Aeneid VIII and the Aitia of Callimachus 9004038590, 9789004038592

Citation preview

AENEID VIn AND THE AITIA OF CALLIMACHUS

MNEMOSYNE BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA BATAVA

COLLEGERUNT W. DEN BOER • W . J. VERDENIUS • R . E. H. WESTENDORP BOERMA BIBLIOTHECAE FASCICULOS EDENDOS CURAVIT W.

J.

VERDENIUS, HOMERUSLAAN 53, ZEIST

SUPPLEMENTUM VICESIMUM SEPTIMUM EDWARD VINCENT GEORGE

AENEID VIII AND THE AITIA OF CALLIMACHUS

LUGDUNI BATAVORUM E.]. BRILL MCMLXXIV

AENEID VIII AND THE AITIA OF CALLIMACHUS BY

EDWARD VINCENT GEORGE

LUGDUNI BATAVORUM E.

J. BRILL, MCMLXXIV

ISBN 90 04 03859 0

Copyright 1974 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands All rights ,reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprinl, microfilm, microfiche or any other means withoUI written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

To the Memory of My Parents

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . . .

IX

Introduction.

I

1. Speaker and Listener

10

II. Travelers. . . . . .

25

A. Traveler and Inhabitant

28

B. Encounter: Overture and Response

33

C. The Result . . . . .

35

III. The Hercules-Cacus Myth

43

IV. The Time-Element . . .

71

V. The Dream-Framework

89

Conclusion .

105

Appendix I.

II8

Appendix II

120

Bibliography

123

Indices. . .

125

LIST OF TABLES TABLE I.

Attention to Past, Present, and Future in Aeneid 8.

74

TABLE 2.

Major Aition and Historical Catalogue in Callimachus and Vergil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing

80

3. Temporal Position of Speakers Who Relate Aitia: Aen. 8.1-369. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

86

TABLE

PREFACE The following study owes its origin to an idea of Professor Friedrich Solmsen's, and its conclusion in large measure to his patience and encouragement during 1964-1966, when I presented it as my dissertation at the University of Wisconsin. The present version varies little from the original, save for corrections of detail, updated documentation, and rephrasing. Literature subsequent to 1966 has not duplicated or altered the essential thesis-that Vergil consciously reworked and integrated into Aeneid 8 a predominantly non-epic poetic form, the aition, in such a way that comparison with Callimachus' Aitia will illustrate the later poet's originality. A few concluding notes on recent relevant research are appended. Stanley Shechter's The Hellenistic Aition in Virgil's Georgics (diss. Harvard, 1963) would doubtless have added something to the final product. Although I read it while compiling material, I was unfortunately unable to obtain permission to use it. My further obligations are many. A series of grants received through the University of Wisconsin provided the necessary time. The staff of the University of Wisconsin Memorial Library handled reasonable and unreasonable requests with equal good humor, and Mrs. Terry Cole executed a difficult typing job. The extraordinary generosity of Margaret and Joseph Tomasulo cannot pass unacknowledged. G. Karl Galinsky has kindly read parts of the manuscript and provided criticism which I have always respected, if not always heeded. A Texas Tech University Graduate School grant made pUblication possible. My wife Cecilia composed the indices, and assisted in the proof preparation. And the publishers have cooperated with meticulous care and great patience. Citations of the Aeneid are from the Sabbadini-Castiglioni edition, and of Callimachus from that of Rudolf Pfeiffer (Oxford, 1949-1953), abbreviated here as "Pfeiffer, Call." Abbreviations of periodicals follow those of J. Marouzeau, ed., L'Annee Philologique.

