Aeneas on Siegecraft: A Critical Edition

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AENEAS ON

SIEGECRAFT

Oxford London New

University

Edinburgh York

Toronio

Glasgow Meibourne

Press Copenhagen Capetown

Bombay Calcutia Madras Shangkai Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University

AINEIOT

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΊΚΑ.

AENEAS ON

SIEGECRAFT

A Critical, edition prepared by LE wr “HUNTER, Late Fellow of New

M.A.

College,

Oxford

Revised, with some additions, by

SA; HANDFORD,

B.A.

Formerly Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford

OXFORD

AT

THE

CLARENDON MD CCCC

XXVIJ

PRESS

Printed tn Engiand Afi the Oxrorp

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

By John Johnson Printer to the University

LESLIE I First met Leslie

HUNTER

Hunter

in the year

1904, when

I was examining at Winchester, and he, though another year of school was still before him, came out first in the examination. It was a good year; and I remember the impression made upon me by the best boys. They

had such

a grasp of literature,

classical, though

English as well

as

I believe the subject figured scarcely

at all in the curriculum. Homer and Aeschylus;

They worked at Virgil and and they took Shakespeare

and Milton and Tennyson in their stride. As the head master said to me, a boy in Sixth Book would be rather laughed at if he did not know Shakespeare and Milton. And besides, he liked reading them. It was out of this deep and gentle culture that Hunter came, and indeed

from the flower of it.

He

did

at College, obtaining

first

brilliantly

classes and

the

of course Craven

a classical fellowship at

and

the Gaisford

New College.

Verse, and

But he did not

make a sensational sweep of all possible prizes : he was

not that sort of man. He worked slowly and lovingly, taking his own time, like a true scholar and artist, not like an ambitious examinee.

He did not even

make

epigrams or shine unduly in debating societies. There was indeed a curious contrast between

two

sides of him, a contrast which was, I think, peculiarly English, though rare even in England. A stranger who met him casually in society would see in him a 286%

a

3

ii

LESLIE

HUNTER

robust undergraduate of the pleasant public-school type, perfectly simple and unaffected, with no tendency to shine or assert himself, more disposed to smile than to talk. He would perhaps find in the course of conversation that the undergraduate was glad to take lads from

the

East-end

on

the

river, or to

show

them

Oxford Colleges, and he might hear that he was interested in the Musical Club; but it would come rather as a surprise to learn that he was one of the two or three most brilliant scholars of an exceptionally

good period.

And all the time those who knew him

well knew that he was really living an inner life of scholarship and music and the kind of literature that is most akin to music, of poetry and the more exquisite kind of prose, such as Plato or Tacitus or Ruskin. He had the regular English tendency to hide away any taste or talent that might conceivably seem to imply a claim to superiority. But if you saw him singing or acting, or it may be reading Shakespeare aloud or dancing in the Chorus of a Greek Play, he seemed to be transfigured. And when he was with intimates the veil dropped. We used to tease him with the story that once

at luncheon

in my

house, the

conversation

presumably having ceased to interest him, he fell into a reverie and began to sing.

He was attracted to Aeneas Tacticus as a subject for his first book partly by the neglect in which that author lay, and partly by the interesting and extremely

difficult problem of his style, as a bridge between the classical Attic and

the Kozxe, while

the military and

historical side of the treatise had roused the interest of his friend and schoolfellow, Mr.

finished his first draft of the book

Fawcus.

He

had

in 1912, but was

LESLIE

HUNTER

iii

advised by Professor Bywater to hold it back for some years, in order to study more

completely some of the

problems of diction about which the evidence was incomplete. In August 1914 he was travelling in Austria, and did not succeed in returning to Oxford till the war had

been in progress for some weeks and practically all his contemporaries had volunteered for the army.

To him

as to most of them the thought of war, and of the military life altogether, was utterly alien and abhorrent : there was no allurement

of adventure, no

secret

wish

to swagger and be admired, in the decision which Hunter took to join the 3/4 Oxford and Bucks Light Infantry. He crossed to France in 1916, and was killed on the Somme, near Poziéres, a few days after his arrival, in

an extremely dangerous reconnaissance which he led, to discover who had remained in possession of a disputed trench. It is characteristic that the mistake he made

was

to go too far in front of his men,

so that

he was almost alone when he fell. It is the sort of mistake he would have preferred to make. It is also characteristic that on the day before his death he was seen lying on his back in a cornfield revelling in the beauty of the summer and singing to himself, in that joy of the artist which rises above worldly barriers,

—ıim wunderschönen Monat Mat. GILBERT

MURRAY.

ERRATA PAGE vi, line 18, for » Ixii, lines 1 and » 144, line 3 from » 264, Aeneas of of Arcadian Anabasis)

»

Chapter XVII read Chapter XVIII 2, delete } bottom, for οἱ πολέμιοι read ot πολέμιοι Stymphalus, second entry, fer (general league) read (officer mentioned in the

2684, Aeneas of Stymphalus, third entry, fer (father of Thrasybulus the Iamid) read (general of Arcadian league)

HUNTER, Aeneas on Siegecraft, Ὁ. vil.

PREFACE A FEW

words

publication

are necessary to explain

of this edition of Aeneas,

the delay in the

promised

by the late

Mr. L. W. Hunter in the Classical Quarterly eleven years ago. During the years 1908 and 1909 Mr. Hunter and I, at that time both scholars of New College, Oxford, were studying Greek military history, and it seemed to us strange that the treatise of Aeneas had never been edited in English, A student who has read the works of the other classical writers on military subjects, or ¢actzcz as they are commonly called, cannot fail to be struck with the peculiar importance of Aeneas. In the first place, dating as he does from the first half of the fourth century B.C., he is the earliest military writer whom we know to have recorded many of the simple but important and

still valid devices practised in warfare, such as lighting restrictions, smoke-screens, and secret methods of communication.

In the second place he is by far the least formal and most interesting of the facfic?, and the picture which he gives of the unsettled, and in some ways primitive, condition of the Greek

city-state of his period is distinctly vivid. planned

an edition, to consist

Accordingly

of an introduction,

we

text, and

translation. When this was nearly complete, circumstances altered. My work took me to India, but Mr. Hunter decided to make the study of the classics his profession, and to deal with Aeneas more

thoroughly.

In

particular,

he considered

that

more

attention was due to the linguistic side of the treatise, for Aeneas occupies an interesting position as one of the earliest writers in the Κοινή, the dialect which later spread throughout

the Hellenistic world. The scope of the pletely changed: the introduction was and appendices were added, all this being work. The complete book was written

edition was thus comexpanded and notes Mr. Hunter’s unaided and ready for revision

νὶ

PREFACE

when the war broke out, and the student of ancient warfare be-

came a soldier himself. Like so many brilliant young men, Mr. Hunter gave his life for his country, being killed in action at Poziéres on August 13,1916. My best thanks are due to Professor Gilbert Murray for the memoir of Mr. Hunter's life which he has so kindly written. The war being over, many of Mr. Hunter’s friends felt that his book should be published. An English translation of Aeneas did, it is true, appear last year in the Loeb Classical Library, but its scope is much more restricted than that of the exhaustive ‘treatise which Mr. Hunter had orepared. The necessary revision of Mr. Hunter’s manuscript has been carried out by Mr. 5. A. Handford, lecturer in classics at King’s College, London, with such assistance as I have been

able to

give after many years’ divorce from the study of the classics ; the only matter in which I can, I think, fairly claim to have been of assistance is in the interpretation of some of the

cunning devices described in Chapter XVII.

I wishto express

my gratitude to Mr. Handford for his careful and scholarly work, and I only regret that the obvious desirability of presenting the work in the simplest form has rendered it impossible to indicate the many suggestions and improvements which he

has made. Many other friends have helped me: in particular I should thank Professor Murray for many suggestions; Mr. H. T. Wade-Gery of Wadham College for helping in the revision of the first part of the introduction; Mrs. Hunter, Professor Murray, the Warden and Fellows of New College, and the Warden and Fellows of Winchester College for financial assistance; and the delegates of the Clarendon Press for publishing the work at their expense. Fune, 1924.

G

[My work in connexion with this edition

E. FAWCUS.

ıas mainly con-

sisted in—

(i) The

revision

of the text in the light of Richard

Schoene’s. edition, which was not Mr. Hunter started on his work;

available

when

|

PREFACE (ii) The verification tions.

vii

of statements, references, and quota-

Ina number of passages I have been led view from Mr. Hunter’s, and consequently alterations, often in the introduction and as in the text, translation, and commentary. apparatus criticus (which in its present

to take a different have had to make appendices as well In particular the form is based on

Schoene’s), most of the commentary on c. xviii, and Appendix II, have been rewritten.

Ihave

introduction and commentary.

also added

an

index to the

(A complete inder verborum

will be found !.. Schoene’s edition.)

‘

I wish to express my thanks for the help I have had from Mr. Fawcus in the interpretation of several difficult passages,

and for the courtesy and care with which my wishes have been attended to during the passage of the book through the press.

S. A. HANDFORD.]

CONTENTS PAGE MEMOIR

OF

LESLIE

PREFACE

.

.

HUNTER :

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

,

.

.

.

N v

INTRODUCTION Part

I,

Historical

Part II, SELECT

SIGLA TEXT

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

.

, .

.

. ᾿

.

.

.

.

. XXXVI

.

.

.

ix

. Ixxxtil

.

AND

TRANSLATION.

I

.

.

,

.

,

.

.

.

102

.

,

.

.

.

240

The Text of Aeneas and Stichometry

.

»

8

251

.

.

259

APPENDICES

II.

.

Text, Language, and Style.

COMMENTARY I.

.

.

2

.

Julius Africanus .

.

.

.

. .

.

.

.

.

INTRODUCTION PART

I,

HISTORICAL

$r. SOME time in the year 367 B.c. Aeneas of Stymphalus, general of the Arcadian league, thought the political situation in Sicyon was intolerable:

he marched his troops into that city, held

ἃ council of the principal citizens, and proceeded to recall from exile those who had been driven out under the tyranny of Euphron and the Theban harmost : Xen. Zell. vi. iii. I σχεδὸν δὲ περὶ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Αἰνέας Στυμφάλιος, στρατηγὸς τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων γεγενημένος, νομίσας οὐκ ἀνεκτῶς ἔχειν τὰ ἐν τῷ Σικυῶνι, ἀναβὰς σὺν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ στρατεύματι εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν συγκαλεῖ τῶν Σικυωνίων τῶν τε ἔνδον ὄντων τοὺς κρατίστους καὶ τοὺς dvev δόγματος ἐκπεπτωκότας μετεπέμπετο. Isaac Casaubon, who published the εὐ ο princeps of the military writer called ‘Aeneas Tacticus’ as a supplement to his Polybius in 1609, saw reason to identify the Aeneas mentioned above with the author of this treatise. His opinion, though it formerly met with general acceptance, has of recent years been questioned by certain scholars, among whom are the author of the article on Aeneas in vol, 1 of Pauly-Wissowa’s Realencyclopddie, and Prof. T. Hudson-Williams, of University College, Bangor;* and Richard Schoene, in his edition (Teubner press, 1911), is content to refer

to the author

in his preface as ‘ Aeneas,

incertae aetatis

ignotaeque nobis patriae scriptor militaris ’.* As it is the main object of this discussion to show reason for thinking that Aeneas is not a writer either ‘of uncertain age’ or ‘of unknown provenance’,

ascription

it seems

to

state

necessary

the

reasons

for

adherents

for their

of the

traditional

belief in some detail.

' E, Schwartz, 2 ‘The Authorship of the Greek military Manual attributed to ‘‘Aeneas Tacticus ”,’ American Journal of Philology, vol, xxv (1904), pp. 390-405. 3. p. xii. He qualifies this in an article in RAéginisches Musetem, Ixvii, p. 303:

‘id non ita acceptum velim, quasi dubitem quarto eum a. Chr, saeculo adscribere : non dubito nisi de aetate eius accuratius definienda,’

Χ

INTRODUCTION

It must be admitted at once that there is no positive proof either way : but it seems to me that the identification rests on such a chain of probabilities as to This view is put forward in Arnold Hug’s Aeneas von Stymphaios, and it seems but poor such an accumulation of evidence ex frobabili forward with the remark that it is safer to

of the two persons be almost certain. admirable treatise policy to put aside as he has brought preserve an open

mind.?

§ 2. Authors

name,

(a) Internal evidence.

At the beginning

of the text, M (Codex Laurent. LV. 4), the only MS. of prime authority, has the superscription AlAtavod τακτικὸν ὑπόμνημα περὶ τοῦ πῶς χρὴ πολιορκουμένους ἀντέχειν. That is to say, the book 15 apparently ascribed to Aelian. This, however, must be a mere mistake of copying, arising from the fact that in the corpus ret milttaris aucforum, which has preserved to us this treatise, it happens to come directly after Aelian’s τακτικὴ θεωρία. At the end a scribe, who knows better, has written Aivelov

πολιορκητικά"

ἢ ΔΑἰλιαγοῦ καθὼς ἡ ἀρχή.

The MS. used by Casaubon,* which is a copy of M, combines the two titles and writes Αἰνείου ἢ Αἰλιανοῦ τακτικόν τε καὶ πολιορκητικὸν ὑπόμνημα περὶ τοῦ πῶς χρὴ πολιορκουμένων (-ον Cas.) ἀντέχειν. Haase’s restoration of AINEIA2, in the desperately corrupt passage in xxxi. 18, leaves no reasonable room for doubt that Aeneas was the author's name, even if we had no external evidence.

(ὁ) External evidence.

As it is, we have the direct testimony (1) of

Polybius, x. 44. 1 :*

Αἰνείας δὲ βουληθεὶς διορθώσασθαι τὴν τοιαύτην ἀπορίαν, ὃ τὰ περὶ τῶν στρατηγικῶν ὑπομνήματα συντεταγμένος, βραχὺ μέν τι 1 Zürich, 1877. troduction

It is to be wished

to the subject

had been

that this sympathetic and scholarly in-

followed

by a more

satisfactory treatment

of the text. Unfortunately Hug’s edition (based in the main on Hercher) is a melancholy example of the reckless treatment to which classical authors were subjected by a certain school of German criticism.

§ This is Prof. Hudson-Williams's conclusion.

He is undoubtedly right in

pointing out that Casaubon ascribed the treatise to Aeneas on grounds which would be to modern thinking insufficient; for the name Aeneas in the title rests on poor authority, and the manual may have originally been anonymous, though

he gives no satisfactory account of how in that case it came to be ascribed to Aeneas at ali. But to say this is not enough to impugn the justice of Casaubon’s opinion in view of later additions to our knowledge.

emendation

Surely Haase’s brilliant

‘AINEIAZ’ in xxxi, 18 is conclusive as far as the mere name

of

the author is concerned: and Hug's arguments are almost equally conclusive, from the historical point of view, in favour of an identification of the author

Aeneas with Aeneas of Stymphalus, ® Cod. Par, Gr. 2443 (C). 4 Cf. also Suidas, s. v. Αἰνείας : Οὗτος ἔγραψε wept πυρσῶν, ὥς φησι Ἰτιολύβιος, καὶ περὶ στρατηγημάτων ὑπόμνημα,

HISTORICAL τροεβίβασε, τοῦ ye μὴν

ἀπελείφθη.

