national level, while theoretically, each one should be reinforcing the other. Yet, the advantages that this recognition managed to have in FEPACI’s international relations outside Africa should not be underestimated. While the political effects of FEPACI’s presence in the OAU are visible, the financial benefits are unfortunately too few. The Federation can count on some technical services (printing, communication), but it is regrettable that it cannot also count on any financial support. Although FEPACI’s interventions are aimed, first and foremost, at conveying the message of the film industry, it should be acknowledged that the OAU receives valuable professional expertise in return.

I.4 The Partners The OAU is a partner with a particular status. However, FEPACI can count on many other partners both in Africa and outside the continent. The awareness of the importance of this partnership in fact prompted the Federation to organize a day, during the 1989 Congress, that was fully dedicated to relations with partners. In view of the nature of the organization, FEPACI is in a position to set up exchanges with a wide variety of interlocutors; whether with the African states, with inter-African cooperation organizations and institutions, with international institutions that are not specifically African, with professional film organizations, federations, and committees all over the world, FEPACI is in the position to initiate dialogue and establish joint projects. In view of the scope and multiplicity of the needs of the film industry in Africa and the Federation itself as well as the limits of internal resources, this partnership should be a strategic mainstay in its actions. Up to now, and insofar as it is possible to judge, these relations have rather been a matter of intuition alone.

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There are many different kinds and places of contributions that FEPACI should investigate; in view of historical relations, Europe is the first place to find interlocutors. Recent examples have proven that in addition to Europe’s contribution, FEPACI could count on Latin America or North America, for example. The traditional assistance in production and training could be improved in view of the nature of the needs. When we think of FEPACI as an organization, and its financial needs to operate efficiently, there is good reason to believe that it should explore the possibilities offered by its partners insofar as human, technical, and financial resources are concerned. In fact, the Federation’s strategic approach should induce it to take action on two levels, depending on the interlocutors: the partners, on the one hand, to achieve the objectives of FEPACI and the African film industry, and on the other hand, the partners of FEPACI as an organization structure for consultation and services. An important aspect of this partnership are the relations between film and television in Africa. The two worlds seem to have decided to ignore each other. As pointed out: “The problematics of film and—more generally— audiovisuals, have evolved enormously,”15 and while, as suggested by an interlocutor, people in the world of film tend to say that the people in television are civil servants with soft jobs, and those in television tend to believe that filmmakers are loudmouths, perhaps it would be up to FEPACI to undertake a reconsideration of relations between the film industry and the television industry in Africa. While it is true that “many poor countries rushed into costly television ventures that occasionally proved to be a mere operation of prestige and political opportuneness,”16 not to say propaganda, there is, however, reason to believe that some of these television channels will gradually increase their production abilities. Then, it would be important for filmmakers to have established relations giving them an opportunity to hold a place that would enable them to confirm their artistic and professional recognition. In the same way, in a context of scanty resources, “the problem that will arise will be one of knowing whether the written press, radio, television and film should be promoted simultaneously,”17 and a well-established partnership between filmmakers and television could benefit both parties. No one should underestimate the fact that in everyday language, film and television are readily associated, or both are covered in the term “audiovisual.” In his opening speech at FEPACI Congress, the Minister of Information and Culture in Burkina Faso said that “in its policy of support to film-makers, our country is contemplating establishing, in Ouagadougou, a regional center of training in film and television.”18 The partners of image and sound are probably the first that would come to mind at FEPACI.

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I.5 The Organization of the Film Industry The present deficiencies in the organization structures and infrastructures of training, production, distribution, and operation of the film industry in Africa are at the heart of FEPACI’s demands. In large part, these are the reason for its creation. In the context of the African economy, the States have emerged as the sole continental contributors that are in a position to take charge of controlling and developing property and technical infrastructures, particularly since the viability of cinematographic creation would require legislative and legal interventions. Consequently, the existence of an organization uniting filmmakers induces it to play the role of a lobby group. Unfortunately, the statements, reports, and symposiums quickly reach their limits. They are restricted to principles, and even though the States are willing to recognize the need for them, the implementation of methods and procedures is long in coming. This role of the organization as a lobby group is a source of frustration and may lead to as much as a reversal on the part of the members against their own organization; there is a temptation to attribute part of the responsibility to the organization in view of such little advancement and the deficiencies in the organization of the film industry. This behavior, which is already perceptible among a number of filmmakers, is probably due to this poor collective conscience, and in this respect represents only the effects of the causes of disorganization in the national associations. The rifts and intrigue caused at the national level by power struggles to control an association are projected onto international relations. For power that enables access to available funds, for clannish or national jealousies, for ideological differences, people turn against their national association or against their federation, accusing it of not succeeding in changing the conditions of the film organization. All too often, public authorities lack the human resources to take control of and administer to the satisfaction of filmmakers, the infrastructures and programs that they managed to establish. People become apathetic traveling across the continent to take part in meetings that express the same demands time and time again in the past twenty years. There is then a temptation to start doing things by themselves. FEPACI is a unifying, consultation organization that should be in a position to provide services to its members. It is thereby an organization for lobbying public authorities and all bodies responsible for the management of the film industry on its territory. As soon as it finds itself on both sides of the fence, it risks losing its credibility and potential. However, all the expertise it has that would argue in favor of involvement in operations can be used in exercising an advisory role; on the basis of

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its consultation and lobbying responsibilities, it would truly be in FEPACI’s interest to develop this advisory role that it has exercised in particular in dealing with the CIDC [Inter-African Film Distribution Consortium], and which it has pursued in the SACITEL project. This could be done by continuing its presence at the OAU when FEPACI takes part, for example, in writing African cultural common market texts or in organizing an event to officially launch the worldwide decade of culture in Africa.

I.6 The Resources The tragic state of resources is very certainly the one that hits FEPACI the hardest; it lacks human, technical, and financial resources. In what order of importance should they be placed? They are all important, but realism prompts us to believe that financial resources would enable FEPACI to aspire to greater effectiveness and efficiency. Yet what are financial resources without people capable of contributing a vision, of forging direction and transcending quarrels? They must go hand in hand, because it will be increasingly harder to convince people if the resources do not arrive one day. FEPACI—still on its feet despite the ups and downs it has experienced, FEPACI—which must fly to the aid of its very foundation and contribute toward stabilization and strengthening of national associations, FEPACI— active in the OAU, calling insistently on its partners for the development of projects beneficial to the film industry in Africa, FEPACI—capable of arranging to have a film organization established as the filmmakers in Niamey desired, all this is possible only if the Federation can have available resources that will ensure its constant operations and diversified action.

II. The Situation In the first section, we tried to understand the world in which FEPACI developed, the context of its existence and action. Now we must make a diagnosis to highlight the strengths and weaknesses that define the Federation’s present situation. Based on the results of this examination, it will then be possible to make a few suggestions in the third section, in an effort to improve the working of the Federation and give its a suitable, efficient and effective action plan.

II.1 The Organization Structure On paper, the organization structure of FEPACI seems very clear and logical. The hierarchical structure, from the national associations to the Regional Secretariats, the General Secretariat, and the Federal Bureau, right up

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to Congress, is complete. The definition of each level of authority in the Federation’s bylaws can enable harmonious coordination with one another. Quite obviously, there is no organization problem. 1. “Theoretically,” there are no problems, since in fact, one can’t but notice that things are not running smoothly at all levels. First, the national associations are in poor shape. The importance of having a solid foundation can never be overemphasized; as Tahar Cheriaa said, “FEPACI has to reflect its image through the film-makers’ relations with their governments. The more credible at the base the regional bodies are, the more credibility the Federation will gain.”19 Although national representativeness is essential to prevent FEPACI from becoming merely a filmmakers’ club, caution must be exercised not to overlook the objectives by banking only on putting the national associations back on their feet. In fact, many African filmmakers pursue their careers outside Africa and cannot continuously act within an association; nevertheless, they are in a position to contribute toward the objectives, growth, and influence of the Federation. According to a rule that it could establish, it would be in FEPACI’s interest to bank on the support of filmmakers working outside their own continent in order to benefit from their contribution. 2. The third Congress in 1985 created five Regional Secretariats “with the aim of decentralizing FEPACI and promoting activities within each region.”20 From that point on, this new level of authority marked a turning point in the Federation’s organization, for two reasons: the first was decentralization, which absolutely must alleviate and pass on the work of the General Secretariat. The second, because Africa is vast and it is inconceivable to organize the operations of a federation on a continent, without taking into account the existing territorial groupings. In fact, it was only logical for FEPACI to adopt a territorial divisioning of the OAU. This regional organization should, as a rule, enable the Federation to take into greater consideration the sociological and linguistic divisions on the continent. The need to develop projects on a limited basis, banking on common needs and affinities, also justifies the presence of the Regional Bureaus. Unfortunately, the Regional Bureaus do not have any more resources than the rest of the organization. It is true that the search for resources at its level should in large part be the Regional Secretary’s responsibility. Despite everything, the reports presented by the Regional Secretaries to the fourth Congress give the impression that this arrangement is a viable one. In the present context, it is not so much a matter of decentralization as constitution of an entity at a distance from the General Secretariat. To speak of decentralization, a relationship of assistance would have to be created, as well as coordination of actions and regular exchanges between all these Secretariats.

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3. The General Secretariat has great responsibilities: it is the guiding light and dynamo of the organization. All concerns and all relations converge there. The Secretariat has the responsibility of the Federation’s day-to-day life between meetings of the Federal Bureau. Quite obviously, then, this responsibility cannot be fully assumed by a Secretary General, his Assistant and the General Treasurer, all of whom are filmmakers and not permanently appointed to this position. 4. The Federal Bureau is responsible for implementing the decisions of Congress. It is an important element in the efficiency of the organization. The frequency and above all, the regularity of its meetings guarantee the dynamic nature of the Regional Secretariats and the continuity of operations. 5. Congress is the supreme authority. It reflects the quality of operations of all the other components in the hierarchy. The debates in Congress illustrate the questioning that stems from its lower levels. The outcome of the Fourth Congress supports the diagnosis of the weakness of the national associations and a lack of vision over the need to readjust strategies in view of the inability to change the objectives. In Article 23, the bylaws provide that Congress is composed of one delegate per member association. For various reasons, and in particular for financial reasons— which are considerable—this rule is easily understandable; however, it may be responsible for the apathy of Congress, which on the contrary, should become a true forum for filmmakers. FEPACI cannot interfere in the internal affairs of an association. Nevertheless, it does have the moral duty of uniting filmmakers in a group. In this sense, all well-known, registered African filmmakers should be informed when Congress is held, since FEPACI’s obligations are limited to the authorized delegate of each association. Congress needs to be dynamic. Aside from Partnership Day, which explored a new area with great potential, Congress obscured its responsibilities by becoming entangled in a review of bylaws whose usefulness has not been proven. All the lengthy formalities and shifting of priorities toward procedures rather than the content of debates failed to help the supreme authority face the challenges of the film industry in Africa. Despite these flaws, Congress nevertheless confirmed the revival of FEPACI and symbolized its entrenchment as spokesman for filmmakers. When there are flaws in operationalization, very often, the reflex is to bring changes in the organization, with the belief that this will iron out the problem. Some have demanded a clarification of the role of Regional Secretariats, while others want the component parts of the General Secretariat to be revised. While problems betraying distrust are being totally created, as well as power struggles that lead to “almost ritualistic quarrelling,”21 the

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potentially efficient organization may well become an empty shell and all that will remain one day is to declare it useless.

II.2 Strengths FEPACI can embark on its third decade, banking on a number of its strong points. The quality of these strengths certainly compensates for weaknesses; but do not in any way spare anyone the necessity of finding solutions to those weaknesses. The first strong point is the credibility that it has managed to preserve despite its negative experiences. As much as credibility, the recognized historical need for the Federation must be mentioned. Given that credibility is such a fragile asset, the filmmakers’ need for and attachment to the symbol that FEPACI represents must be appreciated, through the ups and downs. This affinity that is evident as well among the other parties concerned in the film industry was expressed during African Film Week in Kenya in 1986 when the “participants remarked with appreciation and encouragement the renewed fervor with which FEPACI has now taken the initiative to promote the development of the film industry on the entire continent, and they express the hope that this may be able to continue as much as ever for the benefit of everyone concerned.”22 The second strength on which the Federation can build beneficial action is its organization, as long as it will be able to gradually transform its potentiality into full, dynamic reality. To achieve this, it will have to settle the problems that were visible at the fourth Congress. Certain power struggles have already been identified. Maghreb’s absence calls for an examination of the Northern Regional Bureau’s organization, which is based on matters of continental politics that only the General Secretariat and the associations in the northern countries can evaluate. The action of the associations and the Regional Secretariats, on behalf of the Federation, may occasionally prompt them to turn a collective project to national advantage. The result is constraints such as coordination problems, a climate of jealousy, reticence on the part of the other States to invest and a risk of stagnation. There may also be some ensuing advantages such as the creation of innovative projects, staging events, financial contributions, and the advancement of the cause in favor of the major objectives of the Federation. It is in the search for a better balance and concerted action that the organization structure may be able to constitute a real strong point. The third strong point of the Federation is provided by the three major festivals: Les Journées Cinématographiques de Carthage, the FESPACO, and the MOGPAFIS. These events serve as opportunities for great visibility of the African film industry and consequently for all the active and potential

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members in FEPACI. The Federation must know how to maintain relations of equal quality with each of these events and count on their being held to work with its foundations, particularly since “from now on, it is assured of at least one annual meeting, thanks to the hospitality provided by”23 each of the three festivals. FEPACI will soon have its headquarters in the same building as the FESPACO. Since the revival of 1985 and the establishment of its headquarters in Ouagadougou, relations between the two institutions have intensified. While that is definitely cause for rejoicing over this achievement, the Federation nevertheless needs to maintain equally strong relations with the other festivals. The fourth strong point on which FEPACI can build are the States. Even though they are the target of the Federation’s major demands and are criticized for the insufficiency of their interventions, the States are nonetheless “a legal framework that provides leverage,”24 particularly for interventions involving international organizations. In fact, to date, the States have supported FEPACI; without recounting the history of these contributions, it should be mentioned here that Burkina Faso contributed toward the revival of the Federation, and that it enjoys the beneficial effects of an advantageous headquarters agreement. As for Benin, it signed a headquarters agreement with FEPACI for the Western Regional Bureau. Although this may go somewhat against the intent of Article 30C of the bylaws, which favors a rotation of the Regional Secretariats, this profitable arrangement guarantees the commitment and stable contribution of a greater number of countries. In a context of scarce resources and a need for stabilization of organization structures, the approach does have many merits. Férid Boughedir suggests “extending the arrangement of regional headquarters agreements.”25 The fifth strong point of FEPACI is the political recognition it enjoys. The Secretary General acknowledged in Congress that “it is probably in this area that things have experienced the most accelerated progress.”26 The OAU provides an opportunity to influence the States. It is undeniably a lever for international undertakings. By maintaining a constant presence at conferences of ministers in charge of Culture, by taking part in designing basic texts, FEPACI may gradually be able to influence political bodies and increase their awareness of the cause of filmmakers and the film industry in Africa. FEPACI’s relations with the OAU could be strengthened by banking on “African Film Day.” African Film Week recommended that “October 12 be celebrated by the presentation of African films and other activities in all African countries, like African Film Day, in accordance with the OAU’s resolution to increase public awareness and reinforce support for the development of the film industry in Africa.”27 It would be in FEPACI’s interest to play

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a leading role in the conceptualization and proceedings of the most culturally and politically symbolic events of that African Film Day. The sixth point on which FEPACI can build to develop and expand is the contribution of partners. The fourth Congress provided an opportunity to foresee the potential offered by partnerships. That potential is considerable and the partners’ contributions are all valuable; nevertheless, the importance of each and every one of these contributions and friendships will oblige FEPACI to be selective if it does not want to be overwhelmed by the number. And this will lead to the establishment of a work plan, an action strategy, and priorities. Foreign partnerships provide many opportunities while representing a considerable amount of work in order to derive maximum benefit. As for African partnerships, besides the OAU and the States, television is a natural partner; “film has a lot to gain by joining forces with television, which already enjoys credibility nationwide,”28 according to Férid Boughedir. As we can see, FEPACI holds good cards in its hand and it virtually has the means to one day fulfill the role for which it was created.

II.3 Operations Operations refer to the relations maintained by all elements in the organization structure with regard to the role attributed to them. It would therefore be advisable to analyze the way in which each level assumes its responsibilities, how contacts between the elements are established, in what direction the flow of information circulates and how decisions are reached. Based on the analysis that has already been made of the organization structure, FEPACI is at a stage in its development at which it must invest considerable effort in perfecting optimum operations if it aspires to fully play its role. This effort is dependent upon the scope of the objectives it has set itself as well as the expectations that not only the filmmakers place on it but also all the main parties concerned in the development of the African film industry. The largest network in the organization structure is the one that involves the meeting of national associations, which forms the foundation in Congress, the supreme authority. The weakness and disorganization of the national associations has already been identified. It comes as no surprise to note that Congress decided to invest its time in revising bylaws of no apparent use rather than “preparing a specific program for four years,”29 as Marcel Diouf remarked. In reformulating the usual objectives and in “resubmitting the same recommendations, they have no action plan; they should have short-, medium-, and long-term local, regional, and international programs. Time and time again, they debate everything without knowing what to start with,

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without choosing priorities taking into account achievements according to applicability,”30 added this same observer. Another network in the relations is the one involving the General Secretariat and the Regional Secretariats. For a variety of reasons, three of the five Regional Secretariats carried out projects during their mandate and two filed reports in Congress. In view of the context of their recent creation and the revival of the Federation after ten years of dormancy, these results lead one to believe that they could accomplish their mandate. The lack of resources together with a lack of a clearly defined work plan coordinated by the General Secretariat—although the usefulness of the work plan was acknowledged—stood in the way of truly efficient operations within the Regional Secretariat. Their main objective should be to organize the national associations in the context of regional emulation. The mutual reinforcement of associations and the region, around a few projects, is conceivable. The national organization cannot be an end in itself. Information is another basic element on which to establish confidence between the Federation and the filmmakers. Regularly distributing a publication or making available to all those concerned either full or summarized literature on FEPACI activities or on the African film industry in general would tend to reassure the filmmakers of the usefulness of the Federation and the need for group action. The General Secretariat benefits from the advantages associated with Headquarters insofar as resources are concerned. In its report presented to Congress, we see that efforts were made at the time of the “first mandate in the revival” to give FEPACI some visibility once again. Although aware of the need, the General Secretariat was not in the position to organize the operations, due to a lack of resources. For that same reason, it has no work plan nor any strategy that would ensure cohesion between the elements in the organization. And in view of its position in the organization structure and its role, it is in the responsibility of the General Secretariat to take some initiatives in this direction. Preparing meetings and convening the meetings of the Federal Bureau, the real place where the decisions of Congress are managed, fall under the responsibility of the General Secretariat. The impetus from reenergizing the organization must also be counted on. We have seen that what is lacking is a methodical approach and the resources for attaining one; nevertheless, for many interlocutors, including Lionel N’Gakane, it is “important to develop cultural administrators who are not active artists aspiring to make movies, but people who have responsibility and who are paid for it.”31 The idea is very widespread and the Federal Bureau itself fully supports this idea. “It is up to FEPACI to establish its credibility, being in a position to take action,”32 remarked Tahar Cheriaa.

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The lack of continuity in daily operations not only adds to the other operational weaknesses but in a number of ways, is also the cause. Creating positions filled by permanent employees is however not the solution to all the ills, nor an opportunity for all volunteers to be able to free themselves from their responsibilities. Well-defined and relying on competent people—cultural administrators like Lionel N’Gakane abovementioned—the operations of the Federation will help establish a real action plan.

II.4 The Action to Be Taken Following the organization structure and operations, it is only logical to examine the action to be taken. The essential elements in defining a plan of action, i.e., the aims and objectives, have already been mentioned. The charters, declarations, convention and meeting reports as well as past demands are the major targets according to which FEPACI must define its strategies in view of its organization structure and its resources. “On the strength of the clear orientations provided it by the third Congress, the executive bureau immediately initiated its action under the notion of realism and pragmatism,”33 the Secretary General’s Report read. Although the essential elements exist, all the conditions are not necessarily there to attain a satisfactory degree of effectiveness and efficiency. The deficiencies and inadequacies within the organization structure still oblige FEPACI to exert more on itself for the strengthening of the organization. This should be the first level of its action. Secondly, the lack of sufficient resources should prompt the Federal Bureau to undertake operations to seek funding in order to acquire more human resources. At a third level, the relatively superficial knowledge that FEPACI has about the detailed reality of the film industry on the continent calls for an investigation into the state of affairs. And fourthly, the choice of operations to attain the major objectives has not been made. On the one hand, as for the objectives that the Federation has set for itself and on which its existence largely depends, these are known; on the other hand, the various levels at which operations could be conducted are quite clearly defined in the minutes and various reports of FEPACI. What is lacking, however, is planning that would help weigh the importance of one level in relation to another, help better define the ways and means of more directly working toward an objective, and help gauge the partners’ place. FEPACI has no work plan that would give it the possibility of coordinating its strategy and spreading its interventions over

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a scheduled period of time that would confirm its will to act realistically and pragmatically. The Fourth Congress unfortunately did not give the Federal Bureau a clear formulation of its priorities, contrary to the wish expressed by its officers who said the day before Congress that this next Congress would “inevitably give rise to a real program of action for FEPACI.”34 However, it should be noted that boards were formed on Partnership Day and given the mandate of furthering the proposals made at that event; nevertheless, their reports were filed after Congress met, thus making it impossible to discuss them at the plenary session and adopt them while establishing an order of priorities. As a result, the supreme authority was deprived of a discussion on important matters under its jurisdiction. The officers also wished that Congress be filled with realism and that it be very particular as well, if not demanding, “because the Federation must be operational in the field and contribute toward transforming the African cinematographic environment.”35 Most of the pieces in the puzzle have come together. Added to this expressed conscientiousness of having a planned line of action, there could be professional skills that would contribute the methodological ingredients in order for the intention to become a strategy.

II.5 Ambitions “FEPACI, it must be recalled, is first and foremost an instrument of reflection, consultation, coordination and, above all, a power that has the moral authority conferred upon it by the united front of all African film-makers.”36 In the letter in which he asked us to conduct this analysis, the Secretary General wrote that the Federation “is striving to become more and more a type of consulting agency serving the African nations to help them develop their national policies on cinematographical matters.”37 FEPACI is known and recognized, and it must be appreciated for what it is—an organization to provide consultation and lobbying, and not for what it does not have to become, a “doer” that would find itself obliged, by force of circumstances, to take the place of those who do not take action despite the lobbying. Since the Algiers Congress and Charter, “what has happened is that part of the utopian, visionary element has faded [ . . . ] and a will has been expressed to work toward concrete achievements”38 which may take the form of assistance in an advisory capacity. Well equipped, the Federation could undertake this task in a dynamic manner. Just as Tahar Cheriaa affirms that “a small-scale film industry cannot develop merely through technological or artistic development, but also through the development of the administration,”39 similarly, even though

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attempts are made to influence the States through lobbying activities, these efforts will barely get any further if administrative expertise is not developed in such a way that it can formulate, in legal and technical terms, all the “advice” that the filmmakers want to give out. According to Férid Boughedir, “the African film-makers’ new philosophy, expressed in the Niamey Manifesto in March 1982, may be summarized as follows: State intervention—yes; State monopoly in all areas of activity—no. In other words, co-existence of State and private initiatives in the field of film production and operation of movie theatres.”40 This does not mean, as a few filmmakers wished, that FEPACI is going into business. “A representative association is not a business operator. It must take action outside the scope of business-oriented groups, on a limited basis; things shouldn’t be muddled together,”41 noted Hubert Ferraton. Based on his experience, he confronted the problem of “sizing up the potential of the African countries, because everything must be conceived in terms of that,”42 and he added, “establishing a business organization is not everything; there must be ‘bankable’ projects.”43 FEPACI’s ambition of becoming a consulting agency could be deployed as long as it has the expertise to do so. At a more immediately accessible level, Jacques Behanzin suggests that “a sub-committee of the OAU be formed where FEPACI would be present, and which would be in charge of carrying out the resolutions”44 previously adopted by the Pan-African authority because “the difficulties lie in following up on the resolutions.”45 The Federation is already associated with the work of the OAU and to some extent it has undertaken to embark on and become accustomed to practicing its advisory role in that respect. Herein above (II.2), strong points were discussed. In this context, the Balogun Report should be reconsidered because it would be a strategical error to exclude it. In the same way, a number of the recommendations from African Film Week held in Kenya constitute levers in view of the scope of the event. Particular mention should be made of the support for the Niamey Manifesto (Recommendation 4.9[I] and Recommendation 4.10[VI]) addressed to FEPACI, in order for it to set up consultations with the Union of African National Radio and Television Stations for the promotion and development of African films on television. The key element with regard to the Federation’s ambitions is the great many proposals and solutions contemplated. What is missing and what keeps it back from carrying out its clearly expressed project of elaborating “a real development plan for film art and industry in Africa”46 is the lack of a synthesis of all these statements, an additional element on which to base strategic planning that could lead it to realize its ambitions.

Organization Chart of FEPACI

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Diagram Representing the Delegation of Responsibilities Within FEPACI

III. Recommendations The foregoing analysis and in particular the second part contains suggestions that anticipate the content of the recommendations. It must nevertheless be confessed, in view of FEPACI’s situation, that formulating recommendations is the most difficult task since it is necessary to begin with the most obvious things. We must proceed according to logic.

III.1 Operations In view of the fact that the elected bodies of the Federation could not, in the present context, perform more tasks than what they are professionally, humanly, and financially capable of accomplishing: • FEPACI should, as a priority, take all necessary steps to recruit the personnel required for the smooth and efficient running of the various levels of its organization structure. • Consequently, the General Secretariat ought to acquire those human resources that are essential for carrying out its mandates, in particular its relations with national associations, Regional Secretariats, and the Federal Bureau.

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In addition, here are a few suggestions toward the improvement of the operations of FEPACI. 1) Concerning information: – The General Secretariat, in conjunction with the Regional Secretariats, should regularly establish contacts with each of the national associations, which will in particular help: • update its knowledge and awareness of the health of those associations; • update its information on the policies and situation of the film industry in each country. – The Regional Secretariats should report on their activities every six months, as well as on the activities in their region, so that the General Secretariat can publish an information bulletin to all African filmmakers. – The Federal Bureau should meet at least once a year to take stock of its actions and plan the next year’s work. 2) Concerning Congress: – The work schedule should be prepared in such a way that at least as much importance will be attached to examining the actions to be undertaken as to reports of accomplished mandates. 3) Concerning fund-raising: – The possibilities offered by private foundations should be examined; – Various types of sponsorships should be studied in order to acquire the technical and office automation equipment required for FEPACI to operate efficiently. 4) Concerning administrative efficiency: – The General Secretariat should have recourse to management consultants specializing in cultural industries, strategic planning, and management of projects, as resource people to carry out their projects; university exchanges in Africa or outside the country should be explored. – FEPACI should devise a method of classifying its files and preserving its archives for better organization of its work and above all to have the assurance of better safeguarding its memory.

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– French and English should be equally used as languages of communication in FEPACI.

III.2 Action Plan Considering the history of FEPACI and all the elements of orientation it has; Considering the continental nature of the Federation and its status as an organization representing African filmmakers; Considering that one of the major ambitions of the Federation is to act as an official advisor in its relations with the States; Considering FEPACI is planning on providing Africa with a cinematographic development plan; FEPACI should carry out both of the following complementary operations: – Thoroughly investigate the present state of affairs, i.e., make a detailed study of the human and material resources available insofar as training, production, distribution, and operations are concerned. This operation should be carried out according to the terms of the project that FEPACI has already filed with EEC authorities. This action would meet the need to know precisely what the present state of affairs is in each region and in each country, to carry out an analysis of the profound realities on which to ground an action plan. – Make a synthesis of all the reports or manifestos written in recent years in order to extract the elements of problematics based on historical demands. This operation would help identify the philosophical and practical constants and would provide additional reading for the investigation into the state of affairs. – On the basis of the two preceding operations, develop a plan of action within the means and capabilities of the Federation. This action plan should highlight a specific number of clearly defined projects that FEPACI would undertake. In carrying out these projects, the Federation should seek the assistance of the partnership whose potential was briefly analyzed during the day devoted to it by Congress in February 1989. Systematic recourse to

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partnership as part of its strategy for carrying out a project is one of the ways and means that are available to the Federation. – As a corollary to establishing a plan of action, define the parameters of its advisory role in its relations with the States. Intensifying its action with the OAU is the first accessible avenue in this direction.

IV. Toward a Development Plan for the African Film Industry The notion of a development plan for the African film industry is both a response to a concern for rationalization as well as a utopian project. And there are indications that it would be necessary to elaborate a major continental strategy to transform the present state of disorganization into a coherent effort toward enabling all the component parts in this film industry to attain their full potential. And that is where this definitely legitimate ambition reaches its limits. Only the person or entity that has the power to orient political and economic actions can carry out such a development plan. At the continental level, such a power does not exist. Nationally, each government has its orientations and its priorities; insofar as the film industry is concerned, the only constant is that it is far from being one of the main legal and administrative concerns of the States. So what can become of the project of elaborating a development plan? It would be better to bring it down to the level of proposals that can be made operational in the present context of the organization structures. And only FEPACI, it seems, could manage such operations. In its capacity as a panAfrican organization, the Federation should use all forums, starting with the OAU, to convey a rationalized, systematic, realistic vision of the objectives, structuring and running of activities related to the African film industry. On the other hand, if it manages to acquire the resources that this presupposes, FEPACI would be in a position to constantly lobby the States, starting with those that are the most receptive to the film industry’s cause, in order to bring about the adoption of measures that it considers to be the most basic and the most structuring to obtain long-term results. Declarations and manifestos are opportunities to establish a philosophical framework and define objectives. To some extent, the development plan is a graduated scale between the present situation and the one that is desired. The difficulty in the case of the African film industry stems from the fact that those who define the objectives do not have the power to attain them. A transfer must consequently be made so that the

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vision of certain parties is allowed and that efforts also be accepted by the others in order to achieve this end. And this transmission of a vision of a film industry that has attained its potential will not be transformed into national and continental policies unless FEPACI submits proposals with proven feasibility. By orienting part of its work in this direction, FEPACI could most certainly contribute toward a better definition of its objectives, and propose orientations that would lead toward a development plan for the film industry in Africa.

Notes Reprinted from FEPACI, “An Outlook on FEPACI,” December 19, 1989, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Ilboudo, Patrick G., Le FESPACO 1969–1989, Éditions Lamante, Ouagadougou, 1988, p. 86. 2. Ibidem, p. 118. 3. Ibidem, p. 150. 4. Extract of an interview with Férid Boughedir, February 25, 1989, in Ouagadougou. 5. Ibidem. 6. Extract from an interview with Tahar Cheriaa, February 26, 1989, in Ouagadougou. 7. FEPACI, Secretary General’s Report, 4th Congress, Ouagadougou, February 1989, p. 1. 8. Ibidem, p. 8. 9. Extract from an interview with Hubert Ferraton, February 24, 1989, in Ouagadougou. 10. Notes taken at the 4th Congress, at the evening session on February 24, 1989. 11. Ibidem. 12. Secretary General’s Report, op. cit., p. 8. 13. Extract from an interview with Jacques Behanzin, February 20, 1989 in Ouagadougou. 14. Secretary General’s Report, op. cit., p. 8. 15. Ibidem, p. 1. 16. Tjadè Eone “Penser la communication comme une priorité nationale en Afrique et la réinventer dans une perspective d’auto-développement,” in Communication, vol. 9, no. 3, Montreal, 1988, p. 98. 17. Ibidem. 18. “Speech by the Minister of Information and Culture at the Opening of the 4th Congress of the Pan-African Federation of Film-makers,” Ouagadougou, February 21, 1989, p. 2. 19. Extract of an interview with T. Cheriaa, op. cit. 20. The Secretary General’s Report, op. cit., p. 6. 21. Ilboudo, Patrick, Le FESPACO, op. cit., p. 151. 22. African Film Week, Report and Recommendations, Kenya, December 1986, p. 94.

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23. Boughedir, Férid, Le cinéma africain de A à Z, Éditions OCIC, Brussels, 1987, p. 21. 24. Extract from an interview with Hubert Ferraton, op. cit. 25. Extract from an interview with Férid Boughedir, op. cit. 26. Secretary General’s Report, op. cit., p. 12. 27. African Film Week, op. cit., p. 96. 28. Extract from an interview with F. Boughedir, op. cit. 29. Extract from an interview with Marcel Diouf, March 1, 1989 in Ouagadougou. 30. Ibidem. 31. Extract from an interview with Lionel N’Gakane, February 17, 1989 in Ouagadougou 32. Extract from an interview with T. Cheriaa, op. cit. 33. Secretary General’s Report, op. cit., p. 2 34. “De nouvelles orientations s’imposent” in Sidwaga, February 15, 1989, no. 1213, p. 5. 35. Ibidem. 36. Ibidem. 37. See Appendix 1. 38. Extract from an interview with T. Cheriaa, op. cit. 39. Ibidem. 40. Boughedir, Férid, Le cinéma africain de A à Z, op. cit., p. 27. 41. Extract from an interview with Hubert Ferraton, op. cit. 42. Ibidem. 43. Ibidem. 44. Extract from an interview with J. Behanzin, op. cit. 45. Ibidem. 46. See Appendix 1.

Appendix 1: Letters TRANSLATION OF A LETTER DATED JANUARY 5, 1989, FROM GASTON KABORÉ, SECRETARY GENERAL OF FEPACI, TO BERNARD BOUCHER, SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INSTITUT QUÉBÉCOIS DU CINÉMA: Mr. Bernard Boucher Secretary General Institut québécois du cinéma 80, rue de Brésoles Montréal (Québec) H2Y 1VS Dear Mr. Boucher: Re: our meeting in Paris in early November, and following our recent telephone conversations, I am pleased to give you confirmation that the

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Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) is interested in having you conduct a situation analysis of the African film industry. FEPACI, which has been in existence since 1970, has remarkably contributed toward increasing awareness of the importance of the film industry in the overall process of the socioeconomic and cultural development of African nations; with every passing day, it is striving to become more and more a type of consulting agency serving the African nations to help them develop their national policies on cinematographical matters and to work toward convincing them of the necessity of establishing regional strategies. After thirty years of operation during which it proved itself to be a unique instrument of reflection and animation, FEPACI is planning to elaborate a real development plan for film art and industry in Africa. The achievement of this vast ambition requires assistance of expertise that is not available in the eight-member Federal Bureau I head. I believe you are one of the resource persons whose collaborative efforts would prove highly beneficial to us. The exact outline of the study we would like you to carry out has yet to be determined, and our intention is to work together with you on this project if you are interested in our offer. We are seeking financial support from national and international institutions and organizations to bear the costs of the study, which mainly consist of consultant’s fees, transportation, and living expenses in Ouagadougou, Addis Ababa, Harare, Algiers, Tunis, Paris, Brussels, etc. If you are in a position to carry out this work, it would be advisable for you to come to Ouagadougou in mid-February to stay until about March 5. In fact, the fourth Congress of our Federation will be held in Ouagadougou February 2–25, preceding the 11th Pan-African Festival of Cinema in Ouagadougou (FESPACO), which will take place February 25–March 3, 1989. For two weeks, then, you would be able to meet a great many parties and partners involved in the African film environment (filmmakers, actors, critics, producers, distributors, national officers in the film industry, etc.) Our Federation is willing to bear the costs of this introductory visit. In the hope that your other commitments will not prevent you from favorably responding to our request, I remain, Yours sincerely, Gaston Kaboré Secretary General of FEPACI

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TRANSLATION OF A LETTER DATED FEBRUARY 3, 1989, FROM BERNARD BOUCHER, SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INSTITUT QUÉBÉCOIS DU CINÉMA, TO GASTON KABORÉ, SECRETARY GENERAL OF FEPACI: Mr. Gaston Kaboré Secretary General of FEPACI P.O. Box 2524 Ouagadougou BURKINA FASO Dear Mr. Kaboré: In reply to your letter of January 5, I am pleased to inform you that the Institut Québécois du Cinéma is in a position to favorably reply to your request for a collaborative situation analysis of FEPACI’s action. To do so, you may count on my own availability, according to the terms you proposed, and for a length of time as will be determined with the mandate. In this regard, I would like to submit a few comments to you that perhaps may define the agreement that will establish the scope of the evaluation desired.

1° General Situation The purpose of the evaluation is divided into two interrelated parts: the first one relates to the Federation as an organization, its organization structure, and the relations of all the component parts (national representatives, Regional Secretariats, General Secretariats, Federal Bureau, and Congress) in carrying out responsibilities (joint efforts, advisory functions, services, technical support, research, project management, etc.), as defined for it in its charter. You mentioned to me that this was not the main topic on which you wanted the analysis to focus. The second part concerns the plans of action and projects managed by FEPACI. These relate to the responsibilities of the organization and to operations directly in line with these, such as training, production, distribution, etc. Whether in relation to need analyses, technical evaluations or statements of sector-based policies, these projects all generally contribute toward the overall objective of developing the film industry in Africa. It is this second part that you want evaluated.

2° The Request In your letter, you mentioned a “situation analysis of the African film industry” which you associate with an objective of elaborating “a real

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development plan for film art and industry in Africa.” To do so, you would like to seek the assistance of outside “expertise.” At this stage, I understand that the study in question should deal with the two aspects mentioned in the section above, namely: 1. The work of FEPACI with regard to its aims, objectives, and mandates, as well as its organizational and operational ability to achieve them. 2. The plan of action with regard to political, artistic, technical, economic, and other considerations for its fulfilment and the availability of resources to accomplish it. In fact, in view of the intention you have of acting as a “consulting agency serving the African nations,” it is a matter of examining the instrumental organization, i.e., the Federation; and in view of the project of elaborating a “development plan for art and the film industry,” it is a matter of examining the strategy, i.e., the work plan.

3° The Interlocutor It also seems to me that it would be appropriate to clearly determine who the interlocutors would be. FEPACI, given all its component parts, is a vast system. All these elements cannot take part in defining the mandate nor in the follow-up to the undertaking nor the analysis of results. Unless you prefer otherwise, I believe that the General Secretariat should be the interlocutor in this operation.

4° The Operation In your letter, you mentioned that it would be advisable for me to come to Ouagadougou in mid-February to stay until about March 5. I am pleased to inform you that I will be there February 14–March 2. Although the details still have to be elaborated, the work program could be organized more or less as follows: 1. Review of the agreement with the General Secretariat; 2. Examining the mandate and the targeted results with the Federal Bureau; 3. Identifying and compiling the pertinent documentation; 4. As you proposed, meetings with a great many parties and partners involved in the African film industry; 5. Attendance at activities of the Congress;

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6. Synthesis and planning of the subsequent steps in carrying out the mandate to reach the targeted results.

5° The Targeted Results The results of the operation could be contained in a report comprising: 1. An analysis of the facts observed and the environment (constraints and opportunities) in which FEPACI carries out its mandate; 2. A synthesis and diagnosis taking into account the elements considered (strengths and weaknesses); 3. Recommendations: – on the Federation’s “mission”; – on its strategic choices. Obviously, this is all still very sketchy and any new elements to be introduced in the first phase will enable us to jointly clarify the scope of them.

6° Conditions for Achievement These conditions will obviously depend on the precise nature of the work to be done. You mentioned that you were seeking financial support to bear the cost of the study. Together, we shall examine needs relating to research, information analysis, travel, and technical expenses.

Appendix 2: List of Consultations I wish to thank very sincerely the following people that granted me an interview during the course of this mandate: Jacques Behanzin, Regional Secretary of the West Region Férid Boughedir, Filmmaker and Writer Tahar Cheriaa, Consultant Marcel Diouf, OAU Roland Duboze, Regional Secretary of the Centre Region Hubert Ferraton, EEC Gaston Kaboré, Secretary General Lionel N’Gakane, Regional Secretary of the South Region André Pâquet, Consultant

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I would like to emphasize the contribution of many people met during the 4th Congress of FEPACI and the 11th Festival of Pan-African Filmmakers who offered their point of view regarding FEPACI.

Appendix 3: Documents Consulted Cinémas noirs d’Afrique, CinémAction, no. 26, dossier prepared by Jacques Binet, Férid Boughedir, Victor Bachy, Paris 1983, 206 pp. Les cinémas arabes, CinémAction, no. 43, dossier put together by Nouny Berrah, Jacques Levy, and Claude-Michel Cluny, Paris, 1987, 191 pp. Textes fondamentaux sur le cinéma africain, edited with the support of Fonds culturel interafricain du l’OUA, FEPACI, 1987, 130 pp. The contents are –Charter of Algiers –Manifesto of Niamey –FESPACO’s Rules –JCC’s Rules –Statutes of FEPACI –Statutory order on the MOGPAFIS’s creation “FEPACI: de nouvelles orientations s’imposent” in Sidwaga, no. 1213, Ouagadougou, February 1989, p. 5. “Le cinéma africain” in Cinéma/Québec, Montréal, July/August 1972, pp. 23–31. Texts by Tahar Cheriaa, interview of A. Samb by André Pâquet. “Les cinémas africains” in Cinéma/Quebec, Montréal, September 1972, pp. 28–37. Texts by T. Cheriaa and Gilles Marsolais. EONE, Tjadè, “Penser la communication comme une priorité nationale en Afrique et la réinventer dans une perspective d’auto-développement” in Communication Information, vol. 9, no. 3, 1989, pp. 89–105. Hommage au FESPACO at the Cinémathèque québécoise, Montréal 1982, 16 pp. Comité africain de cinéastes, booklet prepared by Dominique Bax, Graziella Barrerat, Paris, January 1985. FEPACI, Rapport sur le C.A. du CID/CIPROFILM, 1986, 5 pp. 6e session extraordinaire de la Conférence des ministres africains chargés du cinema, report of the Commission des experts sur CIDC/CIPROFILM, Bobo-Dioulasso, March 17–19, 1986, 8 pp. FEPACI, Mission Reports of the Secretary General in Holland, Belgium, West Germany, Somalia, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Congo, Gabon, Cameroon, Ouagadougou, 1985, 7 pp.

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FEPACI, Programme pluriannuel de relance du cinéma africain, proposed by FEPACI at the organization of the ACP countries during discussions on cultural activities during the 3rd Lomé Convention, Ouagadougou, 8 pp. Report and recommendations of the African Film Week that took place from December 1 to 11, 1986 in Kenya, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Nairobi, 235 pp. BOUGHEDIR, Férid, Le cinéma africain de A à Z, Brussells, Éditions OCIC, 1987, 206 pp. ILBOUDO, Patrick G, Le FESPACO 1969–1989, Ouagadougou, Éditions La mante, 1988, 499 pp. VERSCHUEREN, Bernard, Approche d’un autre cinéma: le cinéma en Afrique sub-saharienne, thesis submitted in order to obtain a degree in Journalism and Communication, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1989, 156 pp. FEPACI, Plan de relance du cinéma africain: actions prioritaires, 1989, 7 pp. FEPACI, Rapports des commissions formeés lors de la journée du partenariat tenue le 23 février 1989 – commission Formation, 8 pp. – commission Production, March 4, 1989, 3 pp. – commission Promotion-Distribution-Exploitation, March 20, 1989, 3 pp. – commission Intégration cinéma–télévision, March 1, 1989, 3 pp. KABORÉ, Gaston, “Vers une véritable cinématographie africaine” in CinéBulles, vol. 4, no. 6, April/May 1985, Montreal, pp. 23–24. Spécial FESPACO 89, Sidwaga Magazine, no. 006, Ouagadougou, February 1989, 65 pp. FESPACO 89, magazine edited by Secrétariat permanent du FESPACO, Ouagadougou, February 1989, 96 pp. Allocution du Ministre de l’Information et de la Culture du Burkina Faso à l’ouverture du 4e Congrès de la Fédération panafricaine des cinéastes, Ouagadougou, February 21, 1989, 5 pp. Institut québécois du cinéma 80, rue de Brésoles, Montréal (Québec) H2Y 1V5 Tél: (514) 288–7655, Télécopieur (514) 288–7289 Translated by Susan Cohen-Hamilton (Montreal). Revised by FEPACI.

Final Communiqué of the First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop Harare, Zimbabwe, July 15–21, 1990

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he First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop, held in Harare, Zimbabwe, July 15–21, 1990, under the aegis of the Ministry of Information, Posts, and Telecommunications and with the unique support of the OAU,1 SADCC2 Secretariat, and FEPACI,3 was a result of the need to identify actions in cooperation in order to reinforce solidarity and friendship among SADCC member states, particularly in the cultural field. It was also motivated by our recognition of the unique geographic and historic nature of this subregion of the African continent. While being held under the seemingly “optimistic” atmosphere in the region as regards the liberation of South Africa, the Workshop still regards the situation there as being far from the desired goals of the liberation of Africa. The Festival was attended by delegates from Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, members of the SADCC subgroup of the continent, as well as delegates from the ANC.4 We also note the continued and valuable support of the Nordic Council and the Commonwealth Foundation for the development of cinema in the region. The Festival was also attended by personalities and eminent filmmakers from Africa, who brought to the Festival their rich experiences for the benefit of the development of cinema in the region. Representatives of progressive forces in the cinema field from Africa and Europe also participated in the Festival. Being a follow-up to earlier fora and the Niamey and Harare Declarations discussing the film industry in Africa and the Southern African region in particular, the Workshop could not but feel disappointed by the inadequate steps taken towards solving the long-existing problems facing cinema in Africa. Analyzing the existing conditions of cinema in the region the participants note:

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1. That there is yet no regional policy and strategy for the development of culture and communication. There is also the absence of viable structures and mechanisms to develop real cooperation within the region. That situation does not permit the valorization of the cultural-historical heritage and potential existing in the region. The little cooperation that has been undertaken to date has been mainly bilateral and on an ad hoc basis. 2. That there is quite a substantial stock of film equipment in the region which is grossly underutilized due to lack of knowledge of its availability and lack of communication between the owners and prospective users. 3. That in the field of training there doesn’t exist a regional policy and programs to enable the use of the existing facilities and institutions. 4. That there is a total absence of African and even Southern African films being distributed in the region due to the inherited and yet unchanged distribution structures and the lack of promotion of the exhibition of those kinds of films. 5. That the aesthetic development of the African cinema is still very disturbing, requiring greater efforts at instilling an African identity, more so in the areas of language, censorship, and the role of women in the cinema. 6. That there is yet no permanent program for the coproduction of films and videos in order to promote the culture and the potential of the region. 7. That the national television networks in the region need to re-orientate themselves and their role in the cultural development of the peoples of this region. 8. That to date national film workers’ associations do not exist in most of the countries of the region to help rally film workers towards film development in their countries, in the region, and continent as a whole. Therefore, we SADCC delegates to the First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop recommend that: 1. The SADCC Council of Ministers adopt a Declaration on Culture for the SADCC region, outlining and clarifying the relationship between national and regional policies, objectives, and responsibilities of member states in the development of film, information, culture, and the arts.

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2. Regional filmmakers and artists and experts from other cultural disciplines wishing to participate be included in the drafting of the proposed Declaration on Culture for the SADCC. 3. Regional filmmakers and artists and experts from other cultural disciplines be charged with drafting a program of action to implement the proposed Cultural Charter for SADCC in such a way that short-term, medium-term, and long-term phases and projects are detailed. 4. All member states of the SADCC which have not yet done so adopt national policies on culture and information incorporating the principles of the OAU Cultural Charter for Africa. 5. All member states of the SADCC place levies on all films, film projects, videos, and television programs from outside Africa in order to create a national film fund for financing training programs, refurbishment of noncommercial cinema halls, construction of new halls, film production, and film distribution. 6. All member states create national film boards with representatives from all sections of the film industry and relevant policy-making bodies. 7. The SADCC Council of Ministers, through the Culture and Information sector, set up a regional revolving fund for film production to be financed from SADCC-sourced funds. 8. All SADCC states set up national structures for distributing films which should be integrated into regional, Pan-African, and international systems. 9. All SADCC states reach agreement to join one film market for purposes of a) Acquiring international films; b) Establishing a reasonable credit system acceptable to all regional film establishments for encouraging SADCC filmmakers to use regional facilities in film production; c) Making the UAPTA5 acceptable to all regional film establishments as payment for film production and other costs. 10. All SADCC states guide and rationalize donor-funded projects in order to safeguard the interests and objectives of the region and to prevent duplication and harmful competition. 11. SADCC ministers of commerce and industry ensure that film is classified and registered as a trade commodity in all PTA6 directories or registers. 12. SADCC states stipulate minimum quotas for national, regional, and Pan-African program content in television, film, and radio

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broadcasting for the purpose of countering the overwhelming dominance of foreign programs. 13. The SADCC Council of Ministers, through the cultural/information sector, sponsor an inventory and assessment of existing regional facilities, skills, and equipment in the fields of film, television, and communications. The inventory and assessment should include projects as well, whether they are near completion, pending, or in the planning stage. All major infrastructural projects in film be undertaken only after thorough feasibility studies involving filmmakers, and governments should undertake the full implications of their decision on the projects in order to ensure their permanent support and commitment. 14. Following the regional survey of facilities and skills and the production of a thorough feasibility study, a regional film training school be established for filmmakers at all levels. 15. The First Frontline Film Festival set up a steering committee of regional filmmakers to be coordinated by the Zimbabwe Film, Television, and Allied Workers Union and include one member each from Zambia, Mozambique, and Angola. The responsibility of the steering committee will be to set up a Regional Bureau of Film and Video which shall be responsible for a) Organizing a regular Southern African Film Festival in conjunction with FEPACI; b) Following up the recommendations of the workshop; c) Encouraging SADCC film workers to form national unions affiliated to FEPACI and which should mobilize for their own protection and empowerment and for the creation of a regional film workers’ association. d) Compiling and publishing a directory of filmmakers, skills, services, and facilities in the region; e) Creating and administering a computerized database for the film industry; f) Establishing a newsletter on filmmaking and film activities for the SADCC region; g) Request and obtain observer status in the SADCC consultative annual conferences; h) Advocate regional cooperation and coproduction while providing advice on such matters as insurance, customs, and immigration; i) Liaise with the SADCC culture/information sector and the SADCC Business Council on matters of film.

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16. In each SADCC state, filmmakers, film experts, and other cultural workers initiate a thorough review of existing censorship legislation and censorship structures as a prelude to the launching of national debates on censorship. 17. SADCC filmmakers and their associations commit themselves individually and collectively to exercise positive discrimination in favor of women filmmakers when considering training, employment, leadership, and other opportunities in film. In conclusion, we the delegates to this Workshop and First Frontline Film Festival call upon film workers in the region individually and collectively to address themselves continually to the issues raised in this communiqué and to persuade their governments and institutions to implement these recommendations.

Notes Originally published as FEPACI, “Final Communique of the First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop, Harare, Zimbabwe,” J-C-C Bulletin, no. 8 (November 2, 1990). Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Organization of African Unity. 2. South African Development Coordination Conference. 3. Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers. 4. African National Congress. 5. Unit of Account of the Preferential Trade Area. 6. Preferential Trade Area.

Statement by the African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, February 25–27, 1991

This statement was created at the African Women’s Workshop held within the framework of the Twelfth Edition of FESPACO.

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fter fifty years of cinematographic production and twenty-five years of televisual production, how many women are involved? What positions do they occupy and what roles do they play? After fifty years of cinematographic production and twenty-five years after televisual realization, what images of African women are shown to women of the continent, and how much have the latter contributed in supervisory positions? After a half-century of cinematographic production and a quartercentury of televisual productions, how many pioneers are there? And where are those female pioneers and film directors who could have been in a position to give their own vision of the world? The African women’s workshop held within the framework of the twelfth edition of FESPACO in Ouagadougou from 25 to 27 February 1991 gathered together a diversity of African film, television, and video professionals. They came from various African countries and frame the Black diaspora: Kenya, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Ghana, South Africa, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Benin, Tunisia, Cameroon, Niger, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Rwanda, Congo, Morocco, and Chad. These women fulfill the functions of editors, camerawomen, directors, and producers of televisual programs, videomakers, filmmakers, distributors, television coproducers, producers, actresses. But even after fifty years of cinematographic productions and twenty-five years of televisual production, though they fulfill various functions in cinema and television, the analysis of African women’s situation during this workshop has emphasized their insignificant number in audiovisual professions and their difficulty in getting access to training and funds.

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It is evident from the testimonies presented over these last three days that even when a woman wants to work in cinema and television professions she is often advised to stick to the latter because they suit her better as they require an attention to detail which is believed to be specifically part of women’s character. So, half a century after the beginning of African cinema, a quarter of a century after those of television, the position of women in the various posts in cinematographic and televisual production is far from being satisfactory! Far from being up to the challenge of the third millennium. And if this situation continues, the cinematographic and televisual industry’s growth, and even its development, could be hampered. For if images produced by African women do not give another view of African women’s reality, then there is a great risk that women themselves, because they are the main educators of children—the citizens of tomorrow— will not be able to show an alternative vision of the world. Fifty years after the beginning of cinema, twenty-five years after that of television, inequalities and obstacles still persist. In 1991, almost ten years before the year 2000, African women are still victims of pressures at their place of work, and exploited both as women and as professionals. In 1991, almost ten years before the third millennium, because they are deprived of their citizenship rights, their access to cinema and television professions remains selective, discriminatory, and minimal! Nevertheless, in 1991, African professional women of cinema, television, and video decided to meet in order to exchange their views, to create a framework for free expression, to elaborate an action program to speed up their integration at all the levels of the reproduction process of cinema and television. A half-century after the birth of cinema, a quarter of a century after that of television, about fifty women from various areas of the continent, fifty women of different political, religious, and philosophical backgrounds united for the sake of their professional requirements to express their will to struggle unflinchingly: • to put forward their female vision of the world; • to have a controlling position on their images. They decided to set up a working group, a program of action, in order to continue the action of a few isolated pioneers so that in the future, in the year 2000, there are 10, 50, 100 . . . 1,000 of them and more in the professions of cinema and television.

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They called on funding and commissioning organization from the South and the North, on institutions and associations to give their active, constructive, and collaborative support for the development of their projects. They know that a mobilization of funds, of human resources, from the South and the North, and mainly women’s determination, initiative, and responsibility may help to overcome the obstacles! The working panel is made up of the following members: Aminata Ouédraogo (Burkina Faso), director-producer; Grace Kanyua (Kenya), director-producer; Juanita Ageh-Waterman (Nigeria/London), actress; Alexandra Akoto Duah (Ghana), actress; Seipati Bulane-Hopa (South Africa), director-distributor; Chantal Bagilishya (Rwanda/Paris), distributor; Rose-Elise Mengue-Bekale (Gabon), editor; Kahena Attila (Tunisia), editor.

Note Previously published as “Statement by the African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video,” Black Camera: An International Film Journal 12, no. 2 (Spring 2021): 552–555.

Status of the Audiovisual Sector in Africa

Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) Ouagadogou, Burkina Faso, April 1991

Introduction

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his report aims to draw up a synthetic overview of the current state of the audiovisual issue in Africa and to give a concrete idea of the limits and structural blockages that prevent its development, while recommending some fundamental measures to be taken in order to trigger the blossoming of a sector that could, above all, generate cultural, social, and economic development.

I. The Situation of Cinema In Africa What is striking about African cinema is its extraordinary dynamism, its richness, and its creativity, all of which in reality hide some structural problems ranging from the underdevelopment of the cinematographic infrastructure to the lack of financial means (budget issues). This situation, apparently desperate, can be observed at all levels.

A. Sector-Based Approach 1 - Distribution The African continent is one of the places where the number of viewers is in continuous and significant growth. Cinema audiences generate CFA 1.5 billion annually in Senegal and about CFA 900 million in Burkina Faso (one out of every two Burkinabe is a movie lover!). However, Burkina Faso has only forty-seven movie theaters for approximately 8 million inhabitants and 400 films are programmed annually in this country, barely five percent of which are African films. In Africa, nearly 98% of film projects are foreign! This situation reflects the complexity of the distribution system, which is largely dominated by foreign interests (mainly Western interests!). This means that there are no autonomous and efficient distribution circuits in African countries. The brief experience of the Inter-African Consortium

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for Film Distribution (CIDC), which was supposed to resolve the thorny problem of distribution in Africa, shows that this sector deserves better attention if we really want African cinema to leave the ghetto in which it is confined by big Western distribution companies. With the possible exception of Nigeria (a vast market of 100 million inhabitants) where popular cinema (like theater) judiciously uses existing artistic circuits thanks to dynamic private individuals, Africa is characterized by a lack of organization of its distribution circuits. One can easily imagine the loss of earnings that this entails for the development of film production. African filmmakers, due to lack of thorough distribution, are forced to behave as distributors and go from festival to festival in the hope of placing their products and expecting rebates. As a result, the distribution of African films abroad remains precarious and films have difficulty finding a place on European, American, or Canadian screens. A vigorous effort has to be made for the visibility of African films.

2 – Production At the current stage of social, economic, and historical development of our continent, cinema as production has an important role to play. This assumes, of course, a sufficient number of quality endogenous productions capable of supporting the above-mentioned mission. In the absence, in most African States, of a rigorous financing policy and appropriate structures, film production suffers the consequences of this situation. Directors wishing to produce and make their films profitable in order to sustain their activity, never find the minimum conditions to do so. Several factors combine to account for this situation: • First of all, we notice that films produced so far do not manage to be profitable; because of the inexistence of an organized and structured market for an efficient diffusion and exploitation. • Despite the nationalization of movie theaters in some countries (Algeria, Burkina Faso, Senegal . . .), exploitation suffers from a lack of professionalism complying with conventional standards. As a result, African films do not really benefit from a proper and promising market within Africa itself. In fact, the mastery and control of the distribution and exploitation are dangerously out of reach for Africans. • The creation of modern movie theaters requires huge investments which are not always within the reach of African exhibitors. However, the importance of the number of movie theaters

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by increasing the number of seats has a considerable influence on profitability and therefore on production. • African films, although increasingly presenting an aesthetic approach and an undeniable technical quality, often suffer from difficult production conditions. This of course is detrimental to the quality of the finished product. The lack of qualified technicians and adequate infrastructures and technical structures impact the quality of many African products. • The lack of appropriate film financing systems in most African countries. The partial funding provided by States does not represent a viable solution to a sustainable and regular production of quality films. It is unfortunate that bank institutions barely grant, if any, credits and are reluctant to take part in the financing of African productions. Nevertheless, despite all these difficulties, African film production is characterized by a promising dynamism. If we consider the progress made since Borom Sarret by Ousmane Sembène (1963, Senegal) to Sango Malo by Bassek Ba Kobhio (1991, Cameroon), we can easily measure the effort made. In thirty years, more than 400 feature films (FF) have been produced and the majority of them were made independently. Filmmakers, year in, year out, and by relying on various private, state, or foreign partners, have managed to produce. Film projects were implemented in Senegal, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire, Cameroon, etc. Burkina Faso alone—very dynamic in the sector—made five feature films from October 1989 to March 1990 with budgets averaging around CFA 200 million. This “miracle” is undoubtedly linked to an efficient infrastructural organization (availability of technical equipment and state support policy) but is also the result of coproduction bringing together various partners. If nowadays this form of partnership essentially associates partners from the North, the prospect of extending it to the South and of reinforcing it would undoubtedly contribute to reinvigorate this cinema which keeps on arousing obvious interest everywhere.

3 - Exploitation In reality, the exploitation of African films suffers from a lack of distribution. In many African countries, there are still not enough movie theaters. Apart from the relatively well-served urban centers, the number of movie theaters should be increased because they are notoriously insufficient (less than one seat per 100 inhabitants on average!). At this level, the private sector could substantially help fill the gap. States being hardly concerned and not having

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the means to invest in audiovisual infrastructures, the private sector appears as the only alternative. African cinema can and must take advantage of the immense potential of its audience. On a continental or regional scale, African films would find a market likely to considerably amortize the costly investments mobilized for their implementation, releasing at the same time substantial funds for production. Without taking into account the benefits for our cultures (subjected to alienation, recolonization, etc.). This does not exclude, far from it, an offensive in the direction of foreign markets multiplied by the diversification of means of communication (cables, satellites, televisions . . .). The case of Nigeria, where an autonomous and dynamic market exists, raises hopes as long as a rigorous exploitation and exhibition policy is undertaken and supported on a continental scale. The existence of a network of correctly managed and adequately equipped cinemas, implemented by motivated and competent professionals, will give African films a salvific visibility.

4 - Training The need for training exists upstream of the cinematographic enterprise. To date, since the closure of INAFEC in Ouagadougou, there is no training school in French-speaking Africa. And yet, if a country like Burkina Faso stands out for the quality of its film products and the importance of this sector in the country’s cultural policy, it is largely due to INAFEC. Elsewhere in Africa, apart from Ghana and Kenya, there are no training schools (except in Egypt). Most filmmakers and technicians have been or are being trained in European schools or in socialist countries. When one considers the enormous need for qualified and competent personnel for quality African cinema, the necessity of training becomes obvious. It is undeniable that a significant effort has been made in this area, but quality cinema requires substantial training. African cinema still has serious shortcomings in professions such as scriptwriters, post production professionals, distribution, etc. The second International Days of Audiovisual Partnership of Ouagadougou (JIPA) initiated by FEPACI have helped discuss this issue. The urgent need for training centers was raised and discussed. It is through thorough training of very high quality and well-equipped professionals that African cinema will receive a precious support.

5 - Film festivals and the promotion of African films Festivals, as privileged places for meetings between professional filmmakers and various active partners of the cinema sector (producers, distributors,

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promoters, etc.) represent a valuable addition to the influence of African cinema. The Carthage Film Festival (CFF), established since 1968, has actively contributed to position film products on the world market. FESPACO, alternating with the CFF, remains today an obligatory springboard for the promotion and dissemination of African cinematographic works. Elsewhere in the world, various festivals in Europe (France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland), in Canada, in the West Indies (Cuba, Martinique) contribute to increasing the visibility of African film products. More and more filmmakers are traveling the continents, from festival to festival, to promote their works, establish contacts, etc. Festivals remain open windows on African cultures and despite their obvious limitations (abusive multiplication, confinement of African film to a kind of exoticism, often ill-defined goals and uncertain contributions to the real promotion of African cinema) often contribute to a wider dissemination of African cinema.

B. Anglophone Black African Countries While cinema was gradually making its way in francophone black Africa, anglophone black Africa had rather laid emphasis on the TV industry. The colonizing power, Great Britain, had bet on this medium. These are therefore countries that lacked a cinematographic tradition. At the dawn of independence, France had shot 83% of the films made in Africa, as opposed to 15% for Great Britain, whose main concern remained the production of films for basic education. It is in this spirit that the Colonial Film Unit was created in 1939, comprising twelve production sections established in eight countries. It was followed by the Film Unit established in each territory where productions were entrusted to Englishmen and Africans trained by them. This is how giant Nigeria, with a population of nearly 100 million, produced its first films for television. Documentaries, didactic films on agriculture, industry, health care, etc. were made. Until 1970, the production of fiction films was practically non-existent. But towards the end of the 1970s, thanks to private industries, fiction films appeared. They were essentially low-budget, popular films that had the huge task of competing with the old American B-movies and other Hindi films. However, Francis Oladele produced Kongi’s Harvest (1972, Nigeria) directed by American Ossie Davis, Ola Balogun Alpha (1972, France), and Amadi (1975, Nigeria). The latter director founded his own production company and while exploiting the elements of popular cinema (music, song, dance, comedy, etc.) produced one film a year: Musik Man (1976), The Rise

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(1977), Rise and Fall of Dr. Oyenusi (dir. Eddie Ugbomah, 1978, Nigeria), A deusa negra (dir. Ola Balogun, 1979, Nigeria), Ija ominira (dir. Ola Balogun, 1981, Nigeria), Aiye (dir. Ola Balogun, 1981, Nigeria), Cry Freedom! (dir. Ola Balogun, 1982, Nigeria), etc. Eddie Ugbomah, Sanya Dosunmu, and other directors also embraced production in their turn. In spite of this, the situation of cinema in Englishspeaking countries suffers from various problems: lack of well-trained technicians, low level of equipment, and fraud by exhibitors, which sabotages the profitability of films. Finally, let us note the supremacy of theater over cinema. The growing presence of directors from these countries such as Kwaw Ansah, Ola Balogun at festivals . . . is a sign that this cinema can be a valuable contribution to the whole of Africa.

C. Sub-Saharan Francophone Black African Countries The situation of cinema in sub-Saharan francophone black African countries is closely linked to the French colonial policy. At the beginning, we note the desire of France to keep close cooperation and exchange relationships, which ensured its strong presence. Thus, two famous companies, SECMA and COMAOCO, set up a film distribution network to build three permanent funds in Dakar, Abidjan, and Douala to supply movie theaters. But African States have gradually tried to conquer their independence through nationalizations, purchase, or acquisition of movie theaters by private individuals. Likewise, to ensure distribution, these States have united through the Inter-African Consortium for Film Distribution (CIDC) which, after a good start, unfortunately got bogged down. France, which has always reigned supreme in both the production and distribution of films in this area, has nevertheless contributed to the promotion of cinema in various countries. Thus, the majority of directors and technicians from these countries were trained at IDHEC, at the Independent Conservatory of French Cinema, at OCORA, at INA, or at the former ORTF. Nevertheless, we will remember that cinema in these countries has experienced a prodigious growth. Thanks to the perseverance of directors such as Ousmane Sembène, Paulin Soumanou Vieyra (Senegal), Désiré Ecaré, Timité Bassori, Roger Gnoan M’Balla (Ivory Coast), Oumarou Ganda (Niger), Med Hondo (Mauritania), etc., production has experienced an impressive qualitative leap.

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Thanks to the contribution of young generations such as Idrissa Ouedraogo, Gaston Kaboré (Burkina Faso), Souleymane Cissé, Adama Drabo, Cheick Oumar Sissoko (Mali), Diop Djbril Mambety, Cheick Ngaïdo Ba (Senegal), etc., francophone African cinema is present on major world markets. The efforts of the French Ministry of Cooperation through substantial support and other forms of partnership have enabled many young directors to produce. Bassek Ba Kobhio, Drissa Touré, etc., are representative of this new trend. Nevertheless, these countries as a whole remain subject to enormous difficulties including the absence of consistent state cinematographic policies, the lack of promotion and exhibition structures, the lack of movie theaters despite some huge potential audiences, and a crucial lack of training for cinema technicians and other professionals (production, distribution, promotion, etc.) In view of the extraordinary cultural wealth of these countries and the combined actions of filmmakers, their national associations, private partners, etc., there seems to be hope for the future.

D. Maghreb Cinema The Maghreb cinema that can be described as cinema d’auteur is promising if we consider films produced in the late 80s both in terms of content and technique. Examples include La Citadelle (1988) by Algerian Mohamed Chouikh, Badis (1989) by Moroccan Mohamed Tazi, Hassan Niya (1989, Algeria) by Ghaouti Bendedouche, Rose des Sables (1989, Algeria) by Rachid Benhadj, Férid Boughedir, etc. Nevertheless, Maghreb cinema faces enormous difficulties to express itself in spite of its participation in major festivals (Carthage, Cairo, Amiens, Los Angeles, Ouagadougou, Nantes, etc.). Given the landscape and film structures of each country (Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Libya . . .) the Maghreb cinema faces serious difficulties. A country like Tunisia, which hosts the CFF, is nowadays overwhelmed by images from the North, which is detrimental to local cultures and harms national production. Algeria remains the only country in the Maghreb where the state still subsidizes a number of film projects. There is a niche for commercial films (comedy for the general public, melodramas that flourish on screens). Its situation appears less dramatic than that of Morocco and Tunisia. In Morocco, where the preponderance of American cinema is still very strong, there are potential dangers of deep acculturation. Young people identify

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very quickly with this cinema. There is no official organization supporting film creation. It is therefore clear that the difficulties faced by the Algerian, Tunisian, and Moroccan cinemas are not the same, although there are common points. Algeria produces films for the general public and auteur films, with the State taking an active part in artistic production. Tunisia produces few films but encourages the shooting of foreign productions on its soil and often helps with productions. All in all, these are the situations that can be found almost everywhere on the continent and that call for a rigorous production, distribution, and promotion policy so that these countries do not lose their cultural identity.

E. A Singular Case: Egypt If there is a very singular cinematography in Africa, characterized by its production, distribution, and its protectionist policy, it is indeed that of Egypt. Sometimes admired, very often decried, but nevertheless very present, the situation of Egyptian cinema seems to be built around paradoxes. Born from the transposition to cinema, of foreign works already adapted to theater, the Egyptian cinema was from the onset considered as a complement to the theatrical sector. Already in place by the 1920s-30s, these different adaptations were conceived in terms of “Egyptization” of foreign works. The birth and propagation of this young cinema will be done at the expense of theater. From 1917 to 1927, in spite of the reduced number of films produced, Egypt became familiar with the cinematographic rhetoric and cinema thus entered new habits. The theatrical print will remain for a long time as an indelible stain on Egyptian cinema, characterized by a very advanced Manichean vision (inherited from theater) and the common use of stereotypes as pillars of “dramaturgical constructions of Egyptian cinema.” In addition to this, the lavishness of sets on an invariable thematic background: the inevitable moral preaching. This phase corresponds to the “feudal era” which was followed after World War I, by the rise of the national bourgeoisie (fundamentalist and modernist) symbolizing the country’s desire to “take root in the land and move towards industrialization.” This period gave rise to a production that in fact translated the legitimate aspirations of the upper-middle class into fictional terms. Nearly 140 films were produced, essentially impregnated with romanticism, conciliation between the two extremes (rich/poor, exploiters/exploited). The themes essentially revolved around destiny, fatality, making any attempt at opposition vain. In a poor country where the broad underclasses aspire to social

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change, to fast rise, cinema—through entertainment-based content and an idle speech—“deflates” the social and demographic pressure. This royal road to popular melodrama is confirmed to the great displeasure of thinkers like al-Aqqad who argued that “writing for the cinema is more lucrative than writing for literature. But the writer who respects the production of his mind should not stoop to this vile level . . .” The permanence of romanticism supported by a Manichean vision and the dominant role of fate and destiny will combine thanks to a profusion of funding (MISR studios and private companies) to focus the Egyptian cinema on the “song” trend. Three quarters of the 142 films produced at that time are musical films, thus establishing the cinematographic expression of song and favoring schematization. Some titles illustrate this situation: La chanson de la radio, La reine des théâtres, Monsieur veut se marier, Le faste est une banqueroute, etc. The 1940s marked the advent of realistic cinema and the production of films such as La volonté (1939) by K Selim, Journal d’un procureur de la campagne by T. Il-Hakim, Le millime enrichissant by A. Kamil, etc. These films tried to give an answer to the cultural expectation that was gradually being expressed. Egyptian cinema, more than anywhere else, is an urban phenomenon, both in terms of design and implementation. It concentrates more than half of the exhibition centers in the two metropolises that are Cairo and Alexandria and these two cities hold the record in terms of place of action. Cairo and Alexandria respectively have eighty and twenty-two movie theaters out of a total of 276 movie theaters for almost 50 million inhabitants. Egyptian cinema today is essentially popular and is characterized by an unparalleled export dynamism. Reputedly minor with a strong tendency to the melodramatic genre where immanent justice plays the main role or to sweet singing tricks with lascivious and vulgar belly dances, Egyptian cinema is nonetheless rather exportable. The example of the Maghreb where it seems to merge with the “Arab cinema” remains eloquent. Many Maghrebi filmmakers deplore this situation. According to Nouri Bouzid, “Egyptians rarely see other Arab films outside festivals abroad. Egyptian protectionism seems to be limitless. The Maghreb is said to be guilty of slacking off by buying Egyptian products without counterpart.” The only time, he said, “Tunisia tried a form of pressure on Egypt, imposing the purchase of Tunisian films in exchange for Egyptian TV series, these Tunisian films remained in the drawers and were never broadcast.” Férid Boughedir raises the stakes by accusing Egypt of “indulging in a commercial, outdated, and ridiculous cinema based on clichés borrowed from films of the 40s, 50s, and 60s. Egypt really appears as a disloyal competitor.”

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However, it is necessary to underline the existence of a new wave of Egyptian filmmakers who stand against the tide of this bad cinema. Directors such as Khairi Bichara, Hani Lachine, Mohamed Khan, Ali Abdel-Khalek, etc., in spite of the predominant commercial criteria, constitute the figureheads of this new trend of Egyptian film culture, which is relatively well developed and sprawling.

II. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and Cinema The OAU has been expanding its action in favor of culture and paying increasing attention to cinema. Important resolutions and recommendations relating to the distribution and tax exemption of cinema productions have been adopted by this organization. Burkina Faso’s recent decision (March 2, 1991) to allow for African films to be distributed entirely tax-free on its territory stems from these resolutions. The permanent dialogue that the OAU maintains with FEPACI represents an important lever of its action and obviously strengthens at the same time the positioning of FEPACI as a key operator of the African audiovisual destiny. The change of attitude of African governments towards the audiovisual issue—that many of them tend to ignore—will depend on the good cooperation between OAU-FEPACI and its rapid development. The first festival of the frontline countries held from 15 to 23 July 1990 was organized under the joint moral and political supervision of the OAU and FEPACI. Rotating weeks of presentations of African films will be directly co-organized by FEPACI and OAU and are part of the world decade of culture.

III. The Action of African Cinema Professionals So far, African audiovisual professionals do not constitute an important economic and social force. The vast majority of workers in the audiovisual sector are government workers and therefore do not enjoy much freedom of action. The private sector is in its infancy and only focuses on cinema. The total number of professionals is difficult to determine. Apart from the conventional trade union battle waged in each country by the various professional bodies, consultation of professionals at the national, regional, and continental levels is almost non-existent. The only truly

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convincing experience is that of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, which in twenty years has been able to gain its status as a professional and political partner. The reflection produced by FEPACI has made it possible to establish a platform that is a minimal political, cultural, social, economic, and historical vision of the role and place of cinema in Africa. Today, FEPACI is the only non-governmental body with sufficient moral credit to establish a real dialogue with states, including through the Organization of African Unity, but also at the bilateral level. We have annexed to this report the Statutes, an evaluation report of its functioning and various other documents related to FEPACI that help measure the operational capacity of this unique professional organization on the African continent. Nevertheless, the action of African audiovisual professionals needs to be improved.

IV. Television in Africa The establishment of television in the majority of the African countries is relatively recent because it generally occurred after States gained political independence. The establishment of these TV channels was guided by a hope: to forge nationalism, to participate in the process of economic, cultural, and social development by serving as a bridge between populations and the political power. In short, the aim was to catch up on the development using television. The Minister of Information of an African country defined the role of television in the following terms: “In our countries, we have neither the means, nor the project to build a television based on shows and sensations like in the Western countries. We want to build an information system that takes into account the political training and education of the people.”

A. State of Television in Sub-Saharan Africa 1- Characteristics of Television It was in 1959 in Nigeria that television was first introduced in sub-Saharan Africa. Since then, most African countries (forty-nine) have had televisions. In countries where television took a long time to be introduced, there has been a proliferation of multi-element antennas to pick up TV channels from neighboring countries, or even an increase in the number of video cassettes. Despite this, Africa is the continent with the smallest number of transmitters: 160 compared to 500 in Oceania and more than 21,000 in Europe

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according to 1988 statistics. Receivers are also rare: 3.7 million in 1988 for a population estimated at 365 million in the same year. By way of comparison, Oceania had 6.7 million receivers for 23 million inhabitants. As can be seen, these figures are low, even if habits of community life in Africa increase the number of listeners. a - “Community” Television Indeed, according to a recent study, in Africa, one TV set gathers ten to twenty people, including the children of neighbors who do not own a TV set. To raise their budget, some African TV channels have thought of putting in place fees either on TV sets or on domestic electricity bills. As for advertising, it does not yet play the role of a springboard for the mass communication system. It barely intervenes in the financing of televisions.

2 – TV programs in Africa a - Assisted Televisions Due to lack of means, African televisions are unable to honor their contact with their audiences. More than any other televisions in the world, African televisions are consequently more open to foreign programs. Images and stories from a foreign and very different world promote cultural alienation more than mobilization for change of mentality that was the original mission of African TV channels. Thus, it is estimated that 50 to 70 percent of the programs broadcast on African TV channels come from abroad. These programs are generally provided free of charge by Western countries as part of their cultural cooperation. In francophone countries, the French presence is naturally preponderant in all programs. Each year, France used to send more than 5,000 hours of programs proposed by France Média International (MFI). These programs are composed of soap operas, documentaries or dramas. Some States like Ghana have made efforts to depend very little on foreign programs. URTNA remains an indispensable partner for Ghanaian television as far as program exchanges are concerned. For most francophone African countries, news is supplied by AITV (Agence d’Images de Télévision), which distributes daily 10-minute news items from French public channels. AITV provides monthly three 30-minute magazines on topics such as health, development, culture, etc. In order to use news images from a neighboring country, TV channels must also use the AITV service. Transtel in West Germany is the second major supplier of programs to African TV channels with 12,000 hours in 1988. These hours are broadcast in five languages and include mostly documentaries and music shows (such as Pop in Germany) and sports reports, often with a connection

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to Africa. There is also BBC, which offers mainly didactic programs on English learning. More and more, the USA has been present since 1987 through the USIA information agency of the Worlnet network, which currently reaches only half a dozen Anglophone African countries by satellite. If we establish the percentage of foreign programs available on African TV channels, we see that French programs represent 20 to 30 percent, Germany 10 to 20 percent, Great Britain 5 percent; the remaining programs come from Canada, Italy, then North Korea, Egypt, and the USA. But these figures must be put into perspective because percentages vary from one country to another. Among the genres broadcast, soap operas and American series come out on top. Dallas and Dynasty are familiar to African viewers. Soap operas are sometimes sold to African televisions at unbeatable prices. One episode of Dallas usually sold at the standard price of 180,000 French Francs or 700 US dollars to Western televisions will be sold for 1300 French Francs to an African TV channel. In some cases, it is a private company that sponsors the broadcasting of these soap operas. Currently, for example, Burkinabe viewers can watch episodes of Dynasty every Thursday at 10:30 p.m. thanks to Images Sud-Nord, which advertises Nescafé (coffee brand) or Lipton (tea brand) on TV in this country in exchange for the broadcasting of Dynasty episodes. Consequently, African TVs are dependent on foreign programs, especially those that are served “free of charge”, and they would like to see an increase in the number of hours. b - National Program: Inexistent Production The lack of means does not allow TV channels to devote part of their budget to national productions. Generally, productions refer to general information on the activities of the Head of State or members of the government, whose images are broadcast in the form of special editions. However, a real effort is made by most TV channels to produce programs that meet the objectives of education, mobilization, sensitization, etc. of local populations. One can, with regard to the national programs of African TV channels, summarize television productions as follows: news which generally grants a large place to information in the official language (French, English, Arabic, etc.) and the treatment of the news in the main national languages of the country. In the category of entertainment productions, we can mention music shows. These are live performances on stage or pre-recorded performances of national artists. These music shows featuring local artists giving support to performances by foreign artists. Sketches produced with the support of theatrical groups are sometimes opportunities for social criticism. Religious programs are also present in African television productions.

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But it is undoubtedly in magazines that African televisions draw their originality to reach their target audiences. These magazines broadcast either weekly or on a variable periodicity embrace all fields. There are sports magazines, cultural magazines intended to make known other nationalities or to discuss African customs and wisdom, etc. There are also educational programs that cover all areas of social life: road traffic rules, health for all, practical advice, programs on agriculture, and especially magazines on women. These magazines try to teach women about contraception, family planning, child rearing, etc. Let’s not forget that women represent the major part of the faithful viewers. Borrowing the style of political programs from Western televisions, African televisions do not neglect to give the floor, when authorized, to political authorities (ministers and others) to expose the actions carried out by their departments. More and more, in order to feed their production budget, TV channels do not hesitate to resort to sponsoring for the production of programs. Sometimes, the cost of purchasing cassettes for an educational program will be borne by a company requesting an advertorial. In Burkina Faso, thanks to the revenue generated by taxes levied on domestic electricity bills, the State was able to release about CFAF 75,000,000 out of the CFAF 150,000,000 mobilized in 1988 for the production of a documentary and for various maintenance costs. However, it is worth noting the very interesting experience of Guinean and Cameroonian TV channels that have undertaken in recent years the production of soap operas based on their respective local realities. These very popular soap operas, despite their technical quality, are produced with very little money. Their success has even crossed the Guinean borders and inspired other neighboring television channels that have been airing some series for some time.

B. The State of Television in North Africa The situation of television in the Maghreb countries of North Africa is not fundamentally different from that of television of the South, even we note a relatively prodigious rise there. Maghreb TV channels suffer from the same handicaps and undergo the same invasion of foreign programs televisions as Sub-Saharan Africa TV channels. However, Egypt undeniably shines on the whole Arab world with melodramatic soap operas, or comic films. These soap operas are a large part of the entertainment programming of most Arab and Maghreb TV channels. In Tunisia, it represents 14% of the programming, in Egypt, 18%. It was estimated in 1988 that the Arab region as a whole imported on average 42% of the programs broadcast, of which 31% were of

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Arab origin and 69% of non-Arab origin. Of these imported programs, those from the USA came in first place with 32%, including feature films, France 12.8%, and the Arab Emirates 10.2%. What about local production? It suffers from a deficiency. The same estimates gave an average of 42% of local production to news programs for Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco, ahead of cultural programs (22%). Religious programs are not neglected either. A country like Algeria tries to give a lot of space to the production of fiction. In Tunisia, they devote a little more than 10% of the budget to production in Arabic, which is intended for a wider audience. In this country, as is the case in all the Maghreb states, there are two target audiences: viewers of the French channel and viewers of the English channel. Productions targeting the first group consist of sports reports, magazines, etc. For the second group, the emphasis is on the production of sketches and theater, game shows, etc.

1 – Cross-border television For the past four years, we have seen a change in the African audiovisual landscape marked by the presence on the continent of images provided through satellite. As such, the Maghreb audience is more subject to foreign television programs than Sub-Saharan African audiences. Thanks to satellite dishes of 40 to 60cm in diameter and the geographical proximity with Western countries, programs from French TV channels (TF1, A2, a5, M6, Canal +), programs from Italian and Portuguese channels and the American CNN are well-known by audiences in Tunis, Algiers, or Rabat. In 1990, there were for Algeria alone 2 million homes with satellite dishes. Even local technicians in these states have embarked on the manufacture of low-cost satellite dishes. The excellent Algerian film From Hollywood to Tamanrasset illustrates quite well the development of the satellite dish phenomenon in North African states and their influence on the individuals’ behavior. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the phenomenon of satellite dishes has not yet spread. This is mainly due to the rather high cost of the antennas for the majority of the population (a satellite dish costs between 1 million and 1.5 million CFA francs). However, a few privileged people in major African urban centers as well as large hotels have been equipped with them. In Mali, it is estimated that more than 200 satellite dishes are already in use. Thanks to these antennas, most of the programs produced by European channels are also visible. Created in 1989 thanks to an initiative of the French Ministry of Cooperation, Canal France International offers a bank of satellite-provided programs to about thirty countries, including twenty-four in Frenchspeaking Africa.

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CFI programs are composed of feature films and TV movies, sports, variety shows, etc. According to CFI officials, the channel’s programs in Africa are used by 25 to 85% and, depending on the volume of broadcasting time, account for 20 to 50% of the programming of TV channels served.

2 – Private TV channels Private television was introduced in Africa and precisely in Morocco three years ago with the creation of the private channel 2M (the second Moroccan channel) which deals with encrypted and cabled broadcasting of programs. Another project, the TV5 Africa project, which has been so far rejected by the francophone African States, should allow the broadcasting of images on Africa by cable networks. With this system, a decoder is no longer necessary. Private television in Africa is, however, going to develop. Already before the end of summer 1991, Canal Horizons, a subscription TV channel, subsidiary of Canal Plus and SOFIRAD, will broadcast its programs in half a dozen countries. It should also be noted that private initiatives are taken by Africans themselves with the help of Western companies for the creation of private TV channels on the continent. This is the case of the private TV channel CANAL KIN in Zaire, which is to start during the first quarter of 1991. This private channel plans to produce programs (TV series, games, and reports) with a small share reserved for news. The development of cross-border and private television is not without consequence for third world countries. We agree with Mr. Ridha Najar (Director of the African Center for Improvement of Journalists and Communicators in Tunis) that we are facing stakes and challenges with the evolution of communication techniques. Challenges are both economic and industrial because the third world is excluded from all the issues raised by this trialogue (networks, equipment, program). It is not involved in the construction of satellites, launchers, transmitters, stations, etc. Our countries will therefore be the natural markets for these products designed and created elsewhere. There is also a legal and political challenge because the removal of television borders raises the issue of States’ sovereignty on their own territories. But above all, there is a cultural challenge for the countries of the South insofar as, with the development of cross-border television, national TV channels are losing their programming freedom. . . . and, in order to maintain their audience, which is eager for a richer program, national channels are compelled to take into account satellite-provided TV series programs and to import even more foreign products.

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Ridha Najar wonders whether “the forthcoming multiplication of image distribution channels through cross-border television will not impose a dominant culture, marginalize national cultures, erase cultural identities and, by the same token, produce a standardization of minds and cultures?”

V. Cinema-Television Relationships in Africa There has always been a divorce between cinema and television in Africa. Each acting while ignoring the other. This reality can be seen first of all in the fact African films is almost non-existent on TV programming. In most cases, when African TV channels program an African film, it is thanks to CIRTEF, which has bought the rights. TV channels don’t have the means to purchase African films at reasonable prices for the African directors. Moreover, let us not forget that African televisions, as we have underlined, are fed by free programs proposed by foreign televisions. The divorce between television and cinema in Africa is much more significant in terms of coproductions. For their part, African filmmakers have always recognized Principle 4 of the Niamey Resolutions—March 1982— that “at the present stage of audiovisual development in the world and in Africa, the full viability of film production cannot be achieved without the assistance of TV channels involved.” This desire to bring cinema and television closer to each other was concretely illustrated over the past few years through the organization of the MICA (African International Film & TV Market) at the various editions of FESPACO in order to facilitate the exchange of programs between televisions on the one hand and the sale of African films to televisions, on the other hand. It should also be recalled that at the last Carthage Festival (October 1990) African filmmakers recommended at the end of the symposium on the audiovisual market that “national products be given direct advertising and commercial promotion through national TV channels by broadcasting advertisements encouraging the public to see films during their commercial release.” FEPACI, mandated by filmmakers, has made the rapprochement of television and cinema its main battle horse in its program for the development of cinema and television in Africa. This is evidenced by the recent Audiovisual Partnership Days held in Ouagadougou from 25 to 27 February 1991 during FESPACO. This rapprochement between television and cinema requires a real exchange in the field of production,

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distribution, etc. between TV channels from the South and filmmakers on the one hand, and between filmmakers and foreign TV channels on the other hand.

VI. Video in Africa It is to compensate for the weakness of the programs provided by national TV channels that the video phenomenon developed in Africa about ten years ago. While in Europe, video is mainly used to select and record the programs offer the various channels, in Africa, the use of video is quite different. In the absence of movie theaters in the countryside, we have also seen the development of what can be called “bush TV,” which is simply the itinerant showing of mainly B-movies on video. This is generally done in total illegality. The number of video libraries is increasing and they exist in most African cities. There are very important ones with stocks ranging from 5,000 to more than 10,000 cassettes. The video phenomenon is linked to fraud and piracy of cassettes, etc., against which state services are powerless. You can find all possible genres of films in video libraries, from the most violent B movies to pornographic films. Some rare African films are available on cassettes in the video libraries and are snatched up by clients.

VII. Is There an Image Market in Africa? The African continent undeniably represents a market for images that was exploited very early on by foreign companies. Many films of varying quality have been shown to the public in African cities having movie theaters. These films coming from various places (Asia, the United States, Europe) are often already amortized in their own markets and are given a “second commercial career” on African screens through long-established networks and intermediaries. But the question that concerns us is whether there is a market for African images. Born out of cultural and educational concerns, African films are increasingly becoming audiovisual products in their own right, whose main commercial outlets are currently cinema and television from Western countries. In Africa, the African film is still too often distributed by the director himself (who is often the producer) since access to existing distribution networks on the continent is virtually impossible. This is mainly due to the fact that there is no competition between foreign films that have already been

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amortized elsewhere and films that, in principle, are intended primarily for African audiences. Moreover, to date, national companies where they exist do not have the will, the freedom, and the means to pay the right price and impose the African film in the portfolios of films in circulation. The visibility of these products is therefore reduced and it is the director’s personal means and contacts that will impact the film’s career on the continent. Often, films are broadcast at special occasions (gala evenings, film launches, cultural weeks, retrospectives . . .). These are all good occasions for the visibility of a film, but they barely correspond to a real distribution dynamic on a market. Nevertheless, it often happens that a film witnesses success and an appreciable audience on its national territory but it turns out that, as in Europe, a remarkable commercial career at the national level is not enough to ensure the profitability of a production (example: A Tunisian film which explodes the box-office allows the recovery of only 10 percent or 12 percent of its production cost). The development of an African film market can only be done on a subregional and regional basis, which has emerged on the economic level within organizations such as the ECAO or ECOWAS for West Africa, for example. In the 1980s, an attempt to solve the thorny problem of distribution within French-speaking African countries ended in failure. The International Film Distribution Consortium (ICDC) could not overcome the political and managerial pitfalls of such an undertaking. This experience revealed the need to establish a light structure with clear and efficient management. On the other hand, some states have developed legislative instruments to facilitate the regulation of the film industry. Modest support funds also exist in some countries. It is imperative to encourage all OAU member states to develop policies in favor of the image that can be harmonized so that the African cultural product finally reigns on its market (so that one can see a Kenyan film in Bamako or a film from Bissau can arouse enthusiasm in Addis Ababa). At the level of African televisions, a very low level of products circulation is to be deplored. Even at the regional and sub-regional levels, the volume of program exchanges among TV channels remains very low. However, the lack of means observed in the national broadcasting organizations pleads in favor of a multiplication of exchanges. A program bought even at a low cost by several TV channels should make it possible to boost television production. There is also the issue of profitability and visibility. It is however necessary to mention the efforts deployed by the Union des Radiodiffusions et Televisions d’ Afrique which organizes program exchanges between all African TV channels. Besides, television markets organized jointly at several festivals such as the MICA/FESPACO or the market organized within the framework of the Carthage Film Festival, have generated for several years, encouraging results

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not only in view of the presence of more and more significant buyers from the North but also in view of the commercial dynamics and South-South exchanges that they have generated. During the thirteenth Carthage Film Festival, the following recommendations were adopted in particular to promote the distribution of audiovisual products on its own territory: • Grant special privileges to national producers in their own territory by increasing their percentage on receipts, by making them of some taxes, and by creating an obligation to program national films in their own territory. • Grant advertising and commercial promotion to national products on the national television. • Encourage national televisions to coproduce and co-finance national films. In addition, States were recommended to encourage the emergence of coproduction agreements between the countries of the South. The first concern of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers is to promote the emergence of a real image industry on the continent. In the absence of African producers and managers, African private capital, distribution circuits, training structures, regulations, and in view of the weakness of film promotion, much remains to be done, but there is an urgency insofar as Africans are consuming more and more images from elsewhere. The risks of acculturation and alienation are important. The appropriation of their audiovisual market by Africans is not an easy task but it is a major cultural challenge for the 21st century.

VIII. What External Markets are There for African Images? It was in the 1980s that a few African films made significant inroads on Western screens, spurred on by awards at international festivals or by effective marketing strategies. Products that reach foreign markets must meet two conditions: impeccable technical quality and adequate promotion. Given that African products are currently still effectively excluded from multinational distribution channels, they have enough difficulty penetrating these markets. Nevertheless, these first works that were commercially distributed, especially in Europe, acted as a catalyst and aroused the interest of part of the Western public in African productions. As a consequence, older works were programmed on small screens in some countries.

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On the other hand, in the case of coproductions, the foreign coproducer is very useful in facilitating access to foreign markets for African directors who often don’t know how to reach these markets. The absence of professional sellers is a serious handicap for the massive access of African films to foreign markets. In general, it is the filmmakers themselves who promote their works. Sometimes a completed film does not have the necessary promotional material for an effective commercial release. The promotion and sale of films usually takes place at international festivals that are open to different types of film. Here again, it is a matter of means and personal contacts. The lack of structure and rational organization forces directors to take hypothetical steps to sell his film at a price that will often be undervalued because the African film product is not yet considered by Western distributors as a product in its own right. When we know that a director who has just completed a production is, in general, riddled with debt, we can measure the extent of the problem. Fortunately, the picture is becoming clearer and several modest but operational initiatives tend to organize the distribution of African films. Thus, at the last MIPCOM in Cannes, a booth “Cinemas and televisions from Africa” offered potential buyers the possibility of purchasing recent African audiovisual productions. The encouraging results obtained on this occasion should lead us to systematize this type of operation. In the United States, universities and video libraries became interested in African cinema very early on and a few films were shown on small screens, as well as in Canada. For several years, there has been a growing interest in African images in the African American community. North America is a growing market that needs to be explored and developed. African film is virtually unknown in Asia, although there has been a small breakthrough in Japan through some festivals and the help of the Japan Foundation, which has already pre-purchased the rights to several films. In India, a few African films have been shown at international festivals. At present, the most accessible market remains Europe. The aid granted by France since the beginning of African cinema has been decisive for the visibility of films in Europe. The French Ministry for Cooperation and Development has contributed to the production of three quarters of the films made so far. The prospects for collaboration that are opening up with the Centre National de la Cinématographie (CNC) should further strengthen the French contribution to the development of African audiovisual creation. In general, France’s support has greatly contributed to the archiving and conservation of works. Many European TV channels have broadcast African films by purchasing the broadcasting rights. It should be noted that sometimes a

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television broadcast can constitute a promotion for the release of a film in movie theaters. For some time now, some TV channels have developed a real coproduction policy by investing in production in the form of pre-purchasing rights. This also guarantees broadcasting. This is the case of the German ZDF, the Dutch NOS and the British Channel 4. Recently, the French channel FR3 inaugurated a new form of assistance by making technicians available to African directors. The Scandinavian market is gradually opening up to African productions, as shown by the aid policies of Denmark and Finland in particular. However, a more organized and strong action needs to be undertaken to enable Africa to become an exporter of images.

IX. The Major Foundations of an Audiovisual Development Policy Cinema and television are powerful means of economic, cultural, and social development. In a potential market encompassing more than fifty countries, 500 million people have less than 3,000 movie theaters, which is less than France with its 50 million inhabitants. For every 100 people, there is only half a cinema seat in Africa compared to four in Latin America and 6.5 in Europe. The gap is even greater in terms of technical equipment and training of the various professionals whose collaboration is necessary to produce films and supply African TV channels. It is essential that African states cooperate with each other to show African films on their screens and to establish common financing and exchange mechanisms. In most French and English-speaking countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, the film industry is not or is poorly organized. Few countries have an embryonic organization for film production, either at the state or private level. Many have national companies on paper, which in fact do not really function due to lack of funds. Many of these companies are still attached to or dependent on the Ministry of Information. The key problem of the audiovisual industry in Africa lies in the lack of financing credit. It is the scope of the mobilized funds that will determine the takeoff of the audiovisual industry because the evil comes from the absence of African programs. Currently, the African film and television industry constitutes a heterogeneous whole illustrating the uncertainties of the various States as for the implementation of a concerted audiovisual policy, with the risk for Africa

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to be maintained at the mere rank of consumer of images coming from abroad. In an Africa where so many priorities are to be undertaken simultaneously to promote better health and education, to safeguard the environment, etc., one may wonder if there is really a chance or solutions to develop the audiovisual sector. And yet it is precisely the very existence of all these aforementioned urgent priorities that give audiovisual a special significance and offer it the possibility of being a first-choice tool. Indeed, nobody asks to be convinced anymore, the image is an essential vector of relation between the individual and the reality which surrounds him and thus a place of junction between the reality and the imaginary, between the dream and the lived. In short, to master its development, Africa needs to direct and produce its own image. The limitations, handicaps, and blockages observed reveal the magnitude of the task to be undertaken in order to successfully help the African audiovisual sector to emerge. However, it is necessary to start acting if we do not want all chances of success to be compromised. The development of the African audiovisual sector will only be possible thanks to a pragmatic policy at a triple level, national, regional, and continental. At each level, interAfrican and international cooperation will be crucial. Political will shall be a determining factor. More than ever, professionals will have to be the leavening that will help the dough to rise. This is why the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) and the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) organized, with the financial and technical assistance of many partners from the North, including CIDA, the second International Days of the Audiovisual Partnership of Ouagadougou (JIPA) held from February 25 to 27, 1991. The motivations and objectives of these JIPAs are clearly set out in the preparatory documents that we have enclosed herein and we will certainly prepare a final report for CIDA. It is already clear that the creation of an African audiovisual foundation could be a major factor in accelerating the development of the audiovisual sector in Africa.

Note Translated by Daouda Sanguisso. Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Declaration of Windhoek

Windhoek, Namibia, April 29–May 3, 1991

Endorsed by the UNESCO General Conference at its twenty-sixth session.

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e the participants in the United Nations/United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization Seminar on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press, held in Windhoek, Namibia, from 29 April to 3 May 1991, Recalling the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Recalling General Assembly resolution 59(I) of 14 December 1946 stating that freedom of information is a fundamental human right, and General Assembly resolution 45/76A of 11 December 1990 on information in the service of humanity, Recalling resolution 25C/104 of the General Conference of UNESCO of 1989 in which the main focus is the promotion of “the free flow of ideas by word and image at international as well as national levels,” Noting with appreciation the statements made by the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Public Information and the Assistant DirectorGeneral for Communication, Information, and Informatics of UNESCO at the opening of the Seminar, Expressing our sincere appreciation to the United Nations and UNESCO for organizing the Seminar, Expressing also our sincere appreciation to all the intergovernmental, governmental, and nongovernmental bodies and organizations, in particular the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), which contributed to the United Nations/UNESCO effort to organize the Seminar, Expressing our gratitude to the Government and people of the Republic of Namibia for their kind hospitality which facilitated the success of the Seminar, Declare that: 1. Consistent with article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the establishment, maintenance, and fostering of an independent, pluralistic, and free press is essential to the development and maintenance of democracy in a nation, and for economic development.

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2. By an independent press, we mean a press independent from governmental, political, or economic control or from control of materials and infrastructure essential for the production and dissemination of newspapers, magazines, and periodicals. 3. By a pluralistic press, we mean the end of monopolies of any kind and the existence of the greatest possible number of newspapers, magazines, and periodicals reflecting the widest possible range of opinion within the community. 4. The welcome changes that an increasing number of African States are now undergoing towards multiparty democracies provide the climate in which an independent and pluralistic press can emerge. 5. The worldwide trend towards democracy and freedom of information and expression is a fundamental contribution to the fulfilment of human aspirations. 6. In Africa today, despite the positive developments in some countries, in many countries journalists, editors, and publishers are victims of repression—they are murdered, arrested, detained, and censored, and are restricted by economic and political pressures such as restrictions on newsprint, licensing systems which restrict the opportunity to publish, visa restrictions which prevent the free movement of journalists, restrictions on the exchange of news and information, and limitations on the circulation of newspapers within countries and across national borders. In some countries, one-party States control the totality of information. 7. Today, at least seventeen journalists, editors, or publishers are in African prisons, and forty-eight African journalists were killed in the exercise of their profession between 1969 and 1990. 8. The General Assembly of the United Nations should include in the agenda of its next session an item on the declaration of censorship as a grave violation of human rights failing within the purview of the Commission on Human Rights. 9. African States should be encouraged to provide constitutional guarantees of freedom of the press and freedom of association. 10. To encourage and consolidate the positive changes taking place in Africa, and to counter the negative ones, the international community—specifically, international organizations (governmental as well as nongovernmental), development agencies, and professional associations—should as a matter of priority direct funding support towards the development and establishment of nongovernmental newspapers, magazines, and periodicals that reflect the society as a whole and the different points of view within the communities they serve.

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11. All funding should aim to encourage pluralism as well as independence. As a consequence, the public media should be funded only where authorities guarantee a constitutional and effective freedom of information and expression and the independence of the press. 12. To assist in the preservation of the freedoms enumerated above, the establishment of truly independent, representative associations, syndicates, or trade unions of journalists, and associations of editors and publishers, is a matter of priority in all the countries of Africa where such bodies do not now exist. 13. The national media and labor relations laws of African countries should be drafted in such a way as to ensure that such representative associations can exist and fulfil their important tasks in defense of press freedom. 14. As a sign of good faith, African Governments that have jailed journalists for their professional activities should free them immediately. Journalists who have had to leave their countries should be free to return to resume their professional activities. 15. Cooperation between publishers within Africa, and between publishers of the North and South (for example through the principle of twinning), should be encouraged and supported. 16. As a matter of urgency, the United Nations and UNESCO, and particularly the International Program for the Development of Communication (IPDC), should initiate detailed research, in cooperation with governmental (especially UNDP) and nongovernmental donor agencies, relevant nongovernmental organizations and professional associations, into the following specific areas: (i) i dentification of economic barriers to the establishment of news media outlets, including restrictive import duties, tariffs, and quotas for such things as newsprint, printing equipment, and typesetting and word processing machinery, and taxes on the sale of newspapers, as a prelude to their removal; (ii) t raining of journalists and managers and the availability of professional training institutions and courses; (iii) l egal barriers to the recognition and effective operation of trade unions or associations of journalists, editors, and publishers; (iv) a register of available funding from development and other agencies, the conditions attaching to the release of such funds, and the methods of applying for them; (v) the state of press freedom, country by country, in Africa.

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17. In view of the importance of radio and television in the field of news and information, the United Nations and UNESCO are invited to recommend to the General Assembly and the General Conference the convening of a similar seminar of journalists and managers of radio and television services in Africa, to explore the possibility of applying similar concepts of independence and pluralism to those media. 18. The international community should contribute to the achievement and implementation of the initiatives and projects set out in the annex to this Declaration. 19. This Declaration should be presented by the Secretary General of the United Nations to the United Nations General Assembly, and by the Director General of UNESCO to the General Conference of UNESCO.

Note UNESCO, “Declaration of Windhoek: Seminar on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press,” Windhoek, Namibia, May 1991.

African Audio-Visual Industries: Prospects and Strategies Nairobi, Kenya, 1992

Introduction

T

he rationale for the development of Africa’s cultural industries, including the audiovisual sector, has been well articulated at previous fora and within documents already distributed and discussed. Similarly, the impediments to the successful promotion and marketing of Africa’s cultural products have been well analyzed. I will therefore share with you URTNA’s (Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa) experience which has not been very long in the promotion of African television programs outside the continent and attempt to propose some strategies for the development and marketing of audiovisual productions from Africa to other parts of the world.

Background The Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa, URTNA, came into being in 1962 as a professional association of broadcasters devoted to the promotion of broadcasting standards in Africa and the development of professional intercourse among the broadcasters of the newly independent states of Africa with a view to fostering African unity and development. For almost thirty years, URTNA has played a key role in the affairs of African radio and television broadcasting, mostly in the background but occasionally in the limelight. It has also developed, not without very trying moments, into a credible continental organization serving Africa from five permanent centers, namely, the Secretariat-General based in Dakar, Senegal; the Technical Center in Bamako, Mali; the Rural Radio Training Center based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; the News Exchange Coordination Center for Afrovision based in Algeria; and the Program Exchange Center based in Nairobi, Kenya. The Program Exchange Center was established in 1977 with the aim of stimulating and facilitating the exchange of radio and television programs among the members of URTNA. Since virtually all the members of the Union were government-owned national broadcasting corporations, or

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departments of ministries in some cases, URTNA generally took on the character of its principals. It was strictly a service organization for the free distribution of a pool of African programs contributed by themselves to African broadcasters. For about eleven years of this exchange, the idea of commercialization of these programs in any way whatsoever was strictly anathema. However toward the end of the 1980s, thanks to the IMF, structural adjustments and the economic crunch in which most African governments found themselves, a significant number of URTNA members found themselves tipping toward commercialization. This meant their transforming themselves from social service institutions, some of which offered some commercial services, to commercial establishments that also offered social services. Reflecting this trend, the Union in 1989 authorized the program Exchange Center to explore ways of marketing the programs collected from members outside the African continent. The Program Exchange Center therefore took the first tentative steps in fulfilling this new mandate in 1989 with an archive of about 700 TV programs from thirty-five African countries.