INTRODUCTION The past two decades have favored us with a number of essays toward filling the need for a detailed commentary on Aeneid 8. Heinze did not treat that book with anything approaching the attention he gave, let us say, book 2. Prior to 1959, Warde Fowler's collection of observations 1 and Bomer's more scholarly wartime study 2 were our most complete specialized discussions of the subject. "The eighth book", says Fowler in his introduction, "consists, not of a single story, but of a succession of scenes passing happily and naturally into one another." 3 His commentary, consisting of a series of isolated remarks on separate passages, reflects this view. Bomer faces the problem of unity in the book, and speaks of an interplay between "Episoden" and "Einheit" rather than a choice of one or the other. In the dynamics of this interplay, he believes, the book comes to a climax in the scene (520-540) of the shielddescent, where the dominating theme of Aeneas' being called by fate is vividly expressed.' Otis goes beyond Bomer, with an analysis that formulates the past-present-future relationships of the book into a five-part structure. 5 Hercules as a theios-aner becomes a symbol of Aeneas and Augustus, and "The three theoi-andres are set within three separate eras"; that of Arcadian Rome, that of the Latin War, and that of the first century. 6 Symbolism is pursued further in three other studies devoted mainly to the Hercules-Cacus episode. Schnepf, relying on indications of Hercules-Augustus connections in Horace and at the end of Aeneid 6, makes the conqueror of Cacus a symbol of Augustus. 7 Buchheit takes the battle with the cattle thief as representative of the struggle of Jupiter and W. Warde Fowler, Aeneas at the Site of Rome (Oxford, 1918). Franz Bomer, "Studien zum VIII Buch der Aeneis," RhM, 92 (1944). pp. 319-369. 3 Fowler, p. I. 4 Bomer, pp. 326, 338. 5 Brooks Otis, Virgil: A Study in Civilized Poetry (Oxford, 1964), p. 330. 8 Ibid., p. 331. 7 Hermann Schnepf, "Das Herculesabenteuer in Virgilis Aeneis", Gymnasium, 66 (1959), pp. 250-268. 1

2

2

INTRODUCTION

Aeneas against Juno and Turnus. 1 Study of the "function" of the episode in Galinsky's article leads to a close tying of Cacus and Turnus through images including "dark fire" and stone. 2 Galinsky follows Duckworth and Otis in complementing his analysis of the episode with a suggested tripartite structure for the whole book. 3 Finally, Putnam also emphasizes the importance of the pastpresent-future complex of the book, and makes especially good use of verbal and imagistic parallels to book 6 in studying the poetry of the eighth book. 4 Much has been gained since Fowler's remark. We have been made aware of the symbolic possibilities in Vergil's poetry. We have learned more about internal verbal parallels in the Aeneid. And we have a better view of the nature of the unity of book 8. Yet there is one untreated aspect of the book which must be dealt with before Vergil's poetic achievement can be properly understood. Scholars have argued that the Hercules-Cacus episode is not to be taken simply as an "Aitiologie" or a "Griindungssage." 5 Their warning is necessary, of course, because the form of an aition is just what the Hercules-Cacus story offers. We are familiar with aitia from Hesiod, Callimachus, Apollonius, and among Vergil' s contemporaries Propertius and Ovid, as well as other poets. An aition, as we are using the term here, is a description of something familiar to the reader in terms of a less familiar origin. The aition may be as long as the Hercules-Cacus episode or longer; and it may extend only a few lines, as does that for Pallanteum (A en. 8.51-54). The "something" (which for want of a term we shall call the aition-subject) may be a custom, a rite, a geographical formation, or anything else. 6 1 Vinzenz Buchheit, Vergil uber die Sendung Roms, Gymnasium Beiheft 3 (Heidelberg, 1963), pp. 116-133. 2 G. Karl Galinsky, "The Hercules-Cacus Episode in Aeneid 8," AJPh, 87 (1966), pp. 18-51; cf. esp. pp. 26, 30ff. 3 Cf. George E. Duckworth, "Tripartite Structure in the Aeneid," Vergilius, 7 (1961 ), pp. 2-11, and Galinsky, p. 22. 4 Michael C. J. Putnam, The Poetry of the Aeneid (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), pp. 101-150. See now also Gerhard Binder, Aeneas und Augustus: Interpretationen zum 8. Buch der Aeneis (Meisenheim, 1971: Beitrage zur Klassischen Philologie, Heft 38) and Appendix 2 below. 6 Buchheit, p. 116; Schnepf, p. 252. 6 The lack of restriction as to length or subject of aitia is established in the Aitia of Callimachus. There, the extensive tale of Akontios and Kydippe (Frs. 67-75) may be contrasted for length to the two-line aition for the name of Minoa in Sicily (Fr. 43.48-49). And subjects whose stories