δέοντος ἀκμὴν

πάμπολν

xi τὸ κατὰ

τὴν ἐπίνοιαν

(Here follows a criticism of Aeneas’s remarks on πυρσοί,

not in the present treatise.) () of Aelian, Zac. 1. 2:

καὶ περὶ τῆς καθ “ Ομήρον τακτικῆς ἐνετύχομεν συγγραφεῦσι Στρατοκλεῖ καὶ Ἑρμεΐᾳ καὶ Dpövruvı τῷ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀνδρὶὑὑπατικῷ, ἐξειργάσαντο δὲ τὴν θεωρίαν Αἰνείας τε διὰ πλειόνων ὁ καὶ στρατηγικὰ βιβλία ἱκανὰ συνταξάμενος, ὧν ἐπιτομὴν

ὁ Θετταλὸς

Κινέας

ἐποίησε,

Πύρρος τε 6 Ἤπειρώτης τακτικὰ συνέταξε καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ τούτου υἱὸς καὶ Κλέαρχος.

For Cineas’s epitome cf. Cic. Epp. dd Fam. ix. 25. 1 (ad Paetum): ‘Summum me ducem litterae tuae reddiderunt : plane nesciebam te tam peritum esse rei militaris. Pyrrhi te libros et Craeae video lectitasse.’ From this it seems probable that the handbooks which Aeneas

compiled were among the first treatises on the art of war, that they were still of sufficient technical value to be read and epitomized in Pyrrhus’s day (Cineas, the friend and general of Pyrrhus, was sent as ambassador to Rome in Olympiad 125. 2 (279 B.c.)), and studied by Roman generals of a literary turn down to the end of the Republic. (3) of Johannes Lydus (De magistratibus, i. 47), who mentions an Aeneas as a writer on woAtopxytixd.' § 3. Date” Though the external evidence quoted does not bring us even as far back as 300 B.c., the book itself gives us evidence which enables us to fix the date of its appearance as nearly as we

could wish.

On the one hand the following passage from xxxi. 24

must have been written before 346 Β. C.: μαρτύριον δὲ ὅτι τὰ εἰσπεμπόμενα μετὰ ἐπιβουλῆς χαλεπὸν φυλάξαι, οἱ γοῦν περὶ Ἴλιον ἄνθρωποι. καὶ ἐκ τοσούτου 1 χρόνου καὶ οὕτω διατετα[γ μένοι οὕπω δύνανται φυλάξαι μὴ εἰσελθεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰς Λοκρίδας" KaiTol τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ἡ σπουδὴ καὶ ἡ φυλακή. ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγοι, προσέχοντες τῷ λαθεῖν,

λανθάνουσιν ἀν᾽ ἔτῃ πολλὰ εἰσάγοντες σώματα. This can refer to nothing else but the custom of sending yearly two Locrian virgins to Ilium, decreed by an oracle as the penalty for Ajax’s rape of Cassandra. From Tzetzes, on Lycophron 1141, we learn that this was discontinued at the conclusion of the Phocian War in 346 B.c. Incidentally the absence of any mention of ! I am indebted to the Loeb edition for this reference.

ISA

edition of Aeneas

[S. A. H.]

in the Loeb Classical library, Introd. pp. 5-6.

xii

INTRODUCTION

Philip would in itself suggest an earlier date than 346 for the composition of the treatise. On the other hand we can bring down the derminus ex guo to 360 B.c., if not later. A reference to page xxxvi [οἱ], will show that the number of historical examples which can be dated later than 380 B.c. is comparatively very large, and it is natural to suppose that a writer on military science for his own generation will as far as possible give his instances from warfare as carried on under existing conditions. The oligarchical conspiracy at Corcyra (xi. 13-15 ; cf. Diod. xv. 95. 3) took place in 361; and the taking of Ilium by Charidemus (xxiv. 3, see note ad /os.) should probably be dated 360. Moreover, if the suggestions on page 114 are accepted, we have a reference to the recapture of Euboea by Athens in 358-7 (iv. 1}; but this cannot be taken as proved, It

is true that Leucon,

who was king of the Cimmerian

Bosporus

for forty years beginning from 393,’ is mentioned in the imperfect tense in ν, 2 (Λεύκων... ἀπομίσθους ἐποίει): but it would be as unsafe to argue from this that he was not living when the book was written as it is to accept Hug’s argument that a date after 358-357 is impossible for its publication because no knowledge is shown of Xenophon’s eélenica, which was completed by that date. On the whole, it seems probable that the book was published in its

complete

form

some

time

between

360

and

356:

but

it is

worth while remembering that a ὑπόμνημα of this sort might be continually increased by the author’s observations and experiences on active service; and to this we perhaps owe some of the most interesting and detailed descriptions. The whole work, of which the πολιορκητικὸν ὑπόμνημα was apparently only one section, doubtless took many years to compile, and would probably be given to the world only at the close of the author’s active career, when he had

leisure to put his material into shape. § 4. Scape of Aeneas’s work. That Aeneas contemplated, if he did not complete, a comprehensive study of the art of war, is as clear from his own references by the way to other βίβλοι on military subjects as from Aelian’s statement (ὁ καὶ στρατηγικὰ βιβλία ἱκανὰ

συνταξάμενος).

We can trace at least six other handbooks besides

our own treatise: i. A παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος (vil. 4, vill. 5, xl. 8), which dealt with 1 According to Diod. xiv, 93. τ (Beloch, Gr. Gesch.? iii. a, p. ga gives 387/86).

|

HISTORICAL

xiii

the preparations to be made for a campaign, or for resisting an enemy’s invasion. This was already written (cf. vil. 4 ἐν τῇ Παρασκ. βίβλῳ πλειόνως εἴρηται), and contained, amongst other things, an elaborate method of fire-signalling.’ i, A ποριστικὴ βίβλος (xiv. 2), which dealt with the financial aspect of warfare, a subject the claims of which were becoming yearly more insistent with the development of military skill and the growing employment of mercenary troops. We may compare Xenophon’s

treatise wept πόρων,

though

that deals with state finance in time

of peace and on a broader basis. This, too, was already written (doc. εἶ). ii. A στρατοπεδευτικὴ βίβλος, projected but not yet completed

when the πολιορκητικὴ βίβλος was written (xxi. 2).

This was to deal

with the actual conduct of a campaign, and to include such outpost duty, signalling, and prevention of panics ; though yet written, Aeneas makes considerable excerpts from his in hand (ὀλίγα δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ viv δηλώσομεν), which occupy XXVIi,

topics as it is not material cc. ΧΧΙ

iv. A βίβλος {xi. 2), the name of which has unfortunately been lost,’ dealing especially with the circumvention of treachery, a subject which eccupies a large part of the πολισορκητικὴ βίβλοςς

This book seems

to have been written before our treatise (/o¢. ci#.).

“

v. A βίβλος called ᾿Ακούσματα (xxxvii. 5), already written. This Casaubon supposed to consist of historical illustrations (see note ad loc): but Köchly and Rustéw* are more probably right in interpreting it as equivalent to παραινέσεις, addresses to troops on special occasions and especially before going into battle. "Ακουσμα, a ‘thing heard’, is found in Aristotle and the new comedy.‘ The importance attached

to this branch of a commander’s duties comes

out very clearly in Thucydides and Xenophon,® and it is typical of the theorizing spirit of the fourth century to devote a whole treatise to τ.

We may compare the δημηγορίαι προτρεπτικαὶ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἐκ

διαφόρων ἀφορμῶν λαμβάνουσαι τὰς ὑποθέσεις, probably the work of a Christian writer, which occupy some pages of our codex. ! Quoted in Polybius, x. 44. I Schoene suggests that it was called simply ἐπεβουλῶν βίβλος (p. 23 app. crit.). This might account for the omission of the name after αἱ émfovaAai in M. δ Grischische Krisgsschriftsteller, i. Intr., p. 5.

ὁ Menander (Kock, no, 285) ἀκούσματ᾽ εἷς τρυφήν τε παιδεύεσδθ᾽ del,

Diphilus

(Kock 122) μόνος γὰρ ἦν λέγων ἄκουσμα κἀκρόαμα, ᾿Ακρόαμα is used in a very similar way, and was a common term for a lecture in Hellenistic Greek.

© See e.g. Xen. Cyr. 111. iii, 44

ut. iii. 40; rv. i. ὦ; voii, 14.

xiv

INTRODUCTION

vi. From Ael. 7aef. iii. 4 (cf. ibid. 1, 2) it seems probable that a τακτικὴ βίβλος is also to be attributed to Aeneas.! Whether the expression in ΔΕ]. i. 2 ἐξειργάσαντο δὲ τὴν θεωρίαν (sc. τῆς τακτικῆς) Αἰνείας... ὁ καὶ στρατηγικὰ βιβλία ἱκανὰ συνταξάμενος Is intended to distinguish the Zactcs from the series of strategical manuals, we can hardly decide.

In addition Hug thinks (with Casaubon) that for the sake of completeness a treatise on the art of besieging cities (Pelagerungs-

kunst) should be added to the list. Though this is in itself not improbable, there is nothing to support it; and incidentally the treatise on ‘defence’ deals with almost every mode of attack known to the siegecraft of Aeneas’s day in Greece proper and Asia Minor. It

seems

probable,

however,

that

the

words

at the

end

of the

present treatise indicate that there was a separate work περὶ ναντικῆς τάξεως.

§ 5. The name ‘Aeneas’. The name Aeneas next demands some consideration. First there is the Trojan hero, connected with the

worship of Aphrodite.

In Thuc. iv, 119 it is the name of one of

the Corinthian generals. In Pindar, Of vi. 88 we find an Aeneas of Siymphalus acting as χοροδιδάσκαλος (see below, p. xxvii); in Xen. Anab. τν. vil. 13 an Aeneas of Stymphalus is one of the leaders of

the Arcadian contingent on the expedition of the 10,000; in Xen. Heil. vil. ii. 1 we have the Aeneas of Stymphalus (mentioned above) who took Sicyon; and in Pausanias vi. ii, 4 and VIII. x. 5 we are told that the father of Thrasybulus, the famous Iamid ἢ seer, was called Aeneas. It is noticeable that in each case the name belongs to a Peloponnesian, and in three cases to an inhabitant of Stymphalus in Arcadia? This shows that there was a Stymphalian

family of some military distinction, some of whose members were called Aeneas. | The evidence of inscriptions and coins as to the distribution of the name* is not of any great value ın this connexion, because 1 Ὅρον δὲ αὐτῆς (se. τῆς τακτικῆς, ἔθεντο Alveias μὲν ἐπιστήμην εἶναι πολεμικῶν κινήσεων κτλ.

3 Τῆς lamids are a Stymphalian family (Pind, Οἱ, vi. 84). Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. !lamos’, . ® The legends connecting Aeneas of Troy with Arcadia (Paus. vil. zii. 8-9;

Dion.

Hal. Ant. Rom.

1. xlix) are interesting

as representing

probably

attempts of local families of distinction te connect their origin with the travel saga of the great hero who bore a name familiar among them.

41 am greatly indebted collection of this evidence,

to Mr. H. T. Wade-Gery [5. A. Η.} |

for helping me

in the

HISTORICAL

it oceurs in many

ΧΝν

widely separated parts of the Greek world.

As far as it has been possible to collect them, the figures are as follows :— inseriptions,

Attica

11} (only one, apparently, before 400 B.C.)

-

7°

--

Ν W. Greece

-

Sicyon

—

Thessaly Argolis Arcadia

Corns.

3* (all from Apollonia}

4° (three fourth cent. wc.)

—

3° (one fourth cent. B.c.; one doubtful)

—

Laconica

1? (fourth cent, 3, c.)

-

Aegean islands

8%

—

Pontus Asia Minor, Cos, Rhodes Totals

— 41 (all from Rhodes ; one doubtful) 38

a‘

x? 14" (all except one from the mainland) 20

? Before archonship of Euclidea : 1. G. 1. 478 ((A)lvda) ; between archonship of Euclides and time of Augustus: Ditt.? 542, zo (third cent. Β. ς, Alvéas), and gir, Di 30 (106/5 B.c. Alvedas); 1.G. τι. i, 467 I. 128 (Pend of second cent, B.¢, Allys(eyias), 11. il. 2049 1. 55 (first cent. ».c. Alvjov), IL, iii. 2490 (Alvkov), and 3061 (Xoxppacia Αἰνέου Keia); imperial period: 1.G. 1, i, 1128 1.49 (second cent. A.D. 1974 (Alvdov),

Alveias), 1256 (Αἰνείας), and

1306 1. 51 (Αἰνείαν), 111. ii,

I Alva on three coins (references given by R. Münsterberg in Numismalische Zeitschrift (Vienna), xliv, p. 103 ; xlvii, p. 84), 3 1.G, rx, ii. 1109 1, 6 (Magnesia, second cent. 8. c. Alvias), 1064 (Mopsium in Pelasgiotis, first

cent.

B.c. Alvéa),

545

1. 10 (Larisa,

imperial

period,"Alvig

Alvéov), 27 1. 5 (Hypata, Alvéa), 517 1. 63 (Larisa, Pearly, Φείδουν Αἰνέαιος, in a list ) Kpavroivrio), 568 1, 36 (Larisa, Alstov), 1225 (Eurymenae in Magnesia, Αἰνείου),

* Inscribed Αἰνέας (Cat, of Gk. coms in Brit. Mus., p. 55). 8 1.G, rv. 764 1. 7 (Troezen, fourth cent. B.c. Alvéa), 1484 1. 101 (Epidaurus, fourth cent. B.c. Alvéas), 1485 1.47 (Epidaurus, fourth cent. 5.c, Αἰνέαε), and 1500 (Epidaurus, Alvéas), e1.G.v.ii.

between ?1.G, ® (ΑἸ in Index

61.

104 (Tegea, fourth

cent. ».c. Alvia), 358 1. 8 (in a treaty

Stymphalus and Lusi, Alvır(asy), and 3681.95 (Cletor, A(ivyelas). v. i. 703 (Sparta, early fourth cent, B.c. Alvn[n]as). νέας on handle of amphora from Thasos (see two references to L. Skorpil I of I, G, x11. viii. s.v. [Allveas); 1. G, xix. ix, 11 1,90 (Euboea, Alveias),

245 (seven times) and 549 (five times) (both from Euboea, third century 2. c. Alvéas, Alvéov); xu. v. 733 (Andros, second cent. a.p, Alrtov), and 781

(Andros, Αἰνείου) ; x11. iii. 1002 (on amphora from Thera, Αἰνέα Kvikov}; iii, supp. 1602 (Thera, Alvéas), * Alvı on coin from Panticapaeum

x11.

(ref. in Num, Zeit. xliv, p. 87).

0 1,G. xu, i. 764 1, 16 (Lindus, third cent. 2.c. Alvéas), 46 ll, 39, 377 (NeoMaras, first cent. B. c. (Aly das, Al(vé}a), 107 (twice: Neomaras, ? first cent. B.c. Αἰνέας͵ Alyéa), 88 (Rhodos, Αἰνέα).