Program Marketing Efforts and Experiences In the space of about one and half years we have neither sold a large number of programs nor made a fortune. In fact we have sold a mere thirteen and a half hours, which have brought in slightly over US $20,000. But we have learned quite a few things about international program marketing and developed some ideas on what to do in order to make some more progress in specific markets. • The technology used for communication, which includes that for the packaging, distribution, and transmission of audiovisual material, is experiencing transformation at a rapid pace. For our products to be acceptable in the marketplace, we must develop the capacity to present them in at least the minimum accepted professional technical standard. • There are artistic standards and conventions in the packaging of program materials for various markets and territories and it is essential to know them, appreciate them, and adhere to them if one wants to sell there. • The international audiovisual market is organized into an ascending hierarchy of outlets with increasing difficulty in getting past the gate; the higher you attempt to go and the higher you go, the more the money.

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• The programming decisions relating to both the productions and acquisitions of the major outlets for audiovisual products are locked into a commercial and industrial system from which Africa is an outsider. • Most of the programs we offer to the markets were not originally produced with any marketing objective in view. • There is a sizable segment of the global audiovisual market that could be targeted and appropriated with adequate preparation and strategic approaches by African producers and marketers.

Technical Preparation The importance of technology in the audiovisual market cannot be overemphasized because most program buyers will not look at material that is packaged in an outmoded or technically unacceptable format. In Western Europe and North America, the minimum accepted technical format is the 1/2 inch Betacam SP. The majority of African stations are, however, still producing their programs on U-Matic 3/4 inch, and URTNA’s program exchange is also done in the same format. The rapidity with which the technology changes makes it virtually impossible for individual stations to keep pace with the latest. However a number of regional audiovisual post-production centers equipped with the latest technology, which is updated in line with new developments, manned by highly trained and disciplined staff, and made available for the post-production of programs destined for the international markets, would overcome this handicap. For instance at this point in time such a post-production center would be equipped with a digital video processor interfaced with both U-Matic and Betacam SP machines. This kind of arrangement would enable the servicing of Africa with the format being phased out, supply of programs to the market on the accepted current format, and the possibility of successful interphase with a future format such as HDTV.

Program Development If one looks at the cold statistics of the plethora of channels in North America and Europe that are apparently hungry for programs, it should seem logically easy to pick up some of that money with African programs. The organization of Western audiovisual space, however, makes it a much tougher task. In the first place, television is strictly business and the programs it carries are conceived, developed, produced, and transmitted to sell goods, bring

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in advertising dollars by attracting and holding large audiences, and rating high on the audience surveys to attract more advertising dollars. Since this is a never-ending loop the programming has also largely fallen into a number of tried and proven formulas that are ensured by the broadcaster participating in the development of the program that will eventually see the light of day on his channel. So the many outlets are looking for programs but they are looking for the same kind of programs. This, however, applies mostly to the national networks, major cable networks, and major commercial stations. Seldom will they take a chance with pre-packaged material that threatens to break their loop or upset their safe formula. Being on the spot, studying the loop and the pattern, and specifically targeting material to some seem to be the logical entrée here. The alternative is to have an agent who can handle the targeting and if necessary the hassling of the loop from the sponsors’ angle. Pre-packaged programs do have a fair chance on small local stations, of which there may be about five to ten per town in the large cities of the US constituting a market of over US $7 billion annually. The mainly educational Public Broadcasting Service also can be receptive to quality programs with good cultural or educational content. Some of the characteristics of the market have been highlighted to emphasize the need for adequate study and preparation before attempting to enter the market with products and hope to sell.

What URTNA Has Done In 1986, URTNA-PEC (Program Exchange Center) launched the URTNA Screen, and annual screening of the best African television programs from the national broadcasters of the continent. This enabled TV executives from the various member organizations to screen and select programs from their stations against the following year. In 1990, the screening was opened to observers and prospective buyers who came from as far away as Japan and India. Last year there was an increase in the number of attendees from abroad and more inquiries were made on the various programs. Plans are under way to expand the scope of the screening with the support of UNESCO and other UN agencies to include African independent producers whose products may be screened for sale both in Africa and outside. We are also in the process of initiating dialogue with African filmmakers who may want to introduce their products into the TV market through our circuit. We are optimistic that by providing a reference point for African programs and representing the continent’s audiovisual producers at major

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markets such as MIPCOM, KIP-TV, Screening Days, and other encounters where we expose their products is gradually building a basis for the development of an African Television market on African soil. However, a lot more needs to be done. Since our members mandated the Program Exchange Center to market African programs abroad and some of the already mentioned imperatives have been unearthed, the PEC has proposed the following strategy: 1. Urgent steps must be taken to increase the quantity and improve the quality of African programs both for domestic consumption and for export. 2. An enabling environment must be created for the development of private audiovisual production to fill the vacuum in quality programs. 3. Coproductions among African countries with central coordination for the control of style and quality should be encouraged to optimize resources. 4. A program development fund from which African producers can draw financing for marketable programs should be established. 5. Regional Production Centers that are properly equipped to cope with changing technologies should be established to serve as focal points for quality programs for domestic consumption and for export. 6. National and regional training must be organized on a regular basis to keep African creators and producers abreast of changing artistic, market and production trends.

Note Atsen J. Ahua, African Audio-Visual Industries Prospects and Strategies (Nairobi: Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa [URTNA], 1992). Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Final Report of the Meeting of Experts on Cultural Industries for Development in Africa: Dakar Plan of Action Nairobi, Kenya, 1992

Message from H.E. Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, Secretary General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU):

F

or more than a decade African realities have revealed one fact: after political liberation, effort should, henceforth, focus on liberation and organization of economic and cultural domains in order to enable the OAU to prepare itself for its goal of African Unity. Restructuration of the economy is being undertaken through the agency of regional bodies, the adoption of the Lagos Plan of Action, and the creation of a single African Economic Community. However, this new edifice should not be built exclusively on the foundation of common material interests; it should be built by and for men of flesh and blood anxious to exist together. The edifice of African Economic Community and that of African Political Unity must dovetail, be fortified, and consolidated from within by a community spirit, a “common will for a common life.” Culture can contribute to bringing together what politics has separated. What is more, it can also contribute to the hastening and consolidation of the process of restructuration in the economic field. On the other hand, cultural action can develop properly only on a solid material and economic basis. It cannot be separated from the socio-economic reality which constitutes its backbone. In this connection the example of Europe deserves attention. For, in order to resist global standardization of goods of which she is no longer in exclusive control, a European identity, more coherent and stronger, is coming to the fore. Unfortunately, however, this point of view is not shared by some analysts who regard African culture as an obstacle to development. But, paradoxically, is initiative in development not logically necessarily linked to a vigorous action in endogenous culture? For, if for more than thirty years African culture has succeeded in checkmating all strategies of development, it is because it cannot be bypassed; it is a formidable force which can neither be ignored nor neglected. Consequently, it is perhaps time for all the parties

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concerned to undertake a real and fundamental debate on the role which a traditional African world-view should play in the development of our societies. In any case, in view of the continent’s unique position in the global geopolitical landscape, and considering the political, economic, and cultural stakes, Africa owes herself the duty to get her act together. This is to be done not by withdrawing into isolationist cultural cocoons, nor by going on a collision course with anyone, but by putting herself in a better position to develop her cultural potentialities as well as a position of strength to negotiate relations of diversified partnership which, in turn, would open her to the rest of the world. More especially if Africa must seize all opportunity and extract the best from minimum opportunities to develop on the right lines, cultural industries—which have the dual advantage of being both culturally and economically important—can help “develop the people who develop projects.” It is for this reason that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Council of Ministers asked the Secretary General of OAU to organize jointly with UNESCO1 and our African and international partners in the area of cooperation and cultural development a series of subregional seminars on cultural industries, to be followed by a regional meeting of experts, in order to draw conclusions and prepare a Plan of Action. This Plan is, clearly, on the one hand in the framework of the World Decade for Cultural Development and on the other of the Treaty of Abuja establishing the African Economic Community. The meeting of experts which came out with the conclusions and prepared a Plan of Action was organized at Nairobi (Kenya) in January 1992 by the OAU and UNESCO with the support of UNDP,2 the Social and Cultural Foundation of EEC/ACP,3 and with the participation, in particular, of ECOWAS,4 SADCC,5 ICA,6 and EACROTANAL,7 among others. The meeting also brought together fifty experts from sixteen different countries— operators of the economy, businessmen in the different sectors of cultural industries, officials of State corporations and parastatals, as well as representatives of professional associations in the sectors of cottage industry and arts, music, cinema, literature, publishing, the press, audiovisual, African traditional healing art and technology, and also tourism. I would like to convey to UNESCO my sincere thanks for bringing the preparation of this Plan of Action to a successful end, after a long and exacting collaborative work unprecedented in the annals of cooperation between the OAU and UNESCO. I am convinced that its implementation will be carried out in the same spirit of solidarity. In this connection, I wish to appeal to all OAU Member States and all those interested in Africa’s economic, social, and cultural development, as

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well as all our international partners, to contribute fully to the implementation of the Plan of Action. Salim Ahmed Salim

Message from Mr. Federico Mayor, Director General of United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) The Twenty-eighth Summit of Heads of State and Government, scheduled to begin meeting in Dakar on 29 June 1992, has on its agenda the consideration of a Plan of Action for development of cultural industries in Africa. It had been the wish of participants who had been invited to a regional meeting in Nairobi from 20 to 24 January 1992 by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and UNESCO, with the support of the African Cultural Institute, to deliberate on this subject. This meeting had been preceded by five subregional meetings jointly organized from 1985 on the desiderata of affirmation of cultural identity and the imperatives of development. Such continuity of cooperation is evidence of the strength of the link forged between the two organizations, no less assuring and fruitful than those which bind together UNESCO and the countries of the region. Furthermore, the intrinsic interest of the project shows that this cooperation goes beyond reciprocal declaration of pious wishes: it exemplifies concrete actions in key areas for the future of Africa. In this regard the scope and precision of the Plan of Action established at the regional meeting in Nairobi is a case in point. This Plan of Action is in its rightful place in the context of the prospect of an African Cultural Common Market to be launched as part and parcel of the Treaty of Economic Union of Africa. In this respect it responds fully to both economic and cultural preoccupations of Heads of State and Government gathered in Dakar in the matter of development. Besides it has the merit of having been prepared within the parameters of practical propositions. In effect it goes beyond previous global analyses whose conclusions have become prototypes. Based on these conclusions, the Plan of Action of Nairobi endeavors to determine with precision the objectives, the conditions, the obstacles, and the means of a veritable development of African cultural industries. But, in my view, the most important things are, perhaps, that it is addressed to policy-makers of the economy, including those in the private sector; that it seeks to build a new North-South as well as South-South partnership; and seeks to protect copyrights of new cultural products, while giving confidence to African consumers in the fulfilment of their own culture.

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The synergetic link which exists between culture and development has escaped us for a long time. Africa has come to understand this fact and I see for her, in this Plan of Action, not only a useful element for economic expansion, but also a leaven for regional cohesion and an opportunity to enhance her influence in the world. Federico Mayor

Preface The principal objective of the UNESCO/OAU Regional Meeting of Experts (Nairobi, January 20–24, 1992), the logical climax of a series of subregional seminars/workshops between 1985 and 1990, was to draw the attention of policy-makers and architects of National Development Plans to the enormous economic dividends of Culture and thereby persuade them to have a healthier, more positive, more comprehensive, more scientific, and better understanding of Africa’s cultural heritage. For, contrary to the unfortunate widespread belief, an assumption pure and simple that African Culture has no place in the modernization of the economy and is antithetical to technological development and progress, a well-conceived, well-rationalized, well-adapted, and well-utilized African Cultural Heritage is, necessarily, the cornerstone of African nation-building. To date, partly due to the mental pattern fostered by the Westernoriented colonial educational inheritance and arising from this—due to the inherently faulty mechanical notion of development in purely Gross National Product statistical terms—African Culture has not been perceived for what it is: a high-dividend-yielding capital of, and for, self-affirmative, consolidated, and natural development. Consequently, both institutionally and budgetarily, Culture has remained on the back-burner for African governments. Nonetheless, in fulfilment of their respective mandates, both UNESCO and OAU have since the seventies, separately and jointly, been sensitizing and alerting Member States on the virtues of the cultural dimension of development. Hence the specific listing of cultural industries by the 27 November– 6 December 1975 Accra Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies organized by UNESCO with the cooperation of OAU. While all along, in the regular and extra-budgetary programs UNESCO has been working on for decades with Member States and the Region in the promotion of endogenous cultural industries—audiovisual, mass media, and living arts; printing and publishing; handicraft and endogenous creative works, the ferment of ideas crystallizing in industrialized, developed countries indicated the continued liveliness, vitality, adaptability, and profitability of

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Culture in the products of each society. Hence, in fulfilment of its worldwide role as a catalyst and thinktank in the scheme of things, UNESCO lost no time in ordering, in 1979, “comparative research . . . in collaboration with national and international institutions both public and private, on the place and role of cultural industries in the cultural development on societies.” The result: Cultural Industries: A Challenge for the Future of Culture.8 This vital area of economy, immanent in MONDIACULT,9 has been reiterated with unabated vigor in several projects of the Program of the World Decade for Cultural Development. Simultaneously the Organization of African Unity, all the time in consultation and collaboration with UNESCO, began to take significant initiatives. The adoption of the Culture Charter in 1976 and concomitant establishment of the Inter-African Cultural Fund, the institutionalization of the Conference of African Ministers of Culture—all, necessarily, have given impetus to widespread recognition of the leading role that Culture should play in an endogenous, self-sustaining development. Significant too was recognition of the hiatus of culture as a major cause of the failure of economic projects in contemporary Africa. Sounding the alarm on “the negative achievements of the development strategies adopted by most countries;” because the strategies had been out of tune with “the creation of a material and cultural environment that is conducive to self-fulfilment and creative participation,” the internationally renowned savants of the 1979 OAU’s Monrovia Symposium on the future development prospects of Africa towards the year 2000, were instantly echoed in the same year by the Heads of State and Government who vowed to “ensure that our development policies reflect adequately our socio-cultural identity.” Repeated in their deliberations on “Africa’s Priority Program for Economic Recovery 1986–1990” at Addis Ababa, July 18–20, 1985, the Heads of State and Government lamented “the inability of the African countries to internationalize the development process and ensure self-sustained development” and averred that the only way forward for Africa was “drawing up the necessary strategies and policies based upon its own traditions.” In a matter of three years concrete results began to be produced, in the form of Resolutions CM/Res. 1120 (XLVI) of the Council of Ministers (1987) and CMAC/Res. 15(II) of the African Ministers of Culture (1988) which specified the following objectives: i) Define and identify the scope of cultural industries and review those relevant to Africa for incorporation in the Annex Protocol of the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community; ii) Sensitize African leaders and decision makers as well as development agencies on the economic dimension of these industries, the

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stakes involved, and the challenges laid down by those products and services which are of a special type; iii) Undertake a common reflection on the following issues: the importation and consumption of foreign cultural products in Africa; the organization of the production and marketing of cultural goods in Africa; the growth and competitiveness of African production and the effective penetration of non-African markets; improved movement of cultural products in Africa and organization of the African market. The following Report, acme of the joint effort of UNESCO and OAU, responds to the articulated wishes and resolutions of the African Heads of State and Government and falls within the context of the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community signed by them at Abuja, Nigeria, on June 3, 1991. To summarize, the virtues and values of endogenous cultural industries for Africa are: i) that, in the context of affirmation of cultural identity, they respond to the quest of Africa for models of economic development which would be in harmony with the spirit of African peoples. ii) that, they are a must for the economic salvation of Africa in their encouragement of local sourcing which, in turn, would redress the fiscal imbalance of imported materials; they create foreign exchange; they create jobs; they would release the creative and inventive genius of Africans and thereby promote technological progress of Africa. iii) that, in the global socio-political context of liberal democracies, they could produce “consensus industries” through mass culture by bringing all sectors of the population into the mainstream of social life.

Introduction 1. Since the early eighties African realities have revealed one fact: after political liberation, effort should, henceforth, focus on liberation and organization of the economic and cultural domains. 2. However, the more or less completed political liberation has resulted in division into fifty countries which, individually, are

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3.

4.

5.

6.

smaller than the big political, economic, and demographic groupings of the world. Restructuration of the economy is being undertaken through the agency of regional bodies, the adoption of the Lagos Plan of Action, and the creation of a single African Economic Community. However, this new edifice should not be built exclusively on the foundation of common material interests: it should be built by and for men of flesh and blood anxious to exist together. The edifice of African Economic Community and that of African Political Unity must dovetail, be fortified, and consolidated from within by a community spirit, a “common will for a common life.” Culture can contribute to bringing together what politics has separated. What is more, it can also contribute to the hastening and consolidation of the process of restructuration in the economic field. On the other hand, cultural action can develop properly only on a solid material and economic basis. It cannot be separated from the socio-economic reality which constitutes its backbone. It is for this reason that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Council of Ministers asked the Secretary General of OAU to organize jointly with UNESCO and our African and international partners in the area of cooperation and cultural development a series of subregional seminars on cultural industries, to be followed by a regional meeting of experts, in order to draw conclusions and prepare a Plan of Action. The Plan of Action being submitted to the Council of Ministers and Assembly of Heads of State and Government for consideration have been prepared in application of: – The Declaration of the Chiefs of State and Government of OAU on the cultural aspects of Lagos Plan of Action for economic development of Africa (AHG/Dec. 1(XXI)) adopted in 1985 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. – Resolution CMAC/Res. 27(I) adopted by the Conference of African Ministers of Culture, following the suggestion of His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo, President of the Republic of Gabon, concerning creation of an African Cultural Common Market (Port Louis, Mauritius, April 1986). – Resolution CM/Res. 1120 (XLVI) of the Council of Ministers which asked the Secretary General to study in greater detail document CM/1439 (XLVI) on the cinema and cultural industries by organizing a series of subregional seminars and a

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regional meeting of experts on cultural industries (Addis Ababa, July 1987). 7. The Plan is in the spirit of: – World Decade for Cultural Development (1988–1997). – Treaty of Abuja (June 1991) establishing the African Economic Community (Protocol on Culture and African Cultural Common Market). 8. Preparation of the Report necessitated the holding of a series of subregional seminars successively as follows: i) By UNESCO, ECOWAS, and OAU in Conakry (Guinea) for West Africa in October 1985. ii) By UNESCO, OAU, SADCC, and ICA at Harare (Zimbabwe) for Southern Africa in February/March 1988. iii) By OAU, UNIDO,10 and EACROTANAL at Tananarive (Madagascar) for French-speaking Central and East African countries in November 1989. iv) By OAU, WIPO,11 and UNESCO in Nairobi for Central and Eastern Africa in November 1990. v) The subregional seminar for North Africa, scheduled to hold at the Headquarters of OAU in 1991, did not take place because of the events in Ethiopia (May–June 1991). 9. The meeting of experts which came out with the conclusions and Plan of Action was organized at Nairobi in January 1992 by UNESCO and OAU, with the support of UNDP, the Social and Cultural Foundation of EEC/ACP, and the participation, especially, of ECOWAS, SADCC, ICA, and EACROTANAL. The meeting brought together 50 experts from 16 countries, that is: operators of the economy, businessmen in diverse sectors of cultural industries, officials of State corporations or parastatals, representatives of professional associations of cottage industries and the arts, music and cinema, literature, publishing, the press, audiovisual, information and communication, traditional African healing art and technology, as well as tourism. 10. The Report: – reviews the different sectors of cultural industries, the most important for Africa to enable her to stand up to the stakes and challenges. – recommends to all sectors of cultural and economic development to undertake a campaign of sensitization on the economic dimension of cultural industries, the necessity to

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adopt juridic, institutional, and practical measures in favor of free circulation of African cultural products as well as conquest of foreign markets by same products. 11. The sectors examined were: i) Audiovisual, Mass Media, and Living Arts: film, TV, video, radio, music, and show-business. ii) Printing Industries: printing press, publishing, bookshops, and press. iii) Handicrafts and Endogenous Creative Works: art, handicraft, tourism, architecture, dress, hair-style, ornament, gastronomy, and African healing art and technology. iv) Copyright and Piracy.

Main Conclusions I. Cultural Industries: Stakes and Challenges 12. The concept of cultural industry is, in essence, the mass production and distribution of products which convey ideas, messages, symbols, opinions, information, and moral and aesthetic values.

“Radioactive” Products 13. Apart from their economic values, these products, when used deliberately, can serve as effective tools of education, information and awareness building, mobilization, and development; they can then help “develop those who develop,” just as they can enhance knowledge and mutual understanding between peoples. They can, however, on the contrary also pose serious threat to cultural identities, moral values, political opinion, as well as influence the exercise of fundamental options by people who are not fully conversant with all the implications involved. 14. A cultural product cannot be as ideologically or morally neutral as a utilitarian equipment. Like a “radioactive” material, it reflects, conveys, and disseminates ideas, opinions, and values peculiar to its own environment. 15. It is possible, in relative terms, to compare the flooding of the African market with harmful alien cultural products to the dumping of hazardous wastes because they both have a destructive effect on national cultural identities.

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An Expanding Market 16. There is no denying the significant increase in the share of culture, information, and the service sectors in the world market. Some Western countries which manufacture more than eighty percent of the audiovisual products intend to have the negotiations on these types of products transferred from UNESCO to GATT12 so that the products may be considered as any other merchandise enjoying unimpeded movement for commercial purposes. 17. The liberalization of political systems, the widespread adoption of multiparty democracy with the attendant freedom of the press, assertion and respect of human and people’s rights, the formation of major economic groupings, and, more importantly, the break of the ideological barriers, will make the flow of ideas, opinions, information, and movement of cultural goods smoother between the erstwhile antagonistic and impervious blocks. 18. Furthermore, the world population structure tends to create large bodies of consumers of cultural and recreational products: the increase of the youthful population in the countries of the South is in contrast to the ageing population in the countries of the North with a steady concentration of the world’s population in urban areas. The youth, the old pensioners, and the urban population are potentially major consumers of recreational products. 19. Besides, the working population in the developed countries are engaged in fierce trade union battles to reduce working hours and thereby increase recreational time. Unlike at the beginning of the century, people work now for only eight years of their life but spend twenty years of leisure time. This trend will be accentuated further as, and when, robots take over the performance of certain tasks and thus allow for more leisure time. 20. It would make economic sense if each country, each zone, or each region of the world promoted and transformed its potentialities into profitable enterprises. The lack of internal market is no justification for refusal to develop products whose market in the rich countries is likely to develop and expand.

The African Market 21. The domestic market is large. One only has to calculate the taxes levied by the State on films and the profits repatriated by the multinationals which distribute them in Africa. And what is the total volume of the music market in Africa? Piracy of music alone, it is estimated, costs US $100 million per annum.

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22. In the 50s cinema was the second export, after cotton, in Egypt and even today the country can compete with European countries in producing films. 23. In 1987 Cameroon imported US $12 million worth of school textbooks. Is that not here an expanding market against the background of a fast-growing population? 24. It may be that Central African countries, domain of abundance of the equatorial forest, could produce paper in bulk for the whole African market. 25. It is said in informed circles that perhaps five of the best ten sculptors in the world are from Zimbabwe. Stone sculpture is indeed a traditional activity in this country. This activity has been revitalized with the awakening of nationalism in the 50s and 60s, and yet, this country is better known in the world for its ruins, its struggle for independence, and its tobacco. 26. In the 70s, the Guinean Ballet dancers were second in the world after those of the Bolchoï, and the Ntore dancers of RwandaBurundi are indisputably among the best in the world. 27. The patterns of Kente, traditional cloth of the Akans, have a strong symbolic value and a relative economic value when it is handmade. It has been printed and marketed in the whole world by the textile industries of Cote d’Ivoire. Should we not express satisfaction at the fact that this traditional value has thus witnessed a new cycle of economic and commercial life? 28. The huge fortunes accumulated by Togolese women who trade in imported or locally produced pagnes and other African textile materials are moreover an indication of the African garment market. 29. The SOTIBA-SIMPAFRIC, the most important textile industry of Senegal which employs 850 persons, may close down because the local market is not protected from the fraudulent import of “African” cloth made in China. The State loses, because of the fraud, 30 million dollars of uncollected duties and taxes. 30. Cotton is the first cash crop of Burkina Faso, Chad, Egypt, Mali, and the Sudan, among others. But, in other respects, these same cotton-exporting countries use this income to import dresses by neglecting to promote ready-made dresses, the creation and fashions which remain in the informal sector, at a small-scale level. 31. In Uganda the production of handicraft objects has developed much during the civil war because of the landlocked situation of the country and the impossibility of importing plastic utensils.

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32. The strong demographic pressure on a small national territory prevents the expansion of cultivable lands in Rwanda and Burundi. Handicraft and cultural industries in general could constitute the elements to diversify the activities of these countries. 33. Finally, the tourist sector, which is not well exploited, in spite of few successes, remains a sector of the future. In addition to the eastern countries which constitute a new possible market, the over-developed countries, like Japan for example, will be looking for tourist countries likely to welcome, until the end of their life, old persons. Islands of the Indian Ocean, members of the OAU, have already been identified: Seychelles, Mauritius, etc., and recently, Senegal. 34. Whatever the cause it is in the area of culture that Africans have scored resounding successes: Nobel Prize Winners, writers, musicians, film producers, and thinkers of world renown. Indeed, African influence on jazz and fine arts has been outstanding while African performances in sports are increasingly acknowledged.

To Conquer Non-African Market 35. In addition to the African market proper, the other regions of the world which are culturally closely related to Africa, should be more systematically explored: this mainly concerns the countries with potential markets for the African cultural products. 36. It is clear from the above that one of the major challenges that Africa must first take up is that of production. Serious attempts should be made to help the African producers focus not only on quantity but also on quality as, in all things, African cultural products in the African and international distribution networks, part of Africa’s participation in world civilization for the next millennium, will be determined by their quality.

II. Review of Sectors, Potentialities, and Initiatives 37. Music, together with show business, constitutes the main sector where Africa has distinguished itself significantly. 38. Generally speaking, the potentialities and initiatives are broken down as follows: 1. Music: Central Africa, West Africa, and Egypt; 2. Tourism: North Africa, East Africa, Indian Ocean Islands, and Senegal; 3. Handicraft, souvenir industry and “airport art”: North Africa, West Africa and East Africa;

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4. Show business (living arts): Central Africa, Southern Africa (Zimbabwe) and Guinea; 5. Film: North Africa, West Africa; 6. External aspects of cultural identity: West Africa (Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria) and Central Africa (Zaire, Congo); 7. Book industry: North African and English speaking countries; 8. Print media: the development of this sector is disparate and varies according to political systems; 9. Radio, TV, and video: North Africa. 39. In addition, the initiatives taken between 1985 and 1992, in all the sectors were mainly: – the decisive action taken by the Cultural Division of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which signed an agreement with UNESCO and carried out a census of cultural industries in the region; – establishment in 1991 of the Information and Culture sector within SADCC; – the revitalization from 1985 of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), which also inaugurated an original system of consultation together with the International Days for Audiovisual partnership (North-South), and the establishment of the International African Film Market in Ouagadougou on the sidelines of FESPACO; – establishment in 1988 of the Ouagadougou International Handicraft Fair (SIAO) which takes place every two years in Burkina Faso; – creation of a Cultural Industries Unit within the African Cultural Institute (ACI), with financial support from UNDP; – establishment by some academics of the Senegalese Association for the Promotion of Cultural Industries (ASEPIC); – establishment of African Foundation for Traditional Technologies in Kenya; – the African Film Week held in Kenya in 1986, whose second edition is in preparation; – staging of the Plan African Fair for Arts and Music (PAFAM) in Accra, Ghana in 1990; – holding, in July 1990, of the First Front-line Film Festival (FFFF) in Harare, Zimbabwe; the second Festival is in preparation; – the first international meeting on show business in Kinshasa, Zaire, in 1989;

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– launching of the African Centre for the Training of Performing Artists (ACTPA) in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe in 1991; – Dakar Biennal events on Arts and Literature on the one hand and the Biennal organized by the International Centre on Bantu Civilization (CICIBA) based in Libreville, on the other hand; – establishment of the Pan-African Writers Association in Accra, Ghana, 1988; – the African film market and TV programs organized by URTNA13 since at least five years, Nairobi (Kenya); – holding of the First International Women’s Exhibition (SIFEM) in Togo, in 1988; – proposed Regional Festival in Madagascar, in September 1992; – Pan-African Festival of Historical Theater in Cape Coast, Ghana, in 1992; – The Memorial project in Goree-Almadies, Senegal. 40. Naturally, mention must be made of recent or past initiatives such as: The regular Film Festivals held in Ouagadougou (FESPACO), Tunis Carthage (JCC) and in Egypt, the Tunisia Theatrical Days, the National Festival of Rwanda, the Biennal Arts events in Cairo and Alexandria, the installation of commercial TV in some countries, the development of the print media in Nigeria and Senegal for example, the Book Fairs in Cairo, Tunis, and Harare, among others, the free (private) radio project in Burkina Faso, the organization of competitions and fashion parades, and the development of the clothing industry and high fashion as well as hairdo in West Africa, etc. 41. These numerous activities at the national and regional levels are, however, not coordinated by any high authority and are not necessarily included in a comprehensive framework or plan, like, for example, the equally numerous and well-structured initiatives of the French-speaking countries of the world which are the expression of the political will for the organization of the francophone cultural space and market. 42. Moreover, in spite of the cultural potentialities and the size of the cultural market in Africa and outside Africa, these potentialities are developed in an unsophisticated way, due to lack of professionalism, equipment, and financial resources and in particular the absence of a well-integrated economic and cultural policy applied to these sectors. 43. In this regard, an expert summarized in the following words the issues raised by the reorganization of the African cultural and

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economic spaces: “isolated actions have had their day, national initiatives have shown their limit . . . assistance activities create more frustration and new problems and give no satisfaction and no lasting solutions.” 44. The African Cultural Common Market is intended to be the framework for the reorganization and restructuring of the African cultural spaces and market.

III. To Organize African Cultural Spaces 45. Now that the liberation of the political spaces has more or less been completed, efforts should henceforth be made to liberate and organize the economic and cultural spaces. In this matter, the task is not easy, for according to a Mauritian expert, “the complexity of the situation renders every synthesis difficult. The issue at stake here is both tradition and modernity, education and employment creation, cultural values and market law, freedom of creativity and technology, status of the artist and financing of culture . . .” 46. But given the important stakes and challenges involved, African governments are duty-bound to react in favor of cultural industries. For, to turn this formidable potential to account, spontaneous or isolated initiatives or prevalent passive attitudes are not viable. What is required is a more credible response to the stranglehold of the multinationals of the sector. To reverse the one-way flow (North-South) of messages, images, and ideas requires initiating global, integrated policies, strategies, and actions and to create a balance between international flows and local production. 47. However, the cultural products, activities, and events are not, or insufficiently, subsidized. On the contrary they are heavily taxed by the State and the local governments in most African countries at the following rates: – 40% entertainment tax – 140% on phonograph records – more than 100% on book-making machinery – 100% on imported books – 70% on imported equipment and instruments (musical instruments, painters’ and plastic art equipment and tools). 48. The artist is looked down upon and considered outside the mainstream of society. With few exceptions like in Algeria where books are considered essential and subsidized like the semolina, his products are taxed as if they were luxury goods.

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49. The primary effect of this almost insurmountable problem is that African products are of such low quality that they can hardly compete even on the African market with foreign products. As a result, African talents emigrate to the developed countries from where their products are re-exported to Africa as foreign goods! 50. It is against this background that the experts expressed their concern about the risk of depletion of African Culture in the long run. 51. They have welcomed the establishment of the African Economic Community, with its Protocol on Culture, among others. However, the African Economic Community will come into full effect in thirty-four years’ time. What is more, culture has not been given its due emphasis as a preoccupation of our development authorities since independence and risks being marginalized even at the advent of the African Economic Community. This is why it is proposed to the African leaders to put in place immediately on an experimental basis a legal and institutional framework for the development of cultural products and their free movement in all African countries as a prelude to the full implementation of the African Economic Community. 52. At any rate, the underlying idea of the Cultural Common Market is the special treatment that culture should enjoy because of its importance to people. Consequently, the least that African States can do collectively, as of necessity and not as a favor, is to grant culture a systematical “policy subsidy” in the form of legislative and fiscal measures to foster cultural industries in particular. 53. In any case the authorities who have only inconsistently, or partially, or spasmodically lent support to African culture before are called upon to accord it a special promotional attention. Since African cultural products are considered to be of little value, there would be no problem in taking measures to remove the taxes on them and allow them to move freely in Africa on an experimental basis, in anticipation of the establishment of the African Economic Community. 54. Indeed, it is abnormal that after more than thirty years of independence a book, a film, or a record produced in Algeria, Sierra Leone, or Mauritius are subjected to import tax in Zimbabwe, Sao Tome, or Togo. It is still more abnormal that a record produced by Michael Jackson of the United States, for example, and that produced by an African musician of Angola are both taxed, without discrimination, at the same rate in Niger. In other words, it is normal, advisable, and fiscally sound to erect within the continent trade barriers in favor of

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strategic African products. In any case, the free movement of products which vehicle authentically African cultural and human values cannot be limited any longer between the member countries of an Organization which is inclined to unite African peoples. 55. This special measure bears the generic name of African Cultural Common Market, pending the time when the legal experts would give it the legal and institutional form. 56. As regards the substance of this Common Market, the broad outlines are given below in the form of a Plan of Action.

Plan of Action for Development of Endogenous Cultural Industries in Africa in the Perspective of Setting Up an African Cultural Common Market Recalling the international strategy for development of the IVth United Nations Decade for Development, Recalling the Plan of Action of African Recovery and Development, Recalling objective no. 1 of the World Decade for Cultural Development stipulating the acknowledgement of the cultural dimension of development, Considering that culture is the foundation of endogenous development, Recognizing the most important potentiality that African cultural creativity offers for development and for enriching cultural life and cultural heritage in the world, Taking into account the resolutions of the OAU Conferences of African Ministers of Culture concerning the setting up of an African Cultural Common Market and the Treaty establishing an African Economic Community as adopted in June 1991 by the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Abuja (Nigeria). The following Plan of Action prepared by the meeting of experts on Cultural Industries in Africa, organized jointly by OAU and UNESCO (20–24 January 1992), in cooperation with the African Cultural Institute (ACI) and the EEC/ACP Cultural Foundation, is submitted to the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU for consideration and adoption.

I. Antecedent of the Project – The OAU Charter, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (1963). – The Cultural Charter of Africa, Port-Louis, Mauritius (1976). – The International Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, Africacult, Accra, Ghana (1975).

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– The Declaration of Heads of States and Government on the cultural aspects of the Lagos Plan of Action, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (1985). – The resolution CM/Res.1120 (XLVI) of the OAU Council of Ministers, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (1987). – OAU Conferences of African Ministers of Culture: Port-Louis (1986), Ouagadougou (1988), Yaoundé (1990). – The Treaty establishing the African Economic Community adopted in Abuja, Nigeria (1991). – The regional meetings on Cultural Industries held in Conakry (1985), Harare (1988), Antananarivo (1989), Nairobi (1990).

II. Objectives 1. Convince decision-makers on the economic potential of cultural industries, for their integration in development strategies. 2. Set up an African Cultural Common Market and develop intraAfrican cooperation. 3. Strengthen the role of the private sector. 4. Develop South/North cooperation as well as South/South cooperation and real partnership. 5. Enhance the organization and protection of creators.

III. Strategy Build on what already exists and develop it progressively, in a realistic approach, taking into account the available resources, by facilitating the improvement of the methods of information, organization, management as well as the development of cooperation networks and the joining of means and initiative in the framework of a coordinated effort on behalf of the organizations concerned, public and private, at the national, subregional, regional, Pan-African, and international levels.

IV. Measures to be Taken A. General level 1. Undertake an assessment, as complete as possible, of the present situation on the basis of data collected and inquiries carried out to this effect on: i) organizations, structures, and firms involved in producing and disseminating cultural goods and services, country by country,

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2.

3.

4. 5. 6.

7.

8.

9.

sector by sector (book publishing, audiovisual and recording industries, arts and craft, tourism, etc.), ii) intellectuals, artists, creators, craftsmen, and other specialists concerned, qualities and quantities of goods produced, commercialized, exported, and imported. Establish and update data banks on cultural industries at the national, subregional, regional, and Pan-African levels, in the framework of an African network of data banks and of an African system of cultural information exchange, leaving focal points in institutions such as OAU, ECOWAS, PTA, ACI, CERDOTOLA,14 IPN,15 CICIBA,16 SADCC, EACROTANAL, and other intergovernmental organizations concerned. Establish networks specialized in producing, marketing, and disseminating cultural goods as well as in the field of research and information in order to develop cooperation and communication among those of common concern in different countries and regions. Organize forums intended to inform and brief promoters on the investment prospects in the cultural sectors in Africa and outside Africa. Undertake in-depth studies on obstacles (economic, politic, fiscal, legal, cultural, etc.) in developing cultural industries. Take into account in the Protocol on Culture to be annexed to the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community, all the legal and institutional aspects relating to the organization of the African cultural spaces (movement of products and authors, taxation, methods of payment, etc.). Establish Departments in charge of Cultural Development within regional bodies in charge of economic integration and include in their protocol clauses favorable to the circulation of cultural products, authors of cultural works, partial or total removal of taxes on works of culture, and payment in national currencies for the trade in cultural goods. Elaborate and formulate proposals as to the measures to be taken in the different fields in the framework of integrated and coherent economic and cultural development policies, in order to remove these obstacles and harmonize efforts of the various countries of the continent. Outline the economic and cultural potentialities of the development of cultural industries through carrying out: i) marketing studies at the national and international levels,

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ii) studies on the profitability of investments made in the various fields of the sector, showing the resources and jobs that can be created through these investments. 10. Strengthen promotional action in order to advertise the values of African creators and cultural goods both at the national and international levels and to obtain a big share of the market. 11. Analyze the existing treaties, agreements, and conventions concerning economic and cultural cooperation as well as customs with a view to adapting them to the new requirements of the African Cultural Common Market, taking into account recommendations, conventions, and other international standard-setting instruments adopted in these fields. 12. Analyze the policies, legislative measures, and other regulations affecting creative works as well as the production and dissemination, the exporting and importing, of cultural goods with a view to adapting them to the requirement of the African Cultural Common Market. 13. Elaborate visibly, economically-rewarding cultural industry projects with a view to submitting them to national or international funding agencies, public or private, as well as to multilateral organizations for cooperation or development aid. 14. Study and adapt to the African context, the mechanisms existing in foreign countries in the field of financing and supporting the creative arts, the production and dissemination of cultural goods and services. 15. Create forums for exchange of ideas and interactions between decision-makers, planners, those in charge of development policies or private investments on the one hand, and on the other hand those responsible for cultural policies and cultural projects, creative artists and representatives of the different professional groups, and other communities interested, in order to permit them to achieve a better understanding of each other’s objectives, aspirations, and the possibilities of their collective actions. 16. Coordinate policies implemented in the fields of culture, languages, education, and communication with a view to promoting the endogenous development of African culture. 17. Coordinate cultural, social, and economic policies as well as policies implemented in urban and rural development with a view to enhancing and broadening access and participation in cultural activities by the population as well as their consumption of cultural goods of quality.

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18. Create major training facilities likely to promote professionalism in all production activities, and improve the training of the creative and performing artists as well as that of the technicians and those responsible for the designing, implementing, and managing cultural projects including those in firms involved in producing and commercializing of cultural goods and services and also those in charge of maintenance of the equipment. 19. Improve and modernize the technologies and tools utilized as well as the methods and structuring production and dissemination of cultural goods and services. 20. Improve and control the quality and authenticity of those goods while increasing the quantities produced. 21. Enhance research and innovation, the design, the utilization of new forms of expression and of new products of an original character to be commercialized, while ensuring that they are rooted in African cultural creativity. 22. Guarantee the freedom of expression for creative and performing artists. 23. Improve the status of creative and performing artists by ensuring the legal and economic conditions necessary for the exercise of their creative work and guaranteeing the protection of their copyright which involves the suppression of piracy. 24. Re-dynamize the African Organization for Intellectual Property (OAPI). 25. Encourage the creation of groups and associations of creative writers, artists, and professionals of the cultural industries with a view to prompting them to better protect their rights and their professions. 26. Utilize cultural industries for the purpose of education, training information, and socio-cultural development. 27. Place emphasis on the production of endogenous cultural works (literature, films, toys) intended for children and youth who form a vulnerable part of the population as well as an important market. 28. Inculcate among the general public, by means of cultural industries, full determination to reject acts of violence and aggression, and encourage the circulation of cultural ideas and values that are capable of contributing to the establishment and furtherance of peace, security, and cooperation. 29. Take practical measures to create the necessary conditions for better dissemination and appreciation of cultures which are at a disadvantage due to historical, political, or linguistic factors and are, as a result, lacking the means of expressing themselves through commercial channels.

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B. Recommendations, Sector by Sector Sector I: Music, Audiovisual, Mass Media, and Living Arts Music and Living Arts

1.1 Member States are invited to: i) promote private firms involved in recording, cutting records, reproducing cassettes, and distributing other record industry products; ii) give legal, financial, and moral support to music, recording industries, and living arts; iii) facilitate the setting up of assembly units of audio and audiovisual material in Africa; iv) reduce import taxes on musical instruments and their accessories; v) promote the development of recording industries, suspend all taxes on finished or semi-finished products manufactured or produced in Africa for a minimum duration to be determined. 1.2 Member States are requested to: i) Set up and promote the setting of cultural facilities (theaters, cinemas, auditoriums, musical workshops); ii) reduce taxes on local shows to help in promoting local artists; iii) introduce taxes on foreign shows to contribute towards setting up a Fund for musicians to be regulated by copyrights in cooperation with the artists; iv) set up data banks on all African productions. 1.3 For the protection and development of African Music, Member States should: i) set up national academies of music with instrument-making departments to preserve manufacturing technics of traditional instruments; ii) set up national cultural archives for tape and record libraries; iii) promote periodical organization of subregional, regional, and continental festivals; iv) introduce awards for best artistic achievements to be awarded under the auspices of OAU from the subregional to the continental level. 1.4 Artists should form unions and associations that will serve as forums for meeting and exchanges of experiences between artists from national, subregional, and continental levels. 1.5 In pursuance of the foregoing OAU, UNESCO, Member States, and organizations as well as private promoters are called upon to:

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i) support projects or initiatives and to take part in the various regional and Pan-African festivals, fairs, biennials, such as the Pan-African Fair for Arts and Music (PAFAM), Accra, Ghana; ii) assist in the setting up of a centralized data bank and network on African Music and Living Arts through CALDAS17 in Kinshasa, Zaire; iii) assist musicians to promote their music on subregional and continental levels through existing and newly instituted yearly festivals; iv) promote training schools and centers in living arts in each African region through regionalizing existing facilities such as the Performing Arts Training Center (Zimbabwe), the School of Performing Arts (Ghana), the National Institute of Arts (Zaïre), the Bagamoyo College of Arts in Tanzania, and others; v) support and take active part in the UNESCO Plan of Action for the Promotion of Performing Arts. Cinema

1.6 OAU, ACI, CICIBA, URTNA, and FEPACI should make proposals to Member States to: i) Harmonize legislation about films in African countries, taking into account the Niamey Manifesto; ii) Encourage the production of, and preference for, local films by levying prohibitive taxes on non-educational films imported from outside Africa; iii) Encourage the signing of bilateral coproduction agreements (North-South) in order to ensure that the coproduced films acquire a dual nationality and enjoy subsequent advantages; iv) Consider film as an economic commodity and make it part of all international negotiations; v) Require that international television channels desirous of operation from a country in the South devote part of their programs to the projection of films originating from the South; vi) Promote cooperation between filmmakers in the South and these TV channels so that films originating from the South could be disseminated; vii) Encourage the creation of regional or continental groupings for the promotion and sale of audiovisual products from the South; viii)Provide financial resources to the producers in the South to enable them to gather all the necessary material to make their

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films known in the countries in the North during festivals as well as among distributors; xi) Inform filmmakers about Western television constraints and requirements and help them understand the growing technological and economic inroads in world audiovisual. 1.7 The public authorities will formulate national and regional audiovisual and performing arts policies by incorporating, among other things, coproduction initiatives, distribution network measures to control films transmitted by satellite in Africa, application of African products distribution quotas in Africa, exchange of national programs through URTNA, etc. 1.8 OAU, UNESCO, ADB,18 UNDP, and other African and international agencies are requested to promote the FEPACI African Audio-Visual Foundation. 1.9 OAU, UNESCO, and FEPACI should assist in regionalizing and strengthening existing cinema training facilities for the training of cinema technicians and professionals towards promoting regional and subregional cooperation as regards the development of cinematographic infrastructure. 1.10 OAU, UNESCO, FEPACI, EEC/ACP, ADB, UNIDO, UNDP, and regional economic bodies should assist Member States in the creation of regional centers for films distribution. 1.11 These centers should welcome capital from private and other investors in order to gain more dynamism and flexibility from the operational point of view. 1.12 OAU, UNESCO, EEC/ACP, ADB, ACCT,19 UNDP, and UNIDO should further assist FEPACI to create and strengthen the PanAfrican Film Library as well as the creation of African Film Halls in some selected African, European, Asian, and American cities for permanent showing of African films. 1.13 In pursuance of these, OAU, UNESCO, subregional and regional groupings, African and international organizations, as well as private promoters, are also called upon to take active part in and/or support, among others: i) The Festival Panafricain du Cinéma de Ouagadougou (FESPACO), Burkina Faso; ii) The Cairo International Film Festival, Egypt; iii) The Journées Cinématographiques de Carthage (JCC), in Tunisia; iv) The forthcoming Frontline Film Festival in Harare, Zimbabwe; v) The forthcoming African Film Week, Nairobi, Kenya;

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vi) The regionalization and development of audiovisual recording structures such as the “Industrie Africaine du Disque (IAD)” in Brazzaville and the Central Film Laboratories in Harare. Radio and Television

1.14 That OAU, UNESCO, and African and international agencies as well as Member States lend their support to the Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa (URTNA) as well as its Program Exchange Center (PEC) based in Nairobi in promotion and development of broadcasting standards in Africa. 1.15 That an enabling environment be created by Member States and agencies for the development of private audiovisual production and dissemination to fill the vacuum in quality programs. 1.16 That, in order to optimize resources, coproduction, with central coordination for the improvement of style and quality, be encouraged by African countries. 1.17 That Member States pay special attention to, and put emphasis on, the rural communities and the disadvantaged sectors of the population when planning press, radio, and TV networks. 1.18 That OAU, UNESCO, ACI, URTNA, and Member States create a network to sensitize the staff working for radio, TV, and the press, against all forms of prejudice and intolerance. 1.19 That OAU, UNESCO, UNDP, ACI, URTNA, ECC/ACP, ADB, ACCT, and FEPAСI help to establish an African Program Development Fund from which African producers can draw financing for marketable programs. 1.20 That OAU, UNESCO, Member States, and economic groupings help to create Regional Production Centers which are properly equipped to cope with changing technologies as well as to serve as focal points for quality programs for domestic consumption and for export. Sector II: Publishing and Printing Industries Books (Printing Houses, Publishing, Bookshops)

2.1 That each Member State, knowing that no external incentive or encouragement will allow Africa to achieve real endogenous development, makes a self-assessment of its present and potential capacities and resources with the cooperation of OAU/UNESCO for the adaptation and implementation of a self-sustaining and self-development policy.

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2.2 That, in order to enable a greater percentage of the population to have access to books, African firms should look at publication from the functional angle. 2.3 That, in order to be promoters of endogenous development themselves, African writers should give priority to books which the mass are likely to read, focusing on works that touch on their spiritual and physical, on their genuinely national aspirations, on their strengths and weaknesses, on their successes as well as their failures. 2.4 That, since the book industry is based on very specialized technology, African countries should promote a vocational training system for editors, writers, technicians, and other marketing agents up to the university level. 2.5 That African Governments take fiscal measures in favor of paper for printing of the book itself as a finished product, of textbooks, and of other stationery items for school purposes. 2.6 That those African countries which have not done so yet, set up councils for the promotion of the book in accordance with the spirit and manner usually recommended and encouraged by UNESCO. 2.7 That, in order to expand market into a real national and continental book industry, UNESCO programs “Books for All” and “Towards a Reading Society” be translated into “Books and Libraries for All” in OAU countries. This could be encouraged through voluntary reading and by putting at every one’s disposal libraries and community reading centers which are accessible. 2.8 That OAU, UNESCO, ACCT, UNDP, EEC/ACP, and other African and international agencies be requested to carry out a feasibility study of a Pan-African Library comparable to the United States Library of Congress, or the “Grande Bibliothèque de France”. 2.9 That endogenous writers, who are already increasing in number, be more clearly encouraged especially as regards the use of the most common national languages, since these aim at an extensive publication of vernacular literature and textbooks which in turn will contribute to the introduction of cultural heritage into the educational systems. 2.10 That national book industries in African Countries be geared towards winning markets in developed countries which for the time being provide about ninety percent of library stocks in Africa. 2.11 That OAU, UNESCO, ACI, CICIBA, EACROTANAL be requested to promote, in cooperation with international, government, and other interested NGOs, the production of a linguistic map of OAU

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Member Countries with a view to determining those languages which could be promoted in the subregion for publication in mother tongues. 2.12 That OAU Secretariat recommend to African Countries to implement measures that will facilitate free flow, as well as coproduction and copublishing of books and to agree to grant subsidies for their transportation and exchange among member countries. 2.13 In pursuance of the foregoing, OAU, UNESCO, Member States, African and international organizations, development agencies, and private promoters, are called upon to support: i) Formation of National, Subregional, and Pan-African Publishers Associations to enable them to sensitize policy makers and governments effectively; ii) Regionalization of training centers in Africa such as the College of Art, University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana, for training personnel in the book industry; iii) Feasibility studies of paper industries capable of making Africa self-sufficient in paper production; iv) Joint publication of school textbooks capable of covering several countries and regions; iv) Organization of national, regional, and continental fairs on books and teaching materials. Press

2.14 That the strategic role of the Press, both print and electronic in promoting potentialities, virtues, and economic viability of African Cultural Industries through feature articles in order to sensitize both policy makers and prospective investors, including the consuming public be duly and fully recognized. 2.15 That it be duly and fully recognized that the Press has a role to play in disseminating the cultural dimension of development as well as issues of copyright, including campaigns for safeguarding and enhancing Africa’s cultural heritage. 2.16 That it be recognized that this role cannot be adequately performed without essential re-training of the Press. Consequently, it is recommended that: i) OAU and UNESCO assist in the regional organization of regular training courses for the Press on African cultural industries; ii) OAU/UNESCO/UNDP assist in the establishment of an on-going African cultural industries studies program (on the

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lines of population studies) on a subregional basis to facilitate research into various aspects of the industry through affiliation with existing schools of Journalism or Mass Communication Institutes in Africa; iii) OAU, UNESCO, UNDP assist in the creation and strengthening of regional and Pan-African associations of journalists. 2.17 That Member States relax their censor laws to facilitate a free circulation of the written press, so as to enhance inter alia, its development. Sector III: Handicraft and Endogenous Creative Works Food Technology and African Alternative Medicine

3.1 That African countries, organizations, development agencies, and private promoters carry out joint and more in-depth studies and initiatives on the best way of promoting and developing African food technologies and alternative medicine. 3.2 That OAU, UNESCO, and WHO20 assist in assembling African herbalists and healers as well as higher institutions and research centers in the area of African therapeutics and pharmacopeia for mutually beneficial exchange of notes and experiences and to draw up a Pan-African Program as well as a Pan-African Union. Art and Handicrafts

3.3 That OAU, UNESCO, UNIDO, ILO,21 and UNDP assist in: i) Setting up structures to supervise the art and craft sector and to make national and regional centers for handicraft development dynamic professional groupings, in order to enable artisans to become self-organized; ii) Placing at the disposal of supervising structures appropriate material and financial means to enhance the development of the sector; iii) Promoting innovations through the organization of competitions to stimulate creativity among artisans; iv) Introducing quality control in order to protect handicraft production. 3.4 That OAU, ICA, UNESCO, UNDP, and UNIDO assist in introducing ways of circulating information on the art and craft sector in African countries.

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3.5 That OAU, UNESCO, countries, African and international organizations, development agencies, regional economic groupings, and private promoters be called upon to support: i) A more effective organization of craftsmen, to provide them with training, equip them with better skills and grant them credit facilities; ii) Organization of national and regional markets to ensure for the African products a better access to foreign markets; iii) Organization of meetings, seminars, and exchanges between craftsmen from several regional, subregional, continental, and international areas, in the same profession, as well as multisectoral events for the promotion of art and service handicrafts such as the Salon International de l’Artisanat de Ouagadougou (SIAO) (Burkina Faso). 3.6 That OAU, UNESCO, Member States, NGOs, private promoters, and other interested international bodies assist: i) With the establishment of galleries of art and handicrafts in subregions as well as other venues outside Africa; ii) To promote all the products and services offered by endogenous creativity, fashion parades, exhibitions, prize awarding contests, etc.; iii) To establish hair dressing and sewing studios/salons after proper development of local skills; iv) To provide technical know-how for the creation of information network systems at the subregional, continental, and international levels; v) To formulate and incorporate documented traditional skills and knowledge into school curriculum; vi) To promote the creation of trade unions of artists as a means of facilitating development of handicrafts. 3.7 That OAU/UNESCO, in collaboration with the Foundation for Traditional Technology of Africa, ETTA, Nairobi (Kenya) assist in the identification, documentation, popularization, promotion, and development of traditional technologies of Africa. 3.8 That OAU, UNESCO, ICA, UNIDO, UNDP, and Members States organize: i) Training of craftsmen in basic management techniques; ii) Increase of gatherings and exchange of experiences among craftsmen of various countries, mainly with the assistance of CIEPAT/ICA22 based in Abomey (Benin);

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iii) Identification and registration of various gilds at national and regional levels, with a view to organizing training/refresher courses or workshops; iv) Mobile exhibitions and regional fairs coupled with symposiums; v) A feasibility study of an Office for the Promotion of Handicraft (intergovernmental body, parastatal or private). 3.9 That OAU, UNESCO, and other African and international bodies assist the Permanent Secretary General of the International Fair for Handicraft in Ouagadougou, SIAO, Burkina Faso in the already well-advanced project of the establishment of a “Coordinating Committee for the Development and Promotion of African Arts and Crafts” (CODEPA) whose creation had been decided by the participants (twenty-two African countries) at the Colloquium held in Ouagadougou, October 29–30, 1990 during the second edition of the SIAO. Tourism

3.10 That OAU, UNESCO and other development agencies strengthen subregional cooperation by exchange of information and by effective coordination of regional and Pan-African tourist programs. 3.11 That OAU and regional groupings encourage the African tourism industry in general and South-South tourism in particular by emphasizing its authenticity and helping to set up small and medium sized tourist companies. 3.12 That OAU and regional groupings assist member countries in the establishment of interstate circuits by harmonizing legislations and regulations. 3.13 That Member countries encourage the development of the rural and cultural tourist industry through the participation of the local peoples concerned. Sector IV: Copyright and Piracy

Recognizing that the protection of copyright and neighboring rights as well as an effective control of piracy and illegal reproduction of cultural works are a precondition to the establishment and development of viable cultural industries, it is recommended that: 4.1 Countries which have not done so yet adopt appropriate legislation and measures to that effect;

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4.2 Countries, organizations, agencies, and the workers concerned take the initiative of establishing or strengthening organizations or societies of authors and creators; 4.3 OAU, UNESCO, ICA, OAPI, and WIPO, in conjunction with Member States concerned, implement an efficient subregional, regional, and Pan-African cooperation policy for the protection and promotion of copyrights and neighboring rights on the one hand and control piracy on the other hand. 4.4 African countries, OAU, UNESCO, WIPO, and organizations concerned combine their efforts to: i) Support, strengthen, and cooperate with the African Intellectual Property Organization (OAPI) based in Yaoundé (Cameroon); ii) Establish within the African Regional Industrial Property Organization (ARIPO) based in Harare (Zimbabwe), a sector on copyrights and neighboring rights; iii) Establish within North Africa, in cooperation with ALECSO,23 a regional organization for intellectual property and copyright; iv) Establish among African Portuguese-speaking countries an organization for intellectual property and copyrights. 4.5 That countries which have not done so yet accede to the international conventions on copyrights and neighboring rights.

V. Results Expected and Products 1. Strengthening of the African cultural identity and creativity as well as broadening of people’s participation in endogenous cultural development. 2. Generating new resources for the economic development of Africa and the creation of new jobs. 3. Improving national capacities of creating and producing cultural goods. 4. Reducing dependence on the wider world outside Africa in the production of cultural goods. 5. Opening up in and outside Africa new markets for African culture and economy. 6. Achieving better regional integration. 7. Bringing about new and pluralistic forums of cultural expression supporting the installation of democracy in African societies. 8. Strengthening of private and community initiatives of small and medium enterprises.

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9. Strengthening the acknowledgement of the cultural dimension of development in Africa. 10. Adoption of flexible modes of response by OAU, UNESCO, and other international bodies to initiatives from the African private sector towards the development of cultural industries.

VI. Inter-African And International Cooperation To achieve the objectives of the Plan of Action, it will be necessary to make use of all the African and International Cooperation Networks. In this regard, the OAU and UNESCO, in consultation with the Member States concerned, will have to identify partners of good will, in order to sensitize them and make them aware of their responsibilities.

Inter-African Cooperation a) The role of the OAU will be to sensitize the authorities and decision-makers at all levels in order to ensure that political will is expressed as strongly as possible and concretely translated into decision and action. In particular, the General Secretariat will focus its action on the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the Council of Ministers, the Conference of Ministers of Culture, and the Sectorial Ministerial meetings, in line with the Plan of Action (economics, industry, tourism, information, etc.). OAU and UNESCO are also responsible for supervising the coordination activities. b) The African Intergovernmental and non-governmental cultural institutions will apply themselves to carrying out the actions included in the Plan, each according to its powers and competence. Coordination will be ensured at this level by the following institutions: African Cultural Institute (ACI), International Centre for Bantu Civilizations (CICIBA), East African Centre for Research on Oral Traditions and African National Languages (EACROTANAL), Pan African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), URTNA, Pan-African Writers Association (PAWA), Institut des Peuples Noirs (IPN). c) The African regional economic communities which form the cornerstone of the African Cultural Common Market, will establish in the shortest possible time within their respective Secretariats, Departments responsible for cultural development in general and cultural industries in particular. The statutes, protocols, and other texts establishing or governing the activities of

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these organizations will also be amended with a view to taking into account the specific character of cultural industries. ECOWAS, which has long established a Division responsible for cultural development and has experience in this field as compared with the others, is responsible for ensuring the coordination of the activities of these organizations.

International Cooperation OAU and UNESCO will combine their efforts to inform and sensitize the international organizations and bring them to cooperate. They are: - The United Nations Agencies: UNDP, UNIDO, ECA,24 WIPO, WTO,25 ITU,26 ILO, UNU, GATT, UNCTAD,27 etc. - The other organizations: EEC/ACP, Commonwealth, ACCT, etc.

African and International Financing Agencies In addition to financial assistance for the administrative structures of the political authorities and for technical studies, special effort will be made to prepare and present to the financing agencies viable projects drawn from the Plan of Action. More especially, it will be necessary to strengthen and revitalize the OAU Inter-African Cultural Fund in particular.

VII. Coordination and Follow-Up Mechanism Coordination and follow-up will be carried out through establishment or strengthening of small structures. A special unit could be set up within the OAU and/or UNESCO (at BREDA in Dakar or at headquarters in Paris). The Department responsible for cultural industries within the African Cultural Institute (ACI) in Dakar financed by UNDP could also be highly strengthened and its field of action extended to cover all the OAU Member States. Periodic programming, evaluation, and follow-up meetings will be held, grouping around the OAU and UNESCO, a limited number of representative countries and organizations from Africa and elsewhere in the world.

Notes African Union, “Final Report of the Meeting of Experts on Cultural Industries in Africa. Cultural Industries for Development in Africa: Dakar Plan of Action” Nairobi, Kenya. June 1992. This document is abridged (Annexes are not included).

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1. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. 2. United Nations Development Program. 3. European Economic Community/Africa Caribbean Pacific. 4. Economic Community of West African States. 5. Southern African Development Coordination Conference. 6. Centre Regional d’Action Culturelle. 7. East African Centre for Research on Oral Traditions and African National Languages. 8. UNESCO, Cultural Industries: A Challenge for the Future of Culture (Paris: UNESCO, 1982). 9. World Conference on Cultural Policies. 10. United Nations Industrial Development Organization. 11. World Intellectual Property Organization. 12. General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 13. Union des Radiodiffusions, Televisions Nationales d’Afrique. 14. Centre de Recherche et de Documentation sur les Traditions Orales et les Langues Africaines. 15. Institut des Peuples Noirs. 16. International Centre for Bantu Civilisations. 17. Centre Africain de Liaison et de Documentation sur res Arts du Spectacle. 18. African Development Bank. 19. Agence de Cooperation Culturelle et Technique. 20. World Health Organization. 21. International Labor Organization. 22. Centre Inter-Etats pour la Promotion de l’Artisanat Traditionnel. 23. Arab League Education Culture and Science Organization. 24. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. 25. World Tourism Organization. 26. International Telecommunication Union. 27. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

Resolution on the Celebration of the Centenary of Film Invention

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 23–27, 1995

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he Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, meeting in its Sixty-first Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 23–27, 1995. Noting the disappearance of national monopolies and boundaries in the field of information and communication. Noting however, that film constitutes an important part of the Continent’s collective memory and that the world film history cannot be written without Africa’s specific mark and vision of the world. Convinced also of the need for Africa to chart its own course and portray to its peoples and to the rest of the world, its own image or run the risk of losing its landmarks and identity in the host of pictures flooding the planet. Recalling in the regard the relevant provisions of the African Cultural Charter (1976), the Dakar Plan for Action on Cultural Industries in Africa (1992) and Resolutions CM/Res 1543 (LX) on financing Mechanisms and Cultural Industries Development Strategies, factors of Pan-African Integration (1994). Further emphasizing the need for Africa to contribute to the enrichment of world culture and civilization through all means of expression. Considering that the centenary of the world film invention will be celebrated world-wide in 1995; 1. PAYS TRIBUTE to the film inventor for his creativity. HAILS the pioneers and the prominent figures of the African Cinema and PLEDGES in collaboration with the young generation of filmmakers, to make greater contribution towards the enrichment of the African audiovisual heritage and world cultures; 2. REAFFIRMS its determination to develop the indigenous films and audiovisual production capacities in Africa; 3. RESOLVES to guarantee the peoples of Africa, a wider access to their own film through all dissemination channels; 4. DECIDES to promote partnership and regional cooperation in the area of film audiovisual production, dissemination, and preservation;

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5. CALLS ON Member States and the bodies concerned to take all necessary measures, on the occasion of the celebration of the film centenary to: a. Develop endogenous film and audiovisual production capacities in Africa; b. Guarantee the peoples of Africa, a wider access to their own films; c. Promote partnership as well as African international cooperation in the area of film audiovisual production, dissemination, and preservation on Africa; 6. DECIDES to celebrate the Film Centenary with special pomp and pageantry and to proclaim 1995: “A Year of Expression and Cinematographic as well as Audiovisual Production In Africa”; 7. URGES all Member States and the OAU, each in its own area of competence, to prepare and implement an appropriate program for the celebration of the Film Centenary throughout 1995.

African Charter on Broadcasting Windhoek, Namibia, May 3–5, 2001

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dopted by African media practitioners at a UNESCO Conference held on May 3–5, 2001 in Windhoek, Namibia, to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Windhoek Declaration. Acknowledging the enduring relevance and importance of the Windhoek Declaration to the protection and promotion of freedom of expression and of the media; Noting that freedom of expression includes the right to communicate and access to means of communication; Mindful of the fact that the Windhoek Declaration focuses on the print media and recalling Paragraph 17 of the Windhoek Declaration, which recommended that a similar seminar be convened to address the need for independence and pluralism in radio and television broadcasting; Recognizing that the political, economic, and technological environment in which the Windhoek Declaration was adopted has changed significantly and that there is a need to complement and expand upon the original Declaration; Aware of the existence of serious barriers to free, independent, and pluralistic broadcasting and to the right to communicate through broadcasting in Africa; Cognizant of the fact that for the vast majority of the peoples of Africa, the broadcast media remains the main source of public communication and information; Recalling the fact that the frequency spectrum is a public resource which must be managed in the public interest; We the Participants of Windhoek + 10 Declare that

Part I: General Regulatory Issues 1. The legal framework for broadcasting should include a clear statement of the principles underpinning broadcast regulation, including promoting respect for freedom of expression, diversity, and the free flow of information and ideas, as well as a three-tier system for broadcasting: public service, commercial, and community.

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2. All formal powers in the areas of broadcast and telecommunications regulation should be exercised by public authorities which are protected against interference, particularly of a political or economic nature, by, among other things, an appointments process for members which is open, transparent, involves the participation of civil society, and is not controlled by any particular political party. 3. Decision-making processes about the overall allocation of the frequency spectrum should be open and participatory, and ensure that a fair proportion of the spectrum is allocated to broadcasting uses. 4. The frequencies allocated to broadcasting should be shared equitably among the three tiers of broadcasting. 5. Licensing processes for the allocation of specific frequencies to individual broadcasters should be fair and transparent, and based on clear criteria that include promoting media diversity in ownership and content. 6. Broadcasters should be required to promote and develop local content, which should be defined to include African content, including through the introduction of minimum quotas. 7. States should promote an economic environment that facilitates the development of independent production and diversity in broadcasting. 8. The development of appropriate technology for the reception of broadcasting signals should be promoted.

Part II: Public Service Broadcasting 1. All State and government controlled broadcasters should be transformed into public service broadcasters that are accountable to all strata of the people as represented by an independent board, and that serve the overall public interest, avoiding one-sided reporting and programming in regard to religion, political belief, culture, race, and gender. 2. Public service broadcasters should, like broadcasting and telecommunications regulators, be governed by bodies which are protected against interference. 3. The public service mandate of public service broadcasters should be clearly defined. 4. The editorial independence of public service broadcasters should be guaranteed.

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5. Public service broadcasters should be adequately funded in a manner that protects them from arbitrary interference with their budgets. 6. Without detracting from editorial control over news and current affairs content and in order to promote the development of independent productions and to enhance diversity in programming, public service broadcasters should be required to broadcast minimum quotas of material by independent producers. 7. The transmission infrastructure used by public service broadcasters should be made accessible to all broadcasters under reasonable and nondiscriminatory terms.

Part III: Community Broadcasting 1. Community broadcasting is broadcasting which is for, by, and about the community, whose ownership and management is representative of the community, which pursues a social development agenda, and which is nonprofit. 2. There should be a clear recognition, including by the international community, of the difference between decentralized public broadcasting and community broadcasting. 3. The right of community broadcasters to have access to the Internet, for the benefit of their respective communities, should be promoted.

Part IV: Telecommunications and Convergence 1. The right to communicate includes access to telephones, email, Internet, and other telecommunications systems, including through the promotion of community-controlled information communication technology centers. 2. Telecommunications law and policy should promote the goal of universal service and access, including through access clauses in privatization and liberalization processes, and proactive measures by the state. 3. The international community and African governments should mobilize resources for funding research to keep abreast of the rapidly changing media and technology landscape in Africa. 4. African governments should promote the development of online media and African content, including through the formulation of

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nonrestrictive policies on new information and communications technologies. 5. Training of media practitioners in electronic communication, research, and publishing skills needs to be supported and expanded, in order to promote access to, and dissemination of, global information.

Part V: Implementation 1. UNESCO should distribute the African Charter on Broadcasting as broadly as possible, including to stakeholders and the general public, both in Africa and worldwide. 2. Media organizations and civil society in Africa are encouraged to use the Charter as a lobbying tool and as their starting point in the development of national and regional broadcasting policies. To this end media organizations and civil society are encouraged to initiate public awareness campaigns, to form coalitions on broadcasting reform, to formulate broadcasting policies, to develop specific models for regulatory bodies and public service broadcasting, and to lobby relevant official actors. 3. All debates about broadcasting should take into account the needs of the commercial broadcasting sector. 4. UNESCO should undertake an audit of the Charter every five years, given the pace of development in the broadcasting field. 5. UNESCO should raise with member governments the importance of broadcast productions being given special status and recognized as cultural goods under the World Trade Organization rules. 6. UNESCO should take measures to promote the inclusion of the theme of media, communications, and development in an appropriate manner during the UN Summit on the information Society in 2003.

Note UNESCO. African Charter on Broadcasting. Windhoek, Namibia. May 2001.

Accra Declaration on Public Service Broadcasting in West Africa Accra, Ghana, September 16–18, 2002

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rom the 16th to 18th September 2002, a conference on Public Service Broadcasting in West Africa was held under the auspices of the Article 19 and the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) in Accra, Ghana. Participants included Heads of Public Service Broadcasting Organizations, Heads of Regulatory Bodies, regional media organizations, media specialists, and other regional stakeholders. The meeting deliberated on the need for reform of public service broadcasting in the West Africa subregion to reflect and sustain the new democratic dispensation and to allow popular participation in public affairs. The major challenges facing public service broadcasting organizations were highlighted, and participants examined and identified priority actions to be taken collectively to address them. Participants reiterated the critical role of public service broadcasting in society especially as a means of fostering national unity and cultural identity as well as ensuring access to information to all sectors of society. Participants agreed on the following:

Declaration • Status and Mandate of Public Service Broadcasting Organizations The status and mandate of Public Service Broadcasting Organizations should be provided by a legislation which states and defines the mandate, powers, responsibilities, modalities of appointments, funding sources, and accountability mechanisms. Public broadcasters should provide balanced, accurate, and relevant information and programs to the public and should strive to reflect the peoples’ voice. • Independence of Regulatory Bodies The independence of regulatory bodies should be guaranteed by law and respected in practice.

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Appointment of Members should be made within organizations reflecting a broad spectrum of stakeholders. The process for appointing members should be set out clearly in law. Members should serve in their individual capacity and exercise their functions at all times and in the public interest. • Editorial Independence of Public Service Broadcasting Organizations The principle of editorial independence, whereby programming decisions are made by broadcasters on the basis of professional criteria and the public’s right to know, should be guaranteed by law and respected in practice. It should be up to broadcasters, not the government, regulatory bodies nor commercial entities, to make decisions about what to broadcast. • Access to Public Service Broadcasting Public Service Broadcasters have an obligation to ensure that the public receive adequate, unbiased information, particularly during elections. • Programming Public Service Broadcasting Organizations should endeavor to reflect cultural, religious, and language diversities of their communities. The use of foreign-originated programs should not conflict with national values and culture and should not discourage the production of local content. • Financing There is the need for continuous state-funding of Public Service Broadcasting. However, the Public Service Broadcasting organizations should explore other sources of funding such as Special Trust Funds and effective collection of licensing fees. • Cooperation and coproduction Cooperation and coproduction of broadcast material should be encouraged among Public Service Broadcasting organizations in the subregion under mutually beneficial and proper contractual framework. Media Foundation for West Africa and Article 19 are encouraged to assist in conducting a comprehensive audit of Public Service Broadcasting facilities in the subregion.

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Media Foundation for West Africa and Article 19 are further encouraged to facilitate the establishment of a Union of West African Public Broadcasting Institutions. To this end, MFWA and Article 19 should consider convening a follow-up conference to work out the modalities.

Note “Accra Declaration on Public Service Broadcasting in West Africa,” Conference on Public Service Broadcasting in West Africa, Article 19 (https://www.article19.org) and Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), 2002.

Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa Banjul, Gambia, October 17–23, 2002 32nd Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights

Preamble

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eaffirming the fundamental importance of freedom of expression as an individual human right, as a cornerstone of democracy, and as a means of ensuring respect for all human rights and freedoms; Reaffirming Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights; Desiring to promote the free flow of information and ideas and greater respect for freedom of expression; Convinced that respect for freedom of expression, as well as the right of access to information held by public bodies and companies, will lead to greater public transparency and accountability, as well as to good governance and the strengthening of democracy; Convinced that laws and customs that repress freedom of expression are a disservice to society; Recalling that freedom of expression is a fundamental human right guaranteed by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as other international documents and national constitutions; Considering the key role of the media and other means of communication in ensuring full respect for freedom of expression, in promoting the free flow of information and ideas, in assisting people to make informed decisions and in facilitating and strengthening democracy; Aware of the particular importance of the broadcast media in Africa, given its capacity to reach a wide audience due to the comparatively low cost of receiving transmissions and its ability to overcome barriers of illiteracy; Noting that oral traditions, which are rooted in African cultures, lend themselves particularly well to radio broadcasting; Noting the important contribution that can be made to the realization of the right to freedom of expression by new information and communication technologies;

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Mindful of the evolving human rights and human development environment in Africa, especially in light of the adoption of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the principles of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, 2000, as well as the significance of the human rights and good governance provisions in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD); and Recognizing the need to ensure the right to freedom of expression in Africa, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights declares that:

I. The Guarantee of Freedom of Expression 1. Freedom of expression and information, including the right to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other form of communication, including across frontiers, is a fundamental and inalienable human right and an indispensable component of democracy. 2. Everyone shall have an equal opportunity to exercise the right to freedom of expression and to access information without discrimination.

II. Interference with Freedom of Expression 1. No one shall be subject to arbitrary interference with his or her freedom of expression. 2. Any restrictions on freedom of expression shall be provided by law, serve a legitimate interest and be necessary and in a democratic society.

III. Diversity Freedom of expression imposes an obligation on the authorities to take positive measures to promote diversity, which include among other things: • availability and promotion of a range of information and ideas to the public; • pluralistic access to the media and other means of communication, including by vulnerable or marginalized groups, such as women, children, and refugees, as well as linguistic and cultural groups;

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• the promotion and protection of African voices, including through media in local languages; and • the promotion of the use of local languages in public affairs, including in the courts.

IV. Freedom of Information 1. Public bodies hold information not for themselves but as custodians of the public good and everyone has a right to access this information, subject only to clearly defined rules established by law. 2. The right to information shall be guaranteed by law in accordance with the following principles: • everyone has the right to access information held by public bodies; • everyone has the right to access information held by private bodies which is necessary for the exercise or protection of any right; • any refusal to disclose information shall be subject to appeal to an independent body and/or the courts; • public bodies shall be required, even in the absence of a request, actively to publish important information of significant public interest; • no one shall be subject to any sanction for releasing in good faith information on wrongdoing, or that which would disclose a serious threat to health, safety, or the environment save where the imposition of sanctions serves a legitimate interest and is necessary in a democratic society; and • secrecy laws shall be amended as necessary to comply with freedom of information principles. 3. Everyone has the right to access and update or otherwise correct their personal information, whether it is held by public or by private bodies.

V. Private Broadcasting 1. States shall encourage a diverse, independent private broadcasting sector. A State monopoly over broadcasting is not compatible with the right to freedom of expression. 2. The broadcast regulatory system shall encourage private and community broadcasting in accordance with the following principles:

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• there shall be equitable allocation of frequencies between private broadcasting uses, both commercial and community; • an independent regulatory body shall be responsible for issuing broadcasting licenses and for ensuring observance of license conditions; • licensing processes shall be fair and transparent, and shall seek to promote diversity in broadcasting; and • community broadcasting shall be promoted given its potential to broaden access by poor and rural communities to the airwaves.

VI. Public Broadcasting State and government controlled broadcasters should be transformed into public service broadcasters, accountable to the public through the legislature rather than the government, in accordance with the following principles: • public broadcasters should be governed by a board which is protected against interference, particularly of a political or economic nature; • the editorial independence of public service broadcasters should be guaranteed; • public broadcasters should be adequately funded in a manner that protects them from arbitrary interference with their budgets; • public broadcasters should strive to ensure that their transmission system covers the whole territory of the country; and • the public service ambit of public broadcasters should be clearly defined and include an obligation to ensure that the public receive adequate, politically balanced information, particularly during election periods.

VII. Regulatory Bodies for Broadcast and Telecommunications 1. Any public authority that exercises powers in the areas of broadcast or telecommunications regulation should be independent and adequately protected against interference, particularly of a political or economic nature.

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2. The appointments process for members of a regulatory body should be open and transparent, involve the participation of civil society, and shall not be controlled by any particular political party. 3. Any public authority that exercises powers in the areas of broadcast or telecommunications should be formally accountable to the public through a multi-party body.

VIII. Print Media 1. Any registration system for the print media shall not impose substantive restrictions on the right to freedom of expression. 2. Any print media published by a public authority should be protected adequately against undue political interference. 3. Efforts should be made to increase the scope of circulation of the print media, particularly to rural communities. 4. Media owners and media professionals shall be encouraged to reach agreements to guarantee editorial independence and to prevent commercial considerations from unduly influencing media content.

IX. Complaints 1. A public complaints system for print or broadcasting should be available in accordance with the following principles: • complaints shall be determined in accordance with established rules and codes of conduct agreed between all stakeholders; and • the complaints system shall be widely accessible. 2. Any regulatory body established to hear complaints about media content, including media councils, shall be protected against political, economic, or any other undue interference. Its powers shall be administrative in nature and it shall not seek to usurp the role of the courts. 3. Effective self-regulation is the best system for promoting high standards in the media.

X. Promoting Professionalism 1. Media practitioners shall be free to organize themselves into unions and associations.

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2. The right to express oneself through the media by practicing journalism shall not be subject to undue legal restrictions.

Xl. Attacks on Media Practitioners 1. Attacks such as the murder, kidnapping, intimidation of, and threats to media practitioners and others exercising their right to freedom of expression, as well as the material destruction of communications facilities, undermines independent journalism, freedom of expression and the free flow of information to the public. 2. States are under an obligation to take effective measures to prevent such attacks and, when they do occur, to investigate them, to punish perpetrators, and to ensure that victims have access to effective remedies. 3. In times of conflict, States shall respect the status of media practitioners as non-combatants.

XII. Protecting Reputations 1. States should ensure that their laws relating to defamation conform to the following standards: • no one shall be found liable for true statements, opinions, or statements regarding public figures which it was reasonable to make in the circumstances; • public figures shall be required to tolerate a greater degree of criticism; and • sanctions shall never be so severe as to inhibit the right to freedom of expression, including by others. 2. Privacy laws shall not inhibit the dissemination of information of public interest.

XIII. Criminal Measures 1. States shall review all criminal restrictions on content to ensure that they serve a legitimate interest in a democratic society. 2. Freedom of expression should not be restricted on public order or national security grounds unless there is a real risk of harm to a legitimate interest and there is a close causal link between the risk of harm and the expression.

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XIV. Economic Measures 1. States shall promote a general economic environment in which the media can flourish. 2. States shall not use their power over the placement of public advertising as a means to interfere with media content. 3. States should adopt effective measures to avoid undue concentration of media ownership, although such measures shall not be so stringent that they inhibit the development of the media sector as a whole.

XV. Protection of Sources and Other Journalistic Material Media practitioners shall not be required to reveal confidential sources of information or to disclose other material held for journalistic purposes except in accordance with the following principles: • the identity of the source is necessary for the investigation or prosecution of a serious crime, or the defense of a person accused of a criminal offense; • the information or similar information leading to the same result cannot be obtained elsewhere; • the public interest in disclosure outweighs the harm to freedom of expression; and • disclosure has been ordered by a court, after a full hearing.

XVI. Implementation States Parties to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights should make every effort to give practical effect to these principles.

Note African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, Banjul, The Gambia, October 2002.

African Film Summit

Tshwane, South Africa, April 3–6, 2006

Quotable Quotes If this is to be the African century we aspire to, that aspiration must be undergirded by our willingness to encourage, affirm, and support Africa’s creative artists. . . . We see this Summit as an opportunity to promote and encourage a conducive environment and a renewed energy toward better coordination and alignment of our vision, plans, policies, actions, approaches, and implementation strategies within individual states and across states regionally and continentally. This gathering marks an important milestone toward the development of the African Audio Visual and Cinema industries. After it, there should be no excuse why any African government and institutions should not recognize the importance of these media in the social, economic, and cultural development of our nations. —Dr. Pallo Jordan, Minister of Arts and Culture (South Africa) The overall purpose and specific objectives of the Summit are in line with the African Union Commission’s action lines for the field of Culture. The Commission endorses the Summit as an opportunity for film practitioners and relevant institutions to begin working toward the launching of the Pan African Audio Visual Commission. —H. E Adv. Bience Gawanas, Commissioner for Social and Cultural Affairs, African Union The African Union (AU) can assist with the objectives of the Summit. However, in order to assist, the AU would need to have details of the plans, the statutes, the foundation documentation, and the mechanisms, including the roles of the regions. This would give the AU a clear understanding with which it could move forward toward the establishment of the African Audio Visual and Cinema Commission and Fund. —Dr. Kamel Esseghairi, Director at AU Social Affairs Commission The Summit and the 7th Congress of FEPACI were indeed an astounding success; the challenge ahead is the immediate implementation of the various resolutions and recommendations. —Seipati Bulane Hopa, Secretary General of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) We strongly believe that institutions such as the African Union and programs such as NEPAD need to be decisive driving forces of African audiovisual policy and are also convinced that their commitment to the implementation of the above instruments is

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a fundamental precondition for development and growth of the audiovisual industry across the continent. —Mr. Eddie Mbalo, CEO of the NFVF and Chairperson of the Summit Steering Committee For over a decade, the world has been evolving under the profound effect of globalization with numerous economic, social, and cultural consequences for all countries in the world. This evolution is picking up speed consequent to and influenced by today’s information and knowledge society and the massive development of new technologies, digital equipment and capacity, and the circulation of images and sound without any frontiers. The creation of the Commission and the Fund aims at creating conditions that allow the audiovisual and cinema sectors to contribute to the development of Africa. —Mr. Jacques Behanzin, Former Secretary General of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI)

Executive Summary The Department of Arts and Culture (DAC) and the National Film and Video Foundation (NFVF) of South Africa in association with the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), hosted the African Film Summit as well as the 7th General Congress of FEPACI, in Tshwane, South Africa, April 3–6, 2006. The DAC and the NFVF’s initiative to host the African Film Summit, was consequent to a request from FEPACI at FESPACO 2003 for South Africa to host the next general congress of the federation and primarily on the basis of the recommendations of the African Union Commission’s appeal for the participation of the African Union, the RECs (Regional Economic Communities), African Governments, the private sector, and the civil society to take appropriate steps, in conjunction with the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, FEPACI, URTNA, MASA, FESPACO, and all stakeholders to hold consultations and conduct preliminary studies with a view to establishing an African Commission on the Audiovisual and Cinema industries, as well as a Fund to promote the cinema industry and television programs in Africa.1

Over 250 audiovisual and cinema practitioners from 42 countries met together with other stakeholders and partners, for what has been billed as an “astounding success,” and as “one of the most important events in the history of the African film industry.”

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Delegates at the Summit and Congress included some of the continent’s most prolific audiovisual professionals, including: pioneer directors Haile Gerima, Med Hondo, Safi Faye, Sarah Maldoror, Souleymane Cissé, Kwaw Ansah, and Gaston Kaboré; as well as representatives of national and continental film associations, guilds, and unions, such as: the regional secretaries of FEPACI, the Guild of African Filmmakers, Association of Nigerian Film Producers, the East African Filmmakers Forum South African Script Writers Association (SASWA), the Pan-African Union of Women in the Image Industry (UPAFI), and statutory government institutions, including the Nigerian Film Corporation (NCF), the Namibian Film Commission (NFC), the Moroccan Cinema Center (MCC), the Mauritius Film Development Corporation (MFDC), the Gabon Centre National du Cinema (CENACI), as well as the African Union Social and Cultural Affairs Commission. This report is intended to make an attempt at providing as detailed as possible a summary of the background agenda, work program, and summary of proceedings of the summit and Congress. The report focuses on the outputs and recommendations from the various panels and work groups as reflected in the final document endorsed by all Summit and Congress participants and herewith attached, The Pan-African Audiovisual and Cinema Practitioners Declaration (The Tshwane Declaration). The report also takes note of numerous key recommendations as detailed in discussion documents and advisory reports developed and presented at the Summit by a select panel of experts and consultants.

Primary Recipients of this Report The primary recipients of this report are: • The National Film and Video Foundation and the African Film Summit Steering Committee: The Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Eddie Mbalo; Mrs. Lindi Ndebele-Koka (DAC); Ms. Thaninga Shope (NEPAD); Mr. Kamel Esseghairi (African Union); Ms. Nadia Sujee (DTI); Mr. Glen Mamabolo (DFA); and the FEPACI Secretary General, Mrs. Seipati Bulane Hopa. • The Ministry and Department of Arts and Culture: the Minister, Dr. Pallo Jordan and the Deputy Minister, Ms. Ntombazana Botha; Director General Itumeleng Mosala; Deputy Director General Victor Julius; Chief Director Cultural Development Mr. Tale Motsepe; and relevant officials in the International Relations and Cultural Development Chief Directorate, particularly the Director

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of Multimedia Mrs. Lindi Ndebele-Koka and Deputy Director of Audio Visual Media Ms. Pulane Tshabile. • This report including documents in the annexure and the recommendations and resolutions contained within are, as per the objectives of the Summit, intended to be tabled at the next SADC and AU meetings of African Culture Ministers, as the most appropriate political platforms for the resolutions to be adopted as part of African Union and NEPAD programs.

Objectives The key objectives for hosting the African Film Summit and the FEPACI Congress were to create a platform where various key stakeholders could engage with each other and continue dialogue toward 1. Analyzing the state of African cinema across the continent within the context of the global order of the cultural industries. 2. Evaluating the successes and challenges of national and regional film industries and interrogating the performance of African countries against international benchmarks and Conventions. 3. Streamlining activities across the continent that are aimed at developing the African Audio Visual industries. 4. Providing a new mandate for FEPACI to act within the NEPAD context and addressing the capacity requirements of FEPACI that are necessary to carry out the new mandate. 5. Proposing a way forward on how to begin the implementation process on various instruments, motions, proposals, declarations, and resolutions made and signed by the OAU and AU regarding cultural industries in general and the audiovisual industry in particular. 6. Assessing the desirability of the drafting and adoption of an African Convention on Audio Visual collaboration and cooperation as a legally binding Pan-African agreement between member states of the African Union and as an instrument that declares the common purpose and objectives and implementation plans of these member states for the development of the Pan-African audiovisual industries. 7. Formulating recommendations and resolutions which will be presented to the meeting of the African Cultural Ministers in respect of the establishment of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission and African Film Fund and the place of film in the AU and NEPAD agenda for sustainable growth and development.

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Themes and Topics The Summit was session based with various moderated and panel led discussions, presentations, and breakouts on select themes and topics that reflected the key vision, mission, and objectives of hosting the Summit. The discussion themes and topics included the following: 1. The historical challenges of African cinema. This session was spearheaded by a panel of elders, the pioneers of African cinema including, among others: Ms. Sarah Maldoror, Ms. Safi Faye, Prof. Haile Gerima, Mr. Med Hondo, Mr. Souleymane Cissé, Mr. Kwaw Ansah. 2. Toward a common vision and common voice. A presentation and discussion on facilitating unity among African filmmakers— toward a common vision and common voice. A discussion on the history, challenges, and future of Pan-African filmmakers’ organizations and associations. 3. The role of the State in the development of the African film/audiovisual industries. A discussion and presentation on the development of national film policies and the legitimizing of state support and funding for African Film Industries, the setting up of national film institutions, examples from Burkina Faso, Mali, South Africa, and other African countries. 4. The role of broadcasters in the development of the African audiovisual industries. A special focus on the role of National and Public Services Broadcast. 5. The role of the African Union and NEPAD in the development of African Audiovisual Industries and an assessment of the desirability and necessity of Pan-African instruments that can facilitate development. A discussion on the objectives, theoretical and practical implications, logistics, modalities, expected results, agenda, documents, and work methods toward the African convention on cinematographic collaboration, the African Commission on the Audiovisual and Cinema industries, as well as a Fund to promote the cinema industry and television programs in Africa.

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Key Outcomes Among the key highlights of the Summit and Congress with regards to outputs are the following: 1. The adoption of THE PAN-AFRICAN AUDIOVISUAL AND CINEMA PRACTITIONERS DECLARATION, the Tshwane Declaration. The declaration affirms a common purpose, among the Pan-African Audiovisual and Cinema Practitioners and stakeholders represented at the summit. Convinced of the need to create synergy between the efforts of various stakeholders across the industry at a national, regional, and continental level and also between institutions such as the African Union and programs such as NEPAD. The delegates agreed that the establishment of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC) and the African Film Fund (AFC), are fundamental preconditions for the development and growth of the audiovisual industry across the continent. They recommended that the Commission (AACC) should be established as a specialized agency of the AU’s Social and Cultural Affairs Commission and included as part of its 2006–2008 implementation program. 2. The adoption by the FEPACI Congress of recommendations for the restructuring, democratization, and strengthening of FEPACI in terms of its capacity and means to deliver on its mandate in a transparent and accountable manner. The Congress adopted resolutions for the separation of the Secretariat (Management) and (Bureau) Board functions and the creation of the post of FEPACI President. It resolved that the Head Office of the Organization remains in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, while the Secretariat can be accommodated wherever it is possible every four years. To effect these, a Board of fifteen members composed of the President, Secretary General, Treasurer General, and twelve Regional Secretaries was elected. Filmmaker and Director of the Gabon Center of Cinematography Mr. Charles Mensah was duly elected the President of FEPACI and Mr. Albert Egbe was elected as Treasurer General. South African film practitioner Ms. Seipati Bulane Hopa was elected the Secretary General, the first female FEPACI Secretary General. The Secretariat of FEPACI is to be hosted in South Africa for the next four years.

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Summary of Recommendations and Proposed Implementation The African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC) and the African Film Fund (AFC) This report provides a summary of recommendations and ways forward particularly with regards to the establishment of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC) and the African Film Fund (AFC) as outlined in the Tshwane Declaration and in the discussion documents and papers presented during the summit. The Summit delegates requested the National Film and Video Foundation and the Department of Arts and Culture to allocate resources to ensure the continuity of this process and implementation of the summit resolutions and recommendations. As outlined in the declaration, the delegates recommended that the African Union (AU) be requested to allocate resources to recruit and set up a committee of continental experts in consultation with FEPACI and other relevant stakeholders to: • conduct a feasibility study with precise terms of reference to understand the financial requirements and implications for the development and implementation of the recommendations and resolutions of the Summit in line with current AU and NEPAD programs. • develop drafts of the constitution of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC) and the Pan-African Convention on Cinematographic Collaboration as legal instruments on audiovisual collaboration and cooperation across the continent and as strategic frameworks or road maps of the future of the Commission. The delegates recommended that the funding of the committee and studies be secured exclusively by the African Union and NEPAD with the support of regional African financial institutions, especially the African Development Bank, the West African Development Bank, ECOWAS [Economic Community of West African States], the West African Economic and Monetary Union, SADEC [Southern African Development Community], commercial banks, and African central banks, etc. It is thus that the Summit Project Manager proposes to, on behalf of the National Film and Video Foundation and the Department of Arts and Culture, continue working on the project for at least the next six months (June–November 2006) to ensure continuity and coordinate the

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implementation of the resolutions and to further liaise with AU, FEPACI, and other relevant stakeholders in lieu of upcoming key opportunities at the following events: Sithengi 2006 and FESPACO 2007, the African Union Cultural Conference and the next meeting of Ministers of Arts and Culture. They proposed that the functions and responsibilities of the Commission and the Fund include: • The promotion and encouragement of a conducive environment and a renewed energy and continental cooperation toward the development of the African Audiovisual Industries. • Persuading governments to recognize the importance of cinema in the social, economic, and cultural education of their populations and to adopt cinema policies that stimulate the development of cinema in their countries and regionally. • Lobbying international organizations and African financial institutions to provide financial support to African Union, its Member States, as well as to the African professional film organizations concerned for the better organization and development of the film sector in Africa. • Supporting the production, coproduction, distribution, exhibition, marketing, and promotion of African films and fostering cooperation between African professionals in the spirit of AU’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). • Providing support for public institutions and educational institutions to use African film as an educational tool and for the promotion of African cinema and working toward the establishment of regional film schools. • Providing a framework to back these initiatives below with specific organizational and financial support measures.

FEPACI: Facilitating Unity Amongst African Filmmakers With regards to FEPACI, the Summit delegates unanimously endorsed The Federation as the sole representative body of the interests of African filmmakers in Africa and in the Diaspora at a continental level and recommended that: • FEPACI be strengthened in terms of its capacity and means to deliver on its mandate in a transparent and accountable manner; • That there is a need to consider the separation of the Secretariat and Management functions from the Board of FEPACI;

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• That the Head Office remains in Ouagadougou and that the Secretariat of FEPACI should be accommodated wherever it is possible every four years in order to facilitate both the activities and needs of its members; • That as soon as possible after this summit and preferably by FESPACO 2007, a study should be conducted to pinpoint the difficulties and challenges and to determine the way forward. The above recommendations were presented and adopted by the Congress of FEPACI, to the effect that the post of a President was created and Gabonese filmmaker Mr. Charles Mensah and Director of the Gabon Center of Cinematography (CENACI) was duly elected the President of FEPACI, South African film practitioner Ms. Seipati Bulane Hopa was appointed the Secretary General, the first female FEPACI Secretary General, whose appointment also intrinsically meant that the Secretariat of FEPACI was to be hosted in South Africa for the next four years. Mr. Albert Egbe was appointed the Treasurer General. The following were appointed regional secretaries: Eastern Region, Ms. Jane Munene and Maji Abdi; Northern Region, Jazid Belkoja and Jihan El-Tahri; Western Region, Madu Chiwendu and Cheikh Ngaido Ba; Southern Region, Abius Akwake and Stephen Chigorimbo; Central Region, Camille Mouyeke and Bassek Bakhobio; The Diaspora–Europe, Mr. Mark Niekiter; The Diaspora–Americas, Miss Sarah Maldoror.

The Role of the State The delegates agreed that a significant part of the conditions required for a fully functioning, self-reliant, and sustainable film industry in Africa is the sincere, creative, substantive, and non-obtrusive participation of the state and that it is primarily the responsibility of governments and public bodies to take concrete steps toward developing conducive and enabling policy and ensuring that that funding is actually available for the production and distribution of African films and television programs. They stressed the importance of clear cultural policy at a national and continental level and how such policy provisions provide an enabling framework for sectors like film and audiovisual. The following is a summary of their recommendations: • There should be quotas for indigenous films and African films in cinemas as well as appropriately conceived quotas for TV broadcasts; • A continental database listing available African films and television programs should be created to aid African TV Broadcasters;

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• Steps should be taken to facilitate the subtitling of African films; • All African states should have and implement laws that support the film industry. Such laws should not be the mere paper declarations but must be conceived to serve as a foundation for practical plans of action backed up by adequate funding aimed at facilitating actual production and distribution of African films; • Steps should be taken by each state to facilitate efficient and cheap distribution of African films across the continent; • Taxes on audiovisual materials and on the film industry in general should be reduced; • Access to funding for filmmakers should be facilitated through adequate legislative measures, commercial and banking regulations, and direct budgetary allocations by each state; • Efforts should be made to facilitate the dubbing and subtitling of African films; • Access to training facilities with onward working opportunities should be created; • A database of industry technicians and experts should be established in each country and made accessible on a continent-wide basis; • African states should ensure that all cultural agreements with nonAfrican countries should include clauses that facilitate enhanced and cheap access to production facilities in the partner countries as well as guarantee satisfactory outlets in such countries for African films and television programs; • National film festivals and markets that promote and exhibit African films and play a role in audience development, training, distribution, and sales should be supported by national governments and the African Union.

The Role of Broadcasters The delegates agreed that there is a need for more broadcasters across the continent to increase the opportunities for filmmakers to have their films shown and that most African countries have only one public broadcaster which often neither has the will, the funds, nor the capacity to show local content films and thus that providing adequate budgets to broadcasters and allowing more broadcasters would invite competition, give the public greater choice, and offer more opportunities for local content productions to be screened. They stressed that television must be seen as not only an entertainment medium, but one which can be used as an educational tool, serve diverse social groups, and cater for cultural aspirations and that public

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broadcasters should therefore be empowered by being provided with adequate funding to be able to make greater contributions to nation-building through proper use of television. They noted that far too little content which is truly “African” is being shown by broadcasters on the continent and that there seems to be an influx of content from overseas countries, which has nothing in common with the African continent, its people, its cultures, or its needs. The following is a summary of their recommendations: • All countries should have independent communications licensing authorities which will regulate the provision of licenses to broadcasters and the local content obligations of the broadcasters that are licensed. • More women must be brought into the broadcasting and filmmaking fraternity. They must be included in decision-making forums and on policy formulating committees—put gender on the agenda. • Broadcasters on the continent must partner with each other, particularly with regard to coproductions in order to take advantage of funding, expertise, distribution channels, and a wider audience. There must be greater cooperation and interaction between countries across the continent. Films made in East or West Africa must not broadcast locally only. They must be broadcast in various countries across the continent in order to reach a wider audience. • The broadcasting environment must be liberalized, allowing for more broadcasters to enter the medium and create more opportunities across Africa. • Any public broadcaster must be a development tool for the film industry in any country. This will be achieved by providing training to filmmakers, paying fair prices for programming and commissions, and incorporating a regime of rights between broadcasters and filmmakers. • Broadcasters must invest resources into researching African stories and content, making films of these stories, and doing effective and profitable distribution of the films. • All countries should establish local content quotas for their broadcasters through their relevant licensing authorities. These quotas must be realistic and achievable. • Broadcasters should play a role in all aspects of audiovisual infrastructure development and creation of employment. • National public broadcasters should be governed by Independent Boards which should ensure equitable and transparent access to the resources of the broadcaster including both production and

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broadcast by all people and should adhere to the principles of diversity, i.e. gender, ethnicity, language. • The implementing policy for the licensing of African film and audiovisual products should be developed. • African governments should protect local production through world trade bodies like GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], WTO [World Trade Organization]. • Broadcasters should be compelled to dedicate a percentage of their budgets toward the production of local films.

Background of the Summit and FEPACI Congress 1. At FESPACO 2003 (The Pan-African Film Festival in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso) the Department of Arts and Culture (DAC) and the National Film and Video Foundation (NFVF) of South Africa initiated discussions with FEPACI (the Federation of Pan-African Filmmakers) to explore the potential for the participation of the NFVF and the South African government in the creation of a platform to continue the dialogue regarding the establishment of the African Commission on the Audiovisual and Cinema industries as well as the restructuring of FEPACI as a PanAfrican Federation of Film Associations. 2. The General Assembly of members of FEPACI welcomed the proposal. It was then suggested that South Africa host an African Film Summit including the next general conference of FEPACI at a date to be confirmed by the Summit Steering Committee. 3. Cognizant of the AU’s requests and following the meeting at FESPACO 2003, the DAC and the NFVF invited a delegation from the Burkina Faso Ministry of Culture, Arts, and Tourism and representatives from FEPACI to the Southern African International Film and TV Market known as Sithengi, in Cape Town. It was during this visit that the DAC, NFVF, and FEPACI discussed the formation of an initial steering committee comprising of the DAC, NFVF, and FEPACI, representatives of the NEPAD Secretariat, other relevant government departments, and institutions in preparation for the proposed African Film Summit. 4. On November 15, 2004, a planning meeting was held at Sithengi to prepare a submission for FESPACO 2005. This meeting was attended by Mr. Jacques Behanzin, Secretary General of FEPACI; Mr. Morabane Modise, Regional Secretary of FEPACI; Ms. Lindi Ndebele-Koka and Mr. Lebone Maema of the DAC; Mr. Eddie

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5.

6.

7.

8.

Mbalo, CEO of NFVF; Mr. Dimitri Martinis, Senior Manager of Policy at the NFVF; Ms. Gina Bonmariage, Senior Manager of Human Capital Development at the NFVF; Ms. Jackie Motsepe, Senior Manager of Marketing at the NFVF; and Mr. Thami Nxasana, the Strategy Advisor and Programs Manager at the NFVF. The meeting deliberated about the objectives and logistics of the proposed African Film Summit and deliberated on the objectives of the Summit. At FESPACO 2005, the DAC hosted a workshop toward the hosting of the African Film Summit in South Africa. The workshop was held on 3 March 2005, following the decision made at a November planning meeting that was held at Sithengi to open the discussions of an African Film Summit and to inform film and audiovisual practitioners as well as stakeholders. The workshop was therefore intended to be a forum to discuss the rationale, aims, objectives, and framework toward the African Film Summit. The workshop was attended by representatives of national film associations, the regional secretaries, and secretary general of FEPACI, representatives from film institutions in the diaspora, audiovisual professionals, and representatives of guilds and unions as well as other film practitioners from across the continent. The DAC and NFVF in association with FEPACI received overwhelming support and encouragement to proceed with preparations toward the Summit. Many participants argued that it would be foolhardy of African film practitioners to turn down an opportunity for all relevant stakeholders in the industry to regroup and focus their energy on working together to develop mechanisms to build a strong Pan-African industry. The Department of Arts and Culture and the South African Government were applauded by the workshop participants for proposing to provide a platform in the form of the African Film Summit which will allow various key stakeholders to engage with each other toward streamlining activities across the continent that are aimed at developing the African film industries, a platform that will consolidate the historic, political, and practical aspects that have been taking place over the past 15–20 years. The Department of Arts and Culture and the South African Government were commended for taking the initiative to provide a platform to propose a way forward on how to begin the implementation process on various instruments, motions, proposals, declarations, and resolutions made and signed by the OAU and AU regarding cultural industries in general and the audiovisual

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industry in particular. The most important of these declarations being the African Union Commission’s request for: the participation of the African Union, regional economic councils, African governments, the private sector, and the civil society in the activities toward the establishment of the Pan-African Audiovisual Commission, as well as a Fund to promote the cinema industry and television programs in Africa. 9. In August 2005 the National Film and Video Foundation appointed Lebone Maema as project manager and he was tasked with the responsibility of conducting necessary research toward the development of the concept, model, brand, and profile of the proposed Summit and FEPACI General Congress, conceptualization and implementation of the working vision and mission, the aims and objectives of the Summit, fundraising, recruiting members of a steering and working committee, securing sponsors for the project, and overseeing the overall implementation of the project.

Notes Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Decisions of the Assembly of the AU, Second Ordinary Session, July 10-12, 2003, Maputo, Mozambique.

Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) Master Report: Selections Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 2009

Background Vision: To protect, promote, and advance film practitioners’ interests.

Mission ▶ To facilitate a cultural creative economy in which there is ownership and control of the instruments of production and distribution ▶ To promote unity and foster solidarity among African filmmakers ▶ To promote and secure the establishment of audiovisual vocational training ▶ To strengthen and support national film and TV associations as well as regional secretariats ▶ To mobilize African governments in supporting and adhering to strategic policies and conventions that accelerate the cultural creative economy ▶ To lobby and support African public broadcasters in advancing the creation and dissemination of cultural content ▶ To mobilize the private sector in supporting the production, distribution, and cost sharing of African cultural content ▶ To archive and preserve Africa’s cultural heritage ▶ To develop and update policies that enable the audiovisual cinematic industry to function more effectively

Objectives ▶ Advance and represent the interests of African filmmakers at public and private sector policy levels ▶ Help set standards of excellence in training and production [and] advocate the use of best practices in film production, marketing, and advertising sectors ▶ Strengthen film and television organizations at national and regional levels including the diaspora regions

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▶ Encourage enabling transformational trade policies and cultural treaties as equitable instruments and utilities that promote the development of national film productions and coproductions across the continent and beyond ▶ Persuade institutions and governments to recognize the importance of cinema in the social, economic, and cultural education of their populations ▶ Adopt cinema policies that stimulate the development of cinema

Internal SWOT Analysis FEPACI Strengths ▶ Iconic history of activism during its forty years ▶ Membership base ▶ Historic link to the FESPACO [Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou] ▶ Status as a continental body ▶ Intellectual capital derived from its practitioner base ▶ Accumulated film property as tangible cultural property assets ▶ Member affinities with investors, sponsors, funders, and governments

FEPACI Weaknesses ▶ Perpetual lack of sufficient funding to implement projects ▶ Reliance on external support adversely affecting time frames on projects ▶ Lack of translations in Portuguese, Arabic, and African languages ▶ Regional secretariat offices are not fully functional yet, primarily due to lack of finance, but also due to lack of national and regional policies aimed at ensuring collaborative national and interregional work ▶ Lack of greater cohesion among the secretariat and regional secretariats due to miscommunication and lack of clarity regarding roles and responsibilities ▶ The nomadic nature of the secretariat encourages instability and deinstitutionalizes, disempowers, and reduces FEPACI’s effectiveness and influence while also limiting its capacity to invest in fixed assets

FEPACI Opportunities ▶ Encourage and facilitate the establishment of an African Film Commission

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▶ Encourage and facilitate the establishment of a film fund ▶ Participate in international world trade policies that affect filmmakers across the continent ▶ Foster and advance the interests of filmmakers through interactions with the African Union’s Social and Cultural Affairs Commission ▶ Engage in strategic collaborations with the diaspora with the aim of establishing coproductions and coinvestment business relations ▶ Establish a forum for all film schools in Africa to collaborate and benchmark themselves with the aim of promoting higher standards in the teaching and learning environment of the film and television sector ▶ Encourage greater collaboration among Arts and Culture Ministries in order to assist one another in developing and implementing trade policies that promote best practices that require a competent and competitive audiovisual industry and a viable and prosperous audiovisual economy ▶ Establish a forum or dialogue between public- and private-sector broadcasters and film practitioners that encourages strategic joint ventures in the exhibition and distribution of African film and television content ▶ Assist in the promotion of a coherent and cohesive network of national and regional film institutions and associations whereby through the weight of their collectivity they gain more legitimate power and leverage to negotiate strategies and policies with national, regional, and international institutions such as governments, investors, and other related stakeholders, such as UNESCO and WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization).