INTRODUCTION

3

Using this definition, we may discern the following aitia in Aeneid 8: The origin of the naming of the city of Alba1 (from the white sow). The origin of the town and the name of 51-54 Pallanteum (the Arcadians' journey to Italy and memorialization of their proavus Pallas). 102-106, 172-305 The origin of the worship of Hercules at the Ara Maxima (the slaying of Cacus on the hero's visit to Latium). 134-142 The genealogical origin of Graeco-Roman affinity. 2 are told include cities (e.g. Zankle, Fr. 43.58ff.), religious rites (Frs. 22-25), the Graces (in a genealogical discussion: d. Schol. Flor. ad Call. Frs. 3-7, Pfeiffer, Call., (VoL I, p. 13, lines 30ff.), and statues (Frs. 100,101), and even a wall (Fr. 97). 1 If line 46 is genuine, then the passage 42-48 is an aition for the location of Lavinium (d. Aen. 12.194) as well as for the name Alba. But the ms. evidence is not in its favor. Two (MP) of the three (MPR) early manuscripts that include the passage omit the line. In addition, its acceptance means straining the meaning to account for the fact that Lavinium is several miles south of the Tiber. 2 There are several reasons for including the genealogy through Atlas as one of the aitia of the book. I) The immediate function of the genealogy, the winning over of Evander, is obvious. But in addition, the passage may be taken as an apology for the prominent presence of the Greek element in the founding of Rome. Such an apology would serve a purpose in the day of Augustus, since an exclusive brand of Roman national patriotism was at the heart of his re-establishment of the Republic. See Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford, 1960), pp. 440-441. Elsewhere in the Aeneid, this exclusiveness, especially in relation to the Greeks, is brought into focus, as in the famous Excudent alii passage (6.847-853) and at 2.65f. and 9.602. So interpreted, the genealogy refers, as an aition must, to the origins of a phenomenon accessible to the poet's reader, namely the Augustan Roman state. It reconciles Arcadianism in the origins with the abiding theme of Roman nationalism, and it authenticates the Arcadian contribution of the virtue of simplicity as detailed by VergiL 2) The genealogy opens with a reference to Dardanus specifically as x-rlcr'l""I)C;, the founder of Asian Troy, and hence a counterpart of the X'l"Lcr'l""l)C; Aeneas. In this it recalls the form and function of the aitia in Tiber's dream (42ff., 5 Iff.). 3) The orientation of the genealogy toward an abiding result is one of the principal departures from Vergil's Homeric model (Il. 20.213ff.), in

4

INTRODUCTION

322f. 328f.

33 0 -33 2 337-341

The origin of the name Latium (the hiding of Saturn). The origin of the name Ausonia (from former inhabitants of the land) and of an indeterminate number of other names for Latium (saepius et nomen posuit Saturnia tellus, 32 9). The origin of the name of the Tiber (from king Thybris). Origin of the name of the Porta Carmentalis (after Carmentis, the mother of Evander).

which Aeneas recalls his genealogy merely to impress Achilles prior to a duel. 4) Genealogy recurs in Callimachus' Aitia; see the story of the origin of the Graces (supra, p. 2, n. 6), and the love-tale with which the history of the Akontiadai begins (Frs. 67-75). In the latter, there are several circumstances parallel to those of our passage, and they are expressed in Apollo's dream-address to the father of Kydippe: 'Ap't"efJ.~30e; 't"'ij 7t(X~8t yOCfJ.OV ~(Xpue; IIpxoe; EvLX).,!f· Auy8(XfJ.LV ou yap tfJ.1J -rijp.o,? ~x713e xocme; ou8' tv 'AIJ.UX).,(XL 6pV9Y ~7t).,exev ou8' &7tO 6~p71e; 25 ~x).,ul:ev 7to't"(XfJ. yVp.(X't"(X II(Xp6evt, ~~)., 8' ~v t7tt871fJ.oe;, 'Ax6v't"wv o7t7t6't"e a1J 7t(xLe; 6)fJ.0aev, oux &).,).,ov, VUfJ.cptOV £~efJ.ev(xL. c!> J$:flu~, &).,).,' ~v fJ.e 6e:).,ne; aUfJ.cppoc8fJ.ov(x 6e:a6(xL, ..Jv .. 't"eAe:u-rljae:Le; IIpxL(X 6uY(X't"epoe;· 30 &pyup OU fJ.6).,L~OV yap 'Ax6v't"wv, &).,).,a cp(XeLv ~).,ex't"pov xpua CP71fJ.t ae fJ.e~~efJ.ev(X~. K03pd871e; au y' 4fy6ev 0 7tev6ep6e;, (Xu't"ap 0 Keroe; Y(XfJ.~pOe; 'ApLa't"(Xtou [Z71]yoe; &cp' teperov 'IxfJ.tou ofq~ fJ.efJ.[71]).,ev t7t' o()peoe; &fJ.~WVeaaLv 35 7tP71VVeLV x(X).,[e]7t1Jv M(Xrp(Xv &vepX0!Lev71v, (Xi't"eLa6(xL 't"0 8' &71!L(X 7t(Xp(Xl ~LOe; c!> 'r~ 6(X!LeLVot 7t).,~aaov't"(xL ).,LV~(X~e; IIpwyee; Ev vecpe).,(XLe;. (Call. Fr. 75.22-37) Apollo couples a decree of fate (Fr. 75.22-27) with a quieting of his hearer's apprehensions about following the decree. The god uses a pair of genealogies (28-37) separated by an adversative conjunction ((Xu't"ap, 32) to reassure Kydippe's father. In Vergil, Aeneas announces that fate has brought him to Evander (127-133), and goes on to show through a genealogy (134-142) that Evander's compliance with fate would not be unnatural despite the latter's nationality. Again the two genealogies are linked with an adversative (at, 140). Our purpose is not to suggest a direct connection between these passages in the Aitia and the Aeneid, but to show that Vergil's use of a genealogy here is paralleled in the working out of a Callimachean aetiology. In both cases, a genealogy is employed to encourage cooperation with irresistible destiny.