2 One from Cog (Alvelas: ref, in Murs, Zeit. ziv, p. 61); six from Magnesia in Lydia (Αἰνείου, Αἰνίον : Cat. of Gk. comsin Brit. Mus., p. 152, and ref. in Num, Zeit. xiv, p. 77); three from Ephesus (Αἰνείας, Almmas, Alvias: ref. in Num, Zeit. xlv, p. 20); one from Antiochia in Caria (Alyéas: Cat, of Ge. cms in Brit. Mus., p. 14); two from Laodicea in Phrygia (Αἰνήας, Αἰνείας :

Cat. of Gk, coins in Brit. Mus., pp. 289, 305); Caria (Aivéas : Nuon, Zeit. xlv, p. 206).

and one from Stratonicea in

Xvi

INTRODUCTION

These figures cannot be said to prove very much:

the places are

too scattered! and much of the evidence too late.

It is, however,

worth noting that Stymphalus is represented by one out of the three Arcadian inscriptions, and that some of the Peloponnesian inscriptions are the earliest of any on which the name occurs. It shows at any rate that the name was not uncommon in the Peloponnese in the fourth century B. c. | § 6. Objections to ıdentification with Aeneas of Stymphalus.

Perhaps this will be the most convenient place to deal with the arguments that Aeneas did ποῦ come from Arcadia, which have been

set forth by A. C. Lange." (i) In xxvii. 1 we read: τοὺς δὲ περὶ πόλιν ἢ στρατόπεδα ἐξαΐῴνης θορύβους καὶ φόβους γενομέvous νυκτὸς ἢ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν, ἅπερ ὑπό τινων καλεῖται πάνεια (ἔστιν δὲ τὸ ὄνομα ἸΤελοπονζ(ν)ήσιον καὶ μάλιστα ᾿Αρκαδικόν), ταῦτ᾽ οὖν τινες κελεύουσι, καταπαύειν θέλοντες αὐτά, κτλ. Lange’s explanation is that the words ἔστιν. . . ᾿Αρκαδικόν are an adscript which has crept into the text: the explanation ἅπερ ὑπό τινων

καλεῖται πάνεια indicates that Aeneas did not know the real origin of the word, and he would not have referred to his countrymen as τινές :

therefore Aeneas was not an Arcadian. This argument depends upon a gratuitous alteration of the text, and seems to me altogether worthless: indeed the text as

it stands actually gives some support to the view that Aeneas was an Arcadian.

(ii) The importance of the references to a fleet is said to indicate that the author's home was a coast town. To this we may reply that Aeneas, wherever he came from, had

evidently ‘seen the cities of many men and learnt their thoughts’: and would know, therefore, that no treatise written for Greeks would

be complete without some reference to the part played by the sea in warfare. It is disappointing that the treatise should break off at the words ναυτικοῦ δὲ στρατεύματος δύο εἰσὶ στόλοι: but the references to the sea are, as we shall see, of especial interest, and as a matter of

fact go some way towards indicating that the author was Aeneas of

Stymphalus. 1 It is curious that Asia Minor is the only district from which we have doth inscriptions and coins bearing the name ; in every other case we have one and not the other.

2 Ds Aeneae commentario poborcetico, pp. 7-22.

HISTORICAL

XVil

(il) It is claimed that his choice of historical illustrations indicates that Aeneas was not an Arcadian. The references to places may be divided into four classes :—

(a) Northern Greece, Thrace, and the Aegean islands (δ) The Peloponnese

.

13 .

(ὦ Africa, Asia, the Hellespont, and the Asiatic islands (4) Sicily . . . . . .

6

19 I

Among these there is no mention of Arcadia, and in xviii. 8 the expression περὶ ᾿Αχαΐαν ἐν πόλει might seem to suggest that Aeneas was not sufficiently acquainted with the district to know the name of the town.” But a man of wide reading as well as of wide experience in military matters presumably chooses the best examples that lie within his knowledge to illustrate his theories: and the Peloponnese is comparatively unproductive of notable military exploits, Arcadia being a particularly unpromising field. Arcadian soldiers, like the Swiss in modern times, generally sought employment

abroad

as

mercenaries;

scope for their talents.

home

Again,

life did

there may

ἃ man does not tell a story:

not

offer

sufficient

be three reasons

he may not know

why

it, it may not

be worth telling, or he may have reasons for not telling it. To assume that silence always means ignorance is very dangerous: there may have been very good motives for Aeneas’s omitting to give details of occurrences

where all names experience; while 8-11 shows such to make it in the

at or near home:

in one

case at least,

are omitted,’ it is very natural to see a personal the account of the incident περὶ ᾿Αχαΐαν in xviii. a close acquaintance with the smallest details as last degree improbable that the name of the town

was unknown to the author.

The only other attempt to provide a home for Aeneas seems to be that of Sauppe,* who arbitrarily fixes on the Black Sea, quoting the number of instances taken from the Pontic district and the accuracy of detail in their narration. But this is unconvincing: a soldier can have an accurate knowledge of a district in which he has seen long service, wherever his home

may

be;

captain

and, would

as

Hug

probably

points have

far

1 Περὶ ᾿Αχαΐαν is a strange expression

out,

an

greater

Arcadian opportunities,

for ‘in Achaea’.

b

through

It ought to mean ‘in

the district” or ‘on the edge of Achaea’. The reference may perhaps Aeneas had reasons for not specifying it more precisely. Ὁ xxix. 3-10. * See bibliography.

2860

mercenary

be to Sicyon:

xviii

INTRODUCTION

service and travel, of obtaining detailed information about these districts than a native of the Euxine would have of becoming

acquainted with the history, military or constitutional, of mainland Greece. of

the

If an Aeneas of Stymphalus 10,000,

there

is no

reason

took part in the expedition why

another

member

of

the

family should not in the exercise of his profession have found opportunity of acquainting himself even, say, with the situation of the public buildings in Chios.’ Incidentally, it is not necessary to assume that the detailed account necessarily implies autopsy: Aeneas may very well have taken it from some written source now lost, the incident being otherwise unknown to us. But taking Sauppe on his own ground, it is just as likely that an Arcadian would have been to Chios as an inhabitant of the Black Sea coast,

$ 7. Alistorical background, It now remains to see whether the book itself offers any positive information about its author. At first sight there appears to be nothing. Aeneas writes in a curiously impersonal way, if we compare the style with that of his contemporary Xenophon in the Mag. Ἐφ. or the De re eg.: the author intrudes as little as possible, and prefers for the most part not to

address his readers directly.”

The style is generally speaking such

as may be expected in a technical manual, though in the narrative passages a livelier tone is assumed. Buta careful reading discovers here and there passages which give a certain amount of information about the writer. Since no reading for this purpose can be called

careful which does not continually keep in view the historical background against which the book was written, as far as we can ascertain it, a few remarks on events in Greece and especially in the Peloponnese from 370 to 350 B.C. are necessary.

The chief interest of the history of this period, for the most part melancholy reading, is the appearance of Arcadia as an independent

factor in Hellenic politics.

Such a development was not possible

as long as Sparta stretched an all-controlling hand over the rest of the Peloponnese. But the balance of power between the two yoke-fellows, Athens and Sparta, which Athenian statesmen hoped they had restored by the peace of Sparta in 371, was rudely

disturbed on the 5th of Hecatombaeon in the same year by the overCh xi. 8.

_ * Whether the passages where the second person occurs frequently (e. g. In δ. Xvi} are to be rejected (with Hug), will be discussed later.

HISTORICAL

xix

whelming victory of Thebes at Leuctra. Sparta was temporarily helpless, and her enemies in the Peloponnese were quick to seize their opportunity. The results were for the moment appalling. The pent-up bitterness of years of party hatred broke loose when the oligarchical pressure was removed, and utter anarchy prevailed.’ Most horrible of all were the massacres at Argos, which went by the name of the σκυταλισμός, in 370, when an aristocratic conspiracy was discovered and over 1,200 of the wealthier citizens were put to death by the infuriated mob.* Athens, which exercised no real influence in the Peloponnese, was powerless to check the turn events had taken, as was shown by the formation of the Arcadian League, under

the leadership of Mantineia, in the same year ;* for

it was obvious that the Thebans, in whom Athens saw a dangerous menace to her newly recovered suzerainty in the Aegean, would welcome with open arms any organization likely to secure them a base for operations in the Peloponnese and complete the overthrow of the Spartan power. It is from the point of view of the Arcadians, however,

that we

are mainly concerned with the new development. Naturally enough, it found its base in Mantineia, since 420 the rallying-point of antiSpartan

feeling.

Her

citizens

had

been

compelled

by

Agesipolis,

soon after the peace of Antalcidas,‘ to raze their walls, and return to the life of primitive village communities, but now saw their opportunity, ds ἤδη αὐτόνομοι παντάπασιν ὄντες (by the terms

of the

Peace of Sparta)’ to rebuild their walls and become once more ἃ πόλις. Agesilaus’ attempts at negotiation were treated with scorn, and the work of fortification, supported by other Arcadian towns and Elis, proceeded with vigour. A revolt of the democrats in Tegea, Sparta’s firmest ally in Arcadia since the sixties of the fifth century, had meanwhile been unsuccessful ; but a second attempt, backed by Mantineia, resulted in the flight of Stasippus, the oligarchical leader, and eight hundred of his adherents to the protection of Sparta. The Spartans, now really roused, sent an expedition under Agesilaus to chastise the Mantineians, though it was already late autumn. Athens naturally enough refused the Arcadians assistance; the 1 For a moving description of the Peloponnese damsus, 5 64 ff. (Cf. Diodorus, xv. 40.)

3 Diod. xv. 57-8; 4 Xen. Heil. v. ii. Beloch, Gr. Gesch. 5 Xen. Hell. vi. v.

cf. Aen. xi. 7. 3H. ; Isoc, Paneg., i . a, p. 231. 3 (date, 370).

§ 126.

b2

at this time see Isoc. Archs-

® Xen. Hell, vi. v. 3 ff. The date was about 386: see

ΧΧ

INTRODUCTION

Thebans, no less naturally, were eager to help. two and

a half months’

campaign

in

The result was the

mid-winter

which

produced

such an enormous sensation in the rest of Greece.’ Athens in reply made a not very effectual demonstration πανδημεί under Iphicrates in north-east Arcadia," So far the Arcadian forces had acted merely as allies of the Thebans; but after the spring of 369, when nothing of great importance occurred, they assume a more independent attitude. Their policy is dominated by Lycomedes of Mantineia, a man γένει re οὐδενὸς ἐνδεὴς χρήμασί τε προήκων

καὶ ἄλλως

φιλότιμος, who

had

no

doubt been responsible for raising the standard of revolt against Sparta in the preceding year. But Lycomedes, though he had won for the Thebans a present security from Sparta, was in no

mind to play into the hands of the conqueror.

His aim was to

found an independent Arcadian power in the land which belonged to his own people by right of birth... He pointed out that unless they asserted this independence they were likely only to exchange

a Spartan for a Theban dominion.

The Arcadians’ national pride

was flattered, and they placed themselves unreservedly in his hands.

The result was the definite constitution of an Arcadian federation and, probably, the foundation of the new federal capital, Megalopolis, in the same year.‘ .

' The details of this constitution, with its assembly

of 10,000,

its federal council and officials, and its standing army of 5,000 ἐπάριτοι, need not detain us here: a good and full discussion of the problems

of

Arcadian

history

at

this

period

may

be

found

in

Hermes, vol. xxxiv (1899), p. 520 sqq. (Niese). What is important for us is the confident independence with which the new federation at once begins to assert itself : 1 Xen. Hell. vi. v. 23-32. 7 Ibid. 40 to end. Notice Xenophon’s criticisms. 3 Ibid. vir. i, 23-4. The whole passage is worth quoting: ἐγγενόμενος δέ τις Λυκομήδης Mavtiveds, γένει re οὐδενὸς ἐνδεὴς χρήμασί re προηκὼν καὶ ἄλλως φιλότιμος, οὗτος ἐνέπλησε φρονήματος τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας, λέγων ws μόνοις μὲν αὐτοῖς πατρὶς Πελοπόννησος εἴη, μύνοι γὰρ αὐτόχθονες ἐν αὑτῇ οἰκοῖεν, πλεῖσταν δὲ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν φύλων τὸ ᾿Αρκαδικὺν εἴη καὶ σώματα ἐγκρατέστατα ἔχοι, καὶ ἀλκιμωτάτους δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀπεδείκννε, τεκμήρια παρεχόμενος ὡς ἐπικούρων dadre δεηθεῖέν τινες, οὐδένας ἠροῦντο dvr’ ᾿Αρκάδων, ἔτι δὲ οὔτε Λακεδαιμονίους πώποτε ἄνευ σφῶν

ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας οὔτε νῦν Θηβαίους ἐλθεῖν ἄνευ ᾿Αρκάδων εἰς Λακεδαίμονα,

ἐὰν

οὖν σωφρονῆτε, τοῦ ἀκολουθεῖν ὅποι ἄν τις παρακαλῇ φείσεσθε" ὡς πρύτερόν Te Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀκολουθοῦντες ἐκείνους ηὐξήσατε, νῦν δὲ ἂν Θηβαίοις εἰκῇ ἀκολουθῆτε καὶ μὴ κατὰ μέρος ἡγεῖσθαι ἀξιῶτε, ἴσως τάχα Tourovs ἀλλους Λακεδαιμονίους εὑρήσετε. ol

μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρκάδες ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες ἀνεφυσῶντό τε καὶ ὑπερεφίλουν τὸν Λυκυμήδην καὶ μόνον ἄνδρα ἡγοῦντο"

ὥστε ἄρχοντας ἔταττον οὔστινας ἐκεῖνος κελεύοι.

4 See Beloch, Gr. Gesch.? iii. 2, P. 170.

HISTORICAL

xxi

Ὅπου δὲ βουληθεῖεν ἐξελθεῖν, says Xenophon, οὐ νύξ, οὔ χειμών, οὐ μῆκος ὁδοῦ, οὐκ ὄρη δύσβατα ἀπεκώλυεν αὐτούς ὦστε ἔν γε ἐκείνω τῷ vw πολὺ worro κράτιστοι εἶναι. And he adds: οἱ μὲν δὴ Θηβαῖοι διὰ ταῦτα ὑποφθόνως καὶ οὐκέτι φιλικῶς εἶχον πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας,

Theban suspicions of the new nation she had herself helped to create were only momentarily relieved by the result of the ‘tearless battle’ of 368,” when Archidamus gained a runaway victory in Parrhasia over Arcadians and Argives. In the same year dissension arose between Pelopidas and Antiochos 5 παγκρατιαστής, the Arcadian ambassador to the Persian court, where the athlete’s valour

got the better of his diplomacy.