FEPACI Threats ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶

Reliance on external funding Host country politics Ad hoc leadership, i.e., nonbinding and noncontractual Short-term employment periods due to lack of funds and due to end of terms of office ▶ Lack of cohesion and collaborations of like-minded institutions and/or projects ▶ Split loyalties and commitment to FEPACI by the leadership whose immediate priorities naturally lie with individual film projects and/or film businesses ▶ Lack of membership fee income

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The Role of FEPACI in International Relations ▶ Develop active linkages with international, regional, and national associations that are FEPACI’s critical constituency and membership base ▶ Develop, maintain, and promote databases of international, regional, and national associations as well as individual practitioners, distributors, exhibitors, and so on ▶ Develop data of registered and nonregistered national associations ▶ Collect and preserve copies of national association constitutions ▶ Encourage the harmonization of strategic and administrative processes between regional offices and the Secretariat ▶ Facilitate improved communications and effective working relationships and collaborations among the Secretariat and regional secretaries ▶ Promote stronger linkages and encourage cooperation between regional offices and national industry organizations and governments ▶ Implement and manage the FEPACI membership strategy and provide operational support to regional secretaries ▶ Assist regions to improve overall productivity ▶ Assist regions to promote the mission and vision of FEPACI and the effective implementation of FEPACI programs and projects in the respective regions ▶ Confirm membership criteria, fee structure, and procedures and processes for payment of membership fees ▶ Develop additional membership documentation including membership forms and information packs ▶ Provide support for regional offices’ fundraising campaigns ▶ Facilitate contact and exchange of experience and materials among national and industry associations, organizations, and institutions in different African countries ▶ Provide support for the augmentation of the capacities of the regional secretaries by the Secretariat for the establishment of regional offices ▶ Assist regional secretariats in setting up and sustaining FEPACI regional offices and supplying them with the human and material resources required for the implementation of regional mandates ▶ Assist regional secretaries and provide support for the registration of the FEPACI regional secretariats

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▶ Promote FEPACI’s work ethics according to FEPACI ethics law of good governance and best practices ▶ Work with regional secretaries toward the stabilization of national and/or regional African film and audiovisual media schools in countries where they exist and lobby for their establishment where they do not exist ▶ Facilitate the process of the formulation of harmonized curricula for African film schools

FEPACI at FESPACO 2007 ▶ An opportunity by the Secretary General to spend time and interact with former Secretary General Mr. Jacques Behanzin, who explained in elaborate detail all the activities of this administration ▶ An opportunity to see and assess the physical state of current FEPACI headquarters ▶ A subsequent formal handover ceremony by the former Secretary General to the current Secretary was made ▶ A meeting with the President of the National Film Association in Burkina Faso, Mr. Raymond Tiendrebeogo, was made with further introduction of the Western Regional Secretary, Mr. Fadika Kramo Lancine, as the representative responsible and accountable for the management of Headquarters ▶ At this meeting it was agreed that both the President of the Association and the Regional Secretary will work in tandem to affect a structured and team-based headquarters. It was further agreed that one of the key functions of headquarters was to ensure that key documents of FEPACI are translated in FEPACI official languages for dissemination to members ▶ A meeting with the Minister of Communications, Ms. Aline Kola, in Burkina Faso, facilitated by Mr. Tiendrebeogo was used to formally announce the vision and mission of the new Secretariat; also communicated was how the Secretariat and FEPACI HQ were to function meaningfully ▶ Two FEPACI report back meetings were held where a verbal report of FEPACI progress since the appointment of the new bureau was made ▶ A meeting with the African diaspora delegation was held where there were some propositions made to establish satellite FEPACI offices in the diaspora

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▶ A FEPACI party, arranged by Regional Secretary Mr. Marc Neikatar, was held with sponsorship from the AMAA, SABC, Francophonie, and FEPACI ▶ AMAA, on the request of Regional Secretary, Mr. Madu Chikwendu, made a contribution of one hundred FEPACI bags with FEPACI @FESPACO 2007 on them ▶ A meeting with WIPO took place where a tentative agreement was made for WIPO and FEPACI to cohost an Intellectual Property symposium in Abuja, Nigeria. Due to lack of funds this project is on hold ▶ A FEPACI meeting with the SABC facilitated by the NFVF took place. FEPACI proposed a coproduction seminar with the SABC and other national broadcasters; SABC was in support of the idea and follow through with the NFVF was proposed ▶ FEPACI attended a meeting with UCECAO [Union of Creators and Entrepreneurs of Cinema and Audiovisual in West Africa] where the organization had a briefing with its members ▶ A meeting with Mr. Gaston Kaboré where a proposition of his participation as predecessor and advisor was made and where clear support from his side was given

FEPACI Activities in Festivals and Other Film Events (SABC-SITHENGI) Important to activities at the FESPACO were meetings with former Secretary Generals who shared their experience and understanding of what FEPACI represents. Continued interactions with them are pertinent as it will create continuity and help sustain the legacy of work done in the past.

The AMAA FEPACI attended the African Movie Academy Awards in Nigeria which was in March 2007. FEPACI was again invited to attend Cannes in May 2007 and may be invited to other numerous festivals within and outside the continent. FEPACI’s purpose and objectives when attending festivals must be clear. It must have a desire to maximize opportunity in making FEPACI not only visible but active and impactful. FEPACI must be strategically linked to the relevant festivals. There are various creative ways in which FEPACI can make itself more useful to its members, and some of them are already tabled for discussion by the regions.

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FEPACI Membership FEPACI is membership owned and constituent centered. Members naturally have a variety of expectations and hope to see delivery on FEPACI’s renewed Tshwane resolutions of the 2006 African Film Summit. Members, as the premium owners of FEPACI, need not only be visible as members, but need to be actively accountable as well, and need not only be committed to FEPACI but need to be actively involved in the welfare of the organization so that member expectations on delivery are matched with an equal investment of intellectual and material capital such as paying membership fees. The hat-in-hand legacy that besieges institutions such as FEPACI has great potential to impair FEPACI’s vision and affect its stature, thinking, and sovereignty. To be seen to be running at a deficit all the time is a huge compromise on a personal and professional level and this adversely affects the dignity with which we are meant to run our office. We have a draft membership strategy and a membership form for listing and data compilation of FEPACI individual members. We have a proposed fee structure and do encourage members to pay their fees once the announcement of this fee structure is made and agreed upon.

FEPACI Partnerships Trip to Brussels February 2007 FEPACI was invited to the Francophonie meeting in Brussels. The meeting was strategically important for FEPACI and brought forth some observations: The discussion on the vision to create stronger private public partnerships for the sustainable development and growth of the film and TV industries brought in interesting perspectives. The second day’s discussion on national policies also brought aspects of debate and discourse that should be carried forward with interrogation and robust scrutiny by an organization such as FEPACI. The meeting focused discussions on the need for the creation of viable film infrastructures and looking at public and private collaborations. What was noted was that FEPACI, with its stature and linkages with member organizations, should become part of the policy formulations processes and dialogue that decides the future and the destiny of Africa’s audiovisual cinema industries.

The African Union FEPACI Visit In October 2007 FEPACI visited the African Union (AU) to resuscitate FEPACI’s position as a partner and an observer. We also hoped to go beyond

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just having an observer status accreditation to a more active and strategic participatory role with the Social & Cultural Affairs at the AU. The possibility for active partnerships with the AU is there now, and the onus is really on us as FEPACI and the AU to make this relationship mutually beneficial and to make it yield tangible results.

Meeting with Department of Arts & Culture The Department of Arts & Culture had a meeting with FEPACI just before we undertook our trip here to the FESPACO. We had submitted a request for support in 2007 and 2008 as well, and the meeting was called in response to that budget request. The Ministry, while its immediate mandate is to develop a growth cultural industry in South Africa first, is aware of the importance of organized regional structures. It is in recognition of this factor, encouraging collaboration between national and regional institutions, that the DAC sees opportunity in materially investing in FEPACI and therefore investing in the hope of a united African film and television industry.

Timbuktu Coproduction Coproduction prospects of regional collaboration on the 2010 World Cup have been discussed before, and the Timbuktu Manuscript project which was officially opened January 2009 is an important signification of the power of collaboration and joint ventures between countries. The DAC then informed FEPACI of their unavailability at the FESPACO this year and wished the FESPACO well. The Secretariat appreciates that the Minis­ter of Arts and Culture is attending FESPACO 2009 – a first time visit which we hope will inspire him further.

Meeting with the National Film Foundation (NFVF) Research & Development Division Accompanied by two young film graduates who work as volunteers in FEPACI, we met with an equally young delegation of women leading and managing the research division at NFVF. An inspiring proposal was tabled for the establishment of a national film school in South Africa. The NFVF wanted to see models of similar schools within the regions and sought collaboration

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and mentorship with those. FEPACI advised that there were national film schools within the regions that could be tapped and also encouraged that preparations for the establishment of a public film school should look into inviting the various pioneer filmmakers to help with the formulation of curriculum, a curriculum which should be set to promote and entice new creative thought, interpretation, and articulation of story both in the structuring and articulation of our narratives and the visual presentation of our aesthetics.

Meeting with SACOD Familiarizing itself with its members, FEPACI met with SACOD to discuss relational collaborations, SACOD also sought to know how it was perceived by FEPACI because as a Southern Regional Film and TV membership based organization, SACOD saw itself as the qualified body that could have been elected for the Southern Region Secretariat, an important observation that was made and hence demonstrated the need for a FEPACI constitutional bylaw policy on nominations. SACOD further intimated that they had both human and material capacity that could help in the delivery of services and the realization of FEPACI’s mandate in the Southern Region. The SACOD intervention raises a pertinent constitutional question of how existing FEPACI member structures which have adequate capacities can be utilized to further the success of FEPACI.

Output of 2006 ▶ Registering FEPACI and making FEPACI legally operational in South Africa ▶ Opening a FEPACI bank account in South Africa ▶ Acquiring FEPACI offices in Johannesburg ▶ Acquiring office equipment ▶ Hosting a Regional Secretariats meeting at Sithengi in November ▶ Hosting the IP symposium at Sithengi in November ▶ Building FEPACI website and other multimedia communications tools ▶ FEPACI visual footage of the IP symposium (this unique footage is the exclusive reserve and property of FEPACI and will not be used for any commercial purposes) ▶ Creating a strategic plan for FEPACI with one- and three-year action points

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▶ Membership strategy with incentives and benefits for paying members ▶ Attended festivals to enhance further awareness of FEPACI ▶ Videotaping FEPACI minutes (this unique footage is the exclusive reserve and property of FEPACI and will not be used for any commercial purposes) ▶ Raising funds for the hosting of FEPACI meeting at Sithengi ▶ A financial report prepared by a registered accountant

FEPACI Forging Ahead FEPACI Projects 2006–2009 ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶ ▶

Feasibility study Curriculum symposium Intellectual property symposium 2010 Africa Legacy Project FEPACI Media Center Friends of FEPACI Reorganization of FEPACI Headquarters FEPACI Research and Archive Center

FEPACI Projects 2009–2014 ▶ Establishment of an African Film Commission ▶ Establishment of an African Film Fund ▶ Establishment of a FEPACI Research & Archive Center (resuscitation of the African library) ▶ Establishment of a FEPACI Media Center ▶ A coordinated educational policy ▶ A protocol agreement on film and television trade policies ▶ A repatriation policy of offshore film property ▶ The physical construction of FEPACI Headquarters in Ouagadougou

FEPACI Progress FEPACI Milestones ▶ The establishment of FESPACO, the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou

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▶ The drafting and adoption of The Algiers Charter on African Cinema in 1975 and the Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers in1982 ▶ The issuing of the Final Communique of the First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop in Harare, Zimbabwe, 1990 ▶ The establishment of the Southern African Film Festival (SAFF) in Harare, 1990 ▶ The issuing of the Statement of African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 1991, and the establishment of UPAFI, the Union of Pan-African Filmmakers ▶ The establishment of the magazine/journal Ecrans d’Afrique / African Screens in collaboration with the Centro Orientamento Educativo (COE) in Milan, Italy, circa 1993 ▶ The Distribution Workshop in Victoria Falls and the founding of the Southern Africa Broadcasters Association, 1993 ▶ Contribution to the founding of Sithengi in 1994 and the publication of the book in celebration of a centenary of African cinema (L‘Afrique et le Centenaire du Cinema /Africa and the Centenary of Cinema, 1995) ▶ The founding of the Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF) in 1995–1996 ▶ The agreement by African heads of state in Maputo on the principle of the establishment of the Audiovisual and Cinema Commission in 2003 ▶ The hosting of the African Film Summit in collaboration with the South African Department of Arts and Culture and the NFVF in Tshwane, South Africa, in April 2006

FEPACI Achievements 2006 Setting-up Phase ▶ FEPACI opened up a physical office of the Secretariat in Johannesburg, South Africa ▶ Produced a FEPACI draft business plan ▶ Put up a FEPACI website ▶ Established FEPACI e-mails for all Regional Secretariats ▶ Had a two-day FEPACI strategy meeting at Sithengi in November 2006 with eleven Regional Secretariats present plus the President, the Secretary General, the Treasurer General, a FEPACI advisory member, events managers, communications director, and three young filmmaker volunteers

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▶ Hosted a one-day, internationally attended FEPACI Intellectual Property symposium funded by SABC and the Department of Arts & Culture which had a diverse panel of IP experts and practitioners and was attended by WIPO ▶ Received infrastructural funding from the South African government through the Ministry of Arts & Culture led by Dr. Pallo Jordan

FEPACI Achievements 2007 ▶ Travel to regions and festivals ▶ Received funding from the South African Government Secretariat to resuscitate operations at Headquarters in Burkina Faso ▶ Fundraising for FEPACI ▶ Formulate a FEPACI Business Plan ▶ Employ FEPACI Management Personnel ▶ Enact FEPACI Projects ▶ Register and formalize Regional Secretariats ▶ Build a membership communications network ▶ Encourage a paying membership constituency

FEPACI Challenges FEPACI is an institution that has projects that are of an international scope and its current annual budget, including current projects, is set at approximately R40 million. Challenges it faces are: ▶ The slow adjustments of office in South Africa ▶ The lack of formalized investment relations with FEPACI in South Africa ▶ The lack of secure operational and projects budgets has not only adversely affected the broad-based membership perception on South Africa’s low energy interest in FEPACI, delayed budgets have impacted day-to-day deliverables and affect staff morale both at the FEPACI Secretariat and Headquarters.

FEPACI Recommendations Creative industries globally are growing rapidly and are significant contributors to the employment sector and revenue to national economies. Over the period from 2000 to 2005 the value of world exports of creative goods reached US$424.4 billion but Africa’s cultural or creative industries could not even reach the marginal one percent of this projection.1

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In terms of market advantage African films do not feature at all and reference to Africa in global statistics is minimal. According to the European Film Observatory, out of the approximately 9.6 billion tickets of global cinema attendance, six billion are from the Asian markets with particular reference to India, Japan, and the Republic of China. India is the most prolific exporter of film in distribution. How we bring this social vibrancy of collective viewing and expression back into vogue can only become realizable if we have political will that comes through the support of an African Film Commission and the urgently needed Film Fund. ▶ Creation of an African Film Commission ▶ Creation of an African Film and Broadcast Fund ▶ Best practice and industry governance ▶ Partnership building

Tribute ▶ Former President: Mr. Johnson Traore ▶ Former Secretary Generals: - Mr. Ababacar Samb - Mr. Gaston Kaboré - Mr. Jacques Behanzin

International Relations Report Purpose ▶ To cultivate and improve the developmental opportunities and sustainability of the African audiovisual and cinema industry by profiling FEPACI within member states, continentally and internationally ▶ To promote FEPACI’s goals and objectives through FEPACI’s identified projects in order to attract partners and partnerships ▶ To grow and promote the brand of FEPACI by accessing its constituencies and partners, as well as for the membership to identify with the brand of their organization ▶ To represent FEPACI at various professional forums to present the views and aspirations of the organization or the organization’s opinion on a particular issue or item, and to provide any information needed at the time on and about FEPACI ▶ To manage a positive image and brand of FEPACI in the eyes of the public and to sustain a positive political perception

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Annual Events FEPACI President Visits Earlier on in the year, the FEPACI President, Mr. Charles Mensah, accompanied by Mr. Bassek Bakhobio, Regional Secretary for Central Africa, visited South Africa and was hosted by the Secretariat. Under the leadership of the Secretary General, management presented their strategic plans for the year ahead. The President was very appreciative of the ideas espoused and expressed his optimism that the team would do FEPACI proud. During his stay in the country, the President also visited and had meetings with the SABC senior management, the NFVF, and the DAC, with the DG of the DAC hosting a dinner in his honor. At the time of his departure, the President was highly appreciative of the structural support FEPACI was getting from the Government of South Africa, and equally confident that the Secretariat was working in the right direction.

UNCTAD XII The twelfth United Nations Conference on Trade & Development (UNCTAD XII) was held in Accra, Ghana, from April 20 to 25, 2008, with the official program preceded by the NGO Forum which started on April 17. UNCTAD, by nature, is a huge conference with multiple stages. It is through these various stage platforms that specialized groupings gather to discuss issues pertaining to their particular fields of business, interest, and/or specialty. The African creative industries were clustered under the banner of CREATIVE AFRICA. FEPACI was represented by two officials at this event, Ms. Mamokuena Makhema and Mr. Isaac Mabhikwa. One of the key contributors at this event was the African Union Commissioner for Social Affairs, Adv Gawanas, who said that one of the fundamental issues to be recognized was that in Africa, the African Union has the mandate, a program, and a plan of action for the coordination and harmonization of the development of Africa’s creative industries, and that it would be prudent for anybody seeking to develop structures and infrastructure to consult and engage it when necessary and appropriate.

The National Film & Television Institute of Ghana (NAFTI) While still in Accra, we had the opportunity and privilege to visit NAFTI as this institution is affectionately known throughout the continent, and met with the principal, Mr. Martin Loh, and toured the establishment. The feelings and emotions evoked by and through this tour can be likened to the two sides of the same coin, so close and yet so different. On the one

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hand, the resilience and the triumphant spirit of this institution through its staff and students past and present is truly a shining beacon. The evidence of how far the institution has come is all over. NAFTI truly deserves the title of the African Film School! On the other hand, the very slow pace and small-scale re-equipping of such an asset of an institution shows a serious lack of self-worth, self-love, self-esteem, self-pride, and add to that a deeper lack of appreciation of the economic and developmental role that the audiovisual industry plays in today’s socioeconomic and political landscape. We also had the opportunity to visit TV Africa, owned and managed by Mr. Kwaw Ansah. This is a symbol of pride to the African man and woman in the audiovisual profession of today – just to know that one African filmmaker has done it!

Festivals Attended On behalf of and representing FEPACI, the following are the film festivals I managed to visit during the course of the year: ▶ The African Movie Academy Awards (the AMAAs) held in Abuja, Nigeria ▶ International Public Television Network (INPUT 2008) held in Johannesburg, South Africa ▶ Ecrans Noirs, held in Yaounde, Cameroon ▶ Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF) held in Zanzibar, Tanzania ▶ Durban International Film Festival (DIFF) held in Durban, South Africa ▶ Kenya International Film Festival (KIFF) held in Nairobi, Kenya In all these events, the primary and major objective was and still is to promote the brand of FEPACI to the membership and the general public.

South Africa and Burkina Faso Bilateral Mission South Africa and Burkina Faso are two sovereign republics wishing to enter into bilateral arrangements with each other. On the continent, these are diametrically positioned countries, one commanding one of the strongest economies while the other anchored at the bottom as the poorest on the continent. Yet there is so much more that these two countries can share for mutual benefit, particularly in the culture sector. FEPACI can lend credence to a lot of other bilateral and/or multilateral engagements on the continent, as well as internationally between Africa and the other continents. Here

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FEPACI was a perfect ally considering they are deeply rooted in both countries, as well as having much to contribute in the film culture area.

FEPACI Regional Workshops Apart from participating in and attending film festivals, we had devised regional workshops where specifically FEPACI would engage local stake­ holders and authorities in pursuit of industry development strategies in a more robust, definitive, and sustainable way. We identified such countries as Malawi, Zambia, and Burundi on the criterion that there was very little film activity in these countries. Our main objective was to influence development, and we will still pursue this in 2009. But we succeeded in holding workshops in Zambia and Burundi. In both situations our proposals were eagerly received with developments initiated to establish statutory bodies which must be responsible for supporting the growth and further development of the local film industries. We drafted terms of references to help guide the local Steering Committees in pursuit of the development of the said structures; such work is ongoing, and we will continue to guide these processes. This was only the beginning . . .

Conclusion Every race, just like every event, requires adequate or matching preparations. Even though we had set out our course and marked our route, there are always other minor activities we cannot ignore. Similarly, the same minor activities should also not become the main focus when in fact we are not adequately prepared for them. While in life you can never be fully prepared because there are no formulas for life, in business it is purported to be different because people are trained and they gain experience for that with which they are tasked. As the curtains are drawn marking the end of the year, I am confident that as FEPACI, we ran the full course of the race and acquitted ourselves ever so proudly. During the year we made appearances at a number of local and international events, interacted and shared information about the industry generally, and FEPACI in particular; such that those with whom we engaged experienced the benefits of a living FEPACI. We need capacity, in particular resources, in order to carry forward our ideals. We need capacity and experience in order to crystallize our vision and mission in their primary colors first so we can know what and how to mix them. We need experience in order to advance this cause and take it to the next level for the good and benefit of the membership. To move forward, FEPACI must consolidate its programs as already initiated in order to deepen

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the roots of sustainability. Infrastructure development in member countries must remain a priority as it is also the pillar of all components necessary for economic skills and industrial growth. FEPACI remains enviable as the only body representing all African filmmakers on the continent and beyond. It is that vantage position which sinks its anchor and stabilizes its operations every time there is doubt.

Notes This is an abridged version of “FEPACI Master Report 2009,” Black Camera 1, no. 2 (Summer 2010): 117–156. Reprinted with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. UNCTAD, “Creative Economy Report 2008: The challenge of assessing the creative economy towards informed policy-making,” 2008.

Queer African Manifesto/Declaration Nairobi, Kenya, April 8, 2010

With the release of the lesbian-themed film Rafiki by Wanuri Kahiu less than a decade later in 2018, this Manifesto clearly resonates. The Kenya Film Classification Board banned the film, “due to its homosexual theme and clear intent to promote lesbianism in Kenya contrary to the law.”

Figure 1. Image still from the film Rafiki (dir. Wanuri Kahiu, 2018, Kenya). Public Domain.

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s Africans, we all have infinite potential. We stand for an African revolution which encompasses the demand for a re-imagination of our lives outside neocolonial categories of identity and power. For centuries, we have faced control through structures, systems, and individuals who disappear our existence as people with agency, courage, creativity, and economic and political authority. As Africans, we stand for the celebration of our complexities and we are committed to ways of being which allow our self-determination at all levels of our sexual, social, political, and economic lives. The possibilities are endless. We need economic justice; we need to claim and redistribute power; we need

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to eradicate violence; we need to redistribute land; we need gender justice; we need environmental justice; we need erotic justice; we need racial and ethnic justice; we need rightful access to affirming and response institutions, services, and spaces; overall we need total liberation. We are specifically committed to the transformation of the politics of sexuality in our contexts. As long as African LGBTI people are oppressed, the whole of Africa is oppressed. This vision demands that we commit ourselves to: • Reclaiming and sharing our stories (past and present), our lived realities, our contributions to society, and our hopes for the future; • Strengthening ourselves and our organizations, deepening our links and understanding of our communities, building principled alliances, and actively contributing towards the revolution. • Challenging all legal systems and practices which either currently criminalize or seek to reinforce the criminalization of LGBTI people, organizations, knowledge creation, sexual self-expression, and movement building. • Challenging state support for oppressive sexual, gendered, discriminatory norms, legal and political structures, and cultural systems. • Strengthening the bonds of respect, cooperation, passion, and solidarity between LGBTI people, in our complexities, differences, and diverse contexts. This includes respecting and celebrating our multiple ways of being, self-expression, and languages. • Contributing to the social and political recognition that sexuality, pleasure, and the erotic are part of our common humanity. • Placing ourselves proactively within all movement-building supportive of our vision. End!

Manifesto: Conference of African Women Filmmakers Johannesburg, South Africa, September 2010

Signed by Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe), Beti Ellerson (USA), Seipati Bulane-Hopa (South Africa) The meeting to ratify the manifesto was held at International Images Film Festival for Women (IIFF) 2010, in Harare, Zimbabwe with delegates from African and European countries.

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aving met at the Goethe-Institut Johannesburg, at the Conference of African Women Filmmakers held from the 2nd until the 5th of September 2010; Having deliberated on the continued misrepresentation and underrepresentation of women in general, and in particular of African women worldwide in the moving images media; Recognizing our exclusion as a group from a fair share of the resources of all natures that constitute the means of representation in the medium of moving images in all its forms; Recognizing that the media represent a social voice and position of authority so that that which appears in the media is socially empowered and that which does not appear in the media is socially disempowered with the result that mainstream moving images media works to continue the subjugation of women, and particularly of African women; Acknowledging the platform availed to us by the Goethe Institute, Johannesburg, this meeting of women film practitioners requests all national cultural ministries and all national public broadcasters on our continent, and the Commission of Culture in the African Union to take appropriate steps, in conjunction with representative structures of African Women Film practitioners (such as UPAFI – Pan African Women in Film and its affiliated membership bodies), as well as regional bodies (such as Women Filmmakers of Zimbabwe) to hold consultations aimed at putting into place mechanisms to implement, with critical and urgent considerations, this manifesto. This manifesto, drafted on this day of the 3 September 2010, states the following:

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1. That African women film practitioners be availed of a fifty percent share of all public and private development, production, distribution, and exhibition resources, including human resources, invested in moving image media in all their forms on the African continent. 2. That all broadcasting content, whether private or public, conform to a fifty percent woman-determined content protocol through the setting up of effective gender desks at all levels in all relevant public and private institutions. 3. That conformity to a fifty percent woman-determined broadcasting content is ensured through further affirmative action strategies. 4. That all official decision-making bodies concerned with broadcasting, whether public or private and in whichever capacity, initiate strategies with the ultimate aim in the foreseeable future of membership consisting of fifty percent women in these decision-making bodies.

Sollywood: A Movement South Africa, 2010

About Sollywood

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ollywood is a new movement of filmmaking in South Africa. This is a movement that is aimed at facilitating the making of movies in South Africa and in particular the movement is about 1. Producing movies that are dealing with key topics that are important to the South African community and aimed at enhancing the understanding of these topics in a manner that enhances the dignity of an African in South Africa. 2. Establishing a moviemaking community that can then use the Sollywood Movement to positively build the moviemaking industry in South Africa. 3. Initiating the culture of making movies that end on a positive note for the community and the African people. 4. Facilitating the growth of individuals involved in the Sollywood movement. 5. MAKING AFRICANS FEEL GOOD ABOUT BEING AFRICANS.

Sollywood Bioscope There is a market gap in South African communities where people do not have places to go and watch movies. Sollywood hereby invites interested parties to apply to be Mzansi BioScope partners of Sollywood. As a partner you will have an opportunity to make money by hosting BioScope sessions and show movies to your communities. Sollywood will support you with • • • • •

Marketing the movie The movie equipment Screen Projector Technicians who will operate the movie equipment

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You will provide • The venue (not less than 250 people per screening) • Sell tickets • Sell refreshments and Sollywood will not claim any money from selling refreshments • Provide the sound • Pay a fee per screening of each movie The first opportunity is available from the 28th May 2010–10th June 2010 and for this opportunity you can generate up to R30,000 profit if you manage to fill the hall. There is an investment needed. Interested??? Please complete the application form.

Basic Principles of Filmmaking It is in our best interests to infiltrate these standards and familiarize ourselves to a level of similar standards. The first steps one should consider is to have a concept and consult immediately with script supervisors/director. These people can be found under the writer’s guild which varies from country to country. The script supervisor/director would then draft a final document to present to a producer for potential sponsorship for the movie. This sponsor would be deemed an executive producer These are the fundamentals that a producer would adhere to with accordance to retrieving a crew. • He needs to draw up a budget that accommodates the expected remuneration of the crew. • Draw contracts for crew and secure contracts to sign as this needs to be binding for the remaining period of the production. • Locations have to be secured according to script requirements and shooting schedule, this would then elude to the location release being signed by the owner of the proposed property. • Get budget approved by sponsor/executive producer. • Once budget has been approved the preproduction can begin, this will include the following people: 1. Director 2. Producer 3. Location scout

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4. Production designer 5. Sound designer 6. Cinematographer As the producer it is in the best interest to ensure that the preproduction is accurate and concise to the deliverables of the script as mistakes can jeopardize the production phase. The following are pivotal in ensuring that preproduction runs coherently as scheduled. To ensure this the following must occur . . . • Renting of equipment should be done two in advance; the head of this specified department should go there and check the equipment out. Payments should be also made within this phase. • Postproduction bookings must be allocated so as to commence with this phase as soon as the production is done. • Hiring of wardrobe and/or buying of make-up. Sizes of the cast should be taken into consideration during this phase. • Any other rentals that would benefit the production should be accounted for within this structure. • If and when the actors and cast would be hosted in one venue, this should be stipulated to avoid inconveniences regards to transportation. This will create a homely feel for all during the production phase as everyone should be accommodated. • Paramedics, armorers, Para technicians, policemen should be available for the duration of the shoot. • Cast and crew’s dietary choices should be taken into consideration to avoid health hazards such as allergies. The abovementioned would be preproduction in a nutshell. During the production phase, casting calls for specific cast members is necessary on different days as to avoid complications. Shooting schedules should be issued to the actual date of production. Crew will arrive at the location and set up for the proposed scenes of the day. Set designer would dress the set up according to specifications. Sound designer must mark positioning of microphones that are going to be used for overall recording. Director needs to brief and block cast for specific scenes. Makeup and wardrobe will then dress up actors prior to the rehearsals. The first take of the day may commence after two rehearsals have been tried. These are the development stages for postproduction phase. Once the production is done then departments such as sound and editing and the cinematography department are commonly involved in this period. The sound designer would ADR [Automated Dialogue Replacement] all the vocals that

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are previously missed or not recorded. The filing of the sound and arrangement of the recordings would be placed in the right context. The offline editor is called in and starts digitizing the footage and the cinematographer will then be available for selecting shots that are going to be used for grading and will be available during this process. After this is completed, then he will assemble all the footage together and make a log in/ out to be the precedent of the first cut. The online editor will then commence with the master cut of the movie.

Note Originally published online as Sollywood: A Movement, 2010, http://www.sollywood.co.za.

Communiqué from the “Sustaining the New Wave of Pan-Africanism” Workshop Windhoek, Namibia, December 6–9, 2010

Preamble

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ecognizing the great Pan-Africanist struggles of the generations of yesteryears; Acknowledging the contributions of the pioneers of Pan-Africanism; Paying tribute to all Pan-Africanist women and men of all generations, known and unknown; Expressing profound thanks and gratitude to the following institutions: • The High Commission of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in Namibia; • The Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization, Lagos, Nigeria; • The Pan-Afrikan Center of Namibia; • The Pan-African Strategic and Policy Research Group, Lagos, Nigeria; and • The National Youth Council of Namibia;

Appalled by the desertion of Pan-Africanist ideals, the rise of neo-colonialism and isolation of the masses; Dissatisfied with the cheapening of African liberation ideals and the triumph of capitalism and neo-liberal politics and economics; Offended by the inheritance and sustenance of colonial institutions; Shocked by the emergence of Black colonialism; Realizing that socio-economic challenges are still tilted racially and against the African masses; Noting, with regret, the lack of or slow harmonization of policies by African governments; Inspired by the fact that Pan-Africanism is a tool of resistance against exploitation and domination; Acknowledging the fact that Pan-Africanism is a tool for the sustainable development and advancement of Africa and the Pan-African world; Pan-Africanist youth attending the above Pan-African Workshop resolved and formulated the following framework for a Pan-Africanist Youth Action Plan:

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Leadership 1. Pan-Africanist oriented leadership training and re-training, at all levels 2. Absolute consideration of Pan-African perspectives in the African Union decision-making process

Education 1. Pan-Africanism should be taught at every level, formally, nonformally, and informally 2. Using the media as an educational tool 3. Promoting Pan-Africanist self-knowledge within Africa and the Diasporas 4. Teaching history from a Pan-Africanist perspective, at every level 5. Pan-Africanist oriented teacher training 6. Advancing indigenous African research 7. Pan-Africanizing information dissemination processes 8. Raising awareness through edutainment 9. State popularization of Pan-Africanism to the masses

Self determination 1. Pan-African youth organizations to work in concert, in Africa and the Diasporas 2. National youth organizations to have databases of youth organizations in their countries 3. Taking ownership of the media 4. Reclaiming African spirituality and culture 5. Promoting multilateral business ventures and development projects within the Pan-African world 6. Promoting cultural workers in all disciplines 7. Protecting, innovating, and promoting indigenous knowledge 8. Creating and/or strengthening Pan-African youth structures 9. Structuring and/or strengthening Pan-African development institutions 10. Using Pan-Africanism as an economic tool 11. Financing Pan-Africanist activities and endeavors 12. Finding a Pan-Africanist solution and support to the conflicts in the Sudan, Mauritania, and Western Sahara

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13. Preventing the expansion into and hence re-colonization of Africa by old and new colonial actors in the guise of investment 14. Preventing new and further exploitation of Africa 15. Protecting small businesses from non-African, so-called investors 16. Encouraging better South-South cooperation based on mutual respect and mutual benefit 17. Promoting the industrialization of Africa 18. African policies, including investment policies to embrace and be guided by Pan-Africanist ideals 19. Ensuring food security and sovereignty 20. Ensuring political and economic sovereignty 21. Sustaining the environment while using renewable energies in the industrialization of Africa 22. Developing and maintaining initiatives for self-reliance 23. Assertively inviting and attracting investment into Africa, from the Pan-African world 24. Creating a central Pan-Africanist youth mother body

Repatriation/Reparations 1. Facilitate the process of seeking repatriations for Africans in the Diasporas 2. Accelerate the realization of the African Diasporas’ membership to the African Union 3. Demand reparations for the enslavement of all African people 4. Demand reparations for the colonialization of Africa

Conclusion The youth attending the above Pan-African workshop would further have it noted that the following fundamentals have to be observed in workshops designed for the advancement and sustainability of Pan-Africanism: 1. That the value and equality of each partner to the process has to be recognized 2. That the youth must be allowed free open space to express their views and observations in the advancement of Pan-Africanism 3. That for there to be effective and properly representative results of such fora, there should be broad-based approaches which are rooted in the masses

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4. That elders give due support and advice to the youth without seeking to impose themselves, their viewpoints and/or partisan political agenda 5. That there should always be openness, transparency, and integration of ideas in program creation and formulation of objectives.

Note Originally published in Bankie, B. F., and Viola Zimunya, Sustaining the New Wave of PanAfricanism (Windhoek, Namibia: National Youth Council of Namibia and the Nigerian High Commission, 2011), 238–240.

World Electronic Media Forum V (WEMF V) Accra Declaration Accra, Ghana, November 16–18, 2011

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he World Electronic Media Forum, organized by the world’s broadcasting unions (the WBU), and hosted by the African Union of Broadcasters, met in Accra, Ghana on November 16–18, 2011. The need for appropriate training was a recurring theme in much of the discussions. The Forum concluded the following: 1. The transition of television to digital is inevitable for all nations, developed and developing, driven forward by the public demand for more channels, the financial opportunity available for governments for released spectrum, and the declining availability of certain analogue TV equipment for production. The transition is, or will be, no simple matter. It calls for extensive planning, digital expertise, and cost with no increase in revenue. Furthermore, broadcasters and governments must keep in mind the future needs of terrestrial broadcasting. They must also remember that, taken overall, the greatest part of the transition costs is borne collectively by the public. 2. The development of a news and exchange network for Africa, AUB MEMOS, is a truly important and momentous development for Africa and for broadcasting. The network will inter-connect Africa’s national broadcasters, allowing them to exchange news and other content. African content will also be more readily available to the outside world. The network will open a window on Africa for the rest of the world, and help Africans to share their destiny. The project is practically supported by the ITU and strongly encouraged by other broadcasting unions. 3. The tools for making television and radio programs have shown astounding evolution in recent years. Cameras, editing, and contribution equipment have reduced in size and cost beyond recognition. Broadcasters need to be increasingly budgeting-conscious, and need to seize the opportunities presented by this new equipment. Production and primary distribution of content can be done, at high quality, on what is close to ‘commodity equipment.’

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However, a key to making successful use of the new age is good training, and a continuing awareness of the professionalism needed to make good television. In regions where available, using publicly available Internet for backhaul can bring dramatic cost savings. It was also noted that the transition from SD to digital HD broadcasting, in cases where this is planned, may best be accomplished by moving straight to file based HDTV production. 4. It is acknowledged that the unchecked and rising energy consumption of the planet as a whole is a major contributing factor to climate change. The public must be made aware of the factual scientific evidence in an understandable and interesting way, and broadcasters are urged to take on the task of doing so. The public must also be encouraged to take steps of their own to conserve energy. Broadcasters and those that make consumer equipment, must act as an example to the world in their own approach to ‘green’ program production and distribution. 5. User-generated content has the capacity both to reflect social change and to create social change, as the Arab Spring and other events illustrate. The world needs to understand and help shape the interrelationship between citizen journalism and professional journalism. Two elements are clear. The first is that there is a need for training to be included in education systems (for young people) to ensure media literacy—and here -UNESCO’s role will be important. The second is that there is a need for life-long learning (by us all) on how to manage and understand the increasing information flow that the information society is providing. 6. As audio- and videotapes decay in neglected archives, much of Africa’s audiovisual heritage is at risk of being lost forever. The broadcasters need knowledge, skills, and resources to future-proof irreplaceable cultural and historical archives—and to release them for future programming and as generators of revenue. Support and solidarity are needed within the African Union of Broadcasters, between the AUB and its sister unions, and from international agencies such as UNESCO. Governments should provide funds to preserve their country’s history and culture, as represented in broadcasters’ archives. As far as they can, broadcasters should identify their most important material to be digitized. By mid2012, the broadcasting unions will compile a catalogue of old but still-working equipment able to play older archive material into safe new digital formats.

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7. Public trust is the most important asset that broadcasters have. It is imperative that this trust is earned and maintained by the media practitioners. Among the factors that negatively impact public trust, and result in a lack of confidence, are biased reporting, intrusion of privacy, conflict of interest, unprofessional practices, government interference, and insensitivity to public opinion. Among the measures that could be taken to ensure public trust in the media are instituting a transparent editorial code of practice,1 examining critical comments and carrying out timely corrections, encouraging audience engagement, and continually training editorial staff. It is also helpful to audit the editorial practices that are followed within media organizations. 8. The part played by journalists in society is essentially to make society ‘a better place.’ Journalists must strive to contribute to this goal as best they can, following the rules of their profession. The rules of Journalism must apply whatever medium is being used to reach the public. We must not underestimate the need for adequate training for journalism, and such training must be valued as much as medical training is for doctors. We can define a first level code of ethics for journalists in all media: 1. Seek the truth and report it. 2. Minimize harm (the reporting might cause). 3. Be independent. And, 4. Be accountable. We also need to recognize that the media is about a ‘dialogue,’ and in such dialogue we must always be prepared to move away from our comfort zone of assumptions. Only in this way will there be a true “dialogue.”

Note 1. The WBU may have a role in providing such codes of conduct.

The African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms African Declaration Group, 2013

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his document was prepared by members of the African Declaration group, a Pan-African initiative to promote human rights standards and principles of openness in Internet policy formulation and implementation on the continent. For more information visit the African Declaration website: https:// africaninternetrights.org/

Introduction A fundamental challenge in need of urgent resolution in the digital age is how to protect human rights and freedoms on the Internet, and the African continent is no exception. The African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms was developed in response to this challenge. Access to the Internet is increasing rapidly across the African continent, with millions of individuals getting online and engaging on a wide range of issues on social media and in other digital platforms–including political matters, governance, and social and economic development, among others. As in other parts of the world, many African countries are beginning to adopt policies, regulations, or laws to regulate and, in some cases, control the Internet. In effect, many African countries are transitioning from a low regulatory Internet environment to what is fast becoming a heavily regulated environment. Often, these laws and regulations not only fail to protect human rights but violate established human rights norms and principles without adequate safeguards. It is therefore clear that many governments in Africa lack both the technical and legal resources to legislate appropriately and the political will to provide comprehensive protection to human rights in context of the Internet and digital technologies. Much of the effort to regulate the Internet and online activities appears to replicate some practices from other countries which do not protect and promote human rights in relation to the Internet and digital technologies. The tendency has been for many African governments to take problematic laws from other countries or other regions and apply them with few or no

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changes. Invariably, the contexts and local conditions in the countries where such laws have been adopted are very different from those where the laws were originally developed. In addition, the policy and legislative processes in most African countries lack meaningful mechanisms for inclusive participation, with the result that many critical stakeholders, particularly from civil society, are frequently excluded. The consequence has been the adoption of instruments which tend to invade privacy, repress freedom of expression online, and violate other rights, such as the right to a fair hearing in a court of law. An analysis of these instruments shows that they often impose sanctions to punish certain types of behavior without the requirement for due process. Although there is a legitimate desire by governments to curb criminal activities online, particularly financial crimes and terrorist activities, there are also clear instances where the pursuit of these apparently legitimate objectives has been used as a pretext to introduce provisions to curtail criticism of governments. The African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms therefore seeks to promote human rights standards and principles of openness in Internet policy formulation and implementation on the continent. The Declaration was motivated by the need to develop and agree on a set of principles which would inform, and hopefully inspire, policy and legislative processes on Internet rights, freedoms, and governance in Africa. The principles are expected to have broad application at national, sub-regional, and regional levels. In this way, the Declaration aims to cultivate an Internet environment that conforms to established human rights standards and can best meet Africa’s social and economic development needs and goals.

Preamble Emphasizing that the Internet is an enabling space and resource for the realization of all human rights, including the right to hold opinions without interference, the right to freedom of expression and information, the right to freedom of assembly and association, the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, the right to be free from discrimination in all forms, the right of ethnic, religious, or linguistic minorities to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language, and economic, social, and cultural rights; Emphasizing that the Internet is particularly relevant to social, economic, and human development in Africa;

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Affirming that, in order to fully benefit from its development potential, the Internet must be accessible, available, and affordable for all persons in Africa; Affirming further that the Internet is a vital tool for the realization of the right of all people to participate freely in the governance of their country and to enjoy equal access to public services; Recalling that a number of regional standards are relevant to the protection of human rights on the Internet, in particular the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981, the Windhoek Declaration on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press of 1991, the African Charter on Broadcasting of 2001, the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa of 2002, the African Platform on Access to Information Declaration of 2011, and the African Union Convention on Cyber-Security and Personal Data Protection of 2014; Acknowledging the roles being played by many African and international organizations, including the African Union Commission, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), the NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) Planning and Coordinating Agency and UNESCO, in promoting access to and use of the Internet in Africa;. Mindful of the continuing efforts of international organizations and other stakeholders to develop principles that apply human rights to the Internet, particularly since the Joint Declaration of 2011 concerning Freedom of Expression and the Internet by the four Special Rapporteurs on Freedom of Expression, including the United Nations Human Rights Council resolution of 2012 on the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the Internet; the UN General Assembly Resolution of 2013 on the right to privacy in the digital age; the UN Human Rights Council Resolution of 2014 on The Internet and Human Rights; the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights; the Johannesburg Principles on Freedom of Expression and National Security; The Right to Share Principles, The Necessary and Proportionate Principles; and the Manila Principles on Intermediary Liability; Concerned by the continuing inequality in access to and use of the Internet, and the increasing use of the Internet by state and non-state actors as a means of violating individual rights to privacy and freedom of expression through mass surveillance and related activities; Aware that some individuals and groups—in particular women and girls, people with disabilities, ethnic, religious, and sexual minorities, and people living in rural areas—might be threatened with exclusion and marginalization in relation to exercising their human rights in relation to the Internet and digital technologies;

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Emphasizing the responsibility of states to respect, protect, and fulfil the human rights of all people; Convinced that it is critical for all African stakeholders to invest in creating an enabling and empowering Internet environment that truly serves the needs of Africans through the adoption and implementation of this Declaration.

We herein declare: Key Principles 1. Openness The Internet should have an open and distributed architecture, and should continue to be based on open standards and application interfaces and guarantee interoperability so as to enable a common exchange of information and knowledge. Opportunities to share ideas and information on the Internet are integral to promoting freedom of expression, media pluralism, and cultural diversity. Open standards support innovation and competition, and a commitment to network neutrality promotes equal and non-discriminatory access to and exchange of information on the Internet. 2. Internet Access and Affordability Access to the Internet should be available and affordable to all persons in Africa without discrimination on any ground such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status. Access to the Internet plays a vital role in the full realization of human development, and facilitates the exercise and enjoyment of a number of human rights and freedoms, including the right to freedom of expression and information, the right to education, the right to assembly and association, the right to full participation in social, cultural, and political life, and the right to social and economic development. 3. Freedom of Expression Everyone has the right to hold opinions without interference. Everyone has a right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds through the Internet and digital technologies and regardless of frontiers. The exercise of this right should not be subject to any restrictions, except those which are provided by law, pursue a legitimate aim as expressly listed under international human rights law (namely the rights or reputations of others, the protection of national security, or of public order, public health,

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or morals) and are necessary and proportionate in pursuance of a legitimate aim. 4. Right to Information Everyone has the right to access information on the Internet. All information, including scientific and social research, produced with the support of public funds, should be freely available to all, including the Internet. 5. Freedom of Assembly and Association and the Internet Everyone has the right to use the Internet and digital technologies in relation to freedom of assembly and association, including through social networks and platforms. No restrictions on usage of and access to the Internet and digital technologies in relation to the right to freedom of assembly and association may be imposed unless the restriction is prescribed by law, pursues a legitimate aim as expressly listed under international human rights law (as specified in Principle 3 of this Declaration) and is necessary and proportionate pursuance of a legitimate aim. 6. Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Individuals and communities have the right to use their own language or any language of their choice to create, share, and disseminate information and knowledge through the Internet. Linguistic and cultural diversity enriches the development of society. Africa’s linguistic and cultural diversity, including the presence of all African and minority languages, should be protected, respected, and promoted on the Internet. 7. Right to Development and Access to Knowledge Individuals and communities have the right to development, and the Internet has a vital role to play in helping to achieve the full realization of nationally and internationally agreed sustainable development goals. It is a vital tool for giving everyone the means to participate in development processes. 8. Privacy and Personal Data Protection Everyone has the right to privacy online, including the right to the protection of personal data concerning him or her. Everyone has the right to communicate anonymously on the Internet and to use appropriate technology to ensure secure, private, and anonymous communication. The right to privacy on the Internet should not be subject to any restrictions, except those that are provided by law, pursue a legitimate aim as expressly listed under international human rights law (as specified in Article 3 of this Declaration) and are necessary and proportionate in pursuance of a legitimate aim.

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9. Security, Stability and Resilience of the Internet Everyone has the right to benefit from security, stability, and resilience of the Internet. As a universal global public resource, the Internet should be a secure, stable, resilient, reliable, and trustworthy network. Different stakeholders should continue to cooperate in order to ensure effectiveness in addressing risks and threats to security and stability of the Internet. Unlawful surveillance, monitoring, and interception of users’ online communications by state or non-state actors fundamentally undermine the security and trustworthiness of the Internet. 10. Marginalized Groups and Groups at Risk The rights of all people, without discrimination of any kind, to use the Internet as a vehicle for the exercise and enjoyment of their human rights, and for participation in social and cultural life, should be respected and protected. 11. Right to Due Process Everyone has the right to due process in relation to any legal claims or violations of the law regarding the Internet. Standards of liability, including defenses in civil or criminal cases, should take into account the overall public interest in protecting both the expression and the forum in which it is made; for example, the fact that the Internet operates as a Sphere for public expression and dialogue. 12. Democratic Multistakeholder Internet Governance Everyone has the right to participate in the governance of the Internet. The Internet should be governed in such a way as to uphold and expand human rights to the fullest extent possible. The Internet governance framework must be open, inclusive, accountable, transparent, and collaborative. 13. Gender Equality To help ensure the elimination of all forms of discrimination on the basis of gender, women and men should have equal access to learn about, define, access, use, and shape the Internet. Efforts to increase access should therefore recognize and redress existing gender inequalities, including women’s under-representation in decision-making roles, especially in Internet governance.

Application of Principles Realizing these Principles on the Internet requires:

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Openness In accordance with the principle of network neutrality, all data on the Internet must be treated in an equal and non-discriminatory manner, and shall not be charged differentially, according to user, content, site, platform, application, type of attached equipment, and modes of communication. The architecture of the Internet is to be preserved as a vehicle for free, open, equal, and nondiscriminatory exchange of information, communication, and culture. There should be no special privileges for, or obstacles against, the exchange of information online or any party or content on economic, social, cultural, or political grounds. However, nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as preventing affirmative action aimed at ensuring substantive equality for marginalized peoples or groups.

Internet Access and Affordability Access and affordability policies and regulations that foster universal and equal access to the Internet, including fair and transparent market regulation, universal service requirements, and licensing agreements, must be adopted. Direct support to facilitate high-speed Internet access, such as by establishing necessary infrastructure and infrastructure facilities, including access to openly licensed or unlicensed spectrum, electricity supply, community-based ICT centers, libraries, community centers, clinics, and schools, is crucial to making the Internet accessible to and affordable for all. Equally important is support for the establishment of national and regional Internet exchange points (IXPs) to rationalize and reduce the cost of Internet traffic at national, local, and subregional levels. It is also essential to address the gender digital divide, with factors such as level of employment, education, poverty, literacy, and geographical location resulting in African women having lower levels of access than men. The sharing of best practices about how to improve Internet access for all sectors of society should be encouraged among African states. These efforts should be geared towards ensuring the best possible level of Internet connectivity at affordable and reasonable costs for all, with particular initiatives for unserved and underserved areas and communities. The cutting off or slowing down of access to the Internet, or parts of the Internet, for whole populations or segments of the public, should not be permitted on any grounds, including public order or national security grounds. Internet intermediaries should be required to be transparent about any traffic or information management practices they employ, and relevant information on such practices should be made available in a form that is accessible to all stakeholders.

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Freedom of Expression Content blocking, filtering, removal, and other technical or legal limits on access to content constitute serious restrictions on freedom of expression and can only be justified if they strictly comply with international human rights law as reiterated in Article 3 of this Declaration. Mandatory blocking of entire websites, IP addresses, ports, network protocols, or types of uses (such as social networking) is an extreme measure—analogous to banning a newspaper or broadcaster—which can only be justified in accordance with international standards, for example where necessary to protect children against sexual abuse. Content filtering systems which are imposed by a government or commercial service provider and which are not end-user controlled are a form of prior censorship and are not justifiable as a restriction on freedom of expression. Products designed to facilitate end-user filtering should be required to be accompanied by clear information to end-users about how the work and their potential pitfalls in terms of over-inclusive filtering. No one should be held liable for content on the Internet of which they are not the author. To the extent that intermediaries operate self-regulatory systems, and/or make judgment calls on content and privacy issues, all such decisions should be made taking into account the need to protect expression that is legitimate under the principles provided for under international human rights standards, including the Manila Principles on Intermediary Liability. Processes developed by intermediaries should be transparent and include provisions for appeals. States have a positive obligation to take steps to prevent violent attacks against anyone on their territory. These obligations take on a particular importance when individuals are attacked for exercising their right to freedom of expression online. States must create a favorable environment for participation in public debate by all the persons concerned, enabling them to express their opinions and ideas without fear. When an attack takes place, states must launch an independent, speedy, and effective investigation in order to bring both the perpetrators and the instigators to justice. They must also ensure that victims can obtain appropriate and holistic remedies for what they have suffered. Journalists, media workers, and other communicators who contribute to shaping public debate and public opinion on the Internet should be recognized as actors who enable the formation of opinions, ideas, decision-making, and democracy. Attacks on all who engage in journalistic activities as a result of their work constitute attacks on the right to freedom of expression. In addition, guidelines for the protection of those who gather and disseminate

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information to the public, including journalists, women’s rights, and human rights defenders, should be put in place to ensure their safety. Such guidelines should be formulated with a view to harmonizing legislative frameworks, practice, applicable regional and international standards, and law-enforcement processes at national level. Actions should be initiated or intensified to implement such guidelines and best practices through appropriate efforts by states and other actors, including through regional cooperation, and the provision of technical assistance programs and activities. States should review and reform their legislation related to freedom of expression online and ensure this legislation fully complies with international standards. In particular, criminal defamation, sedition, and speech related offences should be abolished, including their application on the Internet. Rights of all to engage in individual or collective expression of oppositional, dissenting, reactive, or responsive views, values, or interests through the Internet should be respected. Everyone should have a right to use the Internet as a tool and/or platform for a protest action.

Right To Information The Internet offers new opportunities to access information, and for governments to communicate with people, through the use of open data. Open data and new forms of online consultation can empower people to take a more active part in public affairs. Data and information held by governments should be made publicly accessible, including being released proactively and routinely, except where legitimate grounds for restricting access comply with the rule of law, including relevant freedom of information legislation. Public authorities and private bodies which perform public functions, provide public services, or utilize public funds have a duty to collect and maintain information on their operations and activities on behalf of their population. They also have an obligation to respect minimum standards in relation to the management of this information to ensure that it may easily be made accessible to all. States and relevant non-state actors should demonstrate good practices in the management of data. The use and re-use of government-held data and information should be available free of charge wherever practical. If not, pricing should be transparent, reasonable, the same for all users, and not designed as a barrier to the use or re-use of the data. Copyrighted materials held by public bodies should be licensed for reuse in accordance with relevant access to information laws and licensing frameworks.

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The existing obligation on public bodies to share all information produced with the support of public funds, subject only to dearly defined rules set out in law, as established by the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, shall extend to the proactive release of such information on the Internet in openly licensed, freely reusable formats.

Freedom of Assembly and Association and The Internet The Internet can augment the opportunities and capabilities of individuals and groups to form associations and to manage organizations and associations. It can increase the membership and reach of associations by allowing groups of people to communicate despite physical boundaries. It provides new tools for those organizing assemblies offline, as well as the possibility of conducting assemblies and protests online. Hence, everyone should enjoy unrestricted access to the Internet. Any shutting down or blocking of access to social networking platforms, and in fact the Internet in general, constitutes a direct interference with this right. Free and open access to the Internet must therefore be protected at all times.

Cultural and Linguistic Diversity The linguistic and cultural diversity which exists on the African continent must be promoted and reflected online. This requires states to put in place comprehensive policies and allocation of resources, to support the development and use of tools to facilitate linguistic diversity on the Internet. This includes the promotion of technology and content required to access and use domain names, software, services, and content in all languages and scripts. Special attention should be given to promoting access in minority languages. There is a need to promote free or low-cost training opportunities and methodologies and materials for minority language speakers on using the Internet. Diversity of content should also be preserved and promoted, including by encouraging diverse groups and communities to share their content online and through the digitization of educational, scientific, and cultural heritage.

Right to Development and Access to Knowledge Development media and information literacy is essential in ensuring that consumers of media products have the skills to find, evaluate, and engage with various types of information, including those relevant for their social, economic, cultural, and political development. Information and communication technologies should be designed, developed, and implemented in a manner that contributes to sustainable

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human development and empowerment. Accordingly, policies should be adopted to create an environment which enables various actors to pursue initiatives in this regard. Media and information literacy programs should be instituted in schools and in other public institutions. Where practical, school children and other learners should have access to Internet-enabled devices. There is also a need for policies that improve girls’ access to quality education and ICT, gender mainstreaming in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) policies, and family-friendly policies in STEM workplaces.

Privacy and Personal Data Protection Personal data or information shall only be collected and/or processed by states and non-state actors such as access providers, mail providers, hosts, and other intermediaries, in compliance with well-established data protection principles including the following: personal data or information must be processed fairly and lawfully; personal data or information must be obtained only for one or more specified and lawful purposes; personal data or information must not be excessive in relation to the purpose or purposes for which they are processed; and personal data or information must be deleted when no longer necessary for the purposes for which it is collected. The collection, retention, use, and disclosure of personal data or information must comply with a transparent privacy policy which allows people to find out what data or information is collected about them, to correct inaccurate information, and to protect such data or information from disclosure that they have not authorized. The public should be warned about the potential for misuse of data that they supply online. Government bodies and non-state actors collecting, retaining, processing, or disclosing data have a responsibility to notify the concerned party when the personal data or information collected about them has been abused, lost, or stolen. Mass or indiscriminate surveillance of individuals or the monitoring of their communications, constitutes a disproportionate interference, and thus a violation, of the right to privacy, freedom of expression, and other human rights. Mass surveillance shall be prohibited by law. The collection, interception, and retention of communications data amounts to an interference with the right to privacy and freedom of expression whether or not the data is subsequently examined or used. In order to meet the requirements of international human rights law, targeted surveillance of online communications must be governed by clear and transparent laws which, at a minimum, comply with the following basic principles: first, communications surveillance must be both targeted and based on reasonable suspicion of commission or involvement in the commission of serious crime; second, communications surveillance must be judicially

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authorized and individuals placed under surveillance must be notified that their communications have been monitored as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the surveillance operation; third, the application of surveillance laws must be subject to strong parliamentary oversight to prevent abuse and ensure the accountability of intelligence services and law enforcement agencies. It should also be recognized that, for the enjoyment of their right to privacy, individuals must be protected from unlawful surveillance by other individuals, private entities, or institutions, including in their place of work or study and in public Internet access points.

Security, Stability, and Resilience of the Internet Everyone has the right to enjoy secure connections to and on the Internet, including protecting from services and protocols that threaten the security, stability, and resilience of the Internet. Security, stability, and resilience of the Internet must be protected and technical attacks against information systems should be prevented. Encryption is one of the key ways in which this can be achieved. States should recognize in their legislation and practices that encryption is a basic requirement for the protection of the confidentiality and security of information. In particular, States should promote end-to-end encryption as the basic standard for protection of the rights to freedom of expression and privacy online, and promote the use of open source software. At the same time, States should refrain from adopting measures requiring or promoting technical backdoors to be installed in hardware and software encryption products. They should repeal laws banning the use of encrypted products, particularly by end-users, or laws requiring government authorization for the use of encrypted products. Companies should also refrain from weakening technical standards and roll out the provision of services with strong end-to-end encryption. Initiatives to improve security of the Internet and address digital security threats should involve appropriate collaboration between governments, private sector, civil society, academia, and the technical community.

Marginalized Groups and Groups at Risk States and non-state actors shall respect and protect the right of all individuals to have access to and use the Internet. Special attention should be paid to the needs of groups at risk of discrimination in the enjoyment of their human rights, including women, the elderly, young people and

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children; minorities, including ethnic, linguistic, sexual, and religious minorities; and other marginalized groups such as indigenous people, persons with disabilities, and rural communities/people living in rural areas.

Right to Due Process States must respect the right of every individual to equal protection under the law. This means that no one can be arbitrarily detained or punished for any action, including in relation to any legal claims or violations of the law regarding the Internet. Protection of this right requires entitlement to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent, competent, and impartial tribunal established by law. The court concerned should ensure that adequate relief is possible when dealing with a matter. Jurisdiction in legal cases relating to Internet content should be restricted to States to which those cases have a real and substantial connection, normally because the author is established there, the content is uploaded there, and/or the content is specifically directed at that State. Private parties should only be able to bring a case in a given jurisdiction where they can establish that they have suffered substantial harm in that jurisdiction. For content that was uploaded in substantially the same form and at the same place, limitation periods for bringing legal cases should start to run from the first time the content was uploaded and only one action for damages should be allowed to be brought in respect of that content, where appropriate by allowing for damages suffered in all jurisdictions to be recovered at one time (the ‘single publication’ rule).

Democratic Multistakeholder Internet Governance It is important that multistakeholder decisions and policy formulations are improved at the national level in order to ensure the full participation of all interested parties. Independent, well-resourced multistakeholder bodies should be established to guide Internet policy at the national level. National Internet governance mechanisms should serve as a link between local concerns and regional and global governance mechanisms, including on the evolution of the Internet governance regime.

Gender Equality Aside from addressing the gender digital divide (mentioned under Principle 2 and 13 of this Declaration), the creation and promotion of online content that reflects women’s voices and needs, and promotes and supports women’s rights, should be encouraged.

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Processes and mechanisms that enable the full, active, and equal participation of women and girls in decision making about how the Internet is shaped and governed should be developed and strengthened. Conscious that the online environment reflects the inequality that women and girls face in wider society, the core principles underpinning the Internet—decentralization, creativity, community, and empowerment of users—should be used to achieve gender equality online. Wide-ranging efforts, including comprehensive legislation on rights to equality before the law and to non-discrimination, education, social dialogue, and awarenessraising, should be the primary means to address the underlying problems of gender inequality and discrimination. Women and girls should be empowered to act against gender inequality replicated on the Internet, including by using tools enabling collective monitoring of various forms of inequality, individualized tools that allow them to track and limit the availability of personal information about them online (including public sources of data), and improved usability for anonymity and pseudonymity-protecting tools. Additionally, all restrictions aimed at prohibiting gender-based hatred that constitutes an incitement to violence, discrimination, or hostility (“incitement”) should fully comply with the following conditions: • Grounds for prohibiting advocacy that constitutes incitement should include gender; • The intent to incite others to commit acts of discrimination, hostility or violence should be considered a crucial and distinguishing element of incitement; • Legislation prohibiting incitement should include specific and clear reference to incitement to discrimination; hostility or violence with references to Article 20(2) of the ICCPR and should avoid broader or less specific language and should conform to the three-part test of legality, proportionality, and necessity; • Criminal law penalties should be limited to the most severe forms of incitement and used only as a last resort in strictly justifiable situations when no other means appears capable of achieving the desired protection.

Call the Governments and All Other Stakeholders We call on all stakeholders to take action alone and in collaboration towards the realization of the rights and principles in this Declaration, as outlined below:

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All African stakeholders, including regional and sub-regional bodies, national governments, civil society organizations, media institutions, and relevant technology and Internet companies, should: • Formally endorse this Declaration, the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms; • Use this Declaration to develop a deeper understanding of how existing human rights apply to the Internet. National governments in Africa, as principal duty-bearers, must respect, protect, and guarantee the rights outlined in this Declaration, including by: • Ratifying and giving effect to all relevant international and regional human rights treaties on human rights related to protection of human rights on the Internet, through incorporation to their domestic legislation or otherwise; • Adopting clear legal, regulatory, and policy frameworks for the protection of these rights, in full compliance with international standards and best practice, and with the full and effective participation of civil society and other concerned stakeholders at all stages of their development; • Providing sufficient safeguards against the violation of these rights and ensure that effective remedies for their violations are available; • Ensuring that national regulators in the telecommunications and Internet sectors are well-resourced, transparent, and independent in their operations.

Pan-African and African regional organizations and institutions: • The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights should establish a mechanism to promote and monitor Internet rights and freedoms in Africa; • The African Union should take the lead in creating a common African Program of Action on Internet Governance, which will ensure that the rights of Africans on the Internet are promoted and upheld; and that African concerns are recognized in the global Internet governance regime; • Other relevant Pan-African institutions should develop programs to support national institutions (including national human rights commissions and the judiciary) to understand and protect human rights online;

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• The African Telecommunications Union should recognize and promote the access and affordability principle of this Declaration.

International organizations should: • UNESCO should integrate the Declaration into its “Priority Africa” strategies; UNESCO should promote the advancement of social and cultural rights on the Internet as well as the use of local languages and local content online. UNESCO should also develop model laws protecting online freedom of expression and privacy; • The International Telecommunication Union should recognize and promote the Access and Affordability principle of this Declaration.

Civil society should: • Seek to increase public awareness of the importance of the Internet in the realization of human rights; • Advocate for Internet rights and freedoms; monitor Internet laws and regulations; and highlight abuses, including in their reports to regional and international treaty bodies and other human rights mechanisms; • Communicate with the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa on measures to uphold freedom of expression in relation to the Internet; • Encourage and monitor the participation of women and girls in all areas related to Internet development and governance.

Media organizations should: • Popularize this Declaration and the principles outlined in it; • Improve their own understanding of Internet issues and foster awareness about the importance of the Internet to all sectors of society, particularly among marginalized groups and disadvantaged communities.

All intermediaries should: • Internalize and apply the “Respect, Protect, and Remedy” framework to fulfil their duties to uphold human rights, including in relation to the Internet and digital technologies; • Respect human rights to the fullest extent possible. For example, where faced with government demands which would violate

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human rights, companies should interpret government demands as narrowly as possible, seek clarification of the scope and legal foundation for such demands, require a court order before meeting government requests, and communicate transparently with users about risks and compliance with government demands; • Invest in online tools, software, and applications that enhance local and intercultural content exchange, and simplify the exchange of information across language barriers; • Publish transparency reports on government requests for user data, content removal, network disruptions, and compliance rates on a regular basis. All company policies on privacy and data protection, including data retention rates and breach notification policies, should be translated to local languages and easily accessible on the company’s country-level website.

Technical communities should: • Innovate and develop open source software, open data, and open educational resources relevant to African users; • Engage actively in the multistakeholder processes that deal with human rights as well as Internet governance in Africa and provide policy inputs to Internet-related issues; • Ensure African participation in the development of open standards. Academic, research, and training institutions in Africa should: • Actively respect and promote the open standards of the Internet in terms of the technical architecture and design of the Internet; • Integrate courses on Internet rights and freedoms in their curriculum; • Promote and contribute to the development of local content, particularly content that fosters the use of the Internet by marginalized groups and communities; • Proactively engage in the generation of scientific evidence on Internet rights and freedoms in Africa; • Promote and participate in the reinforcement of Africa’s capacity to contribute content and expertise in global, regional, and national Internet development and policy forums.

Declaration at the Second African Women in Film Forum Accra, Ghana, September 2013

Done in Accra, Ghana on this 25th day of September 2013, on behalf of all participants. Written by Nanahemaa Awindor (Ghana), Beti Ellerson (USA), and Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe).

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aving met at the African Regent Hotel, Accra, at the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) Second African Women in Film Forum held 23rd to the 25th of September 2013, on the theme “Creating compelling social justice content for film and television,” Having deliberated on the state of African women in African filmmaking today and: 1. Recognizing the funding challenges and disparities faced by African women filmmakers in sourcing funding for our work; 2. Acknowledging the need to develop our capacity in writing for the big screen or television in order to tell our stories; 3. Recognizing the need for increased collaboration between ourselves in order to produce successful and competitive products; 4. Reaffirming the need for continuous capacity building and enhanced skills transfer to foster the above products; 5. Increasingly aware of the need to harmonize our diversity in the field of cultural production with respect to language and other factors; 6. Reaffirming the need to enhance distribution and exhibition opportunities for our projects; 7. Deeply concerned that the media represent a social voice and position of authority so that that which appears in the media is socially empowered; 8. That which does not appear in the media is socially disempowered with the result that mainstream moving images and media work to continue the subjugation of women, and particularly of African women.

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We, the participants resolve to: Found a Pan-African organization of African Women Filmmakers that is action oriented and product oriented that will commit to: 1. Alleviate the funding challenges experienced by African women filmmakers; 2. Develop the capacity of African women filmmakers to write for the big screen or television in order to tell their stories; 3. Encourage the collaboration between African women in order to produce successful and competitive products; 4. Enhance capacity building and skills transfer in the area of production; 5. Harmonize our diversity in the field of cultural production with respect to language and other factors in order to enhance our production capacity for the big screen and television; 6. Enhance distribution and exhibition opportunities for our projects; 7. Always recognizing, and as far as possible, working with other institutions with a track record in the above fields as they apply to African women; Charge AWDF to: 1. Facilitate the formation of the above-mentioned body of African women filmmakers by facilitating a meeting of representatives, [i.e., selected interested individuals] within the ensuing six months; 2. Facilitate the creation of a database of resources of African women in film for African women in film, also taking into account such resources that already exist; 3. Facilitate our capacity building processes in the above-mentioned areas; 4. Support the setting up of a revolving fund to assist African women filmmakers in their work. We acknowledge AWDF and its partners for their support. We appreciate the interest and involvement of AWDF and staff in the activities of the program.

The African Editors Forum Declaration on World Media Freedom Day Pretoria, South Africa, May 3, 2016

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n the occasion of World Press Freedom Day, celebrated across the world to highlight press freedom, The All Africa Editors Forum notes that:

• Governments across Africa have, through the various declarations and regulations, committed themselves to freedom of expression and of the press and media in general. • Journalists, editors continue to be harassed and detained, despite the commitment by various governments to the press freedom. • The African Union (AU) celebrates its 52nd anniversary. • The AU has an opportunity to force all government to sign and commit, in practice, to the Table Mountain Declaration, the 1991 Windhoek Declaration, in its 25th anniversary year, and the 2002 Declaration of Principles of Freedom of Expression in Africa. • Some countries on our continent have not removed insult laws and continue to criminalize media offences. Therefore, TAEF declares that: • Africa needs strong, free, and independent media to act as a watchdog over public institutions. • Press freedom is a basic human right as well as an indispensable constituent of democracy in every African country. • Citizens in all African states will not be free until all media on the continent is free. • Nations of Africa need a free media so that can provide them with information that would enable them to take informed decision about their lives. • Governments across the continent who have pledged to uphold freedom of the media must walk the talk and stop harassing and detaining journalists and editors for doing their work. • Governments must immediately remove, from its statute books, ALL laws that are inimical to media freedom. • The AU must name and shame governments that violate freedom of the media and of expression.

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We as editors and journalists, again commit ourselves to: • • • • • •

Upholding the highest standards of excellence in journalism. Ensuring our work will always be guided by public interest. Maintaining credibility of the press and the trust of our readers. Always striving for the truth and avoiding unnecessary harm. Reflecting a multiplicity of voice in our coverage of events. Showing special concern for children and other vulnerable groups.

Jovial Rantao, President The African Editors Forum (TAEF)

African Media Initiative Nairobi, Kenya, 2016

Who We Are

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he African Media Initiative (AMI) is a Pan-African organization registered in Kenya as a company limited by guarantee. It seeks to strengthen the continent’s private and independent media sector from an owner and operator perspective to promote democratic governance, social development, and economic growth. It does so through a set of strategic activities aimed at transforming the media and communications landscape on the continent. AMI’s overall goal is to promote the development of pluralistic media as a necessary and critical ingredient of democratic governance, as well as economic and human development in Africa. Its approach is informed by its organizational vision to strengthen the media sector so that it plays a more decisive role in promoting social development and economic growth, and in empowering citizens to hold governments and other institutions to account. This coheres with its strategic goal of reducing the gap between media content and the development agenda of countries in the continent. The organization supports the development of a media sector that is professionally proficient, financially sustainable, technologically efficient, and socially responsible so that it can best serve the public interest. It seeks to engage, empower, and strengthen the capacities of African media owners and operators by tackling key constraints to media action. It does so through partnerships, advocacy, and strategic projects to bring about much-needed reforms in media policy, increased access to financing, state-of-the-art management, technology adaptation, and greater emphasis on leadership and ethics. All relevant regional stakeholders, from the African Union Commission, the African Development Bank, and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa through every significant African media structure (owners, editors, journalists) have formally endorsed AMI, suggesting a powerful consensus that a healthy media sector is a requirement for improved growth, governance, and accountability. AMI has an extensive record of capacity building and interacting with or engaging African journalists for reporting on development issues such as agriculture and food security, women empowerment, health and sanitation, energy, urbanization, resilience, and poverty alleviation. The relevance of

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community media to these issues makes this sector of the industry an area of special focus for AMI. Special incentives to promote quality reporting in development journalism include our annual media excellence competition, the Zimeo Awards.

Our Strengths • Our continental mandate • Our database of more than 7,000 media stakeholders (reporters, editors, media owners and managers, media associations, etc.) across Africa • Our proven, demonstrable, and verifiable convening capacity of both media stakeholders and development players in any city on the continent • Our content development focus • Our ability to rally journalistic resources towards reshaping the tell Africa narrative • Our media research capacity

Our Pillars Training AMI has trained more than 1,000 journalists to build their reporting capacities on sectors such as gender, agriculture, ICT, business, resilience, urbanization, energy, etc. These journalists are systematically grouped in specialized networks where they share their reports, challenges, and opportunities.

Research AMI also conducts research for its own programs and for third parties on various communication areas such as the media landscape in Africa, media coverage of African Union activities, Africa-Europe migration, how Africa is reported by the international and local media, China’s forays into Africa, media funding, status of development reporting in Africa, governance, among others.

Content Promotion AMI explores possibilities of partnerships both on the continent and outside to ensure that articles produced in our various specialized networks are

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shared among media houses on the continent and beyond. Some of the reports are going to be proposed to reputable international media to ensure African-created content makes it to their newsrooms and therefore challenges the imbalance in content flow between the West and Africa.

Incentive AMI has initiated an award scheme to celebrate excellence in development reporting across the continent. The Zimeo awards celebrate reporting excellence every year in areas such as agriculture, health, education, maritime economy, climate change, business, etc.

Note Reprinted from the African Media Initiative website.

Sisters Working in Film and Television (SWIFT) Durban, South Africa, June, 2016

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isters Working in Film and Television (SWIFT) was conceptualized during the 2016 Durban International Film Festival. Women making films and television (both locally and internationally) came together to address common concerns, share experiences, support, and inspire one another. All in attendance strongly expressed the importance and need of an organization that works toward uniting, engaging, and advocating for women, in essence, one that ensures that women are given a voice in the industry. This was the inception of the organization SWIFT. • SWIFT is a voluntary non-profit organization committed to empowering women working in the film and television industry by building institutional strength through mass membership and forging partnerships with relevant stakeholders and organizations. • SWIFT champions equal opportunities for women in a historically male-dominated industry and prioritizes equal opportunities for historically disadvantaged women in a historically white-dominated sector. • SWIFT recognizes the intersectionality of women’s experiences, both in front of and behind the camera, and advocates for gender and race parity throughout the industry. • SWIFT supports professional development, mentorship, and networking opportunities for its members. • SWIFT members are united by common cause and work together to promote and enable transformation so that screens in South Africa and worldwide may reflect all voices and a true diversity of perspective.

Manifesto of Ouagadougou FESPACO, March 1, 2017

Preface “Training for Cinema & Audiovisual Trades”: For What Purpose? Michael T. Martin Good Afternoon. I am very pleased and honored to moderate this workshop devoted to the role of media professionals as mediators in what is an ever more complex and daunting imperative in sub-Saharan Africa. But first, our thanks to the General Directorate of FESPACO for supporting this colloquium. And to Gaston Kaboré, filmmaker extraordinaire and Director of the Institut IMAGINE, and to the good work of the co-organizers of this workshop, June Givanni and Raymond Weber with the indispensable assistance of Camille Varenne. The theme of this two-day colloquium has been discussed since 2005 among African cinéastes: “Training for cinema and audiovisual trades.” Why revisit this subject? Why does it continue to command our attention? What could possibly come of another intervention on this topic? The answer, I fear, is that the conditions that continue to make training in media trades a matter of urgency have not changed—indeed, conditions have seemingly worsened. For whom does training matter? Current and future generations of media professionals? Current and future generations of media consumers? A people’s identity? A nation’s representation in the world? A continent’s destiny—if it is to create one—of its own making? Consider the big picture—the world-making scale of things and the micro-implications at the level of everyday life in African societies. In the larger frame of things, what role exists for media professionals as cultural mediators in a continent struggling to develop its human and natural resources, a continent exploited and subject to the homogenizing forces of globalization? A continent struggling against the wrongs and failures of globalization and failures of western modernity—and by this I mean, not the technologies that save lives, ease and facilitate our daily labors, but rather the unintended and collateral consequences of processes and technologies

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that alienate us from ourselves, each other, and the communities we belong to and with which we identify. Consider corporate capitalism’s outsize reach to every corner of the planet, every square meter of land that can yield a financial profit. Instead of satisfying essential material needs or harvesting energy to fuel a nation’s productive capacity and well-being, natural resources are used to manufacture unnecessary products. Such consumption and the processes that enable it alienate us from ourselves, our communities, and society, only to sustain the unrelenting drive of accumulation. How can this be? How might we, as media professionals, refute, denounce, and disavow our complicity? How might we contribute to a counterhistory of the social world—a project that is, above all, committed to revealing what informs and shapes our views, attitudes, behaviors, and notions of progress, community, and the common good? A project that foregrounds cultural differences that affirm our humanity. A project of recovery and invention that animates our collective will and resolve to cultivate an African modernity that enables the continent’s development—moral, social, as well as material. How can media professionals, against the odds, against the interests of the market and the political class that supports or defers to it, work on behalf of the citizenry, national, continental, and global? One such intervention in this counterhistorical process of renewal and invention will be that of cultural workers in the true pedagogical and progressive sense of the term, however constrained they may be by resources, by the limitations of their specialized crafts and artistic endeavors, or by the enormous challenges such endeavors impose. In other words, can we imagine and pursue an artistic practice for our times that unmasks the “truth” of these times, that renders new ways of thinking and seeing through media literacy from grade school forward and, if only with this in mind, to educate audiences to become critical consumers of media? To our good fortune, we have five presenters among us who are eminently qualified to address these questions from the vantage of their own distinct orientations. And we have students in the audience who will share with us aspects of their training, their ideas, and expectations to remind us how we may improve our work and, yes, even convince some of us to abandon current practices and pursue new and different modes suitable for our time and capabilities, a project that privileges Africans and Africa above former imperial and now neocolonial and corporate interests.

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With that said, please welcome June Givanni, Director of the June Givanni Pan-African Cinema Archive (UK); Aboubakar Sanogo, Professor of Cinema, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada; Yoporeka Somet, philosopher, Egyptologist, Burkina Faso; Aïssa Maïga, actor, France, Senegal, Mali; Ildeveit Meda, Director and Professor, ISIS-SE, Burkina Faso; and Clement Taposoba, Film Critic, Burkina Faso. We, participants of the Colloquium “Training for Cinema and Audiovisual Professions,” held from February 28 to March 1, 2017, during and in the framework of the 25th edition of FESPACO in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, declare

Recognizing

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hat the destiny of peoples is challenged and determined by their ability to tell their own stories, represent themselves, and have access to such images they create; That Africa must appropriate and reconstitute a proper and accurate view of itself, its history, collective memory, self-constructed imaginary, understanding of others and the world, as well as foreground and celebrate its cultural, artistic, and philosophical achievements and contribution to world civilization; And in recognition of this fundamental responsibility and project of self-determination, affirm and practice the legitimate right of Africans to critically question and analyze our own historical trajectory over time.

Convinced That we must resolve to move beyond ensconced intellectual assumptions and stereotypes in order to enable Africa’s renewal and encounter with other peoples in a rapidly changing world.

Knowing That the urgent and immediate challenge today is to create new and enhance existing venues for training the next generation of media professionals, and to innovate with technologies and varied platforms and develop new practices that will align cinema and audiovisual sectors with Africans’ artistic, political, and economic needs and ambitions;

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And that training in all cinematic and audiovisual sectors of production, distribution, and exhibition begin with the conception of an idea through the encounter with and consumption by the public.

We declare That training in cinema and the audiovisual arts must necessarily include the development of critical thinking that is enabled and enhanced by such related disciplines within the humanities and social sciences.

We call for The provision that all current and future training entities in cinema, audiovisual, and interactive media throughout Africa adopt and implement the goal that will enable young professionals to acquire the knowledge and tools to create original works reflecting the vision of Africa confident and in command of its own destiny and poised to participate no less as an equal partner within the community of world nations.

We proclaim That the realization of democratic citizenship depends upon educating the creators and consumers of images.

We affirm That a necessary imperative to enable the implementation of effective strategies for strengthening the film and audiovisual sectors is a coherent plan of action and collaboration between all actors and institutions.

We therefore In order to create and improve film and audiovisual conditions and training in Africa, endorse the implementation of the “Action Plans” and “Recommendations” adopted by media professionals, the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, the African Union, and regional economic, political, and cultural cooperation organizations in order to create and improve film and audiovisual training in Africa;

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Figure 1. Panel discussion at the 2017 FESPACO. Gaston Kaboré, Burkinabe filmmaker, pictured on the right. Image courtesy of FESPACO.

To achieve the above objectives and goal, we are ready to fully assume our responsibilities and call upon all political, institutional, and professional leaders in Africa and globally to coordinate their efforts and act with urgency and in the spirit of solidarity.

FESPACO 2017 Colloquium Participants Charlemagne ABISSI (Burkina Faso) Christelle AQUEREBURU (Togo) Astrid AUDIBERT (Belgium) Bassek BA KOBHIO (Cameroon) Pierre BARROT (France) Lamia BELKAID-GUIGA (Tunisia) Erna BEUMERS (Netherlands) Tanimoune BISSALA (Niger) Georgina BONMARIAGE (South Africa) Olivier DELAHAYE (France) Boubacar DIALLO (Burkina Faso) Jean DIGNE (France) Youma FALL (France) Claude FOREST (France) June GIVANNI (United Kingdom) Abraham HAILE BIRU (Ethiopia) Baba HAMA (Burkina Faso)

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Gaston KABORÉ (Burkina Faso) Marguerite KABORÉ (Burkina Faso) Fibby KIORIA (Uganda) Perrine LEDAN (France) Linus ABRAHAM (Ghana) Aissa MAIGA (France) Clement MALHERBE (France) Michael MARTIN (USA) Cheikh MBACKE DIOP (Senegal) Ibrahima MBAYE SOPE (Senegal) Marcel Epee MBODY (Cameroon) Ildevert MEDA (Burkina Faso) Vincent MELILLI (Morocco) Claude MOURIERAS (France) Ousmane NDIAYE (Senegal) Adaobi OBIEGBOSI (Nigeria) Olufemi ODUGBEMI (Nigeria) Sekou OUEDRAOGO (Burkina Faso) Souleymane OUEDRAOGO (Burkina Faso) Justin OUORO (Burkina Faso) Pedro PIMENTA (Mozambique/ South Africa) Anne-Sophie RICCO (France) Michel SABA (Burkina Faso) Jean-Pierre SALEMBERE (Burkina Faso) Ardiouma SOMA (Burkina Faso) Yoporeka SOMET (Burkina Faso) Aboubakar SANOGO (Canada) Fouad SOUIBA (Morocco) Cheick Oumar SISSOKO (Mali) Rod STONEMAN (Ireland) Clement TAPSOBA (Burkina Faso) Yves TERRENOIRE (France) Toussaint TIENDREBEOGO (France) Camille VARENNE (France) Raymond WEBER (Luxembourg) Marcellin ZANNOU (Benin)

Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO).

Surreal16 Collective Manifesto White Paper Nigeria, November 13, 2017

Nigerian Cinema

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he 1960s saw the first Nigerian films being made by the likes of Ola Balogun, Eddie Ugbomah, Jab Adu, Moses Olaiya, and Herbert Ogunde. They struggled initially with the high cost of film but with some government support managed to see success especially in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1990s saw a major shift in Nigerian cinema with the film Living in Bondage (1992) by Chris Obi Rapu. Utilizing cheap digital video equipment and shooting rapidly on micro budgets, the film became a major success and birthed the straight-to-video Nollywood film that would become pervasive. These micro-budgeted films could go from script to screen in a matter of days and became extremely popular with local Nigerian and African audiences. The direct-to-video industry saw massive growth and Nollywood became the second largest film industry in the world in terms of films produced. The mid-2000s saw the return of cinema houses and a new crop of filmmakers with loftier ambitions. They aspired to make films that were more cinematic with improved production value and a focus on better technical quality. As this new industry grew the cinemas became saturated with romantic wedding films and comedies that were high on melodrama. It was against this backdrop that three filmmakers, C. J. “Fiery” Obasi, Abba T. Makama, and Michael Omonua, inspired by the Dogme 95 movement, founded in 2016, the Surreal16 Collective.

The Surreal16 Collective The Dogme 95 were created as a “rescue action” in 1995 by Danish filmmakers Lars von Trier and Thomas Vinterberg. It was their response to the big budget Hollywood action films that were reigning supreme at the time and their attempt to bring cinema back to its more “traditional values” and return the emphasis to storytelling. They believed that big budgets did not determine quality. So Dogme 95 set about creating ten artificial rules known as the “vow of chastity.”

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Working in Nollywood and disillusioned by the abundance of slapstick comedies and wedding films The Surreal16 Collective set out on a mission to diversify output and encourage a new type of cinema. Inspired by the Dogme 95 movement, the collective wrote a manifesto containing sixteen rules and guidelines that will govern the making of their films. The rules were announced during a panel at Africa International Film Festival 2017 after the screening of their first anthology film Visions and was followed by a moderated panel titled “Nigerian Arthouse Cinema—Creating a New Kind of Cinema.” The panel was moderated by renowned filmmaker and the Festival’s Artistic Director Newton Aduaka.

The Mission One of the defining characteristics of Nigerian cinema through the ages is its reliance on melodrama. Comedies and slapstick are in vogue. Our goal is to push a new kind of Nigerian film. Encourage genre films such as fantasy, science fiction, horror, crime as well as push and promote more artistically minded films. Like those of the Taiwanese new wave which focused on socially conscious arthouse fare and encourage experimentation to help create a new identity for Nigerian cinema. The Surreal16 will go against the grain. Push boundaries and play with the language of film. In the Manifesto there are sixteen rules and guidelines that are serious yet playful in tone. We’ll eschew (romantic) comedy, slapstick, and anything we deem “cheesy.” Surrealism is a genre within our collective we’ll look to push to the fore. Ultimately, this is a call to arms to our fellow cinephiles and filmmakers. To inform those practicing and would-be filmmakers not be discouraged in pursuing their own unique voices; and that we are with you. And we will fight with you.

The Manifesto: Rules and Guidelines 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

No wedding films. No slapstick (in the) films. No romantic comedies. Avoid melodrama. Genre films are encouraged. The films must contain an element of surrealism. The films must be from the African perspective. There will be no religious propaganda.

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9. No censorship. 10. No sequels. 11. No cliché-looking witch doctors. 12. No fake British or American accents. 13. No “To God be the Glory” at the end of films. 14. No establishing shots of Lekki Bridge. 15. The use of local languages is encouraged. 16. No cheesy lines or characters.

Rules & Guidelines 1–4 Wedding films and comedies that are inspired by African American films like The Best Man (dir. Malcolm Lee, 1999) are banned from the collective. Slapstick comedies are banned as are any slapstick characters that may appear in films. Banned genres may be parodied; however, members should be wary of the parody film, it being a subgenre of comedy. Genre mashups in this area are encouraged.

Rules & Guidelines 5–8 The fantastic genres, crime, mystery, etc. are welcome and encouraged. Surrealism is our genre of choice. All stories must be from the African perspective. And religious propaganda is banned.

Rules & Guidelines 9–12 No censorship. If breasts and penises need to be shown in your films, show them. Exploitation films are fine.

Rules & Guidelines 13–16 Nigeria’s a big place so there’s no reason to ever show Lekki Ikoyi Bridge in an establishment shot. Choose another establishment shot. Local languages must be used as often as possible. Where local languages would be used in real life they should be used in the film. Finally, stay away from “cheese.”

African Cinema Day: One Africa, One Cinema Project June 9, 2018

Manifesto

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frican Cinema Day is a project born from the will of artists, professionals, and cinema enthusiasts across the African continent. This initiative is deeply inspired by a certain belief that African cinema has been exploited for decades as a homogenous rather than heterogeneous industry, which we feel the strong need to address by joining forces across frontiers. In a time where we are competing with multinational film industries for audiences, African Cinema Day strives to create on endogenous response, to move our cinemas forward, and thus further the development of our continent. For this reason, we decided to create the International African Cinema Day. During this event, we wish to create and establish a network for the cinematographic distribution of African films. On this day, we will organize the theatrical release of one movie on as many screens and platforms across the continent as possible. We understand this strategy will not excuse the necessity for each African country to build and consolidate, on a national scale, a network of movie theaters. However, we believe this event embodies a bold perspective by stating African cinema has a lot to gain by engaging a public as diverse as its productions. African Cinema Day wishes to highlight African talents and creations. The richness of our heritage cannot grow if African art is unable to circulate and be displayed around the world. For this initiative to gain more recognition, which is crucial for its success, we invite the members of the Pan-African cinematographic community to join us with this appeal.

Why Create an African Cinema Day? Our Slogan: One Africa, One Cinema The goal of this initiative is primarily to promote Pan-African film creations. Our objective is to conceive a Pan-African distribution network that strives for an international visibility of African film productions.

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Dedicating a Day to African Films This day will help promote African cinemas through a large-scaled initiative. By organizing screenings throughout several countries in Africa and around the world, we will introduce our heritage and productions new audiences. We hope the conception of this event will help us create and give wide recognition to our network. We will work for its development so that African films can circulate more efficiently. This day also has a pragmatic objective: to prove the economic viability of a distribution project whose principal target is the African continent.

How Do We Proceed? African Cinema Day will work with partners already on the ground in targeted countries, create new spaces for screenings, and combine other emerging initiatives for the distribution of Africans films on the continent and beyond.

Join Us on June the 9th Manifesto for the Creation of African Cinema Day By launching a petition along with the publication of our manifesto, we are taking the first step in realizing our project: to initiate a movement gathering the many African cinematographic industries and their people as well as an international audience.

The One Africa, One Cinema Network For the preparations of this event, we will reach out to movie theaters, cultural institutions, associations, and film festivals to join our network and participate to this event. With the Pan-African Film Committee and our signed petition, we hope to assemble a collective of eager filmmakers, producers, and film distributors. We will launch a call for films and select three of them for a worldwide theatrical release through our One Africa, One Cinema network.

June 9, 2018, Africa on Screens Throughout the World African Cinema Day chose June 9, the day of the disappearance of Senegalese filmmaker Ousmane Sembène, to invite people to celebrate African cinema.

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Pan-African Committee for Cinematographic Representation Display Our Productions The Pan-African Film Committee has several perspectives. First, it’s a strong belief that African productions should be represented on screens worldwide. The goal is to ensure the work coming from our continent gains more visibility on the international scene. The Committee also strives to improve the quality of Pan-African films currently in circulation. By assembling capable and talented members of this industry in Africa, together with international experts, we hope to create dialogue between African filmmakers and filmmakers around the world.

The Role of the Committee The Pan-African Film Committee will have the task to pilot the entire program. The members will decide its architecture and will contribute to its success by expanding the field of partners and collaborators. This will help to increase rapidly the One Africa, One Cinema network. It is the same committee tasked with selecting three films to be honored during African Cinema Day.

Members of the Committee Femi Odugbemi (Nigeria)—Director of Documentary Film Festival of Logos (IREP) Thierno Ibrahima Dia (France, Senegal)—Professor/Journalist, Africiné Magazine Katarina Hedren (South Africa)—Journalist/Programmer Luisa Festa (Angola)—Journalist/ Writer Joel Karekezi (Rwanda)—Filmmaker/Director of the Mashariki Festival

Agenda February 2017 Call for signatures of the petition March–June 2017 Communication campaign—Partnership agreements Summer 2017 First reunion of the Pan-African film committee and the coordinating team. Launch of the web platform of the project

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September 2017 Call for films Presentation of the One Africa, One Cinema network December 2017 Second reunion of the Committee and coordinating team Film selection January–June 2018 Release of the African Cinema Day program Communication campaign for African Cinema Day Special preview screenings of the selected movies (festivals, special venues…)

Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Decision on the Establishment of an African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission Maputo, Mozambique, July 4–8, 2003

The Executive Council: 1. TAKES NOTE of the report; 2. URGES Member States and the private sector to implement the relevant provisions of the Dakar Plan of Action on Cultural Industries as adopted by the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government meeting in July 1992 in Dakar, Senegal; 3. REQUESTS the Commission of the African Union to take appropriate steps, in conjunction with the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI), URTNA, MASA, FESPACO and all stakeholders to hold consultations and conduct preliminary studies with a view to establishing an African Commission on the Audiovisual and Cinema as well as a Fund to promote the cinema industry and television programs in Africa; 4. FURTHER REQUESTS the Commission to ensure that the statutes of these structures facilitate the participation of the African Union, the RECs, African Governments, the private sector and the civil society in the activities of these structures.

Note Excerpted from African Union, “Decisions adopted by the Third Ordinary Session of the Executive Council for the African Union”, EX/CL/Dec.69(III), Maputo, Mozambique, July, 2003. Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Draft Statute of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC) Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, February 2019

Preamble We Member States of the African Union: Recalling the objectives and principles enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union; Further recalling Decision EX/CL/Dec.69(III) of the Executive Council of the African Union adopted at its Third Ordinary Session, held on 10–12 July 2003, in Maputo, Mozambique requesting the establishment of an African Commission on the Audiovisual and Cinema as well as a Fund to promote the cinema industry and television programs in Africa; Further recalling the Dakar Plan of Action on Cultural Industries for Development in Africa of 1992; Reaffirming the Charter for African Cultural Renaissance (2006), the Algiers Plan of Action on the Cultural and Creative Industries in Africa (CAMC/MIN/2(II) (2008)) and the Tshwane Declaration on Audiovisual and Cinema (2006); Recognizing that culture contributes to bringing Africa and Africans together, underpins the resurgent African economy and cannot be separated from the socio-economic reality; Noting the need to adopt legal, institutional, and practical measures in favor of the free circulation of African cultural products; Acknowledging that the African Charter on Broadcasting adopted in Windhoek in 2001 underscored the promotion and development of African content, including the introduction of minimum local content quotas; Acknowledging that creative and cultural industries in Africa hold great promise in the development of the Continent; Aware that audiovisual and cinematic expressions contribute to the economic, social, and cultural development of peoples;

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Recognizing the efforts already deployed by various relevant institutions and organizations in the promotion of African audiovisual works and cinema, and the need for their coordination; Aware of the role that audiovisual and cinematic expressions play in the African integration process as a factor of peace, understanding, and conflict prevention as well as socio-economic growth; Hereby agree as Follows: For the purpose of the present Statute:

Article 1: Definitions “AACC” means the African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission, a Pan-African institution for the promotion of audiovisual works and cinema; “African Audiovisual and Cinema Forum” means the Forum of practitioners in the audiovisual and cinema sector; “African Content” means artistic, cinematic, and television programs, including advertisements produced by Africans about Africa for the African and global audience; “African Language” means a mother tongue, including vehicular crossborder languages of an African State; “Assembly” means Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the African Union; “Audiovisual works” means any record of a sequence of related images with or without accompanied sound, irrespective of length, which is intended to be made visible as a moving image through the use of devices, regardless of the medium of initial or subsequent fixation and for which there is an expectation for public exhibition and includes films and video recordings, animation, and documentary productions, for exploitation on any form of distribution currently existing or future invented; “Board” means the Governing Board of the AACC; “Bureau” means the Bureau of the Council of Ministers; “Committee” means the Technical Advisory Committee; “Council” means Council of Ministers in charge of culture, audiovisual, and creative industries of State Parties;

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“Creative Economy” means the interface between creativity, culture, economics, and technology as expressed in the ability to create and circulate intellectual capital, with the potential to generate income, jobs, and export earnings while at the same time promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity, and human development; “Executive Secretary” means the Executive Secretary of the Secretariat of the AACC; “Filmmaker” means professionals involved in creating scripts and generating story lines through audiovisual, cinematography, and other platforms; “Independent film and audiovisual practitioner” means an individual who works in the film and audiovisual value chain; “Local Content” means cultural, artistic audiovisual, cinematic, and television programs, including advertisements, inspired, created, and produced by Africans; “Member State” means a Member State of the African Union; “Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers” or “FEPACI” is the body corporate that represents audiovisual and cinema practitioners in Africa; “Pan-Africanism” is an ideology asserting that the fate of all African peoples, both on the continent and in the diaspora, and African countries are intertwined, sharing a common history and destiny to be forged through united action; “RECs” means regional economic communities; “State Party” means a Member State that has ratified or acceded to this Statute; “STC” means a Specialized Technical Committee established under Article 14 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union; “Union” or “AU” means the African Union established by the Constitutive Act.

Article 2: Establishment The African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission is hereby established as a Specialized Agency of the African Union.

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Article 3: Mandate The AACC shall: 1. Develop and strengthen the African audiovisual and cinema industry; 2. Encourage the establishment of appropriate structures at the national, regional, and continental levels to strengthen cooperation between African States in the area of audiovisual and cinema; and 3. Through the use of audiovisual and cinematic expressions promote creativity/innovation, integration, solidarity, respect of values, mutual understanding, foster peace, and promote a positive image of Africa.

Article 4: Functions of AACC The AACC shall: 1. Promote research on the African Audiovisual and Cinema industry in close collaboration with various research institutions; 2. Collate, disseminate, and archive the results of audiovisual cinematic research; 3. Promote and encourage State Parties to take all necessary measures for protecting and archiving programs for national film and audiovisual materials, and retrieving those held in foreign lands; 4. Facilitate the establishment and where appropriate the exchange of information relating to African audiovisual and cinematographic works held in data banks, archives, directories of national and international audiovisual products, films and filmmakers, film training institutions, and financers subject to national legislation on copyright; 5. Promote collection, archiving, and dissemination of documentation of oral African literature and knowledge using audiovisual and cinematic expressions, television, and moving images; 6. Fast track the establishment of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Fund for sustainable financing of the audiovisual and cinema value chain; 7. Recommend such agreements as necessary to enhance the capacity of AU Member States to collaborate in developing, streamlining, and promoting audiovisual and cinema industry policies;

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8. Encourage the signing of cooperation treaties that would enhance the movement of filmmakers across African borders and exchange of programs; 9. Strengthen regional African structures to appreciate the role of film in economic and social development; 10. Enhance African centeredness in film, promote the positive image of the continent, redefine relations between African audiovisual and cinema and other expression from the rest of the world; 11. Elaborate a cinematic atlas of Africa; exposing, reawakening, and repositioning the different milieu of African film; 12. Contribute to the popularization of the cinema culture particularly among African youth; 13. Facilitate harmonization of training curricula to reflect high quality film production and seek its adaptation by training institutions across Africa; and encourage establishment of regional film schools; 14. Promote the use of African audiovisual and cinema as a medium of instruction and as a subject of study in educational institutions; 15. Foster capacity and talent development, training, and certification in African Film industry in order to ensure higher quality of film productions; 16. Assist and offer advisory services to Member States on auditing national film support structures, including ensuring that national licensed broadcasters carry African content; 17. Provide technical support and advisory services to Member States for the formulation and implementation of audiovisual and cinema policy, particularly in the establishment and/or development of national structures for the promotion of African audiovisual and cinematic expressions; 18. Encourage Member States to capture and store social and economic data on film and audiovisual industry, showing jobs created, capital formation, and contribution to sustainable and inclusive economic growth; 19. Encourage the creation of Pan-African television, digital, and other networks to promote African perspectives; 20. Promote distribution of African films throughout the continent and internationally; 21. Support national institutions responsible for broadcasting and content distribution to ensure that African Broadcasters (public and private) and other content distributors invest resources into researching African stories and commissioning filmmakers to produce films and ensure effective and profitable distribution of the films;

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22. Encourage all Member States’ broadcasters, cinema and movie theatres, and all other content delivery channels including mobile phones, video on demand, and online streaming services to carry a minimum of seventy percent African content in all their programming with special emphasis on prime time; 23. Promote the protection of indigenous knowledge and of existing African oral and written folklore both at the national and continental levels; promote the protection of the rights of authors; 24. Support the protection of intellectual property rights with due regard to existing frameworks on the harmonization of standards and legislation; 25. Perform such other functions consistent with the promotion of African cinematic expressions and products; 26. Create partnerships with public and private sector organizations in furtherance of its objectives and functions; 27. Monitor and audit African content carried by all content carriers in State Parties and table a Monitoring and Audit report to the regular meeting of the Council of Ministers; 28. Facilitate the development, monitoring, and evaluation of training curricula for film schools across Africa; 29. Create an accreditation and certification system for film training institutions in Africa; and 30. Establish, strengthen, and/or promote African Film Archives that hold key audiovisual and film material from various parts of Africa for posterity.

Article 5: Membership 1. Membership shall be open to African Union Member States. 2. Each State Party shall enjoy equal rights in terms of participation and representation at AACC meetings.

Article 6: Legal Capacity 1. The AACC shall have legal personality that is necessary for the fulfilment of its objectives and the exercise of its functions in accordance with this Statute. 2. For the smooth fulfilment of its objectives, the AACC shall, in particular, have the legal capacity to: a) enter into agreements;

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b) acquire and dispose of movable and immovable property; and c) institute and defend legal proceedings.

Article 7: Privileges and Immunities The States Parties undertake to accord to the AACC, and all its personnel, premises, property and assets, and experts on mission providing advice or assistance to the AACC, the privileges and immunities as stipulated in the General Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the OAU1 and the Additional Protocol to the OAU General Convention on Privileges and Immunities.

Article 8: Headquarters of the AACC 1. The Headquarters of AACC shall be determined by the Assembly of the Union. 2. The African Union Commission shall enter into a host agreement with the government of the host country in which the AACC Headquarters will be situated with regard to the provision of the premises, facilities, services, privileges, and immunities for the purposes of the efficient operation of the AACC. 3. The following evaluative criteria specific to the audiovisual and cinema industry shall be taken into consideration by the Assembly of the Union in determining the headquarters of the AACC: a) History of success; b) Infrastructure; c) Policy environment; and d) Financial support to the headquarters.

Article 9: Organs of the AACC The AACC shall be composed of the following organs: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Council of Ministers; Governing Board; Technical Advisory Committee; African Audiovisual and Cinema Forum; and Secretariat.

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Article 10: Composition of the Council of Ministers 1. The Council of Ministers shall be the supreme organ of the AACC. 2. The Council of Ministers shall consist of Ministers in charge of culture, audiovisual and cinema, creative industry, or any other Ministers duly designated by the State Parties. 3. The Council shall adopt its rules of procedure as well as the rules of procedure of other organs, Committees, working groups, or subsidiary bodies of the AACC. 4. There shall be a Bureau composed of five members elected by the State Parties on the basis of rotation and equitable geographical distribution from the five AU geographical regions, which shall operate in accordance with their rules of procedure. 5. The Council may establish Committees, working groups, and/or subsidiary bodies as it deems fit. 6. The Council shall meet annually to discuss and approve the AACC’s strategic plan, policies and programs, reports, and audited accounts.

Article 11: The Functions of the Council of Ministers The Council shall: 1. Determine the scale and criteria for assessment of annual and special contributions to be paid by State Parties to the budget of the AACC in accordance with the criteria adopted by the Assembly; 2. Appoint and dismiss for cause members of the Governing Board, who shall be persons with sufficient audiovisual and cinema industry experience; 3. Report and make recommendations to the Executive Council of the Union; 4. Adopt financial and staff rules and regulations of the AACC; and 5. Amend this statute in accordance with Article 39.

Article 12: Composition and Term of Office of the Governing Board 1. The Board shall be composed as follows:

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a) Representatives of five state parties from each of the AU regions; b) Five Independent film and audiovisual practitioners one drawn from each of the African Union regions; c) Secretary General of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers; d) One Representative from the RECs drawn from national cinema structures on a rotational basis; and e) One representative from the African Union Commission Department of Social Affairs. 2. The Board shall elect its Chairperson from among the Member States representatives; 3. The Executive Secretary of the AACC shall serve as the Secretary of the Board; and 4. The members of the Governing Board shall serve for a period of four years, renewable once.