INTRODUCTION

342 f.

343f . 345 f . 347-354

597-602

5

The origin of the application of the name Asylum (its bestowal by Romulus) The origin of the name of the Lupercal (its connection with Pan). The origin of the name Argiletum (its connection with the death of Argus). The origin of reverence for the holiness of the Capitoline hill (the Arcadians' sensing of a divine presence on the hill). The origin of the names J aniculum and Saturnia as given to those two places respectively (the building of fortresses there by Janus and Saturn). The origin of the sacredness of the grove by the stream of Caere (its dedication by the Pelasgi, the first inhabitants of the finis Latinos, to Silvanus). 1

Aitia are strung out through the rest of the Aeneid (d. e.g. 3.335, 4·624f£., 5. I l 7, 121, 122-123, 568, 602, 718,7.1ff., etc.); but nowhere are they clustered as they are in the first half of book 8. On this account it is all the more surprising that for all the occasions on which the Hercules tale has been called an aition, the presence in numbers of other aitia nearby does not seem to have been pointed out. a 1 It is quite possible that, in addition to the aitia listed, Aeneas' reply to Tiber contains an aition for later worship of the River (d. 8.76 semper honore mea, semper celebrabere donis). This is especially likely in view of parallels of expression to the known aition for the Ara Maxima rites -d. novamus honores, 8.189, and the repeated semper at 271-272). But the lines seem to refer to no later rite with which we are familiar. Also, the description of the Aventine at 8.235, dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum, has been taken as an implicit aition for the slope's name. See S. Mariotti, It "Bellum Poenicum" e l'arte di Nevio (Rome, 1966), p. 36, n. 40. 2 Lucia Bozzi (1 deali e correnti letterarie nell' Eneide, Milan, 1936, pp. 167 ff.) has commented on Virgil's use of aitia with its implication of Alexandrian influence; but her study devotes no special attention to the peculiarity of book 8.

Suppl. to Mnemosyne, XXVII

2

6

INTRODUCTION

The localized aition of the type found in Aeneid 8 appears to be a form of expression adopted from the Hellenistic poets, and from Callimachus in particular.! Elegy la of Propertius' Book Four closes as follows: Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona: mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua, ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi! scandentis quisquis cernit de vallibus arces, ingenio muros aestimet ille meo! Roma, fave, tibi surgit opus, date candida cives omina, et incept is dextera cantet avis! dicam: "Troia, cades, et Troica Roma resurges;" et maris et terrae longa sepulcra canam; sacra diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum: has meus ad metas sudet oportet equus. 2

65

68 87 88 69 70

Ovid's F asti also shows the influence of the A itia of Callimachus. 3 The Alexandrian's poem was famous at Rome for reasons other than its aetiological content as well; Wimmel's recent study traces the profound effect of the programmatic Prologue to the Aitia on subsequent Latin, and especially Augustan, poetry. 4 1 Callimachus' A itia achieves variety by its constant shift of attention to famous or remote geographical locations. The Alexandrian libraries provided the sources whence these numerous places could be discussed in the poem. Doubtless Callimachus consulted a wealth of local histories such as that of Xenomedes of Keos, whose name is incorporated into the work itself (Fr. 75.53ff.). 2 Cf. W. A. Camps' comment (ed. Sex. Propertius, Elegies, Book IV, Cambridge, 1965) on line 64, which is taken to refer to the Aitia of Callimachus. In addition to Camps' arguments ad loco for the transposition of lines 87-88, we may note that Elegy 4.la is already closely related to Aeneid 8. Cf. for example I. 1-2 and Aen. 8.99; I. 4 andAen. 8.360-361; 1.6 and Aen. 8.362-363; and the shared use of a conversation between native and visitor. The presence of line 87 in Elegy 4. la would add another parallel; d. Aen. 8.36-37, where Tiber greets Aeneas: "0 sate gente deum, Troianam ex