Matters came to an open rupture

between Thebes and Arcadia in the Panhellenic assembly convened to hear the result of this embassy, when Lycomedes and the Arcadian deputation left in disgust at being asked to swear their oaths of alliance to the king at Thebes. At the beginning of the next year Thebes took action: Epaminondas was dispatched again to the Peloponnese, but this time to Achaea, and to strengthen Theban interests against Arcadia rather than against Sparta.‘ He was apparently well received by the aristocrats, and contented himself with taking pledges from the different communities that they would

follow

the

lead

of Thebes

if necessary,

The

Arcadians,

however, grumbled that this was no better than leaving Achaea to the mercies of Sparta, and finally the Thebans were induced to send out harmosts and establish democracies throughout Achaea, a step

taken of course in the interests of Arcadia.

But the experiment

met with little success. The expelled upper class combined and brought their united strength to bear upon each city in turn: these were too weak to resist, and the conquerors naturally now initiated a strong philo-Spartan policy in Achaea. Thus the Arcadians, with enemies on both sides, found themselves in serious

embarrassment.® It is now that Sicyon appears on the scene, to play for the next year or two a part of quite peculiar interest. -"Ey δὲ τῷ Σικυῶνι, says Xenophon,*

ἦν.

τὸ

μὲν

μέχρι

τούτου

κατὰ

τοὺς

As a matter of fact the democratic

ἄρχαίους

νόμους

n πολιτεία

party had already made an

unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the Spartan régime:" and in 369 the city was in the hands of Thebes. What exactly happened we 1 Xen. Hell, vu, i. 25-6, 8 Xen. Heil. vi. i. 38. 5 Ibid. 41-3. * Diod. xv. 40.4.

2. Ibid. 30-2, 4 Ibid. 41.

5 Ibid, 44. He dates this attempt in 375.

Diod, xv, 7a, 3-4-

xxi

INTRODUCTION

do not know: but it is clear from Polyaenus! that the harbour was taken by Pammenes, and from Diodorus? and Pausanias* that the city changed masters. Xenophon,‘ simply says, οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι... εὐθὺς. . . προσέβαλον πρὸς Σικνῶνα καὶ Πελλήνην, which would be

But though

somewhat misleading if we had no other information.’

a Theban harmost was put in,® the constitution apparently remained unchanged. The most prominent citizen in Sicyon was Euphron, who had formerly been a staunch supporter of the Spartan rule, but

now saw fit for his own ends to turn with the tide.

He represented

to the Arcadians and Argives the danger of allowing the existing constitution to continue when the wealthy oligarchs were securing such a strong position in the cities of Achaea, and asked for their

assistance in an attempt to establish a democracy.

They, nothing

loth, sent a force to support him; whereupon he convened the people in the market-place and proclaimed a πολιτεία ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις καὶ ὁμοίοις. He was of course rewarded by being chosen στρατηγός : he then proceeded to appoint his son Adeas commander of the

mercenary troops, and after this indispensable preliminary made himself tyrant. There followed the usual banishment of prominent citizens and removal of obnoxious colleagues ; and the allies’ complaisance was secured by bribery and the co-operation of his valuable army. The Theban harmost also was apparently conciliated, since

we find them operating together against Phlius (Euphron with 2,000 mercenaries) in 367.° The

same

year,

however,

the

Arcadians,

or rather

Lycomedes,

chose ἃ στρατηγός who refused to tolerate any longer this shameless bargain. Aeneas of Stymphalus saw that Arcadia was deserting her duty as champion of democracy in the Peloponnese and ‘went up with his army into the acropolis’ of Sicyon. Xenophon does not mention any fighting: probably Euphron had anticipated no danger from this quarter. But the exiles were recalled and the tyrant had to flee for his life’?

The

harbour,

however

still remained

in his

hands, and he lost no time in assuring the Spartans that it and he were both again at their service, with a tissue of lies which Xenophon

says ‘it was not quite clear how many people believed’.

In 366 the

Iv 16.3. 2 xv. 6g. 1. 3 1x, XV. 4. * Feil, vır. i. 18. * Cf., however, § 2a ἐκ δὲ τούτον ἐμβάλλουσιν of παρὰ ἸΔιονυσίου εἰς Σικνῶνα, These Sicilian cavalry were very useful to Sparta. & Xen. Fell, vu. ii. 11 ὁ ἐν τῷ Σικυῶνι ἄρχων Θηβαῖος.

Ὁ Ibid. i. 45. 18 Ibid. iii, 1-2.

* Ibid

44-6.

9 Ibid ji, zz.

HISTORICAL

xxiii

harbour was recaptured from Sparta by the townspeople and the Arcadians (very possibly Aeneas and his garrison). Aeneas’s attempts to restore harmony in Sicyon were unfortunately not successful. The aristocrats could not find their place in the new constitution, and Euphron took advantage of the feuds which followed to make an attempt at regaining his old position. Supported by mercenaries from Athens, and the common people, who again took his part against the oligarchs, he succeeded (probably in 364) in capturing the whole city except the acropolis, which was still garrisoned by the Theban

harmost ; but for a tyrant the fortress

was indispensable, and he went off to Thebes with a full purse, hoping to accomplish by diplomacy what he could not do by force. His opponents pursued him, and found him already in high favour with the Theban government; in desperation they entered the Cadmeia and actually assassinated him in the presence of magistrates and

assembled

council.'

The

sensation

was

immense, and

the trial that followed was one of the most famous of the day.” It is strange that after such an outrage upon public decency the murderers succeeded in securing an acquittal. The people of Sicyon, however, still loyal to their hero, not only honoured him with a public funeral, but revered him afterwards as

ἀρχηγέτης Of his city.

This need not surprise us: for Euphron had

not only freed the commons from the yoke of the oligarchs, but also

restored to Sicyon at least something of her former distinction. The same year (364) saw the end of Arcadia’s short-lived existence as a united power. The master spirit, Lycomedes, had been murdered*® by political opponents in 366, on his return from concluding an alliance between Arcadia and Athens; and the longstanding rivalry between Mantineia and Tegea broke out afresh on the question of the Olympian treasure, which the officials of the ten thousand had used for the payment of the national army. The Mantineians protested, the ten thousand ratified their protest, and the army was partially disbanded for lack of funds. The league split into two parties, one under the headship of Tegea, which still clung to alliance with Thebes; the other, led by Mantineia and jealous of Theban interference in the Peloponnese, sought help from Sparta and Athens. Both sides claimed to represent the Arcadian nation, 1 Xen. Hell, vit. iti. 5. ? Ar, Rhet. ii. 1397° 9. 4 Xen. Heil. vit. iv. 3 δαιμονιώτατα ἀποθνήσκει,

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

In 362 Epaminondas marched again into the Peloponnese, claiming that Mantineia and her allies had broken faith by making peace with Elis without consulting Thebes. It was in this campaign that the celebrated defence of Sparta mentioned by Aeneas took place." The ill success which attended the Thebans on this expedition provoked Epaminondas to force the battle at Mantineia, where Sparta’s pretensions to be still a power in Greece received their death-blow, but the death of Epaminondas prevented the following up of the Theban victory.

᾿Ακρισία

δὲ

καὶ ταραχὴ ἔτι πλείων

μετὰ

τὴν μάχην

ἐγένετο

ἢ πρόσθεν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, says Xenophon :? the next twenty are indeed the most melancholy in the history of Hellas.

years

At the battle of Mantineia the two factions of the Arcadian league had faced each other in the field: Mantineia and ‘those who cared for the Peloponnese’ by the side of the Spartans ;* Tegea, Megalo-

polis, and the smaller communities in their vicinity, who had no choice in the matter,’ with Epaminondas. They signed the general peace that was concluded after the battle, but no real attempt was made to restore the unity of the league. In fact the short-lived

national enthusiasm had wholly died away: for in the next year the communities which had been transported to form the new capital at Megalopolis petitioned to be allowed to return to their old homes, though they were forbidden by Pammenes to do so.° Arcadia again

disappears from Hellenic politics till 352, in which year Thebes intervened for the last time in the Peloponnese to protect Megalopolis from Spartan encroachment,’ and Demosthenes delivered speech for the Megalopolitans to the same effect.’ 88. Evidence

in the treatise as to the identity of the author.

his Re-

turning to our book, we must see whether it gives us any definite indications which will enable us to place it against the background we have sketched. ἀλλὰ

μὴν οὐδὲ

In xxix. 12 we find the words: τῶν κατὰ

θάλατταν

προσορμιζομένων

πλοίων

νυκτὸς

καὶ ἡμέρας οὔτε μεγάλων οὔτε μικρῶν (ἀλδιασκέπτως ἔχειν, ἔ ἀλλὰ éuPaivovtas τοὺς λιμενοφύλακάς τε καὶ ἀποστολέας ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀγώγιμα,

ἐνθυμουμένους μεγάλα

ὅτι

καὶ Σικνώνιοι

ἀμελήσαντες

τῶν τοιούτων

ἐσφάλησαν.

‘Bearing in mind that the Sicyonians for instance suffered a great disaster from neglect of these precautions.’ The context makes it 1 ἢ, 2,

3 Ibid. r. 9 Ibid. xvi. 39.

1 Hell, vil. Vv. “7.

# Ibid. 5. B Diod. xv. 94. T Dem, Or, xvi “Ὑπὲρ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν,

HISTORICAL

XXV

crear that the event referred to is the capture of the harbour of Sicyon by Pammenes the Theban, related in Polyaen. v. 16. 3: Παμμένης μετὰ Θηβαίων κρατῆσαι βονλόμενος τοῦ Σικνωνίων λιμένος αὐτὸς μὲν

κατὰ γῆν

παρεσκευάζετο

πληρώσας ὁπλιτῶν ἔπεμψεν. λιμένος" δείλης δὲ ἀπέβησαν

προσβαλεῖν,

ἀπὸ τοῦ πλοίου πρὸς ἀγορὰν ἐπιτηδείων ἥκοντες. τοῦ στρογγύλου

ἀποβάντες

πλοῖον

δὲ στρογγύλον

οἱ δὲ πλεύσαντες προσέσχον πρὸ τοῦ αὐτῶν ὀλίγοι γυμνοὶ ὡς ἐμπορικοί τινες οἱ

ὁπλῖται

μηδενὸς

. . ἐκ τοῦ πλοίον δὲ κωλύοντος

τὸν λιμένα

κατεσχον.

This happened in 369. of Stymphalus,

νομίσας

Two years later, as we have seen, Aeneas οὐκ

ἀνεκτῶς

ἔχειν

τὰ ἐν TO

Σικυῶνι, went

up

into the acropolis and occupied the city with an Arcadian garrison. This does not amount to anything like proof: but since Aeneas of Stymphalus was evidently in close touch with events at Sicyon during

the years immediately preceding 367, the occurrence in our book of an allusion to an event definitely known to have taken place at Sicyon in 369 does certainly give support to the view that the author was Aeneas of Stymphalus. It seems a bold step to found upon this one direct reference a theory that in writing the book the readers whom Aeneas had primarily in mind were the Sicyonians: but further examination tends to show that this view suits peculiarly well the general tone of the book, A, Aeneas is legislating for an independent city community of some size and standing, though not of the largest dimensions : e.g. it is sufficiently well-to-do to maintain a mercenary force (c. xiii); it is a considerable centre for commerce, education,’ and religious observance (c. x); at the same time it is not too large to allow of a successful system of lamp-signalling by night radiating from a common centre (xxvi. 13), or of quick concentration in case

of attack (c. iti). 3. This community seems to be under a democratic constitution (cf. references to of ἄρχοντες passim); but that constitution is by no means on a firm basis, and every possible precaution has to be taken against treachery. On further examination the rich or the 1 x. 10 dudpour,.. κατὰ παίδευσιν... ἐπιδημοῦντας. It is worth noting in this connexion that the first school of drawing in Greece was established at Sicyon by Pamphilus, the master of Apelles ; thence the art spread over Greece: Pliny, N. H. xxxv, § 77 ‘huius (sc, Pamphili) auctoritate effectum est Sicyone primum, deinde in tota Graecia, ut pueri ingenui omnia ante graphicen, hoc est picturam in buxo, docerentur, recipereturque ars ea in primum gradum liberalium’, His date (390-350 Β, c.) is contemporary with our author's.

XXVI

INTRODUCTION

oligarchs are practically always found to be the suspected party. This exactly suits the condition of a city which a few years before had been a stable oligarchy. C. The references to tyrants (x. 11 and τό, xxii. 19) can be well accounted for by supposing the author to have in mind the notorious Euphron: tyrants were not uncommon in fourth-century Greece,!

but the tyrants of Sicyon were especially notable.’ D. There is a στρατηγός in command, single and autocratic,’ and evidently quite distinct from the ἄρχοντες, who seem to have no voice in the actual measures for defence. This admirably suits the position of Aeneas himself at Sicyon. E. Most important of all are the references to the sea, which exactly suit Sicyon. Aeneas’s πόλις is one which is not primarily a seaport, and does not depend

for its existence on its sea power ; at

the same time it has a harbour,‘ and the possibility of attack from the sea is never overlooked.

The writer is just about to discuss the

repulse of naval expeditions {c. xl) when the treatise breaks off. The accumulated force of these arguments is considerable ; nor is

there anything improbable in supposing that even when Aeneas’s official command

came

to an end

he stayed on at Sicyon,

either

at his own wish or at the request of the grateful inhabitants, to act as their chief military adviser and incidentally to employ his leisure

in the composition of his magnum opus, in somewhat the same way as Xenophon settled down at Skillus.’ ὃ 9. Further consideration of external evidence. Now that we have shown that there are very fair grounds for the identification of the two Aeneae, it is not without imterest to see what further information we can glean about Aeneas of Stymphalus and his family. We saw above that three different Aeneae of Stymphalus are

mentioned in literature.

Judging by the common practice of Greek

nomenclature, we may take it as very probable that these are related to each other. The first Aeneas 1s mentioned in Pindar, Οἱ, vi. 87 fl: 1 Cf. Ure, Zhe Origin of Tyranny, pp. 280 ff. 7 Cf. Strabo, 482. . 2 "OD στρατηγός, passim. Cf. esp. xxii, τὸν στρατηγὸν τὸν τοῦ ὅλου ἡγεμόνα, In other passages however (ς, g. xv. 2) orparnyol are spoken of. ‘e.g. x. 8 and ra;

xvi. 21:

xvii.

1; xxix.

12.

® Hug seems inclined to lay stress on the second century B, c, coins of Sicyon which bear Aivéas as the name of a magistrate (see p. xv). But in the present state of our knowledge this can hardly be regarded as more than

a coincidence.

HISTORICAL

XXVII

ὄτρυνον νῦν ἑταίρους, Αἰνέα, πρῶτον μὲν "Hpav παρθενίαν κελαδῆσαι, ... ἐσσὶ γὰρ ἄγγελος ὀρθός, ἠὐκόμων σκυτάλα Μοισᾶν, γλυκὺς κρατὴρ ἀγαφθέγκτων ἀοιδᾶν, The ode is addressed to Agesias, a citizen both of Stymphalus and of Syracuse, of the noble family of Iamidae, descendants of lamos, son of Apollo, famous as hereditary prophets, and hereditary diviners at the altar of Zeus at Olympia;’ its date is 476-468. Agesias’ victory at Olympia is to be celebrated by an ode to which Aeneas is to act as χοροδιδάσκαλος, bringing the chorus over from Stymphalus, Agesias’ birthplace, to perform at Syracuse. Aeneas and Agesias may very well have been kinsmen: cf. Xen. Az. tv. vii. 9 and 13, where Agasias and the second Aeneas, both of Stymphalus,

are mentioned as λοχαγοί of the Arcadian contingent of the ten thousand.