Article 13: Functions of the Governing Board The Board shall be responsible for oversight of the operational activities of the AACC in accordance with the overall policy guidance of the Council of Ministers. The functions of the Board shall be to: 1. Appoint the Executive Secretary, who shall serve for four years, renewable once; 2. Elaborate programs, policies, and plans of action to implement the strategic policies defined by the Council of Ministers; 3. Develop its Rules of Procedure for consideration and adoption by the Council of Ministers; 4. Appoint and dismiss for cause external auditors; 5. Support the AACC secretariat to mobilize resources; 6. Consider and submit for adoption by the Council of Ministers, financial and progress reports from the AACC; 7. Receive technical reports and advice from the Technical Advisory Committee on matters referred to them for appropriate action; 8. Direct the Policies of the AACC; 9. Prepare regulations setting out the powers, duties, and conditions of service of the Executive Secretary and the Secretariat.

Article 14: Meetings, Quorums, and Decisions of the Board 1. The Board shall meet:

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2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

a) in regular session at least once a year; b) in extraordinary session at the request of the Chairperson of the Board or two thirds of its members, on a specific agenda communicated to all members at least one month in advance. A simple majority of members of the Board shall be required to constitute a quorum for any ordinary or extraordinary session; Decisions of the Board shall be taken by a simple majority of members present; Each member shall have one vote; in the event of a tied vote, the Chairperson of the Board shall have the casting vote; In the event the Members are not in a position to attend personally, duly accredited representatives shall represent them in accordance with the rules of the governing board; The Board shall consider and recommend its Rules of Procedure and those of the other organs of the AACC to the Council of Ministers for adoption; All members of the Board shall be subject to the rules of confidentiality, declaration of interest, and conflict of interest; The Board may invite such experts as may be required to its meetings.

Article 15: Composition of the Technical Advisory Committee 1. The Board shall upon recommendations of the AACC Forum, appoint a Technical Advisory Committee composed of nine members, one from each of the following disciplines on the basis of equitable geographical representation: Training, Skills Development, and Academia Production Archiving Editing Cinematography Distribution Law Sound and audio Finance 2. The members of the Committee shall serve for two years, renewable once; 3. The Executive Secretary shall be an ex-officio member of the Committee and shall attend in-person or through his/her designated representative and shall have no right to vote;

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4. The members of the Committee will elect from among themselves the Chairperson, whose functions shall be defined in the Rules of Procedure of the Committee.

Article 16: Functions of the Committee The functions of the Technical Advisory Committee shall be to: 1. Advise on the technical implementation of the activities of the AACC; 2. Provide such technical advice as may be requested by the Board or by the Executive Secretary from time to time; 3. Develop its own Rules of Procedure for consideration and adoption by the Council of Ministers.

Article 17: Meetings, Quorum, and Decisions of the Committee 1. The meetings of the Committee shall be convened by the Chairperson of the Committee at least once a year or as often as the Board may deem necessary; 2. For any session, a simple majority of the members shall be required to constitute a quorum; 3. Decisions of the Technical Advisory Committee shall be made by consensus and, failing which, by a simple majority vote of the Members present; 4. The members of the Committee shall serve in their personal capacities on a part time basis; 5. The members of the Committee shall not be remunerated but costs incurred in attending the Committee meetings shall be reimbursed.

Article 18: Composition and Membership of the Forum 1. There shall be a forum comprised of accredited audiovisual and cinema practitioners, production equipment and technology providers convened by the AACC Secretariat. 2. The membership of the Forum shall be three accredited representatives from each State Party who shall serve for two years renewable once.

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Article 19: Functions of the Forum The functions of the African Audiovisual and Cinema Forum shall be to: 1. Consider the state of the audiovisual and cinema sector and prepare a report to the Council of Ministers through the Governing Board; 2. Make recommendations on individuals to serve on the Board and Technical Advisory Committee; 3. Submit to the Board a biannual independent report on the state of audiovisual and cinema sector in all member states; 4. Recommend appropriate measures to improve the audiovisual and cinema sector; 5. Develop its own Rules of Procedure for consideration and approval of the Council of Ministers.

Article 20: Conditions for Eligibility The following criteria shall apply for participation to the Forum: 1. A Member of the Forum as contemplated in Article 18 shall be invited either as an association or an individual; 2. Forum members must be a registered association, society, company, or foundation in Africa, or an individual nominated by a State Party; 3. The Forum members must have demonstrated experience and/or working knowledge of the African audiovisual and cinema industry or a demonstrated commitment to supporting the industry.

Article 21: Composition of the AACC Secretariat 1. The Secretariat shall consist of an Executive Secretary who shall be assisted by the necessary administrative, professional, and technical officials; 2. The structure of the Secretariat, terms and conditions of service, shall be approved by the Board in accordance with the staff rules and regulations adopted by the Council of Ministers.

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Article 22: Appointment of the Executive Secretary 1. The Executive Secretary shall be appointed by the Board in accordance with regional rotations; 2. The Executive Secretary shall be the Head of the AACC; 3. If the position falls vacant or the Executive Secretary is prevented from discharging the above duties, he/she shall be temporarily replaced by the most senior Official within the Secretariat until the appointment of the new Executive Secretary.

Article 23: Functions of the Executive Secretary 1. Subject to the directives of the Board, the Executive Secretary shall: a) Recruit, supervise, and manage staff of the AACC Secretariat; b) Implement the approved programs and policies of the AACC Secretariat; c) Coordinate the activities of AACC secretariat as the chief administrative and accounting officer; d) Prepare for Board consideration and approval mid and long-term plans of the AACC; e) Prepare the annual budget of the AACC for consideration by the Governing Board; f) Prepare the Plans of Action of the AACC for consideration and approval; g) Attend all meetings of the Board and act as its Secretary; and h) Perform any other functions in line with the objectives of the AACC. 2. In the discharge of his or her duties, the Executive Secretary shall not seek or accept instructions from any State, authority, or individual external to the AACC.

Article 24: Observers The Council of Ministers may invite any State, REC, international, regional, or sub-regional organization or institution, which is not a member to attend its meetings as an observer.

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Article 25: Relationship with other Institutions, Cooperating States, and Organizations 1. The AACC may: a) Establish and maintain working relationships with any intergovernmental, international, regional, or national institutions that may assist AACC to achieve its objectives and mandate; b) Design, resource, or facilitate implementation or strengthening by stakeholders of an integrated Pan-African center on the following: i. The African Audiovisual and Cinema Fund ii. The African Film Library iii. The African Convention on Audiovisual and Cinematographic Collaboration vi. The Inter-African Center for Production v. The Inter-African Distribution Consortium vi. The Inter-African Film Production Consortium vii. The Pan-African Film School initiative 2. State Parties shall designate focal point institutions to coordinate their respective working relationships with the AACC.

Article 26: Finances 1. The AACC shall be funded by: a) Annual statutory and special contributions to be paid by State Parties as shall be determined by the Council of Ministers; b) Income from services rendered by the AACC; c) Income from property owned by or other investments made by the AACC. 2. The AACC may receive donations and voluntary contributions from: a) State Parties; b) Other States and Institutions that are not members of the AACC; c) Any other sources approved by the Governing Board. 3. The AACC budget shall be drawn up by the Secretariat and approved by the Council of Ministers through the Board. 4. The Council of Ministers and the Board shall be regularly apprised of the funding status of the AACC.

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Article 27: Expenses 1. The expenses of the AACC shall be in accordance with the approved budget, program of work, and financial rules and regulations of the AACC. 2. The finances and accounts of the AACC shall be audited by an independent auditor appointed by the Governing Board.

Article 28: Working Languages The working languages of the AACC shall be those of the AU.

Article 29: Settlement of Disputes 1. Any dispute that may arise between State Parties with regard to the interpretation, application, and implementation of this Statute shall be settled by mutual consent between the States concerned, including through negotiations, mediation, conciliation, or other peaceful means; 2. In the event of failure to settle the dispute, the Parties may, by mutual consent, refer the dispute to: a) An Arbitration Panel of three Arbitrators whose appointment shall be as follows: i. Each Party to the dispute shall appoint one Arbitrator; ii. The third arbitrator, who shall be the Chairperson of the Arbitration Tribunal, shall be chosen by common agreement between the arbitrators appointed by the parties to the dispute; and iii. The decision of the Panel of Arbitrators shall be binding. Or b) The African Court of Justice Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Article 30: Dissolution of the AACC 1. The AACC may be dissolved by a resolution of the Council of Ministers taken by two thirds majority;

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2. At least six months’ notice shall be given of any meeting of the Council of Ministers at which the dissolution of the AACC is to be discussed; 3. Where a decision has been made on the dissolution of the AACC, the Council of Ministers shall establish the modalities for the liquidation of the assets of the AACC.

Article 31: Popularization of the Statute State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure the widest possible dissemination of this Statute in accordance with the relevant provisions and procedures of their respective constitutions.

Article 32: Safeguard Clause 1. A provision in this present Statute shall not be interpreted as derogating from the principles and values contained in other relevant instruments for the promotion of audiovisual and cinema development in Africa. 2. Nothing in this Statute shall be construed as preventing a Party from taking such action, compatible with the provisions of the Constitutive Act of the African Union or the United Nations Charter and limited to the exigencies of the situation, as it considers necessary to its external or internal security.

Article 33: Signature, Ratification, and Accession 1. This Statute shall be open to Member States of the African Union for signature and ratification or accession. 2. The instrument of ratification or accession to the present Statute shall be deposited with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission.

Article 34: Entry into force 1. This Statute shall enter into force thirty days after the deposit of the 15th instrument of ratification.

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2. The Chairperson of the African Union Commission shall inform all Member States of the African Union of the entry into force of the present Statute. 3. For any Member State of the African Union acceding to the present Statute, the Statute shall come into force in respect of that State on the date of the deposit of its instrument of accession.

Article 35: Reservations 1. A State Party, when signing, ratifying, or acceding to this Statute, may enter a reservation with respect to any of the provisions of this Statute, unless such a reservation is incompatible with the object and purpose of this Statute. 2. The withdrawal of a reservation must be formulated in writing to the Chairperson of the African Union Commission who shall notify other State Parties of the withdrawal accordingly.

Article 36: Depository This Statute shall be deposited with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, who shall transmit a certified true copy of the Statute to the Government of each State Party and notify them of the dates of the deposit of the instruments of ratification or accession.

Article 37: Registration The Chairperson of the African Union Commission upon the entry into force of this Statute shall register this Statute with the United Nations Secretary General in conformity with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations.

Article 38: Withdrawal 1. At any time after three years from the date on which this Statute has entered into force, a State Party may withdraw from this Statute by giving written notification to the Depository.

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2. Withdrawal shall be effective one year after receipt of notification by the Depository, or on such later date as may be specified in the notification. 3. Withdrawal shall not exempt the withdrawing State Party from fulfilling any obligations it might have incurred under this Statute during its membership.

Article 39: Amendment and Revision 1. Any State Party may submit proposals for the amendment or revision of this Statute. 2. Proposals for amendment or revision shall be submitted to the Chairperson of the African Union Commission who shall transmit such proposal(s) to State Parties within thirty days of receipt thereof. 3. The Council of Ministers, upon the advice of the Bureau, shall examine these proposals within a period of one year from the date of receipt of such proposals. 4. Amendments or revisions shall be adopted by the Council of Ministers by consensus or, failing which, by a two-thirds majority. 5. The amendment or revision shall come into force upon adoption by the Council of Ministers.

Article 40: Authentic Texts This Statute is drawn up in four original texts, in Arabic, English, French, and Portuguese languages, and all four texts being equally authentic. Adopted by the ……. Ordinary Session of the Assembly held in …………………………

Notes African Union, “Draft Statute of the African Audio Visual and Cinema Commission (AACC)”, February, 2019, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Organization of African Unity.

II. BLACK DIASPORA

Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World

Marcus Garvey, International Convention of the Negroes of the World New York City, United States, August 1920

Figure 1. Marcus Garvey, founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. Image in the public domain.

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Drafted and adopted at Convention held in New York, 1920, over which Marcus Garvey presided as Chairman, and at which he was elected Provisional President of Africa. Be It Resolved, That the Negro people of the world, through their chosen representatives in convention assembled in Liberty Hall, in the City of New York and United States of America, from August 1 to August 31, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, protest against the wrongs and injustices they are suffering at the hands of their white brethren, and state what they deem their fair and just rights, as well as the treatment they propose to demand of all men in the future. We complain: 1. That nowhere in the world, with few exceptions, are black men accorded equal treatment with white men, although in the same situation and circumstances, but, on the contrary, are discriminated against and denied the common rights due to human beings for no other reason than their race and color. We are not willingly accepted as guests in the public hotels and inns of the world for no other reason than our race and color. 2. In certain parts of the United States of America our race is denied the right of public trial accorded to other races when accused of crime, but are lynched and burned by mobs, and such brutal and inhuman treatment is even practiced upon our women. 3. That European nations have parceled out among them and taken possession of nearly all of the continent of Africa, and the natives are compelled to surrender their lands to aliens and are treated in most instances like slaves. 4. In the southern portion of the United States of America, although citizens under the Federal Constitution, and in some States almost equal to the whites in population and are qualified landowners and taxpayers, we are, nevertheless, denied all voice in the making and administration of the laws and are taxed without representation by the State governments, and at the same time compelled to do military service in defense of the country. 5. On the public conveyances and common carriers in the southern portion of the United States we are Jim-Crowed and compelled to accept separate and inferior accommodations and made to pay the same fare charged for first-class accommodations, and our families are often humiliated and insulted by drunken white men who habitually pass through the Jim-Crow cars going to the smoking car.

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6. The physicians of our race are denied the right to attend their patients while in the public hospitals of the cities and States where they reside in certain parts of the United States. Our children are forced to attend inferior separate schools for shorter terms than white children, and the public school funds are unequally divided between the white and colored schools. 7. We are discriminated against and denied an equal chance to earn wages for the support of our families, and in many instances are refused admission into labor unions and nearly everywhere are paid smaller wages than white men. 8. In the Civil Service and departmental offices we are everywhere discriminated against and made to feel that to be a black man in Europe, America, and the West Indies is equivalent to being an outcast and a leper among the races of men, no matter what the character attainments of the black men may be. 9. In the British and other West Indian islands and colonies Negroes are secretly and cunningly discriminated against and denied those fuller rights of government to which white citizens are appointed, nominated, and elected. 10. That our people in those parts are forced to work for lower wages than the average standard of white men and are kept in conditions repugnant to good, civilized tastes and customs. 11. That the many acts of injustices against members of our race before the courts of law in the respective islands and colonies are of such nature as to create disgust and disrespect for the white man’s sense of justice. 12. Against all such inhuman, un-Christian, and uncivilized treatment we here and now emphatically protest, and invoke the condemnation of all mankind. In order to encourage our race all over the world and to stimulate it to overcome the handicaps and difficulties surrounding it, and to push forward to a higher and grander destiny, we demand and insist on the following Declaration of Rights: 1. Be it known to all men that whereas all men are created equal and entitled to the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and because of this we, the duly elected representatives of the Negro peoples of the world, invoking the aid of the just and Almighty God, do declare all men, women, and children of our blood throughout the world free denizens, and do claim them as free citizens of Africa, the Motherland of all Negroes.

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2. That we believe in the supreme authority of our race in all things racial; that all things are created and given to man as a common possession; that there should be an equitable distribution and apportionment of all such things, and in consideration of the fact that as a race we are now deprived of those things that are morally and legally ours, we believed it right that all such things should be acquired and held by whatsoever means possible. 3. That we believe the Negro, like any other race, should be governed by the ethics of civilization, and therefore should not be deprived of any of those rights or privileges common to other human beings. 4. We declare that Negroes, wheresoever they form a community among themselves should be given the right to elect their own representatives to represent them in Legislatures, courts of law, or such institutions as may exercise control over that particular community. 5. We assert that the Negro is entitled to even-handed justice before all courts of law and equity in whatever country he may be found, and when this is denied him on account of his race or color such denial is an insult to the race as a whole and should be resented by the entire body of Negroes. 6. We declare it unfair and prejudicial to the rights of Negroes in communities where they exist in considerable numbers to be tried by a judge and jury composed entirely of an alien race, but in all such cases members of our race are entitled to representation on the jury. 7. We believe that any law or practice that tends to deprive any African of his land or the privileges of free citizenship within his country is unjust and immoral, and no native should respect any such law or practice. 8. We declare taxation without representation unjust and tyrannous, and there should be no obligation on the part of the Negro to obey the levy of a tax by any law-making body from which he is excluded and denied representation on account of his race and color. 9. We believe that any law especially directed against the Negro to his detriment and singling him out because of his race or color is unfair and immoral, and should not be respected. 10. We believe all men entitled to common human respect and that our race should in no way tolerate any insults that may be interpreted to mean disrespect to our race or color.

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11. We deprecate the use of the term “nigger” as applied to Negroes, and demand that the word “Negro” be written with a capital “N.” 12. We believe that the Negro should adopt every means to protect himself against barbarous practices inflicted upon him because of color. 13. We believe in the freedom of Africa for the Negro people of the world, and by the principle of Europe for the Europeans and Asia for the Asiatics, we also demand Africa for the Africans at home and abroad. 14. We believe in the inherent right of the Negro to possess himself of Africa and that his possession of same shall not be regarded as an infringement of any claim or purchase made by any race or nation. 15. We strongly condemn the cupidity of those nations of the world who, by open aggression or secret schemes, have seized the territories and inexhaustible natural wealth of Africa, and we place on record our most solemn determination to reclaim the treasures and possessions of the vast continent of our forefathers. 16. We believe all men should live in peace one with the other, but when races and nations provoke the ire of other races and nations by attempting to infringe upon their rights, war becomes inevitable, and the attempt in any way to free one’s self or protect one’s rights or heritage becomes justifiable. 17. Whereas the lynching, by burning, hanging, or any other means, of human beings is a barbarous practice and a shame and disgrace to civilization, we therefore declare any country guilty of such atrocities outside the pale of civilization. 18. We protest against the atrocious crime of whipping, flogging, and overworking of the native tribes of Africa and Negroes everywhere. These are methods that should be abolished and all means should be taken to prevent a continuance of such brutal practices. 19. We protest against the atrocious practice of shaving the heads of Africans, especially of African women or individuals of Negro blood, when placed in prison as a punishment for crime by an alien race. 20. We protest against segregated districts, separate public conveyances, industrial discrimination, lynchings, and limitations of political privileges of any Negro citizen in any part of the world on account of race, color, or creed, and will exert our full influence and power against all such. 21. We protest against any punishment inflicted upon a Negro with severity, as against lighter punishment inflicted upon another of an

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alien race for like offense, as an act of prejudice and injustice, and should be resented by the entire race. 22. We protest against the system of education in any country where Negroes are denied the same privileges and advantages as other races. 23. We declare it inhuman and unfair to boycott Negroes from industries and labor in any part of the world. 24. We believe in the doctrine of the freedom of the press, and we therefore emphatically protest against the suppression of Negro newspapers and periodicals in various parts of the world, and call upon Negroes everywhere to employ all available means to prevent such suppression. 25. We further demand free speech universally for all men. 26. We hereby protest against the publication of scandalous and inflammatory articles by an alien press tending to create racial strife and the exhibition of picture films showing the Negro as a cannibal. 27. We believe in the self-determination of all peoples. 28. We declare for the freedom of religious worship. 29. With the help of Almighty God we declare ourselves the sworn protectors of the honor and virtue of our women and children, and pledge our lives for their protection and defense everywhere and under all circumstances from wrongs and outrages. 30. We demand the right of an unlimited and unprejudiced education for ourselves and our posterity forever. 31. We declare that the teaching in any school by alien teachers to our boys and girls, that the alien race is superior to the Negro race, is an insult to the Negro people of the world. 32. Where Negroes form a part of the citizenry of any country, and pass the civil service examination of such country, we declare them entitled to the same consideration as other citizens as to appointments in such civil service. 33. We vigorously protest against the increasingly unfair and unjust treatment accorded Negro travelers on land and sea by the agents and employees of railroad and steamship companies, and insist that for equal fare we receive equal privileges with travelers of other races. 34. We declare it unjust for any country, State, or nation to enact laws tending to hinder and obstruct the free immigration of Negroes on account of their race and color. 35. That the right of the Negro to travel unmolested throughout the world be not abridged by any person or persons, and all Negroes are called upon to give aid to a fellow Negro when thus molested.

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36. We declare that all Negroes are entitled to the same right to travel over the world as other men. 37. We hereby demand that the governments of the world recognize our leader and his representatives chosen by the race to look after the welfare of our people under such governments. 38. We demand complete control of our social institutions without interference by any alien race or races. 39. That the colors Red, Black, and Green be the colors of the Negro race. 40. Resolved, That the anthem “Ethiopia, Thou Land of Our Fathers,” etc., shall be the anthem of the Negro race. 41. We believe that any limited liberty which deprives one of the complete rights and prerogatives of full citizenship is but a modified form of slavery. 42. We declare it an injustice to our people and a serious impediment to the health of the race to deny to competent licensed Negro physicians the right to practice in the public hospitals of the communities in which they reside, for no other reason than their race and color. 43. We call upon the various governments of the world to accept and acknowledge Negro representatives who shall be sent to the said governments to represent the general welfare of the Negro peoples of the world. 44. We deplore and protest against the practice of confining juvenile prisoners in prisons with adults, and we recommend that such youthful prisoners be taught gainful trades under humane supervision. 45. Be it further resolved, that we as a race of people declare the League of Nations null and void as far as the Negro is concerned, in that it seeks to deprive Negroes of their liberty. 46. We demand of all men to do unto us as we would do unto them, in the name of justice; and we cheerfully accord to all men all the rights we claim herein for ourselves. 47. We declare that no Negro shall engage himself in battle for an alien race without first obtaining the consent of the leader of the Negro people of the world, except in a matter of national self-defense. 48. We protest against the practice of drafting Negroes and sending them to war with alien forces without proper training, and demand in all cases that Negro soldiers be given the same training as the aliens. 49. We demand that instructions given Negro children in schools include the subject of “Negro History,” to their benefit.

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50. We demand a free and unfettered commercial intercourse with all the Negro people of the world. 51. We declare for the absolute freedom of the seas for all peoples. 52. We demand that our duly accredited representatives be given proper recognition in all leagues, conferences, conventions, or courts of international arbitration wherever human rights are discussed. 53. We proclaim the 31st day of August of each year to be an international holiday to be observed by all Negroes. 54. We want all men to know that we shall maintain and contend for the freedom and equality of every man, woman, and child of our race, with our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. These rights we believe to be justly ours and proper for the protection of the Negro race at large, and because of this belief we, on behalf of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, do pledge herein the sacred blood of the race in defense, and we hereby subscribe our names as a guarantee of the truthfulness and faithfulness hereof, in the presence of Almighty God, on this 13th day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty.

Selections from Declarations and Resolutions of the Fifth Pan-African Congress Manchester, England, October 13–21, 1945

Figure 1. John McNair (standing) of the Independent Labor Party addresses the Fifth PanAfrican Congress. Also on the stage is Amy Ashwood Garvey (left), the first wife of Marcus Garvey. Photo by John Deakin/Picture Post/Hulton Archive/Getty Images.

Declaration of the Fifth Pan-African Congress to Imperialist Powers of the World The delegates of the Fifth Pan-African Congress believe in peace. How could it be otherwise when, for centuries, the African peoples have been the victims

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of violence and slavery? Yet if the Western world is still determined to rule mankind by force, then Africans, as a last resort, may have to appeal to force in the effort to achieve Freedom, even if force destroys them and the world. We are determined to be Free. We want education, the right to earn a decent living, the right to express our thoughts and emotions, and to adopt and create forms of beauty. Without all this, we die to live. We demand for Black Africa autonomy and independence, so far and no further than it is possible in this “One World” for groups and peoples to rule themselves subject to inevitable world unity and federation. We are not ashamed to have been an age-long patient people. We are willing even now to sacrifice and strive to correct our all too human faults. But we are unwilling to starve any longer while doing the world’s drudgery, in order to support, by our poverty and ignorance, a false aristocracy and a discredited Imperialism. We condemn the monopoly of capital and the rule of private wealth and industry for private profit alone. We welcome Economic Democracy as the only real democracy; wherefore we are going to complain, appeal, and arraign. We are going to make the world listen to the facts of our conditions. For their betterment, we are going to fight in all and every way we can.

Manifesto to the Colonial Workers, Farmers, and Intellectuals of Africa We believe in the rights of all people to govern themselves. We affirm the right of all Colonial peoples to control their own destiny. All Colonies must be free from foreign imperialist control, whether political or economic. The peoples of the Colonies must have the right to elect their own government, a government without restrictions from a foreign power. We say to the peoples of the colonies that they must fight for these ends by all means at their disposal. The object of Imperialist Powers is to exploit. By granting the right to Colonial peoples to govern themselves, they are defeating that objective. Therefore, the struggle for political power by colonial and subject peoples is the first step towards, and the necessary prerequisite to, complete social, economic, and political emancipation. The Fifth Pan-African Congress, therefore, calls on the workers and farmers of the Colonies to organize effectively. Colonial workers must be in the front of the battle against Imperialism. Your weapons—the Strike and the Boycott—are invincible.

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This Fifth Pan-African Congress calls upon the intellectuals and professional classes of the Colonies to awaken to their responsibilities. The long, long night is over. By fighting for trade union rights, the right to form cooperatives, freedom of the press, assembly, demonstration, and strike; freedom to print and read the literature which is necessary for the education of the masses, you will be using the only means by which your liberties will be won and maintained. Today there is only one road to effective action—the organization of the masses. Colonial and subject peoples of the world—Unite!

Selected Resolutions The following resolutions were unanimously adopted by the Fifth Pan-African Congress, held in Manchester, England, October 13–21, 1945. We, the duly accredited delegates of the peoples of West Africa, united as one people, do hereby declare:

1. Political (a) That since the advent of British, French, Belgian, and other European nations in West Africa, there has been regression instead of progress as a result of systematic exploitation by these alien Imperialist Powers. The claims of “partnership”, “trusteeship,” “guardianship,” and the “mandate system” do not serve the political wishes of the people of West Africa. (b) That the democratic nature of the indigenous institutions of the peoples of West Africa has been crushed by obnoxious and oppressive laws and regulations and replaced by autocratic systems of Government which are inimical to the wishes of the people of West Africa. (c) That the introduction of pretentious constitutional reforms in West African Territories are nothing but spurious attempts on the part of alien Imperialist Powers to continue the political enslavement of the peoples. (d) That the introduction of Indirect Rule is not only an instrument of oppression but also an encroachment on the right of the West African natural rulers. (e) That the artificial divisions and territorial boundaries created by the Imperialist Powers are deliberate steps to obstruct the political unity of the West African peoples.

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2. Economic (a) That there has been a systematic exploitation of the economic resources of the West African territories by Imperialist Powers to the detriment of the inhabitants. (b) That the industrialization of West Africa by the indigenes has been discouraged and obstructed by the Imperialist rulers, with the result that the standard of living has fallen below subsistence level. (c) That the land, the rightful property of West Africans, is gradually passing into the hands of foreign governments and other agencies through various devices and ordinances. (d) That the workers and farmers of West Africa have not been allowed independent trade unions and cooperative movements without official interferences. (e) That the mining industries are in the hands of foreign monopolies of finance capital, with the result that wherever a mining industry has developed there has been a tendency to deprive the people of their land holding (e.g. mineral rights in Nigeria and Sierra Leone now the property of the British Government). (f) That the British Government in West Africa is virtually controlled by a merchants’ united front, whose main objective is the exploitation of the people, thus rendering the indigenous population economically helpless. (g) That when a country is compelled to rely on one crop (e.g. cocoa) for a single monopolistic market, and is obliged to cultivate only for export while at the same time its farmers and workers find themselves in the grip of finance capital, then it is evident that the government of that country is incompetent to assume responsibility for it.

3.Social (a) That the democratic organizations and institutions of the West African peoples have been interfered with; that alien rule has not improved education, health, or the nutrition of the West African peoples, but on the contrary tolerates mass illiteracy, ill-health, malnutrition, prostitution, and many other social evils. (b) That organized Christianity in West Africa is identified with the political and economic exploitation of the West African peoples by alien Powers. In view of these conditions, we, the members of the West African delegation, declare:

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that complete and absolute independence of the peoples of West Africa is the only solution to the existing problems!

Telegram to the Secretary of State for Colonies We, the West African delegation, request the Fifth Pan-African Congress to forward the following telegram immediately to the British Secretary of State for Colonies: Colonial Secretary, Downing Street, London: 1. That the West African Farmers’ Delegation now in Great Britain be received by the Colonial Secretary, with a view to discussing the deplorable conditions of the West African cocoa farmer and other producers. 2. That the Mineral Ordinances of Nigeria and Sierra Leone, which deprive the peoples of these territories of the legitimate right to their lands, be repealed. 3. That the Gambia Custom Tariff (Amendment) Act of 1945 which affects the purchasing power of the African Consumer be repealed. 4. That the Deposition and Deportation of Chiefs Ordinance and the Native Authority Bill of the Gold Coast are undemocratic and should be repealed forthwith. 5. That the Richard’s Constitution of Nigeria, viewed by the Nigerian people as undemocratic, should be repealed immediately. 6. That the request of the Nigerian Workers be met immediately in order to avoid any future unpleasantness and that the color bar in the form of salary, and other discrimination in the West African Civil Service, be abolished. 7. That the Criminal Code, Sedition Ordinances, and Press Restrictions of West Africa be repealed. 8. That all restrictions on travel imposed on African Students to the United States of America and other parts of the world be removed immediately. 9. That the establishment of the West African Council consisting of the Governors of the West African Colonies, with the Secretary of State as Chairman, and a senior civil servant resident in the Gold Coast as Secretary, which, being so constituted, can only be regarded as yet another means for further enslaving the West African peoples, shall be annulled forthwith. 10. That the withdrawal of Sir Arthur Richard, demanded by the people of Nigeria following a vote of “no confidence,” be effected forthwith.

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11. That Muslim religious laws and rights be respected and recognized by the Government, since their denial is used to drive a wedge of disunity between Muslims and other sections of the West African population; and that facilities for modern education of the Muslims be provided at once. 12. That the ban on progressive literature be abolished. 13. That the new Municipal Ordinance of Sierra Leone be repealed. 14. That the barter system of trade which has been introduced into Sierra Leone and other West African Colonies, by means of which European capitalist combines have been exploiting the labor of the African farmers through obtaining African produce at low prices in exchange for European manufactured goods at high prices, be abolished immediately.

East Africa: Resolution presented by the delegates from East Africa and adopted by the Fifth Pan-African Congress That this congress of African peoples assembled in Manchester demands complete independence for the people of Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Nyassaland, and Somaliland. That this Congress calls upon the Secretary of State for the Colonies to implement the following immediate demands of the people of East African territories. 1. The principles of the Four Freedoms be put into practice at once. 2. The abolition of land laws which allow Europeans to take land from the Africans. Immediate cessation of any further settlement by Europeans in Kenya or in any other territory in East Africa. All available land to be distributed to the landless Africans. 3. The right of Africans to develop the economic resources of their country without hindrance. 4. The immediate abolition of all racial and other discriminatory laws at once (Kipandi system in particular), and the system of equal citizenship to be introduced forthwith. 5. Freedom of speech, press, association, and assembly. 6. Revision of the system of taxation and of the civil and criminal code. 7. Compulsory free and uniform education for all children up to the age of sixteen, with free meals, free books, and school equipment. 8. Granting of the Franchise, i.e. the right of every man and woman over the age of twenty-one to elect and be elected to Legislative

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Council, Provincial Council, and all other Divisional and Municipal Councils. 9. A state Media Service, Health and Welfare Service to be made available to all. 10. Abolition of forced labor, and the introduction of the principle of equal pay for equal work.

South Africa: This Fifth Pan-African Congress, representing millions of Africans and peoples of African descent throughout the world, condemns with all its power the policy towards Africans and other non-Europeans carried out by the Union of South Africa which, although representing itself abroad as a democracy with a system of parliamentary government, manifests essentially the same characteristics as Fascism: (a) the Herrenvolk ideology which transformed itself into a mania; (b) the ruthless trampling underfoot of all human rights; (c) the erection of one system of law and of morality for the white “Aryans” and a different system of law and of morality for the nonwhite “non-Aryans.” This Congress demands for the non-European citizens of South Africa the immediate practical application of the following ten fundamental democratic rights: 1. The franchise, i.e., the right of every man and woman over the age of twenty-one to elect and be elected to Parliament, Provincial Council, and all other Divisional and Municipal Councils. 2. Compulsory free and uniform education for all children up to the age of sixteen, with free meals, free books, and school equipment for the needy. 3. Inviolability of person, of one’s house and privacy. 4. Freedom of speech, press, meeting, and association. 5. Freedom of movement and occupation. 6. Full equality of rights for all citizens, without distinction of race, color, and sex. 7. Revision of the land question in accordance with the needs of the Africans.

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8. Revision of the civil and criminal codes to accord with the foregoing demands. 9. Revision of the system of taxation to bring it into line with the above. 10. Revision of labor legislation and its application to the mines and agriculture. This Congress pledges to work unceasingly with and on behalf of its non-European brothers in South Africa until they achieve the status of freedom and human dignity. This Congress regards the struggle of our brothers in Africa as an integral part of the common struggle for national liberation throughout Africa. Mayi Buye I Africa!

The Protectorates of Bechuanaland, Basutoland, and Swaziland 1. Since the Union of South Africa became a Dominion there has been developed an insistent urge to gain possession of the Native Protectorate of Bechuanaland, Basutoland, and Swaziland, covering a total area of 293,420 square miles, with a population of over one million. Control of these territories is desired in order to (1) exploit the minerals, (2) secure more land for agriculture and farming purposes, and (3) obtain additional supplies of cheap labor by taxing the natives. 2. In recent years this desire for expansion has assumed an aggressive form and has created great alarm among the natives of the Protectorates for they are the last remaining Africans in the southern part of the continent who own land and enjoy a nominal independence. 3. The Government of the Union of South Africa is demanding the immediate transfer of the Protectorates to the Union and is in correspondence with the Imperial Government on the subject. The Colonial Office has already set up a Joint Advisory Commission of South African and British officials to examine the question and propose ways and means of effecting transfer if and when Parliament agrees. 4. The African people object bitterly to being used as pawns in bargains between different member states of the British Commonwealth as a means of settling imperialist adjustments. Africans are not chattels to be bartered like cattle in the markets

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of white nations, where statesmen and diplomats, like brokers, do their trade in the name of Democracy and Peace. 5. The natives of the Protectorates look with horror upon such a proposal for they know of the slave conditions under which eight million Africans in the Union live, who bear the brunt of taxation and other burdens but have no representation in Government. Eighty percent of their lands have been taken away from them. They are denied the most elementary democratic rights—freedom of speech, press, assembly, and movement. They are debarred from trade unions and excluded from skilled occupations by the Color Bar. They are saddled with Pass Laws and other forms of repressive legislation. Recording their opposition to transfer, the Chiefs of Bechuanaland have adopted the following resolutions: “This meeting of Chiefs and Councilors present on behalf of their respective tribes of Bechuanaland Protectorates records its protest and objection to the incorporation of the territory in the Union of South Africa.” 6. The natives of the Protectorates demand that the British Labor Government honor the promise of Protection made to their Chiefs by Her Majesty Queen Victoria’s Government during the latter part of the last century in return for their allegiance to the British Crown.

Note Selections taken from The Pan African Federation, “Declarations and Resolutions Adopted by the Fifth Pan-African Congress at Manchester, England, October 13th–21st 1945”, Johannesburg: Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa.

First Congress of Negro Writers and Artists Paris, France, September 19–22, 1956

Resolution

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hereas the Conference has shown that there is a profound interest in the work undertaken during its sessions in regard to various Negro cultures which have often been ignored, underestimated, or sometimes destroyed; Whereas there has been made evident the urgent necessity to rediscover the historical truth and revalue Negro cultures; these truths, often misrepresented and denied, being partly responsible for provoking a crisis in Negro culture and in the manner in which that culture relates to World culture; We recommend that artists, writers, scholars, theologians, thinkers, and technicians participate in the historic task of unearthing, rehabilitating, and developing those cultures so as to facilitate their being integrated into the general body of World culture. We Negro writers, artists, and intellectuals of various political ideologies and religious creeds have felt a need to meet at this crucial stage in the evolution of mankind in order to examine objectively our several views on culture and to probe those cultures with a full consciousness of our responsibilities—first, before our own respective peoples; second, before colonial people and those living under conditions of racial oppression; and, third, before all free men of good will. We deem it unworthy of genuine intellectuals to hesitate to take a stand regarding fundamental problems, for such hesitations serve injustice and colonialism. Jointly we have weighed our cultural heritages and have studied how they have been affected by social and general conditions of racialism and colonialism. We maintain that the growth of culture is dependent upon the termination of such shameful practices in this twentieth century as colonialism, the oppression of weaker peoples, and racialism. We affirm that all peoples should be placed in a position where they can learn their own national cultural values (history, language, literature, etc.) and enjoy the benefits of education within the framework of their own culture.

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This Conference regrets the involuntary absence of a delegation from South Africa. This Conference is pleased to take due notice of recent advances made throughout the world, advances which imply a general abolition of the colonial system, as well as the final and universal liquidation of racialism. This Conference invites all Negro intellectuals to unite their efforts in securing effective respect for the Rights of Man, whatever his color may be, and for all peoples and all nations whatsoever. This Conference urges Negro intellectuals and all justice-loving men to struggle to create the practical conditions for the revival and the growth of Negro cultures. Paying tribute to the cultures of all lands and with due appreciation of their several contributions to the progress of Civilization, the Conference urges all Negro intellectuals to defend, illustrate, and publicize throughout the world the national values of their own peoples. We Negro writers and artists proclaim our fellowship with all men and expect from them, for our people, a similar fellowship. At the request of several members of Congress the Officers have undertaken the responsibility of setting up an International Association of Negro Men of Culture.

Note This document was previously published in African Intellectual Heritage: A Book of Sources, Molefi Kete Asante and Abu Shardow Abarry, ed. (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996): 227–228.

Appeal: The Unity and Responsibilities of African Negro Culture Paris, France, 1958

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ur first Congress in 1956 had for its central theme: The Crisis of Negro Culture. Our principal concern at that time was to point out the causes responsible for that crisis and to dissipate ambiguous conceptions. It was under the influence of colonialism and its interests that Western nations wrongfully accepted the idea that there can be a nation without a culture of its own. They were unaware both of the contribution of Afro-Asian peoples to mankind’s heritage and of the conscious and systematic action exerted against indigenous cultures. Colonial governments, having far too much to camouflage before their own peoples’ eyes, could not allow our cultures to bear witness against the colonial system and its ideology. This year, our preoccupation is less critical and more constructive in character. In 1956, we diagnosed the disease; in 1959, we propose a remedy: that our peoples should work and strive in concert. In fact, we are not the only peoples aspiring after Unity. For some ten years now, European nations have been trying to regroup themselves. Their interests, however, seemed unified already. Being the foremost peninsula of Asia. Europe has played in history a role of which all her nations can be proud. As the active rearing ground of the white race, she has given rise all over the world to achievements that are bold, impressive, and effective. She has dominated nature and peoples in a fashion that means to be glaring and incontestable. Her culture, rightly or wrongly, has set up a great number of her own characteristics and has made them pose as universal values. Viewed from a certain perspective, Western culture is the culture of the World of 1959. Why then does Europe today speak of regrouping itself? It is precisely because the universality of this culture has now begun to be questioned, first, by the two giant nations, next, by the peoples overseas. It is also because this culture in a growing world, needs to be supported by new sociological data. The balance of political, military, and traditional forces is no longer sufficient to sustain its unity and authority. And thus, when Europe thinks today of unification, it is without doubt to safeguard her prestige and vocation; but, above all, it is also to secure her last chances of remaining the leading and controlling power among the rising nations.

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For the new powers are contesting with Europe for world leadership: First, the USA, of which Europe is but the economic vassal (in fact it is to free herself from this economic imperialism that Europe is striving). Next, the Soviet Union, for whom the European nations are an excellent field for experimenting with and expanding their new civilization. Finally, the Bandung powers (Asia, the Arab World, and Africa), for whom the present period is a stirring stage in their political and cultural reawakening. The birth and growth of this political and cultural consciousness does not concern only the Bandung powers but also the very structure of the whole world. Mutatis mutandis, they can be considered as the proletariat of the modern, and one can discern in this urgency an inspiration and a vocation of universalizing action. Having for their starting point problems, situations, and aspirations that Europe has perhaps never had to experience, they have a mission to make known their cultural personality and also to create, thereby, new dimensions and new laws for human cultural life. And this in the name of a majority of the human race, whose hunger and misery weigh far more than the prestige of the West upon the march of History. For this it is imperative that they should establish their own solidarity. Here, of course, we are dealing with cultural unity and solidarity. We are scattered over the face of the earth, as imperialism, slavery, and the racial policy of the Western nations have flung us. We live under different political and economic regimes, and we belong to different nations. We find ourselves in Arab, Portuguese, French, English, and other cultures which differ considerably from one another and from our traditional Negro Culture. Yet, we have common features in our aspirations, in our condition, in our knowledge of the past: features numerous enough to vindicate the Unity of Negro Culture.

Appeal In order to make our Conference a success, it is necessary that we should restate some of our aims, in particular, our desire: 1. To demonstrate the fact that the exclusive dissemination of authority by Western culture is a betrayal of our personality, our spiritual interests, and our aspirations. It is also a betrayal of universal values. It behooves us, therefore: a. To formulate our own specific problems, and

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b. To tackle mankind’s major problems in our works (after having ascertained the technical, economic, and political data of man’s modern condition). 2. To build up a community of cultural “totems.” “Culture,” says a sociologist, “is a family album.” Descartes, Shakespeare, and Goethe owe the brilliant prestige they enjoy among Western peoples to their being, before all else, familiar orders of reference, totems of a large family. These totems, whatever their absolute value or insignificance may be, constitute the foundations and the horizon lines of a culture’s inmost being. The Pantheon of African totems should therefore be erected—a Pantheon of Ancient and Modern. 3. To marshal a body of supporting evidence. A society always secretes ideas, beliefs, and judgements that are accepted and that need no justification or apology. These judgements and beliefs are the atmosphere and the lines of force, or the magnetic field, by which every creation, every cultural exchange within society, is inspired. They cannot be questioned without upsetting the moral foundations of the group. Every writer is a prisoner to his society’s ideology and Weltanschauung, even though he should reject them. With our peoples, let us think anew our common “evidence.” 4. To build up a community of style or expression. The true style of a society is a faithful reflection of its soul at a given moment of its history. Springing from the depths of being, the totality of forms of expression represented by a people’s genuine style exerts a reaction upon the soul of that people at grips with new experiences. This means that vocabularies, kinds, and themes inspired by our peoples should express and satisfy their progressive aspirations by successive stages. We shall thus have to draw from our peoples our inspirations and our resources of expression. All these original contributions (authority and responsibilities, great men and totems, evidence and judgements of value, vocabulary and style) should at the same time distinguish us from others, portray us to others, and link us to and articulate us with mankind in general. Hence the significance of constituting a real population of writers and artists, subjected to its own laws, having specific tasks to perform, and conscious of the historical importance of its role in a world which, on account of the irruption of colored peoples on the stage of world responsibilities, is going to redefine the laws and structures of world culture, economics, and politics. Paleontological, prehistoric, and linguistic research could bring to light, from our past, the first foundations of the unity of our African World; and

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the colonial era (which is far from being over) could furnish decisive elements of our cultural solidarity. Nevertheless, it is perhaps the conditions of modern life and of the future which will, imperiously, consolidate the unity of our cultural consciousness. Every one of us has therefore the responsibility to make his special field a driving force in our struggle for the unity of our peoples, in order later on, to make that solidarity, a universalizing force. It is this that we intend to examine during the second World Congress of Negro Authors and Artists, which will be held in Rome at Easter 1959. The agenda that we propose comprises two parts: 1. The foundation of our culture and its chances of achieving unity and solidarity. 2. The tasks and the responsibilities of each discipline or art. The first part could be made the object of three studies (on the past, the present, and the future of our culture) entrusted to three specialists or groups of specialists. The second part should comprise a series of studies on the present tasks and responsibilities of the historian, the linguist, the theologian, the scientist, the poet, etc. (bearing always in mind our preoccupation with solidarity). At the end, a final declaration or motion which, from what precedes, should aim at bringing out the main points in our cultural policy, is envisaged.

Note Reprinted from “Appeal: The Unity and Responsibilities of African Negro Culture” © Revue Présence Africaine, 1959 / 1–2 (N ° XXIV–XXV).

Second Congress of Negro Writers and Artists Rome, Italy, March 25–April 11, 1959

Preamble

T

he Negro Writers and Artists, meeting in Congress at Rome on the 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st March 1959, welcome the process of decolonization which has begun in the world on a large scale. They consider that this movement should be extended and amplified and that, as the nineteenth century of colonization, so the twentieth century should be the century of general decolonization. They regard it as the imperative duty of the members of the SAC [Society of African Culture] to make themselves actively militant in all fields on behalf of this decolonization, which is indispensable to the peace of the world and the development of culture. They protest against all manifestations and all acts of violence, wherever they may happen, by means of which a retarded colonialism attempts to prevent the colonized peoples from regaining their freedom. They reassert their conviction: 1. That political independence and economic liberation are the essential conditions for the cultural advance of the underdeveloped countries in general and the Negro-African countries in particular. 2. That every effort towards the regrouping of countries or nations artificially divided by imperialism, every realization of fundamental solidarity and every determination towards unity are advantageous and profitable for restoring the equilibrium of the world and for the revitalization of culture. 3. That every effort towards the personification and enrichment of national culture, and every effort to implant Negro men of culture in their own civilization, constitute in fact, progress towards universalization and are a contribution towards the civilization of mankind. The Congress, therefore, recommends the Negro Writers and Artists to regard it as their essential task and sacred mission to bring their cultural activity within the scope of the great movement for the liberation of their

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individual peoples, without losing sight of the solidarity which should unite all individuals and peoples who are struggling for liquidation of colonization and its consequences as well as those who are fighting throughout the world for progress and liberty.

Resolution of the Commission on Literature The Commission on Literature of the Second Congress of Negro Writers and Artists, after studying the Reports submitted to it, and after a general discussion of these Reports and of their conclusions, at its sessions of Thursday 26th, Friday 27th, Saturday 28th, and Sunday 29th March 1959, examined: I. The state of vernacular literature in Negro Africa and the countries of African population, and the need to defend those oral literatures which constitute the real basis of Negro-African cultures and their ethics, as well as the legitimate expression of national or regional peculiarities in the various countries concerned. This work of defense and development has already been undertaken, for example, for Ghana, Guinea, and Haiti, where the sovereign Governments are encouraging the development of the autochthonous languages, either by financial assistance to existing institutions, or by including these languages in the school curriculum, or by publishing newspapers and reviews, etc., and by the creation of Drama Centers. The Commission also examined: II. The confrontation of these traditional cultures with the forms of Western culture, in the unhealthy, and most frequently barbarous context of colonization. This confrontation in most cases resulted in a dead stop and in cultural degeneration. It involved the countries of African population in a long period of silence and loss of personality. This contact also brought about new structures within the traditional literature, to the extent that, for good or evil, every culture in our times is influenced by other cultures. There is a need for the study of these new structures ad for help in acquiring consciousness of them and thus ensuring the transition from oral literatures to the stage of written literature, without impairing the character and ethics of these literatures. The Commission also examined: III. The situation of the Negro writer in the modern world. Such a writer is most frequently cut off from his authentic public by the use of a language which, in its literary form is inaccessible to the mass of Negro peoples.

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Such a writer experiences serious difficulties in getting his work published, in the modern Western conditions in which he finds himself; his public is therefore most frequently a restricted one. He may also suffer from another cause of disequilibrium in those cases where the use of his autochthonous language is imperative for him and where its creative possibilities are limited by the fact that this language is not in literary use. Emphasis should nevertheless be laid on the progressive character of the use of the Western languages to the extent that they led to economy of time in constructing the new Africa. This observation should in no way lessen the obligation to develop the autochthonous languages. In view of all the reasons and considerations set out above, the Commission on Literature calls the attention of the Delegates of the Second Congress of Negro Writers and Artists to the following projects which should be instituted in the various Negro States: 1. The institution in each independent country of a strict and rigorous plan for the fight against illiteracy, inspired both by the MOS modern techniques already in use, and the original peculiarities of the country in question. 2. An increase in the number of fundamentally decentralized popular libraries, and the use of films and sound recordings. 3. The institution of African Cultural Research Centers; these Centers, which would be responsible for working out practical plans, would be in close contact with the International Organizations, and with other nations. 4. The translation into autochthonous languages, wherever possible, of representative works of Negro writers in the French, English, Portuguese, Spanish, etc., languages. 5. The exchange of translations between the various cultural areas (French, English, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese) of Africa and the other countries of African population. Negro writers should not necessarily adopt the contradictions between the various Western cultures emanating from the nations which have dominated the Negro world. 6. The creation of national organizations for aid to writers. Such organizations already exist in various forms in Ghana and Guinea. 7. The Commission proposes the creation of effective aid to young writers within the Society of African Culture itself. 8. The Commission recommends the Society of African Culture to arrange cultural meetings with the writers of all countries.

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9. Finally the Commission hopes that the Congress will call the attention of the Governments of Negro States to the need to support and encourage the creation of theatrical schools along the lines set out above. The Commission on Literature hopes that Negro-African writers will work to define their common language, their common manner of using words and ideas and of reacting to them. The desire for an ordered language expressing coherent cultures is embodied, among other things, in work within a national reality from which the flagrant disorder specifically inherent in the colonial situation will be banished. This language, transcending the various languages used, transcending the legitimate forms of national cultures, will thus contribute towards strengthening the unity of the Negro peoples, and will furnish their writers with a working tool. The Commission also finally recognizes that this contribution to the progress of the Negro-African peoples cannot fail additionally to strengthen the universal brotherhood of mankind. The Commission has endeavored to carry out its work bearing constantly in mind this brotherhood and the generosity of spirit which it implies.

Resolution of the Commission on Philosophy Considering the dominant part played by philosophic reflection in the elaboration of culture, Considering that until now the West has claimed a monopoly of philosophic reflection, so that philosophic enterprise no longer seems conceivable outside the framework of the categories forged by the West, Considering that the philosophic effort of traditional Africa has always been reflected in vital attitudes and has never had purely conceptual aims, The Commission declares: 1. That for the African philosopher, philosophy can never consist in reducing the African reality to Western systems; 2. That the African philosopher must base his inquiries upon the fundamental certainty that the Western philosophic approach is not the only possible one; And therefore, 1. Urges that the African philosopher should learn from the traditions, tales, myths, and proverbs of his people, so as to draw from

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them the laws of a true African wisdom complementary to the other forms of human wisdom and to bring out the specific categories of African thought. 2. Calls upon the African philosopher, faced by the totalitarian or egocentric philosophers of the West, to divest himself of a possible inferiority complex, which might prevent him from starting from his African being to judge the foreign contribution. It calls upon the philosopher to transcend any attitude of withdrawal into himself and his traditions so as to bring out, in true communication with all philosophies, the true universal values. It is highly desirable that the modern African philosopher should preserve the unitary vision of cosmic reality which characterizes the wisdom of traditional Africa.

Synthesis by the Sub-Commission on Theology We, African believers, of all forms of faith, meeting as the Theological Sub-Commission of the Second International Congress of Negro Writers and Artists,

I. Find: 1. That there is a difficult and heavy responsibility upon us, in the present crisis of human values; a difficult responsibility, since religion involves requirements which demand the whole man, whose profit is not material and does not immediately appear; a heavy responsibility, because our Negro-African culture is in danger of losing what makes it original, if the profoundly religious spirit which inspires it came to be extinguished. 2. That we have our proper cultural personality, which is the source of our originality. 3. That the fundamental values of that cultural personality which might allow a valid communication between the various confessions known to the Negro world, may be summed up as follows: • A fundamental faith in a transcendental Force from which man draws his origin, upon which he depends and towards which he is drawn. • The sense of a vital solidarity (“solidarité”), a French word which seems to us the least removed from the Fulah neddaku, the Bambara maya, the Madagascaran fihavanana, and others,

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and which comprises a series of moral and social virtues, such as Ancestor worship, the veneration of the Elders, hospitality, the spirit of tolerance, etc. • The vital union between spiritual and practical life. 4. That these fundamental values through which the African religious spirit finds expression, are undergoing a twofold crisis: • By reason of their encounters with the modern world and with religions coming from elsewhere.

II. Declare: 1. That it is our duty to acquire and diffuse a better knowledge of our cultural patrimony which is profoundly penetrated by the religious spirit. 2. That we must be lucid in assessing what is obsolete and what is lasting in the expressions of our cultural heredity. 3. That we must lay our hearts and minds open to everything which is universal in the values of any culture or religious expression whatsoever, distinguishing in them what is universal and therefore valid for all men, from what is the proper expression of their own cultural heredity. 4. That we wish to establish communication between the different religions by which the Negro-African world lives, a communication which must not end in an insuperable opposition between one religion and another, but in a mutual enrichment which will enable each of them to express itself through Negro-African culture.

III. Motions: 1. We call upon all religious forces to preserve and enrich the religious spirit of the Negro world. 2. We ask all those who guide the destinies of our countries (politicians, artists, and scientists), to give the religious spirit its proper place in Negro-African culture. 3. We invite the ministers of all religions to continue their efforts towards the comprehension of African culture and to make use of it in transmitting their message. 4. We call upon all the elect to assemble and make known our oral sacred literature. 5. We ask all foreign scientists who have the noble ambition of making us rediscover our religious traditions, while grateful to them

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for all that is positive in their contribution, to beware of passing too rapidly from hypothesis to assertion. 6. We decide to make greater use of Présence Africaine to make our work known. 7. We demand that we shall not be compelled, in the name of an unconditioned fidelity to Africa, and of technical progress erected into a supreme value, to renounce our religious convictions, thus forgetting the fact that no properly understood religion is in opposition to progress and denying the great African spirit of toleration.

Resolution on Technical Sciences and Medicine It seems daring to refer to science in speaking of modern Africa, so distant is the memory of the Cultural Centers which were found all over ancient Africa. We have not in effect shared in the scientific upsurge which began in Europe with the sixteenth century and gathered momentum in the nineteenth, so paralyzed were we by the slave trade which not only drained Africa of more than a hundred million human beings, but also caused the destruction on the spot of whole populations and the flight of the survivors to the forest regions, a relatively effective place of refuge, but hardly propitious for the development of science. The colonization which succeeded the slave trade was no more favorable to us. Technique never develops except under the pressure of real needs and thanks to invest which is sometimes burdensome, African techniques, crystallized since the sixteenth century, could only evolve with difficulty in the contact with more highly developed European techniques responding to priority requirements which are foreign to us. At the same time, the obstacles which have limited the development of science in African are not all of an external character. There are internal obstacles (maintained and aggravated by colonization) such as: 1. The initiatory form of scientific knowledge in old Africa. This form of spreading knowledge both dangerously limited the number of “those who know” (our wise men) and at the same time did not allow these “wise men,” who before attaining full knowledge had already passed the more creative age, to give of their best. 2. The absence in the greater part of Africa of the writing which is necessary to sustain scientific reflection.

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Report of the Commission on the Arts Whereas: The two points which received greatest attention of the Second Congress of Negro Artists and Writers under the headings of descriptions and spirit were: 1. The unity of thought indispensable to the equilibrium of the Black World, and 2. The overriding obligation imposed on all black artists to produce within their culture a liberation of all different forms of expression.

Whereas: The Commission on the Arts finds that in the actual state of our knowledge, the work which has been done (mostly Western specialists), and which is in the process of attempting to articulate general laws and the aesthetic principles of African art, does not yet yield more than hypotheses needing much further explanation! Whereas: The Society of African Culture is the sole existing medium on the international level for the mobilization of the artistic production of black artists and writers, and has a unique possibility and responsibility for demonstrating before the world the richness and the value of the talent and competence of the new culture in the Negro world. Whereas: The Commission has understood the vital role of the cinema as a medium of communication, education, and indoctrination, which can be of extraordinary value to the native States of Africa (or of imminent harm, if delivered to remain by default, under alien domination); Be it resolved that: The Second International Congress of Negro Artists and Writers propose to the principal S.A.C. organization the establishment of a team of Negro specialists who would be charged with making on-the-spot inventories of African sculpture to find out: a) the general laws which have governed the elaboration of African sculpture and statuary;

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b) the spirit and the general laws governing the diverse expressions of Negro plastic art; c) the present condition of the painter and the sculptor in the different artistic zones of the Negro world; the condition of the painter and the sculptor in countries with populations of African descent; African sources of these artistic zones; the influence of the African plastic arts on Europe, and inversely, the influence of Western arts on Negro-African art.

Motion by a Group of Marxists We, African Marxists: Recognize that the evolution of Societies, the steady improvement of technique, recent discoveries and the consequent emergence of new economic links and new social relationships make the enrichment and effective broadening of Marxism both possible and desirable. The analyses of Western society worked out by Marx, although linked to the interpretation of a specific system of production, namely, capitalism, enable Marx to describe the feudal (pre-capitalist) forms of society, forms whose equivalent can be found today in the regions which are commonly called underdeveloped. The economic situation with which Marx found himself faced at the time when he was explaining the laws which govern society led him to advocate certain forms of action. It is nevertheless clear that in the particular case of underdeveloped countries and, more precisely in the case of Africa, the original forms of struggle take on specific dimensions; already at grips with colonialism, African leaders must further take into account their need to promote a program of technical modernization with the maximum speed and efficiency. African Marxists, in their reflections and in their practice, must look strictly, not only at general economic problems, but also and especially at the facts of economic underdevelopment and the cultural configurations proper to their regions. African Marxists must also raw inspiration from current experiments in other underdeveloped countries which have already attained independence. In consequence, considering that, 1. The cultural references in Marx’s thought are nearly all drawn from Western experience; 2. The economic situation of the Western proletariat cannot be strictly identified with that of the underdeveloped people;

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3. A doctrine is all the more universal so far as, on the one hand, it takes into account all experience, historic, economic, etc., and the diversity of the cultural genius of peoples, and on the other hand, its application is controlled by a really representative authority. We invited African Marxists to develop their doctrine on the basis of the real history, aspirations, and economic situation of their peoples and to build and found it on the authority of their own culture.

Note This document was previously published in African Intellectual Heritage: A Book of Sources, Molefi Kete Asante and Abu Shardow Abarry, ed. (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996): 229-235.

An Esthetic of Hunger

Glauber Rocha, Brazil, January, 1965

Figure 1. Brazilian filmmaker Glauber Rocha (right) and Senegalese filmmaker Ousmane Sembène (left). Screen grab by Black Camera.

D

ispensing with the informative introduction so characteristic of discussions about Latin America, I prefer to examine the relationship between our culture and “civilized” culture in broader terms than those of the European observer. Thus, while Latin America laments its general misery, the foreign onlooker cultivates the taste of that misery, not as a tragic symptom, but merely as an esthetic object within his field of interest. The Latin American neither communicates his real misery to the “civilized” European, nor does the European truly comprehend the misery of the Latin American. This is the fundamental situation of the arts in Brazil today: many distortions, especially the formal exoticism that vulgarizes social problems, have provoked a series of misunderstandings that involve not only art but also politics. For the European observer, the process of artistic creation in the underdeveloped world is of interest only insofar as it satisfies a nostalgia for primitivism. This primitivism is generally presented as a hybrid form, disguised under the belated heritage of the “civilized world,” a heritage poorly

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understood since it is imposed by colonial conditioning. Latin America remains, undeniably, a colony, and what distinguishes yesterday’s colonialism from today’s colonialism is merely the more polished form of the colonizer and the more subtle forms of those who are preparing future domination. The international problem of Latin America is still a case of merely exchanging colonizers. Our possible liberation will probably come, therefore, in the form of a new dependency. This economic and political conditioning has led us to philosophical weakness and impotence that engenders sterility when conscious and hysteria when unconscious. It is for this reason that the hunger of Latin America is not simply an alarming symptom: it is the essence of our society. There resides the tragic originality of Cinema Novo in relation to world cinema. Our originality is our hunger, and our greatest misery is that this hunger is felt but not intellectually understood. We understand the hunger that the European and the majority of Brazilians have not understood. For the European, it is a strange tropical surrealism. For the Brazilian, it is a national shame. He does not eat, but he is ashamed to say so; and yet, he does not know where this hunger comes from. We know—since we made these sad, ugly films, these screaming, desperate films where reason does not always prevail—that this hunger will not be cured by moderate governmental reforms and that the cloak of technicolor cannot hide, but only aggravates, its tumors. Therefore, only a culture of hunger, weakening its own structures, can surpass itself qualitatively; the most noble cultural manifestation of hunger is violence. Cinema Novo shows that the normal behavior of the starving is violence; and the violence of the starving is not primitive. Is Fabiano [in Barren Lives] primitive? Is Antão [in Ganga Zumba] primitive? Is Corisco [in Black God, White Devil] primitive? Is the woman in Porto das Caixas primitive? From Cinema Novo, it should be learned that an esthetic of violence, before being primitive, is revolutionary. It is the initial moment when the colonizer becomes aware of the colonized. Only when confronted with violence does the colonizer understand, through horror, the strength of the culture he exploits. As long as they do not take up arms, the colonized remain slaves; a first policeman had to die for the French to become aware of the Algerians. From a moral position, the violence is not filled with hatred just as it is not linked to the old colonizing humanism. The love that this violence encompasses is as brutal as the violence itself because it is not a love of complacency or contemplation, but rather of action and transformation. The time has long passed since Cinema Novo had to justify its existence. Cinema Novo is an ongoing process of exploration that is making our thinking clearer, freeing us from the debilitating delirium of hunger. Cinema

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Novo cannot develop effectively while it remains marginal to the economic and cultural process of the Latin American continent. Cinema Novo is a phenomenon of new peoples everywhere and not a privilege of Brazil. Where one finds filmmakers prepared to film the truth and oppose the hypocrisy and repression of intellectual censorship there is the living spirit of Cinema Novo; wherever filmmakers, of whatever age or background, place their cameras and their profession in the service of the great causes of our time there is the spirit of Cinema Novo. This is the definition of the movement and through this definition, Cinema Novo sets itself apart from the commercial industry because the commitment of Industrial Cinema is to untruth and exploitation. The economic and industrial integration of Cinema Novo depends on the freedom of Latin America. Cinema Novo devotes itself entirely to this freedom, in its own name, and in the name of all its participants, from the most ignorant to the most talented, from the weakest to the strongest. It is this ethical question that will be reflected in our work, in the way we film a person or a house in the details that we choose, in the moral that we choose to teach. Cinema Novo is not one film but an evolving complex of films that will ultimately make the public aware of its own misery.

Note This document was previously published as Glauber Rocha, “An Esthetic of Hunger,” Brazilian Cinema, eds. Randal Johnson and Robert Stam (1995): 68–71. Translated by Randal Johnson and Burnes Hollyman. Also published in New Latin American Cinema 1 (1997): 59–61.

Black Manifesto

National Black Economic Development Conference, Detroit, Michigan, 1969

W

e the black people assembled in Detroit, Michigan, for the National Black Economic Development Conference are fully aware that we have been forced to come together because racist white America has exploited our resources, our minds, our bodies, our labor. For centuries we have been forced to live as colonized people inside the United States, victimized by the most vicious, racist system in the world. We have helped to build the most industrial country in the world. We are therefore demanding of the white Christian churches and Jewish synagogues which are part and parcel of the system of capitalism that they begin to pay reparations to black people in this country. We are demanding $500,000,000 from the Christian white churches and the Jewish synagogues. This total comes to fifteen dollars per nigger. This is a low estimate, for we maintain there are probably more than 30,000,000 black people in this country. Fifteen dollars a nigger is not a large sum of money and we know that the churches and synagogues have a tremendous wealth and its membership, white America, has profited and still exploits black people. We are also not unaware that the exploitation of colored peoples around the world is aided and abetted by the white Christian churches and synagogues. This demand for $500,000,000 is not an idle resolution or empty words. Fifteen dollars for every black brother and sister in the United States is only a beginning of the reparations due us as people who have been exploited and degraded, brutalized, killed, and persecuted. Underneath all of this exploitation, the racism of this country has produced a psychological effect upon us that we are beginning to shake off. We are no longer afraid to demand our full rights as a people in this decadent society. We are demanding $500,000,000 to be spent in the following way: 1. We call for the establishment of a Southern land bank to help our brothers and sisters who have to leave their land because of racist pressure for people who want to establish cooperative farms, but who have no funds. We have seen too many farmers evicted from their homes because they have dared to defy the white racism of this country. We need money for land. We must fight for

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2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

7.

8.

massive sums of money for this Southern land bank. We call for $200,000,000 to implement this program. We call for the establishment of four major publishing and printing industries in the United States to be funded with $10,000,000 each. These publishing houses are to be located in Detroit, Atlanta, Los Angeles, and New York. They will help to generate capital for further cooperative investments in the black community, provide jobs and an alternative to the white-dominated and controlled printing field. We call for the establishment of four of the most advanced scientific and futuristic audiovisual networks to be located in Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland, and Washington, D.C. These TV networks will provide an alternative to the racist propaganda that fills the current television networks. Each of these TV networks will be funded by $10,000,000. We call for a research skills center which will provide research on the problems of black people. This center must be funded with no less than $30,000,000. We call for the establishment of a training center for the teaching of skills in community organization, photography, movie making, television making and repair, radio building and repair and all other skills needed in communication. This training center shall be funded with no less than $10,000,000. We recognize the role of the National Welfare Rights Organization and we intend to work with them. We call for $10,000,000 to assist in the organization of welfare recipients. We want to organize the welfare workers in this country so that they may demand more money from the government and better administration of the welfare system of this country. We call for $20,000,000 to establish a National Black Labor Strike and Defense Fund. This is necessary for the protection of black workers and their families who are fighting racist working conditions in this country. We call for the establishment of the International Black Appeal (IBA). This International Black Appeal will be funded with no less than $20,000,000. The IBA is charged with producing more capital for the establishment of cooperative businesses in the United States and in Africa, our Motherland. The International Black Appeal is one of the most important demands that we are making for we know that it can generate and raise funds throughout the United States and help our African brothers. The IBA is charged with three functions and shall be headed by James Forman:

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(a) Raising money for the program of the National Black Economic Development Conference. (b) The development of cooperatives in African countries and support of African Liberation movements. (c) Establishment of a Black Anti-Defamation League which will protect our African image. 9. We call for the establishment of a Black University to be funded with $130,000,000 to be located in the South. Negotiations are presently under way with a Southern University. 10. We demand that IFCO allocate all unused funds in the planning budget to implement the demands of this conference. In order to win our demands we are aware that we will have to have massive support, therefore: (1) We call upon all black people throughout the United States to consider themselves as members of the National Black Economic Development Conference and to act in unity to help force the racist white Christian churches and Jewish synagogues to implement these demands. (2) We call upon all the concerned black people across the country to contact black workers, black women, black students, and black unemployed, community groups, welfare organizations, teacher organizations, church leaders and organizations, explaining how these demands are vital to the black community of the U.S. Pressure by whatever means necessary should be applied to the white power structure of the racist white Christian churches and Jewish synagogues. All black people should act boldly in confronting our white oppressors and demanding this modest reparation of fifteen dollars per black man. (3) Delegates and members of the National Black Economic Development Conference are urged to call press conferences in the cities and to attempt to get as many black organizations as possible to support the demands of the conference. The quick use of the press in the local areas will heighten the tension, and these demands must be attempted to be won in a short period of time, although we are prepared for protracted and long range struggle. (4) We call for the total disruption of selected church sponsored agencies operating anywhere in the U.S. and the world. Black workers, black women, black students, and the black unemployed are encouraged to seize the offices, telephones, and printing

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apparatuses of all church sponsored agencies and to hold these in trusteeship until our demands are met. (5) We call upon all delegates and members of the National Black Economic Development Conference to stage sit-in demonstrations at selected black and white churches. This is not to be interpreted as a continuation of the sit-in movement of the early sixties, but we know that active confrontation inside white churches is possible and will strengthen the possibility of meeting our demands. Such confrontation can take the form of reading the Black Manifesto instead of a sermon or passing it out to church members. The principle of self-defense should be applied if attacked. (6) On May 4, 1969, or a date thereafter, depending upon local conditions, we call upon black people to commence the disruption of the racist churches and synagogues throughout the United States. (7) We call upon IFCO to serve as a central staff to coordinate the mandate of the conference and to reproduce and distribute en mass literature, leaflets, news items, press releases, and other material. (8) We call upon all delegates to find within the white community those forces which will work under the leadership of blacks to implement these demands by whatever means necessary. By taking such actions, white Americans will demonstrate concretely that they are willing to fight the white skin privilege and the white supremacy and racism which has forced us as black people to make these demands. (9) We call upon all white Christians and Jews to practice patience, tolerance, understanding, and nonviolence as they have encouraged, advised, and demanded that we as black people should do throughout our entire enforced slavery in the United States. The true test of their faith and belief in the Cross and the words of the prophets will certainly be put to a test as we seek legitimate and extremely modest reparations for our role in developing the industrial base of the Western world through our slave labor. But we are no longer slaves, we are men and women, proud of our African heritage, determined to have our dignity. (10) We are so proud of our African heritage and realize concretely that our struggle is not only to make revolution in the United States, but to protect our brothers and sisters in Africa and to help them rid themselves of racism, capitalism, and imperialism by whatever means necessary, including armed struggle. We are and must be willing to fight the defamation of our African image wherever it rears its ugly head. We are therefore charging the

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Steering Committee to create a Black Anti-Defamation League to be funded by money raised from the International Black Appeal. (11) We fully recognize that revolution in the United States and Africa, our Motherland, is more than a one-dimensional operation. It will require the total integration of the political, economic, and military components and, therefore, we call upon all our brothers and sisters who have acquired training and expertise in the fields of engineering, electronics, research, community organization, physics, biology, chemistry, mathematics, medicine, military science, and warfare to assist the National Black Economic Development Conference in the implementation of its program. (12) To implement these demands we must have a fearless leadership. We must have a leadership which is willing to battle the church establishment to implement these demands. To win our demands we will have to declare war on the white Christian churches and synagogues and this means we may have to fight the government structure of this country. Let no one here think that these demands will be met by our mere stating them. For the sake of the churches and synagogues, we hope that they have the wisdom to understand that these demands are modest and reasonable. But if the white Christians and Jews are not willing to meet our demands through peace and good will, then we declare war and we are prepared to fight by whatever means necessary. . . . Brothers and sisters, we no longer are shuffling our feet and scratching our heads. We are tall, black, and proud. And we say to the white Christian churches and Jewish synagogues, to the government of this country, and to all the white racist imperialists who compose it, there is only one thing left that you can do to further degrade black people and that is to kill us. But we have been dying too long for this country. We have died in every war. We are dying in Vietnam today fighting the wrong enemy. The new black man wants to live and to live means that we must not become static or merely believe in self-defense. We must boldly go out and attack the white Western world at its power centers. The white Christian churches are another form of government in this country and they are used by the government of this country to exploit the people of Latin America, Asia, and Africa, but the day is soon coming to an end. Therefore, brothers and sisters, the demands we make upon the white Christian churches and the Jewish synagogues are small demands. They represent fifteen dollars per black person in these United States. We can legitimately demand this

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from the church power structure. We must demand more from the United States Government. But to win our demands from the church which is linked up with the United States Government, we must not forget that it will ultimately be by force and power that we will win. We are not threatening the churches. We are saying that we know the churches came with the military might of the colonizers and have been sustained by the military might of the colonizers. Hence, if the churches in colonial territories were established by military might, we know deep within our hearts that we must be prepared to use force to get our demands. We are not saying that this is the road we want to take. It is not, but let us be very clear that we are not opposed to force and we are not opposed to violence. We were captured in Africa by violence. We were kept in bondage and political servitude and forced to work as slaves by the military machinery and the Christian church working hand in hand. We recognize that in issuing this manifesto we must prepare for a long range educational campaign in all communities of this country, but we know that the Christian churches have contributed to our oppression in white America. We do not intend to abuse our black brothers and sisters in black churches who have uncritically accepted Christianity. We want them to understand how the racist white Christian church with its hypocritical declarations and doctrines of brotherhood has abused our trust and faith. An attack on the religious beliefs of black people is not our major objective, even though we know that we were not Christians, when we were brought to this country, but that Christianity was used to help enslave us. Our objective in issuing this Manifesto is to force the racist white Christian Church to begin the payment of reparations which are due to all black people, not only by the Church, but also by private business and the U.S. government. We see this focus on the Christian Church as an effort around which all black people can unite. Our demands are negotiable, but they cannot be minimized; they can only be increased and the Church is asked to come up with larger sums of money than we are asking. Our slogans are: ALL ROADS MUST LEAD TO REVOLUTION UNITE WITH WHOMEVER YOU CAN UNITE NEUTRALIZE WHEREVER POSSIBLE FIGHT OUR ENEMIES RELENTLESSLY VICTORY TO THE PEOPLE LIFE AND GOOD HEALTH TO MANKIND RESISTANCE TO DOMINATION BY THE WHITE CHRISTIAN CHURCHES

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AND THE JEWISH SYNAGOGUES REVOLUTIONARY BLACK POWER WE SHALL WIN WITHOUT A DOUBT

Note Originally published as Black National Economic Conference, “Black Manifesto,” The New York Review of Books. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/1969/07/10/black-manifesto/. Reprinted from Redress for Historical Injustices in the United States: On Reparations for Slavery, Jim Crow, and Their Legacies, ed. Michael T. Martin and Marilyn Yaquinto (Durham; London: Duke University Press, 2007).

Towards a Third Cinema: Notes and Experiences for the Development of a Cinema of Liberation in the Third World Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino, Argentina, 1970

Figure 1. From left to right: Gerardo Vallejo, Fernando Solanas, Juan Domingo Peron, and Octavio Getino. Image in the public domain.

…we must discuss, we must invent… Frantz Fanon

J

ust a short time ago it would have seemed like a Quixotic adventure in the colonized, neocolonized, or even the imperialist nations themselves to make any attempt to create films of decolonization that turned their back on or actively opposed the System. Until recently, film had been synonymous with spectacle or entertainment: in a word, it was one more consumer good. At best, films succeeded in bearing witness to the decay of bourgeois values and testifying to social injustice. As a rule, films only dealt with effect, never with cause; it was cinema of mystification or anti-historicism. It was surplus

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value cinema. Caught up in these conditions, films, the most valuable tool of communication of our times, were destined to satisfy only the ideological and economic interests of the owners of the film industry, the lords of the world film market, the great majority of whom were from the United States. Was it possible to overcome this situation? How could the problem of turning out liberating films be approached when costs came to several thousand dollars and the distribution and exhibition channels were in the hands of the enemy? How could the continuity of work be guaranteed? How could the public be reached? How could system-imposed repression and censorship be vanquished? These questions, which could be multiplied in all directions, led and still lead many people to skepticism or rationalization: “revolutionary cinema cannot exist before the revolution”; “revolutionary films have been possible only in the liberated countries”; “without the support of revolutionary political power, revolutionary cinema or art is impossible.” The mistake was due to taking the same approach to reality and films as did the bourgeoisie. The models of production, distribution, and exhibition continued to be those of Hollywood precisely because, in ideology and politics, films had not yet become the vehicle for a clearly drawn differentiation between bourgeois ideology and politics: a reformist policy, as manifested in dialogue with the adversary, in coexistence, and in the relegation of national contradictions to those between two supposedly unique blocs—the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A.—was and is unable to produce anything but a cinema within the System itself. At best, it can be the “progressive” wing of Establishment cinema. When all is said and done, such cinema was doomed to wait until the world conflict was resolved peacefully in favor of socialism in order to change qualitatively. The most daring attempts of those filmmakers who strove to conquer the fortress of official cinema ended, as Jean Luc Godard eloquently put it, with the filmmakers themselves “trapped inside the fortress.” But the questions that were recently raised appeared promising; they arose from a new historical situation to which the filmmaker, as is often the case with the educated strata of our countries, was rather a late comer: ten years of the Cuban Revolution, the Vietnamese struggle, and the development of a worldwide liberation movement whose moving force is to be found in the Third World countries. The existence of masses on the worldwide revolutionary plane was the substantial fact without which those questions could not have been posed. A new historical situation and a new man born in the process of the anti-imperialist struggle demanded a new, revolutionary attitude from the filmmakers of the world. The question of whether or not militant cinema was possible before the revolution began to be replaced, at least within small groups, by the question of whether or not such a cinema

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was necessary to contribute to the possibility of revolution. An affirmative answer was the starting point for the first attempts to channel the process of seeking possibilities in numerous countries. Examples are Newsreel, a U.S. New Left film group, the cinegiornali of the Italian student movement, the films made by the Etats Generaux du Cinema Français, and those of the British and Japanese student movements, all a continuation and deepening of the work of a Joris Ivens or a Chris Marker. Let it suffice to observe the films of a Santiago Álvarez in Cuba, or the cinema being developed by different filmmakers in “the homeland of all,” as Bolivar would say, as they seek a revolutionary Latin American cinema. A profound debate on the role of intellectuals and artists before liberation is today enriching the perspectives of intellectual work all over the world. However, this debate oscillates between two poles: one which proposes to relegate all intellectual work capacity to a specifically political or politicalmilitary function, denying perspectives to all artistic activity with the idea that such activity must ineluctably be absorbed by the System, and the other which maintains an inner duality of the intellectual: on the one hand, the “work of art,” “the privilege of beauty,” an art and a beauty which are not necessarily bound to the needs of the revolutionary political process, and, on the other, a political commitment which generally consists in signing certain anti-imperialist manifestos. In practice, this point of view means the separation of politics and art. This polarity rests, as we see it, on two omissions: first, the conception of culture, science, art, and cinema as univocal and universal terms, and, second, an insufficiently clear idea of the fact that the revolution does not begin with the taking of political power from imperialism and the bourgeoisie, but rather begins at the moment when the masses sense the need for change and their intellectual vanguards begin to study and carry out this change through activities on different fronts. Culture, art, science, and cinema always respond to conflicting class interests. In the neocolonial situation two concepts of culture, art, science, and cinema compete: that of the rulers and that of the nation. And this situation will continue, as long as the national concept is not identified with that of the rulers, as long as the status of colony or semi-colony continues in force. Moreover, the duality will be overcome and will reach a single and universal category only when the best values of man emerge from proscription to achieve hegemony, when the liberation of man is universal. In the meantime, there exist our culture and their culture, our cinema and their cinema. Because our culture is an impulse towards emancipation, it will remain in existence until emancipation is a reality: a culture of subversion which will carry with it an art, a science, and a cinema of subversion.

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The lack of awareness in regard to these dualities generally leads the intellectual to deal with artistic and scientific expressions as they were “universally conceived” by the classes that rule the world, at best introducing some correction into these expressions. We have not gone deeply enough into developing a revolutionary theater, architecture, medicine, psychology, and cinema; into developing a culture by and for us. The intellectual takes each of these forms of expression as a unit to be corrected from within the expression itself, and not from without, with its own new methods and models. An astronaut or a Ranger mobilizes all the scientific resources of imperialism. Psychologists, doctors, politicians, sociologists, mathematicians, and even artists are thrown into the study of everything that serves, from the vantage point of different specialities, the preparation of an orbital flight or the massacre of Vietnamese; in the long run, all of these specialities are equally employed to satisfy the needs of imperialism. In Buenos Aires the army eradicates villas miseria (urban shanty towns) and in their place puts up “strategic hamlets” with town planning aimed at facilitating military intervention when the time comes. The revolutionary organizations lack specialized fronts not only in their medicine, engineering, psychology, and art—but also in our own revolutionary engineering, psychology, art, and cinema. In order to be effective, all these fields must recognize the priorities of each stage: those required by the struggle for power or those demanded by the already victorious revolution. Examples: creating a political sensitivity to the need to undertake a political-military struggle in order to take power; developing a medicine to serve the needs of combat in rural or urban zones; coordinating energies to achieve a 10 million ton sugar harvest as they attempted in Cuba; or elaborating an architecture, a city planning, that will be able to withstand the massive air raids that imperialism can launch at any time. The specific strengthening of each specialty and field subordinate to collective priorities can fill the empty spaces caused by the struggle for liberation and can delineate with greatest efficacy the role of the intellectual in our time. It is evident that revolutionary mass-level culture and awareness can only be achieved after the taking of political power, but it is no less true that the use of scientific and artistic means, together with political-military means, prepares the terrain for the revolution to become reality and facilitates the solution of the problems that will arise with the taking of power. The intellectual must find through his action the field in which he can rationally perform the most efficient work. Once the front has been determined, his next task is to find out within that front exactly what is the enemy’s stronghold and where and how he must deploy his forces. It is in this harsh and dramatic daily search that a culture of the revolution will be able to emerge, the basis which will nurture, beginning right now, the new man exemplified by

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Che—not man in the abstract, not the “liberation of man,” but another man, capable of arising from the ashes of the old, alienated man that we are and which the new man will destroy—by starting to stoke the fire today. The anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of the Third World and of their equivalents inside the imperialist countries constitutes today the axis of the world revolution. Third cinema is, in our opinion, the cinema that recognizes in that struggle the most gigantic cultural, scientific, and artistic manifestation of our time, the great possibility of constructing a liberated personality with each people as the starting point—in a word, the decolonization of culture. The culture, including the cinema, of a neocolonialized country is just the expression of an overall dependence that generates models and values born from the needs of imperialist expansion. In order to impose itself, neocolonialism needs to convince the people of a dependent country of their own inferiority. Sooner or later, the inferior man recognizes Man with a capital M; this recognition means the destruction of his defenses. If you want to be a man, says the oppressor, you have to be like me, speak my language, deny your own being, transform yourself into me. As early as the 17th century the Jesuit missionaries proclaimed the aptitude of the [South American] native for copying European works of art. Copyist, translator, interpreter, at best a spectator, the neocolonialized intellectual will always be encouraged to refuse to assume his creative possibilities. Inhibitions, uprootedness, escapism, cultural cosmopolitanism, artistic imitation, metaphysical exhaustion, betrayal of country—all find fertile soil in which to grow.1

Culture becomes bilingual. . . . not due to the use of two languages but because of the conjuncture of two cultural patterns of thinking. One is national, that of the people, and the other is estranging, that of the classes subordinated to outside forces. The admiration that the upper classes express for the U.S. or Europe is the highest expression of their subjection. With the colonialization of the upper classes the culture of imperialism indirectly introduces among the masses knowledge which cannot be supervised.2

Just as they are not masters of the land upon which they walk, the neocolonialized people are not masters of the ideas that envelop them. A knowledge of national reality presupposes going into the web of lies and confusion that arise from dependence. The intellectual is obliged to refrain from spontaneous thought; if he does think, he generally runs the risk of doing so in French or English—never in the language of a culture of his own which, like the process

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of national and social liberation, is still hazy and incipient. Every piece of data, every concept that floats around us, is part of a framework of mirages that is difficult to take apart. The native bourgeoisie of the port cities such as Buenos Aires, and their respective intellectual elites, constituted, from the very origins of our history, the transmission belt of neocolonial penetration. Behind such watchwords as “Civilization or barbarism,” manufactured in Argentina by Europeanizing liberalism, was the attempt to impose a civilization fully in keeping with the needs of imperialist expansion and the desire to destroy the resistance of the national masses, which were successively called the “rabble,” a “bunch of blacks,” and “zoological detritus” in our country and “the unwashed hordes” in Bolivia. In this way the ideologists of the semi-countries, past masters in “the play of big words, with an implacable, detailed, and rustic universalism,”3 served as spokesmen of those followers of Disraeli who intelligently proclaimed: “I prefer the rights of the English to the rights of man.” The middle sectors were and are the best recipients of cultural neocolonialism. Their ambivalent class condition, their buffer position between social polarities, and their broader possibilities of access to civilization offer imperialism a base of social support which has attained considerable importance in some Latin American countries. If in an openly colonial situation cultural penetration is the complement of a foreign army of occupation, during certain stages this penetration assumes major priority. It serves to institutionalize and give a normal appearance to dependence. The main objective of this cultural deformation is to keep the people from realizing their neocolonialized position and aspiring to change it. In this way educational colonization is an effective substitute for the colonial police.4

Mass communications tend to complete the destruction of a national awareness and of a collective subjectivity on the way to enlightenment, a destruction which begins as soon as the child has access to these media, the education, and culture of the ruling classes. In Argentina, twenty-six television channels; one million television sets; more than fifty radio stations; hundreds of newspapers, periodicals, and magazines; and thousands of records, films, etc., join their acculturating role of the colonization of taste and consciousness to the process of neocolonial education which begins in the university. “Mass communications are more effective for neocolonialism than napalm. What is real, true, and rational is to be found on the margin of the law, just as are the people. Violence, crime, and destruction come to be Peace, Order, and Normality.”5 Truth, then, amounts to subversion. Any form of expression or communication that tries to show national reality is subversion.

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Cultural penetration, educational colonization, and mass communications all join forces today in a desperate attempt to absorb, neutralize, or eliminate expression that responds to an attempt at decolonization. Neocolonialism makes a serious attempt to castrate, to digest, the cultural forms that arise beyond the bounds of its own aims. Attempts are made to remove from them precisely what makes them effective and dangerous; in short, it tries to depoliticize them. Or, to put it another way, to separate the cultural manifestation from the fight for national independence. Ideas such as “Beauty in itself is revolutionary” and “All new cinema is revolutionary” are idealistic aspirations that do not touch the neocolonial condition, since they continue to conceive of cinema, art, and beauty as universal abstractions and not as an integral part of the national processes of decolonization. Any attempt, no matter how virulent, which does not serve to mobilize, agitate, and politicize sectors of the people, to arm them rationally and perceptibly, in one way or another, for the struggle—is received with indifference or even with pleasure. Virulence, nonconformism, plain rebelliousness, and discontent are just so many more products on the capitalist market; they are consumer goods. This is especially true in a situation where the bourgeoisie is in need of a daily dose of shock and exciting elements of controlled violence6— that is, violence which absorption by the System turns into pure stridency. Examples are the works of a socialist-tinged painting and sculpture which are greedily sought after by the new bourgeoisie to decorate their apartments and mansions; plays full of anger and avant-gardism which are noisily applauded by the ruling classes; the literature of “progressive” writers concerned with semantics and man on the margin of time and space, which gives an air of democratic broadmindedness to the System’s publishing houses and magazines; and the cinema of “challenge,” of “argument,” promoted by the distribution monopolies and launched by the big commercial outlets. In reality the area of permitted protest of the System is much greater than the System is willing to admit. This gives the artists the illusion that they are acting “against the system” by going beyond certain narrow limits; they do not realize that even anti-System art can be absorbed and utilized by the System, as both a brake and a necessary self-correction.7

Lacking an awareness of how to utilize what is ours for our true liberation—in a word, lacking politicization—all of these “progressive” alternatives come to form the leftist wing of the System, the improvement of its cultural products. They will be doomed to carry out the best work on the left that the right is able to accept today and will thus only serve the survival of the latter. “Restore words, dramatic actions, and images to the places where they can

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carry out a revolutionary role, where they will be useful, where they will become weapons in the struggle.”8 Insert the work as an original fact in the process of liberation, place it first at the service of life itself, ahead of art; dissolve aesthetics in the life of society: only in this way, as Fanon said, can decolonization become possible and culture, cinema, and beauty—at least, what is of greatest importance to us—become our culture, our films, and our sense of beauty. The historical perspectives of Latin America and of the majority of the countries under imperialist domination are headed not towards a lessening of repression but towards an increase. We are heading not for bourgeoisdemocratic regimes but for dictatorial forms of government. The struggles for democratic freedoms, instead of seizing concessions from the System, move it to cut down on them, given its narrow margin for maneuvering. The bourgeois-democratic facade caved in some time ago. The cycle opened during the last century in Latin America with the first attempts at self-affirmation of a national bourgeoisie differentiated from the metropolis (examples are Rosas’ federalism in Argentina, the Lopez and Francia regimes in Paraguay, and those of Bengido and Balmaceda in Chile) with a tradition that has continued well into our century: national-bourgeois, nationalpopular, and democratic-bourgeois attempts were made by Cardenas, Yrigoyen, Haya de la Torre, Vargas, Aguirre Cerda, Peron, and Arbenz. But as far as revolutionary prospects are concerned, the cycle has definitely been completed. The lines allowing for the deepening of the historical attempt of each of those experiences today pass through the sectors that understand the continent’s situation as one of war and that are preparing, under the force of circumstances, to make that region the Vietnam of the coming decade. A war in which national liberation can only succeed when it is simultaneously postulated as social liberation—socialism as the only valid perspective of any national liberation process. At this time in Latin America there is room for neither passivity nor innocence. The intellectual’s commitment is measured in terms of risks as well as words and ideas; what he does to further the cause of liberation is what counts. The worker who goes on strike and thus risks losing his job or even his life, the student who jeopardizes his career, the militant who keeps silent under torture: each by his or her action commits us to something much more important than a vague gesture of solidarity.9

In a situation in which the “state of law” is replaced by the “state of facts,” the intellectual, who is one more worker, functioning on a cultural front, must become increasingly radicalized to avoid denial of self and to carry out what is expected of him in our times. The impotence of all reformist concepts has

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already been exposed sufficiently, not only in politics but also in culture and films—and especially in the latter, whose history is that of imperialist domination—mainly Yankee. While, during the early history (or the prehistory) of the cinema, it was possible to speak of a German, an Italian, or a Swedish cinema clearly differentiated and corresponding to specific national characteristics, today such differences have disappeared. The borders were wiped out along with the expansion of U.S. imperialism and the film model that is imposed: Hollywood movies. In our times it is hard to find a film within the field of commercial cinema, including what is known as “author’s cinema,” in both the capitalist and socialist countries, that manages to avoid the models of Hollywood pictures. The latter have such a fast hold that monumental works such as Bondarchuk’s War and Peace from the U.S.S.R. are also monumental examples of the submission to all propositions imposed by the U.S. movie industry (structure, language, etc.) and, consequently, to its concepts. The placing of the cinema within U.S. models, even in the formal aspect, in language, leads to the adoption of the ideological forms that gave rise to precisely that language and no other. Even the appropriation of models which appear to be only technical, industrial, scientific, etc., leads to a conceptual dependency, due to the fact that the cinema is an industry, but differs from other industries in that it has been created and organized in order to generate certain ideologies. The 35mm camera, 24 frames per second, arc lights, and a commercial place of exhibition for audiences were conceived not to gratuitously transmit any ideology, but to satisfy, in the first place, the cultural and surplus value needs of a specific ideology, of a specific world-view: that of U.S. finance capital. The mechanistic takeover of a cinema conceived as a show to be exhibited in large theaters with a standard duration, hermetic structures that are born and die on the screen, satisfies, to be sure, the commercial interests of the production groups, but it also leads to the absorption of forms of the bourgeois world-view which are the continuation of nineteenth century art, of bourgeois art: man is accepted only as a passive and consuming object; rather than having his ability to make history recognized, he is only permitted to read history, contemplate it, listen to it, and undergo it. The cinema as a spectacle aimed at a digesting object is the highest point that can be reached by bourgeois filmmaking. The world, experience, and the historic process are enclosed within the frame of a painting, the stage of a theater, and the movie screen; man is viewed as a consumer of ideology, and not as the creator of ideology. This notion is the starting point for the wonderful interplay of bourgeois philosophy and the obtaining of surplus value. The result is a cinema studied by motivational analysts, sociologists, and psychologists, by

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the endless researchers of the dreams and frustrations of the masses, all aimed at selling movie-life, reality as it is conceived by the ruling classes. The first alternative to this type of cinema, which we could call the first cinema, arose with the so-called “author’s cinema,” “expression cinema,” “nouvelle vague,” “cinema novo,” or, conventionally, the second cinema. This alternative signified a step forward inasmuch as it demanded that the filmmaker be free to express himself in non­standard language and inasmuch as it was an attempt at cultural decolonization. But such attempts have already reached, or are about to reach, the outer limits of what the system permits. The second cinema filmmaker has remained “trapped inside the fortress,” as Godard put it, or is on his way to becoming trapped. The search for a market of 200,000 moviegoers in Argentina, a figure that is supposed to cover the costs of an independent local production, the proposal of developing a mechanism of industrial production parallel to that of the System but which would be distributed by the System according to its own norms, the struggle to better the laws protecting the cinema and replacing “bad officials” by “less bad,” etc., is a search lacking in viable prospects, unless you consider viable the prospect of becoming institutionalized as “the youthful, angry wing of society”—that is, of neocolonialized or capitalist society. Real alternatives differing from those offered by the System are only possible if one of two requirements is fulfilled: making films that the System cannot assimilate and which are foreign to its needs or making films that directly and explicitly set out to fight the System. Neither of these requirements fits within the alternatives that are still offered by the second cinema, but they can be found in the revolutionary opening towards a cinema outside and against the System, in a cinema of liberation: the third cinema. One of the most effective jobs done by neocolonialism is its cutting off of intellectual sectors, especially artists, from national reality by lining them up behind “universal art and models.” It has been very common for intellectuals and artists to be found at the tail end of popular struggle, when they have not actually taken up positions against it. The social layers which have made the greatest contribution to the building of a national culture (understood as an impulse towards decolonization) have not been precisely the enlightened elites but rather the most exploited and uncivilized sectors. Popular organizations have very rightly distrusted the “intellectual” and the “artist.” When they have not been openly used by the bourgeoisie or imperialism, they have certainly been their indirect tools; most of them did not go beyond spouting a policy in favor of “peace and democracy,” fearful of anything that had a national ring to it, afraid of contaminating art with politics and the artists with the revolutionary militant. They thus tended to

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obscure the inner causes determining neocolonialized society and placed in the foreground the outer causes, which, while “they are the condition for change, can never be the basis for change”:10 in Argentina they replaced the struggle against imperialism and the native oligarchy with the struggle of democracy against fascism, suppressing the fundamental contradiction of a neocolonialized country and replacing it with “a contradiction that was a copy of the world­wide contradiction.”11 This cutting off of the intellectual and artistic sectors from the processes of national liberation—which, among other things, helps us to understand the limitations in which these processes have been unfolding—today tends to disappear to the extent that artists and intellectuals are beginning to discover the impossibility of destroying the enemy without first joining in a battle for their common interests. The artist is beginning to feel the insufficiency of his nonconformism and individual rebellion. And the revolutionary organizations, in turn, are discovering the vacuums that the struggle for power creates in the cultural sphere. The problems of filmmaking, the ideological limitations of a filmmaker in a neocolonialized country, etc., have thus far constituted objective factors in the lack of attention paid to the cinema by the people’s organizations. Newspapers and other printed matter, posters and wall propaganda, speeches and other verbal forms of information, enlightenment, and politicization are still the main means of communication between the organizations and the vanguard layers of the masses. But the new political positions of some filmmakers and the subsequent appearance of films useful for liberation have permitted certain political vanguards to discover the importance of movies. This importance is to be found in the specific meaning of films as a form of communication and because of their particular characteristics, characteristics that allow them to draw audiences of different origins, many of them people who might not respond favorably to the announcement of a political speech. Films offer an effective pretext for gathering an audience, in addition to the ideological message they contain. The capacity for synthesis and the penetration of the film image, the possibilities offered by the living document, and naked reality, and the power of enlightenment of audiovisual means make the film far more effective than any other tool of communication. It is hardly necessary to point out that those films which achieve an intelligent use of the possibilities of the image, adequate dosage of concepts, language and structure that flow naturally from each theme, and counterpoints of audiovisual narration achieve effective results in the politicization and mobilization of cadres and even in work with the masses, where this is possible. The students who raised barricades on the Avenida 18 de Julio in Montevideo after the showing of La hora de los homos (The Hour of the Furnaces [1968]), the growing demand for films such as those made by

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Santiago Alvarez and the Cuban documentary film movement, and the debates and meetings that take place alter the underground or semi­public showings of third cinema films are the beginning of a twisting and difficult road being travelled in the consumer societies by the mass organizations (Cinegiornali liberi in Italy, Zengakuren documentaries in Japan, etc.). For the first time in Latin America, organizations are ready and willing to employ films for political-cultural ends: the Chilean Partido Socialista provides its cadres with revolutionary film material, while Argentine revolutionary Peronist and non-Peronist groups are taking an interest in doing likewise. Moreover, OSPAAAL (Organization of Solidarity of the People of Africa, Asia, and Latin America) is participating in the production and distribution of films that contribute to the anti-imperialist struggle. The revolutionary organizations are discovering the need for cadres who, among other things, know how to handle a film camera, tape recorders, and projectors in the most effective way possible. The struggle to seize power from the enemy is the meeting ground of the political and artistic vanguards engaged in a common task which is enriching to both. Some of the circumstances that delayed the use of films as a revolutionary tool until a short time ago were lack of equipment, technical difficulties, the compulsory specialization of each phase of work, and high costs. The advances that have taken place within each specialization; the simplification of movie cameras and tape recorders; improvements in the medium itself, such as rapid film that can be shot in normal light; automatic light meters; improved audiovisual synchronization; and the spread of know-how by means of specialized magazines with large circulations and even through nonspecialized media, have helped to demystify filmmaking and divest it of that almost magic aura that made it seem that films were only within the reach of “artists,” “geniuses,” and “the privileged.” Filmmaking is increasingly within the reach of larger social layers. Chris Marker experimented in France with groups of workers whom he provided with 8mm equipment and some basic instruction in its handling. The goal was to have the worker film his way of looking at the world, just as if he were writing it. This has opened up unheard-of prospects for the cinema; above all, a new conception of filmmaking and the significance of art in our times. Imperialism and capitalism, whether in the consumer society or in the neocolonialized country, veil everything behind a screen of images and appearances. The image of reality is more important than reality itself. It is a world peopled with fantasies and phantoms in which what is hideous is clothed in beauty, while beauty is disguised as the hideous. On the one hand, fantasy, the imaginary bourgeois universe replete with comfort, equilibrium, sweet reason, order, efficiency, and the possibility to “be someone.” And, on the other, the phantoms, we the lazy, we the indolent and underdeveloped,

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we who cause disorder. When a neocolonialized person accepts his situation, he becomes a Gungha Din, a traitor at the service of the colonialist, an Uncle Tom, a class and racial renegade, or a fool, the easy-going servant and bumpkin; but, when he refuses to accept his situation of oppression, then he turns into a resentful savage, a cannibal. Those who lose sleep from fear of the hungry, those who comprise the System, see the revolutionary as a bandit, robber, and rapist; the first battle waged against them is thus not on a political plane, but rather in the police context of law, arrests, etc. The more exploited a man is, the more he is placed on a plane of insignificance. The more he resists, the more he is viewed as a beast. This can be seen in Africa Addio (1966), made by the fascist Jacopetti: the African savages, killer animals, wallow in abject anarchy once they escape from white protection. Tarzan died, and in his place were born Lumumbas and Lobegulas, Nkomos, and the Madzimbamutos, and this is something that neocolonialism cannot forgive. Fantasy has been replaced by phantoms and man is turned into an extra who dies so Jacopetti can comfortably film his execution. I make the revolution; therefore I exist. This is the starting point for the disappearance of fantasy and phantom to make way for living human beings. The cinema of the revolution is at the same time one of destruction and construction: destruction of the image that neocolonialism has created of itself and of us, and construction of a throbbing, living reality which recaptures truth in any of its expressions. The restitution of things to their real place and meaning is an eminently subversive fact both in the neocolonial situation and in the consumer societies. In the former, the seeming ambiguity or pseudo-objectivity in newspapers, literature, etc., and the relative freedom of the people’s organizations to provide their own information cease to exist, giving way to overt restriction, when it is a question of television and radio, the two most important System-controlled or monopolized communications media. Last year’s May events in France are quite explicit on this point. In a world where the unreal rules, artistic expression is shoved along the channels of fantasy, fiction, language in code, sign language, and messages whispered between the lines. Art is cut off from the concrete facts— which, from the neocolonialist standpoint, are accusatory testimonies—to turn back on itself, strutting about in a world of abstractions and phantoms, where it becomes “timeless” and history-less. Vietnam can be mentioned, but only far from Vietnam; Latin America can be mentioned, but only far enough away from the continent to be effective, in places where it is depoliticized and where it does not lead to action. The cinema known as documentary, with all the vastness that the concept has today, from educational films to the reconstruction of a fact or a historical event, is perhaps the main basis of revolutionary filmmaking. Every image

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that documents, bears witness to, refutes, or deepens the truth of a situation is something more than a film image of purely artistic fact; it becomes something which the System finds indigestible. Testimony about a national reality is also an inestimable means of dialogue and knowledge on the world plane. No internationalist form of struggle can be carried out successfully if there is not a mutual exchange of experiences among the people, if the people do not succeed in breaking out of the Balkanization on the international, continental, and national planes which imperialism is striving to maintain. There is no knowledge of a reality as long as that reality is not acted upon, as long as its transformation is not begun on all fronts of struggle. The well-known quote from Marx deserves constant repetition: it is not sufficient to interpret the world; it is now a question of transforming it. With such an attitude as his starting point, it remains to the filmmaker to discover his own language, a language which will arise from a militant and transforming worldview and from the theme being dealt with. Here it may well be pointed out that certain political cadres still maintain old dogmatic positions, which ask the artist or filmmaker to provide an apologetic view of reality, one which is more in line with wishful thinking than with what actually is. Such positions, which at bottom mask a lack of confidence in the possibilities of reality itself, have in certain cases led to the use of film language as a mere idealized illustration of a fact, to the desire to remove reality’s deep contradictions, its dialectic richness, which is precisely the kind of depth which can give a film beauty and effectiveness. The reality of the revolutionary processes all over the world, in spite of their confused and negative aspects, possesses a dominant line, a synthesis which is so rich and stimulating that it does not need to be schematized with partial or sectarian views. Pamphlet films, didactic films, report films, essay films, witness-bearing films—any militant form of expression is valid, and it would be absurd to lay down a set of aesthetic work norms. Be receptive to all that the people have to offer, and offer them the best; or, as Che put it, respect the people by giving them quality. This is a good thing to keep in mind in view of those tendencies which are always latent in the revolutionary artist to lower the level of investigation and the language of a theme, in a kind of neopopulism, down to levels which, while they may be those upon which the masses move, do not help them to get rid of the stumbling blocks left by imperialism. The effectiveness of the best films of militant cinema show that social layers considered backward are able to capture the exact meaning of an association of images, an effect of staging, and any linguistic experimentation placed within the context of a given idea. Furthermore, revolutionary cinema is not fundamentally one which illustrates, documents, or passively establishes a situation: rather, it attempts to intervene in the situation as an element

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providing thrust or rectification. To put it another way, it provides discovery through transformation. The differences that exist between one and another liberation process make it impossible to lay down supposedly universal norms. A cinema which in the consumer society does not attain the level of the reality in which it moves can play a stimulating role in an underdeveloped country, just as a revolutionary cinema in the neocolonial situation will not necessarily be revolutionary if it is mechanically taken to the metropolitan country. Teaching the handling of guns can be revolutionary where there are potentially or explicitly viable leaders ready to throw themselves into the struggle to take power but ceases to be revolutionary where the masses still lack sufficient awareness of their situation or where they have already learned to handle guns. Thus, a cinema which insists upon the denunciation of the effects of neocolonial policy is caught up in a reformist game if the consciousness of the masses has already assimilated such knowledge; then the revolutionary thing is to examine the causes, to investigate the ways of organizing and arming for the change. That is, imperialism can sponsor films that fight illiteracy, and such pictures will only be inscribed within the contemporary need of imperialist policy, but, in contrast, the making of such films in Cuba after the triumph of the Revolution was clearly revolutionary. Although their starting point was just the fact of teaching, reading, and writing, they had a goal which was radically different from that of imperialism: the training of people for liberation, not for subjection. The model of the perfect work of art, the fully rounded film structured according to the metrics imposed by bourgeois culture, its theoreticians and critics, has served to inhibit the filmmaker in the dependent countries, especially when he has attempted to erect similar models in a reality which offered him neither the culture, the techniques, nor the most primary elements for success. The culture of the metropolis kept the age-old secrets that had given life to its models; the transposition of the latter to the neocolonial reality was always a mechanism of alienation, since it was not possible for the artist of the dependent country to absorb, in a few years, the secrets of a culture and society elaborated through the centuries in completely different historical circumstances. The attempt in the sphere of filmmaking to match the pictures of the ruling countries generally ends in failure, given the existence of two disparate historical realities. And such unsuccessful attempts lead to feelings of frustration and inferiority. Both these feelings arise in the first place from the fear of taking risks along completely new roads which are almost a total denial of “their cinema.” A fear of recognizing the particularities and limitations of dependency in order to discover the possibilities inherent in that situation, by finding ways of overcoming it which would of necessity be original.