hostibus urbemJqui revehis nobis aeternaque Pergama servas ... " 3 Cf. P. Ovidius Naso, Die Fasten, ed. Fr. Bomer, Heidelberg, 1957,

Vol. I, pp. 12, 25. 4 Walter Wimmel, Kallimachos in Rom: Die Nachfolge seines apologetischen Dichtens in der Augusteerzeit, Hermes Einzelschriften No. 16 (Wiesbaden, 1960). Note his remark (d. Vorwort) that the influence of Callimachean aitia could be traced as he was tracing that of the Prologue of the A itia.

INTRODUCTION

7

From these indications we may safely conclude that Callimachus' Aitia was an important piece in the body of Alexandrian tradition from which the Augustans drew their inspiration: Propertius' Book Four, Elegies 1 and 9, reflect Vergil's work in Aeneid 8 in many other respects; it seems most reasonable to test the assumption that the two Augustans shared Callimachean influence as well.1 When we turn to the Aitia itself and compare it to Aen. 8.1-369, we discover several prima facie parallels that invite closer investigation. Each of the two works offers a rich succession of aitia told in conversation, in which the speakers and the listeners play prominent parts. Each includes several instances in which the aition-producing action is an encounter experienced by a traveler in a foreign land. Each pays generous attention to religious rites and name-origins. Hercules looms large in each, and appears in both poets amid similar circumstances. And a dream bears significantly upon each of the two works. Our approach will be comparative. Where there are clearlydefined and specific similarities of form, we shall be able to speak in detail of Vergil's advances or differences relative to Callimachus. But significant observations on general approach, where these contrast in the poets, will also be fruitful, mainly because of the dominant position the Aitia appears to have held in the first century. If Propertius accepted Callimachus' aitia as the standard for the aition-form, then it is likely that Vergil referred to Callimachus in composing Aen. 8.1-369 and that he anticipated a knowledge of the Aitia among his audience. 2 Before we go on, a word about the requirements of the aition-form will help us to see why Vergil chose it for this part of the Aeneid in particular. 1 Servius ad Aen. 7.778 traces the Vergilian aition for the exclusion of horses from the grove and temple of Arician Diana to Callimachus' A itia, (Cf. Call. Fr. 190). 2 For a clear echo to Callimachus later in book 8, noted by E. Cahen (ed. Callimaque, Hymnes, etc., Paris, 1922, p. 51) see the references to Vulcan's journey to the Island of the Cyclopes in Vergil, with parallels in Artemis' journey in Call. Dian. : Aen.8. Dian. the land of the Sicanians 4 16 57 Lipare 41 7 47 the reverberating of Aetna 56-57 41 9 Brontes and Steropes 68, 75 42 5 making of an implement 4 2 7-4 28 , 50 for a god 433-434

8

INTRODUCTION

The contrast between accessibility of the resulting phenomenon and the comparative remoteness of the aition-story is essential. The author of Anth. Pal. 7.42 makes this clear in his praise of the Aitia:

"A fleyoc

O'Oq:lOU 7te:p17tueJ1'ov ()ve:~ocp, xe:pocwv, ouo' eAeCjlOC\l't'OC; e'1)C;. 1'0~oc y~p &flflW eCjl'1)VOCC;, &1" ou 7tOCpOC; &.vepe:c; 'lOfle:V, &.flCjlL 1'e: &.6ocvoc1'ow;, &.flCjlL 1'e: ~fl~6eouc;, e:l)-re fl~V A~~u'1)C; &.VOCe:LpOCC; e:~c; 'EA~XWVOC ~yocye:c; ev fleO'O'oc~c; 11~e:pLoe:O'O'~ Cjlepwv· oct ot dpoflev

vovJ '

(Fr. 43.78-80)

(Fr. 63.9-10)