Aeneas

appears elsewhere as an Iamid name:

for the

father of Thrasybulus, the famous Iamid seer of Mantineia, was also

an Aeneas,” It is therefore a very natural assumption that the three Aeneae were all members of one distinguished Arcadian family, forming a branch of the famous Iamidae: and Hug’s suggestion that the prevalence

of the name

Aeneas

in Arcadia

is connected

with

the

Introduction of the Trojan hero into that neighbourhood has a good show of reason. Of the Arcadian general himself, the third Aeneas, we know nothing beyond the reference in the Me//enica and such information a5 we can glean from the treatise itself. This is unfortunately very little, as the author, in contrast to Xenophon, preserves a studiously impersonal attitude, though here and there a vivid and accurate harrative seems to betray the hand of an eyewitness. It shows us, however, an excellent picture of a fourth-century commander, on the whole a man of education, resource, and humanity: it also shows only too clearly the terrible weakness of the material with which he had to deal. $ı1o, The development of military science in Greece. To explain exactly what we mean by a ‘fourth-century commander’, we must recognize the two standpoints, theoretical and practical, which the I See Pauly-Wissowa,

s. v.

‘Iamos’, and Pans, 111. xi, 6; τν, xvi. 1; vi. ii. 5,

ἅς, The three seats of the family are Stymphalus, Olympia, and Croton. ? Paus. vi. ii, 4; VIII. x. 5,

δ Aeneas is reported to have wandered into Arcadia (esp. the neighbourhood of Orchomenus and Caphyae: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. xlix) and to have buried Anchises there. (Mt. Anchisia near Orchomenus: Paus. vit. xii. 8-9.)

xxvili

INTRODUCTION

author is at pains to combine in his work;

and a few words are

necessary to survey the progress of the theory of warfare before the composition of this treatise. Theorizing on the art of war was not unknown even before the end of the fifth century, and naturally owed its origin to the sophistic movement. The sophists, as they professed to teach everything else, also professed to teach generalship: and it was ın this form that warfare was first treated theoretically. From Xen. Mem. Wl, 1. 1 we learn that Dionysodorus came ἐπαγγελλόμενος στρατηγεῖν διδάξειν: and this passage is aptly illustrated by Plato, Euthydemus, 273 c, which shows that he chiefly busied himself with discussing ‘tactics’ τὠδε μέντοι τὼ ἄνδρε σοφώ, Εὐθύδημός τε καὶ Διονυσόδωρος, οὐ τὰ σμικρὰ

ἀλλὰ

τὰ

μεγάλα

(διδάσκετον)"

τὰ

γὰρ

περὶ

τὸν

πόλεμον

πάντα

ἐπίστασθον, ὅσα δεῖ τὸν μέλλοντα ἀγαθὸν στρατηγὸν ἔσεσθαι, τάς τε τάξεις

καὶ τὰς ἡγεμονίας τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις μάχεσθαι. Socrates, as was his wont, took these questions up and went into them more deeply, giving them a moral turn; compare Xen. Aem. 111. 1. 3: ὕλης γὰρ τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῷ,

μεγάλα

Ta TE

ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἀγαθὰ

vorTOS εἰκὸς γίγνεσθαι.

κινδύνοις

κατορθοῦντος

πῶς

αὐτοῦ

καὶ

ἐπιτρεπομένης τὰ

κακὰ

τῷ

διαμαρτά-

οὖν οὐκ ἂν δικαίως ὁ τοῦ μὲν μανθάνειν

τοῦτο ἀμελῶν, τοῦ δὲ αἱρεθῆναι ἐπιμελόμενος ξζημιοῖτο;

He goes on to give an ironical description of the ideal general: (§ 6) ἀλλὰ μὴν τοῦτό γε (sc. τὰ στρατηγίας. καὶ γὰρ παρασκευαστικὸν τηγὸν εἶναι χρή, καὶ ποριστικὸν τῶν μηχανικὸν καὶ ἐργαστικὸν καὶ ἐπιμελῇ "

τακτικα) πολλοστὸν μέρος ἐστὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν στραἐπιτηδείων τοῖς στρατιώταις, καὶ καὶ καρτερικὸν καὶ ἀγχίνουν, καὶ

φιλοφρονά τε καὶ ὦμόν, καὶ ἁπλοῦν Te καὶ ἐπίβουλον, καὶ φνλακτικόν τε f

fa

,

8

td

Ἄ

[

-

Ss

καὶ κλέπτην, καὶ προετικὸν καὶ ἅρπαγα

os

#

4

f

καὶ φιλόδωρον καὶ πλεονέκτην

f f καὶ ἀσφαλῇ καὶ ἐπιθετικόν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ * καὶ “ φύσει καὶἊΨ ἐπιστήμῃ δεῖited τὸν εὖ στρατηγήσοντα ἔχειν. καλὸν δὲ καὶ τὸ τακτικὸν εἶναι" πολὺ γὰρ Ἀν»,

baba

oh

f

Ἀ

¥

διαφέρει στράτευμα τεταγμένον ἀτάκτον, κτλ. The conversation between Socrates and Pericles in m1. v. is particularly interesting in this connexion. In $$ 2-4 we have a comparison of the Athenians

and

Boeotians as soldiers:

the Athenians

are said to be more united but to have lost their moral: ται ἡ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δόξα πρὸς τοὺς Bawrovs.

rerazreive-

The remedy (δὲ τς, 16)

is for them to rediscover τὰ τῶν προγόνων ἐπιτηδεύματα---πρεσ βντέρους αἰδεῖσθαι,

σωμασκεῖν,

πείθεσθαι τοῖς

ought to have a force

of young

ἄρχουσιν and

men

so on;

lightly armed

and

they

to guard the

HISTORICAL

frontier and annoy

ΧΧΙΧ

the Boeotians (§§ 25-8):

these are of course

the famous wepizroAct. Sections 22, 23 show, like the Authydemus passage, that the theory of war was not neglected: καὶ πολλὰ μὲν οἶμαί σε, Socrates says to Pericles, τῶν πατρῴων στρατηγημάτων παρειAngora διασῴζειν, πολλὰ δὲ πανταχόθεν συνηχέναε... οἶμαι δέ ve...

ζητεῖν τοὺς ἐπισταμένους ταῦτα. But it was the closing stages of the Peloponnesian war, with their more ambitious operations and the growth of the career of arms as a profession, that first brought before men’s notice the real meaning

of generalship, as opposed to the mere disposition and command of troops in battle.

It was no longer enough to be a distinguished

citizen or even a clever tactician: the general must live with and learn to know his troops, gain and keep their confidence, and show the real qualities of leadership. This the fifth-century commanders, perhaps from force of circumstances, had on the whole signally failed to do, with the brilliant exceptions of Phormio, Brasidas, and

Demosthenes, the first examples of the new type of non-politician professional soldier.'

Xenophon was the first man who set himself consciously to solving the problem, propounded by his master, of the ‘Compleat General’ on the lines of the Socratic teaching. His first answer, a noble one, was given in action on the expedition of the ten

thousand ; the second was ‘the perfect heroical poem’, as Sir Philip Sidney styled it, of the Cyroßaedia, wherein was embodied ‘effigies lusti imperii’. Its text is best given in his own words: “Apyovros γάρ ἐστιν οὐχ ἑαυτὸν μόνον ἀγαθὸν παρέχειν, ἀλλὰ δεῖ καὶ

τῶν ἀρχομένων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ὅπως ws βέλτιστοι ἔσονται,

a direct echo

of the

ideal guardian

in Plato’s Aepudlre.

This

delightful work, however, bore only too little relation to actual fourth-

century warfare, and though it contains numerous valuable suggestions, especially on the all-important subjects of training and discipline,® and insists on the importance of winning the affection of the troops by personal intercourse,* it does not wholly escape the reproach

of a German

critic

that

‘Der

praktische

Soldat

verfällt

sogar in antirealen Theoretismus’. The other two military treatises, the Περὶ immxfs, and more especially the ᾿Ἱππαρχικός," are definitely 1 Phormio and Demosthenes are the two men responsible for the greatest advances of the fifth century in naval and land warfare respectively.

2

i. rr.

ἐπ, iv. οἵ v. iii, 46, dc.

δ Some of the matter contained

8 Che. g. τιν i, 20 564.

ΝΞ

in this treatise is evidently Socratic : some

ΧΧΧ

INTRODUCTION

technical manuals, and as such of considerably greater value to the student of military history, while the Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτεία is an enthusiastic defence of the Spartan military system. But in all these works, true to the Socratic tradition, no attempt is made to conceal the author’s personality, humane, religious, and gentlemanly ; while we feel throughout the Πολιορκητικὴ βίβλος that the author is intentionally preserving an impersonal tone. One thing, however, is certain from the perusal both of Xenophon’s works and of our author’s own treatise: that the best generals of the fourth century realized to the full the great disadvantage of the citizen army system, the lack of discipline. Xenophon’s insistence on the value

of εὐταξία, Aeneas’s desperate expedients

to secure it

artificially while dispensing with the essentials which make its growth possible, show well enough the peculiar difficulties of the problem, which was indeed insoluble when once the fifth-century πόλις patriotism or rather πόλις religion, as preached by Pericles, was a thing of the past. The ordinary temper of the Athentan hoplite army even before the end of the Peloponnesian war is only too clear from the pages of Thucydides and Xenophon. Every soldier who took pride in his profession had by this time realized

the

hollowness

of Pericles’ paradoxical

boast,

καὶ

ἐν rats

παιδείαις οἱ μὲν ἐπιπόνῳ ἀσκήσει εὐθὺς νέοι ὄντες τὸ ἀνδρεῖον μετέρχονται, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνειμένως διαιτώμενοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον

ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰσοπαλεῖς κινδύνους

χωροῦμεν,; and recognized that the first necessity of warfare was to have a tool that would not break in the hand. We must do the fourth-century general this much justice, that though his ideals were usually of the lowest, his workmanship at least was cleaner than that of his predecessors. This was to be expected in view of the fact that he devoted his whole life to soldiering, in the pay now of one master now of another; and though he occastonally let international politics feel the force of his hand, he was generally content to use his profession simply as a profession, without venturing into the stormy bitterness of contemporary faction, We see the type at its best in Iphicrates, Without the attributes of the really great leader, without the desire or capability to propose a high ideal {Epaminondas is unique in that), he was undoubtedly a very clever points for instance are repeated from the conversation of Socrates and Pericles in the Memorabilia (see above),

1 e.g. Mag. Eq. i. 24. # Thue. ii. 39. 1; compare

the professions of the whole

chapter with the

behaviour, for instance, of Cleon’s army before Amphipolis, v. 6-11.

HISTORICAL

χχχὶ

and efficient commander. Following on the lines suggested by Demosthenes, he invented a new kind of light infantry, which in his hands did most effective execution: that his training was admirable we see no less from the mobility of his peltasts than from the accounts of his methods in Zell. vi. ii. 27 ff. and Polyaenus, iii. 9. 32; and he possessed to a remarkable degree those qualities of ready wit and fertility of petty invention which were the special admiration of the fourth-century Greek, and which Aeneas cannot conceal his delight in recording. His devices, which may seem primitive to us (e.g. Polyaen. iii. 9. 41, 42, 58, 59), were very successful in Greece ; and the hold he took on the imagination of his contemporaries and colleagues can be gauged from the quantity of anecdotes which are told of him.*

Fertile, humorous, careful of his

men, Iphicrates is decidedly an ornament of his age.* § 11. Interest of Aeneas’s subject-matier.

It is inevitable that after

contemplating the admirable theory of Xenophon and the admirable practice of Iphicrates a reading of Aeneas should at first cause us a feeling of keen disappointment. He seems as far behind the one in his philosophic outlook as he is behind the other in the knowledge of his profession, His methods seem cumbrous, his precautions niggling, his observations self-evident and trite; and in most essentials the science of war seems not to have progressed at all since the fifth century. But we must bear in mind two important considerations : first, that his immediate

horizon is narrow, and that

he is writing as it were down to his audience, the inhabitants of a Peloponnesian city-state, with a social economy that Athens had long ago rejected; and second, that with the exception of Sicily the Greek world was remarkably backward in the particular department of military science treated in this book. Till the advent of the Macedonians siege-practice in Greece proper had been practically at 1 "φικράτης ποικίλως ἐγύμναζε rods στρατιώτας μηχανώμενος ψενδοβοηθείας, ψενδενέ-

Bpas, ψευδοπροδοσίας, ψευδαντομολίας, ψευδεφόδους, ψευδυπανικά, ἵνα εἴ ποτε καὶ τοιοῦτόν τι γένοιτο, μηδαμῶς ἐκπλήσσοιντο. 2 As might be expected, not all of these are rightly assigned to Iphicrates: e.g. the incident

mentioned

in Polyaen. ut. ix. 4 (Aen. xxvii. 11) is really the

same as that described in Xen. Anab. τι, ii. 20 as occurring on the expedition of the 10,000. * It is at first sight curious that throughout the treatise we have no reference whatever to Epaminondas. But Epaminondas was a commander of an utterly different type: far more fitted to be a popular hero than to gain the admiration of the professional soldier. If we look at Polyaenus, ii. 3, we see that he

was not at all famous for στρατηγήματα : his singleness of purpose and heroic utterance are typical rather of the fifth century than of the fourth.

ΧΧΧΙΙ

INTRODUCTION

a standstill since the Peloponnesian war, largely, no doubt, because the chances of capturing a city by treachery were so frequent. It is therefore quite unfair to judge of the value of Aeneas’s contribution to military science simply by reference to this book. It must be confessed that though it is one of unique interest, its interest is not primarily military, but social and literary: social, as depicting the life of the ordinary city-state as it is nowhere else presented to us;

literary, as being the first extant work written by a non-Athenian for a non-Athenian public which chooses Attic Greek as its medtum of expression. The significance of this in considering the style will be discussed later, The treatise, then, was written by a fourth-century soldier who had to work for the most part with fifth-century material, but without

fifth-century ideals. It is in reality the final condemnatton of a system weighed in the balance and found wanting. Aeneas, like Xenophon and Iphicrates, recognizes the supreme value of organiza-

tion and discipline;'

but such is his position that he has to cut

away the ground from under his own feet. He cannot trust his own men for an instant: he has to set them as spies on one another ; to change their officers as often as possible; to change their posts on the walls from watch to watch ;* in fact to destroy all possibility of cohesion between the units of bis force. ‘The general and the general alone has to supply the driving power for the whole machine:

he can afford to leave nothing to the initiative and good faith of his subordinates.