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The existence of a revolutionary cinema is inconceivable without the constant and methodical exercise of practice, search, and experimentation. It even means committing the new filmmaker to take chances on the unknown, to leap into space at times, exposing himself to failure as does the guerrilla who travels along paths that he himself opens up with machete blows. The possibility of discovering and inventing film forms and structures that serve a more profound vision of our reality resides in the ability to place oneself on the outside limits of the familiar, to make one’s way amid constant dangers. Our time is one of hypothesis rather than of thesis, a time of works in progress-unfinished, unordered, violent works made with the camera in one hand and a rock in the other. Such works cannot be assessed according to the traditional theoretical and critical canons. The ideas for our film theory and criticism will come to life through inhibition-removing practice and experimentation. “Knowledge begins with practice. After acquiring theoretical knowledge through practice, it is necessary to return to practice.”12 Once he has embarked upon this practice, the revolutionary filmmaker will have to overcome countless obstacles; he will experience the loneliness of those who aspire to the praise of the System’s promotion media only to find that those media are closed to him. As Godard would say, he will cease to be a bicycle champion to become an anonymous bicycle rider, Vietnamesestyle, submerged in a cruel and prolonged war. But he will also discover that there is a receptive audience that looks upon his work as something of its own existence, and that is ready to defend him in a way that it would never do with any world bicycle champion. In this long war, with the camera as our rifle, we do in fact move into a guerrilla activity. This is why the work of a film-guerrilla group is governed by strict disciplinary norms as to both work methods and security. A revolutionary film group is in the same situation as a guerrilla unit: it cannot grow strong without military structures and command concepts. The group exists as a network of complementary responsibilities, as the sum and synthesis of abilities, inasmuch as it operates harmonically with a leadership that centralizes planning work and maintains its continuity. Experience shows that it is not easy to maintain the cohesion of a group when it is bombarded by the System and its chain of accomplices frequently disguised as “progressives,” when there are no immediate and spectacular outer incentives, and the members must undergo the discomforts and tensions of work that is done underground and distributed clandestinely. Many abandon their responsibilities because they underestimate them or because they measure them with values appropriate to System cinema and not underground cinema. The birth of internal conflicts is a reality present in any group, whether or not it possesses ideological maturity. The lack of awareness of such an inner conflict on the psychological or personality plane, etc., the lack of maturity in dealing

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with problems of relationships, at times leads to ill feeling and rivalries that in turn cause real clashes going beyond ideological or objective differences. All of this means that a basic condition is an awareness of the problems of interpersonal relationships, leadership, and areas of competence. What is needed is to speak clearly, mark off work areas, assign responsibilities, and take on the job as a rigorous militancy. Guerrilla filmmaking proletarianizes the film worker and breaks down the intellectual aristocracy that the bourgeoisie grants to its followers. In a word, it democratizes. The filmmaker’s tie with reality makes him more a part of his people. Vanguard layers and even masses participate collectively in the work when they realize that it is the continuity of their daily struggle. La hora de los hornos shows how a film can be made in hostile circumstances when it has the support and collaboration of militants and cadres from the people. The revolutionary filmmaker acts with a radically new vision of the role of the producer, teamwork, tools, details, etc. Above all, he supplies himself at all levels in order to produce his films, he equips himself at all levels, he learns how to handle the manifold techniques of his craft. His most valuable possessions are the tools of his trade, which form part and parcel of his need to communicate. The camera is the inexhaustible expropriator of imageweapons; the projector, a gun that can shoot 24 frames per second. Each member of the group should be familiar, at least in a general way, with the equipment being used: he must be prepared to replace another in any of the phases of production. The myth of irreplaceable technicians must be exploded. The whole group must grant great importance to the minor details of the production and the security measures needed to protect it. A lack of foresight which in conventional filmmaking would go unnoticed can render virtually useless weeks or months of work. And a failure in guerrilla cinema, just as in the guerrilla struggle itself, can mean the loss of a work or a complete change of plans. “In a guerrilla struggle the concept of failure is present a thousand times over, and victory a myth that only a revolutionary can dream.”13 Every member of the group must have an ability to take care of details, discipline, speed, and, above all, the willingness to overcome the weaknesses of comfort, old habits, and the whole climate of pseudonormality behind which the warfare of everyday life is hidden. Each film is a different operation, a different job requiring variation in methods in order to confuse or refrain from alerting the enemy, especially since the processing laboratories are still in his hands. The success of the work depends to a great extent on the group’s ability to remain silent, on its permanent wariness, a condition that is difficult to achieve in a situation in which apparently nothing is happening and the

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filmmaker has been accustomed to telling all and sundry about everything that he’s doing because the bourgeoisie has trained him precisely on such a basis of prestige and promotion. The watchwords “constant vigilance, constant wariness, constant mobility” have profound validity for guerrilla cinema. You have to give the appearance of working on various projects, split up the material, put it together, take it apart, confuse, neutralize, and throw off the track. All of this is necessary as long as the group doesn’t have its own processing equipment, no matter how rudimentary, and there remain certain possibilities in the traditional laboratories. Group-level cooperation between different countries can serve to assure the completion of a film or the execution of certain phases of work that may not be possible in the country of origin. To this should be added the need for a filing center for materials to be used by the different groups and the perspective of coordination, on a continent­wide or even worldwide scale, of the continuity of work in each country: periodic regional or international gatherings to exchange experience, contributions, joint planning of work, etc. At least in the earliest stages the revolutionary filmmaker and the work groups will be the sole producers of their films. They must bear the responsibility of finding ways to facilitate the continuity of work. Guerrilla cinema still doesn’t have enough experience to set down standards in this area; what experience there is has shown, above all, the ability to make use of the concrete situation of each country. But, regardless of what these situations may be, the preparation of a film cannot be undertaken without a parallel study of its future audience and, consequently, a plan to recover the financial investment. Here, once again, the need arises for closer ties between political and artistic vanguards, since this also serves for the joint study of forms of production, exhibition, and continuity. A guerrilla film can be aimed only at the distribution mechanisms provided by the revolutionary organizations, including those invented or discovered by the filmmakers themselves. Production, distribution, and economic possibilities for survival must form part of a single strategy. The solution of the problems faced in each of these areas will encourage other people to join in the work of guerrilla filmmaking, which will enlarge its ranks and thus make it less vulnerable. The distribution of guerrilla films in Latin America is still in swaddling clothes while System reprisals are already a legalized fact. Suffice it to note in Argentina the raids that have occurred during some showings and the recent film suppression law of a clearly fascist character; in Brazil, the ever-increasing restrictions placed upon the most militant comrades of Cinema Novo; and in Venezuela the banning of La hora de las hornos over almost all the continent censorship prevents any possibility of public distribution.

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Without revolutionary films and a public that asks for them, any attempt to open up new ways of distribution would be doomed to failure. But both of these already exist in Latin America. The appearance of these films opened up a road which in some countries, such as Argentina, occurs through showings in apartments and houses to audiences of never more than twenty-five people; in other countries, such as Chile, films are shown in parishes, universities, or cultural centers (of which there are fewer every day); and, in the case of Uruguay, showings were given in Montevideo’s biggest movie theater to an audience of 2,500 people, who filled the theater and made every showing an impassioned anti-imperialist event. But the prospects on the continental plane indicate that the possibility for the continuity of a revolutionary cinema rests upon the strengthening of rigorously underground base structures. Practice implies mistakes and failures.14 Some comrades will let themselves be carried away by the success and impunity with which they present the first showings and will tend to relax security measures, while others will go in the opposite direction of excessive precautions or fearfulness, to such an extent that distribution remains circumscribed, limited to a few groups of friends. Only concrete experience in each country will demonstrate which are the best methods there, which do not always lend themselves to application in other situations. In some places it will be possible to build infrastructures connected to political, student, worker, and other organizations, while in others it will be more suitable to sell prints to organizations which will take charge of obtaining the funds necessary to pay for each print (the cost of the print plus a small margin). This method, wherever possible, would appear to be the most viable, because it permits the decentralization of distribution; makes possible a more profound political use of the film; and permits the recovery, through the sale of more prints, of the funds invested in the production. It is true that in many countries the organizations still are not fully aware of the importance of this work, or, if they are, may lack the means to undertake it. In such cases other methods can be used: the delivery of prints to encourage distribution and a box-office cut to the organizers of each showing, etc. The ideal goal to be achieved would be producing and distributing guerrilla films with funds obtained from expropriations from the bourgeoisie—that is, the bourgeoisie would be financing guerrilla cinema with a bit of the surplus value that it gets from the people. But, as long as the goal is no more than a middleor long-range aspiration, the alternatives open to revolutionary cinema to recover production and distribution costs are to some extent similar to those obtained for conventional cinema: every spectator should pay the same amount as he pays to see System cinema. Financing, subsidizing, equipping, and supporting revolutionary cinema are political responsibilities for organizations and militants. A film can be made, but if its distribution does not

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allow for the recovery of the costs, it will be difficult or impossible to make a second film. The 16mm film circuits in Europe (20,000 exhibition centers in Sweden, 30,000 in France, etc.) are not the best example for the neocolonialized countries, but they are nevertheless a complementary source for fundraising, especially in a situation in which such circuits can play an important role in publicizing the struggles in the Third World, increasingly related as they are to those unfolding in the metropolitan countries. A film on the Venezuelan guerrillas will say more to a European public than twenty explanatory pamphlets, and the same is true for us with a film on the May events in France or the Berkeley, U.S.A., student struggle. A Guerrilla Films International? And why not? Isn’t it true that a kind of new International is arising through the Third World struggles, through OSPAAAL and the revolutionary vanguards of the consumer societies? A guerrilla cinema, at this stage still within the reach of limited layers of the population, is, nevertheless, the only cinema of the masses possible today, since it is the only one involved with the interests, aspirations, and prospects of the vast majority of the people. Every important film produced by a revolutionary cinema will be, explicitly or not, a national event of the masses. This cinema of the masses, which is prevented from reaching beyond the sectors representing the masses, provokes with each showing, as in a revolutionary military incursion, a liberated space, a decolonized territory. The showing can be turned into a kind of political event, which, according to Fanon, could be “a liturgical act, a privileged occasion for human beings to hear and be heard.” Militant cinema must be able to extract the infinity of new possibilities that open up for it from the conditions of proscription imposed by the System. The attempt to overcome neocolonial oppression calls for the invention of forms of communication; it opens up the possibility. Before and during the making of La hora de los hornos we tried out various methods for the distribution of revolutionary cinema—the little that we had made up to then. Each showing for militants, middle-level cadres, activists, workers, and university students became—without our having set ourselves this aim beforehand—a kind of enlarged cell meeting of which the films were a part but not the most important factor. We thus discovered a new facet of cinema: the participation of people who, until then, were considered spectators. At times, security reasons obliged us to try to dissolve the group of participants as soon as the showing was over, and we realized that the distribution of that kind of film had little meaning if it was not complemented by the participation of the comrades, if a debate was not opened on the themes suggested by the films.

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We also discovered that every comrade who attended such showings did so with full awareness that he was infringing the System’s laws and exposing his personal security to eventual repression. This person was no longer a spectator; on the contrary, from the moment he decided to attend the showing, from the moment he lined himself up on this side by taking risks and contributing his living experience to the meeting, he became an actor, a more important protagonist than those who appeared in the films. Such a person was seeking other committed people like himself while he, in turn, became committed to them. The spectator made way for the actor, who sought himself in others. Outside this space which the films momentarily helped to liberate, there was nothing but solitude, noncommunication, distrust, and fear; within the freed space the situation turned everyone into accomplices of the act that was unfolding. The debates arose spontaneously. As we gained in experience, we incorporated into the showing various elements (a mise en scène) to reinforce the themes of the films, the climate of the showing, the “disinhibiting” of the participants, and the dialogue: recorded music or poems, sculpture and paintings, posters, a program director who chaired the debate and presented the film and the comrades who were speaking, a glass of wine, a few mates,15 etc. We realized that we had at hand three very valuable factors: 1. The participant comrade, the man-actor-accomplice who responded to the summons; 2. The free space where that man expressed his concerns and ideas, became politicized, and started to free himself; and 3. The film, important only as a detonator or pretext. We concluded from these data that a film could be much more effective if it were fully aware of these factors and took on the task of subordinating its own form, structure, language, and propositions to that act and to those actors—to put it another way, if it sought its own liberation in its subordination to and insertion in others, the principal protagonists of life. With the correct utilization of the time that that group of actor-personages offered us with their diverse histories, the use of the space offered by certain comrades, and of the films themselves, it was necessary to try to transform time, energy, and work into freedom-giving energy. In this way the idea began to grow of structuring what we decided to call the film act, the film action, one of the forms which we believe assumes great importance in affirming the line of a third cinema. A cinema whose first experiment is to be found, perhaps on a rather shaky level in the second and third parts of La hora de los hornos (“Acto para la liberacion”; above all, starting with “La resistencia” and “Violencia y liberacion”).

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Comrades [we said at the start of “Acto para la liberacion”], this is not just a film showing, nor is it a show; rather, it is, above all A MEETING—an act of anti-imperialist unity; this is a place only for those who feel identified with this struggle, because here there is no room for spectators or for accomplices of the enemy; here there is room only for the authors and protagonists of the process which the film attempts to bear witness to and to deepen. The film is the pretext for dialogue, for the seeking and finding of wills. It is a report that we place before you for your consideration, to be debated after the showing. The conclusions [we said at another point in the second part] at which you may arrive as the real authors and protagonists of this history are important. The experiences and conclusions that we have assembled have a relative worth; they are of use to the extent that they are useful to you, who are the present and future of liberation. But most important of all is the action that may arise from these conclusions, the unity on the basis of the facts. This is why the film stops here; it opens out to you so that you can continue it.

The film act means an open-ended film; it is essentially a way of learning. The first step in the process of knowledge is the first contact with the things of the outside world, the stage of sensations [in a film, the living fresco of image and sound]. The second step is the synthesizing of the data provided by the sensations; their ordering and elaboration; the stage of concepts, judgements, opinions, and deductions [in the film, the announcer, the reportings, the didactics, or the narrator who leads the projection act]. And then comes the third stage, that of knowledge. The active role of knowledge is expressed not only in the active leap from sensory to rational knowledge, but, and what is even more important, in the leap from rational knowledge to revolutionary practice . . . The practice of the transformation of the world… This, in general terms, is the dialectical materialist theory of the unity of knowledge and action16 [in the projection of the film act, the participation of the comrades, the action proposals that arise, and the actions themselves that will take place later].

Moreover, each projection of a film act presupposes a different setting, since the space where it takes place, the materials that go to make it up (actorsparticipants), and the historic time in which it takes place are never the same. This means that the result of each projection act will depend on those who organize it, on those who participate in it, and on the time and place; the possibility of introducing variations, additions, and changes is unlimited. The screening of a film act will always express in one way or another the historical situation in which it takes place; its perspectives are not exhausted in the struggle for power but will instead continue after the taking of power to strengthen the revolution.

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The man of the third cinema, be it guerrilla cinema or a film act, with the infinite categories that they contain (film letter, film poem, film essay, film pamphlet, film report, etc.), above all counters the film industry of a cinema of characters with one of themes, that of individuals with that of masses, that of the author with that of the operative group, one of neocolonial misinformation with one of information, one of escape with one that recaptures the truth, that of passivity with that of aggressions. To an institutionalized cinema, it counterposes a guerrilla cinema; to movies as shows, it opposes a film act or action; to a cinema of destruction, one that is both destructive and constructive; to a cinema made for the old kind of human being, for them, it opposes a cinema fit for a new kind of human being, for what each one of us has the possibility of becoming. The decolonization of the filmmaker and of films will be simultaneous acts to the extent that each contributes to collective decolonization. The battle begins without, against the enemy who attacks us, but also within, against the ideas and models of the enemy to be found inside each one of us. Destruction and construction. Decolonizing action rescues with its practice the purest and most vital impulses. It opposes to the colonialization of minds the revolution of consciousness. The world is scrutinized, unraveled, rediscovered. People are witness to a constant astonishment, a kind of second birth. They recover their early simplicity, their capacity for adventure; their lethargic capacity for indignation comes to life. Freeing a forbidden truth means setting free the possibility of indignation and subversion. Our truth, that of the new man who builds himself by getting rid of all the defects that still weigh him down, is a bomb of inexhaustible power and, at the same time, the only real possibility of life. Within this attempt, the revolutionary filmmaker ventures with his subversive observation, sensibility, imagination, and realization. The great themes—the history of the country, love and unlove between combatants, the efforts of a people who are awakening—all this is reborn before the lens of the decolonized camera. The filmmaker feels for the first time. He discovers that, within the System, nothing fits, while outside of and against the System, everything fits, because everything remains to be done. What appeared yesterday as a preposterous adventure, as we said at the beginning, is posed today as an inescapable need and possibility. Thus far, we have offered ideas and working propositions, which are the sketch of a hypothesis arising from our personal experience and which will have achieved something positive even if they do no more than serve to open a heated dialogue on the new revolutionary film prospects. The vacuums existing in the artistic and scientific fronts of the revolution are sufficiently well known so that the adversary will not try to appropriate them, while we are still unable to do so.

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Why films and not some other form of artistic communication? If we choose films as the center of our propositions and debate, it is because that is our work front and because the birth of a third cinema means, at least for us, the most important revolutionary artistic event of our times.

Notes Originally published as Solanas, Fernando, and Octavio Getino. “Toward a Third Cinema” Cinéaste 4, no. 3 (1970): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41685716. Reprinted in New Latin American Cinema 1, 1997, pp.33–58. Translation from Cinéaste revised by Julianne Burton and Editor. 1. The Hour of the Furnaces—Neocolonialism and Violence. 2. Juan José Hernandez Arregui, Imperialism and Culture. 3. Rene Zavaleta Mercado, Bolivia: Growth of the National Concept. 4. The Hour of the Furnaces. 5. Ibid. 6. Observe the new custom of some groups of the upper bourgeoisie from Rome and Paris who spend their weekends travelling to Saigon to get a close-up view of the Vietcong offensive. 7. Irwin Silber, “U.S.A.: The Alienation of Culture,” Tricontinental 10. 8. The organization Vanguard Artists of Argentina. 9. The Hour of the Furnaces. 10. Mao Tse-tung, On Practice. 11. Rodolfo Puigross, The Proletariat and National Revolution. 12. Mao Tse-tung, op. cit. 13. Che Guevara, Guerrilla Warfare. 14. The raiding of a Buenos Aires union and the arrest of dozens of persons resulting from a bad choice of projection site and the large number of people invited. 15. A traditional Argentine herb tea, hierba mate. 16. Mao Tse-tung, op. cit.

Manifesto of the Palestinian Cinema Group Beirut, Lebanon, 1972

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or too long, Arab cinema has been drowning in subjects that do not engage with reality or deal with it in a superficial fashion. Over time, this has created habits within Arab viewers that have constrained their consciousness, and, as a consequence, distanced them from the pressing issues they face from the imperialist Zionist enemy and the Arab reactionary. Throughout Arab film history, serious, ambitious attempts to express reality have emerged, but rapidly disappeared under the yoke of the cinematic monopoly, which has consciously and vigilantly labored to prevent the establishment of a purposeful Arab cinema. Nevertheless, the evolving political events have necessitated a new cinema, although its level of ambition has not matched that of the events themselves. Most efforts were reformist in content and burdened by the legacy of traditional film form. Notwithstanding, the depth of the wound exacted by June 1967 brought to the fore young talents with confidence in the masses, who spurred them to making films bearing the characteristics and advantages of alternative cinema in both form and content. These films discussed the defeat, reflected the steadfast position of our people, and spoke boldly about the Palestinian cause and the armed resistance waged by the Palestinian Arab people. Hence the importance of Palestinian cinema and the necessity to develop it so that it can competently stand with the courageous fighters, reflect the truth of the cause, depict the stages of the Palestinian Arab people’s struggle to liberate their land, reflect the past and present, and look ahead to the future. Such a cinema should grow out of organized collective efforts because individual initiatives, no matter how great, remain limited. Therefore, we who are interested in cinema, literature, and the intellect, the authors of this manifesto, have found it important to assemble an organization called the Palestinian Cinema Group, which operates according to the following principles: 1. The main objective of this group is to produce Palestinian film committed to the cause and goals of the Palestinian revolution, stemming from the Arab context and with progressive, democratic content. 2. To work towards alternative cinematic form that functions dialectically with content.

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3. The Group dedicate their expertise and output to the service of the Palestinian revolution and the cause of the Palestinian Arab people. 4. The Group consider themselves one of the institutions of the Palestinian and Arab revolution in whose goals they hold, given that their funding derives from agreements struck with Palestinian or Arab entities. They invite the Palestinian National Fund or its delegates to audit their finances once they start work. 5. The Group are headquartered in the PLO Research Center in Beirut. 6. The Group have formulated a plan of action and internal regulation to govern their internal and external relations. 7. The practical objectives they seek to achieve are: • With regard to production: to make revolutionary films that will mobilize the masses for the revolution and acquaint the world with the struggle of our people and our cause. • Documentation: to create a film library—an archive—bringing together moving and still images which depict the struggle of our people and the stages of development of its cause. • Cooperation: to strengthen relationships with revolutionary and progressive film groups around the world, to represent Palestine in film festivals, and to provide available film facilities to all allies working in the interests of the Palestinian revolution.

Note Reprinted from Kay Dickinson, Arab Film and Video Manifestos: Forty-Five Years of the Moving Image Amid Revolution (Palgrave Pivot, 2018), pp. 92–93. Translated by Samiha Khalil and Kay Dickinson.

Super Fly: A Summary of Objections by the Kuumba Workshop Chicago, Illinois, USA, 1972

“Super Fly”… A Subtle, Deadly Ripoff 1. The film advocated using dope—the biggest, most destructive killer of Black people in the country. 2. It never deals with the deadly consequences of dope dealing which is sweeping Black communities like a ravaging plague. 3. It glorifies the hustler as hero—another in a long succession of such films which glorify and distort the image and influence of Black hustlers, pimps, and studs. 4. “Super Fly” has no positive messages or images for Black people. 5. It has questionable financial backing. 6. It creates the illusion of “victory?” over whites – a deadly dangerous pretense in these times of growing repression when fantasy on screen is no substitute for real victory in the liberation struggle. 7. It never shows why the realities in the film exist as they do—a serious violation of the principles of Black art, which must show not only that certain realities exist, but why, and give necessary alternatives. 8. It exploits the use of sex, though not quite as grossly as some other films. 9. None of the proceeds from the film have been returned to any Black community. 10. The film is a straight, unadulterated hustle of Black people’s money and yearning to see themselves on screen.

Note Previously published as “Super Fly: A Summary of Objections of the Kuumba Workshop (USA, 1972),” in Film Manifestos and Global Cinema Cultures: A Critical Anthology, ed. Scott MacKenzie (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014): 440.

Resolutions of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting Algiers, Algeria, December, 1973

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he Third World filmmakers meeting, sponsored by the National Office for Cinematographic Commerce and Industry (ONCIC) and the Cultural Information Center, was held in Algiers from December 5 to 14, 1973. The meeting brought together filmmakers from all areas of the Third World for the purpose of discussing common problems and goals and to lay the groundwork for an organization of third world filmmakers. The filmmakers attending the conference organized themselves into separate committees to discuss the specific areas of production and distribution as well as how the filmmaker fits into the political struggle of the Third World. The resolutions of the various committees are published here as they were released in Algiers, with only slight modifications in grammar and spelling. .

Committee 1: People’s Cinema The Committee on People’s Cinema—the role of cinema and filmmakers in the Third World against imperialism and neocolonialism—consisted of the following filmmakers and observers: Fernando Birri (Argentina); Humberto Rios (Bolivia); Manuel Perez (Cuba); Jorge Silva (Colombia); Jorge Cedron (Argentina); Moussa Diakite (Republic of Guinea); Flora Gomes (GuineaBissau); Mohamed Abdelwahad (Morocco); El Hachmi Cherif (Algeria); Lamine Merbah (Algeria); Mache Khaled (Algeria); Fettar Sid Ali (Algeria); Bensalah Mohamed (Algeria); Meziani Abdelhakim (Algeria). Observers: Jan Lindquist (Sweden); Josephine (Guinea-Bissau); and Salvatore Piscicelli (Italy). The Committee met on December 11, 12, and 13, 1973, in Algiers, under the chairmanship of Lamine Merbah. At the close of its deliberations, the Committee adopted the following analysis. So-called “underdevelopment” is first of all an economic phenomenon which has direct repercussions on the social and cultural sectors. To analyze such a phenomenon we must refer to the dialectics of the development of capitalism on a world scale.

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At a historically determined moment in its development, capitalism extended itself beyond the framework of the national European boundaries and spread—a necessary condition for its growth—to other regions of the world in which the forces of production, being only slightly developed, provided favorable ground for the expansion of capitalism through the existence of immense and virgin material resources, and available and cheap manpower reserves which constituted a new, potential market for the products of capitalist industry. This expansion manifested itself in different regions, given the power relationships, and in different ways: a) Through direct and total colonization implying violent invasion and the setting up of an economic and social infrastructure which does not correspond to the real needs of the people but serves more, or exclusively, the interests of the metropolitan countries; b) In a more or less disguised manner leaving to the countries in question a pretense of autonomy; c) Finally, through a system of domination of a new type— neocolonialism. The result has been that these countries undergo, on the one hand, varying degrees of development and, on the other hand, extremely varied levels of dependency with respect to imperialism: domination, influence, and pressures. The different forms of exploitation and systematic plundering of the natural resources have had grave consequences on the economic, social, and cultural levels for the so-called “underdeveloped” countries, resulting in the fact that even though these countries are undergoing extremely diversified degrees of development, they face in their struggle for independence and social progress a common enemy: imperialism which stands in their way as the principal obstacle to their development. Its consequences can be seen in: a) The articulation of the economic sectors: imbalance of development on the national level with the creation of poles of economic attraction incompatible with the development of a proportionally planned national economy and with the interests of the popular masses, thereby giving rise to zones of artificial prosperity; b) The imbalance on the regional and continental levels, thereby revealing the determination of imperialism to create zones of attraction favorable for its own expansion and which are presented as models of development in order to retard the peoples’ struggle for real political and economic independence.

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The repercussions on the social plane are as serious as they are numerous: they lead to characteristic impoverishment of the majority for the benefit in the first instance of the dominating forces and the national bourgeoisie of which one sector is objectively interested in independent national development, while another sector is parasitic and comprador, the interests of which are bound to those of the dominating forces. The differentiations and social inequities have seriously affected the living standard of the people, mainly in the rural areas where the expropriated or impoverished peasants find it impossible to reinvest on the spot in order to subsist. Reduced in their majority to self-consumption, unemployment, and rural exodus, these factors lead to an intensification of unemployment and increase underemployment in the urban centers. In order to legitimize and strengthen its hold over the economies of the colonized and neocolonized countries, imperialism has recourse to a systematic enterprise of deculturation and acculturation of the people of the Third World. That deculturation consists of depersonalizing their peoples, of discrediting their culture by presenting it as inferior and inoperative, of blocking their specific development, and of disfiguring their history—in other words, creating an actual cultural vacuum favorable to a simultaneous process of acculturation through which the dominator endeavors to make his domination legitimate by introducing his own moral values, his life and thought patterns, his explanation of history: in a word, his culture. Imperialism, being obliged to take into account the fact that colonized or dominated peoples have their own culture and defend it, infiltrates the culture of the colonized, entertains relationships with it, and takes over those elements which it believes it can turn to its favor. This is done by using the social forces which they make their own, the retrograde elements of this culture. In this way, the language of the colonized, which is the carrier of culture, becomes inferior or foreign; it is used only in the family circle or in restricted social circles. It is no longer, therefore, a vehicle for education, culture, and science, because in the schools the language of the colonizer is taught, it being indispensable to know it in order to work, to subsist, and to assert oneself. Gradually, it infiltrates the social and even the family relationships of the colonized. Language itself becomes a means of alienation, in that the colonized has a tendency to practice the language of the colonizer, while his own language, as well as his personality, his culture, and his moral values, become foreign to him. In the same line of thought, the social sciences, such as sociology, archeology, and ethnology, are for the most part in the service of the colonizer and the dominant class so as to perfect the work of alienation of the people through a pseudo-scientific process which has in fact simply consisted of a

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retrospective justification for the presence of the colonizer and therefore of the new established order. This is how sociological studies have attempted to explain social phenomena by fatalistic determinism, foreign to the conscience and the will of man. In the ethnological field, the enterprise has consisted of rooting in the minds of the colonized prejudices of racial and original inferiority and complexes of inadequacy for the mastering of the various acquisitions of knowledge and man’s production. Among the colonized people, imperialism has endeavored to play on the pseudo-racial and community differences, giving privilege to one or another ethnic grouping. As for archaeology, its role in cultural alienation has contributed to distorting history by putting emphasis on the interests and efforts of research and the excavations of historical vestiges which justify the definite paternity of European civilization sublimated and presented as being eternally superior to other civilizations whose slightest traces have been buried. Whereas, in certain countries, the national culture has continued to develop while at the same time being retarded by the dominant forces, in other countries, given the long period of direct domination, it has been marked by discontinuity which has blocked it in its specific development, so that all that remains are traces of it which are scarcely capable of serving as a basis for a real cultural renaissance, unless it is raised to the present level of development of national and international productive forces. It should be stated, however, that the culture of the colonizer, while alienating the colonized peoples, does the same to the peoples of the colonizing countries who are themselves exploited by the capitalist system. Cultural alienation presents, therefore, a dual character—national against the totality of the colonized peoples, and social against the working classes in the colonizing countries as well as in the colonized countries. Imperialist economic, political, and social domination, in order to subsist and to reinforce itself, takes root in an ideological system articulated through various channels and mainly through cinema which is in a position to influence the majority of the popular masses because its essential importance is at one and the same time artistic, aesthetic, economic, and sociological, affecting to a major degree the training of the mind. Cinema, also being an industry, is subjected to the same development as material production within the capitalist system and through the very fact that the North American economy is preponderant with respect to world capitalist production, its cinema becomes preponderant as well and succeeds in invading the screens of the capitalist world and consequently those of the Third World where it contributes to hiding inequalities, referring them to that ideology which governs the world imperialist system dominated by the United States of America.

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With the birth of the national liberation movement, the struggle for independence takes on a certain depth implying, on one hand, the revalorization of national cultural heritage in marking it with a dynamism made necessary by the development of contradictions. On the other hand, the contribution of progressive cultural factors borrowed from the field of universal culture.

The Role of Cinema The role of cinema in this process consists of manufacturing films reflecting the objective conditions in which the struggling peoples are developing, i.e., films which bring about disalienation of the colonized peoples at the same time as they contribute sound and objective information for the peoples of the entire world, including the oppressed classes of the colonizing countries, and place the struggle of their peoples back in the general context of the struggle of the countries and peoples of the Third World. This requires from the militant filmmaker a dialectical analysis of the socio-historic phenomenon of colonization. Reciprocally, cinema in the already liberated countries and in the progressive countries must accomplish, as their own national tasks, active solidarity with the peoples and filmmakers of countries still under colonial and neocolonial domination and which are struggling for their genuine national sovereignty. The countries enjoying political independence and struggling for varied development are aware of the fact that the struggle against imperialism on the political, economic, and social levels is inseparable from its ideological content and that, consequently, action must be taken to seize from imperialism the means to influence ideologically, and forge new methods adapted in content and form to the interests of the struggle of their peoples. This implies control by the people’s state of all cultural activities and, in respect to cinema, nationalization in the interest of the masses of people: production, distribution, and commercialization. So as to make such a policy operative, it has been seen that the best path requires quantitative and qualitative development of national production capable, with the acquisition of films from the Third World countries and the progressive countries, of swinging the balance of the power relationship in favor of using cinema in the interest of the masses. While influencing the general environment, conditions must be created for a greater awareness on the part of the masses, for the development of their critical senses and varied participation in the cultural life of their countries. A firm policy based on principle must be introduced in this field so as to eliminate once and for all the films which the foreign monopolies continue

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to impose upon us either directly or indirectly and which generate reactionary culture and, as a result, thought patterns in contradiction with the basic choices of our people. The question, however, is not one of separating cinema from the overall cultural context which prevails in our countries, for we must consider that, on the one hand, the action of cinema is accompanied by that of other informational and cultural media, and, on the other hand, cinema operates with materials which are drawn from reality and already existing cultural forms of expression in order to function and operate. It is also necessary to be vigilant and eliminate nefarious action which the information media can have and to purify the forms of popular expression (folklore, music, theater etc.) and to modernize them. The cinema language being thereby linked to other cultural forms, the development of cinema, while demanding the raising of the general cultural level, contributes to this task in an efficient way and can even become an excellent means for the polarization of the various action fields as well as cultural radiation. Films being a social act within a historical reality, it follows that the task of the Third World filmmaker is no longer limited to the making of films but is extended to other fields of action such as: articulating, fostering, and making the new films understandable to the masses of people by associating himself with the promoters of people’s cinemas, clubs, and itinerant film groups in their dynamic action aimed at desalination and sensitization in favor of a cinema which satisfies the imperialism and for progress develops on the economic, social, and political levels, a greater and greater awareness of the masses develops, associating cinema in a more concrete way in this struggle. In other words, the question of knowing how cinema will develop is linked in a decisive way to the solutions which must be provided to all the problems with which our peoples are confronted and which cinema must face and contribute to resolving. The task of the Third World filmmaker thereby becomes even more important and implies that the struggle waged by cinema for independence, freedom, and progress must go, and already goes hand in hand with the struggle within and without the field of cinema, but always in alliance with the popular masses for the triumph of the ideas of freedom and progress. In these conditions, it becomes obvious that the freedom of expression and movement, the right to practice cinema and research are essential demands of the filmmakers of the Third World—freedoms and rights which they have already committed to invest in the service of the working masses against imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism for the general emancipation of their peoples.

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United and in solidarity against American imperialism, at the head of world imperialism, and direct or indirect aggressor in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Palestine, in Africa through the intermediary of NATO,1 SEATO,2 and CENTO,3 and in Latin America, hiding itself behind the fascist coup d’état of the Chilean military junta and the other oligarchies in power, the filmmakers present here in Algiers, certain that they express the opinion of their filmmaker comrades of the Third World, condemn the interventions, aggressions, and pressures of imperialism, condemn the persecutions to which the filmmakers of certain Third World countries are subjected, and demand the immediate liberation of the filmmakers detained and imprisoned, and the cessation of measures restricting their freedom.

Committee 2: Production/Co-production The Committee on Production/Co-Production, appointed by the General Assembly of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting in Algeria, met on December 11, 12, and 13, 1973, under the chairmanship of Ousmane Sembène. The Committee, which devoted itself to the problems of film production and co-production in the Third World countries, included the following filmmakers and observers: Ousmane Sembène (Senegal); Sergio Castilla (Chile); Santiago Álvarez (Cuba); Sebastien Kainba (Congo); Mamadou Sidibe (Mali); Benamar Bakhti (Algeria); Nouredine Touazi (Algeria); Hedi Ben Khalifa (Tunisia); Mostefa Bouali (Palestine); Med Hondo (Mauritania). Observers: Simon Hartog (Great Britain), representing the British filmmakers’ union, and Theo Robichet (France), Humberto Rios (Argentina) presented an information report to the Committee. The delegates present, after reporting on the natural production and co-production conditions and the organization of the cinema industries in their countries, noted that the role of cinema in the Third World is to promote culture through films, which are a weapon as well as a means of expression for the development of the awareness of the people, and that cinema falls within the framework of the class struggle. Considering: – that the problems of cinema production in the countries of the Third World are closely linked to the economic, political, and social realities of each of them; – that, consequently, cinema activity does not develop in a similar fashion: a) in those countries which are waging a liberation struggle,

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–

–

–

–

–

b) in those countries which have conquered their political independence and which have founded states, c) in those countries which, while being sovereign, are struggling to seize their economic and cultural independence; that those countries which are waging wars of liberation lack a film infrastructure and specialized cadres and, as a result, their production is limited, achieved in difficult circumstances and very often is supported by or is dependent upon sporadic initiatives; that in those countries struggling for their economic and cultural independence, the principal characteristic is a private infrastructure which enables them to realize only a portion of their production within the national territory, the remainder being handled in the capitalist countries; This leads to an appreciable loss of foreign currency and considerable delays which impede the development of an authentic national production; that in those countries in which the State assumes the responsibility for production and incorporates it in its cultural activity, there is, nevertheless, in a majority of cases, a lack of technical and industrial development in the cinema field and, as a consequence, production remains limited and does not manage to cover the needs for films in those countries. The national screens, therefore, are submerged with foreign productions coming, for the most part, from the capitalist countries; that, if we add as well the fact that world production is economically and ideologically controlled by these countries and, in addition, is of very mediocre quality, our screens bring in an ideological product which serves the interests of the colonizers, creating moreover the habit of seeing films in which lies and social prejudice are the choice subjects and in which these manufacturers of individualistic ideology constantly encourage the habits of an arbitrary and wasteful consumer society; that co-productions must, first and foremost, be for the countries of the Third World, a manifestation of anti-imperialist solidarity, although their characteristics may vary and cover different aspects. We do not believe in co-productions in which an imperialist country participates, given the following risks:

1. the imperialist country can shed influence through production methods which are foreign to the realities of our countries,

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2. the examples of co-productions have given rise to cases of profit and the cultural and economic exploitation of our countries. The participants in the Committee therefore concluded that it is necessary to seek jointly concrete means to foster the production and co-production of national films within the Third World countries. In line with this, a certain number of recommendations were unanimously adopted: – to provide the revolutionary filmmakers of the Third World with national cinema infrastructures; – to put aside the conceptions and film production means of the capitalist countries and to seek new forms, taking into account the authenticity and the realities of the economic means and possibilities of the Third World countries; – to develop national cinema and television agreements for the benefit of the production and distribution of Third World films and to seek such agreements where they do not exist and to exchange regular programs; – to organize and develop the teaching of film techniques, to welcome the nationals of countries in which the training is not ensured; – to use all the audiovisual means available for the political, economic, and cultural development of the countries of the Third World; – to promote co-productions with independent, revolutionary filmmakers, while leaving to each country the task of determining the characteristics of these productions; – to include in the governmental agreements between countries of the Third World those measures likely to facilitate co-productions and film exchanges; – to influence the establishment of co-productions between national organizations of the Third World in endeavoring to have them accepted by the governmental and professional institutions of their respective countries (through the influence, in particular, of the acting president of the non-aligned countries, Mr. Houari Boumediene); – to propose the need for the creation of an organization of Third World filmmakers, the permanent secretariat of which should be set up in Cuba. While awaiting the creation of this organization,

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the UAAV (Union of Audio-Visual Arts of Algeria) will provide a temporary secretariat. The filmmakers will henceforth keep each other informed of their respective approaches undertaken within the framework of the FEPACI (Pan-African Federation of Cineastes).

Committee 3: Distribution The Committee in charge of the distribution of Third World films, after consideration of the different remarks of the members present, proposes: the creation of an office to be called the Third World Cinema Office. It will be composed of four members including a resident coordinator and one representative per continent. The Committee, in reply to the offer made by Algeria, proposes that the permanent headquarters of the office be established in Algiers. The goals of the office will be: 1. To coordinate efforts for the production and distribution of Third World films; 2. To establish and strengthen existing relations between Third World filmmakers and cinema industries by: a. the editing of a permanent information bulletin (filmography, technical data sheets, etc.) in four languages: Arabic, English, French, and Spanish, b. making a census of existing documentation on Third World cinema for the elaboration and distribution of a catalogue on the cinema production of the countries of the Third World, c. fostering other festivals, film markets and film days on the Third World level, alongside the other existing events, d. the editing of a general compilation of official cinema legislation in the Third World countries (problems of censorship, distribution of film copies, copyright, customs, etc.); 3. To take those measures required for the creation of regional and continental organization leading to the creation of a tricontinental organization for film distribution; 4. To prospect the foreign markets in order to secure other outlets for the productions of the Third World countries (commercial and non-commercial rights, TV and cassettes).

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The office will approach the authorities of the OAU, the Arab League and UNESCO in order to obtain from these organizations financial assistance for its functioning. It will also approach the authorities of those countries having effective control of their cinema industries, i.e.: Algeria, Guinea, Upper Volta,4 Mali, Uganda, Syria, and Cuba, as well as other countries which manifest a real desire to struggle against the imperialist monopoly. In addition to the above-mentioned assistance, the operating budget of the office will be composed of donations, grants, and commissions on all transactions of Third World films entrusted to the office.

Notes This document was first published in Cineaste (Pamphlet No. 1) by Cineaste Publishers Inc. Also published in “Resolutions of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting, Algiers, December 5–14, 1973,” Black Camera 2, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 155–65. 1. North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 2. Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. 3. Central Treaty Organization. 4. Present day Burkina Faso.

Resolution on Culture, The Sixth Pan-African Congress Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 1974

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ulture emanates from the people because they are creative and the agents of change in society. Culture enables Man to bring order into his life and transform the world. It therefore embraces all that is social, political, economic, and technical. Culture is essentially dynamic, that is to say, it is both rooted in the people and geared towards the future. We must return to our sources, our values; not because we should be engulfed in them, but to make a critical assessment in order to eliminate factors that have become outdated and inhibiting, factors that are foreign, misleading, and alienating, introduced by colonialism and select those factors which are sound, bring them up to date, and make them universal. The man of Pan-African culture must identify with this people and assume his responsibilities fully. Through his involvement, he should make possible the radical transformation of minds in order to fight underdevelopment more effectively. Culture emanates from the people and should remain with them. We should at all costs ensure that it’s not exploited by a minority class or caste. In view of our historical situation, Pan-African culture should be a weapon for the liberation and establishment of socialized societies. In order to be truly popular, it should, as far as possible, be expressed in the languages of our peoples. Our cultural policy should be our objective and constructive assessment of the cultural policy of neocolonialism which is no longer violence, but has assumed a refined, insidious, and therefore very dangerous form. To be of mutual service to Pan-African peoples, Pan-African culture should be in the service of Africa and inspired by it. To be effective, it should avoid all racial, religious, and ethnic considerations—and take into account the historical situation of all Pan-African peoples. To achieve these objectives, we must: 1. In our schools, attach great importance to scientific and technical subjects. At all levels of education, pupils and students should be involved in productive activities. The school must be an instrument in the service of the people.

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2. In our educational programs, make sure, first and foremost, that the child knows his locality, his nation, Africa, and finally the world; we must also rehabilitate our values and heroes who were treated with contempt by colonialism. 3. In our various countries, oppose neocolonialist and imperialist literature which pours contempt on the people and their values. 4. Make African languages written languages and media for expressing scientific thought. 5. Democratize education by making it free and accessible to all children up to the highest level of their ability. 6. To organize adult education everywhere to arouse political awareness against all forms of domination and increase our productivity. 7. To ensure the emancipation of the Pan-African woman by giving her all her political and legal rights and by allowing her to participate in the production process. 8. Each Pan-African state should review its present educational system in order to remove any neocolonialist influence and speed up the training of cadres. We should make every effort to reduce foreign technical assistance by training our own nationals. 9. To facilitate communication between our cadres and the PanAfrican masses, we should use our national languages as media of instruction in our universities. 10. We should avoid rejecting our own techniques and traditional means of communication which should rather be reviewed and modernized. 11. We should attach great importance to traditional medicine and modernize it. 12. We should translate into our languages, literary, philosophical, and scientific works capable of accelerating our development. 13. The Sixth Pan-African Congress suggests that May 25 should be celebrated in future as the Pan-African Day. On that day, the peoples and Pan-African states throughout the world should rally together and vigorously reaffirm their solidarity.

Note Excerpted from “Pan-African Congress Resolutions On Science and Technology, On Culture, On Economic Development,” New Directions 1, no. 4 (1974): 27–31, 34. Courtesy of the Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University Archives.

Final Resolutions: International Conference for a New Cinema Montreal, Canada, June, 1974

Why the International Conference? The anti-imperialist struggle of the people of the Third World and of their equivalents inside the imperialist countries constitutes today the axis of the world revolution. Third Cinema is, in our opinion, the cinema that recognizes in that struggle the most gigantic cultural, scientific and artistic manifestation of our time, the great possibility of constructing a liberated personality with each people as the starting point – in a word, the decolonization of culture. Octavio Getino and Fernando Solanas, “Towards a Third Cinema”, Tricontinental, No. 3, 1969.

Historical Perspectives We have reached a turning point in the history of cinema. Cinema has existed for seventy-five years and we have only just become aware of its true role in the contemporary political context. In the beginning, we manifested our new awareness by questioning the actual structure of traditional cinema. This questioning became necessary because a type of institutionalization combined with compromises between financial and artistic interest had resulted in creating a cinematographic practice which was in conflict with our basic aspirations and thus in conflict with a true national and liberating cinema. With the appearance of national cinemas (in particular, those of small film producing countries and of the Third World), the hegemony of the large industrial cinemas was confronted with a new reality, that of a new cinema whose major concern was to establish a praxis which would assure its continuity. Thus, in the cinema of our respective countries, a fundamental schism occurred between a “decolonizing” cinema and a consumer-object and a plus-value cinema. This conflict provided the base upon which we could build an authentic national cinematography and cleared the way for us to start searching for and creating new means which would assure the continuation of this struggle and at the same time coincide with a true national development.

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At the beginning it was simply a question of breaking down cinema’s wall, of identifying certain realities and of working in a new praxis. This bringing of cinema out into the open also has had the effect of demystifying it as a cultural and commercial product. It has happened that progressive filmmakers and technicians have obtained the means (production companies, modern equipment, skilled technicians, etc.) to produce films, but is hasn’t necessarily created a tool to help them participate fully in national liberation struggles. At most, a few have succeeded in bearing witness to some of their national realities and sometimes have gained an awareness of the meaning of the struggle. But we must not deceive ourselves. Irrespective of our political options, regardless of how progressive they are, we are practicing this trade in an economic market. Because we must work in this context, it is therefore necessary to plan a strategy which will enable us to assure this continuity.

Declaration of Intent Taking into account the socio-political and geographical situation of Quebec, it is essential for us to confront our experiences with those people who are working elsewhere in the same perspective and to reexamine the traditional cinematographic structures with which we are in conflict. It is important to see if, with resolve, we can elaborate together “transitory” mechanisms which aim towards a socialization of cinema and to see if an alternative Third Cinema is or is not viable in this context of change. Because, barring such a “transitory” attitude, it might be necessary to abandon any hope of transforming cinema in a profound and lasting way. In that case, we will have only to choose between permanent opposition (contestation) and/or our own management of capitalist cinema. Consequently, the primary task of these Rencontres will be to make comparisons. Hopefully, this will prevent us from being once again trapped by our suicidal respect of institutions, which respect guarantees the statusquo of the present cinematographic system, hinders its transformation and prevents the existence of an Other Cinema. Because of our different national political situations, we must prevent opposition groups from being formed around these differences and at all costs we must avoid political dogmatism. Rather we must utilize the contradictions of the capitalist system of cinema as a maneuvering margin with which to deal with this system. In view of this fundamental choice, the Rencontres do not want to shut the door on any experience. We would like these Rencontres to be essentially the comparison of strategies which necessarily vary in accordance with geographical locations, political situations, existing structures, but remain aimed towards a common objective.

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At this point, it is less a question of forming a “third force” of cinema (a sort of international of new cinemas united in diversity) as of assuring an essential dialogue and stimulating and making coherent our strategies. This potential movement challenges us to specify and reinforce our means of action for a cinema which has a role to play in the historical process which we are confronting. The only way to make a non-standard production is to create non-standard conditions and to promote non-standard demands for the script, for shooting, for editing and all creative steps, at the technical level and at the level of organization. — Dziga Vertov Demand a political art, for political reasons and not artistic ones. — Bertolt Brecht

Workshops (information for people presenting papers) The afternoon workshop will feature different papers. These papers will be given by representatives from various groups having conducted one or more experiments relating to the proposed questions. A discussion with the participants will follow; this discussion should lead to a practical proposal. To this end, we have prepared a series of proposed topics dealing with the themes of the workshops and we submit it to you as a working proposition for the preparation of your own paper. Our approach to the major questions of production/distribution/exploitation is slanted towards challenging the existing structures which are the axes of industrial filmmaking.

How Films Are Shown • To open a debate on this subject is to reexamine the conditions under which films are shown. At the same time we are working towards a redefinition of the concept of the movie theater and the application of this concept. • How can we transform the movie theater? Should the new cinema still be subject to the traditional mechanisms of “exploitation”? • What are the different experiments that have been attempted to date? How effective have they been? • Should we depend on the present distributing networks, should we create new ones, or can we rely on other existing networks? • How can we demystify this aspect of the film process?

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• How can we change the nature of the traditional “movie theater” to make it into more of a “forum” type of event? • This questioning of the movie theater forces us to question as well the responsibility of the filmmaker towards his film and the public. The present relationship necessarily involves the box office “syndrome” (distributor/exhibitor). At the present time, it is a one-way relationship, as there is rarely any communication between the filmmaker and distributor/ exhibitor or between the filmmaker and the public. In the few instances that it occurs, it is strictly of a mercantile nature. The public pays but has no control; they are “consumers.” On the other hand, the filmmaker is limited to his role of “creator.” The triangle is truncated at the base because the essential link between the public and filmmaker is never established or, if so, only artificially through the distributor as intermediary; it is this whole process which mystifies traditional “distribution.”

People’s Participation • How can we initiate the participation of the “public” in the cinematographic process? How can we plan our work with organizations like unions, citizens’ committees, cooperatives, etc.? How can we coordinate our collective needs? How can we conceive new modes of production in accordance with these needs? Which sectors (unions, people’s organizations, adult and general education) favor a regrouping which would permit a continuity of production. • Is it possible to consider this base as the axis of the operation for an Other Cinema. • The several experiments in progress on this level can serve as a point of departure to elaborate the beginning of a solution. At least, it would provide a real production base. • We must also take into considerations the role that television in its diverse forms (large liberal networks, free networks, educational TV) can play.

Third World Cinema Several practical questions can be raised in relation to the film and filmmakers of the Third World. However, it is less a question here of singling them out than of seeing how they affect our own situation, of seeing to what extent some cinemas in the West are themselves in Third World situations. • Which are the questions that continually come to the fore and what practical solutions do they entail? For example, how do we

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approach the question of exiled filmmakers who must continue to work and bear witness to their national struggles against fascism or the regimes in power? What mechanism could we set up to permit these filmmakers to continue to practice their trade? • How, on the other hand, can we go against the economic-cultural grain which prevents certain films from paying their way? • To what extent can we benefit from the contradictions of our respective countries, in order to give ourselves a maneuvering margin which will permit our seeing to what extent we can augment our reciprocal collaboration on the level of both diffusion and production. • Finally, we should pursue the debate started in Algiers last December and continue the practical work which emerged from this first Rencontre.

Circulation of Prints The questioning of the various aspects of traditional cinema inevitably leads us to ask questions of a more practical nature. • How, for example, do the mechanisms which we are elaborating challenge “classical” distribution? What are the immediate practical problems that will confront us on the level of exchange of prints? Can we “exchange” copies instead of “buying” them in the traditional way? How can we get around/use the legalistic tariff barriers? • In this context, how can we guarantee financial returns for filmmakers and producers? • Can groups act as representatives or agents with these various organizations in order to assure the maximum utilization and earning power of the films? What role can television play on this level? • What are the various mechanisms, which are already being experimented with, that we could use or at least coordinate in order to assure these ongoing experiments (which themselves are constantly challenged) a certain continuity? • How can our regaining control of distribution assure a real alternative on an economic level?

Cinema as Tool for Social Change • How do the present experiments compare with each other? • What are the limits of this type of cinema? • To what extent can the structures of support of these experiments, both on the level of production and distribution, serve as a

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maneuvering margin for the permanence of other experiments in progress? This workshop will be presented by the group Société nouvelle/Challenge for Change, of the National Film Board of Canada. Different groups will present papers.

Third World Cinema Committee On the occasion of the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma [International Conference for a New Cinema], held in Montreal (Canada) from June 2–8, 1974, the Third World Filmmakers present wish to reaffirm their resolutions to work towards the constitution of an antiimperialist cinematographic front at the Third World level. THEY WOULD LIKE this front to extend to all the progressive cinematographic forces in struggle in the rest of the world against the monopolistic-capitalist cinematographic system. To this end they would like to recall the main resolutions endorsed by the Third World Filmmakers in Algiers in December 1973 and in Buenos Aires in May 1974: 1. The constitution of the Third World Cinema Committee with an office in Algiers. 2. The creation of a liaison newsletter. 3. Elaboration of a catalog of Third World films. 4. The creation of the FELACI (Federation of Latin American Cineastes) based on the model of the FEPACI (Fédération Panafricaine des Cinéastes). 5. Promotion of the exchange and distribution of Third World films. SUGGESTS the regrouping and the organization of other progressive filmmakers struggling within the existing systems in Western Europe and in North America into one or more Federations which would act as representatives and/or correspondents with the Third World Federations for the creation of an international anti-imperialist cinematographic front. SUGGESTS that the CAC (Comité d’Action Cinématographique) of Montreal which made this meeting possible, carry on its work by the creation of a permanent liaison bureau between progressive filmmakers of the Western countries and their colleagues in the Third World. This office would accomplish the following tasks:

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• Assemble information coming from progressive filmmakers in Western countries and distribute it through the publication of a regular newsletter. • Promote the exchange and distribution of the films from progressive filmmakers in Europe and North America and the filmmakers of the Third World. WISHES that effective agreements be achieved in the course of the present meeting between the distributors and the filmmakers in Montreal, for the acquisition and distribution of the films screened during this event. EXPRESSES the wish that similar meetings be held regularly bringing together filmmakers and groups from other parts of the world as well.

Latin American Filmmakers Committee The Latin American filmmakers present at Montreal on the occasion of the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma from June 2–8, 1974.

CONSIDERING: • the similarities of working conditions in which the Latin American filmmakers exercise their trade, and the limits which are imposed on them by neocolonialism and imperialism; • the identical point of view pertaining to the aspect of cultural decolonization which is a necessary condition for the liberation of our people; • materializing the common aspirations expressed at the meetings of Vina del Mar (Chile) 1967 and 1969, Merida (Venezuela) 1968, Algiers (Algeria) 1973, and Buenos Aires (Argentina) 1974.

DECIDE: • to create a structural organization which unites the filmmakers of Latin America in their struggle to defend the films and to contribute to the development of Latin American cinema which has resolutely aligned itself on the struggle for liberation at large; • the association of Latin American filmmakers wishes to be an organization opened to all filmmakers who, through their works, have expressed a stand against an anti-imperialist cinema, free from cultural alienation.

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Fundamental Objectives: 1. Represent the Latin American filmmakers. 2. Promote and collaborate the organization of regular meetings between Latin American filmmakers, with film screenings. 3. Intervene in conflicts between filmmakers and production and/ or distribution organizations both on a national and international level at the request of members of the association. 4. Ensure the integrity of the films produced by members or of those the association feel are important. 5. Defend the person of members when they are the victims of repression, jailing, or persecution. 6. The planning of an uninterrupted distribution of films by Latin American filmmakers in each and every country of the continent and in the Third World. 7. Centralize, coordinate, and distribute information on the activities of the Latin American cinema movement and that of other countries in the world which are in a situation of dependency well as those which have similar problems as Latin American cinema. 8. Promote the financing and establish contacts between the filmmakers who have access to production funds. 9. Participate upon request from the filmmakers in the production and distribution agreements in order to guarantee the integrity of the films and of their distribution. 10. Establish criteria for the commercialization of Latin American films in various markets. 11. Establish a common cultural policy pertaining to the participation of Latin American cinema to the existing film festivals throughout the world. 12. Establish relations with other international cinema organization of a cultural and/or professional nature.

Resolution Constitute a provisional commission with the purpose of coordinating an Assembly of Latin American filmmakers which could take place in 1974 with the objective of creating the definite structure of the Association. The Association of Latin American filmmakers wishes to unite men who are for an engaged cinema and the development of cinema as a tool for truth and liberation; calls on all Latin American filmmakers who think that there is no place nor reason for a cinema which would function outside of the antiimperialist struggle and for the liberation of all people.

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Signatories: Carlos Carillo (Mexico), Julio Garcia Espinosa (Cuba), Jorge Giannoni (Argentina), Walter Achugar (Uruguay), Carlos Alvarez (Colombia), Alfonso Beato (Brazil), Carlos Gonzalez (Mexico), Miguel Littín (Chile), Sergio Olhovich (Mexico), Edgardo Pallero (Argentina), Dario Pulgar (Chile), Humberto Rios (Argentina), Fernando Solanas (Argentina), Francisco Leon (Cuba), Cosme Alves Neto (Brazil), Jorge Sanjinés (Bolivia), Fédérico Garcia (Peru), Juan Aranibar (Peru), Pedro Rivera (Panama), Modesto Tunon (Panama), Mario Arrieta (Bolivia), Carlos Rebelledo (Venezuela), Mario Handler (Uruguay), Diego de la Tejada (Puerto Rico), Manuel Perez (Cuba), Sergio Muniz (Brazil), Pedro Chaskel (Chile).

Resolution of United States Film Workers Following a suggestion made by representative members of the Third World Cinema Committee, progressive film workers from the United States involved in the areas of production, distribution, exhibition, and film criticism, met to discuss the ways in which we could best engage in the world wide movement towards a progressive cinema, and more specifically the ways in which we could best relate to the other already existing organizations, particularly those in the Third World such as the FEPACI, FELACI, and the Third World Cinema Committee. In our meeting we reached the following conclusions:

First: The US participants at the conference did not constitute a representative body of the progressive cinema movement in the US. This movement is geographically spread out in a country of 230 million people; and has within it important differences in approach, emphasis, and ideology which reflect in some way the overall political situation in our country. We are aware of our own limitations and the difficulties we will face trying to create an organization comparable to our counter parts in the Third World.

Second: We decide to hold regional preparatory meetings in New York and in San Francisco to discuss the content and objectives of a National Conference to be held in the Spring of 1975. Generally we agreed the conference would explore the different areas of Cinema work in the US; it would discuss the theoretical and ideological points necessary to reach a basic minimum set of

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points of agreement; and, finally would evaluate the actual feasibility of constituting an organization or federation of progressive US cinema workers.

Third: We recognize the importance of the diffusion of the progressive Cinema of the Third World in the US and we will work in cooperation with the existing organizations already active in this area, Tricontinental Film Center and Third World Newsreel, to produce English versions, distribute and exhibit Third World Cinema in the US as part of an overall effort to educate the North American public about the culture and political situations in the Third World. We recognize our special responsibility to the Third World filmmakers to create the conditions so that his or her film will not be relegated to the marginal circuits but shown as widely as possible in a manner which would provide the financial return needed for recuperation and continuing independent production.

Fourth: We will work for the dissemination of the progressive, socially conscious cinema of the US, particularly the cinema by and about Third World peoples in the US (Afro-Americans, Chicanos, Asian Americans, Native Americans, etc.) in countries of the Third World and in other advanced industrial nations in Europe and elsewhere.

Working Document of the Provisional Coordinating Committee of the Cinema Workers of European Countries and Quebec Introduction It is well known that the dominating structures of film distribution have given birth to multiple and insidious forms of censorship. Whether this censorship be moral, political, or economical, its objective is to react to a concept of the world which is antagonistic to that of the bourgeoisie, in particular when the cinema incited people to a revolutionary transformation of the social order. In this perspective it is necessary for us to build an alternative to: 1. Allow this new cinema to be seen and fulfill its function. 2. Assure its producers the economical continuity of their political work with film.

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Consequently our task is the following: • Respond to an increasing demand for a cinema closer to reality to the aspirations and the struggle of the people. • Develop and structure a solid alternative network. • Increase the screening possibilities by mobilizing groups and/or persons in search of a tool for social change. • Improve the organization at the level of print circulation. • Facilitate the exchange of information on new films and the use which is made of them. • Establish a type of “network based on common understanding” among the different groups (agree on certain criteria on the political and economical level: open books, screenings reports, etc.). These are the reasons why the filmmakers and film users from Europe and Quebec meeting in Montreal on the occasion of the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma express their will to coordinate their work. Uniting these groups (and/or individuals) on the basis of common objectives and the choice of a certain way of working,

IN ORDER TO: • Change the “rapport” between film and public. Film should be considered as a tool for political change. It should accomplish both, a cultural and political work at the base. • Fight against mercantile cinema based on profit making: against film as a consumer object and product of the dominating culture. For a social cinema, for a political cinema dedicated to the struggle of the people. The following text is a first step towards the materialization of this regrouping. It was endorsed during the Montreal meeting by the various groups present. However it was not undersigned because of the absence of certain important groups and/or certain countries concerned. This text is the basis for a future common program.

Comments An international coordination must be closely linked to the specific practice of each group. This should influence and mark the regrouping in question. It is in this sense only that it will be efficient. The first program should then contain practical resolutions based as much on political options as on the choice of a certain way of working.

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Signed: Thierry Coene, Unité de Distribution, Belgium Carl Henrik Svenstedt, Film Centrum, Sweden

Project for a Program The individuals engaged in film work as a means to develop the revolutionary consciousness in Western Europe and in Quebec, meeting in Montreal on the occasion of the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma insist on the necessity to create a cinematographic front against imperialistic and neocapitalistic use of the audiovisual.

THIS USE IS OF A DOUBLE NATURE: 1. The refusal to distribute films and among those the majority of the films from the Third World, which differentiate themselves or are in total opposition to the marketed models by which the people are turned away from the consciousness of their exploitation and their oppression. 2. The manipulation of the films which penetrate by chance (or otherwise) the barrier of the commercial circuit, and even that of some marginal ones, by giving these films a “marketable” value as exotic objects in a democratic society.

THE AIM OF OUR FRONT IS DOUBLE: 1. Contribute to the formation of a critical consciousness facing the products circulated by the monopolistic system identical to the dominating ideology. 2. Promote, facilitate, and activate the diffusion through adequate means, of all the films which present themselves as a liberation tool and/or as a tool for the change of our society, while struggling against all recuperation commercial or other. All this is part of a larger struggle in which we are all united with the African and Latin American comrades, as those of the Third World at large. This struggle should have as a fundamental cinematographic option, the taking over of all the means of production and diffusion of films, and in a more immediate future, the union of the “free screens” and the creation of new means of cinematographic action.

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RESOLUTELY Amongst the persons meeting in Montreal it has been agreed that: 1. The Comité d’Action Cinématographique of Montreal should be maintained with the aim of organizing and coordinating the exchange of information of films between the various world federations. 2. That a first meeting of the concerned countries be held in Pesaro from September 12 to 19, 1974 (contact: Lino Micciche, Via Della Stelletta. 23; 00186 Roma, Italia. Tel: 657-340-657-598. Telex: Nuovocine-Roma). That a second meeting be held probably in Brussels in early ‘75 to be organized by the Unité de Distribution (contact: Micheline Creteur, 32 ave. Van Becelaere; 1170 Bruxelles. Tel: Bureau: 13.94.40 ext. 124, Privé: 73.30.24, Unité de distribution: 734.93.86). 3. That each group establish an information dossier giving its political, practical, and cultural analyses of the situation at the national level before the meetings. Each group should send any amendments and/or counter proposals of program before mid-August. They should be sent to Micheline Creteur in order that each group could be informed about them. A questionnaire will be sent by the end of June by the Unité de distribution.

A New Type of Critic for a New Type of Cinema The film critics present at the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma in Montreal from June 2–8, 1974, are planning the organization of a colloquium around the theme: “A new type of critic for a new type of cinema,” the concept of which should be developed around the following four directions: 1. Denounce and protest the area of “film culturism and/or buffism” and promote a militant critic which denounces the ideology of established cinemas and defends the progressive cinemas. 2. Abolish the concept of “Great Cinema” (American, French, Italian) and “Small Cinemas” necessarily confined to a form of “provincialism.”

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3. Give priority to the political criteria to the detriment of abstract aesthetical ones, contribute to and promote a new aesthetics based on Marxism. 4. Create new publications, new poles of reflection, coming from progressive forces on all continents.

Signed: USA: Harold D. Weaver Jr., Third World Morning Images Project; Gary Crowdus, Cinéaste; Julia Lesage, Women and Films; John Hess, Jump Cut. QUEBEC: Jean-Pierre Tadros, Cinéma Quebec; Alain Berson, Champ Libre; Pierre Vallières, Cinéma Quebec; Michel Vézina, CKRL-FM Quebec; André Pâquet; Pierre Véronneau, Stratégie. FRANCE: Guy Hennebelle, Écran 74, Afrique Asie; Serge Le Péron. ITALY: Lino Micciché, Cinema 60; Guido Aristacro, Cinema Nuovo. CHILE: Erik Martinez, Prime Plano. TUNISIA: Férid Boughedir, Jeune Afrique; Tahar Cheriaa. SWEDEN: Carl Henrik Svenstedt, Film and TV. BELGIUM: Marian Handwerker, Contrechamp; Robbe de Hert.

Declaration Presented During the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma • Canada took twenty years to recognize the government of Red China, but twenty hours to recognize the dictatorship of Greece and Chile. • After having collaborated with the USA for the massacre of one million Vietnamese, our country still refuses, today, to give visas to members of the PRG, which is a government recognized by the Paris treaty. • We continue to provide arms and other assistance to governments which assassinate liberation movement of developing countries. • All year long we show commercial films for corporations which exploit and bleed the Third World; but we refuse to distribute films which show the struggle and suffering of people in the Third World. • We claim to be a democratic country but we censor the ideas of a larger and larger part of the population. Many films made by Quebec filmmakers are presently censored for political reasons. We are making still another step towards a degradation of democracy which will one day lead us to fascism. • As Quebec and Canadian filmmakers we protest any form of censorship in our country as elsewhere. We demand the free circulation of the films we make with and for our people, our country, and abroad.

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WE DEMAND: • That our government makes the necessary pressure to obtain the liberation of filmmakers and other persons which have been jailed for political reasons in Chile and elsewhere. • That our country supports the efforts of progressive cinemas of the Third World and that this aid be part of its program to developing countries. • That Quebec and Canadian Filmmakers be in solidarity with their colleagues from the Third World in the struggle against all forms of censorship and slavery which prevent the circulation of films as that of ideas. Michel Régnier, cinéaste; Robin Spry, cinéaste; Michael Rubbo, cinéaste; Martin Defalco, cinéaste; Maurice Bulbulian, cinéaste; Richard Lavoie, cinéaste; André Melançon, cinéaste; Hélène Girard, cinéaste; Martin Duckworth, cinéaste; Jean-Claude Labrecque, cinéaste; Francis Mankiewicz, cinéaste; Anne-Claire Poirier, cinéaste; Claude Lefebvre, cinéaste; Pierre Bemier, cinéaste; Pierre Hébert, cinéaste; Michel Gauthier; Kirwan Cox, Canadian Council of Filmmakers; Sandra Gathercole, Toronto Filmmakers’ Coop.

Declaration Chile The participants at the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma which took place in Montreal from June 2–8, 1974 concerning the political events in Chile express the following: 1. We condemn with force the assassinations, tortures, and arbitrary imprisonments that the Chilean people suffer day after day. This repression through crime affects the Chilean proletariat which is an exemplary force for other liberation movements throughout the world. 2. We are conscious that the struggle of the Chilean proletariat will not end today. That its capacity to struggle, its class consciousness, its courage cannot be disturbed by any fascist movement, no matter how brutal. Today as always we express our solidarity with the Chilean people, we engage in their struggle which is the struggle for the liberation of all the Third World. 3. We demand the liberation of all Chilean political prisoners. We demand that crimes against those whose only offence was to fight for a just and sovereign homeland, be stopped.

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4. We engage ourselves to struggle for the immediate liberation of the following comrades actors and filmmakers imprisoned for several months and who have been savagely tortured. They are: Marcello Romo, Guillermo Cahn, Ivan San Martin, Elsa Rudolphy, Francisco Morales, Hugo Medina, Enrique Berrio, Pedro Atias. The struggle of the Chilean people is the struggle of all the people of the world.

Communication We wish to inform you of the following:

CONSIDERING: 1. The Chilean situation after the military coup of September 11, 1973 and the conditions under which cultural activities must develop, submitted to all sorts of restrictions which prevent their realization, or, which is worse, distort and/or debase them. 2. The total persecution and the repression which affects the people and of course the filmmakers. 3. The impossibility to accomplish, even with a minimum of efficiency and of honesty, the task of a cinematheque under these conditions. 4. The urgency to see to the conservation of a mass of cinematographic material which constitutes works and which bears invaluable witness to Chilean reality. We have decided to re-initiate the work undertaken in Chile through the “Cinemathèque Universitaire” interrupted and prevented by the military intervention, by establishing the CHILEAN CINEMATHEQUE IN EXILE in Havana, Cuba and its work has started April 30th, 1974, under the direction of the undersigned. The task of the Chilean Cinématheque in Exile is to gather cinematographic material from or on Chile for its preservation, classification, archival, and distribution purposes. We hope to maintain, in the future, the most cordial relations with progressive filmmakers of the world and we thank in advance all those who will bring their collaboration to the accomplishment of our task. Peter Chaskel B. Director, Chilean Cinématheque in Exile Calle 23 no. 1155, La Habana 4, Cuba.

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Telegram To The President of Uruguay Juan Bordaberry We denounce situation filmmakers who together with Uruguayan people suffer repression and imprisonment by a regime that obeys antinational commands. Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma. Montreal, June 8th, 1974.

Political Resolution The progressive workers of cinema from the Third World, Europe, and North America present at the Rencontres Internationales pour un Nouveau Cinéma in Montreal from June 2–8, 1974. DENOUNCE the intervention of imperialism and its allies in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. DENOUNCE the Zionist aggression against the Arab people of the Middle East. DENOUNCE the repression hitting the cultural workers of the arts and culture in Chile and Palestine. SUPPORT the struggle of the people which are fighting for total independence in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. SUPPORT the claims of the workers oppressed by the capitalist-imperialistic system in Europe, North America as in the fascist dictatorship of Spain and Greece.

Note Originally published in Mariano Mestman and Masha Salazkina, “Excerpts from / Extraits de Cahier 1 – Projets et Résolutions, Final Resolutions”, Canadian Journal of Film Studies 24, no. 2 (2015): pp. 130–142. doi: 10.3138/cjfs.24.2.130. Reprinted with permission from University of Toronto Press (https://utpjournals.press). © Copyright 2015 Film Studies Association of Canada / Association candienne d’études cinématographiques. ISSN 00847-5911.

Black Independent Filmmaking: A Statement by the Black Audio Film Collective John Akomfrah, 1983

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he area of black independent filmmaking will soon see the growth of a number of workshops established with the specific aim of catering for black film needs. We will also see a growth in the number of films made by members of these workshops. As in any other field of cultural activity and practice such a development calls for collective debate and discussion. Some of the important issues to be raised will be around the relationship between the workshop organizers and participants in the course. The others should obviously be about the nature and structure of the courses themselves. Prior to this debate, however, is the task of accounting for the specificity of black independent filmmaking. What, after all, does “black independent filmmaking” mean when present film culture is a largely white affair? And does this posture of independence presuppose a radical difference of film orientation? If this is the case how does one work with difference? The Black Audio Film Collective has chosen to take up these issues in a very particular way and this is around the question of the “figuration of identity” in cinema. Our point of entry is around the issue of black representation. The Collective was launched with three principal aims. Firstly, to attempt to look critically at how racist ideas and images of black people are structured and presented as self-evident truths in the cinema. What we are interested in here is how these “self-evident truths” become the conventional pattern through which the black presence in cinema is secured. Secondly, to develop a “forum” for disseminating available film techniques within the independent tradition and to assess their pertinence for black cinema. In this respect our interests did not only lie in devising how best to make “political” films, but also in taking the politics of representation seriously. Such a strategy could take up a number of issues which include emphasizing both the form and the content of films, using recent theoretical insights in the practice of filmmaking. Thirdly, the strategy was to encourage means of extending the boundaries of black film culture. This would mean attempting to demystify in our film practice the process of film production; it would also involve collapsing

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the distinction between “audience” and “producer.” In this ethereal world filmmaker equals active agent and audience equals passive consumers of a predetermined product. We have decided to reject such a view in our practice. Underlying these aims are a number of assumptions about what we consider the present priorities of independent filmmaking to be. These assumptions are based on our recognition of certain significant achievements in the analysis of race and the media. It is now widely accepted that the media play a crucial role in the production and reproduction of “common sense assumptions” and we know that race and racist ideologies figure prominently in these assumptions. The point now is to realize the implications of these insights in creating a genuinely collective black film culture. Such a program is also connected with our awareness of the need to go beyond certain present assumptions about the task of black filmmaking. We recognize that the history of blacks in films reads a legacy of stereotypes and we take the view that such stereotypes, both in mainstream and independent cinema, should be critically evaluated. This can be connected to a number of things that we want to do. We not only want to examine how black culture is misrepresented in film, but also how its apparent transparency is a “realism” in film. It is an attempt to isolate and render intelligible the images and statements which converge to represent black culture in cinema. The search is not for “the authentic image,” but for an understanding of the diverse codes and strategies of representation. It could be argued that all this is stale water under a decaying bridge and that we know all this stuff already and that black filmmakers already accept their responsibility and are aware of these problems. There is a lot of truth in this. Others may say as long as we are making films and gaining exposure of our work we are keeping black film culture alive. To place our discussion in a relevant and meaningful context the Black Audio Film Collective in conjunction with Four Corners Cinema will be organizing a number of screenings to run with the Colin Roach photography exhibition at Camerawork Gallery. The series of films and discussions will run under the title Cinema and Black Representation and will deal specifically with the complexity of black portrayal in films. The main aim here is to see how film can contain “information” on race, nationality, and “ethnicity” with (Presence) or without (Absence) black people in films. With this in mind we hope to cover a number of films and themes ranging from prison movies like Scum to Hollywood, social criticism films like Imitation of Life. What we will be attempting will not be to push all the films into one category of racist films, but rather attempting to examine what specific responses these films make to the question of race and ethnicity.

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In the end we realize that questions of black representation are not simply those of film criticism but inevitably of filmmaking. These issues need to be taken up on both fronts. With this in mind we are also making preparations with the GLC Ethnic Minorities’ Committee to organize a number of our courses on some of the themes outlined in this article. Neither the dates for the screenings nor film courses have been finalized—both will be advertised when they are.

Figure 1. Screenshot from the short film Signs of Empire (England, 1983), an early production of the Black Audio Film Collective. Screen grab by Black Camera.

Note Originally published in Artrage: Inter-Cultural Arts Magazine, 3/4 Summer 1983. Republished in John Akomfrah, “Close-Up: John Akomfrah and the Black Audio Film Collective: Black Independent Filmmaking: A Statement by the Black Audio Film Collective,” Black Camera: An International Film Journal 6, no. 2 (2015): 58–60.

Symposium Declaration: Third Eye – Struggle for Black and Third World Cinema London, United Kingdom, October/November 1983

Introduction 1. In defining the term “Third World” we have chosen not to deal with it as a geographical indicator but as a political concept, embracing historical and cultural relations which make the term much broader in scope and meaning. Thus, the term “Third World” defines the nationstate as well as metropolitan-based communities forged out of the relationship. While the content of the films, issues raised, format adopted, etc., may differ in these countries and communities, their historical experience under imperialism, the legacies of underdevelopment and cultural domination, their historic and current struggles to free themselves of domination are the common denominators which underpin the definitional use of the term in our thinking. 2. The audiovisual products by way of film, television film, video, slide shows, and other audiovisual forms of communication shall be referred to in this document as “film” for the sake of brevity.

Declaration 3. We Third World people who have participated in the Third Eye Symposium, recognize the difficulties we face in the production, distribution, and exhibition of film. We recognize that these difficulties arise out of issues of an economic, technical, social, and political nature. We therefore call for the formation of a provisional executive secretariat based for the moment in London, in order to call for the formation of the Third World Filmmakers Association. We also call for the formation of representative sections of all the Third World, including London. 4. The organization will be called The Third World Filmmakers Association.

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5. The primary purpose of the Association will be to promote the development and dissemination of film which reflects the aspirations of the mass of people in the Third World and advances the scope for racial, sexual, political, economic, linguistic, cultural, and religious liberation from oppression and domination. 6. The objectives of the Third World Filmmakers Association are as follows: (a) To explore, demand, pressurize, and lobby the funding bodies who could make available resources for the production, distribution, and exhibition of Third World film. (b) To establish an international network of financiers, producers, distributors, and exhibitors of Third World film. (c) To establish a center with library resources and facilities for cataloging, researching, analyzing, and criticizing the issues and concerns of Third World film and filmmaking. (d) To develop understanding of Third World film culture in respect of theory, representation of images, and perspectives and techniques of production and dissemination of Third World film. (e) To actively encourage Third World women to take control of the processes of production, distribution, and exhibition of film. (f) To recognize the emergence of a cinema concerned with Third World feminist perspectives. (g) To demand that all Third World filmmakers should critically assess the representation of women in the films they produce. (h) To create a subscribing membership to the organization. (i) To produce a newsletter which will reflect the activities and the objectives of the Association. (j) To promote Third World films by distribution and exhibition and to ensure proper payment to the filmmakers from such activities. (k) To create conditions for the support of emerging Third World filmmakers by way of funds, expertise, and advice. (l) To develop the means and skills of publicity and media coverage of Third World film. (m) To build and expand audience involvement and interest and to advance audience understanding and response to Third World film. (n) To make contact with support groups that advance the objectives of the Association. (o) To explore and develop contacts for coproduction opportunities for film. (p) To take up active opposition to state censorship and to publicize issues of oppression and censorship of Third World film

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and filmmakers in keeping with the aims and objectives of the Association. (q) To set out the parameters for excluding films which go against the aims and objectives of the Association. (r ) To organize seminars and international meetings periodically on the issues and concerns of Third World film and filmmaking and their distribution and exhibition. (s) To enable representatives to go to other Third World film events and to other cultural conferences for the purpose of promoting the interests of Third World film. (t) To raise resources and facilities for a regular festival of Third World film.

Note Originally published in GLC Race Equality Unit, “Third Eye: Struggle for Black and Third World Cinema,” (1986).

Declaration of the Media Conference of the Non-Aligned (NAMEDIA) New Delhi, India, December, 1983

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ffirming its faith in the indivisibility of peace, freedom, and justice, this first ever non-official conference of media personnel, professionals, and specialists from non-aligned countries, NAMEDIA, meeting in New Delhi in December 1983, calls upon fellow professionals to intensify their endeavour towards the establishment of an equitable world order of which a New International Economic Order and a New International Information and Communication Order are essential parts. At a time when the world is becoming one vast village as a result of a series of cascading technological revolutions, the very survival of humankind has come to depend on the subordination of outdated attitudes to the urgent need for understanding and cooperation on a global scale. Since by its very nature nonalignment cuts through all kinds of rivalries, it is only appropriate that media men and women from non-aligned countries rise above parochial loyalties and explore all possible avenues for promoting the cause of peace, freedom, and justice. The battle for freedom and justice, like that for peace, has to be fought and won in the minds of men. In this battle the role of the media is of crucial importance. It can hardly be over-emphasized. Like peace and justice, freedom too is multifaceted. It will not do any longer to emphasize one or other of its aspects at the cost of others. Media men and women—not just from non-aligned countries—must take cognisance of this reality if they are to win the battle which is universal in nature. Nations want independence, political and economic, and the right to live in peace behind secure frontiers without interference from outside so that they can shape the institutions best suited to their genius and needs. This is the meaning of national sovereignty which the five principles of Panchsila are designed to safeguard. The peoples fight for liberation from social, economic, and political constraints which have so far blighted their lives, and in this context, the continuation of efforts to decolonize information as conceived at the Lusaka Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1970, and elaborated thereafter by the Movement itself and in the UN and UN bodies like UNESCO, etc. is of paramount importance.

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Media persons are, of necessity, involved in all these struggles which the growing demand for a free and balanced flow of information basically stands for. They seek not only to correct the imbalances which the dominance of the western media has produced, and threatens to aggravate, in view of their rapidly increasing technological advantages, but also strive for widening their areas of freedom in their own countries. The Non-Aligned Movement is the product of a historical epoch, in which all peoples, in what has come to he known as the Third World, were engaged in the struggle for political freedom and economic justice, and against all forms of racial discrimination and oppression. It is, therefore, only natural that the struggle against the continuing western dominance in different walks of life should influence their thinking, attitudes, and policies. This is especially so because despite the near completion of the anticolonial revolution, economic and other disparities, due to the technological revolution, instead of being narrowed in recent years and decades, have alarmingly widened. But experience has also driven home the lesson, especially to media persons, that this global struggle for equality and justice has a domestic dimension as well. That is indeed why the emphasis has to be as much on balanced flow of information as on free flow of information. This NAMEDIA conference strongly feels that governments in non-aligned countries can and must do much more than they have done so far to increase the flow of information among their own people and among non-aligned countries. It is an unfortunate but undeniable fact that the level of cooperation among the media of different non-aligned countries remains low, both qualitatively and quantitatively. The Pool of News Agencies of Non-Aligned Countries, the Broadcasting Organization of Non-Aligned Countries and other regional systems represent significant expressions of the striving towards the New International Information and Communication Order. But much more needs to be done and can be done to promote this cooperation, which can also greatly strengthen the capacity of non-aligned countries to overcome the dominance of the western media. There has to be effective cooperation in the sphere of information and communication among non-aligned countries and efforts have to be made to upgrade and intensify exchanges and cooperation among their media. This NAMEDIA conference has been conceived in a spirit of international understanding bereft of partisanship. It seeks to promote a freer and more balanced flow of information. Its aim is to widen and strengthen the base of freedom of communication and to democratise it. This NAMEDIA conference, the first of its kind, must serve as a precursor to similar endeavors.

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Note Excerpted from “Final Report and Documents of NAMEDIA,” Media Conference of The Non-Aligned, New Delhi, February 1984.

Speech Delivered by Gaston Kaboré, Secretary General of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, at the Inauguration of the San Antonio de Los Baños International School of Cinema and Television

San Antonio de Los Baños, Cuba, December, 1986

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he Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) wishes to seize the unique opportunity offered by the inauguration of the International School of Cinema and Television to express its gratitude to all those who helped shape this wonderful achievement. Through my voice, all the filmmakers on the African continent wish to express their deepest gratitude: • to the Land and People of Cuba for their generous hospitality; • to the Commander-in-Chief of the Cuban Revolution, Comrade Fidel Castro, whose foresight, energy, and personal action were decisive for the success of this project; • to the New Latin American Cinema Foundation efficiently led by (Gabriel) García Márquez; • to Fernando Birri, Director of the School; • to all those who worked hard in the shadows.

This school is an invaluable asset to Third World Cinema; it will undoubtedly be a great place for dialogue between talents and creativities. Through the spirit and the rigor of the teaching that it will deliver, the School should enable students to free themselves from the ideological, technological, and economic standards that the dominant cinema wants to impose and give them the ability to break through the frontiers of imagination and creation. At no time should professors or students lose sight of their responsibility for the struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America to gain access to their own images, to the right to perceive and analyze their realities with their own eyes and their own awareness of their history and time.

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I wish long life, and above all, a constantly renewed youthfulness and dynamism to the School. May a new breath of inspiration—from San Antonio—blow on Third World Cinema. Long live the Cinema that grows and frees Man. Thank you. December 15, 1986

Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

FeCAViP Manifesto

Second Images Caraïbes Festival, Fort-de-France, Martinique, June, 1990

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e, producers, filmmakers, screenwriters, technicians, and actors of the second Images Caraïbes Festival 1990, being aware of the need to further develop the space within the Caribbean, for professional workers in film and video, reflecting our special needs, and after having made a deep analysis of our reality, acknowledging the importance of film, TV, and video, decided to give ourselves the means in order to obtain the conditions necessary for the realization of the expression of the professionals working in film and video. So together, we have to • Create, produce, distribute, and broadcast the works of our young Caribbean artists. • Contribute to the training of our young artists and technicians. • Collect, record, archive, and preserve our cultural heritage. • Overcome the existing linguistic, legal, technical, and commercial barriers. • Promote Caribbean cinema, video, and TV productions. • Develop the exchange of information between Caribbean professionals. • Establish relationships between all the associations and audiovisual events of the Caribbean and its diaspora. • Create new contacts with countries facing similar problems (in Africa, South America, for example). In order to achieve our goals, it has been decided a Federation be created which name will be Federation of Caribbean Audiovisual Professionals (FeCAViP).

Note Reprinted from “FeCAViP Manifesto (1990): Federation of Caribbean Audiovisual Professionals,” Black Camera 3, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 146.

Audiovisual Market Caught Between the Chances in the North and South-South Cooperation: Recommendations to African and Arab Filmmakers 13th Carthage Film Festival, Tunis, Tunisia, 1990

Recommendation 1

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aving in mind the fundamental declarations on the importance of culture, contained in various charters of international African and Arab political and cultural organizations. Taking into account the whole of the assets of reflection made by the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers [FEPACI] for two decades, considering the big changes that occurred in the world of the audiovisual, the colloquy held at Tunis during the 13th Cinematographic Days of Carthage1 (from October 26 to November 3, 1990) on the theme “the Arab-African audiovisual market in between the changes in the North and South-South cooperation” makes the following recommendations: 1) To the intention of African and Arab originators: exercise greater professionalism in their work, as far as the conception, the preparation, the production, and the direction of their works are concerned, be they full-length or short footages, fiction or documentaries, and always make sure to have, in a better case, the collaboration of other professionals, whose skills and know-how are necessary to them, and who are scriptwriters, actors, producers, distributors, sellers, and the promoting agents. 2) To the intention of the audiovisual training structures, present in Africa and the Arab world, to give a new priority to high quality training in the trades of scenario-making, acting, production, distribution, and the promotion of audiovisual products. 3) To the intention of national structures charged with the conception and management of cultural policies, and more particularly audiovisual policies, to be convinced of the necessity to work together with the professionals in order to set up economic, legislative, statutory measures, and incentive policies and look for appropriate solutions to handicaps which

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jeopardize the development of the expression, the production, the distribution, and the marketing of African and Arab audiovisual products. 4) To the intention of African and Arab ruling authorities: to become aware of the decisive aspect of audiovisual and take action as a result: a) by creating national and regional instruments for reflection and action, where the professionals will have the majority in representation; b) by introducing systematically an audiovisual chapter in the negotiations they undertake with the countries from the North and to demand reciprocal relationships in the opening of screens; c) to consider and sign coproduction agreements with the countries from the North; d) to put an end to a censorship which kills local creativity and places the territory and the national audience at the mercy of foreign products massively imported and authorized; e) to encourage, stimulate, and support the setting up of private, national, and regional companies and networks of cinematographic, televisual, and videographic production and distribution. 5) To the intention of critics and journalists, it would be good to consider yourselves as responsible components at the creators, producers, distributors, and sellers’ side, educators of the public and the states, in the African and Arab audiovisual movement right from tomorrow. 6) To the intention of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers, it is recommended the same way: a) to continue its activities of sensitization, explication, coordination, and research of active partnership, of information and pressure on all the professional, institutional, and decision-making components of the African and Arab audiovisual environment; b) to take the initiative in organizing, jointly with other actionmen, training periods and workshops for the various trades of audiovisual management; c) to take a specific action for scenario-writers’ training in the field of film and television, to investigate and look for the means to create a big review, meeting the expectations of the African audiovisual partners and which will become one of the leading elements in the setting up of a wide audiovisual movement in Africa;

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d) to always work for real improvement on the spot of the conditions of creation, production, and marketing of African and Arab audiovisual products. 7) To the intention of African and Arab writers and playwrights, it is lastly recommended to take a resolute interest in writing things for film and television.

Recommendation 2: A Strategy to Penetrate Countries from the North To encourage and facilitate the distribution of films from the South by televisions and movie-houses from the North, both at the cultural and economic level, we recommend the following decisions be taken:

1) Production • Encourage the signing of bilateral coproduction agreements with some European countries and Canada in order to have the coproduced films acquire a double nationality, making it possible for them to profit from the assistance and public funds granted to national films by each country. • To consider the film industry as a full economic product and make it part of all the international negotiations. • Require that the international television channels, willing to settle in a country from the South, dedicate a minimum per cent from their turnover to the production of films from the South. • Ask the international film production companies willing to shoot in the countries from the South or to coproduce, to bring about a real technology transfer to the local technicians. • To promote the collaboration between full-length film directors and television channels so that they can produce programs suitable for international television channels (creation documentaries, short film fiction . . .). • To encourage the offspring of regional or continental pooling for the promotion and marketing of Arab-African audiovisual products, the same way as EURO-M and TF1 (Tunisia Films International).

2) Distribution • Give the producers all the financial means to gather all the material necessary for promotion, to make their films known in the countries of the North, as much during the international

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festivals as with film distributors and televisions (press attaché, film copies 35mm, telecinema, videotape copies, synopsis in two languages at least, photographs, ad-clips on film videotape, extracts editing…). • To inform the directors about the Western television requirements and imperatives, and help them to understand the continuous technologic and economic evolutions of the global audiovisual landscape.

Recommendation 3: Internal Market and South-South Cooperation 1) Internal Market It is necessary to strengthen the distribution of the national audiovisual product on its own territory through the following measures: • To grant special facilities to local producers on their own territory, by increasing their commission on the cinema houses receipts by taking the taxes off, and initiating an obligation to program the national film on its own territory. • To grant the national product direct advertising and marketing promotion on the national television channel, by broadcasting clips inciting the public to go and see the film, from its commercial outgoing. • To stimulate national television to co-produce and co-finance the national film. • To encourage and consolidate film-lovers movements and the existence of film libraries.

2) South-South Cooperation The cinema trade in our regions, having become more and more private initiatives, it seems advisable to us to take incentive measures to encourage private distributors to acquire duties on the films from the South. These incentive measures could be taken through bilateral agreements between our countries for their reciprocal interests: • To warrant the acquisition of cultural duties of a film from the state to the local distributor once s/he buys a film from the South, and the acquisition of the same film by the national television, which would reduce the risks considerably. • To encourage coproduction standard agreements between our countries.

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• To urge the producers and directors from the South to use local industries and skills, or from the continent.

3) Cinematographic Events on the Continent The Cinematographic Days of Carthage and the Ouagadougou Festival (FESPACO) remain privileged tools for the promotion of audiovisual products of our continent.

The Colloquy Follow-Up During the colloquy organized at this JCC session, some participants voiced their apprehension to see the decisions and recommendations made during the colloquy remain a dead letter. It is true that since the JCC have been organizing conferences, dozen of recommendations remained, alas, professions of faith since they did not profit from the legislative and statutory framework, warrant for their implementation. Who’s at fault? No one and everyone in some way. To make up for it, one should hurry to set up one or more permanent structures to ensure the recommended follow-up in the various countries concerned. The tutelage ministries, the cinematographic organizations, and all the action-men in any field whatsoever would benefit a lot from setting up bills, regulations, and other forms of crystallizing the orientations wished and decided commonly after deep reflection. What’s the use of debates if the discussions do not yield concrete results in the sense of materializing objective ideas? And to come back to the colloquy held during this session, the methods proposed for North-South and South-South coproduction in the field of cinema and audiovisual would be effective only by means of legislative decisions or as an outcome of agreements between governments. This stresses the imperative necessity to make sure the follow-up structures of the colloquy recommendations will get going.

Notes Excerpted from “Editorial of the 13th Session of the JCC,” JCC Bulletin, no. 8, November 2, 1990. Reprinted with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI). 1. Otherwise called Carthage Film Festival (JCC).

Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Charter Australia, 1991

Introduction

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BS was established as an independent statutory authority on January 1, 1978, under the Broadcasting Act 1942. In 1991, the Special Broadcasting Service Act (SBS Act) came into effect and SBS became a corporation.

SBS Charter The SBS Charter, contained in the SBS Act, sets out the principal function of SBS. 1. The principal function of the SBS is to provide multilingual and multicultural broadcasting and digital media services that inform, educate, and entertain all Australians and, in doing so, reflect Australia’s multicultural society. 2. The SBS, in performing its principal function, must 3. contribute to meeting the communications needs of Australia’s multicultural society, including ethnic, Aboriginal, and Torres Strait Islander communities; and 4. increase awareness of the contribution of a diversity of cultures to the continuing development of Australian society; and 5. promote understanding and acceptance of the cultural, linguistic, and ethnic diversity of the Australian people; and 6. contribute to the retention and continuing development of language and other cultural skills; and 7. as far as practicable, inform, educate, and entertain Australians in their preferred languages; and 8. make use of Australia’s diverse creative resources; and 9. contribute to the overall diversity of Australian broadcasting and digital media services, particularly taking into account the

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contribution of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the community broadcasting sector; and 10. contribute to extending the range of Australian broadcasting and digital media services, and reflect the changing nature of Australian society, by presenting many points of view and using innovative forms of expression.

SBS Purpose SBS inspires all Australians to explore, respect, and celebrate our diverse world, and in doing so, contributes to a cohesive society.

Note Printed from https://www.transparency.gov.au/annual-reports/special-broadcasting-service-corporation/reporting-year/2019-20-2 under Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Australia (CC BY 3.0 AU) license.

Caribbean Film and Video Federation: A Report by June I. Givanni Curacao, March, 1992

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he Caribbean Film and Video Federation has been established by a group of Caribbean film professionals at a conference held in Curacao during 16–19 March 1992 (see Appendix 1). For the first time in the history of the Caribbean, a regional film and video organization designed to reflect the area’s multilingual character has come into being. The aim of the Federation is to promote the development of the regional film, video, and television industries within the Caribbean and as a creative force internationally. The objectives by which the Federation will achieve its aims are: 1. To facilitate the production of film and video by and about the Caribbean people. 2. To promote the training and professional development of its members. 3. To lobby and advocate in keeping with the demands of the Caribbean film and video industry. 4. To encourage the distribution and exhibition of the work of Caribbean film and videomakers. 5. To facilitate the exchange of information and the development of critical analysis of Caribbean cinema. 6. To establish centres for the documentation and preservation of Caribbean film history.

Background I. Geographical Definition of the Region The Caribbean region consists, for our purposes, of the following countries: The Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the British Virgin Islands, the US Virgin Islands, Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, St. Kitts and Nevis, Montserrat, Guadeloupe, French St. Martin, Martinique, Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago, Netherlands Antilles, Aruba, Mexico, Belize, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana, Antigua and Barbuda, Turks and Caicos Islands, Grenada. The countries

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hosting one or more groups of Caribbean origin (the Diaspora countries) such as the USA, France, Great Britain, Canada, The Netherlands, and such other countries as to be determined from time to time by the General Assembly, will also be selectively involved in the Federation.

II. History Since 1986, there have been ongoing discussions among Caribbean filmmakers about the importance of a Film and Video Federation for the Caribbean region. During the discussions in 1988 at the Images Caraibes Festival in Martinique, it became apparent that filmmakers had a mutual problem regarding the production and distribution of their films in the region. A proposal for a production center was made, and the need for basic research about existing facilities and resources was identified. Training and a database for regional and international networking were also highlighted as needs. Discussions continued in 1989 (Boston), 1990 (Huelva [Spain], Martinique, Puerto Rico), and 1991 (London, Paris), and were significantly advanced at the Images Caraibes conference in 1990 when the Manifesto was drafted. A small working group using Cosmic Illusions in Curacao and Amsterdam as a base raised funds and organized the two strategic events which led to the eventual establishment of the Federation. The 1992 conference was going to be decisive for the foundation of the Federation, its legal form and Articles of Association, so a preparatory meeting of a small group of filmmakers and associated colleagues—such as the Caribbean Broadcasting Union (CBU), the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), and the Foundation of Latin American Cinema (FNCLA)— was organized in October 1991 in Curacao. A short summary of the production and distribution situations in each island was presented at the Meeting, a plan of action was designed and after mutual consultation on existing models of different legal forms of Association, a preference was determined and a range of statutes provisionally agreed (see Appendix 3: Curacao Declaration). A legal adviser was present at this meeting and subsequently prepared the draft statutes.

III. Founding Conference The results of the October discussions were presented and further discussed at the Conference during 16–19 March 1992 in Curacao and the Caribbean Film and Video Federation came into being. The legal seat of the Federation is in Curacao. The preferred infrastructure for the Federation chosen by the General Conference is a centralized Secretariat which will have decentralized

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activities in different countries and on different islands, the latter to be directed by the Board. The Board of Directors consists of nine members elected on 19 March 1992. They are:

President Raoul Peck (Haiti), Film Director working in the Caribbean and in Europe.

Vice-President Norman De Palm (Curacao), Director of Cosmic Illusions Productions based in Curacao and in The Netherlands.

Treasurer Lennie Little-White (Jamaica), Director of Mediamix and President of the Jamaican Filmmakers Association.

Secretary June Givanni (UK/Guyana), Film Curator African and Caribbean film, British Film Institute, London.

Commissioners Ana Maria Garcia (Puerto Rico), Film Director, Founder and Director of Cine San Juan Film Festival. Alquimia Peña (Cuba), Foundacion de Nuevo Cine Latino Americana (Foundation of New Latin American Cinema, FNCLA). Franklyn St. Juste (Jamaica), Caribbean Institute of Mass Communication (CARIMAC) and Jamaican Filmmakers Association. Pedro Muñiz (Puerto Rico), Producer (Produccions Pedro Muniz). Bruce Paddington (Trinidad), Banyan Productions.

IV. Operation of the Federation The Secretary General of the Federation, Suzy Landau (Director of Images Caraibes, the Caribbean International Film Festival held in Martinique) has been charged with running the day-to-day operations of the Federation in accordance with the instructions, authority and directives given to her by the Board. She will be based at the Secretariat’s provisional location in Martinique. The Federation plans to raise finance through:

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a) Subscription fees and other contributions of members. b) Subsidies and donations by governments, non-governmental, national, and international organizations, as well as private enterprises and individuals. c) Proceeds from activities of the Federation. d) All other legally obtained finances.

V. Membership Applications for membership will be received by the Secretary General, approved by the Board, and ratified at the General Assembly. There are three types of membership: 1. Active Members—(individuals) with a voting right. 2. Associate Members—(organisations). They have no voting rights but do have the right to attend meetings of the General Assembly and to speak thereat. 3. Honorary Members—chosen for their exceptional merits with regard to the Federation and/or the development of the Caribbean film and/or video industry. They are so designated by the General Assembly. Only Honorary Members who are at the same time Active Members have the right to vote. The inaugural meeting of the Federation will be held during the Images Caraïbes Film Festival in Martinique from 11–20 June 1992. The Federation hopes to infuse new energy into the existing film and video industry in the Caribbean, and to expand the possibilities for Caribbean film and videomakers locally and internationally.

Appendix 1: Founding Conference Participants, Curacao (16–19 March 1992) Horace Ové (Trinidad/UK) Anancy Films Bruce Paddington (Trinidad) Banyan Productions June Givanni (UK/Guyana) Film Curator African & Caribbean Film (British Film Institute, London), Coordinator of Curacao Conference & Festival

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Claire Prieto (Canada/Trinidad) Black Film & Video Network Gloria Lowe (Guyana) Gloria Lowe Productions Franklyn St. Juste (Jamaica) Caribbean Institute of Mass Communication (CARIMAC) and Jamaican Filmmakers Association Lennie Little-White (Jamaica) Mediamix and Jamaican Filmmakers Association Menelik Shabazz (Barbados/UK) Ceddo Film & Video Alquimia Peña (Cuba) Foundacion de Nuevo Cine Latino Americano (FNCLA) Rosa Maria Govira Garcia (Cuba) Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematrografico (ICAIC) Pedro Muñiz (Puerto Rico) Productions Pedro Muniz Agliberto Melendez (Dominican Republic) Producciones Testimonio Louis Kilkenny (USA/Guyana) Film Director Victor Nieto (Colombia) Director, Festival de Cine Cartegna Raoul Peck (Haiti/Germany/France) Film Director Suzy Landau (Martinique) Director of Images Caraibes, Film Curator, Co-ordinator of Curacao Conference

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Norman De Palm (Curacao/Holland) Producer, Coordinator of Curacao Conference and Festival Felix De Rooy (Curacao/Holland) Film Director—Cosmic Illusion Alexander Jansse (Holland) Coordinator of Curacao Conference and Festival Willy Westermann (Holland) Coordinator of Curacao Conference and Festival Michael New (Venezuela) Film Director Carol Laws (Guyana) Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Reina Joe (Curacao) Bright Ideas & Services NV Corrie van Heijningen (Curacao) Film Director Mavis Albertina (Curacao) Studio Ten Productions Marcel van der Plank (Curacao) Lawyer Jacqueline De Foix (Martinique) French Translator Indra Mootoo (Curacao) Spanish Translator

Appendix 3: Curacao Declaration We, professionals of Cinema of the Caribbean and the Diaspora, meeting for the Curacao Conference in accordance with the Manifesto of Fort De France which expressed our wish to develop our audiovisual sector, have today:

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Defined the specific objectives of our action. Made a definitive decision to create the Federation of Caribbean professionals of Film and Video. Fixed the constitutional meeting to officially establish the Federation and to ratify its statutes in March 1992. By these decisions we affirm our wish to contribute to the development of the cultural identity of the region. Curacao, 19 October 1991 Terry Holder (Guyana/Barbados) Carol Laws (Jamaica) Roberto Padron (Cuba) Raoul Peck (Haiti/Berlin) Bruce Paddington (Trinidad) Greg Germain (Guadeloupe/Paris) Suzy Landau (Martinique) June Givanni (Guyana/London) Alquimia Peña (Cuba) Norman De Palm (Curacao/Holland) Jackie De Foix (Martinique) Alexander Jansse (Curacao/Holland)

Note Originally published as June I. Givanni, “Caribbean Film and Video Federation: A Report by June I. Givanni,” Framework: The Journal of Cinema and Media 38/39 (1992): 156– 165. Reprinted with the permission of the author. This document is abridged (Appendix 2: The FECAVIP Manifesto has been omitted since it also appears earlier in this volume).

Working Group: Women in Cinema, Television, and Video Workshop

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, February 1993

Remarks of the Secretary General of FEPACI to the attention of the Fifth Congress on February 22, 1993.

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t the twelfth FESPACO an autonomous and specific Working Group was established at the meeting, “Women, Cinema, Television and Video in Africa.” The mandate of this working group is to accelerate the integration of professional women from all levels of the filmmaking process; since after a half century of African cinema, there is an insufficiency of their presence and representation in the film industry. FEPACI was invited to provide a suitable framework of reflection and action. The Working Group would like to use the context of the Fifth FEPACI Congress in order to draw people’s attention to women’s participation in the development of cinema and the audiovisual in Africa. The Group encourages FEPACI to employ a constructive policy for both training and ongoing collaborations. At the present, the Group urges FEPACI to accept the commitment to guarantee the material and moral rights for women professionals in cinema, television, and video, as well as develop a new framework for better interprofessional relationships. Furthermore, the Women’s Working Group will soon elaborate a project for guidelines for African professionals in cinema, television, and video, both women and men, which will be submitted to FEPACI. The Working Group’s request to FEPACI is to provide material and logistic support for the provisional bureau’s first meeting to be held within six months, in order to formulate constitutive actions for the association. This is deemed necessary since at the regional and international level, the bureau’s ability to carry out concrete tasks has been seriously hampered by lack of means and the difficulties of communication. A feasibility study regarding the plans for organizing the meeting will be sent to FEPACI in the coming weeks. Guided by the same idea, which is the development of Africa through the moving image, we hope to be able to rely on your solidarity.

Resolution of the Plenary of the Seventh Pan-African Congress

Resolution No. 8: On Women in Pan-Africanism (Arising from the Women’s Pre-Congress Meeting) Kampala, Uganda, April 2–3, 1994

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ware that women make up more than half of the Pan-African world and are therefore an important constituency for Pan-Africanism; Considering that women, individually and collectively, are part and parcel of the Pan-African movement; The Seventh Pan-African Congress resolves: 1. To support the initiative by the women who attended the PreCongress meeting to establish a Pan-African women’s movement in order to follow up the initiative of that meeting and the resolutions of the Seventh Pan-African Congress so as to ensure that African women are equal partners in the Pan-African movement. 2. To adopt the women’s demand that a Women’s Section be constituted within the PAC Secretariat to service women and gender concerns. 3. To support the women’s call for an international Women’s Coordinating Committee which would be responsible for guiding and supporting the Women’s Section of the Secretariat and facilitate the development of women’s wings in sub-regional groups. 4. To adopt and actively pursue the principle of at least fifty percent full and equal membership together with at least fifty percent allocation of the financial and other resources on the international, regional, sub-regional, and local structures of the Pan-African movement. 5. To accept the women’s call for rooting the Pan-African movement in our African culture. To this end, an emblem and anthem be created which reflect and embrace this new empowered Pan-African spirit. 6. To work actively towards the convening of the Women’s Summit which will evaluate progress made so far, consolidate networking and, together with their brothers, lay new strategies for the future.