THE HERCULES-CACUS MYTH

EX

ae y&.fJ.OU XdVOLO fJ.ey'

ot)vofJ.oc fJ.elJ..€ Ve€0"6ocL· yap ~6' ufJ.e'r€pov CPUAOV ' AXOV'rL&.aOCL 1tOU/..O 'rL xocl 1t€phLfJ.OV 'IouA(aL VOCL€'rOCOUO"LV, a~

(Fr. 75.50-52) In all of the above expressions but the third, the temporal element appears to predominate over the causal. The second and fourth invite our closer attention; because in addition to the temporal emphasis which likens them to Vergil's ex illo, they are each accompanied by the adverb hL and a present verb, which parallel the perfect with enduring force (celebratus (est) (Aen. 8.268)) in Vergil. It seems likely, then, that Vergil, in closing the aition, should be following a pattern laid out in Callimachus. It should be noted further that by way of making the device his own he adds the double semper (271-272) with a pair of future verbs, which remind the reader of the complex set of time-frameworks within which Vergil is working. 1 The semper idea is not without Callimachean antecedent; in the Molorchos story, especially at Fr. 59.21 (vuJv a' ~6' &:]YL[o"'rd'Y)] V OUaOCfJ.OC1tocuO"ofJ.ev'Y)v), both the contemporaneity and the permanent destiny of the rites described are referred to. The fact of this combination of presence and permanence, of course, becomes an element that gives profound meaning to the rites in Vergil's account, since historical permanence implies relationship with the reign of Augustus. The hymn (293-302), besides being a formal liturgical action, reflects the instances in the A itia in which the poet directly addresses parties to the action, such as his comment to Akontios:

r

O"€ aoxew 'r'Y)fJ.ou'ro~, ,Ax6v'rL€, vux'ro~ EX€(V'Y)~ cX.v'r( X€, 'tij fJ.('rP'Y)~ ~ljJoco 1tocp6€v('Y)~, OU O"cpupov 'Icp(xA€LOV E1tL'rpexov cX.O"'rOCXU€O"O"LV oua' & K€AOCLV('r'Y)~ EX'r€OC'rLO"'ro M(a'Y)~ ae~oc0"6ocL, ljJ~cpou 9' i!lv EfJ.1j~ E1tLfJ.OCp'rUP€~ ~~~y O~'rLV€~ OU XOCA€1tOU V~Lae~ do"L o€ou. Ot)

35

(Fr. 75-44-49) The word aoxew sets the one passage off from the other immediately. Not only is the formality of the Vergilian hymn missing from 1 The double semper takes on added weight when we recall that it echoes an earlier pair at 8.76, when Aeneas promised permanent honor to Tiber.

66

THE HERCULES-CACUS MYTH

Callimachus' remarks; in addition we are once again taken to the realm of the Alexandrian's thought, as we were when the Muse said Evl fLV~fLYl xa:'t"6e:o in Fr. 7.24. The succeeding lines in Callimachus dwell on the happiness that must have been Akontios' as a result of the action outlined in the aition, through the use of extraneous references that testify to the poet's search for variety. The extraneous references which glorify Hercules in the Aeneidic hymn, though, bear upon and illustrate the virtues which enabled Hercules to overcome Cacus in Latium. The lines of this hymn provide the only direct address to Hercules in Aen. 8.I-369. Confinement of direct address to the hero within these very formal bounds contributes to the separation of the milieux. Hercules is invoked not as the person who partook of their hospitality, but as a deity who transcends them, a fit object for worship. The conclusion of the hymn, with its constituents of salutation (salve, vera Iovis proles, 30I), praise (decus addite divis, ibid.), and exhortation (et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra secundo), finds reflection several times in the Aitia, such as at the address to Herakles in Fr. 23: .... Q. ' , L)(CXLpe: t'cxpuO'XL1tCUV, e:1t:L' t'CXX't'CX fLe:v e:",CXXL OOLCX, EX a' cx1hcxype:0'£'Y)C; 1t:OAAclXL 1t:OAAa XCXfLwvJ I

'(~ I

~

I

(Fr. 23. I9-20) It is unfortunate that so much of the address contained in these lines is lost; nevertheless these key lines indicate that the attention is on the sheer multiplicity of Herakles' tasks (1t:OMOCXL 1t:OAAa), whereas in Vergil, feats have been enumerated so that Hercules may be appreciated for what he really is (vera Iovis proles). Again the contrast is between variety and distraction in the Alexandrian, reinforcement and cumulativeness in the Roman. Another parallel is visible in the second of the fragments on the fountains of Argos: 1t:O't'VL' 'AfLUfLwv'Y) xcxl