Constant reference is made to the traitors (οἱ τἀναντία

φρονοῦντες, οἱ ἀντιπροθυμούμενοι, and so on), and the long digressions

dealing with the placing of the town under martial law, the forcing of bars and bolts, and the conveyance of secret letters,’ are no doubt prompted by the author’s own experience. Actual poliorcetics occupy only nine short chapters (xxxti-xl) at the end of the book: it is assumed that force will not be applied till fraud has failed. At the same time it is clear that Aeneas was no ordinary citizencommander,

but

a man

possessing

sagacity

and

a range

of

ex-

perience which could only be gained by a career of travel and adventure such as fell to the captains of the fourth century. If he was an Arcadian and an Aeneas of Stymphalus, it is very likely that

he had served

most

of his time

as

a mercenary soldier.

The

Arcadians had been among the first Greeks to turn to soldiering as ı Cf. esp. i. 6;

x. 20.

2c, xxil.

3 cc, x, xviii, xxxi.

HISTORICAL

xxxiii

a profession, and were more in request than any other mercenaries ;? they were also said to have been the first practical instructors in the art of war.

Stymphalus itself provided no less than three officers to

the Arcadian contingent of the Ten Thousand, Aeneas, Agasias, and the veteran Sophaenetus (ὁ πρεσβύτατος); and the last mentioned himself composed an ‘ Anabasis’, so that Aeneas was only following the example of his fellow-citizen in devoting his later years to literature. But his book tells us more than this. His sources of information show that he was not only well travelled, but well read ;

his style seems to indicate that he had received an education of an

Athenian type ; and several of his observations reveal a keen insight into human nature. Especially remarkable is the conciliatory tone which he wishes to adopt towards the πλούσιοι where practicable, for instance in regard to the provision of mercenaries (c. xiii) and the relief of debtors (c. xiv), though where they are suspected they must he rendered innocuous by the most stringent means (xi. ro-11); at another time advantage is taken of the fact that

they have ‘a large stake’ in the city.*

Excellent, too, is the advice

not to worry the troops unduly when there is no immediate danger (xxii. 26); while the methods recommended for dealing with a defeated

or disheartened

army (xxvi. 7~9)

are altogether admirable

and show real psychological insight.° The directions given for encouraging the troops during a fight (xxxviii. 4-5), with the remark ‘if you have to make an example of someone, take care it is a really good one’ make us regret that we have lost the ᾿Ακούσματα, where the art is expounded in detail. At the same time his humanity (like that of Augustus) has no illusions; he is 1 The references to Arcadian mercenaries are numerous. As early as the Persian wars αὐτόμολοι ἄνδρες ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίης offered themselves to Xerxes, βίου τε δεόμενοι καὶ ἐνεργοὶ βουλόμενοι εἶναι. On a stele from Xanthus in Lycia (430-420 B.c,: Hicks and Hill 56,1, 10) we read of ὀπλῦγαι ᾿Αρκάδες ἄνδρες. At the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Corinthian Aristeus has with him ‘other Peloponnesians’ (no doubt Arcadians) serving for pay at Potidaea (Thuc. i, 60. 1); later in the war we hear of ἐπίκουροι ᾿Αρκάδων at Notium in Tonia (iii. 34. 2-3) ; and in the Sicilian expedition Arcadians were serving with both sides (vii. 19. 4 and 57. 9). The last passage is very interesting in this

connexion:

among the allies of the Athenians are mentioned Μαντινῆς καὶ dA-

Aor ᾿Αρκάδων μισθοφόροι ἐπὶ robs αἰεὶ πολεμίους σφίσιν ἀποδεικνυμένου; ἱέναι εἰωθότες

καὶ τότε τοὺς μετὰ Κορινθίων ἐλθόντας ᾿Αρκάδας οὐδὲν ἧσσον διὰ κέρδος ἡγούμενοι πολεμίου».

3 Xen. Hell. vit. i. 23.

3 Athenaeus,

4 Τοὺς. «.. «τῶν μεγίστων μετέχοντας τῇ πόλει (xxii. 15).

5 Cf

the knowledge of human

iv, p. 154 d.

nature shown in c, ix.

8. EI δέ τινας δεῖ μετιέναι ἀμελοῦντας καὶ ἀκοσμοῦντας, τοὺς τὰ πλεῖστα κεκτημένους

καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει δυνάμεως μάλιστα μετέχοντας" εἴη γὰρ ἄν τι τοιοῦτο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις

παράδειγμα. 2259

ς

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION

hard-headed

though

not hard-hearted:

fugitives

must

be

hunted

down, even by bribing their companions, if this seems the most effective way (x. 17); and citizens who have given hostages are especially dangerous (x. 23-5): his reasons for not putting them in the fighting line throw a most disagreeable light on the practice of Greek warfare. Evidence of any belief in the higher powers is conspicuously absent. Xenophon’s piety is abundantly illustrated in every one of his works, and on a campaign he lays special stress on omens, ceremonies, and sacrifices! Aeneas regards religious ceremonies as nothing more than a special source of danger, and μάντεις as particularly troublesome people? At critical times festivals should be curtailed as much as possible, and only performed under the strictest

surveillance (x. 4).

His whole powers are concentrated on putting

the city in his charge in as good a state of defence as is possible under very difficult conditions ; and he gives good reasons to show that any weakness in administration infallibly leads to disaster. It is exactly the outlook we expect from the good professional soldier.

One

point worth

notice

remains:

his

naive and

undisguised

delight in feats of ingenuity, particularly those of a mechanical | nature, the descriptions of which are among the most interesting parts of the book. The chapters on the opening of gates (c. xviil) and secret letters (c. xxxi) are so exhaustive and detailed that it is hardly possible they can be purely the results of his own investigation. More probably, as the art of war became systematized in the fourth century, successive captains devoted themselves to collecting examples

of successful

ingenuity for thetr own

use, and

the results

were handed on to their friends as part of the secrets of the trade. § 12. Historical sources. We now turn to indicate the nature of the sources to which Aeneas is indebted for his historical illustrations.‘ These are very numerous and cover a wide range both geographically and chronologically. Hug‘ gives a list of twenty-one, the dates of

which can

be ascertained with a fair approach

to certainty.

Of

these four or possibly five were derived from literary sources now extant; two in all probability from literary sources now lost; and the remaining fourteen or fifteen, dating from 417 onwards and 1 Ch, e.g. Cyr ui, 15 ut. ill, 1-9, ? A curious attitude if he was an Jamid: perience.

but he πὸ doubt

spoke

from

ex-

® Fuller discussion will be found on each passage separately in the commentary. * Aeneas von Stymphalos, pp. 5-7.

HISTORICAL

XXXV

mostly between 400 and 360, may have been heard of by oral com-

munication with eyewitnesses or persons who had been informed by eyewitnesses.

Thus

the

contemporary events sources are naturally to find that Aeneas had them by his side

preponderance

of contemporary or nearly

is very considerable. The extant literary Herodotus and Thucydides: it is interesting was well acquainted with them and in fact while he was writing. He adopts a peculiar

method of his own in transcribing them,’ emphasizing the points of most importance for his own readers, sometimes adding to the text for the

same

purpose,

leaving out unessentials,

and

altering

the

diction where it appeared unfamiliar. A. (a) The anecdotes taken from Herodotus are: (ἢ xxxvii, 6-7.

Discovery of mines during the siege

of Barca by Amasis, (Omitted by Hug) . (1) xxxi, 28-9. Correspondence between Histiaeus and Aristagoras . (ἢ xxxi. 14. Demaratus’s

Lacedaemonians

. secret letter

. to

.

Hdt. iv. 200.

Date, 514

.

Hdt. v. 55. 5.

"

40

.

Hdt.vi.239.3.

,,

482

»

479

the

.

(iv) ΣΧ ΧΙ, 25-7. Correspondence between Timoxenus and Artabazus during the siege of Potidaea . Hdt, viii. 128.

(ὁ) From Thucydides ii. 4 is taken the account of the Theban entry into Plataea in 431 (1. 3-6).

(ὁ The account of the panic at night stopped by a proclamation (xxvii. 11} may possibly be taken from Xen. Az. 11. ii. 20;

but as

Aeneas substitutes ἵππον for Xenophon’s ὄνον, he was either quoting from memory or the story was in current tradition. B. The anecdotes of non-contemporary events taken from sources now lost are:

(1) xi. 12. The reference to the attempted revolt of the Partheniae which led to the foundation of Tarentum.

Date areca 700.

Other

authorities are (a) Strabo (278-80), who gives two accounts, one from Antiochus of Syracuse, and one from

Ephorus, more

nearly

resembling that of Aeneas; (4) Diodorus (vili. 21), who agrees with Antiochus. (2) iv. 8-11.

Pisistratus.

The

account

of the

defeat of the

Megarians

(Date probably about 570.)

Other authorities : (a) Justin, u. 8, and Frontinus, ii. 9. 9, who follow the same tradition as Aeneas ; I Described in more detail in the commentary, ς 2

especially on c. ii.

by

INTRODUCTION

XXXVI

(4) Plutarch, Soon, 8, and Polyaenus, 1. 29, who attribute it to Solon.

C. We now come to by far the largest class, anecdotes obtained probably by oral communication if not by personal These may be most conveniently tabulated as follows: a,

Peloponnese and central Greece. Piace,

i. Sicyon li, Argos ii, Argos iv, v. vi. vii. vill, ix,

Sparta Aegina Chaleis Thebes Thebes wept ᾿Αχαΐαν

Reference. XIX. Τὰ xi. 7-10 xvii. 2-4 it. 2 XX. 5 iv, I 4 xxiv, 18 xxxi. 34 (place XVili, 8-11

Steily. x. Syracuse mera

and

Hi-

xi. (not specified)

Subject, Capture of harbour and oligarchical revolt 1st oligarchicsl revolt Attack by Epaminondas Construction of gates Capture by treachery

Recapture of Cadmeia

Date.

369 310 417 36a

358-7?

Betrayal of city

379 qth cent. ?

21-2

Dionysius [and Leptines

€. 3977

xl. 2-3

Dionysius 1 and captured

ath cent,

not specified : perhaps Sicyon) b.

experience.’

Kr

city ce. d.

Afrıca,

xii. Cyrene and Barca

xvi. Τά

Chariots in warfare

Western Greece. xili Corcyra

Xi, 19-15

Attempted

oligarchical

361

revolt

xiv. Epirus

e.

xxxi. 3I-2

Use of dogs as messengers Discovery of oligarchical plot

Hellespontine dısird. xv.

Heracleia

xi.

Xvi. xvil,

Heracleia Chalcedon

xil. 5 xi. 53

Clearchus becomes tyrant Power of Cyzicene mer-

vll, xix. XX. XX. xrii. xxiii.

Apollonia Hion Parion Lampsacus Sinope Bosporus

XX. 4 xxiv. 3-14 xxvii. 6-7

Construction of gates Capture by Charidemus

IO 4-11

4th cent. ?

364

c. 360 ?

cenaries

f.

Coast of Asia Minar. xxiv. xxv.

Chios Chios

xxvi,

Naxos

XXil. 20

Capture by Iphiades Fall of Astyanax Siege by Datamas Leucon and his bodyguard

£. 360

363-3597

4th cent, ? 370?

387/6347/6?

Treacheryofa magistrate Precautions against treachery

357?

Precautions of Nicocles

376

4th cent,

ι For a full discussion of this question see Toepffer, Quaestiones Fisistrafear (Beiträge sur gr. Alterlumswissenschaft, p. at ff.).

2 There are a number of these not dealt with by Hug.

HISTORICAL

XXXvil

Place, xxvil. Teos

Reference. xviii, 13-19

Subject, Plotof Temenus

xxviii. Clazomenae

xxvili, 5

ture city Capture by Python

xxix, Mitylene

xxxi, 34

xxx, Ephesus

Consequence

Date. to capὃ of

not

opening letters

?

ὃ

xxxi.6

Letters written on leaves

?

g. Thessaly and Thrace. xxxi. Thessaly

RXXi, 32

Use of dogs as messengers

—

xxxli, Abdera

xv, 8-τὸ

376

xrxili, Thrace

xxvii, 7-10

Defeat of Abderites Triballi

h, Persia. xxxiv, Persia

xxxi.35

The accuracy and are related seem to in them himself or did. On the other

by

Prevention of panics by Euphratas

before 311

Glous’s audience the king

before 379

with

the relish with which several of these incidents indicate that the author either played a part heard of them at first hand from someone who hand, the small number of references to Sicily

(only two, x and xi), where the art of war, and siegecraft in particular, had made greater strides than anywhere else in the Greek world, shows that Aeneas had not been there and knew very little about

warfare in the west.’

It has even been proposed (by Hug) to cut

out as an interpolation xxxu. 8-10, where mention is made of catapults, as these, though invented by Dionysius soon after 400 B. 6, and well known in Sicily, were not used in Greece until the Macedonian age; but although Aeneas had not been to Sicily,

there is no reason why he should not have heard of these engines, just as he has heard of Dionysius

himself.

And

in answer to the

argument that if he had had occasion to mention a machine about which his readers would know nothing he would have given a fuller description of it, we may reply that he probably knew of it only by hearsay, and was not in a position to give details.

PART

II.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

It is surprising that while much attention has been devoted by modern scholars* to the style of Xenophon and its undoubted peculiarities, as forming a notable chapter in the history of the Attic I The phrase eis πόλιν ὄνομα Ἱμέραν suggests that he knew, or at all events expected his readers to know, very little about Sicily,

Ἄς, g. Cobet, Rutherford, Gemoll, H. Richards.

χχχνί

INTRODUCTION

dialect, Aeneas, the only other writer whose date and career give him a claim to stand by the side of Xenophon, should have been

hitherto almost entirely neglected“

A

detailed

examination

can

hardly fail to convince the reader that this author’s book presents several literary features of remarkable and even unique interest, not indeed as a masterpiece of Attic style, but as a document to aid the

study of linguistic development in fourth-century Greece. Before proceeding to this examination a few words are necessary as to the actual manuscript material which has come down

to us.

Unfortunately, the discussion of the whole problem is rendered far more difficult by the very bad condition of our text. Aeneas wrote his book in the middle of the fourth century. The Hellenic world was then beginning to undergo a universal process of denationalization, the completion of which ts reflected in the development of that hybrid international speech which they called the ‘common dialect’, For a book written while this change was going on, the value of a good manuscript tradition, which would enable us to regard our linguistic material as to some extent already constituted, would be inestimable: but it has been denied to us. In consequence,

though we wish to employ the text of Aeneas to illustrate the first stages of this common dialect, we are often obliged, especially in matters of orthography, to fall back upon historical probabilities, Manuscripts. The manuscripts now extant of the Πολιορκητικὴ βίβλος are four in number. 1 There are a few German Schoene’s ed., pp. xx-xxil.

dissertations and articles of varying value: see Those which I have examined, e.g. A. C. Lange,

de Aeneae commentario poliorcetico (Berlin, 1879), C. Behrendt, de Aensae Taches comm,

pol, (Dissert.

Königsberg,

linguistic instances,

in which

1910),

no attempt

are

little more

is made

than compilations

te deal

with

the

of

wider

problems.