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7. To support the women’s condemnation of and demand for apologies from all writers and advertisers who depict African women in a derogatory manner, and call for the establishment of an ongoing committee to encourage the positive portrayal of African women in literature and all aspects of societal interaction.

Note This is an excerpt from “Resolutions of the Plenary of the 7th Pan-African Congress, Kampala, 1994,” African Journal of Political Science / Revue Africaine De Science Politique 1, no. 1 (1996): 113–33.

Pan-African Union of Women of the Moving Image (UPAFI): Constitution and Statutes Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, February–March, 1995

Title I - Aims and Objectives Article 1 Promotes unions pursuing cultural, scientific, and economic objectives, it is hereby established an association of all African women, working in cinema, television, and video.

Article 2 This association shall be called Pan-African Women in Movies, known by its acronym as UPAFI. It is affiliated to the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI) as associate member.

Article 3 The Union shall be endowed with a moral and legal personality.

Article 4 The headquarters shall be located in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, by the congress and may be transferred to any member country in Africa in accordance with the provisions of the present constitution and statutes.

Article 5 The aims of the federation are: a) To bring together all African women in movies, without any distinction of race or religious beliefs. b) To be devoted to the development of the cinematographic culture and the promotion of films made by women, to the improvement of the image of the African woman, to enhance the

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e) f) g) h) i) j) k)

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value of the African woman in the film industry, and to the promotion of African cinema and its inclusion in the fields of education, to reinforce the social, economic, and cultural independence of the African people. To promote the spirit of solidarity among the African women filmmakers so that they defend their moral, professional, and political interest together. To assist the establishment and the improvement of the technical infrastructures in Africa such as: laboratories, editing facilities, and sound studios, etc., and to promote the usage of the infrastructure already available in some African countries through negotiations aimed to obtain special fares and credits in favor of boosting the film production in Africa. To participate effectively and to assist in organizing inter-African cinematographic manifestations. To seek solutions through inter-African cooperation and offer its service in resolving any differences that may arise among its members. To cooperate in undertaking film production in keeping with the spirit of actual solidarity and adopt a standard agreement on joint film production among African countries. To work towards the promotion, distribution, and utilization of African film throughout the African continent and in the world. To promote an unimpeded and tax-free circulation of women films in the continent. To strive at all costs to decolonize our screens. To make African and international partners become interested in every aspect of the development of the African cinema, particularly women films.

Article 6 For this purpose, the Pan-African Union of Women in Movies shall use all research resources or undertake any action. It shall in particular: a) Collect and update all documents and conduct research in all fields of interest to cinema, television, and audiovisual production in general. b) May acquire movable and immovable property in the pursuit of its objectives. c) Create permanent services and hire qualified staff to fulfill administrative, financial, and technical duties.

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Article 7 The Union shall be composed of active members, associate members, and honorary members.

Article 8 a) Active members are: - National associations of women in movies from each African country struggling for its épanouissement [blossoming]. - Women filmmakers or women filmmakers’ groups from an African country in accordance with the provisions under Article 11 of the present statute. b) Honorary member is any distinguished person who has contributed to African cinema morally and materially and which has been declared so by Congress.

Article 9 For associations, individual filmmaking groups, or member institutions, the qualified representative shall make a written application to the General Coordinator of the Union.

Article 10 The adhesion of an individual as an active member shall be directly done by himself through a written application sent to the Union. The latter registers and sends him an acknowledgement and immediately informs all the Union’s active members.

Article 11 A professional woman filmmaker shall be considered as any one officially recognized as such by her national association of professional filmmakers; as for active members individually accepted within the Union, any person meeting the criteria requested by the Association of the country in which the Union Bureau is established. A professional woman actor shall be considered as anyone officially recognized as such by her national associations of professional actors; as for active members individually accepted within the Union, any person meeting the criteria requested by the association of the country in which the Union Bureau is established.

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Article 12 a) Any cinema organization or national cultural organization, be it African or international may be admitted into the Union as an associate member. The admission of an associate member must be recommended by the Regional Bureau. The Congress may include by absolute majority a point in its agenda even if it did not receive any recommendation from the Executive Bureau. A decision to admit an Associate member would be passed by absolute majority. b) Any conclusion may be decided in the same conditions.

Article 13 Application for membership by any associate member must be brought to the attention of the members prior to the Union Congress.

Article 14 Honorary members The title of honorary members may be given to personalities who gave African women films moral or material support to be evaluated by the Congress only.

Title II - Rights and Obligations Article 15 Any active member must: a) b) c) d)

Abide by the present statutes Regularly pay the dues decided by the Congress Give their effective support to UPAFI for the achievement of its aims Attend all the meetings of the Union.

Article 16 Any active member of the Union has the right: a) To elect or be elected at any position of responsibility according to the criteria set up by the organization. b) To freely express his ideas during the meetings, do criticism tending to improve the Union, or to draw the attention of the said authorities on all opposition to the stature.

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c) By her adhesion to the present statute, any member acknowledges to the Union, a corporate body to represent professional women filmmakers and their national associations to the Pan-African and international authorities.

Article 17 The duty of every member of the Union is: a) To struggle actively to safeguard the Union’s interest; b) To respect the statutes, and let it be respected punctiliously, and the organic discipline of the Union; c) To look after solidarity, the militant cohesion, and to work permanently to reinforce the moral and political authority of the Union; d) To know and let the programs of action of the Union be known; e) To work in her country in order to obtain a subsidy for the Union and have government support for UPAFI request for subsidy from international organizations in which her country is represented; f) To strive for the unity of the continent and the eradication of conflicts based on race, religion, or language.

Article 18 The membership of the Union is lost in the following conditions: a) Resignation; b) Suspension for non-payment of the contributions; c) Serious offense known by the majority of members of the Regional Bureau; d) Serious violation of the spirit of the present statute; e) Usurpation of the Union’s prerogative.

Title III - Organizational Structures Article 19 The organs of UPAFI are - The Congress - The General Assembly - The Regional Council

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Article 20 The structure of UPAFI is as follows: a) b) c) d) e) f)

Active members in their individual capacity; Groups of professional women in movies; National Associations of women in movies; Regional Councils; Executive Bureau; Federal Bureau.

Article 21 The General Assembly is held once or twice a year. It is convened by the Executive Bureau. That General Assembly may meet in any independent African country, particularly countries hosting a festival.

Article 22 The Regional Council is a consultative comprising the Regional Secretary, Deputy Regional Secretary(ies), Regional Treasurer, and the Chairmen of the National Associations within the region. This Council must meet at least once a year.

Article 23 a) The Congress is the supreme body of the Union; b) It gathers every four years in ordinary session, summoned by the outgoing Bureau, to renew the bodies of the Union and to debate all questions that are prerogatives and competence of the Union; c) The Congress is summoned in extraordinary session for specific reason either by the General Coordinator or at the request of two Regional Secretaries or of two thirds of the active members. The Executive Bureau gives the reasons of any extraordinary Congress.

Title VI - To Be Valid Article 24 a) To be valid, the Congress must be attended by an absolute majority of duly mandated delegates, of active members who have respected their statutory obligation between the various sessions; if there is no quorum, a second Congress must be summoned in time within the following six months.

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The decisions of this second Congress will be valid whatever the number of members present or represented. b) The summons must be done by way of a registered letter or a telecopy, at least two months prior to the fixed date of the Congress.

The Congress is made up of: Article 25 a) One delegate per active member duly elected by her national association or to the group to which she belongs; b) Board members who don’t have the right to vote; c) Associated members, honorary members, and guests considered as observers.

Article 26 All active members must be represented to the sessions of the Congress by one delegation or one representative of another association.

Article 27 Any elected delegate may not stand for more than one vote in addition to her.

Article 28 The agenda of the Congress’s ordinary meeting must contain: a) The checking of the terms; b) The study of the internal regulation of the Congress; c) The Auditor or Auditor’s report of the last fiscal year as well as the full discharge issued to the Treasurer; d) The Executive Bureau and Regional Bureau report of activities; e) Study of the proposed activities submitted by the outgoing Bureau; f) Adoption of the incoming Bureau; g) Determination of the amount of the dues; h) The fixing of the date and venue of the next ordinary session of the Congress; i) The election of the governing bodies; j) Any other questions considered to be relevant by the Congress.

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Article 29 An agenda specifying the reasons why the Congress is summoned shall be prepared by the General Coordinator who shall submit it to the Congress for approval.

Article 30 The decisions of the Congress binding all the members of UPAFI immediately enforceable.

The Pan-African Bureau Article 31 a) The Pan-African Bureau is elected by the Congress by a simple majority of the expressed votes and for a four-year term; b) It is in charge of the implementation of the recommendations and decisions of the Congress which elected it.

Article 32 The Pan-African Bureau is composed as follows: a) An Executive Bureau composed of: • One General Coordinator elected by the congress and proposed or with the agreement of its National Association (The General Coordinator must be a filmmaker); • Five Executive Secretaries by majority vote; • One Treasurer General who must come from the host country. b) Six Regional Secretaries elected by the National Associations gathered according to their regions and inducted by the Congress. Each of them is in charge of the administration of its region and must report to the Executive Bureau. c) The headquarters of the Regional Secretariats are located in the country of residence of the Regional Secretaries except otherwise specified by the Executive Bureau. d) The Regional Headquarters can be transferred anywhere in the region on the decision of the Congress in pursuance with the provisions of the present statutes.

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Title V - Regional Divisions Article 33 The regions are divided as follows: a) Northern Region (Seven Countries): Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mauritania, Tunisia, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, Morocco. b) Western Region Zone One (Seven Countries): Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Niger, Nigeria, Togo. c) Western Region Zone Two (Eight Countries): Cape Verde, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Senegal, Sierra Leone. d) Central Region (Ten Countries): Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Zaïre. e) Eastern Region (Eleven Countries): The Comoro Islands, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania. f) Southern Region (Eleven Countries): Afrique du sud, Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe, South Africa.

Title VI – Definitions and Functions of the Members of the Federal Bureau Article 34 The General Coordinator: a) She is the moral, legal, and political authority of the Union. She oversees and is responsible for its expenditure; b) She is the custodian of the congressional instruments; c) She oversees the implementation of the decisions, recommendations, and orientations taken by the Congress; d) She coordinates and supervises all the activities of the Federal Bureau; e) She convenes the ordinary general meeting on the occasion of the festivals of African films, and convenes the extraordinary meetings in pursuance with the provisions of this Constitution;

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f) She convenes the sessions of the Congress as defined in articles 23, 24, 25, 26, and 27 of the former Constitution; g) She convenes the Federal Bureau and defines its agenda; h) She can delegate responsibility to any of the Regional Secretaries to carry out a specified task; i) Her action is jointly conducted with the Regional Secretary and the Chairman of the National Association concerned with regional matters; j) She can in writing entrust an Association or an active member of the Federation with a particular task, within their authorities.

Article 35 Regional Secretaries are each responsible in her region for: a) Gathering any information related to training; b) Determining the needs for training; c) Following up and carrying out training projects and documenting their evaluation; d) Gathering any information related to production and distribution organization and identification, liable to help African women filmmakers in the production and distribution of their films; e) Distribution, follow-up, and carrying out of programs aiming at promoting African women cinema; f) Promoting and managing relations between all the festivals through the world in order to strengthen African women film presence.

Article 36 The Regional Secretary a) She represents the General Coordinator of the Union to the countries of the region affiliated with UPAFI which elected her; b) She passes on to the National Associations of the region the documents or information which are sent to her by the General Coordinator of the Union; c) She collects the information and documents of the members of the region and passes them on to the General Secretariat of the Union; d) She draws and coordinates, in agreement with the national associations of the region, a plan of activity for the blossoming of

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African women cinema in pursuance with the principles and orientations of the Union; e) The Regional Secretary convenes the Regional Bureau meetings at regular intervals, but not less than once every two years.

Article 37 The Treasurer General is responsible for keeping the accounts of UPAFI and the execution of the accounting operations authorized by the General Coordinator. a) She ensures the correct implementation of the budget of the Regional Secretariats and the Executive Bureau. She also signs the accounts of UPAFI. b) She ensures and verifies the implementation of projects initiated by and for UPAFI. c) She receives contributions, donations, and bequeathments.

Article 38 The Executive Bureau is empowered to secure the services of an auditor based in Africa in order: a) To establish an annual financial and accounting report of the Union; b) To evaluate projects initiated by or for the Union annually. An audit is to be carried out annually. An international tender for services is called for by the Executive Bureau in order to select an auditor.

Article 39 Should the position of Regional Secretary become vacant, and the region does not have a Deputy Regional Secretary, then the Regional Council is required to elect a replacement in accordance with this constitution and the rules of procedure.

Article 40 The election of the Federal Bureau is made in accordance with the Congress rules of procedure.

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Article 41 English, French, Portuguese, and Arabic are the working languages at the Union level. During Congress, the Federal Bureau will make a choice according to the needs and means of the circumstance.

Title VII - Resources Article 42 The resources of the Federation are made up of: a) b) c) d) e) f)

The contributions of its active members; The contributions of its associate members; The subscriptions; The donations, subsidies, and aids; The contributions of the honorary members; The products of the events organized under the care of the PanAfrican Union of Women in Movies; g) The marketing of its works; h) The incomes generated from its activities.

Article 43 Payment of the contributions is due right at the beginning of the financial year.

Article 44 The budget and the accounts of the Union are set up in the currency of the headquarters’ country. The Union may keep its banking accounts in any currency, the use of which is deemed by the Executive Bureau.

Article 45 Members’ contributions and various contributions can be paid to the account of the Union in one or several banks that will be retained by the Secretary at the Treasury in accordance with the Executive Bureau.

Article 46 The Pan-African Union of Women in Movies respects its commitment to third parties to the amount of its assets.

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Article 47 The financial year starts on January 1 and ends on December 31 of the same year.

Title VIII - General Agreements Article 48 Proposals for the dissolution can be decided in only an extraordinary Congress especially convened for this purpose. Convenings followed by proposals should be sealed and registered two months prior to the date set for this session.

Article 49 The liquidation of the Union cannot be legitimately decided upon by the Congress unless the majority of the statutory members are present or represented. The majority means three quarters of the expressed votes.

Article 50 If there is no majority, another extraordinary meeting shall be summoned within a time limit of two months minimum and six months maximum. Its decisions shall then be enforceable, whatever the number of delegates or representatives.

Article 51 In case of a liquidation, the Congress may appoint a liquidation panel. The panel shall be assisted by at least three persons chosen among the active members of the Pan-African Women in Movies and acting as advisers. Following the proceedings of the Congress, the net assets resulting from this liquidation shall be allotted to one or more African institution having the same objectives as the Pan-African Women in Movies.

Article 52 The Pan-African Women in Movies is created for an unlimited period of time.

Article 53 The present statutes may be revised, modified, or amended by the Congress only.

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Article 54 In case of disagreement, only the tribunals of the headquarters’ country shall be competent.

Article 55 The texts of these present statutes having been drafted in French and translated into English, the original text shall be the only reference in case of disagreement. Union Panafricaine des Femmes de l’Image (UPAFI)

Members of the Bureau - OUEDRAOGO Aminata, General Coordinator, Senegal - ATTIA REVEILL Kahéna, Regional Coordinator, Northern Africa, Tunisia - AKOTO DUAH Alexandra, Regional Coordinator, Western Africa, Ghana - BAGILISHYA Chantal, Coordinator, Diaspora, France - MUNGAI Anne, Regional Coordinator, Southern Africa, Kenya - MENGUE-BEKALE Rose Elise, Regional Coordinator, Central Africa, Gabon - BULANE-HOPA Seipati, Coordinator, Diaspora, London - AGEH-WATERMAN Juanita, Coordinator, Diaspora, London - KOUROUMA Suzanne, Treasurer General, Burkina Faso

Note This document is published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

The Genesis of Black Brazilian Cinema, or “Dogma Feijoada” Jeferson De, São Paulo, Brazil, November 1999

1. The movie must be directed by a black Brazilian filmmaker; 2. The main character must be a black person; 3. The subject of the movie must be connected to Brazilian black culture; 4. The production should have an executable schedule; 5. Stereotyped characters—either black or not—are forbidden; 6. Super-heroes or villains should be avoided; 7. The script should favor the Brazilian common black person.

Figure 1. Jeferson De, Brazilian filmmaker and author of the Dogma Feijoada Manifesto. Public domain.

Note Originally published as Jeferson De, “The Genesis of Black Brazilian Cinema: Dogma Feijoada Manifest,” São Paulo, Brazil: 2000.

Tunis Declaration for the Defense of National Cinemas

Resolutions and Recommendations of the Carthage Film Festival International Symposium, “Cinemas of the South and the Challenges of Globalization” Tunis, Tunisia, 1999

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t the time various negotiations and renegotiations are being carried out on the globalization of trade and investment (GATT, AMI, and soon “Year 2000 ROUND’’ . . .), a great number of European countries, joined by Canada, have firmly opposed the inclusion of culture and intellectual and artistic creation, and in particular the audiovisual sector, in these upcoming free trade agreements, on pain of seeing all legislative systems which support and protect this creation disappear. This would result in condemning the expression of the identity and cultural specificities of each nation whose artistic creations would henceforth be considered as and their creator just “one investor” among others. This would also result in replacing—in many areas—the sovereignty of States by the sovereignty of big multinational companies. What is at stake today is the survival and promotion of the cinema and audiovisual industry of the South, particularly that of our African and Arab countries, considered as a means of expressing the various cultural identities of these countries. Indeed, with a few exceptions, most African and Arab cinemas lack real and sufficiently organized national and regional markets to make their films profitable. These films almost exclusively owe their existence to state subsidies supplemented by financing and coproductions from third parties, particularly European countries. For our countries, since almost no film production is supported by the market alone, not claiming “Cultural Exception” in agreements signed with countries of the North would be even more devastating than in the North, since globalization agreements would irreversibly end any potential state support to national productions. Our purpose is not to demonize globalization of international trade. We just wish to advocate a logic of regulation, and to defend a fragile sector

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that promotes issues that are vital to us, such as the expression of our cultural identities. We must again and again defend the idea that trade liberalization should not apply to goods that carry cultural identity, such as the audiovisual sector, a sector which must be included as an exception in agreements that will be signed by our countries at the regional and international levels. Therefore, We, the Participants in the symposium, express the following recommendations:

Audiovisual and “Cultural Expression” The participants in the symposium call for vigilance on the part of the representatives of African and Arab countries who will take part in future international economic negotiations, in particular in the “YEAR 2000 ROUND” of the World Trade Organization, in December 1999. We ask them to exclude the audiovisual sector from the liberalization measures that would be adopted, taking into account all new audiovisual production and distribution technologies in the world. The participants in the Symposium request, that within each Ministry of the Economy of the countries involved, one official be designated to act as a contact person for the Associations of Audiovisual Professionals, for the purpose of sharing of information on the timetables and the stakes of international economic negotiations.

For an Organization of National Audiovisual Markets In view of the various legal statuses of the audiovisual sector in our countries—knowing that in some cases national cinema is disappearing—it is absolutely urgent to organize each market at national and then regional level, in order to support the development of the various audiovisual sectors. The citizens of our countries cannot be increasingly condemned to be passive consumers of images and cultures from elsewhere. The right to their own image is a political, economic, and cultural right. The intervention of the State as a stimulator and regulator, which remains essential to production, must have two essential objectives: on the one hand, support creative activity and, on the other hand, contribute to the structuring and viability of private film and television production companies. This will result into a balanced economy in which the sector no longer depends solely on State subsidies but is supported by a global audiovisual market organized for this purpose. And this will be achieved

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in particular by the contribution of any image broadcaster (national or private, or foreign) working on the territory concerned—to the financing of the national audiovisual. In order to be fruitful, audiovisual support mechanisms must be based on at least four important elements of the creators: • A strong State, capable of enacting any necessary laws and enforcing them. • Economic agents with viable businesses. • Professional organizations that are responsible and listened to, for a role of expertise, vigilance, and proposal. • The measures to be taken must both accompany the market by structuring it and correct it by regularly allowing new talents to have access to it. If organized in a balanced way, audiovisual markets will be able to cooperate fully and effectively at regional and international levels.

For a Reform of North-South Cooperation At a time when our national audiovisual sectors are facing risks, faced with the challenges of a globalization whose agreements would be irreversible, there is an urgent need not only to develop South-South cooperation between markets that would finally be organized, but also to reform existing NorthSouth cooperation: First, by including the support to cultural industries in agreements where it does not appear. Second, by setting up medium-term structuring programs that help to structure the entire audiovisual sector, so that the current support to productions be supplemented by genuine aid for the organization of markets, which will support their own works, taking into account all current and future technologies. Everyone knows that many northern cinemas, particularly in Europe and Quebec, feel their identity is in jeopardy in the face of an all-powerful Hollywood cinema whose growing expansionism in their markets they fear. Today, our partners in the North are eventually aware of a struggle that has always been ours, namely the defense of our cultural identities through film and audiovisual media. We tell them that it is time for us to move on to a concrete form of solidarity. This solidarity involves direct support for the viability of films and the cinematographic and audiovisual structures of our countries in a genuine cultural and economic partnership.

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For us, there is no true national sovereignty without cultural sovereignty. The audiovisual sector is one of the most effective tools for the affirmation of this cultural sovereignty. Thus, instead of being used to impose a dominant cultural model, the audiovisual sector will be able, on the contrary, to better defend the diversity of human cultures and the beautiful idea of the right of each culture to self-determination and to organize its exchanges with other cultures in a fair and egalitarian manner.

Note Published with the permission of the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

Dakar Declaration on the Promotion of ACP Cultures and Cultural Industries Dakar, Senegal, June, 2003

I. Preamble

W

e, Ministers of Culture of the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, meeting in Dakar, Senegal on 20th June 2003,

1. Recognizing that the ACP is an association of States with shared realities of historical and cultural experiences, and that these realities include those of cultural pluralism and diversity, of domination and oppression, as well as of peoples struggling for reaffirmation and reclamation of identities; 2. Recognizing further, the importance played historically by culture in the survival and continued existence of our societies, because of the role of culture in identity formation, social cohesion, and stability; 3. Noting that our societies still experience painful dislocations, conflicts, and poverty as a result of structural adjustment and the challenges of globalization; 4. Recalling the principles enshrined in the Santo Domingo and Nadi Declarations on the role of culture as an essential factor in the sustainable development of ACP States and Regions; 5. Promoting the importance of culture as a preferred tool for reinforcing the principles of development, unity, and solidarity governing the ACP Group; 6. Noting that culture is one of the most effective tools of sustainable development and contributes to the maintenance of peace and security; 7. Stressing the importance accorded to cultural development in the Cotonou Agreement, particularly Article 27, which is based on the acquis of the Third and Fourth Lome Conventions, as well as the mandate given by the ACP Heads of State and Government to undertake any action aimed at promoting and implementing intraACP cultural projects and programmes;

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8. Reaffirming our commitments to the principles enshrined in the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity and the international instruments issued by UNESCO and other organizations competent in cultural matters; 9. Emphasizing that the diversity and richness of contemporary and traditional ACP cultures must be preserved by the promotion of dialogue, shared universal values, mutual understanding and awareness to reinforce peace, unity, and solidarity among the ACP States; 10. Promoting dialogue on culture and diverse culture expressions and values within the context of globalization; 11. Devoting our 1st Meeting to examining key issues for the promotion and protection of ACP cultures and the contribution of cultural industries to the development of ACP States and Regions; 12. Ensuring that intellectual property rights are respected and enforced in the field of culture; 13. Acknowledging the potential of enterprises involved in culture and their contribution to sustainable economic development and the fight against poverty; 14. Recognizing the impact that ACP States can have on the global cultural economy when they share one vision and a common strategy; 15. Noting that globalization constitutes both an opportunity and a challenge to the preservation of cultural diversity and the promotion of cultures; 16. Acknowledging the reinforcement and importance of appropriate legislation and an enabling legal environment for the promotion of culture; 17. Recognizing the important contributions that information and communication technologies (ICTs) can make in the field of culture and socio-economic development, and in particular to the promotion of cultural industries; 18. Recalling that NEPAD constitutes a key framework for cooperation of the development for Africa, which is also recognized by the international community in Resolution 57/2 of the General Assembly of the United Nations; Hereby declare as follows to:

II. Cultural Policies 19. Commit to formulate an ACP cultural policy, taking into account existing national and regional policies to serve as a common nexus

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that reflects and incorporates the peculiarities and distinctiveness, cultural diversity, social, economic, and historical realities of ACP States; 20. Encourage ACP States and their regional integration organizations, in consultation with Non-State Actors, to develop and implement, where they do not exist, national and regional cultural policies and legislations designed to, inter alia, promote the cultures of ACP States, enforce international conventions on the protection and preservation of cultural heritage, to stimulate creativity, production, and the exchange of cultural goods and services; 21. Urge ACP States to collaborate and cooperate with relevant international institutions in the debate and negotiations on the creation of an International Instrument on Cultural Diversity, aimed at ensuring cultural pluralism in the global arena, and providing the basic rules for the treatment of cultural goods and services in international trade agreements; 22. Encourage all ACP States to participate actively in ACP national and regional networks, as well as international networks such as the International Network on Cultural Policy (INCP), particularly by ensuring participation at the Ministerial level; 23. Promote dialogue to ensure coherent and complementary culture and trade policies; 24. Urge ACP States to develop and implement policies based on the prevention of conflicts and a culture of peace; 25. Facilitate the conduct of studies at the national and regional levels, to identify and document the economic contribution of cultural industries; 26. Urge ACP States to develop common cultural vision and strategies to take full advantage of the opportunities of globalization;

III. Cultural Heritage 27. Acknowledge the critical importance of protecting the environment, natural, tangible and intangible cultural heritage, including languages, know-how, and values in ACP States and Regions, as defined by UNESCO; 28. Recognize the urgent need to carry out an inventory of tangible and intangible cultural assets in ACP States and Regions, both as a basis for planning strategies and also as capital for economic development;

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29. Support measures aimed at sensitizing and engaging ACP populations in the protection and management of their cultural heritage, particularly through formal education processes and activities conducted by various social groups; 30. Support ongoing education of ACP populations, through our various educational institutions on the value and importance of culture, cultural heritage, and expressions; 31. Urge ACP States to collaborate and cooperate on national, regional, and international efforts aimed at promoting the return and restitution of cultural goods illegally appropriated to ACP States of origin, as well as on efforts to counter illicit trafficking in cultural property; 32. Urge also ACP States to enhance the value of cultural heritage by associating and involving the peoples directly concerned in cultural development; 33. Encourage the promotion of cultural heritage through the establishment of secured reserves, museums, and conservatories; 34. Urge the widest dissemination of studies and research on cultural heritage; 35. Urge also ACP States to ratify and implement International Conventions on the protection and preservation of Cultural Heritage; 36. Invite ACP partners to support NEPAD as a common framework for a new partnership for the development of Africa within the cultural context; 37. Support actions and activities in favor of the potential contributions of tourism to culture as well as measures that prevent the possible devastating effects on the national cultures of ACP States; 38. Sustain initiatives designed to preserve, protect, and develop traditional, contemporary, and popular cultural skills and expressions. In this context, we support the adoption of an International Convention for the preservation of Intangible Cultural Heritage by UNESCO, and further welcome initiatives such as the adoption of the Regional Framework for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Expressions of Culture by the Ministers of Culture of the Pacific Region; 39. Consider that the future International Convention on Intangible Cultural Heritage must receive the same support as the International Convention of 1972 on Cultural and Natural World Heritage; 40. Encourage the diffusion of information on the natural and cultural heritage for its conservation, preservation, and access to all;

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IV. Cultural Cooperation and Partnership 41. Promote the development and establishment of cultural cooperation, tolerance, dialogue, and partnership with existing and new partners through the setting-up of subregional and regional programmes, inter alia for the production and distribution of cultural products; 42. Adopt and implement adequate measures to support cooperation aimed at promoting and developing regional integration through culture, by creating active networks based on, inter alia, the model of Support Programmes for Cultural Initiatives (SPCI), and Regional Funds for Cultural Cooperation; 43. Encourage ACP States to establish a status for artists, who are the main beneficiaries of these established mechanisms; 44. Support the establishment and development of regional and international institutions for the promotion of inter-cultural dialogue; 45. Urge the European Union and other partners to strengthen support to cultural initiatives and programmes at ACP national and regional levels; including the facilitation of movement of ACP artists and works into ACP, EU, and other markets in accordance with the provisions of the Cotonou Agreement; 46. Invite the ACP General Secretariat to intensify the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with UNESCO to reinforce the partnership between the two organizations in the field of culture; 47. Encourage ACP States that have not yet done so, to become members of relevant regional and international organizations and networks, such as the International Network on Cultural Policy (INCP); 48. Urge ACP States and Regions to include culture in their National and Regional Indicative Programmes (NIPs/RIPs) as a basis for the inclusion of culture in the 9th and future EDF funding;

V. Capacity Building 49. Urge the European Union and other partners/agencies to facilitate training and capacity building for ACP cultural practitioners in policy development and implementation, management, and enterprise development;

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50. Undertake to implement cultural development programmes through education, training, research, and to encourage exchanges, including for capacity building in the management of cultural projects; 51. Undertake to develop communication strategies on culture and cultural economies in order to sensitize and inform ACP populations and encourage their participation; 52. Undertake also to devote special attention to the integration of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the production of cultural goods and services in ACP States; and to promote the creation of a product that takes account of the cultural values of ACP States;

VI. Cultural Industries 53. Recognize the significant potential and value of cultural industries and their contribution to the economic and social development of ACP States and Regions, and the need to respect and promote intellectual property rights, in particular copyrights and neighboring rights by the enforcement of national legislations and adherence to international conventions, in an effort to prevent the phenomenon of piracy; 54. Resolve to promote the adoption of measures conducive to the development and establishment of all forms of cultural industries in ACP States, particularly by: • Supporting, through appropriate measures, including but not limited to content requirements and ownership, the audiovisual sector particularly, the music and film industries, theatre, books and publishing, as well as arts and crafts; • Creating and developing national, regional, and subregional institutions and infrastructure; • Facilitating partnerships between the public sector, private sector, and civil society, in particular within the framework of UNESCO’s Global Alliance for cultural diversity; • Encouraging cultural actors and operators to organize themselves in a Coalition at the ACP level to promote cultural diversity;

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• Fostering regional and international exchanges, co-productions and other strategies at multi-lateral and bi-lateral levels; and • Improving the legal and fiscal frameworks; 55. Encourage ACP States and their development partners to promote favorable mechanisms for ACP cultural operators to access financing; 56. Resolve to adopt the necessary measures for improving access of ACP cultural goods and services to subregional, regional, and international markets; 57. Stress the importance of following-up trade negotiations within the WTO, FTAA, and the ACP-EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) to ensure that ACP concerns and interests are taken into account; 58. Commit to work with the private sector and specialized agencies such as the International Labor Organization (ILO) to promote the creation and development of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and entrepreneurship in the cultural sector; 59. Recognize the work by UNCTAD [United Nations Conference on Trade and Development] on the development potential of cultural industries and requests UNCTAD and other relevant international organizations to carry out studies in evaluating the impact of the current trade regime on domestic cultural policies;

VII. ICTs for Cultural Development 60. Reaffirm the fundamental importance of developing national strategies and cultural policies to enhance the utilization of ICTs in ACP States; 61. Encourage intra-ACP cultural cooperation aimed at supporting strategies and initiatives to reduce the digital divide; 62. Improve access to ICTs, particularly in the most disadvantaged areas, and urge ACP States to support and promote the concept of digital solidarity; 63. Call upon ACP States to actively participate in the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), scheduled to take place in Geneva during 2003, and Tunis in 2005;

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VIII. ACP Festival 64. Commit to implement Decision No. 3 of the 3rd Summit of ACP Heads of State and Government in respect of the promotion of ACP cultures; 65. Support the regular organization of an ACP Festival, the 1st Festival being organized in Haiti during 2004, as a means of promoting cultural dialogue, cultural exchanges, heritage conservation, cultural industries, and the visibility of ACP States on the international scene; 66. Support also Festivals as major resources and an essential mechanism for spreading the richness of cultural life to remote and/or disadvantaged areas, and as major opportunities for marketing the cultural products of ACP States and Regions; 67. Commit to coordinate at national and regional levels the organization of Festivals, and to utilize experiences and know-how gained thereof for the ACP Festival;

IX. ACP Cultural Foundation 68. Support the conduct of a Feasibility Study for the setting up of an ACP Cultural Foundation; 69. Call upon ACP States, the European Union, and other international and multilateral partners and the Non-State Actors (NSAs), to assist in the design, promotion, and support of ACP cultural activities;

X. Final Provisions 70. Pledge to support and circulate the Dakar Declaration on the Promotion of ACP Cultures and Cultural Industries and to implement the Plan of Action; 71. Call upon the ACP States, the President of the 1st Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture, ACP General Secretariat, and the joint ACP-EU institutions in collaboration with all relevant national, regional, and multilateral development partners and financial institutions to support, monitor, participate, and follow-up the Dakar Plan of Action; and

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72. Request the President of the 1st Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture to forward the Dakar Declaration and Plan of Action to the President of ACP Council of Ministers, President of the EU Council of Ministers, President of the European Commission, the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, and other relevant bilateral and multilateral partners. Done at Dakar, 20 June 2003 For the 1st Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture President Mr. Abdou Fall Minister of Culture and Communication Republic of Senegal

Note Abdou Fall, “Dakar Declaration on the Promotion of ACP Cultures and Cultural Industries,” ACP/83/006/03, Dakar, Senegal, June 2003. Printed with the permission of the Observatory of Cultural Policies in Africa (OCPA).

National Cultural Policy of Jamaica: Toward Jamaica the Cultural Superstate—Excerpts

Culture Division, Ministry of Education, Youth, and Culture, Jamaica, December 2003 If we must die, let it not be like hogs, Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs, Making their mock at our accursed lot. If we must die, O let us nobly die, So that our precious blood may not be shed In vain; then even the monsters we defy Shall be constrained to honor us though dead! O kinsmen! We must meet the common foe! Though far outnumbered, let us show us brave, And for their thousand blows deal one deathblow! What though before us lies the open grave? Like men, we’ll face the murderous, cowardly pack, Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back! —Claude McKay, “If We Must Die”

1. THE VISION 1.1 The stated vision of the National Cultural Policy of Jamaica, “Toward Jamaica the Cultural Superstate,” elaborates the unique cultural manifestations and distinctive style that can be considered to be quintessentially Jamaican, and forecasts the actualization of the tremendous potential of this nation and its people for national development and global cultural impact. This vision also speaks to further bolstering the self-confidence and the cultural identity of the Jamaican people. 1.2 Jamaica continues to stand tall among world cultures where, in spite of our small size, we have been able to achieve great recognition for the strength, vibrancy, color, and character of our culture. From our world-class, renowned reggae music with its roots

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in ska and mento, to its influence on other music genres, including gospel; to our cuisine; to our use of colorful and illustrative language which has found its way into the idiom of so many people of the world; through the only new religion emerging in the twentieth century—Rastafari—which has influenced world fashion; to reggae and dancehall dress and accessories and so much more, the Jamaican way of life is revered by many. Recently, this acclaim was affirmed in the recognition given to Hon. Robert Nesta “Bob” Marley by the BBC and Time magazine for his contribution to world music in the twentieth century. Our Blue Mountain Coffee is a celebrated world market leader, while our sports personalities, like Herb McKinley, Arthur Wint, Donald Quarrie, Merlene Ottey, Deon Hemmings, Courtney Walsh, and so many others, have been toasted in international halls of recognition. Such achievement has been replicated in many other areas of culture and national life, such as literature, academia, and business enterprise. 1.3 As a nation whose people have triumphed over years of enslavement and colonization, this is no small achievement. At a time when our nation is seeking to confront the serious challenges facing our people, we need to embrace this recognition and vision of national pride and achievement as a means to promoting positive attitudes and values and commitment to national development for all. 1.4 In this regard, the National Cultural Policy reflects this vision and presents it as an affirmation of national identity and pride. The Policy seeks to garner support for the vision that is founded in the historic courage and resilience of our people. It aims to foster the participation of all in national life and promote investment in national cultural development, which is the ultimate objective of this Policy.

3. THE CONTEXT 3.1 National cultural policy is the statement of government’s understanding of the reality within which its citizens have lived historically and through which it is itself called upon to express the desire and willingness to establish and implement a set of coherent principles, objectives, and means to foster, protect, and promote the cultural expression of its people. 3.2 In this regard, then, cultural policy for Jamaica must seek to provide opportunities for full and unbridled cultural expression as

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an act of liberation and empowerment of our people who only recently surfaced from periods of enslavement and colonialism and who are even now, forty years after political independence, searching to establish ourselves as one independent nation. 3.3 This expression must take into consideration the reality of low self-esteem and inferiority that have affected the thinking of our people over the aforementioned period of enslavement and colonialism, especially of the vast majority of the population of African descent. Yet, amid all this, there has been an assertiveness as our people have registered throughout our history great resilience and affirmation of our identity and being. The expression must also reflect on the inflated, even destructive air of superiority or distorted sense of being by certain sections of our population, also as a result of slavery and colonialism. 3.4 The policy then must reflect our continuing need/struggle to assume postures of confidence and responsibility, to constantly and consistently reflect the cultural diversity of the Jamaican society and to discover the things that make for peace and build up the modern life. 3.5 Yet the cultural policy of Jamaica must also, paradoxically, reflect in its expression the notion of cultural excellence and international achievement that our people have established over the years of the struggle to be, those attainments in culture and the arts, sports, academia, commerce, advocacy, et al. We cannot forget the role of Jamaicans such as The Rt. Excellent Marcus Mosiah Garvey, Hon. Robert Nesta “Bob” Marley, Hon. Louise Bennett-Coverley, Claude McKay, Herb McKinley, Arthur Wint, Merlene Ottey, Donald Quarrie, George Headley, Hon. Courtney Walsh, and others in the avenues of international power and excellence, not to mention other institutions like reggae music, Red Stripe beer, Rastafari, et al. Nor can we ignore in this expression the significant part played by Jamaica and Jamaicans in the leadership of great dramas of advocacy for the oppressed of the world in such issues as apartheid, the new international economic order, among others. 3.6 Jamaica faces great challenges at this time. We are suffering from the pain of increasing crime and violence and the need to develop ourselves as a cohesive social entity (nation). We are faced with continued persecution at the international level as a transshipment port for drugs, being also beleaguered by its scourge. We are challenged to find ways to take advantage of the revenue that we should earn from our cultural products (a 1999 Recording Industry Association of America survey, for example, estimates

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that Reggae is worth US$14.5 billion, while Jamaica does not even realize US$0.5 billion of that amount). We must also seek to position more of our outstanding cultural goods in the global market to national advantage especially given the rapidly changing international trading environment with the advent of globalization. Further, the country is still bonded by the need to service a growing national debt that itself conflicts with the desire to provide better education and social services for our people. 3.7 Yet, in the midst of all this, Jamaica must develop policies and programs that will allow us to fulfill our potential and become the Cultural Superstate we are obviously capable of being. In this regard, Jamaica must contend with the paradoxical opportunities and threats of globalization, the penetrating cultural presence of the United States with its influence on the cultural integrity and identity of our population, and the leadership role Jamaica must play in Caribbean cultural activities. 3.8 It is here that Jamaica must actively pursue within our cultural policy not only the promotion of cultural diversity as an important element of national identity, but the use of that diversity as the basis for all our programs and activities concerned with the development of our cultural industries. In this respect, cultural policy must engage other national development policies and objectives. It must interact with such policies as those on Entertainment, Tourism, Education, Industry, Environment, Labour, Information, and so on.

4. DEFINITION OF CULTURE 4.1 Culture has been defined in perhaps its simplest form as the way of life of a people. A country’s culture is the dynamic reservoir of ways of thinking and doing accumulated over time, which has come to be agreed upon and transmitted across generations in a community. It includes the knowledge, experience, beliefs, values, customs, traditions, distinctive institutions, and its ways of making meaning in life. This is not to be read as cultural homogeneity since a country like Jamaica may be composed of several and varied communities, each with its own cultural characteristics. The national cultural identity will include aspects of each community as they interact to create a common system of being, thinking, and doing, and the individual’s cultural identity will be based on his/ her familiarity with the cultural characteristics of the community

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of which s/he is a part as well as in relation to the surrounding community/communities. 4.2 Culture, then, is an intrinsic factor which affects all aspects of human life. It is one of the determinants of attitudes to work, production, and so on. Although it is not quantifiable or tangible, it is central to the definition of the basic unit of economic development—the individual and the human spirit—and the eventual unleashing of creative energies. 4.3 Since the arts are a key element of a people’s culture, cultural policy must also include a policy for protecting, fostering, and promoting the arts in the community. This is a fairly complex process since on one hand, communities benefit from contact with other cultures, receiving a kind of cultural stimulation and fertilization from this exposure and openness. On the other hand, however, cultures in communities require special considerations and programs for their development and may be endangered by the imposition or dominance of other cultures, especially those of more technologically advanced societies.

15. CULTURAL INDUSTRIES AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP Lagging behind in the van of civilization will not prove our higher abilities. Being subservient to the will and caprice of progressive [people] will not prove anything superior in us. Being satisfied to drink of the dregs of the cup of human progress will not demonstrate our fitness as a people . . . but when . . . we strike out to build industries, governments and . . . empires, then and only then will we as a [people] prove to our Creator and to man in general that we are . . . capable of shaping our own destiny. —Rt. Excellent Marcus Mosiah Garvey

15.1 One of the challenges that face culture is the tension between cultural practices or expression that form a natural base for the social and spiritual order of their community and the translation of that knowledge/expression into tools/goods/services/products for economic power and development. 15.2 Yet the individual consciously uses the elements underpinning his/her cultural diversity and expression in the fulfillment of social and economic goals daily. 15.3 The issue then is to develop strategies and mechanisms that would harness the elements of our cultural expression into meaningful, organized, systematic activities geared at the economic

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advancement of the entire community. When achieved, this will produce a widening of the scope for employment, a residual effect of pride and confidence in the community, and redound to the promotion of social wellness and prosperity. 15.4 Cultural industries are more often described than defined. They may be considered to be economic activities/systems/enterprises related to or founded in the cultural expressions of a society, i.e., music, theater, dance, recreation and leisure, entertainment, film and television, food, fashion, advertising, media and communications, among others not named here or still to be created. 15.5 In most developing societies where there is emphasis on traditional industries like sugar, banana, and bauxite, cultural industries have largely been undervalued or ignored. Music and dance, though among the strongest areas of cultural activity in this regard, are relegated to school “breaking-up” or light entertainment for after work recreation. The reality of the massive cultural industries in developed societies has not propelled us to invest in our own, yet Jamaica the Cultural Superstate has the potential to rival any of the cultural industries of the world as our cultural content/product is definitely world-class. Our Music Industry ranks among the leading Entertainment industries of the world, yet it is still largely under-invested and the country is not earning even near its potential. 15.6 In a struggling economy like ours with the decline in traditional industries, there is greater urgency to invest in cultural industries as a viable alternative. Culture Industries, especially Music, are directly related to empowerment possibilities for our young people, especially young men, and offer real opportunities for employment and wealth creation. 15.7 Further to the development of cultural industries is the need to foster and promote entrepreneurship within the wider community. This is directly related to the systematic facilitating of high levels of exportation and self-sustenance/self-reliance through the empowerment of our people toward self-employment, income generating activities, inventing and manufacturing, which are the goals of entrepreneurship. Our history is replete with this entrepreneurship as seen, for example, in the creation of free villages after emancipation. There is a need to recognize and evaluate the entrepreneurial spirit and systems that have caused us to survive and excel and convert them into institutionalized processes of action. 15.8 It must also be stated, however, that cultural industries may require special treatment because of the very nature of these

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products. Cultural products are vectors of identity, values, and meaning and reflect a community’s way of being and understanding. They are important indicators of social health and are directly related to self-recreation, poverty alleviation, violence reduction, and the promotion of peace and democratic values. Based on international conventions mentioned earlier (Human Rights and the Covenant on Cultural Rights), individuals have an inalienable right of access to their culture and cultural products. 15.9 In many instances, cultural products, especially in developing societies like Jamaica, need to be particularly sustained and nurtured for their development. Governments must therefore recognize this when negotiating and establishing frameworks, strategies, measures, and instruments for cultural industries.

18. CULTURE, TECHNOLOGY, AND MEDIA I came And laughed at my father He With his sideburns Smelling of bear’s grease His coat Like that of the gentleman Whose image Is on tobacco tins His watch-chain And boots! God! How ridiculous he looked! I With my moustache Like Gable’s My sports coat Like Taylor’s My blue suede shoes Today My son came And laughed at me. — Basil McFarlane, The Modern Man

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18.1 One of the fundamental challenges of culture from age to age is the tension between traditional knowledge as promoted and upheld by societies and transmitted, largely through orature to the next generation as somewhat sacrosanct, and the quasi-sacrilegious embracing of new technologies by the now generation. 18.2 Yet, the need to take on new technologies must become a reality of cultural expression and development, if even because they ultimately, and sometimes immediately, have a great impact on ways of doing and thinking. Indeed, the growth of fast food and instant beverages must be anathema to those who believe in doing it properly as an important way of understanding process and living right. 18.3 Local cultures, especially in developing societies like Jamaica, are at risk of disappearing as the young embrace the new values and realities brought to their living room by way of these new technologies. Because of these technologies, our societies, and especially our young, are constantly bombarded by foreign influences and values, seeking more to be bold and beautiful than valuing being likkle but tallawah. 18.4 While there is little chance of keeping out these influences, there is a real need to strengthen and consolidate domestic experiences of local expression in order to reduce the impact of these foreign cultural products. In fact, this “groundation” is essential to the dialogue within and between cultures that is the objective of a policy of cultural diversity. 18.5 Yet, the reality is, though a small country, Jamaica continues to find it very difficult to disseminate its cultural excellence among its people. There are not enough performing spaces. Community spaces for cultural expression are limited and so it becomes almost impossible to share the artistry and excellence of Jamaica from one end of the country to another. 18.6 It is therefore through the use of the electronic and various media that we would be able to allow more Jamaicans to experience our own cultural expression. The growth of the internet in Jamaica, the proliferation of cable communications networks, and the increase in radio stations have affected the realities that our children experience. The challenge then is to be able to use these technologies to allow Jamaicans greater access to our cultural expressions. 18.7 Even here there has been tremendous difficulty. Local radio and television stations continue to purchase foreign material for broadcast rather than invest in local talent and expression. This is especially true of television. There is a dearth of local programming on television as less and less we see ourselves displayed. The need then

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is for the active promotion of local productions, of promoting local Jamaican films even more so than promoting Jamaica as a location for foreign films, so that more of our stories may be told utilizing Jamaican content. 18.8 All the above is in recognition of the role of these technologies, of the media in the communication and dissemination of information and in the shaping of ideas, values, and attitudes. Radio, television, print media, the internet, and new media are essential tools in the process of stimulation of debate, self-expression, and community interaction. 18.9 The media will continue to play a major role in how we see ourselves, especially based on if we see ourselves, in the strengthening of a pro-active civil society and in the maintenance of the ideals of participatory democracy, the framework for popular cultural expression. 18.10 Positions. In this regard, the Government will seek to: • Enact and promote legislation geared at encouraging domestic production using available technology through the use of strategies and instruments such as direct or indirect financing, content requirements, coproduction arrangements, subsidies, and incentives, and any other deemed necessary for the enhancement of domestic production. • Give direction and support to the Broadcasting Commission to promote regulations and guidelines to encourage the presentation of local material as part of the criteria for the right to broadcast in Jamaica, using similar strategies and means to evaluate the use of this material constantly as a basis for renewal. • Enact legislation where necessary and give direction and support to the establishment of criteria geared at encouraging the use of local talent and material, the training of local personnel, and the upgrading of locally based technology as a part of every scenario where foreign companies, agencies, and individuals are allowed to engage in domestic production or foreign production at the domestic level, using available conventional and new media technology. • Give direction and support, both financial and in any other resource, to the Creative Production and Training Centre and Jamaica Information Service in their effort to equip themselves for the role they must play in recording and producing local material and talent for use in domestic and foreign productions using available technology, as they relate to the goal of promoting the cultural

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expression of the people, for the people, to the people, at home and abroad. Provide support to the Creative Production and Training Centre and the Jamaica Information Service for their work in providing alternative material for domestic production, especially in regard to material of value for education and the promotion of cultural expression among the young, through the use of available conventional and new media technology, the promotion of educational broadcasting, and their inclusion in the wider network of cable operations. Provide support for domestic production for television through such instruments as incentives, direct transfer of funds, subsidies, and coproduction agreements. Facilitate the increased participation of the private sector in the production and distribution of Jamaican cultural products that utilize the conventional and new media technologies to make Jamaican content available to local and international audiences. Provide support for the Film and Entertainment Commission to engage in actions and activities with local film producers for the promotion of domestic film production both for television and big screen through the development of coproduction agreements with foreign companies and the promotion of tax remittances, exemptions, or reductions. Give support to programs and strategies in the corporate and wider society geared at the discovery and invention of new communications technologies and at the upgrading and consolidation of local technology in an effort to enhance and promote local productions of a high quality.

Issues Paper: Towards a Protocol for Filmmakers Working with Indigenous Content and Indigenous Communities

Terri Janke and Australian Film Commission, Australia, February 2003

Preface The Australian Film Commission (AFC) is developing a new protocol for filmmakers working in the Indigenous area. Existing protocols such as Lester Bostock’s The Greater Perspective and Darlene Johnson’s Indigenous Protocol for SBS have focused on documentary filmmaking and television news crews. The AFC document will cover documentaries and drama, including short dramas, feature films, and television drama, setting out a framework to assist and encourage recognition and respect for the images, knowledge, and stories of Indigenous people as represented in all these formats. We envisage that the protocol will include principles for • working on Indigenous content; • working with Indigenous people; and • working in Indigenous communities. It will also include sections on • copyright law and related legal issues such as contracts; • case studies on working with Indigenous content in both drama and documentary productions; • information for Indigenous communities on their rights and obligations when working on film projects; • information for non-Indigenous filmmakers working with Indigenous subject matter; • a general contacts directory; and • a resource bibliography.

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This issues paper has been prepared to seek your opinions on what should be covered in the protocol, and how to address the various issues raised. We welcome your comments. You can send them in writing, by post, fax, or email, or on audio- or videotape. Or you can contact the consultant who is preparing the protocol, Terri Janke, to organize an interview via telephone. Send submissions to: Terri Janke Terri Janke and Company The closing date for submissions is 30 June 2003.

Introduction Indigenous1 people and their cultures have been the subject of many films and television programs, from documentaries and ethnographic films to drama series and feature films. For Indigenous people, the experience has been mixed. On the one hand, film offers the opportunity to use a popular medium to promote their perspectives; on the other hand, the filmmaking process can be exploitative. For instance, many productions made from a non-Indigenous perspective reinforce negative stereotypes. Films can also exploit Indigenous communities and Indigenous knowledge with little or no consultation with Indigenous people, and without any benefits to Indigenous communities. In response to the issues facing Indigenous communities when approached by filmmakers, the Northern Land Council produced a protocol in 1987 for filmmakers coming onto Aboriginal land. Written by Chips Mackinolty and Michael Duffy, “Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner in Arnhemland” sets out a framework for helping communities consider a range of questions, including • • • • • • •

Whose interest does the film serve? Who has editorial control? Who has distribution control? Are there employment opportunities for Indigenous people? Are there any environmental issues? Are sacred sites involved? What legal issues are involved?2

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Bostock’s The Greater Perspective: Protocol and Guidelines for the Production of Film and Television on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Communities was published by SBS in 1990 and revised in 1997. The document addressed cross-cultural film production and was largely focused on advising non-Indigenous film crews who entered Indigenous communities for news reporting.3 More recently, in 2001, SBS Independent commissioned Darlene Johnson to draft a protocol for its website that would inform documentary filmmakers of their responsibilities when filming Indigenous people and in Indigenous communities. Johnson’s protocol establishes a process which, among other things, encourages respect for the culture and dignity of Indigenous participants in a film project by promoting cultural integrity. There is also provision for informing Indigenous participants of their rights as storytellers within the filmmaking process.4 Johnson successfully used this protocol for her documentary Stolen Generations (2001, Australia) and incorporated the process into the participants’ contracts. In the past two years, feature films such as The Tracker (dir. Rolf de Heer, 2002, Australia), Rabbit Proof Fence (dir. Phillip Noyce, 2002, Australia), and Australian Rules (dir. Paul Goldman, 2002, Australia) have sparked debate over fictional use of Indigenous stories, events, and characters. At a forum held during the Adelaide Festival in 2002, many issues were discussed by filmmakers, including the appropriateness of dramatizing real life events that are sensitive for Indigenous people, and the requirement for prior consultation. The debate has highlighted the need for an industry-level Indigenous cultural protocol, and this paper has been produced to encourage discussion about what such a protocol should include. The aim is to develop a framework which can assist filmmakers working with Indigenous content and Indigenous people to recognize and respect the images, knowledge, and stories of Indigenous people.

Protocols and Industry Practice Protocols are appropriate ways of working with Indigenous cultural material, and interacting with Indigenous people and their communities. Protocols encourage ethical conduct and promote interaction based on good faith and mutual respect. —Terri Janke5

Indigenous Australian cultures are diverse. Ways of dealing with Indigenous cultural issues and material will differ from community to community and will also vary depending on the subject matter. A protocol cannot specifically

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address all the issues that may arise in a particular film project, but the framework it provides can be adapted and applied to specific situations. Protocols are not in themselves legally binding, but over time they establish practices that can be relied on as industry standards. Protocols may also be incorporated into filmmaking contracts and endorsed by funding agencies and professional associations.

What Issues Should the Protocol Cover? This section discusses the issues we have identified for coverage in the protocol. We seek your comments and welcome discussion on these and any other issues you would like to raise.

Indigenous Heritage Indigenous cultural and intellectual property rights refer to Indigenous people’s cultural heritage. Heritage comprises all objects, sites, and knowledge, the nature or use of which has been transmitted or continues to be transmitted from generation to generation, and which are regarded as pertaining to a particular Indigenous group or its territory. Indigenous people’s heritage is a living heritage and includes objects, knowledge, stories, and images based on that heritage, created today or in the future. For Indigenous people, the stories of their ancestors are their heritage, and so are the stories that recount Indigenous experience over the years of colonization. This includes stories about living in the bush, growing up on missions, and life in the city. These experiences shape Indigenous cultures and are of heritage significance to current and future generations of Indigenous people. Indigenous cultural and intellectual property rights include the right for Indigenous people to: • own and control Indigenous cultural and intellectual property; • ensure that any means of protecting Indigenous cultural and intellectual property is based on the principle of self-determination; • be recognized as the primary guardians and interpreters of their cultures; • authorize or refuse to authorize the commercial use of Indigenous cultural and intellectual property according to Indigenous customary law; • maintain the secrecy of Indigenous knowledge and other cultural practices;

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• be given full and proper attribution for sharing their heritage; • control the recording of cultural customs and expressions, the particular language which may be intrinsic to cultural identity, knowledge, skill, and teaching of culture. For a full list of rights see Our Culture: Our Future.6 The use of Indigenous cultural heritage in film and television is becoming increasingly popular. Oral stories, traditional knowledge, images, photographs, language words, and histories are just some of the Indigenous heritage material that finds its way onto the screen. In the past, there has been concern that such material is appropriated without any respect or recognition that the material comes from a distinct cultural group. Concerns have also been expressed that some representations of Indigenous cultural heritage material have compromised its cultural integrity. A great number of generations may contribute to the development of an item of Indigenous knowledge or tradition. In this way, Indigenous cultural heritage is communally owned. Currently intellectual property laws do not recognize this element, focusing on material form and individual ownership, and only protecting for a limited period (see also “Copyright law and Indigenous culture”).7 The underlying principle of the filmmaking protocol will be to respect and recognize Indigenous people’s rights to their cultural heritage.

Consultation The process of consultation is an important part of filming with Indigenous people. They need to be informed of what is proposed to be filmed and why, and their input needs to be sought about projects that directly include Indigenous cultural material. It is also important to recognize that certain Indigenous knowledge is collectively owned, and in order to obtain informed consent it may be necessary to consult and obtain permission from a number of levels of authority. Further, if permission is given, it may be subject to conditions and ongoing reassessment. Issues that might arise during the consultation phase include • the need to identify the right people to speak to; • the need to inform Indigenous people about the nature of the project in the initial research stages and continue to consult through the scripting, production and post-production stages to allow feedback;

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• the time constraints of film production schedules in the context of Indigenous community timeframes; • the need to consult with specialist Indigenous agencies when reporting on or including sensitive subject matter such as drugs and alcohol abuse. We are particularly interested in hearing your views on the role of consultation in writing and producing drama, including short dramas, feature films, and television drama.

Consent When visiting an Indigenous community for the purpose of filming, it is important to get the consent of the community. Bostock’s guide, The Greater Perspective, states: The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities themselves, and the traditional owners or custodians of a location, have a right to say “No” to any proposals put to them by others for acceptance. Their decision should be respected.8

This applies to any Indigenous community, whether remote, regional, urban, or city. Specifically, when visiting Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander lands, it is a requirement that a permit be obtained from the local Land Council or Community Council. There are Indigenous media organizations throughout Australia that have expertise in working from within Indigenous communities on media and film issues. These organizations could also be a potential first point of contact. It is also important to seek consent for the use of Indigenous cultural and intellectual property. Some questions that may need to be addressed as part of the consent process are: • What are the potential benefits and impact of the film for the Indigenous individuals and/or community involved? • Do all parties understand the concept of the film project? • Has the proposed film and its dissemination been fully explained? Is it understood that the film will be publicly exhibited, for sale and/or distributed worldwide?

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Johnson’s protocol outlines a process for informing Indigenous subjects who agree to take part in a film. The filmmaker must make sure that the subjects fully understand the terms of the agreement and that this agreement is documented in clear plain English. Again, we would particularly like to know what you think about the issue of consent as it applies to feature films, short drama, and TV drama.

Cultural Integrity For Indigenous people, ensuring that an event, story, or artwork retains its cultural integrity is of utmost importance. Indigenous Australians are concerned that their heritage and their people are often depicted in derogatory ways which have little regard for cultural or personal integrity. They are concerned at the manipulation and distortion of images and stories they see occurring. Given the nature of the medium, and the editing process, the presentation of Indigenous cultural material in a manner that promotes integrity requires careful consideration. The issues of representation, authenticity, creating and producing the film, and respecting cultural beliefs (see below) are all related to cultural integrity.

Representation Indigenous Australians have criticized the representation of their people in film and television as often offensive or insulting. In filmmaking, Indigenous people may be portrayed through the use of words, language, plot, characters, and cultural symbols. Professor Marcia Langton discusses this issue in her essay “Well, I Heard It on the Radio and I Saw It on the Television.” She states: It is clearly unrealistic for Aboriginal people to expect that others will stop portraying us in photographs, films, on television, in newspapers, literature and so on. Increasingly, non-Aboriginal people want to make personal rehabilitative statements about the Aboriginal “problem” and to consume and reconsume the “primitive.” Rather than demanding an impossibility, it would be more useful to identify those points where it is possible to control the means of production and to make our own self-representations.9

The issue of representation is especially important in films and TV programs that present fictitious events and characters, and it is also one of the most difficult issues to address appropriately. How can non-Indigenous filmmakers

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be encouraged to get the portrayal of Indigenous people “right”? To what lengths should filmmakers be expected to go in consulting and obtaining consents in their search for cultural integrity and “authenticity”?

Authenticity Non-Indigenous filmmakers who want to portray Indigenous stories must take responsibility for finding out about the cultures they are representing. Filmmakers often don’t respect the authenticity of stories and cultural material. Yet Aboriginal audiences can pick out the false cultural references, for instance, where the names and languages are not from that particular area and the stories and the dances are wrong. It’s like putting a plastic bag in an English period film. A lot of film representations of Indigenous cultures are pastiches from a variety of Indigenous nations. Filmmakers don’t do the proper research about the cultural content for Indigenous films, and often they just make it up. But Indigenous culture is bound by a highly developed system of Aboriginal law and social organization, so if filmmakers want to make films about us, our culture and our experience, they should do the work and find out about our law. —Rachel Perkins10

“Authenticity” refers to the cultural source of Indigenous heritage material. Giving proper consideration to authenticity means respecting customary laws or cultural obligations and ensuring that the appropriate context is given to the cultural material. To take cultural heritage material out of context or use it inappropriately is offensive to Indigenous people.

Creating and Producing the Film Script Development The script is the underlying work on which a film is based. When a film is about an Indigenous topic, it is often recommended that Indigenous people should be employed as writers or script consultants. Cultural awareness at this early stage can reduce the likelihood of any cultural offence. In particular, makers of feature films or TV dramas should consider the context in which cultural images, stories, and themes are incorporated within the film. For example, filmmakers have sometimes attempted to present a story in a specific place but used an Indigenous language and cultural symbol from a different Indigenous cultural group. And the portrayal of contemporary Indigenous characters and settings is just as important to get “right.” Overall, the same level of research and development should be applied to Indigenous elements as to any other aspect of the script. What strategies could

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be used to help filmmakers develop an authentic “voice” for an Indigenous character—or an authentic treatment for any Indigenous element of a film project? Another aspect of this issue, which was highlighted in discussions about the making of Australian Rules, relates to the dramatization of real-life events. Just as consultation is required in documentary making, it is recommended that early consultation with family members and community people be undertaken when basing a drama on the lives of real people. Films adapted from existing material—a literary work, traditional story, or life story, for example—require reconsultation with Indigenous people. How should people working with Indigenous material in adaptations deal with Indigenous cultural content?

Pre-Production and Production As discussed above, filming with Indigenous people or material, or in Indigenous communities, requires consultation and consent (see “Consent” section of this paper). On drama productions, directors sometimes rely on Indigenous cast members to act as cultural consultants on set. Is this appropriate? What strategies could be used to ensure that Indigenous characters and locations are researched in advance of the shoot, with appropriate consultation and consents obtained, and that Indigenous elements are developed to the same level of detail as any other element of the production?

Editing and Post-Production Indigenous people are concerned that their filmed images may be manipulated and distorted at the post-production stage. Some Indigenous participants have sought to be involved in the editing process, or to view rough cuts of the footage taken. However, as Frances Peters-Little notes, the film editing process is lengthy and technical. Technical treatments such as juxtaposing of images, graphics, super-impositions and addition of musical tracking can add new meanings to the primary visual message. Therefore when talent are invited to come and join the editing process, they see a film that is very different from how the finished project will be, and it can be a despairing process for them.11

If consultation has been clear and effective in the early stages, and there is ongoing communication with participants, they are less likely to build up expectations that are not met by the final result. However, the fact is that films do change during the editing process. When this occurs, at what point

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should a filmmaker be expected to go back and re-consult? If consents have been obtained, should they be re-confirmed?

Respecting Cultural Beliefs Representation of Deceased People In many Indigenous communities, the reproduction of names and images of deceased people contravenes mourning practices and is offensive. This raises issues such as what should be required of filmmakers if a participant dies during filming. What if the film is completed but a principal actor or interviewee dies? If the film is to be broadcast nationally, for instance, should it be a requirement that a warning be given? The ABC and SBS have adopted a practice of broadcasting a warning before a program that features Indigenous people. This consists of an audio warning in English over the written warning. Cathy Eatock has suggested that the warnings could be translated into the relevant language to ensure that family and community members can understand them.12 Perhaps a symbol could be adopted that would signify that images of deceased people may be broadcast. Johnson’s protocols include a death protocol that the filmmaker is responsible for negotiating and defining with the Indigenous community— something it is often preferable to do at the time of filming. She suggests options such as removing the subject from the film or “pixelating” or masking the face. The filmmaker is also responsible for drafting the warning for the beginning of the film.13

Sacred Sites and Material The reproduction of secret or sacred images in films is also an issue. For instance, under Indigenous customary laws, some images and knowledge may not be seen by the general public or may be gender-specific and may only be seen by initiated men and women.14 It may not be appropriate for such material to be widely disseminated. In Film and Photography: A Matter of Respect for the Park and Its People, Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park’s traditional owners explain the concept of sacred material as follows: In our Law, certain sites, ritual objects, designs and ceremonies are restricted to people who can “properly” view them. The reason why people may have “proper” access may vary. For example, some areas of country are restricted to women, some to men. Similarly, some ceremonial activities may only be witnessed by those with sufficient knowledge and seniority to give them the right to do so.15

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Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park has also developed film and photography guidelines that cover commercial filming.16 The guidelines restrict the filming of some important religious sites throughout the park.

Encouraging Indigenous Perspectives The recent popularity of Indigenous content in films indicates that audiences are interested in Indigenous stories. In the past, however, many films that included Indigenous cultural material were made by non-Indigenous filmmakers without Indigenous consultation. Now, filmmakers are beginning to work with Indigenous people to develop films that project Indigenous stories in a culturally appropriate way. For example, the makers of Rabbit Proof Fence adapted the book Follow the Rabbit Proof Fence, by Doris Pilkington, and worked with an on-set cultural consultant. The filmmakers also showed Pilkington early rushes of the film.17 There is also a growing force of Indigenous filmmakers. A small number have made feature films, including Rachel Perkins, director of Radiance (1998, Australia); Ivan Sen, director and writer of Beneath Clouds (2002, Australia); and Tracey Moffatt, director and writer of Bedevil (1993, Australia). Many more are making documentaries, short dramas, and television series, and all are forging their place in the Australian film industry, working to provide an Indigenous viewpoint. However, how these Indigenous perspectives are included in the mainstream film industry remains an issue.

Attribution The Indigenous owners of material need to be consulted about how they wish to be acknowledged. It may be particularly important to identify the names and clans of people who appear in images. To fail to attribute perpetrates the anonymity of Indigenous faces and continues to silence Indigenous voices.

Sharing of Benefits Indigenous people seek the right to benefit from commercial use of Indigenous cultural heritage. They complain that, although their images and knowledge are often used in films, they do not share in the benefits. How can Indigenous people be included in the sharing of benefits from filmmaking? For instance, skills development programs could be provided, or copies of the film could be deposited with the Indigenous people and groups concerned. If the material is to be used for commercial purposes, should Indigenous owners of the material receive appropriate financial rewards? For instance, if artworks are reproduced in films other than by way of incidental filming,

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the copyright owner is entitled to a license fee. Should the owners of cultural designs and stories be entitled to similar fees? In some cases this might involve a one-off payment, but if the image is to be used widely, it may be better to negotiate a royalty payment. Eatock considers, Broadcasting is a commercial purpose. However, documentaries rarely make money. Indigenous participants whose stories and knowledge is being included are entitled to an upfront fee.18

We would particularly welcome any comments in relation to payments of royalties or other benefits-sharing issues (see also “Copyright law and Indigenous culture”).

Stock Film Footage and Future Uses Approval for additional use must be gained before embarking on or approving any additional purposes for film footage that depicts Indigenous communities and participants. —Cathy Eatock19

The protocol could also examine the appropriate process for using stock film footage of Indigenous people and their cultural material. There are likely to be cultural issues that require consideration where images are taken from existing films or sourced from a film library and incorporated into new films. It is recommended that filmmakers consult with Indigenous people on possible future uses of film footage, or the use of old footage taken for one purpose but now intended for another purpose. For example, old film footage may include representations of deceased people and careful consideration needs to be given to including this in new films for wide dissemination. Another issue relates to participants’ consent. For example, an Indigenous person may consent to their image and interview being used for a documentary about their particular culture, but it would not be appropriate to then use that image as stock footage for news items pertaining to any Indigenous matter.

Archiving When archiving Indigenous films, it is important to list the Indigenous participants by name and clan, so that if further consent is needed, the relevant person or community can be identified.

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Copyright Law and Indigenous Culture In Australia the main body of law that provides ownership and reproduction rights to creators is the Copyright Act 1968 (Cwlth). The Copyright Act provides individual creators with specific economic rights that allow them to exploit their works without others being allowed to copy them. The copyright owner of works, including recordings and films, has the exclusive rights to reproduce, sell, and distribute the work. If the copyright material is used, the copyright owner can seek payment in the form of license fees and royalties. The copyright owner can also assign their rights to third parties. When making films that include other people’s copyright works, the rights must be obtained from the relevant copyright owners. It is standard industry practice for these rights to be cleared in writing. However, Indigenous people who are the custodians of stories and knowledge may not be recognized as copyright owners under the Copyright Act. This is because the story may be oral, and not in a material form. The story may also have been passed down through generations, so there is not one “author” but many, who have all contributed over years of refining the story. Should there be written rights agreements for Indigenous communal knowledge, stories, and other cultural materials? The protocol document will generally discuss the current legal framework in relation to copyright. However, filmmakers need to note that other legal issues also arise in contractual negotiations. For instance, film contracts may require copyright ownership or “wide rights,” while Indigenous people seek cultural ownership of knowledge and stories. How can these be recognized and incorporated into film contracts?

Towards a Working Protocol We are interested in hearing your comments and ideas on the issues discussed in this paper, or on any other issues you would like to raise.

Have Your Say Here’s a summary of the issues raised in this paper. We welcome your views on any or all of them: Indigenous heritage Consultation Consent

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Cultural integrity Representation Authenticity Creating and producing the film Respecting cultural beliefs Encouraging Indigenous perspectives Attribution Sharing of benefits Stock film footage and future uses Archiving Copyright law and Indigenous culture If you have had personal experience of these or any other issues, please tell us about it. Also, please let us know if you would allow us to document your experiences as a case study in the protocol document. If you have used a protocol for any aspects of working with Indigenous content and Indigenous people, please tell us about it. Are there any other areas or issues that should be included in the protocol document? The closing date for submissions is 30 June 2003.

Notes Terri Janke and Company (2003, February), “Issues Paper: Towards a Protocol for Filmmakers Working with Indigenous Content and Indigenous Communities,” Australian Film Commission. https://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/databases/creative_ heritage/docs/aus_film.pdf. Printed with the permission of Screen Australia and Terri Janke. 1. “Indigenous” refers to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, the original owners and inhabitants of Australia. 2. Chips Mackinolty and Michael Duffy, “Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner in Arnhemland,” in Marcia Langton, “Well, I Heard It on the Radio and I Saw It on the Television,” Australian Film Commission, Sydney 1993, 91. 3. Lester Bostock, The Greater Perspective, http://www.sbs.com.au/sbs_booklet.pdf. 4. Darlene Johnson, Indigenous Protocol, see http://www.sbs.com.au/sbsi/documentary.html. 5. Terri Janke [Terri Janke and Company], Writing Cultures: Protocols for Producing Indigenous Australian Music, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Arts Board of the Australia Council, Sydney, 2002, 3. 6. Terri Janke [Michael Frankel and Company, Solicitors], Our Culture: Our Future— Report on Australian Indigenous Cultural and Intellectual Property Rights; commissioned by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, 1998, 47–48.

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7. Ibid. 8. Bostock, The Greater Perspective, 25. 9. Marcia Langton, “‘Well, I heard it on the radio and I saw it on the television’: An essay for the Australian Film Commission on the politics and aesthetics of filmmaking by and about Aboriginal people and things,” Australian Film Commission, Sydney, 1993, 10. 10. Telephone conversation with Rachel Perkins, January 20, 2003. 11. Frances Peters-Little, “On the Impossibility of Pleasing Everyone: The Legitimate Role of White Filmmakers Making Black Films,” Art Monthly Australia 149 (May 2002): 9. 12. Cathy Eatock, correspondence to Terri Janke, January 24, 2003. 13. Darlene Johnson, Indigenous Protocol, written for Special Broadcasting Services, at http://www.sbs.com.au/sbsi/documentary.html. 14. See Foster v. Mountford, 14 Australian Law Reports, 71. 15. See Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park, Film and Photography: A Matter of Respect for the Park and Its People (Uluru, 2002). 16. Copies of the film and photography guidelines can be obtained from the Senior Media and Information Officer, Uluru-Kata Tjuta, National Park, PO Box 119, Yulara NT 0872. (08) 8956 1113, by fax (08) 8956 2360 or by email [email protected]. 17. Kevin Maher, “Walkabout to Freedom,” The Observer, October 27, 2002, http:// film.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4532867,00.html. 18. Cathy Eatock, correspondence to Terri Janke and Company, January 24, 2003. 19. Ibid.

Poor Cinema Manifesto

Humberto Solás, Cuba, 2004

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he increasing movement towards globalization accentuates the divide between rich and poor cinema. Therefore there is a danger of establishing a single-minded model, sacrificing diversity and legitimacy of the rest of the national and cultural identities. Today is the technological revolution in cinema; it is the bearer of effective mediums of resistance to this depersonalizing project. When new technological possibilities progressively consolidate, as it is the case with digital video and its larger format 35mm, they notably reduce the economic demands of film production. When shaking the balance of the elitist character, which has been unabashedly linked to the industry, the consequences are a gradual democratization of the film profession. To support and take advantage of this reduction in production costs would mean the introduction in an immediate future of social groups and communities that never before have had access to produce film, and at the same time give durability to the budding national cinema. This will be a bastion to escape the feeling of helplessness before the globalizing vandalism, and allow once and for all the legitimization of versatility of styles, legacies and goals of an art form that will not be part of a patrimony of just one country or one imposing definition of the world. In order for this to effectively happen, we will have to tear down the wall of control of film distribution by single transnational groups, which generate alienation in the audience when they don’t have access to the works of their national authors. This will allow us to fight against the spectacle of gratuitous violence in film, which cripples the audience, especially young audiences. A gradual move towards engaging the audiences will only come to fruition if all governments put in place legal actions that support the production and distribution of their native cinema. Only then will cinema finally be out of the Stone Age.

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Note First released at the First Poor Cinema Film Festival, Gibara, Cuba, 2004. Trans. Fabiola Caraza. Reprinted from Humberto Solás, “Poor Cinema Manifesto,” in Film Manifestos and Global Cinema Cultures: A Critical Anthology, ed. Scott MacKenzie (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 318–319.

Principles of Kaupapa Māori New Zealand, 2005

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aupapa Māori theory is based on a number of key principles. Graham Hingangaroa Smith initially identified six principles or elements of Kaupapa Māori within the context of educational intervention (Kura Kaupapa Māori) and research.1 These elements and principles have since been expanded by other Kaupapa Māori theorists such as Linda Smith, Leonie Pihama, and Taina Pohatu. Other theorists who have also contributed to the development and growth of Kaupapa Māori methodology include Russell Bishop, Kuni Jenkins, Cheryl Smith, and others. The key elements or principals of Kaupapa Māori research are outlined here.

Tino Rangatiratanga—The Principle of Self-Determination Tino Rangatiratanga relates to sovereignty, autonomy, control, self-determination, and independence. The notion of Tino Rangatiratanga asserts and reinforces the goal of Kaupapa Māori initiatives: allowing Māori to control their own culture, aspirations, and destiny.

Taonga Tuku Iho—The Principle of Cultural Aspiration This principle asserts the centrality and legitimacy of Te Reo Māori, Tīkanga, and Mātauranga Māori. Within a Kaupapa Māori paradigm, these Māori ways of knowing, doing, and understanding the world are considered valid in their own right. In acknowledging their validity and relevance it also allows spiritual and cultural awareness and other considerations to be taken into account.

Ako Māori—The Principle of Culturally Preferred Pedagogy This principle acknowledges teaching and learning practices that are inherent and unique to Māori, as well as practices that may not be traditionally derived but are preferred by Māori.

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Kia piki ake i ngā raruraru o te kainga—The Principle of SocioEconomic Mediation This principle asserts the need to mediate and assist in the alleviation of negative pressures and disadvantages experienced by Māori communities. This principle asserts a need for Kaupapa Māori research to be of positive benefit to Māori communities. It also acknowledges the relevance and success that Māori derived initiatives have as intervention systems for addressing socioeconomic issues that currently exist.

Whānau—The Principle of Extended Family Structure The principle of Whānau sits at the core of Kaupapa Māori. It acknowledges the relationships that Māori have to one another and to the world around them. Whānau, and the process of whakawhanaungatanga are key elements of Māori society and culture. This principle acknowledges the responsibility and obligations of the researcher to nurture and care for these relationships and also the intrinsic connection between the researcher, the researched, and the research.

Kaupapa—The Principle of Collective Philosophy The “Kaupapa” refers to the collective vision, aspiration, and purpose of Māori communities. Larger than the topic of the research alone, the kaupapa refers to the aspirations of the community. The research topic or intervention systems therefore are considered to be an incremental and vital contribution to the overall “‘kaupapa”.

Te Tiriti o Waitangi—The Principle of the Treaty of Waitangi Pihama identified another principle to be taken into account within Kaupapa Māori theory: Te Tiriti o Waitangi is a crucial document which defines the relationship between Māori and the Crown in New Zealand. It affirms both the tangata whenua status of whānau, hapū, and iwi in New Zealand, and their rights of citizenship. The Tiriti therefore provides a basis through which Māori may critically analyze relationships, challenge the status-quo, and affirm the Māori rights.

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Āta—The Principle of Growing Respectful Relationships The principle of āta was developed by Pohatu primarily as a transformative approach within the area of social services. The principle of āta relates specifically to the building and nurturing of relationships. It acts as a guide to the understanding of relationships and wellbeing when engaging with Māori. Āta focuses on our relationships, negotiating boundaries, working to create and hold safe space with corresponding behaviors. Āta gently reminds people of how to behave when engaging in relationships with people, Kaupapa, and environments. Āta intensifies peoples’ perceptions in the following areas: • • • • •

It accords quality space of time (wā) and place (wāhi). It demands effort and energy of participants. It conveys the notion of respectfulness. It conveys the notion of reciprocity. It conveys the requirement of reflection, the prerequisite to critical analysis. • It conveys the requirement of discipline. • It ensures that the transformation process is an integral part of relationships. Āta incorporates the notion of planning. Āta incorporates the notion of strategizing. For more information about Kaupapa Māori theory see www.kaupapamaori.com.

Note 1. G. H. Smith, “Research Issues Related to Maori Education,” paper presented to NZARE Special Interest Conference, Massey University, 1990; reprinted in 1992, Research Unit for Maori Education, University of Auckland.

Santo Domingo Resolution from the Second Meeting of African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Ministers of Culture Dominican Republic, October, 2006

I. Preamble A. Reaffirming the principle of solidarity that binds the 79 Member States of the ACP Group; B. Recalling that the ACP Heads of State and Government, at their 4th Summit in Maputo, Mozambique, in 2004 reaffirmed the importance of culture to sustainable development; C. Reaffirming the Declaration of Dakar of June 2003 on the promotion of ACP cultures and cultural industries; D. Considering the progress made in implementing the Dakar Plan of Action on the Promotion of ACP Cultures and Cultural Industries, adopted at our 1st Meeting in June 2003; E. Acknowledging that cultural policies should be an essential component of development strategies of ACP States; F. Reiterating that the knowledge and respect of cultural diversity as a factor of social cohesion and inclusion, development, and international stability are core national and international political concerns; G. Recognizing the role of education in developing culture, and that the integration of culture in educational curricula is important in advancing the positive nexus between sustainable development and culture, including the promotion of a culture of peace and respect for cultural diversity in ACP States; H. Recognizing the role that women play in promoting culture as a tool for sustainable development in ACP States; I. Noting the essential role played by ACP regional organizations in promoting sustainable development among the populations of ACP States, more specifically in promoting the role of the cultural sector in development;

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J. Acknowledging the various Decisions, Declarations, and Resolutions of sub-regional, regional, and continental cultural meetings that reinforce the nexus between culture and development as captured in the Dakar Plan of Action and the Santo Domingo Resolution; K. Reaffirming the commitment to intensify South-South cooperation in the area of culture, a commitment affirmed by the resolutions taken by the 33rd UNESCO General Conference held in October 2005; L. Acknowledging the role of UNESCO in the implementation of undertakings of the Tunis Agenda for the Information Society; M. Recognizing that South-South cooperation has the potential to provide a critical mass of skilled and resourceful educators, scientists, artists, and cultural practitioners who can meet the needs and expectations of the populations concerned; N. Underscoring the essential role of South-South cooperation in augmenting and deepening exchanges, thereby intensifying dialogue between peoples and cultures and promoting peace; O. Reiterating the importance of the continuation of North-South cooperation to facilitate capacity building and cultural exchanges, as well as improved access to markets in the North for cultural products originating from the South, and facilitating the mobility of ACP cultural stakeholders; P. Applauding the initiative of the Federal Republic of Brazil to adopt a South-South cooperation framework with the ACP Group of States in the context of its efforts to promote cultural development; Q. Recalling the determination reiterated in the “Tunis Commitment” and the “Tunis Agenda for the Information Society,” which were endorsed at the World Summit on the Information Society in November 2005; R. Noting the important role of culture in sustainable development, in particular for the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); S. Recognizing the special needs and unique characteristics of Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and related development challenges; T. Acknowledging the importance of promoting regional cooperation strategies within the framework of the Cotonou Agreement and intra-ACP cooperation for mainstreaming culture in development; U. Recognizing the competence of the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) in the field of information

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exchange, in particular Information Communication Technologies (ICTs), with a view to developing the information society in the field of culture; V. Recognizing that ICTs are an essential tool for national, regional, and all-ACP development strategies, especially in the area of culture; W. Noting the importance of the role of cultural networks at local, regional, intra-ACP, and multilateral levels, as exchange catalysts, information providers, and proponents of good practices and new ideas; X. Acknowledging the role that cultural networks, particularly at the regional level, can play in identifying potential conflicts and actions required to prevent their spreading; Y. Commending the efforts made to reduce the cultural information gap among different communities; Z. Welcoming the start of the programming exercise for intra-ACP cooperation under the 10th EDF; AA. Commending the European Commission’s appreciation of the importance of the cultural sector for development in ACP States, and the drafting of a strategy on culture;

II. Ongoing Implementation of the Dakar Plan of Action 1. Takes note of the implementation status of the Dakar Plan of Action as presented during this Meeting; 2. Commends the adoption of intra-ACP programs financed by the 9th EDF, namely, the “ACP-EU Support Program for ACP Cinema and Audiovisual Sector,” and the “Support Program for ACP Cultural Industries,” which are scheduled to become operational during the first quarter of 2007; 3. Welcomes the organization of the 1st ACP Festival and the participation of the six ACP regions in this event, and recommends that the 2nd ACP Festival coincide with the 3rd Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture; 4. Welcomes the setting up of the ACP Cultural Observatory as the first step towards the creation of an ACP Cultural Foundation, during 2007; 5. Urges international development partners and organizations as well as ACP Non-State Actors (NSAs) to contribute in a significant manner to furthering the application of the Dakar Plan of Action,

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and to promote the visibility of ACP Cultural stakeholder and the ACP Secretariat in international cultural events; 6. Encourages ACP Governments and Regions, in particular the National and Regional Authorizing Officers, to allocate adequate financial resources to ensure the effective follow-up of the implementation of the Dakar Plan of Action; 7. Urges the ACP Secretariat to source funds to allow the Working Group on the Implementation of the Dakar Plan of Action to meet regularly to report on progress made with the implementation of Dakar Plan of Action and the Santo Domingo Resolution at our next Ministerial Meeting; 8. Urges the ACP Secretariat, under the supervision of the ACP Committee of Ambassadors, to draw up Terms of Reference for the mission and functioning of the Working Group on the Implementation of the Dakar Plan of Action, including the modalities for the organization and definition of specific objectives of the ACP Festival, as soon as possible;

III. South-South Cooperation in the Area of Culture 9. Encourages the exchange of information and best practices in the promotion of cultural diversity, research, and training through the establishment of a network of cultural institutions and structures; 10. Undertakes to promote and use modalities of South-South cooperation in ACP cultural projects and programs; 11. Urges ACP NSAs, in particular the private sector and civil society, to promote partnerships aimed at building the capacities of professionals involved in the production, promotion, and marketing of cultural goods and services; 12. Encourages ACP Governments, cultural institutions, and NSAs to facilitate exchanges and residences for cultural practitioners and professionals in the framework of South-South cooperation; 13. Encourages the establishment of an operational framework for South-South cooperation with the Federal Republic of Brazil, specifically with regard to cultural programs commencing with the possibility of establishing an “Africa House in Brazil” and the effective participation of the ACP Group in the 2nd World Cultural Forum (Rio de Janeiro and San Salvador de Bahia, NovemberDecember 2006);

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14. Undertakes to extend the principle of South-South cooperation to other partners of the ACP Group of States; 15. Urges all countries to refrain from exerting pressure, coercion, and aggression, or imposing other unilateral measures in violation of International Law, and detrimental to the social and cultural development of ACP States;

IV. Reducing the Digital Divide in ACP States 16. Encourages supportive actions, in close cooperation with the relevant Ministerial Departments aimed at reducing illiteracy levels in our communities and including culture in education curricula as a strategy to promote respect for cultural diversity in ACP States; 17. Undertakes to achieve by 2015, the indicative targets for the reduction of the digital divide of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) of Geneva 2003 and to build capacity in the knowledge of computer technology so as to promote greater use of computer technology and the Internet; 18. Undertakes to highlight the interactions between ICTs and cultural diversity by encouraging the creation of sites dedicated exclusively to cultural goods and services, through the active promotion of local content; 19. Encourages fundamental and applied research on ICTs, and thereby promote access of populations to their cultures; 20. Facilitates the promotion and development of partnerships involving Government authorities, the private sector, local organizations, civil society, and associations involved in activities structured around the use of ICTs in all artistic areas, including strategies for the reduction of the digital divide; 21. Undertakes to ensure access for ACP populations to ICTs by striving, in particular, to effectively reduce costs through increased access to networks in the context of appropriate regulatory frameworks and effective funding for universal service provision through, inter alia, the development of community digital center networks covering marginalized urban and rural areas; 22. Undertakes to actively participate in the innovative mechanism to finance the reduction of the digital divide by considering the application of the principle of one percent digital solidarity as pronounced by the Digital Solidarity Fund (DSF);

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23. Undertakes to work closely with ACP Governments to strengthen cooperation in order to intensify the action initiated with the goal of ensuring good governance of the Internet; 24. Encourages supportive actions aimed at reducing satellite linkage costs, specifically by developing a relevant ACP strategy; 25. Undertakes to promote, in the framework of intra-ACP projects financed under the 10th EDF, the identification of projects and programs aimed at reducing the digital divide, taking into account the necessary complementarity of donors and financing windows, in particular the DSF;

V. Involvement of Cultural Networks in the Promotion of ACP Cultural Strategies and Policies 26. Supports the creation of the ACP Cultural Observatory, in close collaboration with existing national and regional cultural Observatories, and anticipate its transformation into a bona fide center for collection, exchanges, research, dissemination, and support to States, artists, and operators; 27. Undertakes to recognize and promote the role of cultural networks, specifically by intensifying regional integration efforts and the free movement of artists and cultural works; 28. Pledges to support, politically and financially, programs designed to train and sensitize artists, operators, the public, and media for the development of cultural industries, promotion of peace, and the prevention of conflicts at local, regional, and intra-ACP levels; 29. Urges ACP States to urgently address the negative aspects of news coverage in ACP States by international media, audiovisual products, and content that project violence and promote values that are alien to ACP cultures, as opposed to those that promote peace and tolerance for cultural diversity; 30. Supports the provision of funding to build the capacity of regional organizations to coordinate training programs in the culture of peace, stability, security, and intercultural dialogue; 31. Recommends the commissioning of a study to compile best practices for promoting the acceptance of immigrants who take advantage of the free movement of people encouraged through cultural cooperation; 32. Encourages intra-ACP cooperation and cooperation with other regions in the field of intra-cultural dialogue by promoting exchanges between schools, universities, and regional organizations;

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33. Undertakes to develop support programs aimed at promoting the use and application of, as well as research into, local languages to prevent their marginalization and extinction; 34. Undertakes to support festivals and other ACP cultural events in the context of cultural exchange programs among our States, and to promote dialogue and synergies for linking these events; 35. Undertakes to formalize the participation of cultural networks at future meetings; 36. Urges the ACP States to ratify, as soon as possible, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, as well as the UNESCO Convention on Intangible Heritage of 2003; 37. Undertakes to formulate policies and legal frameworks to prevent and fight piracy in order to create a conducive environment to investors and promoters that will ensure the establishment and development of solid cultural industries in ACP States; 38. Calls for the elaboration of strategies and programs to support infant cultural industries in ACP States, which face vigorous competition from more established industries in developed countries, particularly in the audiovisual sector, with a view to improving product quality and competitiveness; 39. Recognizes and supports the potential wealth of traditional knowledge and the role of traditional authorities in the formulation of policies and laws for development favorable to culture so as to ensure that the existing modalities of operation are in harmony with the imperatives of modernization and globalization;

VI. Consideration of Culture in the Identification of Projects and Programs to Be Financed Under the 10th EDF 40. Undertakes to facilitate the development of a strategic framework for South-South cooperation in the area of culture; 41. Undertakes to consult and initiate dialogue with NSAs in defining cultural programs and strategies; 42. Pledges to proceed with the implementation of the Santo Domingo Resolution and to continue the implementation of the Dakar Plan of Action in the framework of the 10th EDF; 43. Calls on the ACP Secretariat and the European Commission to allocate sufficient resources to enable the ACP Group of States to concretize its cultural strategies and policies, and ensure the speedy and effective disbursement of resources;

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VII. Final Provisions 44. Pledges to promote through sharing the Santo Domingo Resolution to all cultural operators in ACP States, NSAs, and development partners; 45. Calls upon ACP States, the Chairperson of the 2nd Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture, ACP Secretariat, and joint ACP-EU institutions, in collaboration with all relevant national, regional, and multilateral development partners and financial institutions to support, monitor, and participate in the implementation of this Resolution; and 46. Instructs the Chairperson of the 2nd Meeting of ACP Ministers of Culture to communicate the Santo Domingo Resolution to the President of the ACP Council of Ministers, President of the EU Council of Ministers, President of the European Commission, the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, and other relevant bilateral and multilateral partners. Done in Santo Domingo, on 13 October 2006

Note “Santo Domingo Resolution: 2nd Meeting of African, Caribbean, and Pacific Ministers of Culture.” ACP/83/046/06. Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, October 2006. Printed with the permission of the Observatory of Cultural Policies in Africa (OCPA).

Jollywood Manifesto Ciné Institute Jacmel, Haiti, 2008

D

avid Belle, an American filmmaker, founded the Cine Institute in Jacmel, Haiti, in 2008. The Institute trains young Haitians in filmmaking and offers screenings of Haitian and international cinema. The “Jollywood Manifesto”—a play on Bollywood and Nollywood, two of the largest film production centers in the world—encourages filmmakers to produce work that addresses Haitian life and foregrounds the need for collective, inclusive, DIY film production. 1. 2. 3. 4.

We create simple local stories set in everyday life. We tell our stories with images. We do not heavily rely on dialogue. We recognize and use local resources. We use non-professional actors. We cast our friends, family, neighbors, and associates. 5. We use a small cast and crew. 6. We use natural light. 7. We credit every person who assists in making a film. 8. We are honest and transparent. We are respectful with our cast, crew, and community. 9. We are rebranding Haiti and showing the world the richness of our country. 10. We work within a cultural context and for the good of humanity. 11. We are active and work together to accomplish a better reality for all Haitians. 12. We are active and we work together to accomplish a better reality for all of us.

Note Previously published in Film Manifestos and Global Cinema Cultures, ed. Scott MacKenzie (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 320.

Brussels Declaration by Artists and Cultural Professionals and Entrepreneurs Brussels, Belgium, April 1–3, 2009

W

e, artists, professionals, and culture entrepreneurs, from the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP), and European Union (EU) member States, met in Brussels April 1–3, 2009 at the invitation of the Council of the ACP Group and the European Commission. The objective of this meeting was to facilitate a dialogue concerning current and future issues of cultural cooperation, the importance of the cultural sector for the consolidation of a knowledge-based society and a creative economy, based on the needs and expectations of professionals from ACP countries and on the priority guidelines needed for programs of cultural cooperation between ACP countries and the European Union. After so many conferences where clear diagnoses were established and specific recommendations were made but not pursued; after so many resolutions, programs, and action plans rarely put into practice, it is with a mixture of skepticism and hope that we have come to participate in this colloquium. The European Union has developed, over many years, important cultural cooperation programs with all ACP countries. However, these programs have not really been able to deliver national cultural policies nor help to build more structured and professional cultural sectors at a national or regional level. Moreover, they remain limited to the cultural sector, with no real influence on development policies. As clearly announced by the title of the colloquium, the intention to articulate culture, creation, and development by involving culture professionals from ACP countries and Europe with high-level ACP and European Union politicians gives us hope. It makes us believe that this declaration will not be a new international text without political and operational follow-up. If it is supported by the political leaders of the European Union and ACP countries, this declaration has a real chance to create a new dynamic.

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Today, all countries face a profound crisis: financial, economic, and social. In addition, particularly for developing countries, there are climate, energy, food, and human security crises. Current policies on development cooperation do not respond adequately to the challenges of sustainable development. We must, therefore, rethink our approach to development. And, without wishing to overstate the power of culture, we are convinced that, as already stated by Léopold Sédar Senghor, “culture is at the beginning and the end of development.” Many surveys and studies show us that culture and art is one of the most dynamic economic sectors in terms of employment, economic growth, and wealth creation. It also promotes social cohesion and democratic participation in public life. Finally, unlike mineral resources, social and cultural capital is a renewable resource. Regarding North-South cooperation, it cannot succeed without the improvement of human rights, democracy, and governance. By stimulating individual and collective imagination and creating links between communities, culture, and artistic creation contribute to the establishment and development of democracy. Because culture contributes to economic development, well-being, and social cohesion, and has an impact on other sectors of development, we, artists, professionals, and culture entrepreneurs, are making three key requests: • first, that culture is the subject of public structural policies at national, regional, and international levels; • then, that the cultural dimension is taken into account by other sectorial policies and defined in an integrated approach to development; and, • finally, that artists and creators are fully recognized as actors in development and have a professional and social status adapted to their own context. It is time to act. In order to do this, we are making proposals that are based on the Cotonou Agreement, the Dakar Action Plan, and the Santo Domingo Resolution (ACP), the Action Plan on “Cultural Industries for the Development of Africa” (AU), the African Renaissance Charter, the Cultural Cooperation Protocol of the Economic Partnership Agreement between Cariforum States and the European Union, the Pacific Plan (Pacific Islands Forum), the International Convention for the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (UNESCO), and the European Agenda for Culture (EU). These proposals arise from the analysis of barriers and opportunities which will enable us to increase the contribution of culture in development of ACP countries.

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They correspond to three types of objectives and bring up several recommendations.

Objectives At the political level: • To bring policy makers together to formulate cultural policies, where they do not yet exist, and to pursue support policies for the cultural industries and the creative economy; • To convince ACP States and European Union member States of the importance of culture in the development process and to translate this new priority in budgetary and financial terms; • To increase the participation of ACP States in the cultural environment of the North so as to reduce their dependence and strengthen cultural diversity for the benefit of humanity; • To create the conditions and the legal, regulatory, and economic framework for the development of a creative economy; • To strengthen the regional dimension in the building of infrastructure, institutions, and markets, especially by promoting the creation of regional centers of excellence; • To ensure that decision-making processes are transparent and democratic and involve the participation of the private sector and professional organizations; • To encourage the development of North-South, South-North, South-South, and intra-ACP mutually beneficial trade.

At the economic level: • To encourage the establishment of national and regional markets and increase the market-share of local content in these markets; • To enhance the capacity of ACP countries to create, produce, distribute, and to ensure competitive dissemination of cultural products in domestic, regional, and international markets; • To strengthen the role of private operators in development strategies of cultural sectors; • To promote business partnerships between North-South operators for access to international markets and for reinforcement of their capacities; • To reinforce the contribution of culture to the fight against poverty and the improvement of living conditions of people in ACP countries, through cultural activities that create employment and wealth.

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At social and cultural levels: • To promote the protection of artists and creators as well as the respect of cultural rights of all individuals, particularly the most disadvantaged; • To contribute to the dialogue between civilizations and intercultural dialogue, which are the guarantee of peace and security.

Recommendations We propose as priorities the following actions concerning the regulatory framework and access to funding for creative industries, creation and production, dissemination and circulation of artists and works, the training of artists and cultural professionals, as well as information and communication between ACP cultural actors. For the implementation in the short, medium, and long term, it would be desirable to create a climate of trust between public, private, and civil actors and to promote cooperation and networking. Furthermore, the role of the Diaspora should be valued.

Recommendations to Professionals of ACP and European Union States • Create or develop professional organizations with the ability and means to strengthen the cultural sector, including representation of private interests, support for training, and dissemination of information; • Contribute to the formalization and the professionalization of ACP enterprises; • Bring together the creativity of the cultural sector in order to create platforms for collective production and dissemination of information at national and regional levels in order to increase the visibility of ACP creations at the international level; • Participate in training programs in order to transmit and acquire skills in technical and managerial domains; • Participate in North-South and South-South accompaniment programs in order to increase the transfer of skills between practitioners.

Recommendations to Local, National, and Regional Authorities • Include culture as a priority, taking into account the National and Regional Indicative Programs (NIP and RIP) on cooperation and the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers;

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• Recognize culture as a factor of development and implement a multisectoral strategy, taking into account the horizontal nature of culture and involving the participation of various bodies (youth, employment, trade, finance, tourism, culture, communication, education, professional training, transport . . .) related to the general environment of cultural industries; • Open up eligibility for existing support programs for micro- and small enterprises to the creative industries; • Develop artistic education at all levels by involving the active participation of artists and culture professionals; • Develop national study programs, collecting information and statistics on the economy of culture, relevant to all sectors; • Develop support policies across each sector; • Develop a strategy to support the private sector: support funds, access to funding, training, support, and advice; • Strengthen the capacity of professional organizations by encouraging them to improve their governance and to develop training programs and dissemination of information; • Develop and implement audiovisual, broadcast, and telecommunications policies to provide platforms for the production and dissemination of creative content in ACP and EU countries; • Support groups of producers and distributors for collective presentations of their works in the main international markets, at national and regional levels; • Facilitate the movement of artists and culture professionals at an international level; • Identify training needs, develop multidisciplinary programs, and promote the emergence of centers of regional and national excellence; • Harmonize and apply laws concerning the status of the artist, copyright laws, and investment; • Establish a tax and customs system favorable to improving the conditions of production and dissemination of cultural goods and services in order to create regional cultural markets; • Support the organization of seminars and regional professional markets; • Professionalize and develop festivals, meeting and exchange places, training, and pilot initiatives; • Protect the cultural heritage and contribute to its development in order to improve the lives of people who are the carriers; • Encourage cities to conduct activities supporting the cultural sector, particularly through the creation of infrastructures, training, and venues for creation and dissemination.

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Recommendations to the European Union • Support local, national, and government authorities in the implementation of the actions mentioned above and in particular encourage them to integrate culture in NIPs and RIPs; • Develop culture programs, notably national and regional Culture Support Programs in order to promote the creative economy; • Facilitate technical support for ACP operators and skills transfer in cooperation programs; • Improve the visibility of the cultures of ACP countries in the EU Member States by supporting large-scale festivals, showcases, and coproductions; • Facilitate the free movement of artists and culture professionals in EU member states by encouraging them to create a cultural visa; • Facilitate networks and support North-South and South-South partnership programs used for the transfer of skills between operators of same area; • Create a “culture facility” for development in order to support the cultural dimension of economic development and social cohesion; • Create a support fund for the creation and circulation of cultural goods and services in ACP countries, with management conditions (procedures and selection criteria) adapted to the realities of ACP operators and the specificity of the artistic creation. To ensure the success of this initiative, we call on the ACP States, the European Union, and the regional and multilateral cooperation agencies to improve coordination and synergies of their interventions with full respect for the autonomy of the artist and his or her creation. It is equally necessary to significantly increase financial resources. We believe the source of the inertia we deplore is that financial means allocated are insufficient to attain the aspirations, however noble they may be. We, artists, professionals, and culture entrepreneurs from Africa, the Caribbean, the Pacific, and Europe, all members of the area covered by the Cotonou Agreement which, in terms of respect for cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue, is an example for the rest of the world, adopt this Declaration and call for the establishment of a monitoring committee. We affirm our commitment to contribute, through our work and our creations, to the advent of a new society where each member may assert his or her dignity and creativity and contribute to the construction of a better world.

Note Printed with the permission of the Organization of African, Caribbean, and Pacific States.

Annex to the Brussels Declaration: Specific Sector Recommendations Brussels, Belgium, April 2009

Part 1: The Cinema and Audiovisual Sector as a Factor of Development

What are the priority recommendations to stimulate the cinema and audiovisual sector in ACP1 states?

C

onsidering the importance of the needs and issues at stake, the overlapping of the cultural, political, industrial, financial, and technical areas, the international scale of the cinema and audiovisual industry, the use of a vast range of interventions is required. So much so, that the international agreements, notably the UNESCO2 Convention on the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultural and linguistic expressions, offer States a normative framework for the definition and implementation of appropriate policies. The strategic objectives which should govern its actions are of two kinds: • Provide. States with the sustainable capacity to produce their own images, because they contribute to the cultural and political dynamic, strengthen cultural identities expressing, at national and international levels, the voice of the people and the creativity of artists. • Ensure an effective market for images produced, that is to say their dissemination at national, regional and international levels, because the creativity and marketing of images are privileged areas of economic growth. These two strategic objectives are in fact intimately linked. There cannot be a sustainable flow of viable production if they do not find their audience

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and if markets do not return a share of the revenue collected to the producers and writers, so as to contribute to the depreciation of investments and financing of new works.

Two sets of recommendations for the attention of the ACP States: (i) the definition and implementation of regulatory policies, (ii) the implementation of mechanisms contributing to the financing needs of the industry. Given the weakness of the sector in the States, both structural and professional, on the one hand, and the narrowness of domestic markets, on the other hand, these recommendations should have a regional approach in their implementation. The regional approach is crucial for the recovery of the markets. It is also an economic and cultural need. Southern countries must primarily seek to establish alliances among themselves, promote trade and South-South partnerships, stimulate coproduction and open up their respective markets.

(i) Under the Definition and Implementation of Regulatory Policies By regulation, the definition and the implementation of film and audiovisual policy, as any market must be regulated and supervised, a fortiori, when debating the artistic creation and that is the bearer of cultural values. The components of this recommendation are to: • define the framework and conditions for the exercise of different professions and the organization of economic relations between the different sectors, • foresee in the specifications of national television channels, obligations to promote and enhance the national and regional audiovisual production by setting programming quotas, • formally submit the same obligations to public television channels and change their current status of state television into public service television that will play a leading role in the development of national and regional productions, • establish rules of preference and cooperation to promote coproduction, movement, exploitation, and dissemination of products in various ACP regions,

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• establish an incentive fiscal and customs framework adapted to the dual nature of cultural and economic activities of companies in the sector, • clean up the economic environment by effectively fighting against piracy, because it kills creativity and discourages any major investment in the sector, • establish an administrative body, with human and financial resources to monitor the regularity of the functioning of the sector. These basic recommendations should be accompanied by the following measures: • support the emergence of local media engaged in the promotion and enhancement of local content especially for the Caribbean and the Pacific States, • introduce into educational programs, at all levels, educational film and television initiatives, • provide political support to initiatives aimed at the creation of “locomotives,” which by their size and weight, can “boost” the whole sector at the regional level or across several ACP regions. These include: • a continental television channel capable of stimulating the production and acting as a catalyst for the whole industry, • a circuit of ACP film distribution on digital media in order to promote their access to rooms, • a platform of “on demand videos” facilitating the payable downloading of ACP movies online.

(ii) Under the Mechanisms Contributing to the Financing Needs of the Industry The mechanisms recommended are of four complementary natures: • Implement a virtuous circle “production-dissemination-production”, i.e. the return of a mandatory part of the financial flows generated by the domestic market to finance the production of new works. This involves: • impose on national cable distributors packages of international television channels, (they derive substantial financial resources in ACP countries), as an effort to contribute to the development of a domestic industry by taking part in their turnover,

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• provide the specifications for the national television channels, public and private, with the obligation to devote part of their turnover to the ordering and purchasing of national programs. • Facilitate access to credit, through guarantee funds, in order to support investment and business development including those of the theatrical release that should make investments for modernization and reconstruction of a number of cinemas, • Promote, on the one hand, private sector financing through sponsorship and, on the other hand, private savings through the establishment of a fiscal framework and appropriate incentives, • Significant funding from the budgets of states. Granted funds lost or in the form of reimbursable advances, public funding is necessary even if they represent a low or moderate percentage. They are essential to complete any financing market, provide a territorial economic base for production, and increase autonomy from international donors, pending that medium and long term market development can facilitate the refocusing, or even reducing, of the contribution of public funds. Such funding must take into account the whole sector ranging from operator training, to the production and dissemination of works in cinemas, on television screens, video marketing, and new media, without forgetting festivals promotion of works.