9 It was thought till recently (cf. Köchly and Riistow, i, preface, p. ro} that a codex Vaticanus containing Aeneas's work also existed, ἐΐ Josias Simler in libro qui inscribitur Brbotheca instituta et collecta primum a Conrado Gesnero (1574)... pauca de Aenea praefatus ‘ Aeneae,’ inquit ‘ber De re military extat

Romae in Vaticana bibliotheca’. comm,

(Paris,

1609),

p. 29

Haec verba Casaubonus cum in notis in Aeneae afferret,

proclivi

errore

non

Simlero,

sed

ipsi

Conrado Gesnero tribuit”” (Schoene, pp. vii-viii). But all attempts to find it have proved fruitless. (Hercher: ‘Vaticanum codicem a Gesnero significatum frustra quaesivi’.

Schoene, p. viii:

‘Sed recuperandi Vaticani alicuius Aeneae

exempli spes vereor ne vana sit’.}

It is now certain in fact that its citation

rests on a confusion. The Rev. H. M. Bannister, who at my request most kindly undertook investigations in the Vatican Library, wrote (in a letter dated

April 1910) that ‘Af was at one time in the library of Leo Mercati

(‘bibliothecae

Vaticanae

scriptor’),

in

a letter

X at Rome’, to

Schoene, writes to the same effect, and makes the suggestion: ti cod.

“Vaticano”

del

Simler

non

sarebbe

altro che

si codice

Prof.

Signor

Hermanr

! Se cosi_fosse, unico

Medicec.?

This has been proved beyond a doubt by the discovery (see R. Schoene

in

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

xxxix

(1) Codex Laurentianus graecus lv. 4 (cf. Bandini, Catal, codd. MSS. grace. bibl. Laur. ii, pp. 218-38) in the Laurentian

library at Florence.

Xth century (M).

(2) Codex Parisinus gr. 2435.

XVIth cent. (A).

(3)

XVth

Won

on

m

»

» 2522,

„ (8)

9 2443. XVIth „ (C) (=Cod. Cas),

Of these (2) (3) (4) are merely copies, or copies of copies, of M. (4) is the manuscript copied by Angelus Bergecius in 1549, and used, alone, by Casaubon for his editio princeps in 1609. The copyist has corrected several of the more obvious blunders in M.! M therefore is our sole manuscript source of primary value? It is the famous and valuable codex containing a collection of the Greek military writers of antiquity, ranging in date from

Aeneas

down

to

the works of the Byzantine emperors Maurice and Leo.° The text of Aeneas is written in a large, clear, well-formed, slightly sloping minuscule hand of tenth-century character. Spaces are left between the chapters and also between the paragraphs in each chapter ; lacunae are often indicated in corrupt passages; while the sign ¢ is

sometimes written above to indicate that the text is unsound. There are no signs of correction by a later hand, and no marginal notes or glosses. The titles of the chapters, where written in the text in red ink, now much faded.*

preserved,

are

Rheinisches Museum, \xvii, pp. 302-3) that the actual title of the MS. now called Mediceus appears in a contemporary catalogue of the Greek library of Cardinal

Giovanni de’ Medici (afterwards Leo X).

It was apparently transferred from

Florence to Rome at the beginning of the sixteenth in the Vatican Catalogue,

century, and then included

1 *Transscriptus .. . est teste Casaubono Parisiis ex exemplari quodam allato ex Italia, quod nescimus cuius fuerit, Fuit hoc, ni fallor, ipse codex B (Paris, gr. 2522) saec. xv, in quo quae lacunae sunt aliquammultae, eae ad unam omnes etiam in C reperiuntur ; hoc unum incertum est, utrum C ex ipso B codice an ex

apographo eius vel deperdito vel latitante descriptus sit.

C codicis nullus fere

usus est, nisi quod Angelus Bergecius librarius nonnullas scribendum emendavit’ (Schoene’s ed., p. vi).

corruptelas

inter

For further information on Codd, A and B the reader is referred to Schoene’s introduction, 2 A and B are, however, of great use in certain places where the reading of M has been obscured by the discolouration of the parchment, since these copies

(or those from which they are descended) were made, and in xviii. a0-xxii. 19, where two large tears have since been made in M. 3 For a full description

of its contents the reader

Catal. codd, MSS. graec. bibl. Laur. ii, pp. 218-38.

is referred

to

Bandini,

* These titles, though probably not part of the original work (for sometimes they seem to be put in at the wrong places, e.g. c. x), had certainly been added before the time of Julius Africanus, who repeats them with slight alterations in the “Keorof”, W. Crönert (Rheinisches Mus. xviii, p. 599, note =) brings evidence from a Strassburg literary papyrus fragment to prove that they were written by the author himself,

xl

INTRODUCTION

M teems with corruptions of every possible sort; but even in the most impossible passages it shows no traces whatever of hesitation or confusion on the part of the writer: from which we must conclude that it is a very careful copy of another manuscript equally corrupt. The writer of this earlier manuscript, or to speak more correctly, the writers of one or more manuscripts in the direct line of descent, were especially liable to two classes of error: the confusion of terminations, and the omission of words, parts of words, or even whole lines,

especially where similarity of letters occurred.

‘These facts, especially

the second, are of great importance in emendation.!

Can we find any good reason for this unusually bad condition of our text? There is one purely hypothetical supposition which would serve well to account for it: that the text of Aeneas did not pass through the

hands

of the

Alexandrian

revisers,

and

that

most

of the

cor-

ruptions date from the period immediately following the publication of the book. We are apt sometimes to forget that the great Alexandrians created the science of scholarship: that before their

day there was absolutely no tradition of verbal accuracy, no conception of the value of an authentic text. All the evidence goes to show that classical authors came into the hands of the Alexandrian revisers in an absolutely chaotic condition.? Aeneas is exactly the sort of writer we should expect to have escaped their recension, His work was a technical treatise of little interest except to a small

circle; and the likelihood that it remained in obscurity is increased by the fact that it must soon after its composition have become to a great extent out of date: for the Macedonian age brought with it a complete

revolution

in Greek

military science,

especially

in the

department of siege operations, Furthermore, the Alexandrians, whose interests were primarily literary, were not likely @ priori to devote their attention to a manual with little or no pretensions to a literary style, even (which in itself is doubtful) if it was at that time generally accessible. It is perhaps worth noticing in this connexion that Aeneas, alone perhaps of all the fifth- and fourth-century prose authors whose work

has survived in any considerable bulk, is

never mentioned

Alexandrian

by any

writer.’

This

is in

itself

exactly what we should have expected ; and if it means that Aeneas’s

books did not in fact pass through the systematic revision to which 1 See Appendix II.

% Cf. the pre-Alexandrian papyri of Homer, 5. Nor, as Hug remarks, by Athenacus,

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

xli

other Greek authors were subjected, it serves to explain the peculiar condition

of the text.

Cineas

and

Polybius, both

men of their day, had copies of Aeneas: complete

στρατηγικά,

since

he

made

leading

military

Cineas evidently of the

an

epitome

of

it;

while

Polybius’s lengthy extract on the subject of πυρσοί looks as if it was taken not from that epitome, but from the complete work.! On the other hand, it looks

rather from Aelian’s

reference

as if he

knew only the epitome (Ael. Zact. i. 2), and by the time of Julius Africanus (third century a. D.) it is probable that only the existing fragment survived, as all Julius’s extracts are made from the Πολιορ-

κητικὴ βίβλος. In any case it is abundantly clear from a comparison of the text as given by J. Afr. with M, that the manuscript he used was at least as corrupt as the manuscript from which M was copied? In fact it looks as if it is by the merest chance that any part of the work at all has come down to us: it certainly stands quite apart from the main stream of classical tradition. Apart from manuscript authority, we have only two aids to determining the text, neither of much value. The first is the originals of the Herodotean and Thucydidean passages which Aeneas

quotes. In one or two cases these help us to the right reading: e.g. in xxxvii. 6 M reads προσ τάδε, while Hdt. iv. 200. 2 gives πρὸς τὸ δάπεδον, which is almost certainly what Aeneas wrote. Again, in xxxi. 28-9 M reads ἐπέσχεν ἕως ἂν ἔφυσαν αἱ τρίχες τάχιστα ἔπεμπεν εἰς Μίλητον, while Hdt. ν. 35. 3 gives ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχα,

ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν τάχιστα, ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Μίλητον,

We

can here restore

with something like certainty ἕως ἀνέφυσαν αἱ τρίχες. τάχιστα, ἔπεμπεν εἰς Μίλητον. On the other hand,

(ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν) the curious way

in which Aeneas recasts his original sometimes makes it difficult to restore with confidence. (Cf. ii. 6, and note ad loc.) The second is a fragmentary and very corrupt work by Julius Africanus, a Christian chronographer of the early third century a.D., entitled Κεστοί (‘Girdles’), a sort of compendious reader’s notebook, which contains scraps of useful or curious information on several subjects, military, agricultural, scientific, &c.* Its author was apparently attracted by the ingenious devices recorded by Aeneas,

and is at pains to make 1 Polybius

would

naturally

considerable excerpts from take

a special

countryman. 3 See Appendix I. 5 For the existing portions see Thévenot, 215-316. Cf. Appendix I.

interest

the latter part

in him

Veteres Mathematici,

as a fellowParis,

1693,

xlii

INTRODUCTION

of the book.

These might have been of considerable value, but for

the fact that they have come down

to us in a ludicrously corrupt

condition, with the result that confusion

is far worse

We are faced with the difficulty of determining

how

confounded.

far the cor-

ruptions are due to the manuscript tradition of the Keoroi, and how far they already existed in Africanus used. To this no comparison of the two texts Julius used was already in

the manuscript of Aeneas which Julius exact answer can be given: but a careful tends to show that the manuscript which a bad condition, though whether his

manuscript was at all nearly related to M it is hardly possible to decide. At the same time, even this tattered fragment is distinctly useful; it sometimes gives us an undoubtedly true reading where we should not otherwise have suspected M. (For examples see App. I.) Sometimes indeed it plunges us deeper into confusion by an inexplicable difference ; but the latter part of Aeneas’s book, which is by far the more corrupt, can be rendered considerably more like its original self by a discreet use of Julius Africanus. (Cf. App. I.)

Treatmentof the text.

In dealing with M the nineteenth-century

editors employed one or other of two methods. The first (adopted by Köchly and Rüstow, whose edition does not profess to be so much a critical work as a contribution to the history of military science) is to keep the actual tradition as much as possible, only eliminating the more obvious blunders, and taking no account of variations of spelling and so on; in fact to produce ‘a text that would construe’. The second (first indicated by Hertlein, and followed by Hercher and Hug) is frankly to ‘atticize’ Aeneas. Hertlein led the way by substituting Attic forms for non-Attic wherever found; and Hercher and Hug followed his method to its logical conclusion by attempting to rewrite Aeneas in good Attic Greek.! The result is a ruthless mutilation

of

sentence

after

sentence,

which

does

not

after

all

succeed in producing anything convincingly Attic. The fact is that both these methods are considerably too simple, and save those who employ them considerably too much trouble. The first is simply a counsel of despair, and shelves altogether the literary problems connected with the work. As regards the second, it seems at first sight unexceptionable to argue that manuscript evidence of spelling is wholly untrustworthy, and that the right 1 See

Hercher’s

Praef.,

p.vi:

Aeneae imaginem constituerem.

Haec fundamenta

posui, in quibus

veriorem

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

xliii

course is steadfastly to correct our author by the criterion of Attic inscriptions, But how far are we to go? Is anything really gained by making him write correct Attic forms, while his diction, constructions, and

style remain

unalterably non-Attic?

Is not this making

of him a wolf in sheep's clothing? Even try to ‘atticize’ his grammar : his diction still remains, and the whole attempt becomes a manifest reductio ad absurdum.

We may say then once for all that the text of Aeneas cannot be reconstituted with reference to any conventional standard of Attic speech.’ As we have used historical considerations to determine his personality, so in judging his style we can only hope to arrive at a sound conclusion by considering the remarkable phenomena presented by the language of Greece in the fourth century 2.c.? Assuming the account which we have given of Aeneas’s personality and career

to be

in the

main

correct,

we

must

a priori the nature of the language and

endeavour

style which

to discover

an Arcadian

mercenary captain of the fourth century might be expected to employ

in composing

a technical treatise on his art, and then proceed to

see whether the text, as it has come

our conclusions.

down

to us, fits in at all with

If an examination of that section of our material

which is most impervious to the attacks of the textual critic, i.e. the diction, gives satisfactory results, we may then advance with some confidence to problems of syntax and orthography. For you may emend your author’s grammar and correct his spelling: but the actual words he uses stand incorrigible and irrefutable. To fulfil our task adequately, the development not only of the literary but also of the spoken language of the period must be studied

as a preliminary.

We

are faced by a problem of peculiar

interest, rendered more fascinating, if more difficult of solution, by the scantiness of the evidence. In Greece of the fifth century we

find a bewildering

variety of

1 This conclusion was reached

independent

by E. Schwartz

dialects flourishing

(Aineias in Pauly-Wissowa’s

RE (1894), ᾿ 2019-21), whose opinion is endorsed by Schoene: Hodie plerique... E. Schwartatt opinionem sequi malent, qui libeium nec puro Aitico sermone (Preface,

Scriptum

esse pronuntiavit

p. xii.)

neque

ullas

2 Cf. Rutherford, New Phrynichus, p. 162:

interpolationes perpessum

esse.

‘It is a point, which cannot be

insisted upon too often, that the phenomena of language presented by Greece up to the time of Alexander were exceptional to a degree. Several dialects, differing essentially in vocabulary and pronunciation, existed contemporaneously within a very limited area. Moreover... there were, in addition to these, what may be called literary dialects, produced by a fact almost peculiar to Greek literature—that a style of composition had tendency to keep to the same

dialect in which it started.’

xliv

INTRODUCTION

in different localities; by the third century these have nearly all disappeared and their place has been taken by an impure common dialect, which in the eastern Mediterranean is rapidly becoming the speech of all civilized people. What were the stages of its development in the fourth century?

Gradual development there must have been. It is unthinkable that the Kowy arose a full-fledged international speech from the ashes of its predecessors at the wand of a Macedonian magician; it

was only the final stage in a long process of disintegration which the language of the city-states had undergone, just as the advent of Alexander marked only the final stage in the collapse of political systems long tottering to their fall. In one state in Greece and one only, Athens, was the native language, with the help of a strong literary tradition, jealously guarded and kept pure to the last: for that fastidious austerity which was the ideal of Atticists nowhere finds such perfect embodiment as in the speeches of the later orators. But the language they spoke is no longer the language of the people. It is already a language with a conscious mission, that of preserving the speech of Hellas in its purest and subtlest form : carefully chosen, carefully expurgated ; no longer possessing

or desiring to possess that unbounded

capacity of reception and

expansion which marks the speech of the street and the marketplace. And yet, one may well ask, what, after all, #s Attic? Are we justified in taking the language employed in a single one of the spheres

of literary

activity,

that

of oratory,

Attic to the exclusion of all others? only

of Thucydides

and

Xenophon,

Has Plato

and

labelling

this

as

not the language,

not

and

but

Aristophanes,

even of the Agora and Piraeus, an equal claim to be called Attic? It certainly has in one sense—that it was written and spoken by Athenians, And it is admitted that each literary form-—tragedy, history, oratory, philosophy—will develop a style of its own in accordance with what it feels to be its peculiar requirements. It was a commonplace with the ancients, for instance, that history admitted

and demanded a more poetical colouring than oratory. Still, there is some justification for the claim of oratory to be the representative of Attic style par excellence, if the real meaning of Atticism be kept in mind. Throughout the development of the Attic dialect the extraordinary subtlety of the educated Athenian’s feeling for language

is what most strikes us.