Recommendations for international cooperation agencies: Nowadays, the priority objectives of international cooperation should involve, on the one hand, the structuring of national and regional markets, and on the other hand, foster the access of ACP cinematographic and audiovisual production to international markets, which are the only ones capable of enabling the emergence of an industry and ensuring, partially, its autonomy and durability. While the concept of market and the industrial structuring of the sector has gradually been taken into account in the policies which support the cinema and audiovisual sector of developing countries, the mechanisms actually implemented don’t ensure it. In operational terms, the following priority recommendations are formulated:

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• Ensure long term support programs and reinforce financial resources: • The repeated interruptions of certain aid programs (such as those of the European Union) inhibit any capitalization of the achievements of previous programs. The securing of support over various years and avoiding the gap between the end of one program and the beginning of the next one is an absolute necessity. • Moreover, the decrease in international cooperation budgets devoted to the support of the cinema and audiovisual sector of developing countries over the last years should be reversed. That is why financial and technical partners should endeavor to increase significantly the financial resources allocated to their cooperation programs. • Foster the access of works in the ACP area to the international market: • An effort of solidarity, in terms of programming and the coproduction of works with the ACP area, should be requested from European television broadcasters, through regulation, if needed, and specific requirements from public television networks. • Likewise, mechanisms supporting the distributors and EU cinemas involved in ACP films exhibition constitute a good catalyst, and should be developed. • Finally, it would be convenient to support the networking of producers, distributers and retailers aimed to join together their strengths towards the collective presentation of their catalogues on the main world markets. • Support the creation of a unique and unifying information tool: • Include the convening of a meeting of operators working on databases for the creation of a unique and unifying information tool and financing it within the framework of support. • Support the development of Vocational Training: • Include dynamic training linking theory with practice, taking into account, on the one hand, linguistic and economic areas, and, on the other, specific new technologies. • The financial resources allocated to vocational training should now be recorded on the budget for “education” and not on the budgets related to the cinema and audiovisual industries.

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• Support education in the image of young people representing the tomorrow’s public. • Facilitate access to international financing mechanisms: • These include institutions such as the European Investment Bank and the French Development Agency to help make the necessary investments for modernization and reconstruction of cinema halls. • Making professional organizations special partners: • Professional organizations constitute one of the major conditions of success for all support policies in the sector. They should be associated to the operational definition, implementation, and follow-up of support policies.

Specific Recommendations to the European Commission It would be necessary that the European Union becomes increasingly ambitious in its involvement on the side of ACP cinema and audiovisual sectors, by reinforcing and enlarging its axes of intervention, and finally, by using all its cooperation instruments:

Under the NIP/RIP, it is recommended that the European Union: • encourage and support the ACP States in the definition and implementation of active cinematographic and audiovisual policies in ensuring their systematic inclusion in the National Indicative Programmes, and, • by supporting actions, contributing to the structuring of the sector, giving priority to the areas of distribution, exhibition and training which require interventions at the level of the regions and on the Regional Indicative Programmes.

Under the Protocol of Cultural Cooperation between the EU and CARIFORUM it is recommended that: • a unique model of a coproduction treaty in the audiovisual field is not imposed, but that liberty is left to each of the CARIFORUM States to negotiate the terms of a coproduction treaty that is adapted to its own realities.

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Under intra-ACP funds, it is recommended that the European Union: • encourage and develop cooperation and synergies between professionals of different ACP regions. • support events that promote ACP cinema and audiovisual as well as professional networks. • take the necessary measures so that the various support programmes no longer undergo long and repeated interruptions. • Between the last call for the eighth EDF project and the first call of the ninth EDF, it took five years without European support being given to ACP cinema and audiovisual. Given the decisive support of Europe, these interruptions have serious consequences on the vitality of ACP cinema and audiovisual as well as in maintaining a significant volume of production. In addition, they inhibit any capitalization on previous program achievements. For the tenth EDF, a single call for proposals is planned for the entire duration of the programme in anticipation of the tenth EDF. • completely review the current procedures imposed on ACP professionals and on festivals for the promotion of cinema and audiovisual which are long, complex, and totally inappropriate to the cinema and audiovisual sector. It is difficult, with such inappropriate funding procedures, to consolidate a professional fabric and, overall, to develop the professionalization of ACP cinematography and its professional and economic autonomy. • establish a monitoring committee of this Colloquium so that current recommendations made remain alive and do not go unheeded, as is often the case in other forums.

Notes Printed with the permission of the Organization of African, Caribbean, and Pacific States. 1. African, Caribbean, and Pacific. 2. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization.

Afrosurreal Manifesto

Black Is the New Black—A 21st Century Manifesto D. Scot Miller, United States, May 20, 2009 I’m not a surrealist. I just paint what I see. —Frida Kahlo

The Past and the Prelude

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n his introduction to the classic novel Invisible Man (1952), ambiguous black and literary icon Ralph Ellison says the process of creation was “far more disjointed than [it] sounds . . . such was the inner-outer subjectiveobjective process, pied rind and surreal heart.” Ellison’s allusion is to his book’s most perplexing character, Rinehart the Runner, a dandy, pimp, numbers runner, drug dealer, prophet, and preacher. The protagonist of Invisible Man takes on the persona of Rinehart so that “I may not see myself as others see me not.” Wearing a mask of dark shades and large-brimmed hat, he is warned by a man known as the fellow with the gun, “Listen Jack, don’t let nobody make you act like Rinehart. You got to have a smooth tongue, a heartless heart, and be ready to do anything.” And Ellison’s lead man enters a world of prostitutes, hopheads, cops on the take, and masochistic parishioners. He says of Rinehart, “He was years ahead of me, and I was a fool. The world in which we live is fluidity, and Rine the Rascal was at home.” The marquee of Rinehart’s store-front church declares: Behold the Invisible! Thy will be done O Lord! I See all, Know all, Tell all, Cure all. You shall see the unknown wonders.

Ellison and Rinehart had seen it, but had no name for it. In an introduction to prophet Henry Dumas’ 1974 book Ark of Bones and Other Stories, Amiri Baraka puts forth a term for what he describes as Dumas’ “skill at creating an entirely different world organically connected

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to this one . . . the Black aesthetic in its actual contemporary and lived life.” The term he puts forth is Afro-Surreal Expressionism. Dumas had seen it. Baraka had named it. This is Afro-Surreal!

This Is Not Afro-Surreal A) Surrealism Leopold Senghor, poet, first president of Senegal, and African Surrealist, made this distinction: “European Surrealism is empirical. African Surrealism is mystical and metaphorical.” Jean-Paul Sartre said that the art of Senghor and the African Surrealist (or Negritude) movement “is revolutionary because it is surrealist, but itself is surrealist because it is black.” Afro-Surrealism sees that all “others” who create from their actual, lived experience are surrealist, per Frida Kahlo. The root for “Afro-” can be found in “Afro-Asiatic”, meaning a shared language between black, brown and Asian peoples of the world. What was once called the “third world,” until the other two collapsed.

B) Afro-Futurism Afro-Futurism is a diaspora intellectual and artistic movement that turns to science, technology, and science fiction to speculate on black possibilities in the future. Afro-Surrealism is about the present. There is no need for tomorrow’s-tongue speculation about the future. Concentration camps, bombed-out cities, famines, and enforced sterilization have already happened. To the Afro-Surrealist, the Tasers are here. The Four Horsemen rode through too long ago to recall. What is the future? The future has been around so long it is now the past. Afro-Surrealists expose this from a “future-past” called RIGHT NOW. RIGHT NOW, Barack Hussein Obama is America’s first black president. RIGHT NOW, Afro-Surreal is the best description to the reactions, the genuflections, the twists, and the unexpected turns this “browning” of WhiteStraight-Male-Western-Civilization has produced.

The Present, or Right Now San Francisco, the most liberal and artistic city in the nation, has one of the nation’s most rapidly declining black urban populations. This is a sign of a

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greater illness that is chasing out all artists, renegades, daredevils, and outcasts. No black people means no black artists, and all you yet-untouched freaks are next. Only freaky black art—Afro-Surreal art—in the museums, galleries, concert venues, and streets of this (slightly) fair city can save us! San Francisco, the land of Afro-Surreal poet laureate Bob Kaufman, can be at the forefront in creating an emerging aesthetic. In this land of buzzwords and catch phrases, Afro-Surreal is necessary to transform how we see things now, how we look at what happened then, and what we can expect to see in the future. It’s no more coincidence that Kool Keith (as Dr. Octagon) recorded the 1996 Afro-Surreal anthem “Blue Flowers” on Hyde Street, or that Samuel R. Delany based much of his 1974 Afro-Surreal urtext Dhalgren on experiences in San Francisco. An Afro-Surreal aesthetic addresses these lost legacies and reclaims the souls of our cities, from Kehinde Wiley painting the invisible men (and their invisible motives) in NYC to Yinka Shonibare beheading 17th (and 21st) century sexual tourists of Europe. From Nick Cave’s soundsuits at Yerba Buena Center for the Arts to the words you are reading right now, the message is clear: San Francisco, the world is ready for an Afro-Surreal art movement. Afro-Surrealism is drifting into contemporary culture on a rowboat with no oars, entering the city to hunt down clues for the cure to this ancient, incurable disease called “western civilization.” Or, as Ishmael Reed states, “We are mystical detectives about to make an arrest.”

A Manifesto of Afro-Surreal Behold the invisible! You shall see unknown wonders! 1. We have seen these unknown worlds emerging in the works of Wifredo Lam, whose Afro-Cuban origins inspire works that speak of old gods with new faces, and in the works of Jean-Michel Basquiat, who gives us new gods with old faces. We have heard this world in the ebo-horn of Roscoe Mitchell and the lyrics of DOOM. We’ve read it through the words of Henry Dumas, Victor Lavalle, and Darius James. This emerging mosaic of radical influence ranges from Frantz Fanon to Jean Genet. Supernatural undertones of Reed and Zora Neale Hurston mix with the hardscrabble stylings of Chester Himes and William S. Burroughs. 2. Afro-Surreal presupposes that beyond this visible world, there is an invisible world striving to manifest, and it is our job to uncover

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it. Like the African Surrealists, Afro-Surrealists recognize that nature (including human nature) generates more surreal experiences than any other process could hope to produce. Afro-Surrealists restore the cult of the past. We revisit old ways with new eyes. We appropriate 19th century slavery symbols like Kara Walker, and 18th century colonial ones like Yinka Shonibare. We re-introduce “madness” as visitations from the gods, and acknowledge the possibility of magic. We take up the obsessions of the ancients and kindle the dis-ease, clearing the murk of the collective unconsciousness as it manifests in these dreams called culture. Afro-Surrealists use excess as the only legitimate means of subversion, and hybridization as a form of disobedience. The collages of Romare Bearden and Wangechi Mutu, the prose of Reed, and the music of the Art Ensemble of Chicago and Antipop Consortium express this overflow. Afro-Surrealists distort reality for emotional impact. 50 Cent and his cold monotone and Walter Benjamin and his chilly shock tactics can kiss our ass. Enough! We want to feel something! We want to weep on record. Afro-Surrealists strive for rococo: the beautiful, the sensuous, and the whimsical. We turn to Sun Ra, Toni Morrison, and Ghostface Killa. We look to Kehinde Wiley, whose observation about the black male body applies to all art and culture: “There is no objective image. And there is no way to objectively view the image itself.” The Afro-Surrealist life is fluid, filled with aliases and census-defying classifications. It has no address or phone number, no single discipline or calling. Afro-Surrealists are highly-paid short- term commodities (as opposed to poorly-paid long term ones, a.k.a. slaves). Afro-Surrealists are ambiguous. “Am I black or white? Am I straight, or gay? Controversy!” Afro-Surrealism rejects the quiet servitude that characterizes existing roles for African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, women and queer folk. Only through the mixing, melding, and crossconversion of these supposed classifications can there be hope for liberation. Afro-Surrealism is intersexed, Afro-Asiatic, Afro-Cuban, mystic, silly, and profound. The Afro-Surrealist wears a mask while reading Leopold Senghor. Ambiguous as Prince, black as Fanon, literary as Reed, dandy as André Leon Tally, the Afro-Surrealist seeks definition in the absurdity of a “post-racial” world.

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9. In fashion (John Galliano; Yohji Yamamoto) and the theater (Suzan Lori-Parks), Afro-Surreal excavates the remnants of this post-apocalypse with dandified flair, a smooth tongue and a heartless heart. 10. Afro-Surrealists create sensuous gods to hunt down beautiful collapsed icons.

Afrosurrealism in Action San Francisco Museum of Modern Art and the Museum of the African Diaspora present the works of Mutu, William Pope L., Trenton Doyle Hancock, Glenn Ligon, Wiley, Shonibare, and Walker en masse, with Lam’s Jungle as a centerpiece. Lorraine Hansbury Theater stages Genet’s The Blacks and Baraka’s The Dutchman, while San Francisco Opera adapts Aimé Césaire’s Caliban and the Fillmore has an Afro-punk retrospective. Afro-Surreal adaptations of Reed’s Mumbo Jumbo (1972), Hurston’s Tell My Horse (1937), and Marvel’s Black Panther (2018) will grace the silver-screen. These are the first steps in an illustrious and fantastic journey. When we finally reach those unknown shores, we will say, with blood beneath our nails and mud on our boots: This is Afro-Surreal!

Note Originally published in the San Francisco Bay Guardian, Wednesday, May 20, 2009. Reprinted from Miller, D. Scot. “Afrosurreal Manifesto: Black Is the New black—a 21stCentury Manifesto,” Black Camera 5, no. 1 (2013): 113–117.

Final Declaration of the First Meeting of Filmmakers from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and Their Diasporas (ABCD) Havana, Cuba, September 12–16, 2011

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he first encounter of filmmakers from Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas, spanning nine African countries and eighteen countries in Latin America, North America, and the Caribbean was held in Havana, Cuba, in September. In the identity of the Caribbean and their diasporas is a deep, transcendent, and vital cultural footprint of the peoples of the African continent. Film, as a mosaic of all the arts, is the meeting point par excellence between the cultural values and aesthetic referents of the Caribbean and Africa. Given that Africa is developing one of the most significant film movements of our day, while in the Caribbean comes renewed vigor to carry out works of the filmmakers with the aim of promoting the development of regional cinematography. Considering the importance of achieving greater visibility of African, Caribbean, and Brazilian cinema in the diasporas in our respective regions and other areas of the world, the Office of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase celebrated the first Encounter of Filmmakers from Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas in Havana September 12–16, 2011. The participants of the first encounter of filmmakers from Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas, spanning nine African countries and eighteen countries in Latin America, North America, and the Caribbean considering: 1. That African cinema, from its founding years and currently, contributes to the formation of the national culture of their countries and has made a fundamental contribution to cultural independence, at the same time it has had central importance in building a common pan-African identity among the peoples of the continent and the world; 2. That the cinema of the Caribbean is an important means for the affirmation and defense of national cultures and identities of the countries of the region;

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Declare and agree that: 1. The work of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase in its organization has allowed a rich exchange between the filmmakers of our regions. At the same time acknowledges the support the showcase has received from the Regional Office for Culture of UNESCO1 for Latin America and the Caribbean and the UNICEF2 representative in Cuba, and urges those institutions to maintain this support to ensure its sustainability and development. 2. We need greater participation of Brazil and its filmmakers in these meetings and their actions, taking into account the importance of African heritage in Brazilian identity. We recognize the contribution of Meeting of the Black Cinema of Africa, Brazil and the Caribbean, organized annually by the Afro-Carioca Film Centre , in an effort to make visible the work of these film industries, while valuing its experience as inspiration for the Meeting of Filmmakers of Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas. 3. Given the importance of their contribution to cultural development in both regions and their contribution to the exchange between filmmakers, the Meeting of Filmmakers of Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas must become a permanent space for reflection and construction of strategies for collaboration among regions. 4. The Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (FUNGLODE) on behalf of the Dominican people and the President of the Republic, in coordination with the Office of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase is committed to making the second meeting of filmmakers from Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas in 2012 in the Dominican Republic. The same will be accompanied by a cycle of films from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their diasporas, which will be carried throughout the whole country. 5. Telesur is committed to support from the information point of view to promote this second meeting to be held in the Dominican Republic. 6. To ensure the consolidation of cinematography from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their diasporas, we urge governments to guarantee their support through the articulation of cultural policies that promote and support production, distribution, and exhibition. 7. The mechanisms of coproduction between the countries of our region are a tool to enhance the development of film in our countries.

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8. It is necessary to disseminate the information to permit the filmmakers of our countries access to the various forms of financing for the development of their cinematography and address financing funds available from international organizations like UNESCO, ACP,3 and others, such as support programs for the development and promotion of the film industries of our region as IBERMEDIA. 9. It is essential to build forms of inter-regional collaboration for development and training of filmmakers from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their diasporas. 10. It is essential to create effective alternatives for the exhibition of film of our regions in the different countries of the same. It proposes the creation of an alternative similar to the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase on the African continent. 11. It is also necessary to ensure the display of African cinema in the Caribbean and Brazil, and Brazilian and Caribbean cinema in the countries of the African continent. It is recommended to utilize the space for film festivals that exist in both regions. 12. With the aim of favoring the formation of audiences receptive to the aesthetics and narratives of our film, it is necessary to promote the inclusion of educational mechanisms and alternative film exhibition that transcend traditional circuits. In this sense, commitment is needed from critics, experts, media, and other opinion formers. Telesur, utilizing its reporting structure, agrees to cooperate in the promotion of film in the Caribbean, Brazil, Africa, and their Diasporas. 13. It is necessary to develop mechanisms for breaking down language barriers that sometimes hinder the free flow of films between the countries of our region. In this sense, we can benefit from the infrastructure created by the Office of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase in the field of subtitling. At the same time doubling capacity must be developed. 14. It is necessary to defend the right of children and young people to have access to a film that validates their culture. At the same time, the meeting recognizes the need to create mechanisms to make use of audio-visual for creative expression. 15. Affirms the relevance of the project “Cameras of Diversity” developed by UNESCO and suggests the implementation of the same in all countries in Africa and its strengthening in Brazil and the Caribbean. 16. Proposes to contribute to the strengthening and significance of Paul Robeson Award with a wider participation of the Diaspora in the Pan-African Film Festival in Ouagadougou (FESPACO).

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17. Proposes to organize a film festival of Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas to be held alternately in the Caribbean and Brazil, in even years, alternating with the years during which FESPACO is held. This Festival will be organized by the Office of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase and the Afro-Carioca Film Centre in Brazil, in coordination with relevant institutions of the countries of the region. 18. It is proposed to manage, with support from UNICEF, the Cuban Book Institute and other editorial institutions of the region, the publication of a book of Anancy stories, the mythical spider of Ghana. 19. In the course of this meeting a call was made for the convocation of the International Meeting “The Sciences and Arts Against Racism.” 20. The Gathering of Filmmakers of Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas celebrates the success of the African Film Week in Havana and ten Cuban cities. The Gathering of Filmmakers of Africa, the Caribbean, and their diasporas would like to thank for their contribution to the success of this meeting the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Cuba; the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (ICAIC); Cultural Program of the Alba Countries; Telesur; Republic Bank; UltraSmart and the Colombiafrica Foundation.

Notes 1. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. 2. United Nations Children’s Fund. 3. African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States.

Final Declaration of the Second Meeting of Filmmakers of Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their Diasporas (ABCD CINEMA) Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, July 15–18, 2012

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n the occasion of the second meeting of filmmakers from Africa, the Caribbean, and its Diaspora, organized by the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase and the Dominican Republic Global Film Festival with the participation of representatives of 27 countries of ABCD, and emphasizing the importance of giving continuity to this space for debate, exchange of experiences, initiatives, and concerted actions between filmmakers, authorities, producers, distributors, specialists of cinema, and audiovisual media in general, agreed with justifiable enthusiasm, the following:

Final Declaration 1. Support a mechanism to facilitate the inclusion of stable film in ABCD countries in education programs. 2. Develop the skills of dubbing and subtitling of films of CINEMA ABCD in the countries of our region who have the expertise to do this work. 3. Promote activities that enable greater presence of film journalism and criticism in the press and other media to help the development of our film and the formation of an audience in our regions. Reaffirm the need to seek avenues for publication and dissemination of critical writing about ABCD films. 4. Develop modalities for the training and retraining of professionals of film and audiovisual works in general, including training for TV production. 5. Create a support network for facilitating updated systematic communication on the actions of CINEMA ABCD. Create an online portal to view information pertaining to CINEMA ABCD.

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6. Request from the African governments and Caribbean countries support for institution building to enable the development of national cinematography where none exist. 7. To publicize the laws and regulations in the ABCD countries for film production, so as to encourage co-productions and collaboration between ABCD countries. 8. Promote all forms that serve to promote our ABCD films. 9. Ensure that public television stations screen national ABCD film productions. As an example, the Dominican Republic’s public channel CERTV is made available to showcase the films of ABCD CINEMA, as it does with the Ibermedia program. It is also assumed as reference the Brazilian Government Act which sets quotas for cinema exhibition on cable television. 10. Propose a meeting with producers, distributors, and cinema exhibitors to create mechanisms for commercial exhibition of films in our regions. 11. Include the participation of films made by students from film schools in the festivals of ABCD countries. 12. Prepare and disseminate a calendar of ABCD film festivals for circulation in the ABCD CINEMA network. 13. Include market spaces at ABCD festivals for the promotion of all our productions. 14. Make an ABCD Showcase at the MIST, Harlem, New York. 15. Ask governmental institutions from ABCD countries to support the establishment and/or development of film schools, or other forms of education and training, enabling students and professionals to train in various fields of film in ABCD countries. 16. Recommend the installation of film libraries in countries where none exist. In those countries where libraries do exist, funds to enrich their countries’ ABCD films. UNESCO,1 FIAF, and other institutions are requested to support the conservation and restoration of film archives. 17. Organize an ABCD showcase to attend the next event to be held, Carifesta in Suriname in 2013. 18. Identify law incentive models for film production in ABCD countries, which can be applied in other countries in our regions. 19. Recognize the existence of the Community of African Cinema (CCA) as an entity that will support and assist in the implementation of the proposed ABCD CINEMA. 20. Set one or more organizational structures similar to the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase through the CEC to develop a traveling exhibition of African films. These structures also serve to promote

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and coordinate actions proposed in the draft UNESCO Cameras of Diversity ABCD Project. 21. Strengthen the presence of women in all areas of film and audiovisuals in ABCD countries. 22. Encourage greater use of characters in the traditional folk culture of our countries, such as Anancy, or others, in conducting films dedicated to child and adolescent audiences. 23. Support the Documentary Film Festival “Real Life” in Ghana and the movie studio programs for youth that are made through this project in Ghana and New York. 24. Emphasize the importance of adding initiatives, actions, and the presence of ABCD CINEMA critics, researchers, and academics in our regions and encourage the formation of film critics in ABCD countries. 25. Recognize the need for the National Office of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase to have legal and financial autonomy to facilitate their work. 26. Support the project “Cameras of Diversity ABCD” proposed by UNESCO and request the organization to complete the draft presented during the ABCD CINEMA meeting for submission to potential donors. The participants adopted the actor Danny Glover as Goodwill Ambassador for this project. 27. Acknowledge the continued efforts and support of the Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase in organizing this meeting. 28. Thank the Dominican authorities, in particular its President, Dr. Leonel Fernandez, the Director General of Cinema (DGCINE), GFDD, and Dominican Republic Global Film Festival for the realization of this successful event in the Dominican Republic. 29. Acknowledge the invitation to organize the third meeting of ABCD CINEMA on February 20–22, 2013 in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, prior to the event days of FESPACO (Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou).

Note 1. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.

Final Declaration of the Third Meeting of Filmmakers from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their Diasporas (ABCD CINEMA)

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, February 22, 2013

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t the meeting in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, on February 20, 21, and 22 for this third edition of ABCD CINEMA, taking place during the FESPACO on its 23rd edition, filmmakers, film directors, cultural authorities, academia and other industry people agree on the following points: 1. Recognizing the importance on past encounters, we reconfirm the first final declaration (Havana, Cuba, 2011) and second final declaration (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 2012). 2. We propose the creation of the cultural foundation “Zozimo Bulbul” in Brazil. We request the support from different institutions in Brazil and other countries to provide a financial contribution to continue the work of the Afrocarioca Center and the Encounters of the Black Cinema from Africa, Brazil and the Caribbean, in Rio de Janeiro. 3. Recognizing the importance of keeping and developing the network between all the participants of those encounters, as well as promoting online, ABCD CINEMA and its different contents, for example: www.gigaafrica.com; www.caribefilm.cult.cu; www.festivaldecineglobal.org; www.afrocariocadecinema.org.br. 4. We propose that our countries build structures and mechanisms for financial support for the production of their national cinema. 5. We propose that the African cinema authorities draft an agreement in order to create a program for financial support for African cinema, taking advantage of the ACACI and IBERMEDIA’s experience (program for financial support to production, distribution, and promotion of the Ibero-American cinema). 6. We consider Dakar, Senegal, to host the 4th edition of ABCD CINEMA encounter in 2014, after the invitation made by the Senegal representative. In that matter we’re awaiting the official invitation of the Senegalese government.

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7. We request the help of our governments and regional organizations in order to establish cultural policies in favor of African, Brazilian, and Caribbean cinema. 8. We request our governments to establish regulations to create quotas with the goal of showing more films on TV coming from ABCD CINEMA particularly on public channels. 9. Because TV plays a big part in the film industry and global medias, we propose to invite to the next encounter TV executives and official authorities to discuss a platform for production and coproduction development for TV. 10. The next host country for the ABCD CINEMA Encounter should work closely with the principal coordinators of ABCD CINEMA in order to guarantee a balanced and diversified participation from all the countries under the ABCD CINEMA umbrella. 11. We agree on the inclusion of the Spanish and Portuguese languages as official languages as well as English and French. 12. We request the attention of the academia to create the possibility to use in their programs films from ABCD CINEMA, as contributions to enrich and enlighten their cultural level. 13. The ABCD CINEMA should promote the interest of the journalists who specialize in cinema, critics, researchers, and academics to be more present in this platform. 14. We recognize the importance of ABCD CINEMA Encounter as a platform for collaboration and integration to develop and raise visibility of our cinema all over the world. 15. We recognize the importance of the program “Cameras of Diversity ABCD CINEMA” and our disposition to accompany and support that project from UNESCO. 16. We are grateful and thank FESPACO and the official authorities of Burkina Faso for their warm welcome and for making this third encounter a great success.

Cameras of Diversity: Implementing the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions Havana, Cuba, 2012–2014

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o strengthen the contribution of the film industry to local sustainable development in Africa, Brazil, and the Caribbean, and promote intercultural dialogue and cooperation trough the implementation of the 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.

The Role of Culture in Development Culture is an extremely efficient vector of knowledge through non-formal channels. The access to, and confrontation with, the symbolism transmitted through different cultural expressions obliges us to analyze the meaning and usefulness of those symbols, which is the basis of the innovation and creation necessary for development. Economic research indicates that the diversity in the offer of cultural goods and services, unlike other commodities, has a direct influence on the demand of those goods and services: a more diversified offer increases the consumption, independently from the quantity and price of the cultural goods and services offered. The consumption of a specific cultural good does not automatically replace the consumption of other cultural goods and services. Apparently, and probably without knowing it, we are ready to pay for acquiring new knowledge. Cultural goods and services are not mere commodities: they are also vectors of identities. The collective understanding of shared cultural manifestations and the possibility to understand the culture of other communities are the basis for social cohesion and intercultural cooperation. Cultural identities are neither fixed, nor necessarily determined by social, religious, economic, or ethnic backgrounds. Like culture itself, identities

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are constantly recreated thanks to intercultural exchange. Access to cultural expressions produced by the community one belongs to helps reinforcing the sense of belonging. Access to other cultural expressions helps one to better understand the other, and to join more cultural identities. Access to the cultural expressions of communities that already share the knowledge of the symbolism of certain cultural expressions does not only accelerate the transmission of new knowledge and facilitate cooperation, but also increases the potential market of cultural goods and services. This is the case of the audiovisual sector in Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and their Diasporas.

International Context The International context helps the inclusion of the culture measurements in the development policies and strategies. The recent UN Resolution A/ RES/66/208 on Culture and Development encourages Member States to integrate culture in development policies, as was also underscored in the Rio+20 Declaration. UNESCO, through its normative instruments and programmes, supports the conservation, protection and safeguarding of tangible and intangible heritage, promotes multilingualism and advocates for a diverse creative sector to facilitate access to the symbolic meaning—and thus knowledge— of those cultural manifestations and expressions, and shares them. In particular the 2005 Convention for the Protection and the Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, already ratified by more than two thirds of the countries of the world, provides the legal and programmatic framework to develop diversified creative industries. Culture is essential to development because it allows people to • Acquire new skills for the production of cultural activities, goods and services; • Innovate by adapting the knowledge embedded in cultural manifestations and expressions to new needs; • Reinforce the sense of belonging, and thus social cohesion, because of sharing symbolic meanings and values; • Increase cooperation and dialogue thanks to enhanced knowledge of the identities, symbols and values of other groups; • Use natural resources in a more efficient way thanks to the knowledge of traditional nature management.

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Project’s Background UNESCO’s Cameras of Diversity project supported south-south cooperation in the production of community-based audiovisual materials, in particular by women and youth. Special attention was given to strengthening capacities to increase the number of productions of local content, and in local languages. The project is strongly supported by implementing partners all over the Latin American and Caribbean region and its scope is being enlarged to exchange local contents with other parts of the world, in particular, in Africa. It has an extensive network covering the three regions. For easy references please visit our website at http://www.unesco.org /new/es/havana. The 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions provides the legal and programmatic framework to allow the creation, production and dissemination of cultural goods and services, including audiovisual materials, and provide access to them. It aims at facilitating international cooperation, and recognizes the specific double nature of cultural goods and services as commodities and as vectors of identities. The purpose of the Travelling Caribbean Film Showcase is to facilitate access to Caribbean films with local content. In five showcases, one of them dedicated to Haiti, public from all over the Caribbean and elsewhere has had access to an ever-increasing number of Caribbean films. The showcase has supported the increase of local productions by raising awareness about the fact that there is a public that wants to access that kind of productions. That cultural exchange was facilitated by providing subtitling and by respecting original languages, such as Creole and Papiamento. The Showcase is supported by UNESCO since its origins, and was backed by the Forum of Ministers of Latin America and the Caribbean http://www.unesco.org.cu /lacult/proyectos. The Cameras of Diversity Project aims at: • Strengthening legal and policy frameworks to support the creation, production, distribution, dissemination, access and enjoyment of cultural expressions, as conveyed by cultural activities, goods and services; • Supporting local communities in creating and managing the production of cultural expressions, in particular, audiovisual materials; • Strengthening capacities in UNESCO’s Member States in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean in implementing the Convention for the Production and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.

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In 2011, UN Year of People of African Descent, the Caribbean Travelling Film Showcase, with the support, among others, of UNESCO, organized the First Encounter of Caribbean and African Filmmakers. In its final declaration, the participants underscored the importance of the work done by the Showcase, and by the Cameras of Diversity project, as a way to strengthen south-south cooperation within the framework of international agreements such as the 2005 Convention. Thanks to the support provided by FUNGLODE, the Festival, Dominican Republic 2012 Global Foundation for Democracy and Development based in Santo Domingo (the Dominican Republic), a second encounter took place in July 2012, enlarged with a more numerous participation of filmmakers from the Diasporas and Brazil, which provided a new, and definitive name to the encounter: the Second ABCD Encounter, or the Encounter of Filmmakers from Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean, and the Diasporas. In the final declaration of this encounter, all representatives explicitly supported this project and requested UNESCO to find the funds for its implementation. By acclamation, they also recognized actor Danny Glover as honorary president of the ABCD Cameras of Diversity project.

Analysis of the Current Situation: Film Industry in ABCD Countries The lack of appropriate legal and financial policies to support the development of cultural industries limits the capacities to develop local markets. Though there is an increasing interest by policy makers to set up a framework to support the development of creative industries, in only a few ABCD countries have efficient policies been identified and applied to facilitate the development of the film industry. In those countries where such policies exist, these are not integrated in overall national development policies, nor in social policies for the recognition of cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue, social cohesion, or international cooperation. Most countries lack policies to strengthen capacities to create, produce, disseminate and manage audiovisual materials, in particular cinema. The lack of appropriate legal and financial policies to support the development of cultural industries limits the capacities to develop local markets. In countries where a relatively strong film industry exists, no policies have been put in place to diversify themes and contents. With the exception of a few countries, local film production is fragmented, marginally represented and with no access to international distribution channels. When productions featuring local contents exist, they are usually private initiatives which lack the distribution channels to allow access to those contents.

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However, there are no restrictions to access productions of foreign origin through well-established distribution channels, both private and public. Though the production and distribution of audiovisual material steadily increases thanks to the availability of less expensive technologies and new distribution channels such as social media, the development of solid local markets is hampered by piracy and the lack of legal protection measures. There is a lack of educational policies, both at the compulsory education level as well as at the technical and academic level, to promote creativity among the youth, especially women, and to support their access and contribution to creative industries; if educational mechanisms exist, they are often provided by private schools and training centers, limiting a general access to those trainings. There where trainings exist, they are normally of a technical character and not oriented to executive production, fundraising or project management. The creators and artists are therefore also obliged to raise those funds and manage their projects. There is no data available on the film production in most of the ABC countries which could show the positive impact that the development of the creative sector could have on economic development, nor showing their impact on social cohesion and intercultural dialogue. However, studies done in Diaspora countries show the role films have had, for instance, in independence processes and in the forging of national identities.

Identifying Opportunities There are already initiatives to produce films with local contents thanks to the availability of low-cost technologies, showing that the public is interested in accessing audiovisual productions with local content. An audiovisual culture is already strongly rooted in local communities, mainly because of the consumption of products of foreign origin. The organization of numerous festivals in ABC countries are excellent platforms to raise awareness on the need to increase local productions with local content, and to provide access to them. There are a few international and regional distribution channels based on strong national film industries, like the one in Nigeria. In the Caribbean, the Travelling Film Showcase has considerably increased the access to local productions, and thus also the awareness, through its network, of the existence of a potential market; The Caribbean also benefits from the proximity of big film industries based in the USA, but also in Brazil, Colombia, or Mexico; African productions often benefit from financial support from European countries through co-productions. African and Caribbean countries, by their own, are attractive locations for foreign productions, both as low cost locations and as the

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objects themselves of productions, which has supported the settingup of small local businesses which provide assistance to bigger foreign productions. An audiovisual culture is already strongly rooted in local communities, mainly because of the consumption of products of foreign origin. There is a tendency by governments to develop legal, programmatic and financial frameworks to support the creative industries, as shown by the fast ratification rate of the 2005 Convention in Africa and the Caribbean. Laws already exist in some countries which may serve as models for others, therefore supporting intra and inter-regional cooperation; the 2005 Convention also supports, including financially, south-south cooperation, capacity building and exchange programs. The economic and cultural links between the ABC countries and their diasporas strengthens their relation with stronger cultural industries and the transfer of knowledge; high level professionals and professors at foreign universities belong to these diasporas, and are able to establish efficient cooperation mechanisms among their institutions and those in their countries of origin; The existence of film schools, such as the International Film and Television School (EICTV), should be used to a maximum to facilitate the training of new professionals.

Implementation Strategy Objectives and Areas of Intervention The general purpose of this intervention is to strengthen the contribution of the audiovisual sector, and in particular the film industry, to local sustainable development, as well as to promote intercultural dialogue and cooperation, through four intervention areas: 1. Strengthen distribution channels of ABCD cinema to provide access to local content and raise awareness about the market potential of such local productions; 2. Strengthen institutional capacities, with the full involvement of civil society, to develop legal, programmatic, and financial measures that support the development of the creative sector, in line with the framework provided by the 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions; 3. Strengthen professional capacities in the production and management of audiovisual projects, with special attention to the youth

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and to the active participation of women, in order to develop the necessary professional infrastructure that will serve as basis for setting up a market of production and consumption of cinema with local contents and varied theme; 4. Provide policy advice and facilitate the exchange of good practices through the professional networks established under this project and UNESCO’s function as a clearinghouse through its network in Africa, Brazil, and the Caribbean.

Implementing Partners UNESCO, through its office in Havana, will be responsible for the overall implementation of the project, and will provide the necessary narrative and financial reports to donors. Support to the implementation of the project in both regions will be ensured by UNESCO’s Field Office’s network. Primary associates to the project are those belonging to the ABCD Cinema Network. They will create the favorable conditions for the implementation of the project, identify experts and communities that will benefit from it, contribute to the visibility of the project and the dissemination of its results, and provide experts to the pool of cinema professionals in charge of providing trainings and developing the educational materials. Secondary associates like those who participate in the Latin American Cameras of Diversity network will provide their inputs and expertise, as well as study the possibility to further extend the project.

Actions to Be Taken 1. Develop and maintain an ABCD Cinema Distribution Network The executive partners of the project, under the coordination of the Travelling Caribbean Film Showcase, will identify, compile and disseminate audiovisual material with local content produced by ABCD filmmakers. 2. Contribute to the organization of the Encounter of ABCD filmmakers during the Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) 2013 The main theme of this event will be distribution strategies. Executive partner CCA will coordinate the event with the support of the other two executive partners and UNESCO.

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3. Contribute to the organization of the Encounter of ABCD filmmakers during the Festival do Rio 2014 The main theme of this event will be legal and programmatic framework to support the film industry. Executive partner ANCINE and/or Centro Afro-Carioca de Cine would coordinate the event with the support of the other two Executive partners and UNESCO. 4. Contribute to the organization of the Encounter of ABCD filmmakers during Trinidad and Tobago Film Festival 2015 The main theme of this event will be legal and programmatic framework to support the film industry. The executive partner Travelling Caribbean Film Showcase will coordinate the event with the support of the other two executive partners and UNESCO. 5. Create and maintain a project’s pool of experts and a project’s experts committee The executive and primary partners will select experts and professionals on different areas to develop training material and provide trainings. 6. Prepare training material to strengthen professional capacities in the audiovisual sector Experts from the project’s pool of experts will produce training material to be used in workshops and other training activities. Following a general introduction module, several thematic modules will be prepared to address concrete issues such as legal and programmatic frameworks, film production, distribution, fundraising and management. Special attention is to be given to the youth and women, and existing material, such as UNESCO’s guide to develop creative and cultural industries, and the existing materials of the executive partners, will be used as basis. 7. Organize six training workshops to strengthen professional capacities The Committee of experts will select the beneficiary countries (3 in A, 3 in BC) on the basis of criteria to be developed for this purpose. The workshops will focus at strengthening professional capacities in the audiovisual sector at the national and local level, with particular attention to the needs of the youth and women. 8. Establish a scholarship program Allow the exchange of students and professionals, and facilitate access to training provided by film schools in ABC countries.

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9. Establish a professional exchange program The program will aim at supporting the short and long term stay of professionals and teachers in other countries to reinforce the academic programs of film schools in ABC Member States. 10. Organize eight policy advice workshops on the implementation of the 2005 Convention Four sub-regional workshops will take place on each continent, and organized according to language use (Spanish, English, French, and Portuguese). The workshops are addressed to governmental and non-governmental representatives responsible for the development and implementation of policies and measures to promote the creative sector in conformity with the 2005 Convention. 11. Establish an outreach program The purpose of the outreach program is to close partnership agreements with international broadcasting and distribution companies to enhance access to ABC productions, as well as to raise funds to support the ABC film industry and strengthen the project’s professional training program. 12. Set up an ABCD Cinema Fund Set up and manage a special account, within UNESCO, in which additional contributions resulting from the outreach activities will be placed. The Fund would support audiovisual projects from ABC countries, finance scholarships and professional trainings. Beneficiaries are to be selected by the project’s Experts Committee on the basis of criteria to be established for those purposes.

Monitoring and Evaluation Implementation progress will be monitored by using the indicators provided under each of the expected results. A risk analysis for each of the outputs will be prepared, and reports with lessons learnt will be produced after carrying out each of the outputs. An overall narrative report and a detailed financial report will be prepared by UNESCO, on the basis of the inputs provided by the partners, at the end of the project. This report, as well as earlier progress reports, will include lessons learnt and 11 recommendations on the continuation, or not, of certain outputs. An evaluation will be carried out at the end of the project following a consultation with all partners involved, as well as on the basis of the evaluations prepared by the beneficiaries of the project by using formats especially prepared for that purpose.

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Visibility Visibility will be provided through the channels of the Project Partners, including all forms of social media, and in particular through UNESCO’s websites. All products resulting from this Project will clearly indicate the contribution made by the donors and the project’s Partners. Through the project’s network, regular public and private media will be contacted to support the project and provide information on it. The project will also be promoted in film festivals and other events. Specific audiovisual material will be prepared for this purpose.

Sustainability The Project will contribute to establishing legal and programmatic frameworks to support the development of audiovisual productions with local content, and thus contribute to implement the 2005 Convention, which is a guarantee by itself to ensure sustainability, since the Project is integrated in the policies and measures developed by States Parties resulting from their obligations to implement the Convention. The expected results of the project will support the long-term development of policies and initiatives for the creation, production and dissemination of audiovisual productions, in particular films, with local contents, and the access to them. The strengthening of professional and institutional capacities through training activities, the distribution network and the exchange of information and good practices, will provide the basis for this.

The Association for the Advancement of Cinematic Creative Maladjustment: A Manifesto Cauleen Smith, New York, United States, January 15, 2012

Friends, I alert you: This manifesto is a gasconade a non-violent word-grenade a plushy feral tirade a bombastic love parade. So, please, walk with me. Bang your drum. Blow your horn. Load your camera. Let us promenade. —Kelly Gabron

The third day of January on our two-thousand-twelfth lap around the Sun. CREATIVE MALADJUSTMENT There are certain technical words within every academic discipline that soon become stereotypes and clichés. Modern psychology has a word that is probably used more than any other word in modern psychology. It is the word “maladjusted.” . . . I say to you, my friends . . . there are certain things in our nation and in the world which I am proud to be maladjusted and which I hope all men of good-will will be maladjusted. I say very honestly that I never intend to become adjusted to segregation and discrimination. I never intend to become adjusted to religious bigotry. I never intend to adjust myself to economic conditions that will take necessities from the many to give luxuries to the few. I never intend to adjust myself to the madness of militarism, to selfdefeating effects of physical violence. […] But in a day when Sputniks and explorers are dashing through outer space and guided ballistic missiles are carving highways of death through the stratosphere, no nation can win a war. It is no longer the choice

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between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence. In other words, I’m about convinced now that there is need for a new organization in our world: The International Association for the Advancement of Creative Maladjustment—men and women who will be as maladjusted as the prophet Amos. Who in the midst of the injustices of his day could cry out in words that echo across the centuries, “Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.” . . . Through such maladjustment, I believe that we will be able to emerge from the bleak and desolate midnight of man’s inhumanity to man into the bright and glittering daybreak of freedom and justice. My faith is that somehow this problem will be solved. —Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.1

The Cinema and the Creatively Maladjusted2 The Pronouncements 1. The Maladjusteds say: Images are what we create, but language and its potential for resistance against the over-determination of identity, perception, and experience determines the creation of images. Language is the stuff of us. Our debt to language is paid in full. Language is what we have. So we use it now to reshape and control the means, methods, and motivations for the production of time-based media: Moving-Images. 2. The Maladjusteds know that the spaces in-between words are where the image lives. The arsenal and the pantry of the filmmaker are sited at the in-between space. 3. The Maladjusteds liberate image from narrative. Narrative is the oppressor of the Moving-Image. The Reader conjures images in her conscious and unconscious mind as she reads. Those images come from some Place. The tasks and demands of the filmmaker extend beyond the mere illustration of the menageries of literature. Yes, it is true that the wild beasts of our literary imagination are painted, dressed, and caged by images the viewer has gleaned from the world around her, but the Moving-Image can and must do more than slave for narrative. The Moving-Image must rise up and reclaim the power it has for so long surrendered to story. The true power of the Moving-Image is its resistance to plot. Images resist.3 4. The Maladjusteds do not seek to destroy (subvert) mainstream commercial cinema. The Maladjusteds create movies that punctuate, highlight, and, indeed (!), capitalize on the ways in which Genre Movies (action, science fiction, and horror) potently

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legitimate sites of radicality within the crusty annals of illusionistic cinema.4 In Genre (and Genre-Bending) lies the hope and future of commercial cinema. Genre has saved the studio system’s flabby ass more than once already. 5. The Maladjusteds play. We play with all media and materials. We do not mistake the scale of a production nor the source of the production for the value and merit in said production. The Maladjusteds engage works as they are without qualification and without corporate mediations of prowess (box-office rankings, celebrity associations), or the relative evaluations on image quality which reify technology rather than aesthetic and conceptual potency. 6. The Maladjusteds project their love of the Spectator onto the screens. 7. The Maladjusteds resist corporate pressure to fuel the desires of the Spectator. Rather they seek to excavate her needs. 8. The Spectators of Creatively Maladjusted Cinema do not lack. They do not substitute unattainable longing for the provocations of the mundane. The Maladjusteds seek the destabilization of the familiar and the expansion of the known. They race at the speed of light toward the edge of their seats—toward the screen(s), towards the community of Maladjusteds who understand that economic privilege (or the mimicry of such) is a poor metric for defining the quality of a work. 9. The Maladjusted Filmmaker has failed the Maladjusted Spectator. Rather than generating and proliferating our own image-language with a vocabulary that enables us to share our tactics, insights, opinions, and experiences with the Maladjusted Spectator, The Maladjusted Filmmaker waits for popular culture journalists, art historians, and film theorists to supply these ideas for them. This has left the Maladjusted Spectator with poor translations for their engagement with images. Because of this failure, the Spectator mimics the language of corporate slaves. She compares shit with manure and contrasts mucus and boogers. Because of this famished vocabulary, the Maladjusted Spectator has been forced to register their experience through shareholder values rather than co-operative valences. 10. And yet, the Maladjusted Spectator perseveres. Like Amos, she resists the indulgences of propaganda in favor of the rigors of aesthetic transcendence. The Maladjusted Spectator enters the cinema space as a supplicant enters the cathedral. 11. The Maladjusted Spectator consumes the flawed-image with as much gusto as she would a flawless one. Like a diner who

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appreciates collards cooked in salt-fat as much as asparagus wrapped in prosciutto, the Maladjusted Spectator does not mistake the humility of materials and transparency of construction for inferiority. Rather, she recognizes the artifacts of production and the procedural markers of cultures as indicators of conceptual and material integrity. 12. The Maladjusted Spectator does not expect to be pleased. She expects to be respected. 13. The Maladjusted Spectator is charged with great power and responsibility. When she watches a Moving-Image, she revels in the freedom of being responsible for her heart and mind, while trusting the filmmaker to expand and enliven both. She grabs hold of the hand that reaches out to her from the screens and she Hangs On! She knows that that those who lean back in their seats waiting for the little spoon to slide pre-digested images into their emaciated imaginations will starve. The Maladjusted Spectator loves to eat. 14. The Maladjusteds approach their subjects, materials, and resources with respect, as these elements have their own stakes and sovereignty.5 The ways in which their autonomy impacts the modes of production, form, and content of a work cannot be subjugated in service of the aesthetic, cultural, social, or political preferences of the market. The Filmmaker must internalize the agency of her collaborators and their environs in order to generate and guide the formal, aesthetic, and conceptual constructs that define the Work.6 15. The Maladjusteds do not privilege radical form over radical content. For what is radical form if all it does is cloak and disguise regressive values and oppressive stereotypes? That is not art. That is placebo-art. Decorative, celebritydependent, convoluted theatricality bamboozles the spectator into believing that she has had a culturally supreme artistic experience; for in spite of the obtuse structural devices and clumsy episodic sequences to which she was subjected, she is encouraged to believe that she managed to access deep-meaning from the work (a deep-meaning which is always attributed to the inherent supreme gifts of the placebo-filmmaker). No doubt, she has extracted meaning from both the radical form and the content of the film. In some cases, though, the primary reason that any coherence can be grafted from such works is because the placebo-film’s signs and signifiers are in fact threadbare stereotypes, exoticisms, and clichés.7 In support of a

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commercially viable radical form, the placebo-filmmaker relies on the familiarity of minstrelsy for narrative coherence. The semiotics of hegemony are by their very nature a suffocating force that presses true radicality into the margins of culture. 16. The Maladjusteds do not mistake affect for information. Being moved by an image which claims to document a social ill is not the same as actually gaining mastery of the concepts and policies that create that social ill. The Maladjusteds are suspicious of “world-changing” agendas in filmmaking, as one might be suspicious of nation-building agendas in war. How can the world be changed by spectral outward projections which abjectify the Other, or reify a singular Hero? Beware of the movie (that claims to be nonfiction) that attempts to titillate then satiate your desire for knowledge in the same way that a video of people having sex titillates then satiates your desire for sexual gratification. A document-airy is not advocacy. It is a tool for Advocates to use in service of their cause. Nonfiction filmmakers must think of themselves as tool-makers in the same way that creative filmmakers must understand themselves as dreamcustodians. The cinema-work itself is merely an object, a tool, a dream. Action, resistance, and change are the realm of humans not objects, consciousness not sentiment. Beware of televisual narratives that exploit the well-adjusted viewer’s ignorance by projecting fantasies of “the abject” as fact and substituting Platonic tragedy for subjectivity.8 17. Knowing what we know about the power of materials which graft, manipulate, and mutate cinematic space-time, the Maladjusteds refuse to patronize the Spectator. This means we’re mostly broke, in debt, and desperate for funding. But our profits return to us in the form of emphatic discourse, and creative responses to the destabilizing, empowering, and energizing affects of creative maladjustment. Our bounty is the cornucopia (or vortex) of future-histories. The Maladjusteds, when all is said and done, travel the cinematic spaceways of ecstatic form because we love our audiences too much.

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Figure 1. A diagram from the author’s sketchbook, sorting out the dialectic of political subjective at stake, made around the same time as the manifesto. Image courtesy of author.

~Pronouncements End. Listening Begins.~

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LOVE AS PRACTICE. LOVE AS PRODUCTION. For there is another thing about this philosophy that says you can stand before an unjust system and resist it with all your might and yet maintain an attitude of active good will toward the perpetrators of that unjust system. So it goes on to say that the ethic of love can stand at the center of the nonviolent movement. Now when I talk about love at this point, people always have questions to raise. They begin to say, what do you mean, love those who are bombing your home and those who are oppressing you and using any method to keep you in the state of injustice, the state of slavery. How in the world can you love such people? Well, let me rush on to say that when I speak of love, I’m not talking about emotional bosh. I think in so many instances, this whole idea is misunderstood. It is absurd to urge oppressed people to love their oppressors in an affectionate sense. I’m not talking about an affectionate emotion at this point. I think the Greek language comes to our rescue at this point, there are three words in the Greek language for love. There is the word ‘eros’. Eros is a sort of aesthetic love, a yearning of the soul for the realm of the divine. Plato used to talk about it a great deal in his dialogues. It has come to us to be a sort of romantic love. So we all know about eros—we have experienced it and read it in all of the beauties of literature. In a sense, Edgar Allen Poe was talking about eros when he talked about his beautiful Annabel Lee with a love surrounded by the halo of eternity. In a sense, Shakespeare was talking about eros when he said, ‘Love is not love which alters when an alteration finds or bends with the removal to remove. It is an ever fixed mark which looks on tempest and is never shaken. It is a star to every wandering bark.’ You know, I can remember that because I have [to] quote it to my wife every now and then. That’s eros. The Greek language talks about ‘philia’, which is the sort of intimate affection between personal friends. This is a significant love and on this level, you love people that you like, people that you have dealings with, people that are friends. This is friendship.9

Cauleen Smith is an interdisciplinary artist whose work reflects upon the everyday possibilities of the imagination. Operating in multiple materials and arenas, Smith roots her work firmly within the discourse of midtwentieth-century experimental film. Drawing from structuralism, third world cinema, and science fiction, she makes things that deploy the tactics of activism in service of ecstatic social space and contemplation. Smith enjoys container gardening, likes cats and collects disco balls, vinyl records, and books. She is an avid functional cyclist. She lives in Los Angeles and is Art Program faculty at California Institute of the Arts.

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Notes Originally published as the pamphlet to accompany the public event “Skowhegan and Whitewalls Conversation #3: Cauleen Smith and Greg Tate present The Association for the Advancement of Cinematic Creative Maladjustment,” which took place January 15, 2012, at the New Museum, New York, New York. © Cauleen Smith, Nationsack Filmworks, 2012. 1. Dr. King repeated this concept in many speeches over the span of several years and in many contexts, including a speech to the American Psychological Association. It seems that this idea was one he reserved for the college circuit and professional associations, which may be why his call for the Association for the Advancement of Creative Maladjustment is less popularly known by and quoted in Civil Rights histories. I have yet to determine how Dr. King came to insert the word “creative” into his programmatic plea. It is this generative qualification that interests me here in the context of discussing a dogma for filmmaking and a practice of resistance rather than subversion. (December 18, 1963. Transcription of a speech given at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan. © Western Michigan University Libraries, 2005.) 2. The Maladjusted are a tribe of creatives who use images in service of timebased media. The Maladjusteds love a good action flick as much as the next person. The writer admires filmmakers who blow shit up, propel objects in space, animate alien creatures, and imbue electromagnetic fields with punishing spiritual malice. However, the Maladjusteds do not require narrative to experience the rewards of time-based media. Narrative is incidental to image. As far as the Maladjusteds are concerned, a filmmaker could tell the same story over and over and it will ever renew, if the form, materials, and environmental stakes of its subjects are manifested with the love, integrity, and openness that only an amateur can muster. Agape! 3. For over one hundred years, cultural forces, commercial interests, and welladjusted consumers have enslaved the moving-image to an oppressive and insatiable master: narrative. By reducing celluloid’s alchemical powers to the servitude of literary constructs, narrative stunted the growth of the most radical material art of the twentieth century, thereby rendering it nothing but a shuffling lackey to theatrical effect and the fetishization of hegemonic and oppressive icons. When contemporary moviegoers discuss cinema, their discussions struggle to travel beyond an analysis of the (usually puerile) plot. The well-adjusted consumer idolizes the storytellers: actors are storytellers, directors are storytellers, writers are storytellers, producers are storytellers. Well, my friends, I say to you that if I wanted to indulge in an intricate story, I would READ A BOOK. I ask you, how many screenwriters in Hollywood are in fact frustrated novelists? Why does the market of cinema support mediocrity so well? But Hollywood bears only some of the blame. We well-adjusteds who consume these images have failed the images by submitting to our oppressor’s language, internalizing our oppressor’s values, and evaluating the viability of moving-image works based on political propagandistic markers of power, like mass agreement (We all saw 1-2-3.) rather than individual engagement (I experienced X-Y-Z.) Cinema has rules that literature can barely conceive. Like gravity, Time works on an image. What is the science of time and its relationship to movement? Not the description of movement, no! Not the use of movement to get a character from one chapter of dialogue to another, no! For the Maladjusteds, the science of cinematic time wrestles with the movement of objects, bodies, land, and air within the Film-Frame. The ineffable laws of cinema are forever seeking and yet never expecting to find their Cosmological

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Constant. The Maladjusted filmmaker simply follows the image into space-time. Film is space is time. And it never stops moving. – Kelly Gabron 4. Illusionistic cinema works to conceal the mechanisms and tactics deployed in service of creating seamlessness and forward momentum within the space-time of the film. 5. The chemical elements embedded in film emulsions and computer chips have been unearthed at great and sometimes deadly expense. At some point (surely NOW), the Maladjusteds must face their complicity in the corrosive, exploitative, and violent extraction of resources that enables our access to materials. And once we face it, we must find non-violent modes of active resistance—as is the Maladjusted way. 6. This is why the works of a creatively maladjusted filmmaker may not be easily recognizable as being produced by the same maker. The subject, rather than the signature of the maker, determine the applied tactics. 7. Example of placebo-films are the works of David Lynch, in which the 1950s iconography of guileless blonds, silent cowboys, “spooky” little people, and one-legged Voodoo creatures with un-locatable foreign accents manufacture a veil of mystery and suspense. Another example is the Cremaster series by Matthew Barney. However, Mr. Barney should be credited for elevating the lowly televisual genre of the Infomercial into the realm of high-art, in which his episodic demonstrations of sculptural forms accompanied by celebrity endorsements exploit mass-media channels to convince the viewer of the essentialness and importance of his objects. Barney makes-believe with his fantastical fabricated devices and thereby demonstrates the potency and desirability of the real (privileged in its invisibility) product that he is peddling: white-masculinity. It slices . . . it dices, it dangles, it spangles! Buy one now!! 8. A short list of works that demonstrate these values would include: The Wire (2002– 08), Monster’s Ball (dir. Marc Forster, 2001), Training Day (dir. Antoine Fuqua, 2001), Precious (dir. Lee Daniels, 2009), and For Colored Girls (dir. Tyler Perry, 2010). It is so interesting that for films which revel in the abject-i-tude of an imagined blackness, these tendencies are often identified as the best work of the artist who made them. And in the case of The Wire and Precious, referenced as a document of reality rather than the lush creative fictions that they are. Halle Barry won the Best Actress Award for Monster’s Ball (only the second such award to go to a black woman in the Academy’s eighty-four-year history). African American actor Denzel Washington was overlooked for the Best Actor Oscar when he rendered a slave as defiant and dignified in Glory (1989) but won one for playing (quite entertainingly) a thug-stereotype in Training Day. Don Cheadle was robbed of the Best Supporting Actor for his complex, unpredictable, and dangerous rendering of a sociopath in Devil in a Blue Dress (1995). Such are the priorities of mainstream cinema and the well-adjusted. 9. MLK at WMU, 1963.

Forty Years of Cinema by Women of Africa (1972–2012): Keynote by Beti Ellerson at the Colloquy on Francophone African Women Filmmakers Paris, France, November, 2012

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ver since I developed an interest in the subject of African women in cinema in the early 1990s, I have been reading and hearing incessant lamentations regarding the absence of women and the dearth of realistic and positive representation, lack of funding, of support, and all the other misfortunes that exist. Which led me to do a study utilizing another epistemological approach. A nondeficit perspective reposing questions that take into account the potentials and assets rather than the disadvantages. Masepeke Sekhukhuni, director of the Newtown Film and Television School in Johannesburg, South Africa, turns these challenges into advantages. At the time when filming equipment was still heavy and cumbersome, even intimidating for some women, Sekhukhuni provided encouragement, recalling that in their everyday tasks they have the strength to lift heavy buckets of water. Furthermore, they have the requisite knowledge to manage their household, which could be transferred to organizing a film production. Similarly, Burkinabe Fanta Régina Nacro took direct action in order to debunk the perceived notion that women lack the competence necessary to succeed in filmmaking. She states, “At the time when I made the film [Un Certain matin, 1992], I was a die-hard militant feminist. In cinema schools, women were directed towards careers that were considered ‘for women’ such as editor or script supervisor. Under the pretext that we have the aptitude only in these specific areas. Directing and cinematography were designated, even reserved for men. For my first film, I wanted to bring together a women-only crew to show that when a woman chooses this profession, she invests in it all the way. And women are just as competent or even better than the guys!”1 Beyond all the reasons that women have not been successful, have been discouraged, or have not dared even to dream, what has fascinated me are the reasons that they continue and are passionate about their work. I am interested in learning about their support networks and resources, their mentors, and their references. What are the circumstances of their successes despite the litany of challenges? For me, what is equally fascinating is to follow their

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path, to look at how they have gone from here to there, and to investigate the how and why of their choices. The question that I postulate as point of departure is what does work? Rather than what does not. What do they have to bring to the profession? Rather than why they cannot, for whatever reason, make films. This approach is much more representative of their realities in societies where women have always demonstrated ingenuity in whatever circumstance. I would like to begin by way of a pre-history to show precisely this spirit of reflection and intelligence that they have always had. In his story “The Tale of African Cinema,” the inimitable griot-historian Amadou Hampâté Ba, recounts the extraordinary experience of his mother Kadidia Pâté and her first experience with cinema. This fascinating and edifying encounter with cinema provides us with a unique introduction to a study of African women in cinema. Hampâté Bâ recalls, as an eight-year-old boy, the first film screening in 1908 in his ancestral village Bandiagara in Mali, which the colonial governor ordered the marabouts to attend. Concerned about these “satanic ghosts that may confuse the faithful,” they met to find a way to sabotage the event. While she did not attend the event, Kadidia Pâté, a devout Muslim, adhered to their condemnations. In 1934, despite the extant interdiction of the marabouts, she reluctantly agreed to finally go with her son to the movie theatre. A short time after the screening, she related the event to him in this way: When we entered the cinema, before the film, you showed me a large white cloth on which a beam of light was projected which would then become images that we could look at and recognize. You also pointed out a small house situated rather high above us. You told me that it was in this room that the machine that spat images was located. In this little house, there are several openings through which light shines, ending on the large white cloth. As soon as the operator, whom we do not see, begins his work, some noise comes out of the little house. It passes over our head while we are thrust into a deep darkness—a metaphor of our ignorance of the unknown. The light came from the little house in measured portions, in thin lines, rather than all at once. We were facing the large white cloth. It was only when looking at it that we could clearly see, make out and understand the images that unfolded in front of us. We could see horses running, people walking, and villages emerging. We saw the thick vegetation in the rural area, the blooming countryside, the plain sharply fall away. All of this as if in a long reverie, clear and precise, as if daydreaming.

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After having watched the large white cloth for a long time, I wanted, in its absence, to make out with my eyes alone, the images which came from the little house. What happened to me? As soon as I turned directly towards the opening in the little house, the beam of light that came out blinded me. Although the images were in the rays, my eyes were not strong enough to detect it. I closed my eyes in order to concentrate, but my ears continued to clearly make out the sound that accompanied the light. I found myself in the following situation: First, when I watch the big white cloth, I see the images and hear the sound. I benefit from both the image and sound. But, on the other hand, when I only use my eyes, I only hear the sound. I am not able to endure the powerful light, which blinds me. At the same time that there is some good in it, there are also disadvantages. This deduction leads me to the conclusion that as long as the cloth is essential to clearly see the images and discern the origin of the sound, a mediator is needed between us and God to understand the divine message.

Why this long excerpt, which is part of the pre-history of African women’s engagement with cinema? If I may, this citation is used as a metaphor in the tradition of a triangular cinema, to borrow a concept developed by Haile Gerima, a dialogue between the filmmaker, critic, and public. As I see this intersection between these three actors, in many ways, as the objective of this colloquy. I am deeply inspired by the story of Kadidia Pâté. It is of great significance in two ways. That an early account of an African woman as spectator exists and that the narration also positions her as a point of reference in a discourse on African women and film criticism. As one may note, Kadidia Pâté presaged the practice among African cineastes to develop their imaginary by closing their eyes, as the great Djibril Diop Mambéty implored us. How often have we heard the elders of African cinema speak about their childhood experiences, where in silhouette behind a white cloth, the horses galloped and people walked across the screen.2 Or with eyes closed, they imagined emerging villages, thick bushes, billowing plains, and the countryside in full bloom—all the ingredients to make a film. Kadidia Pâté’s skepticism in 1908 as a young woman some one hundred years ago, transformed twenty-five years later when she finally attended a film screening in 1934, is a barometer of the evolution of African women in cinema, and also of women in cinema in countries where Islam is the dominant religion. Some thirty years after, M’Bissine Thérèse Diop of Senegal and Zalika Souley of Niger, both pioneering actresses in 1966, experienced many difficulties for the simple reason that they desired to follow a profession motivated by their passion.

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In turn, during the 1980s, Ivorian Naky Sy Savane, the granddaughter of an imam, confronted a society that continued to believe that an actress was a woman of loose morals. Presently, Tunisian filmmaker Nadia El Fani sought to confront a society in which religion imposes its laws on citizens who believe in another god, or still, on those who do not believe at all. Having to confront a society that resists opening up to the world is an enormous challenge, but as Burkinabe Aï Keïta, who interpreted the role of the queen Sarraounia (Med Hondo, 1987), asserts, gradually people have accepted them as artists, realizing that they are making an important contribution to the cultural development of their country. Another reason that I introduced this speech by invoking Kadidia Pâté is to show a continuity of the presence of women throughout a film history spanning more than a century, which since the last forty years, women of Africa have been actively engaged. And on this continuum, sprinkled with pauses, they have contributed to establishing the groundwork of African cinema. Emerging during the independence movements in Africa in the 1950s and 60s, African cinema reappropriated the camera as a tool to fight against the colonial gaze which had dominated visual representations of Africa. The emergence of women in cinema coincided with this nascent period in the course of which a group of women professionals positioned themselves in the creation of a veritable African film culture. Notably, the pioneer of Senegalese media culture, Annette Mbaye d’Erneville, the first Senegalese to receive a diploma in journalism. Upon her return after studying in Paris, she immersed herself in her work, eventually broadcasting a seminal radio program on cinema. More than a generation later, Congolese Monique Mbeka Phoba continued this practice, leading her to filmmaking. Inversely, Chadian Zara Mahamat Yacoub, also a filmmaker, is at present the president of the Chadian association of independent radio stations and directs radio programming in Chad. Annette Mbaye d’Erneville has dedicated her life to cultural policy issues in the country and has forged important institutions such as the Senegalese Film Critics Association, RECIDAK, a Dakar-based film forum, and the Henriette Bathily Women’s Museum. And as portrayed in Mère-bi (2008), a film about her life by her son Ousmane William Mbaye, she continues still today. In the same spirit, Guadeloupean Sarah Maldoror, a diasporan already with a Pan-African perspective, united in Paris with other artists from Africa and the Caribbean during the course of an intense period of cultural, intellectual, and political discovery. Sarah Maldoror’s contribution to lusophone African cinema was of seminal importance. In the 1960s, she studied cinema in Moscow and, already active in the pro-independence movements, it was

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inevitable that she would follow the same anticolonialist path in the themes of her films. Maldoror has always worked at the intersection of African and women’s liberation and is mentor and reference to numerous women filmmakers, notably, Togolese filmmaker Anne-Laure Folly whose film Sarah Maldoror ou la nostalgie de l’utopie (1999) traces the politically-engaged filmmaker’s life. Similarly, the experiences of Annette Mbaye d’Erneville and Sarah Maldoror reflect that of other students and artists living in Paris during a period of heightened consciousness, such as the trinity of negritude— Senghor, Césaire, and Damas—of Africa and the diaspora, who came together to address important political issues using culture as a weapon. After independence, the call evolved into a cry of the heart, and the role of culture would be an important tool to highlight Africa’s contribution on a global scale. In 1966, six years after its independence, Senegal stepped on the world stage as its poet-president, Léopold Sédar Senghor, hosted the first World Festival of Black Arts. The young teacher Safi Faye was the official guide during the festivities, an experience that undoubtedly opened her eyes to the significance of culture and African art in the world. Moreover, the work of Thérèse Sita-Bella and Efua Sutherland (both deceased) bears witness to the first cinematographic contributions of women. In 1963, Cameroonian Sita-Bella produced Tam Tam à Paris, a thirty-minute filmed reportage of the tour of the National Dance Company of Cameroon, presented at the first FESPACO in 1969. Dramaturge and writer, Ghanaian Efua Sutherland produced the documentary Arabia: A Village Story (1967) in collaboration with the American Broadcasting Company (ABC). While they only made one film each, their trajectory reflects that of many African women who marry filmmaking with their other professions and social, political, and cultural interests. For instance, Anne-Laure Folly who is also an international lawyer, and writer Tsitsi Dangarembga. In the Maghreb and its diaspora in France, women took initial steps which would come to fruition in the 1970s. In 1968, Tunisian Moufida Tlatli went to France to study cinema, though at the time women were directed towards careers as editors. Nonetheless, she immersed herself in cinema studies developing the requisite skills of filmmaker, which led to the production of her first film, Le silence du palais in 1994. Arriving in France as a young adult in 1960, Moroccan Izza Génini immediately plunged into its cultural life, and in 1973 she created her production and distribution company. Similarly, the renowned writer Assia Djebar since the 1960s, elected to the French Academy in 2005, took a sabbatical from the world of literature to enter into the landscape of image-sound with her first film La Nouba des femmes du Mont Chenoua in 1978.

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At the beginning of the professionalization of cinema in Africa, with the emergence of emblematic institutions such as FESPACO (Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou) and FEPACI (Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers) in the 1960s, women were at the forefront. While other institutions have developed since, these two structures remain a reference for continental cooperation and organization in the cultural domain. Pioneer actress Zalika Souley of Niger, sat on the founding committee of FEPACI, while Burkinabe Alimata Salembéré, a founding member of FESPACO, presided over the organizing committee of the first festival, which her compatriot Odette Sangho was also a member. Spurred by the United Nations Decade for Women (1975–1985), the 1970s launched a call to action in all areas of women’s lives, according to unprecedented global attention to women. Evolving into a universal movement for the promotion of women’s rights and of feminist activism, it also played a significant role in raising consciousness throughout the continent. Following into the 1980s, many women reiterated the UN Decade themes in their films, focusing on the empowerment of women and highlighting a woman’s vision of economic, social, and cultural development. Following the growth of the second wave of feminism, its influence was apparent in several developments during the 1970s: women’s studies in the academy, feminist film theory, and the critical analysis of the visual representation of women. From this seminal decade, a presence of African women in cinema slowly emerged. As one of the rare African women enrolled at the École nationale supérieure Louis-Lumière in the 1970s in Paris, pioneer Safi Faye recalls the curiosity around her enrolment at this prestigious film school. The 1980s also witnessed a marked growth in film production by women. Many of the first generation of Burkinabe women in the 1980s, notably Fanta Régina Nacro, Valérie Kaboré, and Aminata Ouédraogo, to name a few of international renown, entered the doors of INAFEC, the historic film school, based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso which operated from 1976 to 1987. Moreover, in East Africa, the first wave of Kenyan women of cinema began to study in the Film Training Department at the Kenya Institute of Mass Communication in the 1980s. As Kenyan scholar Wanjiku Béatrice Mukora observes, they have played a determinant role in the formation of a national cinema in Kenya. This tendency spread to other regions, notably in Southern Africa. In Zimbabwe in the 1990s, a cadre of women professionals of cinema was formed around the organization, Women Filmmakers of Zimbabwe (WFOZ). In 2001, WFOZ launched a women’s film festival, and in 2009, established the Distinguished Woman of African Cinema Award.

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In the same way, the 1990s witnessed the strengthening of networks and a visible presence on a continental and international scale. Having already established the groundwork at the Images of Women colloquy at Vues d’Afrique in Montreal, Quebec in 1989, an organized movement emerged. The twelfth edition of FESPACO in 1991 marked a historic moment for African women in the visual media, forging an infrastructure for the association which is presently known as the Pan-African Union of Women Professionals of the Moving Image. The continental meeting, presided by Annette Mbaye d’Erneville outlined the following key objectives, which are often reiterated in other women’s organizations: • to provide a forum for women to exchange and share their experiences; • to ensure that women have equal access to training and production; • to be aware of the concerns of women professionals; • to ensure a more realistic visual representation of women; • to establish the means for transmitting their point of view. Since this emblematic moment, projects initiated by women throughout the continent extending to the diaspora, gained momentum in their efforts to promote African cinema, and develop infrastructures. While all of the initiatives have not been able to come to fruition, their encouraging presence indicates the desire to create sustainable and accessible structures in support of African cinema and the empowerment of women practitioners in cinema in particular. Paradoxically, during the years after the Women’s Decade, the second wave of feminism began to wane, with declarations in postfeminist discourses that it had reached its objective of irradiating sexism. When in fact, rather than paradoxical, this decline is quite possibly the consequence of these multicultural encounters, even confrontations, during the Decade, at which time an oppositional discourse emerged among women of color around the world in response to the hegemonic feminism of and the domination of discourse, research, and knowledge production by white women. Moreover, already taking shape in the 1980s, in response to a feminism consider elitist, ethnocentric, or to some, even racist, a third wave emerged. By the 1990s, in rupture with the strategies of struggle and the essentialist aspects of the second wave, a new generation positioned itself to confront the problems of the present world, very different from those of the 1970s and 1980s.

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This generational rupture and continuity bring to mind the 2008 Cannes festival roundtable at the Pavilion of Cinemas of the South entitled “The Commitment of Women Cineastes.” At the meeting, veteran cineaste Moufida Tlatli recounted her experiences as a young student in 1968 at film school at which time women were channeled into careers as editors or script supervisors—or as they were called at that time and still today, “script-girl.” Her younger cohorts spoke about very different experiences that were more on a par with their male counterparts. The most edifying aspect of the discussion was the intercontinental context regarding the plurality of experiences across generations, ethnicities, cultures, and positionalities. Personal stories and postcolonial histories were part of a very engaging conversation among women of the South in general and women of Africa in particular, highlighting a genuine willingness to meet each other face to face on complex issues. Despite the generational differences among the cineastes, present experiences are in many ways similar to those of the first generations. For example, feminists film studies that emerged in the 1970s were centered around the term “women and cinema” as its point of departure. Whereas Safi Faye of that generation had already taken a non-gendered position, thus not distinguishing herself from a male filmmaker: “I do not make a difference between Safi the woman or Safi the man.” A position which echoes the present-day sentiments of Osvalde Lewat, who coming from a later generation of filmmakers, brought into question the gendering of the term cineaste in the colloquy title at Cannes that specified “women cineaste.” Nonetheless, these events—such as this colloquy—which focus on women, exist, in the same way as the emblematic New York-based distribution company “Women Make Movies,” because women filmmakers have not yet broken the glass ceiling! African cinema(s), itself a postcolonial phenomenon, emerged in tandem with African independences and has always existed within a transnational context. Using postcoloniality as the point of departure, the films dealt with tensions between African tradition and westernization, reframing the colonial version of African history and the politics of identification. In this regard, La Noire de . . . by Ousmane Sembène, released in 1966, had already begun to work within postcolonial themes. The film examines the psychological trauma of a young Senegalese woman who finds herself dislocated within a foreign European environment, where she does not speak the language, isolated without resources nor recourse. Similarly, the first films by women also postulated a postcoloniality in their intentions, working concomitantly within a transnational context.

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A generation later, African women filmmakers continue to work through their multiple identities in their films. Some are bi-racial from parents of two different races, and this double identity is problematized in their work. Others have a double nationality or live as permanent residents and confront issues of integration or the complexities of identity having been born of the first generation in the diasporic communities of the West. Drawing from the notion of double consciousness explored by the American intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois where the African American lives with a sense of two-ness—as an American, as a Black person, Ghanaian American filmmaker Akosua Adoma Owusu describes the triple consciousness of the African immigrant to the United States: (1) she must assimilate into the American cultural mainstream, (2) she is identified with African Americans by the color of her skin but may not always identify with their culture or history, and (3) she has to deal with the African world and her own line of descent. African filmmakers have for a long time insisted on being filmmakers period and, in the case of women, to not have to also carry the label of woman. Safi Faye for example always stood by this idea, even when producing Africathemed films. As the notion of transnational cinema gathers momentum, the non-identifiability of the filmmaker’s nationality is increasingly garnering notice. Furthermore, for some filmmakers residing in the West, Africa is not always the subject of their films nor are Africans automatically represented in the main characters. Are these films as well as their aesthetic excluded from the African cinema discourse and reinserted when the subject focuses on Africa? Besides, the practice of a cinema without borders by a growing number of filmmakers reposes the question regarding the categorization of a film according to the filmmaker’s nationality. Moreover, certain South African film practitioners of European, Indian, and Malaysian descent are affirming their African identity and reclaiming their experiences as part of the continent’s history, showing their desire to be included in the dialogue, even when the themes of their films focus on people with non-African ethnicities. Africa is a vast continent with diverse languages, as well as social and political histories, geographical and demographic specificities, and cultural and religious practices. And thus, its borders, extending to a global diaspora, engenders a plurality of cinematic practices. Furthermore, this transnationality, with its travelling identities and exilic homelands is increasingly present and thus demands a redefinition of the concept “African women in cinema,” as well as the renegotiation of its positionality, social location, and subjectivity, not only in terms of filmmaking but also in relationship to its audience.

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In the same way, these transmutations underscore the fact that these cinemas and cinematic practices are not a monolith, and thus the discourses on African women in cinema are based on the plurality of cinematic histories embracing the intersectionality of trans/national and racial identification and ethnic and cultural specificities. I opened this talk emphasizing that my objective was to use a nondeficit approach by drawing from positive, optimistic, and encouraging experiences. I want to end in the same spirit. As Sarah Maldoror has declared: “The African woman must be everywhere: on the screen, behind the camera, in the editing room, in every stage of the making of a film. She must be the one to talk about her problems.” African women pioneers and leaders in African cinema form an impressive list. Their presence on the timeline of African cinema is witness to the heritage they leave as role models, mentors, and activists, opening the path to other women who follow them. I would like to draw from the spirit of what Safi Faye calls “feministing”: to defend the cause of women while framing their experiences within the context of their society as the point of departure. This assertion does not contradict the notion of transnational African women, but rather integrates these experiences, identities, and positionality into the continuum of their cinematic history. Following the example of the admirable Kadidia Pâté, let us close this presentation and open this colloquy with the objective to “see, discern, compare, and draw lessons,” an exercise that she did with extraordinary skill.

Notes 1. Bernard Verschueren, “Fanta Nacro: Hope in Female Form,” Courier: The Magazine of the ACP-UU Development 190 (2002): 2–5. 2. “Sinemaabi: Transcription of a filmed interview/dialogue with Djibril Diop Mambety by Beti Ellerson Poulenc in April 1997,” Africultures (January 8, 2007).

Tela Preta: Black Cinema Movement Manifesto Brazil, 2013

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e, from the Black Cinema Movement “Tela Preta,” believe in cinema as a tool for the decolonization of the mind. Over the years, the seventh art has been used to spread Eurocentrism in all continents, turning nonwhites as subjects of travel documents and diaries in the processes of colonization. Besides owning all equipment and means of image production, these visual documents and their producers exposed our men and women as animalistic beings, creating stereotypes and perpetuating racism. Nevertheless, since the “Middle Passage,” when our ancestors were forced to cross the Atlantic into the Americas, we have learned to resist. In cinema, it was not different. We had to shift the gaze and make the camera work on our behalf, crossing the world of Images and acquiring different subject positions. From actors and objects, we became the directors and authors. Thus, we have used the camera to show our own vision of the world, giving voices to our very own thoughts. Many authors believe that black film is a film produced by blacks; others have stated that it is a cinema, which deals with black themes. We understand that there are black cinemas, especially because of the diverse experience of the black diaspora and the ways in which blacks have organized themselves. Several examples can be given on black cinema, from the blackspoitation films of the 1970s in the United States, the L.A. Rebellion Film Movement, also known as the Los Angeles School of Black Filmmakers in the 1980s, to the beginning of Black cinema in Brazil in the 1970s and fed by Zózimo Bulbul, Waldyr Onofre, Antonio Pitanga, and Odilon Lopes. In addition, as part of black cinema in the diaspora, one can find filmmaker Joelzito Araujo in 1990s or Dogma Feijoada in Brazil in the 2000s. The emergence of a strong African cinema in the 1960s with films by Ousmane Sembène (the “Father of African cinema”). The list continues with the Latin American and Caribbean cinema made by black directors such as Cuban Rigoberto Lopez, Haitian Martine Chartrand, and several [films] by black directors who may or may have not completely finished their movies. The “Tela Preta” movement proposes the creation of a cinema that encompasses the notion of the “tripod”: production, authorship and black worldview. Thus, we make the following commitments to our diasporic black population:

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• Meet the demands of the black population in relation to audiovisual materials • Vehemently light racism in audiovisual productions • Build black self-representation • Promote and expand the discussion of black anemia • Discuss, develop and/or structure a black cinema “aesthetics” • Promote exchange among producers and the circulation of black cinema in Africa and the diaspora • Take the work of black filmmakers to cinema hails and classrooms in Brazil and around the world as wait as other areas of distribution • Portray black heroes and restore their history • Strengthen black productions • Create spaces. for the development and education of filmmakers, producers, and black managers • Participate in all areas of promotion, creation and discussion of policies targeting cinematographic productions in order to lay claim to our demands By all means necessary.

Trinidad and Tobago Declaration on Developing the Caribbean Film Industry for a Culture of Peace

Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, September, 2013

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e, the participants gathered in Trinidad on the occasion of the Caribbean Conference, Cameras of Diversity for a Culture of Peace: Thematic Debates on Developing the Caribbean Film Industry (September 25–27, 2013), wish to express our gratitude to, and acknowledge the hospitality, technical, and intellectual support of the Trinidad and Tobago Film Festival, and the leadership of UNESCO for providing a forum to place the importance of the Caribbean film industry and the Caribbean culture in the sustainable development agenda of our region; We recognize the importance of acknowledging the link between cultural diversity, dialogue, development, security, and peace to address the problems of our world today and propose new approaches for ensuring sustainable development and addressing issues such as population growth, urbanization, environmental degradation, natural disasters, climate change, and increasing inequalities and persisting poverty; We also recognize that a culture of peace, non-violence, and dialogue is an essential condition of sustained prosperity; We underscore that the creative industries and, in particular, the film industry, are main sources for sustainable development. They are becoming increasingly relevant components of modern post-industrial economies which contribute to growth and job creation and play, at the same time, an important role as vectors of cultural identity; We recall in this regard some of the most recent policy documents on the contribution of culture to sustainable development, such as the Declaration of Surinam adopted at the 2013 Meeting of Ministers of Culture of Latin America and the Caribbean (March 2013), the UN Resolutions 65/1, 65/166, and 66/208 on ‘Culture and Development’, the Hangzhou Declaration on Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies, the June 2013 High Level Thematic Debate of the UN General Assembly, and the 2013 ECOSOC meeting; We consider that, despite the growing body of analysis, statistics, and mapping exercises on the relationship between culture, creative industries, and economic development, the potentialities of culture in development are not yet fully understood;

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We recognize that most Caribbean States are strongly committed to defending the inclusion of culture in the international development agenda, and acknowledge the importance of strengthening creative industries, as shown by the ratification rates of the UNESCO 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions in our region; We also recognize the progress made in developing cultural policies and creating public/private entities to support the creative sector, in particular the film industry, and stress the need to further develop an appropriate programmatic and financial framework; We reaffirm the potential of the Caribbean in developing its own creative industry as a means for economic growth and for the promotion of the Caribbean cultural diversity; We also acknowledge that the effective implementation of the 2005 Convention and related UNESCO programs and activities, such as the regional Cameras of Diversity project, support Caribbean initiatives to develop sustainable film industries; We therefore call on policymakers and non-governmental entities, including the private sector, to actively support the Caribbean film sector by including the film industry in their development policies and investment plans, taking into consideration the following:

Cultural industries contribute to a culture of peace, non-violence, and dialogue Cultural goods and services have a double value as vectors of identity and as sources of economic growth. The cultural sector thus addresses psychosocial and economic needs of societies and contributes to reducing poverty and social inequalities. Creative industries are job and income generating sources that may support development among marginal groups such as women, minorities, and disempowered boys and girls. Their promotion may thus support the reduction of social inequalities, reduce poverty, and enhance social cohesion. Enhanced knowledge of the Caribbean cultural diversity, in particular among the youth, thanks to the strengthening of the film industry, may support intercultural dialogue and peace which are the basis for regional cooperation and development. The Caribbean cultural richness and creativity can be used as an economic resource in emerging service economies.

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The promotion of creative industries, in particular the film industry, must be included in national development policies and programs In recent years, the international community has debated the need to develop and support actions, measures, and policies to promote the free exchange and circulation of ideas, and of cultural activities, goods, and services. The main instrument resulting from that debate is the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO in 2005. The convention underscores the double nature of cultural goods and services by recognizing that they are not mere commodities but also vectors of cultural identities. Therefore, it aims at promoting the diversity of cultural expressions by supporting the development and implementation of policies designed to increase the creation, production, distribution/dissemination, access, and enjoyment of cultural expressions, by all, and in particular, by developing countries. This international treaty, ratified by most of the Caribbean States, creates the appropriate framework to strengthen regional cooperation and develop and implement national policies to the benefit of the creative sector, including the film industry. Member states are encouraged to implement legislation to give effect to their domestic treaty obligations. Support must be given to the creation and administration of Caribbean film commissions and their networking.

Intra-regional educational programs, academic cooperation, and scholarship exchanges should be strengthened A sustainable and dynamic film industry can only be developed if educational programs are adopted and implemented to train experts to create, produce, disseminate, and manage the film sector. The Caribbean States have already established strong cooperation mechanisms in many fields, including trade. Also, our shared roots and our rich cultural diversity provide an excellent platform to strengthen further our cooperation through intra-regional educational programs, and thus help develop a dynamic Caribbean film industry. Main attention is to be given to the youth with a view to job creation and income generation.

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Caribbean audiovisual heritage must be valued, safeguarded, and transmitted to future generations Preservation of the Caribbean memory through the protection and safeguarding of our audiovisual heritage is essential to ensure peaceful and conflict-free Caribbean societies. Top priority attention should therefore be given to the sustainable preservation of our film collections, archives, and documents. The development, funding, and application of preservation measures will require the establishment of effective institutional coordination mechanisms at local, national, and regional levels, and the creation of synergies among public institutions, civil society, and the private sector. The study of preservation of audiovisual heritage should be offered in educational curricula, and awareness of the importance of preserving that heritage should be raised in all possible film-related public activities to ensure a socially cohesive Caribbean community, shaping our part of the world to be an effective contributor to the culture of global peace.

The film sector must promote inclusive social development More inclusiveness is possible when gender-balanced, equality, and culturesensitive approaches are used in preparing and implementing sustainable development policies. Because cultural goods, services, and activities have a double nature as commodities and as vectors of identities and mutual understanding, those approaches should also be part of any action taken to develop the film industry. When doing so, an expanded film industry helps further reduce economic and social inequalities.

Distribution and exhibition means must be strengthened to reduce geographical imbalances There is a great and yet unexplored potential to sustainably develop the film industry by way of public-private partnerships as a funding mechanism for promoting such development which should include new digital technologies and applications. Public policies should be adapted to enable these new possibilities, and to provide answers to new challenges, both at national and regional levels. New policies should enhance cooperation facilities among local authorities, non-profit organizations, public and private institutions, artists, and other cultural professionals. Enhanced globalization opens up a wide range of opportunities to develop original and effective approaches to distribute and exhibit Caribbean

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productions at national, regional, and international levels. New networking distribution means and platforms should be used to maximize revenue. The geographical, linguistic, historical, and demographic links provide the opportunity to optimize social media, crowd funding, and exhibition networks and circuits, to promote the Caribbean film industry as a regional one, and support the production, distribution, and access to local Caribbean content in national, regional, and international markets. Support must be given to the creation and administration of national and regional film festivals and their networking.

Specialized journalism should support strengthening the Caribbean film sector Film criticism or specialized journalism is part of a wider discussion of the relevance and importance of films to Caribbean people. Through the media, especially the Internet, film criticism may complement the discussion, however it takes place. Public policy should therefore aim at encouraging the media to inform about the economic potential of the film industry as a job and income-generating sector, and to financially support and broadcast Caribbean productions.

*** We, the participants, believe that the promotion and support of the creative industries, especially the film industry, must be integrated in the national development agendas of the Caribbean States. We also believe that the promotion of the film industry will decisively contribute to economic growth, a culture of peace, non-violence, and intercultural dialogue. We, therefore, commit ourselves to continue supporting the development and application of policies and action to support the film industry, and to encourage individuals, communities, public and private institutions, artists, and other professionals to join us in our efforts.

The New Negress Film Society 2013

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he New Negress Film Society is a collective of Black women and nonbinary filmmakers who create community, spaces, and films that reimagine cultural productions that have traditionally exploited our communities. We coordinate public programming and produce films committed to centering radical Black women’s voices. We protect the integrity of our artistic process from the commercialization and commodification that have historically caused harm to our communities. We believe the best protection is collectivizing.

FOCUS We focus primarily on works that break boundaries in film politically and artistically. Womanist in their content and experimental in form, often these are some of the most challenging for a marginalized filmmaker to create and distribute. Active for eight years, the collective is steadfast in breaking those barriers presenting at institutions such as the Brooklyn Museum, Anthology Film Archives, Hammer Museum, Black Radical Imagination, Ann Arbor Film Festival, Afrikana Independent Film Festival, NY Media Center, Indiana University Cinema, and the South Dallas Cultural Center.

HISTORY In May 2013 Kumi James (formerly Wendy James) organized a screening called “I Am A Negress of Noteworthy Talent” centering the work of black women filmmakers at Brooklyn Fireproof in Brooklyn, NY. This screening emerged due to her observation that the films and critical interventions made by black women filmmakers were seldom highlighted or discussed in public and private institutions. After a successful screening showcasing the works of Nevline Nnaji, Nuotama Bodomo, Ja’Tovia Gary, Kumi James, and Nikyatu Jusu, James convened the screening’s participants to form the New Negress Film Society Collective in June 2013. The founding members of the collective were James, Nevline Nnaji, Nuotama Bodomo, and Ja’Tovia Gary.

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SUPPORT The scope of our art, political thought, and process is diverse in nature. We recognize the importance of our collective strength. Core members of the NNFS hold creative space to workshop ongoing film projects, fundraise, and gain visibility for our own work. 

EXHIBITION We regularly exhibit works by both emerging and established black women and non-binary filmmakers around the world through our website and screening events such as the Black Women’s Film Conference. It is our priority to provide opportunities to highlight quality works by black women artists.

Resolutions of the Eighth Pan-African Congress: Commissions No. 2, 5, and 6 Accra, Ghana, March 2015

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e, the people of Africa, convened here in Accra under the auspices of the 8th Pan African Congress, AWARE of the efforts made by our forebearers towards the total liberation and unity of the African people, WARY of the obstacles and challenges faced by the African people in this pursuit from both within and without, CONSCIOUS of the multiple systems of oppression faced by black people across the world, APPRECIATING the need to strengthen unity and foster solidarity across borders, within and outside of Africa amongst the global African community, COMPELLED by the need to organize the efforts and energies of those living on the continent and those in the diaspora toward achieving these goals, SENSITIVE to the demands of our local communities and of the need to integrate them into a coherent continental whole, FAVORING the values of community, cooperation, and altruism versus individualism, self-interest, and competition, EMPHASIZING the need to establish the Pan-African Congress as a social, economic, and political platform for the common people to engage in at all levels of society, APPRECIATING the need to integrate within the framework of the Pan-African Congress a human-based value system that promotes collectivism, altruism, and cooperation as principal components of the organization, ACKNOWLEDGING the need for Africa to unite through a common framework that unites all regions that have significant African populations, and COGNIZANT of the fact that all black lives matter: The 8th Pan-African Congress resolves through its respective commissions as follows:

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Commission No. 2: Concerning Strengthening Global Solidarity and Voice of the Pan-African Women’s Movement In light of the theme of the 8th Pan-African Congress and building on the resolutions of the 7th Pan-African Congress in 1994, the commission on strengthening global solidarity and voice of Pan-African Women’s Movement states as follows: Recognizing and appreciating the inherent linkages, inseparability, and complementarity between the struggle for women’s emancipation and gender justice and the struggle for Africa’s liberation and development, We resolve to: 1. Commit to addressing structural barriers that keep half of the PanAfrican constituency subjugated and unable to access freedom, justice, and dignity. 2. Commit to the documentation and preservation of women who have made immense contributions to the Pan-African movement and commit to ensuring they form part and parcel of the collective memory and public imagery of dominant/mainstream narratives of Pan-Africanism. 3. Call to memory and demand the immediate release and rescue of the over 200 girls who were abducted in Chibok, Nigeria close to a year ago and still remain abductees, and to ensure provision of socio-psychological and material support upon their return. 4. Stand in solidarity with and call for the immediate freedom for women and girls and the peoples of Sahrawi Democratic Republic (Western Sahara) from colonization and patriarchy. 5. Call for universal and immediate ratification and implementation of existing gender responsive instruments (Maputo Protocol, Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality Agenda, CEDAW, Beijing+20, 1325, 1820) as well as ensuring accountability for noncompliance as a way to further ideals of Pan-Africanism. 6. Commit to strengthen healthcare systems and volunteerism to prevent and effectively respond to crises such as Ebola. 7. Recognizing that we cannot afford to sustain practices that are harmful to the dignity, respect, and freedom of women and girls, including FGM,1 child/early/forced marriage, widow inheritance, breast ironing, indentured servitude, especially in the Middle East, and thus contrary to ideals of Pan-Africanism, we call for their immediate abolishment.

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8. Push for equal access to, control over, and ownership of Africa’s resources (between men and women)—ensure progressive land policies and secure access to land rights for African women. 9. Address all forms of violence against women and girls, the radicalization of violence and sexism in both private and public spheres, religious fundamentalism, and extremism that threatens progress and freedom. 10. Address illicit financial flows, ensure tax justice—progressive taxation, remove VAT on essential products and direct these as well as other funds to finance the African women’s movement as a means to further the cause of Pan-Africanism. 11. Effect a policy on IDPs2 and their treatment and their human right to dignity. 12. Ensure inter-generational mentoring, exchange, and learning takes place; that young woman will have a place in discussions, deliberations, and decision-making spaces. 13. Reach out to and create linkages with existing structures, networks, and platforms including the African Feminist Forum, for greater synergy and impact. 14. Must put to an immediate stop the plunder, not only of mineral resources but, most importantly, of human resources: the women and their bodies (DRC). 15. Address the burden of unpaid care work that falls largely on women and girls and has resulted in the large number of women affected by Ebola. 16. Establish as a principle of fifty percent representation of women in decision-making within the 8th Pan-African Congress structure (Interim processes, International Planning Committee, and Governing Council). 17. Ensure the convening of a women’s congress prior to the second phase of the 8th Pan-African Congress, and resuscitate the women’s desk and congress. 18. Define and celebrate the African woman. Her image as defined by the African women, her color, Her Strength, Her Creativity. Alleviate the burden on the African woman. Change the depiction of African women and celebrate the African woman in all her diversity. 19. Support the creation of a reparation fund that is tax free and sixty percent directed to the status of the African women. 20. Recognize the political rights of women must be promoted and protected, in terms of attending meetings, voting rights, etc.

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Commission No. 5: Concerning Pan-African Media & the Global Pan-African Family: (Communication & Traditional Media; Role of the New Social Media) Recognizing the crucial role of the media (traditional as well as the new social media) in advancing the cause of Pan-Africanism, the commission resolves that 8th PAC should support the PAM to: 1. Work towards assisting Africa to find its voice in the global space. 2. Provide African content in the curricular of institutions of media and mass communications. 3. Set up a Communications Unit in the PAM Secretariat as well as a Communications Committee in preparation for the second Phase of the 8th PAC. 4. Establish and implement a strategy to popularize the values of Pan-Africanism as well as activities of the global Movement. 5. Establish a code of principles for Pan-African journalists as well as a network of politically conscious Pan-African journalists and content producers (including bloggers, writers, and social media activists). 6. Create, populate, and popularize a Pan-African Calendar to highlight events and ideas of the Pan-African movement. 7. Promote 25 May using all media to focus on Pan-Africanism. 8. Establish a Pan-African publication on Pan-Africanism. 9. Establish a network for broadcasting Pan-African news and ideas and create synergies with existing platforms. 10. Promote the use of African languages in African media. 11. Support existing Pan-African publishing ventures to promote works that further the ideals of Pan-Africanism. 12. Ensure Pan-African publications that are available, accessible, and affordable. 13. Establish the Pan-Africa Media Awards. 14. Promote access to HTML code for all ages through regional trainings to ensure competencies to create PAM websites.

Commission 6: Concerning the Role of Culture and Creative Arts in Promoting Pan-Africanism COGNIZANT of the immense role of culture and the creative arts in documenting our history and shaping our collective narratives and consciousness, we resolve to:

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1. Promote arts education in schools and encouragement of education departments to ensure school curriculum that is afro-centric, recognizes the validity of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, and promotes the values and principles of Pan-Africanism. 2. Facilitate cultural exchanges and ensure freedom of movement that by addressing the prohibitive nature of visas to facilitate this. 3. Translate knowledge from local languages into colonial languages and vice-versa so that information can be better shared. Institutes of higher learning with language departments and with funding from governments could be tasked with doing this at masters or doctoral levels as a conditionality to receiving funding. 4. Establish and support existing Pan-African literary prizes/residencies funded by monies from the Pan-African world. 5. Support the African arts industry by encouraging all African institutions and Pan-African focused and led institutions and institutions working on the continent to commission and display visual art, play African music, promote African books, utilize African furniture, and serve African food (airlines). 6. Strengthen existing institutions for example Pan-African Writers Association (PAWA) and Academy of African Languages (ACALAN) to ensure that their efforts are being duplicated. 7. Make use of emerging technologies, ICTs,3 and new media platforms including social media to ensure a wider reach to all constituencies. 8. Strengthen copyright law and promotion of purchase rather than piracy of works of art so that artists can make a living from their work. 9. Strengthen national associations of visual, performance, and literary artists. 10. Establish a quota system in libraries and resource centers for African books, radio, and TV for African music and films from the Pan-African world. Eliminate VAT on books, film, and music. 11. Ensure resolutions of the Pan-African Congress are fed through arts and culture education at regional culture and arts centers and the African Union.

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Notes Excerpted from, Friends of the African Union, “Resolutions of the 8th Pan African Congress”, https://friendsoftheafricanunion.com/african-diaspora/the-pan-african -congresses/resolutions-of-the-8th-pan-african-congress/. 1. Female genital mutilation. 2. Internally displaced people. 3. Information communication technologies.

“Black Is . . .” and That’s the Beauty of It: Ten Propositions Concerning the Visible and the Visual, in Consideration of Black Cinema and Black Visual Culture Keith M. Harris, United States, 2016

These ten propositions have arisen in contemplation of an epistemological and methodological dialogue between black cinema and black visual culture. The propositions consider what each has to offer to the other. The aphoristic formulation and listing of the propositions, though provocative, reflect a principled, specific, and open engagement with the moving image as part of a conceptualization of the visual.

1. The four points of interest/intersections from which these propositions develop: First, the title, “‘Black is . . .’ and That’s the Beauty of It,”1 references the point of intersection between black as an authenticating logic of culture in which the body is conserved as the signifier of the authentic and the various racialized feminist and queer criticisms that render appreciable the unexpected rhetorical complexity when the slogan “Black is beautiful” is placed in conversation with its signifying complement “Black is; black ain’t.” Second, from the space of the first, I am interested in expanding the idea of visualization outlined in my essay “The Burden of the Beautiful Beast: Visualization and the Black Male Body.”2 And here visualization is a mode of discursivity as well as a mode of making visible, a mode of making representation visible as visual. The third interest comes from what I have called an epistemic shift when one considers the move from the intellectual tradition of inquiry and historiography located under: the rubric of black film to the rubric of what Michael Gillespie calls film blackness.3 Finally, the fourth point of interest has emerged through conversations that I have had with Alessandra Raengo about the so-called challenge to the indexicality of the photographic image posed by digital technology, the continuous and discontinuous relations between the visible and the visual, and the image of race—the idea that race is always an image, and as such always visual, even when it is not visible.

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2. The figure and figuration of Gus in The Birth of a Nation (dir. D. W. Griffith, 1915) instantiates many things, but one of them is the felony of the index and indexicality. By this I mean, there is the intentional failure of the index to index in its foregrounding of the image, the usual, and visualization as separate from the visible. This is most demonstrated in the character of Gus and the means by which blackface produces a visual referent, over an indexical one. Gus is exemplary in that in certain visual traditions the image that emerges from the index is a particular image of race—not just a raced image, but an image of race, indexing an idea, not an individual (or an individual’s actions). Furthermore, with Gus as the image of race, the questionable use of film as historiography and revisionist history directs us to the field of vision, the apparatus(es) (in this case cinema) of the visual, as site(s) of consideration, as dynamic sites of articulation, rearticulation, and disarticulation. 3. The advent of sound brought the impression that cinema would be an even closer approximation of reality. With the coming of sound, black performers arrived as the embodiment of it, revealing the new technology’s truth and authenticity through the black voice. Sound and the black voice disarticulated the white body in blackface as the black body, serving visually to reorient blackface as an image visualizing an affective index to a performance of race.4 The soundimage/speaking black body verified a visual discourse of race and blackness/otherness in which the phenomenal black body is the image of the signifying body of race and alterity. Consequently, as the sound-image/speaking black body disarticulated the image of the white body in blackface, as instable and inauthentic, it articulated the effect of the black body as the authenticator of blackface. Lincoln Perry’s “Stepin Fetchit” engendered the performance of black masculinity in the tradition of blackface and minstrelsy that seemingly confirmed the sound-image/speaking black body as authentic and risible. However, Perry’s self-effacing sound-image/speaking black body performatively authenticates in irony, foregrounding the speaking black body as a performance of dissimulation, and as such, demonstrating that the speaking black body is a sound-image, one of affect and performance. The soundimage/speaking black body signifies through an affective-effective dialectic of the visual through which an effect of authenticity serves to authenticate as an effect. 4. The ground for the visual is visibility. The visibility of race is the discursive mediator, the visuality.

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5. What is the black in black visual culture? It is not enough to refer to black visual culture as that produced by the African diaspora, nor am I comfortable with the conflation of race into culture found in some discourses of “blackness.” The former begs for authenticity, while ignoring how one is interpellated as authentic. The latter, the conflation of race into culture, idealizes expressivity as style, erasing the material conditions of the formation of expression. 6. The black in black visual culture is the dialectic between black and blackness, between race and culture, holding that there is a difference between the object and the image, between the material and the ideal. 7. Ralph Ellison’s “Black Is, Black Ain’t” is clearer as dissensus, as a manifestation of the gap between/the simultaneity of retention and rejection. 8. The beauty of black visual culture from this perspective is that it is a praxis in which there is not only the production of the visual artifact, but also the conceptualization and production of the visual—as a process, as a site of mediation and contestation. More importantly, black visual culture renders “race” visible as image and discourse, as visuality and visualization. 9. The visible is not the visual. Neither one is fixed or stable. 10. The visual produced by black visual culture foregrounds visibility (the visible, the seen, the phenomenal) as a sight of historical affect and effect.

Notes Reprinted from Keith M. Harris, “‘Black Is . . .’ and That’s the Beauty of It: Ten Propositions Concerning the Visible and the Visual, in Consideration of Black Cinema and Black Visual Culture,” Black Camera: An International Film Journal, 8, no. 1, (Fall 2016), 128– 130, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/blackcamera.8.1.0128 1. “‘Black is …’: and That is the Beauty of It” was originally presented at the 2011 American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Baltimore, Maryland. I would like to thank especially Alessandra Raengo, Michael Gillespie, Nicole Fleetwood, and Ricardo Bracho, who have all provided constructive and productive conversations regarding the visible and the visual and the various propositions. 2. Keith M. Harris, “Burden of the Beautiful Beast: Visualization and the Black Male Body,” in Contemporary Black American Cinema: Race Gender and Sexuality at the Movies, ed. Mia Mask (London: Routledge, 2012), 40–55. 3. Michael Boyce Gillespie, Film Blackness: American Cinema and the Idea of Black Film (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), 2. Gillespie proposes film blackness

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as a discourse of black visuality concerned with the visual production race. Regarding the shift to film blackness from black film, the shift is to the idea/concept of race from the social category of race. In consideration of black film, film blackness transfers focus from the duly of film to produce a proper image of race, provide mimetic representation and its attendant positive/negative prescriptions of fidelity and responsibility to an immanent category of race, to black film as part of blacks expressivity anti visuality is performative, creative and generative in the production of identifies, knowledge, and new paradigms of the visual. 4. Alice Maurice, The Cinema and Its Shadow: Race and Technology in Early Cinema (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2013). The considerations of Lincoln Perry and sound-image/speaking body are informed by Maurice’s discussions of performing body, performing image, and synchronizing race and sound during the early sound era.

Report on the Launch of African Women Filmmakers Hub Harare, Zimbabwe, September, 2016

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omen taking part in film is a democratic issue. It’s about balancing the narrative that has been predominantly male as well as balancing perspective and owning the narrative,” said Kudzai Chimbaira, at the launch of African Women Filmmakers Hub, held in Harare on September 2, 2016. A day before the fifteenth edition of the International Images Film Festival (IIFF) wrapped up, African women from eight different countries came together to map a way forward for their equitable inclusion in the continental industry. The vehicle for this is the African Women Filmmakers Hub, a Pan-African platform designed to increase African women’s production capacity and presence in film. The project is the brainchild of the Institute of Creative Arts for Progress in Africa. A diverse group of filmmakers from Zimbabwe, Malawi, Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda, Cote d’Ivoire, Senegal, and Ghana were present at the meeting. Participants all agreed on one point, the need for African women to claim their space in the film industry. The women in the room were all talented, competent, and well accomplished in their chosen craft, however they have all faced the same roadblocks in this male-dominated industry. The meeting provided them with a safe space where they could share experiences working in the industry on the continent with male counterparts who refuse to acknowledge their abilities. Overseas, the only roles available for them were those of refugees and prostitutes. Those who worked as directors and writers were all expected to tell stories that reinforce stereotypes. As African women, they have been constantly confronted with the double jeopardy of being female and Black. Participants shared experiences of racism, sexism, and body shaming. After standing against this, they are ready to be “radical about claiming this space.” One participant spoke about the positive stories of women being constantly buried away. More often than not, these stories are replaced by negative narratives that continue to undermine the place of women in history and society. The filmmakers at the hub were all committed to challenging the misrepresentation in the film industry to allow women to tell their own stories and experiences. The African Audiovisual Cinema Commission (AACC) also came into focus during the meeting. The commission, since its inception in April 2016,

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has been silent on gender issues and the representation of women. The absent voices of women stakeholders in film was noted as a big cause for concern, and participants agreed to draw a statement to the African Union. In the statement, they asked the AU to align the commission with Agenda 2063 by ensuring the equitable inclusion of women. The statement was read at IIFF 2016’s closing ceremony by Matrid Nyagah from Kenya. Mapping a way forward, the hub resolved to address the shortage of skills on the continent through mentorship programs, master classes, and training workshops. Coproductions and production of short films will be done in the countries represented, which will go a long way in balancing the narratives of African women. To ensure representation of all the regions a steering committee was selected. The committee will be chaired by Kenya with Senegal serving as deputy. Mini-hubs will be set up in all the three regions. The African Women Filmmakers Hub is a celebration of women, a challenge to perceptions and stereotypes, and a move to change the politics that place African women at the bottom of the food chain. All members of the hub made a commitment to uphold the values of feminism in all the work to be undertaken. This ground-breaking project was made possible by the Ford Foundation.

Note Previously published in Wild Track, no. 22 (September 2016), Institute of Creative Arts for Progress in Africa (ICAPA), Harare, Zimbabwe.

Cinema Pasifika: Developing the Narrative Film and Television Sector in the Pacific Island Region—Executive Summary The Pasifika Collective, Suva, Fiji, 2016

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his report outlines how the Pacific Community (SPC) could work with relevant stakeholders to support the development of the narrative film and television (TV) industry in the Pacific Island region. Narrative filmmaking and television production refers to the creation of fictional stories on film and video and includes feature films, short films, television dramas, soap operas, and docudramas that utilize narrative storytelling techniques. The expansion of film and television production in the Pacific Island region has the potential to stimulate economic growth, strengthen cultural diversity, and increase social dialogue. In this research project, over ninety stakeholders were interviewed from seven Pacific Island countries: Fiji, Samoa, Tonga, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, and Marshall Islands. A value cycle analysis was then used to identify strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and key recommendations for a possible development strategy for the narrative film and television sector in the Pacific region. Over the last decade, the region has seen an increasing number of fictional film and television productions. Many young filmmakers have been inspired by the success of the Samoan–New Zealand feature film coproduction, The Orator (dir. Tusi Tamasese, 2011), and a number of small production companies are making narrative short and feature films on shoestring budgets. Pacific Island governments appear to have insufficient awareness or understanding of the benefits that could be provided by supporting local film and television production. Pacific filmmakers have increasingly been calling for greater support so that they can collaborate more effectively to access funds, tell their stories, and stimulate the growth of a more sustainable film industry. However, it would appear that a sustainable industry will only start to emerge when Pacific Island governments, development partners, and independent filmmakers can work together to support a development pathway that encourages producers to take a more commercially focused approach to the creation of film and TV products that local and international audiences are prepared to pay to see.

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Donor agencies, such as Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, have made significant investment into a few television productions. Future investment in this sector could be even more effective if it were focused on helping independent film and television producers to develop commercially viable marketing and distribution plans for their productions at the very start of the development stage in the value cycle. The value cycle analysis in this report indicates that the major gap in the emerging narrative film and television sector in the Pacific Island region is at the very first development stage. While there is clear evidence of an emerging cottage industry, targeted investment and support are needed to enable production companies to develop the creatively compelling and commercially viable proposals that are needed to unlock regional and international distribution and sales opportunities. The recommendations in this report are based on the following key findings: 1. GREATEST ASSET: The Pacific Island region is rich in unique stories, and it also possesses much of the raw talent needed to transform these stories into commercially viable film and television products. 2. BIGGEST GAP: There is currently almost no awareness of the need to invest time and resources in creating commercially viable products that will appeal to a wider paying audience at a national, regional, and international level. 3. GREATEST NEED: In order to have any chance of developing the narrative film and television sector in the Pacific, there is an urgent need to develop a regional body or association that can effectively represent the needs and goals of its collective membership. The recommendations are summed up below. 1. Create a regional film and television association that could support the development of a clear manifesto, roadmap, and development plan for the narrative film and television sector in the Pacific. 2. Invite interested film and television producers and directors and key stakeholders to apply for the opportunity to attend a regional workshop with their peers from the world of independent narrative film and television production. 3. Directly support producers and directors to access seed funding. 4. Develop a competitive short film fund for the region. 5. Encourage Film Fiji to take a regional leadership role in the development of the narrative film and television sector in the Pacific.

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6. Support national development plans for the narrative film and television sectors in Pacific Island countries. Perhaps the best way to boost the narrative film and television sector in the Pacific region is to encourage stakeholders to support the production of a collaborative, regional television drama based on a carefully planned development, marketing, and distribution strategy. The development of such a flagship production could signal real intent to support this emerging creative industry, and it would directly demonstrate the need to combine both creative and commercial considerations in the wider development of the film and television sector in the Pacific region.

Note The Pasifika Collective (2016), “Developing the Narrative Film and Television Sector in the Pacific Island Region,” Suva, Fiji, Pacific Community.

The Pan-African Alliance of Screenwriters and Filmmakers (APASER) Algiers, Algeria, 2017

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PASER is the Alliance Panafricaine des Scénaristes et Réalisateurs. This international collaboration between Writers & Directors Worldwide, CISAC, and the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers exists to protect and promote the rights of audiovisual creators in Africa. As local audiences and international interest continue to grow the audiovisual sector in this region, the pressure on the industry to erode these essential rights increases exponentially. Similarly, with international borders now less relevant to the production and distribution of audiovisual works, independent creators need to equitably negotiate with ever-more powerful digital intermediaries. The enforcement of a legal framework that protects their position and enables them to negotiate a share in the future success of their work is a vital constituent of a sustainable audiovisual economy for Africa. The audiovisual sector is a significant contributor to the national economies of countries where works are created and shown. From the direct employment of a film production to the stimulation of growth around cinemas and television companies, the screenwriter and director are at the heart of this economy. Of equal importance is the cultural benefit that their work brings. Today, African filmmaking is reaching new audiences all over the world with Nigeria’s “Nollywood” alone producing more than 2,000 films per year. APASER will help to protect these economic and cultural contributions by working towards its three key objectives: • Bring international best practice to the fight for authors rights by offering a framework for cross-border collaboration. • “Facilitate networking and training for creators, authors’ societies and their partners, at home and abroad.” • Lobby lawmakers at the Pan-African level to build a level playing field for creators that stimulates audiovisual growth.

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The Origins of APASER Foundations February 2017 The founding concept for APASER began with the signing of a pledge at the FESPACO Film Festival in Burkina Faso. This agreement paved the way for future cooperation on authors’ rights issues between Writers & Directors Worldwide, the International Confederation of Societies of Authors and Composers (CISAC), and the Pan-African Federation of Filmmakers (FEPACI).

The Birth of APASER September 2017 CISAC organized a creators’ conference in Algiers which provided the ideal venue to formulate a framework for APASER’s mandate. With creators, government ministers, and delegates from eighteen African countries present, this became the largest meeting of its kind ever held in Africa. The international experience and expertise of these delegates were invaluable in helping to set the strategy for this new organization.

First Steps November 2017 Writers & Directors Worldwide held their annual congress in Venice and were joined by APASER’s newly-elected president and members of its executive committee. This comprises six audiovisual creators with extensive real-world experience of authors’ rights both in Africa and abroad. It also includes Writers & Directors Worldwide’s vice president, Yves Nilly, who was instrumental in setting up this alliance since signing the initial agreement with new APASER president, Laza.

International Partners APASER is supported internationally by CISAC, the world’s leading network of authors’ societies, and by its creators council that campaigns internationally

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for audiovisual rights, Writers & Directors Worldwide. This network extends to 123 countries and via its 239 society members, represents the interests of more than four million creators. The collaboration with APASER is an essential component of this international representation. It follows a similar model to that developed in Latin America with the formation of the Alianza de Directores Audiovisuales Latinoamericanos (ADAL). This has been instrumental in aligning the efforts of national authors’ societies within the region and leveraging them with international support from CISAC and Writers & Directors Worldwide to successfully lobby governments. As part of the “Audiovisual Campaign,” the laws of Chile and Colombia have already been rewritten to include measures that better protect the rights of audiovisual authors, with other countries expected to follow.

More Shamans, Less Intolerance! An Indigenous Manifesto at Berlin Film Festival

Felipe Milanez and Cris Tekuá, Brazil, 2018

Film poster for Ex-Shaman (dir. Luiz Bolognesi, 2018, Brazil). Public domain.

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he premier of the movie Ex-Shaman (2018, Brazil), by Luiz Bolognesi, at the sixty-eighth Berlin International Film Festival becomes the occasion for spreading a manifesto by Indigenous people of Brazil denouncing racism, violence, and the loss of traditional knowledge: Shamans must exist and be respected, before it is too late, the world is devoid of spirituality and the Skies fall upon our heads. The magic of the forest came to the winter of Berlin, bringing stories of violence and genocide, of evangelical proselytism, intolerance, and ethnocide. The documentary film Ex-Shaman, directed by Luiz Bolognesi, got the

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Special Mention Documentary Award Jury at the Berlinale. It tells the story of a shaman who lost his powers when his people Paiter-Suruí, Amerindian of the Amazon, are converted by missionaries. Following every screening at the festival, a manifesto against intolerance signed by twenty-seven indigenous leaders and shamans and fifteen indigenous organizations has been read, and a debate conducted by Ubiratan and Kabena, the son and the wife of the ex-shaman Perpera. Ex-Shaman thus became a film manifesto against ethnocide.

A still from Ex-Shaman (dir. Luiz Bolognesi, 2018, Brazil). Screen grab by Black Camera.

The Paiter Suruí had their so-called first contact with the Brazilian government in September 1969. Living in the Amazon state of Rondonia, which has lost half of its forest cover since then, their experience with the Brazilian society has been a total disaster: between five hundred and a thousand Paiter Suruí died in the 1970s. Most of the deaths came through diseases and lack of attention by the Brazilian state, an act that was considered a political crime by the National Commission of Truth in their report of 2014. Moreover, the Paiter Suruí have been killed by loggers and ranchers in land wars that followed the contact. The invasion of Paiter Suruí territory was encouraged by the dictatorship (1964–1985). Perpera, the protagonist of the movie, was twenty years old when his people made the first contact in 1969. Until that moment, Perpera was a powerful shaman, carrying the ancestral knowledge of his people. But then with the white man came evangelical missionaries, along with the spirit of capitalism and development projects. Evangelical missionaries brought the

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A picture of Paiter Suruí people by anthropologist Betty Mindlin soon after the contact. Courtesy of the author.

word of a new god, of a new created hell, and claimed that shamanism was an act of the devil. Perpera was forced to abandon his ancestral practices. The Ex-Shaman knows that the spirits of the forests are upset. He has stopped praying to them and playing his sacred instruments. Now afraid, Perpera sleeps with the lights on, “before they would consult the shaman, now thvey just take aspirin,” he says.

A still of Perpera from Ex-Shaman (dir. Luiz Bolognesi, 2018, Brazil). Screen grab by Black Camera.

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A Manifesto of Indigenous People of Brazil More Shamans, more Sky, more Spirits, more Forest, more Life. Less hate. Less intolerance. Less racism. We must overcome our inability to live in harmony and equality in our differences and start learning to share the world with other living beings, by seeing and recognizing each other through our gazes, with reciprocity, respect for humans and respect for non-human beings too, side by side, living together in our differences. There is only one planet, and we can all live in it, free from the burden of racism and sexism. There are many worlds that coexist in the different ways of inhabiting this planet. For many centuries, the shamans have brought balance to life on Earth. With their songs, prayers, cures, and wisdom, they massage the Planet with beautiful words, the most beautiful sacred words. They are physicians, priests, and healers, carrying the wisdom of the world with their own sciences and philosophy. In the name of a god, missionary men assaulted many forms of life in the last centuries. In the 1970s the Church itself admitted that violence was practiced in their conversions and this practice has not been abandoned. Today, we witness the emergence of new crusades of intolerance, especially by Protestant and Evangelical missions. They align with the enemies of the Indigenous Peoples, the illegal and legal miners and loggers, in order to extract not only precious elements from their lands but also from their souls. Ethnocide aims to empty all bodies of their spirituality. Genocide kills people in their physical bodies and ethnocide in their spirit, their essence, their way of living, their culture. Some interpret the Bible messages as orders to invade the whole world and to forcibly preach the gospel to all creatures, understanding that whoever does not convert will burn in the hell that their very religion has invented. This colonial attitude still provokes today, perhaps as never before, a dispute for souls that hides behind power, money, control over territories, a true market of souls. Today we are going through many crises—environmental, economic, and political—and the Indigenous territories are being invaded and looted. Along with iron and fire, come abusive and racist conversion practices. They substitute healing prayers with bible verses and medicinal remedies with aspirin. An epidemic of depression has caused the world’s highest suicide rate, staining the beautiful forests of Brazil with blood.

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The spirits of the forest are angry, crying for help, as for every tree felled, every polluted river, they come closer to extinction. So a wise shaman once said, the forest is a crystalline portal, and all of us humans need it. If the forest is gone, so will our spirit. The shamans must exist, and to exist, they must be respected. Before it is too late and the world is emptied of its spirituality and Skies may fall upon our heads! Enough ethnocide! More Shamans! Less intolerance!

Signatories Organizations Associação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil–APIB/Indigenous People Brazilian Association–APIB Associação Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira– COIAB/Indigenous Coordination of Brazilian Amazon–COIAB Associação Aty Guassu Guarani Kayowá/Aty Guassu Guarani Kayowá Association Comissão Yvy Rupa/Yvy Rupa Commission Conselho dos Povos Indígenas de São Paulo–CEPISP/São Paulo Indigenous People Council–CEPISP Federação do Povo Huni Kuî do Acre–FEPHAC/Huni Kuî People Federation, from Acre–FEPHAC Instituto Maracá/Maracá Institute Fórum dos Professores Indígenas do Estado de São Paulo, FAPISP/ Indigenous Teachers Fórum of São Paulo, FAPISP Organização Nhandepa Guarani e Huni Kuî/Nhandepa Organization Guarani and Huni Kuî Rádio Yande/Yande Indigenous Radio Rede de Memória e Museologia Indígena/Memory and Museum Indigenous Net ARPIN Sul/ARPIN South ARPIN Sudeste/Southeast ARPIN APOINME FEPIPA

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Indigenous Leaders Aílton Krenak Álvaro Tukano Alberto Terena Chicão Terena Davi Yanomami Kopenawa Daiara Tukano Denilson Baniwa Dinaman Tuxá Ninawa Huni Kuî Nara Baré Carlos Papá Mirim Poty Cristiane Tekuá Genito Gomes Kayowá Marcos Tupã Antonio Carvalho Júlio Garcia Karai Xiju Nelson Ribeiro Marcos Moreira Mauricio da Silva Gonçalves Sama Hani Kuî Sônia Guajajara Banima Hani Kuí Davi Popygua Joana Munduruku Benício Pitaguary Paulo Karai Rosa Pitaguary

Note Felipe Milanez, “More Shamans, Less Intolerance! An Indigenous Manifesto at Berlin Film Festival,” Undisciplined Environments, February 26, 2018, https://undisciplineden vironments.org/2018/02/26/more-shamans-less-intolerance-an-indigenous-manifesto-at -berlin-film-festival/. Printed with the permission of Felipe Milanez, Cristiane Tekuá, and Luiz Bolognesi. A slightly different version of this article was published on https://www .cartacapital.com.br by Felipe Milanez.

Kia Manawanui: Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical Framework

Angela Moewaka Barnes, New Zealand, 2018

Introduction

A

s a Māori media researcher, I constantly look to Indigenous theories to inform my work. In the predominantly Eurocentric field of film studies, Indigenous understandings are vital to elucidate and develop understandings about Indigenous media and representations of indigeneity more generally. Kaupapa Māori theory provides a foundation on which to build and legitimate my work, “without genuflection to western academic disciplinary silos.”1 Kaupapa is loosely translated as platform, foundation, or general principles. Kaupapa Māori theory resonates with my understandings of the world, allowing analyses that reflect who we are as Indigenous peoples and our hopes, experiences, and aspirations. To theorize in this way is to make Māori theoretical frameworks, worldviews, and aspirations explicit and uncover unequal power relations. Kaupapa Māori theory is not purported to be neutral or objective; my work is profoundly influenced by who I am and where I am from. Kaupapa Māori is linked to notions of critique, resistance, struggle, and a utopian vision of emancipation. Early articulations of Kaupapa Māori as a theory within the academy faced opposition in regard to its legitimacy. Nonetheless, Kaupapa Māori theorists determinedly argued for its relevance and validity (e.g., Leonie Pihama, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Graham Hingangaroa Smith, Kathie Irwin, and Helen Moewaka Barnes), and over time, Kaupapa Māori theory gained national and international significance. Helen Moewaka Barnes suggests that its transformative power resides in the ability to both challenge and create a space “within and outside the academy, in the face of unequal power relationships.” She suggests that, used in this way, “Kaupapa Māori can provide a space for us to work within and fend off colonizing theoretical invasions.”2 This paper discusses the development and application of Kia Manawanui: Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical Framework (Kia Manawanui), which originated from my doctoral thesis;3 it is predominantly informed by three historical films, Ngati (dir. Barry Barclay, 1987, New Zealand), Mauri (dir.

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Merata Mita, 1988, New Zealand), and Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti / The Māori Merchant of Venice (dir. Don Selwyn, 2002, New Zealand), and the filmmakers Barry Barclay, Merata Mita, and Don Selwyn. The paper outlines key domains, with examples provided, to shed light on filmmaking environments, processes of filmmaking, exhibition, and film texts through a Māori lens. Kia Manawanui was named by Kaumātua Naida Glavish and is both conceptual and practical. Loosely translated, it refers to being alert and listening to intuitions as they provide a steer that then engages with the intellect.

The Field of Kaupapa Māori and Film There is little written research grounded in Kaupapa Māori theory that examines Māori film and filmmaking, and the majority is found in theses; for example, Sam Cruickshank’s master’s thesis explores Kaupapa Māori and its application to film. Cruickshank identifies a number of principles and elements related to Kaupapa Māori, utilizing them in his analytical examination of cinematic representations of Māori men. Although Cruickshank provides areas for examination, his focus is on the representation of Māori men rather than elements of Kaupapa Māori more broadly.4 Grounded in Kaupapa Māori, Leonie Pihama has spoken extensively and written about representations of Māori in film.5 To cite one example, her examination of the feature film Boy (2010, New Zealand), directed by Taika Waititi, challenges the absence of references to the effects of colonization and marginalization alongside the perpetuation of dominant stereotypes, including that of children left alone and neglected. Textual readings informed by Māori worldviews are provided by Ocean Mercier, for example, by employing Māori concepts including pōwhiri, whanaungatanga, and koha to interrogate Boy and Taika Waititi’s two short films Two Cars, One Night (2003, New Zealand) and Tama Tu (2005, New Zealand).6 Little research and writing have been conducted on the conditions of Māori filmmaking—the processes and environments—and how these may create barriers to or encourage Māori aspirations. Groundbreaking filmmakers Merata Mita and Barry Barclay wrote about their work as filmmakers in Film in Aotearoa New Zealand.7 Barclay’s seminal piece Our Own Image is an important record of his experiences as a Māori filmmaker, providing valuable insights and analyses of filmmaking from a Māori base. Documentary filmmaker Kahurangi Waititi writes about her practical application of Kaupapa Māori in filmmaking, challenging orthodox filmmaking practices that promote an individual focus, as opposed to a collective worldview. This is extended and described in detail in her master’s thesis, “Applying Kaupapa Māori Processes to Documentary Film.”8

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Barclay’s notion of Fourth Cinema is also known as Indigenous Cinema. Firmly situated in Aotearoa New Zealand, and emerging from a Māori context, Fourth Cinema is conceptually and practically informed by tikanga and Māori epistemologies, which have resonance with global Indigenous communities. Premised on the thinking that film has the potential to be transformative and uplifting, Fourth Cinema aligns with Kaupapa Māori approaches to film theory in that it validates and affirms Indigenous experiences and identities in a cinematic context, involving both the film text and the filmmaking processes. However, Fourth Cinema is the strategic creation of an Indigenous cinematic category where none previously existed, whereas Kia Manawanui provides a number of ways of interrogating film texts and environments that are grounded in being Māori. During an informal discussion, Barclay saw a direct resonance between Fourth Cinema and Kaupapa Māori approaches to film theory, as there is a shared language and understanding.9 However, Fourth Cinema is an emerging category; there is very little written material, and Barclay is the primary author.

Research Aims and Methods To conduct research on Māori film, my intention was to create a Kaupapa Māori film theoretical framework—a space to examine the path forged by Māori filmmakers and their films and to elucidate and develop Māori understandings as a contribution to wider theoretical and media debates about Indigenous representations and creativity. This required an examination of the practical, political, and theoretical aspects of Māori filmmaking, including the film texts. In conducting this work, I experienced challenges to my application of Kaupapa Māori to film and was questioned as to whether it fitted in the media studies discipline. There is a struggling but growing movement in Māori dramatic and documentary filmmaking. Although Māori filmmaking began in the late 1970s and 1980s and has accelerated over the past five years, relatively few dramatic feature films directed and driven by Māori have been made. Kia Manawanui was informed by the work and thinking of a number of Māori working in media production. Specifically, it emerged from the author’s engagement with three historical groundbreaking films, Ngati, Mauri, and Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti / The Māori Merchant of Venice, the first three dramatic feature films, respectively, of Barry Barclay, Merata Mita, and Don Selwyn. Ngati is described as the first dramatic feature film directed by an Indigenous filmmaker. Mauri was the first, and remains the only, exhibited dramatic feature film solely directed and written by a Māori woman, and Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti was the first dramatic feature film entirely

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in te reo Māori. More recently, The Dead Lands (dir. Toa Fraser, 2014, New Zealand) and Moana (dir. Ron Clements, John Musker, and Don Hall, 2016) were released in te reo Māori—neither was directed by Māori—and that feature film Waru (dir. Briar Grace-Smith et al., 2017, New Zealand) was also released; this was directed by eight Māori women. Barclay, Mita, and Selwyn remain significant contributors to our cinematic history, deliberately offering alternative representations of Māori and paving the way for future Māori filmmaking; regrettably, less so for Māori women. Their films offer us unique and transformative cinematic representations of Māori. As noted above, I drew on a number of theorists in the development of the theoretical framework. I was fortunate to also have formal and informal discussions with a number of Māori theorists and filmmakers, including Barclay and Selwyn, which significantly contributed to the framework’s development.

Developing a Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical Framework Drawing on a range of writings, formal and informal discussions, analyses of film texts, and my own knowledge, the following key areas related to Māori worldviews, experiences, filmmaking/production, and exhibition contexts emerged.

Storytelling The craft of storytelling in film has been utilized by Indigenous peoples as a site of resistance in the struggle for justice. Indigenous media can provide a global site where Indigenous peoples imagine and share their aspirations of self-determination (expressed by Māori as tino rangatiratanga and guaranteed by Te Tiriti o Waitangi), experiences, and histories: a creative, sustaining, and political act. It was Mita’s hope that telling these types of stories would create a dent in prevailing misrepresentations.10 Feature film offers a unique site that Māori voices can inhabit and in which they can give expression to diverse realities and experiences. Here stories of length can be told and shared communally. The drive exists for many Indigenous filmmakers to tell stories about the effects of colonization; this is potentially unsettling for the colonizer. My master’s thesis raised concerns regarding the freedom to talk about our histories on mass media television channels. Some Māori directors I interviewed spoke about the need to strategically and covertly insert issues related to Māori experiences of colonization. This was attributed to the expectation, based on past experiences,

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that the broadcaster would either give a clear direction that certain material or references (e.g., the word “colonization”) were controversial and should not be included or ask for material to be removed.11 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam (1994) argue that the Eurocentrism of audiences influences cinematic production, where the ideological assumptions of the dominant target audience wield “a kind of indirect hegemony. ‘Universal’ becomes a codeword for palatable to the Western spectator as the ‘spoiled child’ of the apparatus.”12 Dominant systems frequently judge Māori stories to be “less” universal or simply not universal. Findings from my master’s thesis highlighted the practical ramifications for Māori documentary makers, who were pressured by television commissioners to find and explain the universal themes in their work. Similar criteria do not appear to be applied to Pākehā stories. The New Zealand Film Commission (NZFC; the main government funder of film) imperative that feature films attract a large audience; assumptions about the types of stories that have broad appeal; and the significant amounts of money involved, including pressure to find overseas distributors and investors, combine to make a Māori agenda challenging. Additionally harder to realize in feature film are works that speak to an Indigenous audience and threaten a unified sense of national identity. For these reasons, Barclay’s notion of “talking in” is vital.13 It demands the centering of the Indigenous voice that speaks directly to a Māori audience from Māori worldviews and experiences, not explaining itself for the benefit of a non-Māori audience. Although widely understood as entertainment, dramatic feature film brings highly selected “realities” to the screen. These representations and stories are an important part of identity formation and contribute to how we see ourselves as Māori. They shape others’ perceptions of us locally and globally. As part of my master’s study, prior to undertaking a thesis, I researched Māori responses to the films Ngati and The Piano (1993, Australia), the latter of which was directed and written by Pākehā Jane Campion. What stood out for me was the role Ngati played in validating Māori identity and culture; participants expressed a sense of pride and feeling uplifted. In contrast, representations of Māori in The Piano resulted in participants feeling uncomfortable, belittled, irritated, and embarrassed. Jani Wilson’s doctoral thesis examines audience responses to local films grounded in specific iwi, hapū, and whānau connections and understandings.14 A range of responses to images are recorded, including relief in seeing characters in Once Were Warriors (dir. Lee Tamahori, 1994, New Zealand) that are familiar, but rejecting constructions of Māori as senselessly violent. Gender is an integral part of identity formation. As Kathie Irwin notes, the experiences of Māori men and women, while sharing similarities, are not the same.15 Mana tane and mana wahine are important concepts that refer to

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the strength and dignity of Māori men and women. If we are to be consistent in challenging essentialized representations, gender-driven markers of identity that ignore diversity and complexity need to be scrutinized. Mana tane challenges dominant and negative constructions of Māori men and, in particular, the negative constructions of Māori as a warrior race. Pihama argues that this has been seemingly unreflexively internalized by both Māori men and Māori women.16 Director Don Selwyn wanted to offer a range of stories including alternative constructions to Māori men as warriors. His intentions are manifest in the male characters in Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti, who are represented as urbane, articulate, and confident of their place in the world. Combined with the poetic aspects of te reo Māori and Māori culture, Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti affirms representations of Māori men as mana tane by presenting alternatives to the dominant constructions of Māori hypermasculinity and its associated elements of physicality and violence described by Brendan Hokowhitu.17 Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti provides a stunning contrast to the stereotypical images of Māori men as warriors and violent perpetuated in films, including Once Were Warriors, The Dead Lands, and The Dark Horse (dir. James Napier Robertson, 2014, New Zealand). Mana wahine theory is skillfully articulated by Māori theorists, including Tuhiwai Smith, Pihama, Ani Mikaere, Kathie Irwin, Ngahuia Te Awekotuku, and Glynnis Paraha. Pihama reveals that ongoing colonial discourses and ideologies situate Māori women as inferior and subordinate to men—a practice that must be challenged by both men and women.18 These writings offer ways to examine representations of Māori women in film, how they are positioned, and the nature of their roles. For example, it is predominantly the Māori women characters in Merata Mita’s feature film Mauri who reinforce connections to the land, tūpuna, and wairua. This is conveyed in a powerful shot framing Māori women approaching the marae. Dressed in black, they rise over the crest of a hill as if emerging from the land. They move as one, expressing unity of purpose and the relationship of women to Papatūānuku. As they near the marae, the voice of women as they karanga is given space so it can be heard and experienced. A medium shot reinforces a triangle of women as Kara leads the karanga on the tangata whenua side. The power of these strong cinematic images makes visible and honors the role and status of Māori women in society. Through image and voice, these representations impart the mana of Māori women that pervades the film.

Being Maori Kaupapa Māori theory takes for granted the validity of te reo Māori and the position of importance it holds. The Māori language provides sustenance,

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a way to conceptualize and affirm our place and experiences in the world; however, fluency in te reo Māori is not a prerequisite to taking a position that validates and advocates for the language. In a cinematic context, Shohat and Stam discuss Eurocentric hierarchies of power in language, most evident in Hollywood, where English predominates. Through the telling of “American” stories and those of other cultures in the English language, Hollywood ventriloquizes the world. Shohat and Stam explain that the promotion and validation of the English language directly benefits Hollywood and is more generally an expression of Anglo-American power. It indirectly invalidates the languages of Indigenous cultures and diminishes these types of linguistic possibilities in cinematic contexts.19 Hollywood language is then associated with “real” or mainstream cinema just as European languages are perceived to be more cinematic. Hierarchies of language and concomitant power relations play out in the cinematic context in Aotearoa New Zealand, where te reo Māori in feature films continues to be severely limited. Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti, the first feature film in te reo Māori, came about because of Selwyn’s dedication and perseverance. His commitment to the language meant that he employed speakers of te reo Māori rather than actors, and so additional rehearsal time was required. Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti not only honors and legitimizes te reo Māori but also establishes it as a cinematic language of depth and beauty. Along with te reo Māori, tikanga is an explicit part of a Kaupapa Māori approach to production. The groundbreaking television series Tangata Whenua (1974, New Zealand) directed by Barry Barclay introduced many viewers to Māori worldviews and tikanga in depth, with minimal interpretation. The series marked the establishment of Māori creative control in a collaborative environment where the production and technical crew assisted with the development of procedures and practices to incorporate and uphold tikanga, Māori worldviews and concepts. These practices, driven by Barclay, broke new ground and established possible workable alternatives for Māori in the craft of filmmaking. For example, Barclay built on and incorporated tikanga and Māori worldviews in the production of Ngati. As well as driving practice, Māori worldviews and concepts are incorporated into film texts. For example, Barclay refers to hui as a model that supports the idea of debate as circular rather than linear.20 The hui scene set on the local marae in Ngati represents this concept with long camera takes and pauses; a multitude of diverse voices are given space, regardless of the perceived status of the speakers. Another key element is wairua, frequently described as a critical component of Kaupapa Māori, residing “at the heart of Kaupapa Māori.”21 In this

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context, wairua is loosely defined as the spiritual dimension that extends beyond the tangible. Recognizing expressions of wairua in films such as Mauri offers rich analyses and ways of understanding, highlighting the need to pay attention to the feelings and emotions experienced by audiences. While hegemonic Western discourse frames Indigenous spirituality as exotic or superstitious, films such as Mauri and Ngati present wairua as the norm, incorporated into everyday understandings and practices. However, understanding and communicating wairua in a cinematic context is complex.

Representations: Connections and Obligations Collectivity and responsibility are articulated across the spectrum of Indigenous filmmaking by practitioners and academics. Being part of a greater collective of people, and needing to contribute and challenge, manifests as a desire for transformation, on and off screen. Notions of collectivity and relationships link to whānau, hapū and iwi and are evident in film practices and texts. Filmmaker Kahurangi Waititi explains how whānau were central to her filming of kaumātua.22 Rather than employing a specialist film crew, Waititi’s whānau were enlisted and they also participated in interviews with kaumātua. Waititi found that the crew possessed a depth of understanding about the kaupapa that enabled them to skillfully and respectfully negotiate the filming process. Whānau members of kaumātua were encouraged to attend the interviews for support and to ask and answer questions. Waititi challenges orthodox filmmaking practices that promote an individual focus, establish power relationships, and clearly delineate roles where only the interviewer is expected to ask questions. Textually, whānau, hapū and iwi are strong themes in Ngati and Mauri, for example. Ngati reinforces notions of collectivity and relationships by privileging the specific iwi of Ngāti Porou while resonating with iwi and Māori generally. Generations are represented as living together, not always in harmony but with an underlying commitment to an empowering collective and collaborative model. Sitting alongside this are the obligations and loyalties that support the whānau and, by extension, hapū and iwi.23 Obligations and responsibilities are expressed by many Māori working in film. The three filmmakers in this study frequently spoke of the responsibility to present alternative images of Māori, te reo Māori, and tikanga on-screen. Responsibility extends to the protection of Māori images; Barclay, in particular, advances the concept of kaitiakitanga, or guardianship, referring to films that honorably capture Māori images as taonga.24 Responsibility and accountability in part emerge from the “burden of representation” or negative effects of representation. Shohat and Stam argue

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that this burden unjustly sits with the oppressed.25 They refer to Memmi’s notion of the “mark of the plural,” which describes the characterization of the colonized (with their inherent depravity and deviance) by the colonizer as a collective undifferentiated entity; therefore, any negative individual actions by a member of that group are representative of the entire group’s perceived deviance.26 As a result, the oppressed group becomes “sorely overcharged with allegorical meanings,” making it an almost unbearable experience. Representations of the dominant group do not suffer the same condition, and an aberrant individual member is not seen to be representative of the group as a whole. It suggests that negative stereotyping generally is hurtful, but representations do not all “exercise the same power in the world.”27 Beverley Singer, a Native American film director and writer, expresses concern about the stereotypical nature of representations in all areas of the media, including the earliest representations of Native Americans as savage and heathen.28 As a result of such depictions, Indigenous communities have debated and challenged filmic representations that perpetuate dominant discourses and stereotypes, understanding that “something vital is at stake.”29 The effects of colonial discourses and unequal power relationships led Māori theorists, including Pihama, Tuhiwai Smith, and Hingangaroa Smith, to call for “theorizing back,” “writing back,” and “talking back” to theories that serve the interests of the dominant group.30 This distinctly Māori space centers the experiences and epistemologies of the Indigenous, critiques colonization, and develops strategies for self-determination. Resistance and challenge in the form of “writing back” and “talking back” are equally applicable to a Kaupapa Māori film theoretical approach. To further reveal power relations in film, I draw on feminist theory, in particular, notions of the “gaze.” Related variations of the gaze emerging from other studies, including the ethnographic gaze and the imperial gaze, reveal relationships between power and visuality that are distinct, with their own ideological and institutional origins. In her examination of the imperial gaze, Ann Kaplan argues that it “reflects the assumption that the white Western subject is central, much as the male gaze assumes the centrality of the male subject.”31 Gaze, in the context of a Kaupapa Māori film theoretical approach, emerges from a distinctly Indigenous place where Māori have been subjected to persistent and multiple forms of the colonial or Pākehā gaze. In Ngati, Barclay deliberately flipped the gaze to reveal and disrupt power relationships. This is established in an early scene when Greg Shaw, depicted as a young male Pākehā character, arriving in a rural, largely Māori community, is the observed outsider, establishing the centrality and agency of Māori in the film.

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Maori Access to Filmmaking In cinematic environments, analysis of power operating through structures, policies, and institutional practices that affect Māori filmmaking is required to reveal and develop Māori-focused solutions. Māori advocacy for the Crown to meet its Te Tiriti o Waitangi obligations is particularly evident in broadcasting but is equally relevant to film. Barclay argued that, for a truly Indigenous voice to develop, Māori must not only control funding on specific projects but also control wider decision-making on how funding is distributed to Māori.32 The Waitangi Tribunal claim WAI 748 led by Barclay and lodged with the Tribunal in 1998 charged the NZFC with not meeting its obligations under the Treaty. At the time of writing this paper, it is understood that the claim remains lodged with the Tribunal. To progress Māori access to funding, an early proposal to the NZFC to establish a Māori film fund articulated the need for a strong Māori voice and the opportunity to speak for ourselves, “lest others speak for us.”33 After tireless advocacy by Māori involved in media production, Te Paepae Ataata was established to nurture and fund the development of Māori feature films. I attended the 2007 formal launch of Te Paepae Ataata, where Barclay announced with optimism and good faith that “the house is now restored” and he would not pursue WAI 748. This fund no longer exists; an NZFC Māori filmmaking strategy is currently in development.

Kia Manawanui: Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical Framework Key concepts emerging from the literature, discussions, and historical film texts outlined previously were analyzed to inform the development of the Kia Manawanui framework. The process was iterative, alternating between the concepts and their practical application to film texts. Six key themes emerged: (1) Māori voices, (2) Māori worldviews and concepts, (3) collectivity and relationships, (4) responsibility and accountability, (5) challenge and resistance, and (6) transformation. Each theme contains subthemes; they are not positioned hierarchically. Although the thematic categories and elements are separated out for analytical purposes and proved to be a useful and practical way of applying the framework, they are interconnected. For example, there are strong links between theme 4 (responsibility and accountability) and theme 5 (challenge and resistance). Don Selwyn, for example, spoke about his responsibility to challenge dominant representations of Māori men, and accountability

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Table 1 Thematic categories

Central concerns

Māori Voices

Where the Māori voice is located and the nature of that voice. Audience responses.

Māori Worldviews and Concepts

How Māori worldviews and concepts are represented in film. Māori worldviews and practices in filmmaking.

Māori Voices

Where the Māori voice is located and the nature of that voice. Audience responses.

Māori Worldviews and Concepts

How Māori worldviews and concepts are represented in film. Māori worldviews and practices in filmmaking.

Collectivity and Relationships

How notions of collectivity and the associated roles and obligations are expressed in film. The application of collectivity and the nature of the relationships in filmmaking.

Responsibility and Accountability (relates to filmmakers rather than films)

Examining expressions of responsibility and accountability as articulated by Māori filmmakers.

permeates both the filmmaking processes and the stories Selwyn, Barclay and Mita chose to tell. Unlike some articulations of Kaupapa Māori theory, te reo Māori, and tikanga are separated.34 This separation is not intended to diminish the interconnectedness of language and culture but allows focused analyses of these two elements in film texts. The framework offers ways to examine film texts by theming what emerged from applying a Kaupapa Māori lens and the extent to which films

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Elements may include

Broad questions

Te reo Māori, storytelling, histories, experiences, mana wahine, mana tane and identity.

Who is telling the story? Is the Māori voice centered? Does the film reflect Māori experiences, histories, aspirations and identity in their diversity and complexity? Does the film primarily speak to a Māori audience? How do audiences respond, e.g., emotions, feelings, behaviors?

Māori concepts, worldviews and practices, e.g., tikanga, wairua.

How does the film represent Māori worldviews and concepts? Is it central to the film or peripheral? Does it honor and legitimate or does it marginalize, exoticize or appropriate? Are Māori worldviews expressed in filmmaking practices and how is this manifested? What are the challenges, struggles and solutions associated with this?

Te reo Māori, storytelling, histories, experiences, mana wahine, mana tane and identity.

Who is telling the story? Is the Māori voice centered? Does the film reflect Māori experiences, histories, aspirations and identity in their diversity and complexity? Does the film primarily speak to a Māori audience? How do audiences respond, e.g., emotions, feelings, behaviors?

Māori concepts, worldviews and practices, e.g., tikanga, wairua.

How does the film represent Māori worldviews and concepts? Is it central to the film or peripheral? Does it honor and legitimate or does it marginalize, exoticize or appropriate? Are Māori worldviews expressed in filmmaking practices and how is this manifested? What are the challenges, struggles and solutions associated with this? Does the film express notions of individuality or collectivity? How does the film express collectivity and interrelationships? What role do Māori concepts of collectivity and connectivity play in advancing Māori aspirations in film?

Social structures (whanau, hapū and iwi), collectivity, kotahitanga and connectivity (tūpuna, whanaungatanga, and whakapapa). Wider obligations and accountabilities that may extend to Indigenous peoples globally.

What concerns are raised by filmmakers who identify as Māori? What motivations/aspirations are articulated by the filmmaker? Are notions of accountability and responsibility expressed?

progressed these concepts. It is about arriving at insights and understandings rather than a way of measuring the authenticity of a film. The intention of Kia Manawanui is also to shed light on filmmaking environments in Aotearoa New Zealand, including funding, processes of filmmaking, and exhibition alongside the aspirations of Māori filmmakers. Table 1 outlines key themes and elements with broad questions that can be asked as part of the analytical process. A comprehensive version is available in the doctoral thesis.35

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Table 1 (continued) Thematic categories

Central concerns

Challenge and Resistance

Power dynamics in the filmmaking environment. The ways in which challenge and resistance are articulated by the filmmaker. How challenge and resistance are represented in film.

Transformation

The transformative potential of film.

Key Themes Maori Voices The theme of Māori voices encompasses multiple expressions, including telling, legitimating, and centering our stories, our histories, te reo Māori, and the diversity of Māori identity. It raises questions of address and asks, who is the film primarily speaking to and who is the imagined audience?

Maori Worldviews and Concepts The theme of Māori worldviews and concepts relates to their incorporation in filmmaking practices and film texts, asking how they are represented in film texts: normalized or exoticized, central or peripheral? An examination of filmmaking practices grounded in tikanga and Māori worldviews does not suggest there is a set of rules to follow, nor is it conducted to establish a hierarchy of Māori film practices. It is used here to cast light on how Māori filmmakers may choose to work and their inevitable struggles and compromises.

Collectivity and Relationships Applicable to filmmaking and the film texts, the theme of collectivity and relationships emphasizes the importance of the collective, which includes

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Elements may include

Broad questions

Colonization, racism, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, self-determination, power and counter-hegemonic representations.

What power dynamics are occurring in the filmmaking environments? Who benefits from Crown funding? How do dominant structures and funding policies support or hinder stories told and driven by Māori? What stories get told? Are Māori cinematic aspirations addressed within the wider issues of Crown obligations, Te Tiriti and Māori status as tangata whenua? What struggles and achievements are articulated by Māori filmmakers involved in realizing Māori cinematic aspirations? How does the film depict and/or challenge issues of oppression, colonization, and racism? How does it engage with, challenge or disrupt hegemonic discourses and representations? Does the film offer liberatory and inspirational representations of Māori? Does it challenge us to rethink internalized hegemonies? How is this expressed by the filmmaker or manifested in the film text?

Solutions, representations that are liberatory, validating and inspirational. Decolonization and Indigenizing the screen.

whānau, hapū, and iwi, without diminishing the role of the individual. The meaning of whānau is not premised on heteronormative behaviors, and it challenges the Eurocentric construction of the nuclear family. It implies support, sustenance, mutual respect, loyalty, obligations, and responsibilities. These complex structures and relationships offer a collective and collaborative model that is potentially transformative.

Responsibility and Accountability The element of responsibility and accountability relates to the filmmakers rather than the films. It examines expressions of responsibility and accountability as articulated and/or practiced by Māori filmmakers, for example, to provide alternative representations. These obligations may be shared by Indigenous peoples globally. It includes analyses of the struggles and achievements entailed in fulfilling Māori aspirations related to filmmaking, including kaitiakitanga of the Māori image.

Challenge and Resistance Challenging power and privilege is integral to multiple aspects of film analysis, in particular, the intentions of Māori filmmakers and the film texts. Providing counter-hegemonic representations resists and disrupts power relationships; for example, inverting the colonial gaze is a challenge

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frequently presented by Māori film. It is directly relevant to the film texts, through an examination of the camera’s point of view, narrative, character interactions, and stances, for example. Tino rangatiratanga is not separated out from Te Tiriti o Waitangi in the framework because this highlights the wider issues of self-determination and sovereignty that sit alongside the Crown’s responsibilities and obligations to Māori as tangata whenua. Social, political, and economic structures and processes may not only produce inequities but also reproduce inequities by neglect or absence of conditions. A critique of power examines who benefits from films that tell Māori stories. For example, where do Māori sit in a film’s production structure? Are Māori in decision-making roles and did Māori involvement lead to further opportunities to progress both individual aspirations and, more broadly, Māori filmmaking aspirations? What opportunities and supports are available to Māori women filmmakers?

Transformation Film that speaks, names, validates, and claims from a Māori base can be transformative for an audience, both Māori and non-Māori. This is relevant to the shaping of Māori identities, including the identities of our children and youth. A Kaupapa Māori cinematic space has the potential to transform notions of the Māori place in film and filmmaking environments.

Discussion Originally, I developed Kia Manawanui to offer understandings in media studies centered in a Māori cinematic gaze. I was highly selective in my theoretical referencing in the textual analyses of the three historical films in order to privilege and test the framework. This is also the result of not wanting to force other theories to fit when Kaupapa Māori works perfectly well because it articulates Māori understandings and experiences, offering both richness and complexity of analyses. The framework clarified my own approach to film studies and the requirement that it critique power and dominant hegemonic discourses and representations. It was always my intention to build on Kia Manawanui, and during its development I applied it to compare news coverage of Waitangi Day on mass media and Māori television. The key themes illuminated the differences in approach between mass and Māori news television. It illustrated how Māori news represented diverse Māori worldviews and experiences, whereas mass television focused on the absence of “protester” violence where Māori involvement was implicit. This assisted me in the framework’s refinement.

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More recently, I extended its application to include audience responses to local television dramas under the theme “Voices.” Two key findings emerged. First, when viewing the material alongside a Pākehā audience, some Māori participants expressed increased feelings of unease when watching dramas that perpetuated negative constructions of Māori. The participants felt that these constructions reinforced negative views held by Pākehā, affecting how they, as Māori, negotiated and immediately responded to the drama. Viewing the same drama with Māori appears to help mitigate these affects. Second, some Māori participants expressed feelings of guilt when they found excerpts amusing while they simultaneously cringed at Māori portrayals that reinforced dominant representations. These responses reveal how, as Māori, we frequently feel conflicted in our emotional responses and negotiate our feelings within wider contexts. Questions are raised about the extent to which these dramas progress particular types of representations that, within a local and global context, people may interpret as the way Māori are. So few Māori stories get told that there is little diversity available and each representation takes on a particular level of power—unlike the dominant culture, who have the privilege to tell, hear and see a multitude of stories. Kaupapa Māori film theory, as discussed here, embraces the diversity and complexities of being Māori and our experiences and understandings of the world. Because of this diversity and the expansiveness of Māori concepts, the potential of Kaupapa Māori is also vast and should not be limited. Kaupapa Māori film theory is an evolving field and my intention, in contributing to its development, is not to be definitive or prescriptive. Neither is it meant to provide a checklist or set of criteria that films must meet to establish a Māori “authenticity” or be called Māori.

Conclusions Kia Manawanui encompasses an analysis of both filmmaking environments and film texts, offering understandings informed by Māori worldviews and experiences. Interrogating film texts in isolation from the environments in which they are produced and received is unlikely to uncover the complexities of film production, including the numerous restrictions of state and commercial imperatives that may or may not be consistent with the aspirations of Māori filmmakers. However, as history reveals, these tensions have been opportunistically and strategically responded to by Māori filmmakers in order to produce programs and films driven by Māori agendas and creative visions. My hope is that the application of Kia Manawanui to a cinematic and televisual context will further develop and legitimize Māori-centered film theory and Māori filmmaking.

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Kaupapa Māori has resonance with other Indigenous peoples, and conversations suggest that a Kaupapa Māori approach to film will be of relevance and by extension contribute to and support Indigenous media theories and filmmaking globally. With resistance comes hope, signaling the celebratory aspect of Kaupapa Māori film theory and the work, sense of purpose and commitment of many Indigenous filmmakers. With this in mind, the act of Indigenous filmmaking is a celebration not only of survival but also of creativity and achievement in adverse circumstances.

Glossary hapū   subtribe, kinship group hui  a gathering or meeting iwi  nation, tribe kaitiakitanga  guardianship karanga  call of welcome kaumātua  respected elder (male or female) kaupapa  topic, platform, general principles, underlying base koha  gift kotahitanga  Māori unity; historically connected to iwi unity mana  authority, prestige, related to Māori sovereignty and power marae  gathering place, ancestral meeting place Pākehā  people of European origin Papatūānuku  Earth mother pōwhiri  formal welcome, processes of encounter tane  male tangata whenua  hosts, Indigenous peoples of the land taonga  treasure, something that is highly prized te reo Māori  Māori language Te Tiriti o Waitangi  a founding document first signed in 1840 by hapū and the Crown tikanga  Māori protocols, practices, or processes tino rangatiratanga  self-determination tupuna  ancestors wahine  female wairua  spiritual essence Waitangi Day  a national holiday on February 6 that commemorates the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi whakapapa  genealogy, connections whānau  extended family groupings and structures whanaungatanga  relationships, collectivity

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Acknowledgments I thank Don Selwyn (1935–2007), Merata Mita (1942–2010), Barry Barclay (1944–2008), and their whānau for their generous contributions to my studies. I thank others who gave generously of their time, including Māori filmmakers and theorists; Naida Glavish, who named the theoretical framework; Helen Moewaka Barnes, who provided valuable insights that contributed to the development of Kia Manawanui; and Tim McCreanor for his feedback on my drafts. Supported by the Marsden Fund Council from government funding, administered by the Royal Society of New Zealand (contract MAU 1307: Affect and Identity in Contemporary Television Drama) and Ngā Pae o te Maramatanga. Ka nui te mihi ki ā koutou katoa.

Notes This article was originally published as Angela Moewaka Barnes, “Kaupapa Māori film theoretical framework,” MAI Journal: A New Zealand Journal of Indigenous Scholarship, 7(1) (2018): 3–17. https://doi.org/10.20507/MAIJournal.2018.7.1.1 1. Helen Moewaka Barnes, Arguing for the spirit in the language of mind: A Māori practitioner’s view of research and science (Unpublished doctoral thesis) Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand (2008): 4. 2. Ibid, 5. 3. Angela Moewaka Barnes, Ngā kai para I te kahikātoa: Māori filmmaking, forging a path (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Auckland, New Zealand (2008). 4. S. Cruickshank, From a scary black bastard (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Auckland, New Zealand: University of Auckland (2002). 5. See Leonie Pihama, “Are films dangerous A Maori woman’s perspective on The Piano,” Hecate, 20, no. 2, (1994): 239–242; “A short commentary on Boy,” Media Studies Journal of Aotearoa, 13, no. 1, (2013): 97–101. 6. See Ocean Mercier, “Close encounters of the Māori kind: Talking interaction in the films of Taika Waititi,” New Zealand Journal of Media Studies, 10 no. 2, (2007): 37–51; and “‘Welcome to my interesting world’: Powhiri styled encounter in Boy,” Illusions, 42 (Winter 2001): 3–7. 7. Film in Aotearoa New Zealand, ed. Jonathan Dennis and Jan Bieringa (Wellington, NZ: Victoria University of Wellington Press, 1996). 8. See Kahurangi Waititi, Applying Kaupapa Māori processes to documentary film (unpublished master’s dissertation), University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand, 2007; and “Māori documentary film: Interiority and exteriority,” Mai Review, 1 (2008). 9. Barry Barclay, personal communication with the author, 2007. 10. H. Martin, “Through a Maori lens,” Listener (October 14, 1989): 30–31. 11. Angela Moewaka Barnes, Kanohi kite a te Maori: Maori documentaries, negotiating the complexities of television in Aotearoa (Unpublished master’s thesis). University of Auckland, New Zealand, 2003.

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12. Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the media (London: Routledge, 1994): 186. 13. Barry Barclay, Our own image (Auckland, New Zealand: Longman Paul, 2006). 14. Jani K. T. Wilson, Whānau and korero-based film analysis (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Auckland, New Zealand (2013): 225. 15. Kathie Irwin, “Towards theories of Māori feminism,” in Feminist voices: Women’s studies texts for Aotearoa/New Zealand, ed. R. Du Plessis (Auckland, New Zealand: Oxford University Press, 1992): 1–21. 16. Leonie Pihama, Tīhei mauri ora: Honouring our voices: Mana wahine as a kaupapa Māori theoretical framework (Unpublished doctoral thesis) University of Auckland, New Zealand (2001): 253. 17. See Brendan Hokowhitu, “Tackling Māori masculinity: A colonial genealogy of savagery and sport,” The Contemporary Pacific, 16, no. 2 (2004): 262. 18. Pihama, Tihei mauri ora, 258. 19. Shohat and Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism, 191–3. 20. Barclay, Our own image, 14. 21. M. Ratima, “Making space for Kaupapa Māori within the academy,” MAI Review, 1 (2008): 2. 22. Waititi, “Māori documentary film.” 23. R. R. Pere, “Te Wheke: Whaia te maramatanga me te Aroha,” in Women and education in Aotearoa, ed. S. Middleton (Wellington, New Zealand: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 6–19. 24. Barry Barclay, Mana tūturu: Māori treasures and intellectual property rights (Auckland, New Zealand: Auckland University Press, 2005). 25. Shohat and Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism, 183. 26. A. Memmi, Racism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000): 151. 27. Shohat and Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism, 182. 28. Beverley Singer, Wiping the war paint off the lens (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 1. 29. Shohat and Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism, 181. 30. See Pihama, Tīhei mauri ora; Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples (London: Zed Books, 1999). 31. E. Ann Kaplan, Looking for the other: Feminist film and the imperial gaze (New York: Routledge, 1997)m 78–9. 32. Te Ahi Kaa, Interview with Barry Barclay [Radio broadcast], in Te Aki Kaa (Wellington, New Zealand: Radio New Zealand), December 2, 2007. 33. J. Gauthier, “‘Lest others speak for us’: The neglected roots and uncertain future of Maori cinema in New Zealand,” in Global indigenous media: Cultures, poetics, and politics, ed. P. Wilson and M. Stewart (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), 71. 34. Pihama, Tīhei mauri ora. 35. Moewaka Barnes, Ngā kai para I te kahikatoa.

Reclaiming Black Film and Media Studies Racquel J. Gates and Michael Boyce Gillespie, United States, 2019

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istorically, the study of the idea of black film has been a fraught, insightful, and generative enterprise—be it a matter of industrial capital and its delimitation of film practice in terms of profit, or the tendency to insist that the “black” of black film be only a biological determinant and never a formal proposition. In many ways, the black film as an object of study mirrors the history of America, the history of an idea of race. While the field continues to shift and change, and the study of black film becomes more common, it is often still tokenized by the industry. Discussion about black film and media is booming in academic programs (e.g., American Studies, Women and Gender Studies, English) and in Film and Media Studies, but it is doing so even more in nonacademic spaces, with blogs, podcasts, and think pieces proliferating at a rapid pace. We offer our manifesto, recognizing that film manifestos never whisper. Their messages envision political, aesthetic, and cultural possibilities. They demand and plot. They question and insist. What follows are expectations bundled as concerns for not only the renderings of black film to come but, as well, the thinking on blackness and cinema that we hope will thrive and inspire future discussions. We are devising new terms of engagement with current developments in mind. We must remember that traditionally the field of film studies was designed around the centering of heterosexual white men. This forms the bedrock of the film industry and of film studies. This means that the study of black film, however one defines black film, has as a practice and a product often been treated as additional or derivative rather than integral (e.g., the infamous “race week” in any Intro to Film/ Media course). We must learn, acknowledge, and teach that blackness has been central to the history of film since the birth of the medium, not just starting with The Birth of a Nation (D. W. Griffith, 1915). We must teach Oscar Micheaux, but also the Lincoln Motion Picture Company, and the long histories of early and nonextant black film that scholars like Jacqueline Stewart, Pearl Bowser, Allyson Nadia Field, and others have endeavored to bring to light. Furthermore, greater focus on the work of black women and queer filmmakers will further the necessary decentering of film studies’ perspectival tendencies and ultimately dispute the narrow categorical meanings attributed to black film. The study of black film must always be a rebel act.

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We must stop referring to every significant black film or media text as “first,” thus erasing the labor and intellectual contributions of all who came before. The excitement around films such as Get Out (Jordan Peele, 2017), Moonlight (Barry Jenkins, 2016), Black Panther (Ryan Coogler, 2018), and, most recently, Sorry to Bother You (Boots Riley, 2018) tends to produce a discourse of exceptionalism, of “firsts” (“first film to do X”). Critical discussion around the films tends to tacitly frame them in terms of a white film landscape, suggesting that their worth rests in their ability to look and sound like standard (i.e., white) films, severing their ties to black film history and distancing them from “unexceptional” black films in the present. As a final note, the vibrant and insightful work of the New Negress Film Society, a collective of black women filmmakers (Frances Bodoni, Dyani Douze, Ja’Tovia Gary, Chanelle Aponte Pearson, and Stefani Saintonge), thrives in ways counter to the tacitly industry-minded insistence on black cinema exceptionalism.1 We must be critical and suspicious of academic essays, panels, and other activities about black film that do not substantially engage with or cite film and media studies scholarship. How is it possible to discuss black film without regard to the debates and inquiries that continue to provide the critical momentum that is black film and media discourse? The universal experience of watching film gives the false impression that we are all equally knowledgeable about film’s histories, theories, and contexts. Moreover, this practice renders invisible the existence of cinema studies, turning film into something that anyone can “do.” Having an opinion about a film does not constitute film and media training. We must insist on being attentive to issues of film form as opposed to focusing on content alone. Focusing on the conventions of Disney/Marvel cinema might help us appreciate how Black Panther revises and perpetuates comic superhero cinema. Thinking through the modalities of black speculative fiction and Afrofuturism in Sorry to Bother You helps to ground the film’s trenchant and absurdist critique of capital, race, and class. What does it mean to understand BlacKkKlansman (Spike Lee, 2018) as Blaxploitation fantasy and visual historiography of American cinema? The thinking to come on Barry Jenkins’s If Beale Street Could Talk (2018) as a film adaptation that visually renders James Baldwin’s text must also consider how this rendering occurs with a consequential sonic component. It’s important to think about the formal principles across experimental/avant-garde work (e.g., Kevin Jerome Everson, Cauleen Smith, Christopher Harris, Ephraim Asili) to appreciate the range of aesthetic capacities evinced by the idea of black film. Terence Nance’s Random Acts of Flyness (2018) models an alternative sense of anthology-television seriality,

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a production that flourishes on formal experimentation and collectivity. It restages the late-night variety television conceit with an absurdist cycling across formats and modalities. The inventiveness of Yance Ford’s Strong Island (2017) requires appreciating how the film redefines documentary form with its exquisite building of an archive and Ford’s direct address. Moreover, the film remains immune to humanist or sentimental recuperation in its consideration of familial grief, injustice, and the antiblack ways that whiteness always operates as the arbiter of truth.2 We must go to film festivals. We must follow film programmers. Black film thrives in arenas other than the standard cineplex. What might it mean to give as much attention to this context as to the industrial/commercial buzz? This is especially the case for 2018, with the Flaherty Seminar programming of Greg De Cuir and Kevin Jerome Everson; Maori Karmael Holmes’s continued brilliance directing the seventh edition of the BlackStar Film Festival in Philadelphia; the continued circulation of the “Black Radical Imagination” touring program of experimental/avant-garde shorts cofounded by Erin Christovale and Amir George and currently programed by Darol Olu Kae and Jheanelle Brown; the Smithsonian’s African American Film Festival; Ashley Clark’s film programming at the Brooklyn Academy of Music.3 In particular, Clark’s programs this year have been generative and collaborative opportunities to expansively appreciate cinema. The “Fight the Power: Black Superheroes on Film” series framed the then-impending release of Black Panther, the BAMcinématek and the Racial Imaginary Institute’s “On Whiteness” series was tied to the Whiteness Symposium at the Kitchen, and the “Say It Loud: Cinema in the Age of Black Power (1966–1981)” series was tied to the “Soul of a Nation” exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum. We must stop championing representation as a marker of racial progressiveness, and instead begin concentrating on the themes and ideas with which those representations engage. For far too long, both the academic and popular study of black film and media studies has focused too narrowly on the mere presence of black bodies both in front of and behind the camera. Black bodies do not equal blackness. Blackness does not necessarily equal black liberation or recuperation. A study of black film and media that merely equates the inclusion of black makers and characters with revolutionary cinematic practice will never truly effect change, but rather, will simply instantiate a history of black bodies labored by and laboring for whiteness on ideological and formal levels (e.g., blackface, social-problem cinema). Black film historiography does not have to be a progressive fantasy. Perhaps, ambivalence might be a good place to start. If the representation debate revival must occur, then at least reread Stuart Hall.

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Notes Originally published as Racquel J. Gates and Michael Boyce Gillespie, “Reclaiming Black Film and Media Studies,” Film Quarterly 72, no. 3 (Spring 2019). 1. For more information on the New Negress Film Society, see https:// newnegressfilmsociety.com/. 2. Inspired by Yance Ford’s postscreening comments at the Museum of Modern Art, New Directors/New Films Series, March 19, 2017. 3. For more on Black Radical Imagination, see http://blackradicalimagination.com, and Tiffany Barber and Jerome Dent, “Urban Video Project: Interview with Curators of Black Radical Imagination,” Light Work, March 20, 2015, http://www.lightwork.org/tag /black-radical-imagination/.

The New Normal: A Manifesto to Create a Safe Space, Free of Racism, for the Black Artist Nick Makoha, United Kingdom, March, 2021

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tructural racism is one of Britain’s legacies to the world. It is one of the perverse results of this legacy that Britain has become home to so many communities from former colonies—who are freer and better resourced here in Britain to tell their stories, than might be the case in the countries of their ancestors. This places a particular responsibility on Britain not just to reflect the different cultures and experiences that are part of the fabric of Britishness today, but also to support the voices who are working to undo the damage that Britain bears serious responsibility for. This work cannot be measured in percentages. We need to build a more inclusive idea of what Britain needs to become if it is to play a real part in eradicating racism of all forms. The arts have a key role to play in this struggle.

Purpose The purpose of this Manifesto is to create a safe space free of racism for the Black artist. To combat this problem, we must take racism out of the creative space and create meaningful change for Black creatives. We must acknowledge that institutional racism is pervasive in the majority of cultural organizations. Action must be taken primarily by leaders of these institutions. This change requires new learning. The status quo (‘the normal’) allows for racial inequality to prevail unchecked. The Black body experiences a racialized model1 in the arts, which we must identify and make visible so as to build a new normal for the creative process. Dealing with racial abuse must be every theatre organization’s priority. Silence is a form of compliance with the status quo. A lack of transparency allows racism in the industry to go unchecked. Current grievance processes are ineffective, slow, and have little or no consequence.

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Black creatives are routinely considered risky. This is evident in funding procedures and also when Black creatives are not allowed to fail in contrast to their white counterparts. Often people making funding decisions aren’t aware of the Black experience. This makes it hard for Black creatives to find organizations that will support them. There needs to be a stop in the exploitation of Black creatives and our narratives to serve a White agenda. Additionally, crude categorizations of ethnicity reporting need to be addressed: we are not all the same, lumping different peoples together as if they are the same is racist. Focusing primarily on colorblindness leads to the provision of statistics which suggest everything is fine when it is not. We need to know what work is resourced, what is valued and not valued, what stories are being told, whose culture is being heard or not heard. Where statistics are used, we must also record the experiences of those artists of color. The emphasis should be on content and experience not percentages as the markers of success regarding representation.

Urgency If the murder of George Floyd was the incident that made you aware of the brutality that the Black body experiences, then you might want to consider that you or your institution have racial blind spots. Those who are our allies will be willing to combat these racial blind spots aggressively. The current system is built from a white, patriarchal perspective. The term ‘diversity’ itself has a negative connotation, assuming linguistically that white is the norm. The status quo is kept in place with quotas that have no consequence for failure to comply. If the Black experience is not part of your conversation in management, marketing, and creative circles, then your institution is complicit in maintaining the status quo and you are actively propagating Black erasure. Organizations need to hold themselves and each other accountable.

We call for: 1. A safe space for the Black artist. This requires the presence of equity and dismantling of white fragility.2 An awareness of language and how we use it is crucial. 2. Change at the leadership level. We request that Black cultural leaders work with their white counterparts and leaders across the industry to implement new modes of working. This process must

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include consultation with Black artists from inception to end. Organizations must promise to develop and nurture more Black creatives in all departments especially in leadership roles so as to create safe spaces by dismantling institutionalized racism but also dismantling elitism. It is important to create a space where we can retell classics from our incredible canon of Black British playwrights as well as new works. These stories are as much a fabric of your history as Shakespeare and other great works. 3. An integrated strategy to deal with bias and how to deal with Black bodies in scenarios they might encounter: from contract making to casting, from rehearsals to tours. This could be a threefold engagement model. The first strand of engagement programs is for leaders. In consultation with Black industry leaders, White industry leaders must be open to transparency. We need to identify examples of best practice drawn from Black experience across roles and share these with one another. The result must include a truthful evaluation of each organization with a report published to include a breakdown of the makeup of staff (the board, the management team, the staff) and audiences. The second strand of engagement is for organizations. Diversity Task Forces should be set up in every theatre organization and be responsible for promoting social accountability and developing strategies for changing biased behavior. Every two quarters, these task forces will look at diversity numbers for their respective organizations and departments within their organizations, to figure out what needs attention. The third strand of engagement is for staff. Mentoring programs between White staff and Black artists and creatives, both within and outside the organization, to counteract staff turnover, ensure organizational memory, and support the next generation’s learning. This will also facilitate working side-by-side to break down stereotypes, which leads to more equitable hiring and promotion. 4. A new independent body, responsible for overseeing all the Diversity Task Force groups, as well as monitoring progress, accountability, and developing best practices within the industry, to ensure fair treatment for all. Extensive consultation will be needed to find the right model for this. Amongst its responsibilities, this Body would oversee the development of a much-needed new racial grievance process that is expedient and holds organizations accountable with high consequences for noncompliance. This body should be funded and supported by the Arts Councils and the unions including Equity and BECTU.3

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5. The provision of a Black therapist when dealing with Black subject matter. This must be included and budgeted for at the planning stage. This should be a continued practice to ensure the mental and emotional wellbeing of Black artists within White spaces. 6. An AntiRacism Rider for touring which could include but is not limited to: approved digs lists (from people who have completed unconscious bias training), the organization of a meet and greet as essential for making a Black company feel welcome in your space, an appropriate structure for incident reporting etc. 7. An AntiRacism Policy to be put in place by every theatre organization, drawn up in consultation with its Diversity Task Force. They should be dynamic and embedded in everyday working practice. It should also include an Anti-Racism Allyship Policy and protections for those who speak out. 8. A new industry way of measuring the way institutions interacts with Black bodies and is not a tick box exercise done at evaluation or expressed as an arbitrary figure in an annual report. This will help to clearly identify actual Black engagement, cases of racism, and also best practice. 9. The racialized model Black artists experience to be identified, acknowledged, and made visible. Black artists have experienced this model: when being a solo Black body in a space; in castings; in the negotiation of contracts; in inappropriate press and marketing; through audience perception of dialect; through engagement activities; audience diversity; microaggressions, stereotyping, racial profiling, unconscious bias, and an absence of organized support. 10. Robust strategies to dismantle this racialized model to be put in place to support Black artists. For example, but not limited to, on a touring show this could include: additional support for a Black company on the road separate to a CSM; a weekly meeting between company and the lead producer to ensure a direct line of communication and company reps to enable easy communication between producing organizations and company around particular incidents of racism. We recognize that we have many allies and that the work they have done as part of our struggle against racism has been and continues to be essential. However, no one can take their position as an ally for granted. One thing we know is that the first step in being sure that you are an ally is to have read this document in full, because only then might we be sure that you have started

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to hear us. This is long-term and present work for everyone which requires immediate action and tenacity. This document is written from a specifically Black experience, and we recognize that not all Black experience is the same. We recognize that people of different ethnicities and backgrounds suffer from forms of racism and prejudice that both intersect and share similarities with ours. So, in solidarity and in recognition of our shared struggles, we hope that some of the demands and recommendations in this Manifesto may be of benefit to others, and/or may be adapted in ways that are specific to each particular experience. It is our common struggle to combat racism of all kinds. If you are with us please sign here, by clicking the link: As an individual: I endorse this Manifesto and pledge to play whatever part I can in moving forward together to create a safe space, free of racism, for the Black artist and for all. As an organization: We endorse this Manifesto and pledge to work together to create a safe space, free of racism, for the Black artist and for all.

How this Manifesto Was Written This Manifesto came out of the organic conversations that over forty freelancers had while attending a weekly Zoom get together facilitated by Fuel during the COVID-19 lockdown. The brutal murders of Ahmaud Aubrey, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd directed our thinking from the concerns of surviving the pandemic, towards the urgent matter of racism in the arts sector. The Manifesto, put together by Nick Makoha, is a composite of the collective thinking and notes gathered from this process. Once drafted, it was shared with other theater practitioners whose thoughts and comments were incorporated. The Manifesto was then collectively edited and finalized. It reflects and attempts to respond to some of the intimate experiences of racism in British theater that were shared during the conversations and writing process.

Notes Previously published online as Nick Makoha, “The New Normal: A Manifesto to Create a Safe Space, Free of Racism, for the Black Artist”, https://fueltheatre.com /wp-content/uploads/2021/03/A-Manifesto-to-Create-a-Safe-Space-Free-of-Racism-for -the-Black-Artist-3.pdf. 1. ‘Racialized model’ describes how current systems and practices combine to create multiple scenarios in which Black creatives experience racism in the workplace.

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2. As defined by Robin DiAngelo: “A social environment that protects and insulates them from race-based stress. This insulated environment of racial protection builds white expectations for racial comfort while at the same time lowering the ability to tolerate racial stress, leading to what I refer to as White Fragility. White Fragility is a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stressinducing situation. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium.” See Robin DiAngelo, “White Fragility”, International Journal of Critical Pedagogy, 3(3), pp. 54–70. 3. The Broadcasting, Entertainment, Communications, and Theater Union.

Index Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Abdel-Khalek, Ali, 169 Abdi, Maji, 250 Abéga, Rémi, 12 Abidjan Market for Performing Arts (MASA), 243, 326 Academy of African Languages (ACALAN), 612 Accra Declaration of the Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, 65–68, 195 Accra Declaration on Public Service Broadcasting in West Africa, 232–34 A deusa Negra, 165 Adu, Jab, 319 Aduaka, Newton, 320 Africa International Film Festival, 320 African American Film Festival, 653 African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission (AACC), 243, 247, 248, 618; Draft Statute, 327–44 African Audio-visual Industries: Prospect and Strategies, 187–91 African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, 495–503, 543–48, 549, 551, 552, 553, 554, 555; see Santo Domingo Resolution African Centre for the Training of Performing Artists (ACTPA), 205 African Charter on Broadcasting, 228–31, 290 African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 235, 241, 290 African Cinema Day: One Africa, One Cinema Project, 322–25; Pan-African Film Committee, 323–24 African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 302 African Committee of Cinematographers (CAC), 100

African Cultural Common Market, 194 African Cultural Council, 78 African Cultural Institute (ACI), 194, 204, 208, 210, 214, 217, 223, 224 African Declaration Group, 288; African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms, 288–304 African Editors Forum Declaration on World Media Freedom Day, 307–08 African Film Commission, 268 African Film Fund (AFC), 248 African Film Summit, 242–55 African International Film & Television Market (MICA), 176, 178 Africanity, 2, 7, 31, 34, 36, 37 African Media Initiative (AMI), 309–11 African Movie Academy Awards (AMAA), 261, 270 African Platform on Access to Information Declaration, 290 African Regional Film Workshop. See Final Communique, African Regional Film Workshop African Telecommunications Union, 303 African Union, 245, 248, 249, 255, 262, 263, 302, 307, 316, 329, 330, 332, 342, 619 African Union of Broadcasters, 286 African Union Social and Cultural Affairs Commission, 244, 342–44 African Women Filmmaker Hub. See Report on the Launch of African Women Filmmaker Hub African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF), 305, 306 Afrique 50 /Africa 50, 2 Afrique je to plumerai / Africa I Will Fleece You, 3 Afrique sur Seine /Africa on the Seine, 2, 3

662 Afro-Carioca Film Centre, 564, 568 Afrofuturism, 557, 652 Afrosurreal, 556–58, 559; Manifesto, 558–60 Ageh-Waterman, Juanita, 159 Agence d’Images de Télévision (AITV), 171 Agência Nacional do Cinema (ANCINE), 577 Aiye, 165 Akomfrah, John. See Black Audio Film Collective Akudinobi, Jude, 8 Akwake, Abius, 250 Algiers Charter on African Cinema, The (1975), 14, 63–64, 123, 137, 150, 266 Alianza de Directores Audiovisuales Latinoamericanos (ADAL), 625 Alpha, 164 Alvarez, Santiago, 392, 401, 423 Amadi, 164 An Esthetic of Hunger, 380–82 Ansah, Kwaw, 165, 244, 246, 270 Appeal: The Unity and Responsibilities of African Negro Culture, 366–69 Arab League, 427 Arabia: A Village Story, 593 Araujo, Joelzito, 599 Asili, Ephraim, 652 Association for the Advancement of Cinematic Creative Maladjustment: A Manifesto, 580–88 Association of Nigerian Film Producers, 244 Atlantique / Atlantics, 3 Attila, Kahena, 159 Audiovisual Market Caught Between the Chances in the North and South-South Cooperation: Recommendations to African and Arab Filmmakers, 459–63 Australian Film Commission, 514 Australian Rules, 516 “author’s cinema,” 398 Aveh, M. Africanus, 11 Ba, Cheick Ngaïdo, 165–66, 250 Badis, 166 Bagilishya, Chantal, 159

Index

Bakari, Imruh, 12 Baldwin, James, 652 Balogun, Ola, 164, 165, 319 Balogun Report, 126 Bamako, 3 BAMcinématek, 653 Bandung Conference, 25 Bangré, Sambolgo, 11 Baraka, Amiri, 556–57, 560 Barclay, Barry, 633, 634, 635, 638, 641 Barlet, Olivier, 2, 3, 7, 9, 11, 12 Barren Lives, 381 Basquiat, Jean-Michel, 558 Bassori, Timité, 165 Bearden, Romare, 559 Bedevil, 524 Behanzin, Jacques, 125, 149, 243, 253, 260, 268 Bekolo, Jean-Pierre, 12 Belkoja, Jazid, 250 Bendedouche, Ghaouti, 166 Beneath Clouds, 524 Benhadj, Rachid, 166 Benjamin, Walter, 559 Best Man, The, 321 Beumers, Erna, 317 Bichara, Khairi, 168 Bioscope, African, 5 Birri, Fernando, 7, 417, 456 Birth of a Nation, 615, 651 Black Anti-Defamation League. See Black Manifesto Black Atlantic, 1, 13 Black Audio Film Collective: “Black Independent Filmmaking,” 447–49 Black Camera, An International Film Journal, 4, 11 Black Economic Development Conference. See Black Manifesto Black God, White Devil, 381 “Black Is . . .” and That’s the Beauty of it: Ten Propositions Concerning the Visible and the Visual, in Consideration of Black Cinema and Black Visual Culture, 614–17 Black Manifesto, 383–89 Black Panther, 560, 652, 653

Index 

Black Skins, White Masks, 8 BlacKKKlansman, 652 Blaxploitation, 652 Bodomo, Nuotama, 606 Bollywood, 542 Bolognesi, Luiz, 626–27 Bondarchuk, Sergei, 398 Borom Sarret, 2, 162 Boucher, Bernard, 121, 122, 145, 147–51 Boughedir, Férid, 6, 7, 11, 53, 133, 138, 149, 151, 166, 443 Bouzid, Nouri, 168 Bowser, Pearl, 651 British Broadcasting Corporation (BCC), 171, 505 Brussels Declaration by Artists and Cultural Professionals and Entrepreneurs, 543–48; Annex to Brussels Declaration, 549–55 Bryce, Jane, 12 Bulane-Hopa, Seipati, 6, 159, 242, 247, 250, 489 Burkina Faso, 108, 127, 133, 159, 161, 162, 169, 187, 205, 215, 246, 253, 260, 266, 270, 476, 569, 594 Bulbul, Zozimo, 568, 599 Burns, James, 5 Burroughs, William, 558 Buud Yam, 3, Bye Bye Africa, 3, 4 Caliban, 560 Cameras of Diversity: Implementing the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, 570–79 CANAL KIN, 175 Canal Plus, 175 Cannes Film Festival, 261, 596 Caribbean Broadcasting Union (CBU), 467 Caribbean Community (CARICOM), 467, 471 Caribbean Film and Video Federation: A Report by June I. Givanni, 466–72 Carthage Film Festival (CFF). See Journées cinématographiques de Carthage (JCC)

663 Castro, Fidel, 456 Centro Afro-Carioca de Cine, 577 Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization, 281 Centre National de la Cinématographie (CNC), 180 Centre Regional d’Action Culturelle (ICA), 193, 199 Centro Orientamento Educativo (COE), 266 CERTV, 566 Césaire, Aimé, 560, 532 Cham, Mbye, 11 Channel 4, 180 Charter for African Cultural Renaissance, 327 Chartrand, Martine, 599 Cheriaa, Tahar, 50, 130, 135, 137, 149, 150, 443 Chigorimbo, Stephen, 250 Chilean Cinematheque in Exile, 445 Chimbaira, Kudzai, 618 Chiwendu, Madu, 250 Chouikh, Mohamed, 166 Ciné Institut, 542 Cinema Novo, 381–82, 399, 407 Cinema Pasifika: Developing the Narrative Film and Television Sector in the Pacific Island Region—Executive Summary, 620–22 Cinematographic Art (FESTAC 77), 80–84 Cissé, Souleymane, 2, 125, 165, 244, 246 Clando, 3 colonialism, 21, 31, 32, 33, 35, 111, 356, 366, 419–20, 422, 639; neocolonialism 34, 394, 399, 400, 422 Colonial Film, 4; Colonial Film Unit (CFU), 5, 164 Comité d’Action Cinématographiques (CAC), 435, 442 Community of African Cinema (CCA), 566 Communication in the Digital Age (CIDA), 182 Conference of Independent African States: Declaration and Resolution IX, 19–22

664 Congress of Negro Writers and Artists: First Congress, 364–65; Second Congress, 370–79 Consortium interafricain de distribution cinématographique / Inter–African Film Distribution Consortium (CIDC), 93, 108, 129, 150, 161, 165 Coogler, Ryan, 652 Cotonou Agreement, 535, 544 Cry Freedom, 165 Cuba, 391–93, 404, 425, 438, 445, 456, 466, 562, 570; Cuban Book Institute; Cuban Revolution, 391, 456; documentary film movement, 401 Cultural Charter for Africa, 14, 69–79, 102, 226 Curacao Declaration, 467, 471–72 d’Erneville, Annette Mbaye, 592 Dakar Declaration on the Promotion of ACP Cultures and Cultural Industries, 495–503, 534 Dakar Plan of Action. See Final Report of the Meeting of Experts on Cultural Industries for Development in Africa Dallas, 172 Dark Horse, The, 637 Davis, Bridgett, 12 De Heer, Rolf, 516 De Rooy, Felix, 471 Dead Lands, The, 637 Decision on the Establishment of an African Audiovisual and Cinema Commission, 326 Declaration and Resolutions of the Conference of Independent African States, 14 Declaration at the Second African Women in Film Forum, 305–06 Declaration for the Defense of National Cinemas. See Tunis Declaration for the Defense of National Cinemas Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, 235–41, 290 Declaration of the Asian-African Conference, 19

Index

Declaration of the Media Conference of the Non-Aligned (NAMEDIA), 453–55 Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, 13, 14–15, 347–54 Declaration of Suriname, 601 Declaration of Windhoek, 183–86, 228, 290, 307 Delany, Samuel R., 558 Dhalgren, 558 Diallo, Boubacar, 317 Diawara, Manthia, 11 Diop, Cheikh Anta, 83 Diop, Makéna, 12 Diop, Mati, 3 Documentary Film Festival “Real Life,” 567 Dogma 95, 319, 320 Dogma Feijoada, 490, 599 Dominican Republic Global Film Festival, 567 Dovey, Lindiwe, 1 Drabo, Adama, 165 Duah, Alexandra Akoto, 159 DuBois, W. E. B., 597 Dumas, Henry, 556–57, 558 Dupré, Colin, 11 Durban International Film Festival (DIFF), 270 Dutchman, The, 560 Dynasty, 172 East African Centre for Research on Oral Traditions and African National Languages (EACROTANAL), 193, 199, 217 East African Filmmakers Forum, 244 Ecaré, Désire, 165 Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), 193, 199, 204, 210, 224, 248 Écrans d’Afrique /African Screens, 266 éDuvivier, Julian, 2 Eke, Maureen, 8 El Fani, Nadia, 592 El-Tahri, Jihan, 250 Ellerson, Beti, 11, 589–98; curated Dossier 3 (see volume 1)

Index 

665

Africa: Dakar Plan of Action, 192–225, 226, 326, 327, 534, 535, 536–37, 543, 574 Final Resolutions: International Conference for a New Cinema, 430–46 Finye / The Wind, 2 First Frontline Film Festival, 155, 204; Final Communique of the First Frontline Film Festival and Workshop, 152–56, 266 First International Women’s Exhibition (SIFEM), 205 Fabio, Cheryl, 12 First International Day of Partnership: Fanon, Frantz, 8, 397, 558, 559 Documents, 110–120, 131, 137 Faye, Safi, 244, 246, 594, 596 Federation of Caribbean Audiovisual Pro- Floyd, George, 656, 659 fessionals (FeCAVIP Manifesto), 15, 458 Folly, Anne-Laure, 593 Ford Foundation, 619 Federation of Latin American Cineastes Ford, Yance, 653 (FELACI), 435, 438 Forest, Claude, 2, 3, 9, 317 Federation Panafricaine des Cineastes Forty Years of Cinema by Women of (FEPACI) / Pan-African Federation of Africa (1972–2012), 589–98. See also Filmmakers, 6, 63, 100, 109, 111, 112, Beti Ellerson 114 150, 152 163, 169–70, 179, 182, Foundation of Latin American Cinema 204, 214, 215, 223, 243, 244, 245, 247, (FNCLA), 467, 468 248, 249, 250, 253, 254, 255, 316, 326, Four Corners Cinema, 448 329 , 335, 426, 435, 438, 456, 459, 473, Fourth Cinema, 634 476, 594, 624; action plan, 142–43; FR3, 180 (report) “An Outlook on FEPACI,” From Hollywood to Tamanrasset, 174 121–51; Master Report, 256–72; organization, 139. See also report on Status Gabon Center National du Cinema of Audiovisual Sector in Africa (CENACI) / Gabon Center of CinemaFélicité, 3 tography, 244, 247, 250 Field, Allyson Nadia, 651 Gabriel, Teshome, 8, film act, 410 Gadjigo, Samba, 9 film blackness, 614 Gamboa, Zéze, 12 film-guerrilla (group), 405 Ganda, Oumarou, 165 Final Communique, African Regional Ganga Zumba, 381 Film Workshop, 97–101 García Espinosa, Julio, 7, 438 Final Declaration of the First Meeting Garvey, Marcus, 347–48 of Filmmakers from Africa, Brazil, Gary, Ja’Tovia, 606, 652 the Caribbean, and Their Diasporas Gates, Racquel J., 651–54 (ABCD), 561–64; Final Declaration of the Second Meeting of Filmmakers. . . , General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), 253, 491 565–67; Final Declaration of the Third Genesis of Black Brazilian Cinema, or Meeting. . . , 568–69 “Dogma Feijoada.” See Dogma Feijoada Final Report of the Meeting of Experts on Cultural Industries for Development in Genet, Jean 558 Ellison, Ralph, 556; “Black Is. Black Ain’t,” 614–17 Escuela Internacional de Cine y Television / International Film and Television School (EICTV), 456, 575 Etats Generaux du Cinema Français, 392 EURO-M, 461 Everson, Kevin Jerome, 652, 653 Ex-Shaman, 626–28 “expression cinema,” 399

666 Genova, James E., 5 Gerima, Haile, 100, 244, 246, 591 Get Out, 652 Getino, Octavio, 390, 430 Gillespie, Michael, 614, 651–54 Givanni, June, 12, 315, 464–70 Glover, Danny, 12, 567 Godard, Jean-Luc, 399, 405 Goerg, Odile, 6 Goethe-Institut, 275 Goldman, Paul, 516 Gomes, Flora, 2, 417 Gomis, Alain, 3, Griffith, D. W., 615, 651 Guelwaar, 2 Guerdjou, Bourlem, 3 guerrilla cinema, 405–12, 409 Guevara, Che, 394, 403 Guild of African Filmmakers, 244 Gutiérrez Alea, Tomás, 7 Hakkar, Amor, 3 Hall, Stuart, 653 Hama, Baba, 317 Hansbury, Lorraine, 560 Harare Declarations, 152 Haroun, Mahamat-Saleh, 3 Harris, Christopher, 652 Harris, Keith M., 614–17 Hassan Niya, 166 Hennebelle, Guy, 443 Heremakono, 3 Hess, John, 443 Higher Institute of Image and Sound Studio School (ISIS-SE), 12 Himes, Chester, 558 Hollywood, 5, 26, 319, 389, 391, 398, 638 Hondo, Med, 2, 6, 165, 244, 246, 423, 592 Hurston, Zora Neale, 558 If Beale Street Could Talk, 652 Ija ominira, 165 Images Caraïbes Film Festival, 458, 468 IMAGINE Film Institute, 4, 12, 313 Imitation of Life, 448 Institut Africain d’education cinématographique de Ouagadougou (INAFEC), 163

Index

Institut National de l’audiovisuel (INA), 165 Institut of Creative Arts for Progress, 618 Institut québécois du cinéma, 122, 151 Institut Supérieur de l’image et du Son / Ecole de Studio (ISIS-SE). See Higher Institute of Image and Sound/Studio School Instituto Cuban del Arte e Industria Cinematogràficos / Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (ICAIC), 564 International Black Appeal (IBA). See Black Manifesto International Center for Film Production (CIPROFILMS), 94, 150 International Centre on Bantu Civilization (CICIBA), 205 International Co-production & Entertainment Content Market (MIPCOM), 180, 191 International Days of Audiovisual Partnership of Ouagadougou (JIPA), 163, 182 International Federation of Film Archives (FIAF), 566 International Film Distribution Consortium (ICDC), 178 International Images Film Festival (IIFF), 618, 619 International Labor Organization (ILO), 501 International Public Television Network (INPUT), 270 Interreligious Foundation for Community Organization (IFCO). See Black Manifesto Invisible Man, 556 Irobi, Esiaba, 8 Issue Paper: Towards a Protocol for Filmmakers Working with Indigenous Content and Indigenous Communities, 514–28 Ivens, Joris, 392 Jackson, Michael, 207 Jacopetti, Gualtiero, 402 James, Kumi, 606 Jenkins, Barry, 652

Index 

Jollywood Manifesto, 542 Journée cinématographiques de Carthage (JCC), 6, 123–24, 132, 164, 166, 205; regulations, 44–51, 150, 176, 178, 215; Cinematographic Days of Carthage, 459, 463 Journées cinématographiques de la femme africaine de l’image (JCFA), Jusu, Nikyatu, 606 Kaboré, Gaston, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 121, 145–46, 147, 149, 151, 165, 244, 261, 268, 317; speech to inauguration of Los Baños International School of Cinema and Television, 456–57 Kaboré, Valérie, 594 Kahiu, Wanuri, 273 Kahlo, Frida, 557 Kanyua, Grace, 159 Kaplan, Ann, 640 Keïta, Aï, 592 Kenya International Film Festival (KIFF), 270 Kia Manawanui: Kaupapa Māori Film Theoretical Framework, 632–50 Khan, Mohamed, 168 Killa, Ghostface, 559 KIP-TV, 191 Kobhio, Bassek Ba, 162, 166, 250, 269, 317 Kongi’s Harvest, 164 Kourouma, Suzanne, 489 Kouyaté, Dani, 12 L’Afrique et le Centenaire du Cinéma /Africa and the Centenary of Cinema, 266 La Battaglia di Algeri / The Battle of Algiers, 2 Lachine, Hani, 168 La Citadelle, 166 Lagos Plan of Action, 102, 108, 192, 198 La hora de los homos / The hour of the Furnaces, 400, 406, 405, 407, 409–10; “Acto para la liberacion,” 410 Lakhdar-Hamina, Mohamed Lancine, Fadika Kramo, 260 Landau, Suzy, 468, 470, 472 Language Plan of Action for Africa, 102–07

667 La Noire de . . . / Black Girl, 596 La Nouba des femmes du Mont Chenoua, 599 L.A. Rebellion Film Movement, 598 Le Malentendu colonial, 3 Le silence du palais, 593 Lee, Spike, 651 Lesage, Julia, 443 Lewat, Osvalde, 596 LGBTI, 274 Lincoln Motion Picture Company, 651 L’Institut africain d’education cinématographique de Ouagadougou (INAFEC), 594 L’Institut des hautes études cinémate graphique (IDHEC), 165 Littin, Miguel, 438 Living in Bondage, 319 Living in Paradise, 3 Lopes, Odilon, 599 Lopez, Rigoberto, 599 M’Balla, Roger Gnoan, 165 Maema, Lebone, 253 Mahmoud, Mahmoud Ben, 12 Maiga, Aissa, 318 Maison jaune, 3 Makama, Abba T., 319 Makoha, Nick, 659 Maldoror, Sarah, 2, 244, 246, 250, 592–93, 598; Sarah Maldoror ou la nostalgie de l’utopie, 593 Mambéty, Djibril Diop, 2, 100, 166, 591 Manifesto: Conference of African Women Filmmakers, 14, 275–76 Manifesto of New Cinema in Egypt, 23–28 Manifesto of Ouagadougou, 313–18 Manifesto of the Palestinian Cinema Group, 414–15 Maputo Protocol, 609 Marker, Chris, 2, 392, 401 Marley, Bob, 506 Martin, Michael T., 1, 10, 11, 318 Márquez, Gabriel García, 456 Mauri, 632–33, 637 Mauritius Film Development Corporation (MFDC), 244

668 Mbalo, Eddie, 253–54 McKay, Claude, 504, 506 Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), 232, 234 Memmi, Albert, 640 Mengue-Bekale, Rose-Elise, 159 Mensah, Charles, 269 Mère-bi, 592 Micheaux, Oscar, 651 Mita, Merata, 633, 637 Modise, Morabane, 253 Mogadishu Panafricain Film Symposium (MOGPAFIS), 132, 150 Moonlight, 652 Moore, Cornelius, 12 More Shamans, Less Intolerance! An Indigenous Manifesto at Berlin Film Festival, 626–31 Moroccan Cinema Center (MCC), 244 Morrison, Toni, 559 Mortu Nega, 2 Mouyeke, Camille, 250 Mumbo Jumbo, 560 Munene, Jane, 250 Murphy, David, 8 Musik Man, 164 Mutu, Wangechi, 559 Nacro, Fanta Régina, 589, 594 Namibian Film Commission (NFC), 244 Nance, Terence, 652–53 National Cultural Policy of Jamaica: Toward Jamaica Cultural Superstate— Excerpts, 504–13 National Film & Television Institute of Ghana (NAFTI), 269–70 National Film and Video Foundation (NFVF), 243, 248, 253, 254, 255, 261, 263, 266, 269 National Office for Cinematographic Commerce and Industry (ONCIC), 417 Nations Nègres et Culture, 83 Ndebele-Koka, Lindi, 244, 245, 253 Ndiaye, Ousmane, 318 Négritude, 15 Nelson, Cole, 10 New Negress Film Society, 606–07, 652

Index

New Normal: A Manifesto to Create a Safe Space, Free of Racism, for the Black Artist, 655–60 New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), 236, 245, 247, 248, 290, 496, 498 New Zealand Film Commission (NZFC), 636 News Exchange Coordination Center for Afrovision, 187 Newtown Film and Television School, 589 N’Gakane, Lionel, 135, 136, 149 Ngati, 632, 634, 636, 638, 639, 640, Niamey Manifesto of African Filmmakers: First International Conference on Cinema Production in Africa, 91–97, 111–112, 123, 129, 138, 150, 152, 176, 266 Niang, Sada, 6, 9 Niekiter, Mark, 250 Nnaji, Nevline, 605 Nollywood, 319, 542, 622 Non-aligned Movement, 453–54 NOS, 180 “nouvelle vague,” 399 Noyce, Phillip, 516 Nsibidi, 8 Obasi, C. J., 319 Office de cooperation radiophonique (OCORA), 165 Office de radiodiffusion télévision Française (ORTF), 165 Ogunde, Herbert, 319 Olaiya, Moses, 319 Oladele, Francis, 164 Omonua, Michael, 319 Once Were Warriors, 636, 637 Onofre, Waldyr, 599 Orator, The, 620 Organization of African Unity (OAU), 29, 36, 38, 41, 42, 43, 52, 68, 69, 78, 79, 85, 100, 102, 105, 108, 109, 124, 125–26, 130, 133, 138, 143, 152, 154, 169, 178, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 203, 208, 213, 214, 215, 216–224, 226,

Index 

227, 245, 326, 333, 427; Monrovia Symposium, 196 Organization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL), 401, 409 Ossie Davis, 164 Ouédraogo, Aminata, 159, 489 Ouédraogo, Idrissa, 165 Ouédraogo, Souleymane, 318 Oumar, Cheick, 316 Ové, Horace, 467 Owusu, Akosua Adoma, 596 Paddington, Bruce, 468, 472 Pan-African, 2, 15, 40, 91, 138, 154, 245, 281–84, 302, 306, 309, 322, 331, 474, 592, 610, 612, 618 Pan-African Alliance of Screenwriters and Filmmakers (APASER), 623–25 Pan-African Audiovisual and Cinema Practitioners Declaration (Tshwane Declaration), 244 Pan-African Congresses: Declaration and Resolutions of the Fifth Pan-African Congress (selections), 15, 355–63; Sixth Congress, resolution on culture, 426–27; Seventh Congress, resolution No. 8 on women in Pan-Africanism, 473–74; Eighth Congress resolutions, 608–113 Pan-African Convention on Cinematographic Collaboration, 248 Pan-African Cultural Manifesto (1969), 14, 29–41; recommendations, 37–41, 69, 102 Pan-African Fair for Arts and Music (PAFAM), 204 Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO), 3, 4, 6, 10–11, 12, 123–24, 132, 164, 176, 178, 182, 204, 205, 215, 243, 249, 253, 257, 261, 263, 265, 326 463, 473, 563, 564, 567, 569, 594, 595, 624; African women statement at 12th edition, 157–59; resolutions (1972), 52–54; regulations (1980), 86–89, 150

669 Pan-African Film Library, 215, 217 Pan-African Strategic and Policy Research Group, 281 Pan-African Women in Film (UPAFI). See Union Panafricaine des Femmes de l’Image Pan-African Writers Association (PAWA), 223, 612 Pan-Afrikan Center of Namibia, 281 Partido Socialista, 491 Pasifika, 1, 13, 14 Pâté, Kadidia, 592 Paul Robeson Award Initiative (PRAI), 12, 563 Pearson, Chanelle Aponte, 652 Peck, Raoul, 468, 470, 472 Peele, Jordan, 652 Petty, Sheila, 11, Pfaff, Francoise, 12, Phoba, Monique Mbeka, 6, 592 Piano, The, 636 Pimenta, Pedro, 318 Pirogue, La, 3 Pitanga, Antonio, 599 Pontecorvo, Gillo, 2 Poor Cinema Manifesto, 529–30 Pramio, Alexandre, 2 Principles of Kaupapa Māori, 531–33 Program Exchange Center, 187, 191, 216 Proposed Establishment of an All-African Cinema Union, 14, 43 Queer African Manifesto / Declaration, 14, 273–74 Rabbit Proof Fence, 516, 524 Raengo, Alessandra, 614 Rafiki, 273 Ramaka, Joseph Gaï, 12 Random Acts of Flyness, 652 Rantao, Jovial, 308 Rapu, Chris Obi, 319 RECIDAK, 592 Reclaiming Black Film and Media Studies, 651–54 Regnault, Felix, 2 Régnier, Georges, 5

670 Report on the Launch of African Women Filmmakers Hub, 618–19 Resnais, Alain, 2 Resolution of Commendation and Appreciation to the Federal Republic of Nigeria for Hosting the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture, 85. See also Cinematographic Art Resolution of the Plenary of the Seventh Pan-African Congress. See Pan-African Congresses Resolution on Inter-African Cultural Festival, 42 Resolution on the Celebration of the Centenary of Film Invention, 226–27 Resolution on the Development of Film and Endogenous and Non-endogenous Cultural Industries, 108–09 Resolutions of the Third World Filmmakers Meeting, The (Algiers, 1973), 417–27; Committee 1, 15, 417–21; Committee 2, 423–26; Committee 3, 426–27 Resolutions on the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougu (FESPACO). See Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) Rice, Tom, 5 Riley, Boots, 652 Rio + 20 Declaration, 571 Riot in Cell Block 11 Rise, The, 164 Rise and Fall of Dr. Oyenusi, 164 Rocha, Glauber, 7, 380 Rose des Sables, 166 Ruelle, Catherine, 12 Rural Radio Training Center, 187 Saintonge, Stefani, 652 Salambéré, Alimata, 11, 594 Salambéré, Jean-Pierre, 318 Samb, Ababacar, 268 Sambizanga, 2 Sango Malo, 162 Sanjines, Jorge, 438 Sanogo, Aboubakar, 11, 318 Santo Domingo Resolution from the Second Meeting of African, Caribbean,

Index

and Pacific Group of States (ACP), 534–41 Sarr, Mamadou, 2, 3 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 557 Sarraounia, 2, 592 Saul, Mahir, 11, 12 Sawadogo, Boukary, 9 Screening Days, 191 Scum to Hollywood, 448 second cinema, 399 Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC 77), 13 Sekhukhuni, Masepeke, 589 Selwyn, Don, 633, 634, 637, 641–42 Sembène, Ousmane, 2, 3, 7, 9–10, 11, 50, 53, 162, 165, 323, 380, 596, 599 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 544, 557, 559, 593 Shabazz, Menelik, 470 Shaka, Femi Okiremuette, 3, 5 Shohat, Ella, 636, 638 Singer, Beverley, 640 Sita-Bella, Thérèse, 593 Silverman, Jason, 10 Sissako, Abderrahmane, 3 Sissoko, Cheick Oumar, 165 Sisters Working in Film and Television (SWIFT), 14, 312 Smith, Cauleen, 580–86, 652 Société d’exploitation cinématographique africaine (SECMA), 165 Solanas, Fernando, 7, 390, 430 Solás, Humberto, 529 Soleil Ô, 12 Sollywood: A Movement, 277–80 Soma, Ardiouma, 10, 318 Somet, Yoporeka, 318 Sorry to Bother You, 652 Sortie de l’Usine Lumière à Lyon, La, 2 Souley, Zalika, 594 South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), 261, 267 South African Script Writers Association (SASWA), 244 Southern African Development Coordination Conference, (SADCC), 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 193, 199, 204, 210 Southern African Film Festival (SAFF), 266 Soyinka, Wole, 11

Index 

Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Charter, 464–65 Stam, Robert, 636, 638 Statement by the African Women Professionals of Cinema, Television, and Video, 14, 157–59, 266 Status of the Audiovisual Sector in Africa, 160–82 Stewart, Jacqueline, 651 Stoneman, Rod, 11, 316 Strong Island, 653 Sun Ra, 559 Super Fly: A Summary of Objections by the Kuumba Workshop, 414 Surreal16 Collective Manifesto White Paper, 319–21 “Sustaining the New Wave of Pan-Africanism” Workshop: Communique, 281–84 Sutherland, Efua, 593 Symposium Declaration: Third Eye— Struggle for Black and Third World Cinema, 450–52 Tamahori, Lee, 636 Tamasese, Tusi, 620 Tama Tu, 633 Tam Tam à Paris, 593 Tapsoba, Clement, 318 Taylor, Clyde, 7 Tazi, Mohamed, 166 Te Paepae Ataata, 641 Te Tangata Whai Rawa o Wēniti / The Māori Merchant of Venice, 633, 634, 638 Tela Preta: Black Cinema Movement Manifesto, 599–600 Tell My Horse, 560 Téno, Jean-Marie, 3, 12 Teza, 3 Thackway, Melissa, 12 Third Cinema, 6, 8, 390, 394, 399, 410 Third Eye—Struggle for Black and Third World Cinema. See Symposium Declaration: Third Eye—Struggle for Black and Third World Cinema Third World Newsreel, 439 Timbuktu, 3 Time Magazine, 505

671 Tlatli, Moufida, 593, 596 Tomaselli, Keyan G., 8 Touki Bouki, 2 Touré, Drissa, 166 Touré, Moussa, 3 Towards a Third Cinema: Notes and Experiences for the Development of a Cinema of Liberation in the Third World, 390–413, 430 Tracker, The, 516 Traore, Johnson, 268 Traveling Caribbean Film Showcase, 561, 566, 572–73 Tricontinental Film Center, 439 Trier, Lars von, 319 Trinidad and Tobago Declaration on Developing the Caribbean Film Industry for a Culture of Peace, 601–05 Tshwane Declaration. See Africa Film Summit Tunis Declaration for the Defense of National Cinemas, 491–94 Tunisia Film International (TFI), 461 Turégano, Teresa Hoefert de, 11 Two Cars, One Night, 633 Ugbomah, Eddie, 165, 319 Un Certain matin, 589 Un homme quí crie, 3 Union of Audio-visual Arts of Algeria, 426 Union of Creators and Entrepreneurs of Cinema and Audiovisual in West Africa (UCECAO), 261 Union of National Radio and Television Organizations of Africa (URTNA), 41, 171, 187, 188, 189, 214, 216, 223, 243, 326; URTNA-PEC—URTNA Screen, 190 Union Panafricaine des Femmes de l’Image / Pan-African Union of Women of the Moving Image (UPAFI), 244, 275, 476–89, 594, 595; Pan-African Bureau, 483–89 Unit of Account of the Preferential Trade Area (UAPTA), 154 United Nations 184, 340, 451; UNESCO, 41, 65, 68, 69, 77, 102, 183, 185, 186 190, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 201,

672 204, 208, 213, 214, 215, 216–224, 231, 258, 286, 290, 303, 427, 453, 496–500, 535, 540, 544, 549, 563, 566, 567, 568, 571, 572, 573, 576, 577, 578,579, 601, 602, 603; “Cameras of Diversity,” 563, 570, 572; Charter, 19, 21; Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity; IPDC, 185; UNCTAD, 269; UN Decade for Women, 594; UNDP, 183, 185, 193, 199, 204, 219; UNECA, 290; UNICEF, 562, 564 United States Information Agency (USIA), 171 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 19, 183, 235 Varenne, Camille, 318 Vautier, René, 2 Vieyra, Paulin Soumanou, 2, 3, 4, 8–9, 80–84, 165 Vinterberg, Thomas, 319 Visions, 320 Vues d’Afrique , 595 Waititi, Kahurangi, 633 Walker, Kara, 598 War and Peace, 398 Weber, Raymond, 318 Wend Kunni / The Gift of God, 2 Wenner, Dorothee, 11 Wiley, Kehinde, 558–59 Windhoek Declaration. See Declaration of Windhoek Woman Ouolove, A, 2

Index

Women Filmmakers of Zimbabwe (WFOZ), 594 Women in Cinema, Television, and Video Workshop. See Working Group: Women in Cinema, Television, and Video Workshop Working Group: Women in Cinema, Television, and Video Workshop, 473–52 Workshop Resolutions: Seminar on “The Role of the African Filmmaker in Rousing an Awareness of Black Civilization,” 55–62; workshop 1 resolution 1, 55; resolution 2, 55–56; resolution 3, 56; resolution 4, 57 World Electronic Media Forum V (WEMF V), 285–87 World Festival of Black Arts, 593 World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), 258, 267 World Press Freedom Day, 307. See also African Editors Forum Declaration on World Media Freedom Day World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), 501 World Trade Organization (WTO), 253, 501 World War II, 26 Yacoub, Zara Mahamat, 592 Yeelen, 2 Zacks, Stephen A., 8 Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF), 266, 270 ZDF, 180

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