Whatever view be held of the closeness

TEXT, of the relation

LANGUAGE,

between Attic and

AND

STYLE

xlv

Ionic,’ it is undeniable that the

early writers of Athens (e.g. the tragedians and Thucydides) were enormously influenced by the fact that Ionic was the only extant literary dialect in their day. But as Athens became conscious, under the influence of the sophistic teaching, of her own paramount capacity for literary expression, the tendency in prose is more and more

to purify,

select,

and

expurgate

Xenophon,

it is true,

is

recalcitrant: but that is explained by his cosmopolitan career. He represents a declension from the strong severity of the true Attic tradition,

a

concession

to the

less

refined

and

subtle,

but

more

varied and picturesque Ionic vocabulary. Nowhere would this studious simplicity, this horror of extravagance, find better expression than in the language of the law courts. The good speaker appeared to convince wholly by an appeal to the intellect and not to the emotions. Arguments were for the most part stated clearly and soberly and in language of curiously quiet colour and limited range; any open appeal to the emotions is deprecated and looked upon with suspicion. The Athenian pleader knew that his audience was composed of men who, though in reality intensely sensitive to an emotional appeal, were continually on their guard to avoid seeming so. In consequence, any high-flown language or wealth of metaphor was eschewed as defeating its own ends: and as a result of this studiously restrained expression the appeal when it comes is made with far more telling effect. It was here that the Attic genius found its truest sphere of development. With a language capable as no other language before or since of simple and lucid exposition, a flexibility which would answer every demand the speaker put upon it, and an unrivalled faculty of reducing every idea to its lowest terms, went hand in hand a vocabu-

lary comparatively limited but selected with the most unerring taste. A natural economy suggested that in practical life, at least, there is only one right way of expressing your meaning, and that is the simplest way. In the multiplication of synonyms for one idea, in the introduction of unfamiliar metaphor, in the clothing of a thought beyond the bare essentials of expression, a language inevitably loses some of its clarity and precision. Some such feeling as this, no doubt to a great extent unconscious, 1 See Rutherford, New Phrynichus, pp. 1-31, and (countering his Smyth, Zone, pp. 66 sqq. 2’ For examples of these rejections see New Phrynichus, pp. 25-9.

thesis)

xivi

INTRODUCTION

underlay the development of the Attic speech form.

in its most typical

But there were other influences at work in a precisely opposite

direction.

Athens was not only an independent city with an indı-

vidual culture, but the centre of an impertal organization, and in her higher moments plainly conscious of an imperial mission. "Execépyerar

δὲ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως

ἐκ πάσης

γῆς τὰ πάντα, was

the boast of Pericles, and it was as a natural corollary that she claimed the proud title of the School of Hellas.” Her position as the centre of trade and education made it inevitable that the

language her citizens used should extend its range, and tend to become the recognized medium of communication between the disjointed units which first found in her a meeting-point. But in so doing it was equally inevitable that it should lose its purity. Seafaring men are always more remarkable for the variety than for the refinement of their speech; and the vernacular of the Piraeus must in time have spread to the Pnyx and the Agora, though it was sedulously excluded from the language of the official and the orator. The writer of the pseudo-Xen. Kespublica Ath. (ii. 8) has begun to complain bitterly of this before the end of the Peloponnesian war : φωνὴν πᾶσαν ἀκούοντες ἐξελέξαντο τοῦτο μὲν ἐκ τῆς, τοῦτο δὲ ἐκ τῆς" καὶ

οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες

ἰδίᾳ μᾶλλον καὶ φωνῇ καὶ διαίτῃ καὶ σχήματι χρῶνται,

᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ κεκραμένῃ ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων.

It was only natural under such circumstances that the severance of the literary from the spoken language should become gradually more marked, as the champions of the former became more and more conscious of the corrupting influences to which their native speech was exposed. Added to this was now no doubt a conscious rivalry with Ionic, as the Athenian writers gradually shook themselves free from the overmastering influence of Ionic literature, both verse and prose, and sought to establish a literary style which should truly represent the peculiar quality of the Attic genius. But our present task is rather to study the development of the living speech under the altered conditions of fourth-century life, and to discover as far as we can the first stages in the history of the common dialect. Our evidence is scanty and circumstantial: but it could hardly be more convincingly presented than in the exhaustive work by Professor Thumb, entitled Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus (Strassburg, 1901); his studies of language throw 1 Thuc, ii. 38. a.

2 Ibid. 41. 1.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

a clear light on a chapter somewhat desultorily, and tion at all points to the purpose, the chapter which under the title “Ursprung interest,

and

we

can

AND

STYLE

xlvii

in Greek literary history hitherto treated derive a special value from their -correlapolitical history of the period. For our sums up the results of his investigations und Wesen der Kowy’! is of especial

hardly

do

better

than

summarize

his

con-

clusions. A. The basis of the Κοινή is Attic: its germs are naturally to be traced to the period of Athenian empire in the fifth century. It has affinities not only with correct Attic, but also with the vulgar Attic of vases and ‘ Fluchtafeln’, B. In vocabulary, however, Ionic is prominently represented : (i) Words found in Homer, Hippocrates, and Herodotus, which disappear in Attic prose, reappear in the Kowy. Hesychius’s characteristic gloss, ἰαστί

ἑλληνιστί, is a confirmation of this ; and it is

further strongly supported by the evidence of Ptolemaic papyri.° (ii) Xenophon and Aristotle, both cosmopolitans, have considerable traces of Ionic in their diction, especially the former.‘ As Rutherford says, ‘Xenophon’s diction is an anticipation of the common dialect’. (iii) Aristophanes and the old comedy writers, though their diction is for the most part pure Attic, show in their scenes

and characters

the nature of the influences to which the speech of everyday life in Athens was exposed. (iv) In word-forms the influence of Ionic is also clearly traceable : 8. g. Polybius (the first literary representative of the developed Κοινή) is noticeably fond of neuters in -pa, as also are the Ptolemaic papyri.*

The same trait is prominent in the Attic tragedians, and has been conclusively proved to be Ionic. This leads to a third and most important point : 1 pp. 202-53.

3 Thumb, Zell, p. 934.

‘Um es kurz zu sagen:

der erste attische Seebund

hat den Keim gelegt.’ This produced cross influences: Attic on Ionic, ¢. g. Herodotus; Ionic on Attic, e, g. Thuc. and Xenophon. ® For a complete summary of this evidence, so germane to the question, see Mayser’s exhaustive Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemders:it (Leipzig, 1906).

4 Παρανομεῖ

γοῦν

Ἐενοφῶν

els τὴν

πάτριον διάλεκτον

ὀδμὴ

λέγων (Phryn.).

Rutherford, New Phrynichus, pp. 160-74. We may compare Helladius's remark (fifth cent. a. D.): οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν ἀνὴρ ἐν στρατείαις σχολάζων καὶ ξένων

συνουσίαις εἴ τινα παρακόπτει τῆς πατρίου φωνῆτ' διὸ νομοθέτην ἀττικισμοῦ παραλάβοι (ap. Photium, Brblioth,, p. 533. 25). δ᾽ Mayser, pp. 27 -30.

αὐτὸν οὖκ ἄν τις

xl vill

INTRODUCTION

C. The prevalence of poetic diction, or we should rather say, diction used by Attic poets,! in the papyri* and writers of the Hellenistic period. How are we to account for this? It might be supposed (and some have supposed it) that the authors of the Hellenistic age, to refurbish a degraded style and enhance its effect, deliberately chose unusual and poetic words for their records. But such a hypothesis, while perhaps partly true of Polybius and Diodorus, is exceedingly hard to defend in the case of the studiously simple gospel narratives, and breaks down entirely on an examination of the papyri, mostly records of the most prosaic occurrences of everyday life. These words, whatever their origin, are now part of the speech of the people. We may conclude either

(i) That they were old Attic words, current when Attic and Ionic were still nearly related, preserved in tragedy through a natural conservatism, but rejected by classical prose writers, though occasionally used in conversation. Rutherford, in the Mew PArynichus,® supports this theory on the ground that Attic prose diction developed while that of tragedy remained the Attic of the time when tragedy first arose. Smyth,‘ however, points out that this fails to account for the whole of tragic diction:

e.g. words

like ἀείδω, μοῦνος, γούνατα, ξάπλουτος

are essen-

tially non-Attic in form; and contends that we cannot trace any period when Attic and [onic were identical. This view is now generally accepted. 1M.

Leopold Gautier has some discriminating

remarks on this subject in his

treatise entitled La Langue de Xénophon (Geneva, Igtt):

‘ Sauf certains dérivés et composes. un mot n’est jamais exclusivement poétique. Car la poéste, si elle cherche ἃ se différencier de la langue usuelle, peut se créer sans doute beaucoup de ressources propres, en particulier des combinaisons, des constructions nouvelles, mais il lui est impossible de créer de toutes piéces des mots nouveaux, Si bien qu’il est légitime, a propos de chaque mot poétique qui n’est pas dérivé ni composé, de rechercher ott et quand il a appartenu ἃ la langue parlee. Jusqu'ici on n’a guére tenté de faire dans cet esprit l’analyse du vocabulaire extraordinairement riche dont disposait la poésie grecque. On a été enclin ἃ croire hors d’usage dans la langue parlée la plupart des mots que la poésie surtout nous a rendus familiers. Mais étude attentive de la langue des prosateurs non attiques, celle des inscriptions dialectales des époques archaique et classique, infirme cette opinion. Une importante partie du vacabulaire poétique est restée bien vivante dans les divers pariers grecs jusqu’é Pheure ott ceux-ci ont été évincés par la Koine, Il se pose donc a propos de

Xénophon cette question préalable : les nombreuses expressions et les formes

a premiere vue poétiques de sa langue doivent-elles étre attribuées chez l'influence de la poésie ou ἃ celle des dialectes?’ We have exactly the same question to answer in the case of Aeneas.

2 See Thumb, pp. 216-19; ® pp. 1-31.

Mayser, pp. 24-35. 4 fonse, pp. 69 ἢ,

lui ἃ

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

xlix

(ü) That they were Ionic words, and as such came straight into the Κοινή, though some of them may have found their way to Athens before the rise of the Kowy, through the influence of Ionic on the speech of the people. If we accept this conclusion, the tragedians will be in a sense the beginners of the movement towards the Kowy: they welcomed from any quarter words and forms tending to enhance the picturesqueness

of their

speech,

and

especially had continual recourse to Ionic.

In all probability, however, both causes worked concurrently: for Rutherford’s lists prove that in vocabulary old Attic was closely akin to Ionic. The use of ‘poetic’ words, therefore, by Polybius, Diodorus, Josephus, and the writers of the New Testament

is not a conscious

imitation of poetic phraseology, but a distinguishing mark

of the

Kowy as such. The view that Hellenistic authors aimed at ornamenting their style rests on a partly false conception of their methods,' and is refuted by a careful study of papyri, inscriptions, and vulgar literature. Moreover, the great majority of these words, tejected by Attic fastidiousness, are found either in the Ionic of Homer, Hippocrates, or Herodotus, or in the ‘ionized’ Attic of Xenophon. We may thus conclude with confidence that the combination of Attic with Ionic elements laid the foundation of the Κοινή. Other constituents (e.g. Semitic or Oriental words) are found in everincreasing numbers as time goes on, and from the first, especially in the comic writers, there is a certain number of Dorian words which come straight from the language of the market-place: but Tonic alone seems to have exercised a modifying influence on grammar and syntax.? It remains to account for the fact, at first sight rather surprising, that words which in Ionic passed current in ordinary speech were accepted by the Attic poets, but sedulously banished from Attic prose. But this in reality is quite natural if we consider the inherent difference of the Ionic and Attic genius. The Ionic style, consonant with the character of the race, tended to diffuseness, variety, picturesque and warm expression: the Attic put ever-increasing emphasis on symmetry, self-restraint, lucidity, and a severe exactness to be obtained only by low tones—an art aiming at perfection of form 1 Cf. Thumb, pp. 224-5. 2 Thumb, p. 59: ‘Nur das Ionische

scheint in die grammatische Form etwas

tiefer eingegriffen zu haben.” 2859

d

1

INTRODUCTION

rather than

colour.

The

words

feminine

their essential difference not inaptly.

and

masculine

express

It is hard to decide what

makes one word seem more vivid to us than another: but where the Athenians had their choice between two synonyms, most people will agree that they usually rejected the more vivid of the two. For example take a few words from Rutherford’s lists:

Attic prose accepts νύξ,

rejects εὐφρόνη.

»"

Bde δίκη,

”

»

ἐφάπτεσθαι,

5,

ἐγχρίμπτειν.

”

„

θαυμάζειν,

»

ἐκπαγλεῖσθαι & θαμβεῖν.

” » ”

» ” ”

ἀποκτείνω, ἔρχομαι, λέγω, ,

» " ”

φονεύω. στείχω. αὐδῶ.

”

”

συγγενὴς,

„»

”

»

δεινός,

„

»

»» αἰχμῇ. ποινή.

Ὁμαιμος.

αἰνός.

The retention of these words in tragedy, where warmth of colour is aimed at, needs no explanation. Furthermore, we should remember that poetry is far nearer to the speech of ordinary life than it is to certain forms of prose. Conversational language is apt, from its use of simple and natural

words and its great variety of expression, to provide a considerable part of poetic vocabulary, especially where, as in Greece, the variety of dialects is great: words which were κύριοι in one district were γλῶσσαι in the next.’ The opposite pole to poetry is rather the studiously convention-

alized and somewhat anaemic, though inflated, language of the leaderwriter or Parliamentary debater of modern times; and this, though not worthy to be compared with Attic oratory in most respects (for

it lacks the peculiar subtlety and clarity which is the distinguishing mark of the latter), yet resembles it in one thing, that it deliberately shuns anything like The place which already indicated. also the trend of to the ἀκρίβεια of

poetic colour. Xenophon holds in this development has been The circumstances of his career, and perhaps his political sympathies, were unfavourable his language; and as Rutherford says,’ it is

1 Thumb, p. 220, compares the history of words like Rosz, Weib, and Leu (= Löwe), which are ‘ poetical? in literary German, but ordinary conversational words in South Germany. Cf. also L. Gautier, La Langue de Xénophon,

p.142:

‘Ce qui était d’usage courant pour tel Grec contemporain de Xénophon

était dialectal pour un autre, habitant d’une ville voisine, et poétique pour un troisigme, par exemple pour un Athénien amateur de poésie dithyrambique.’ 2 New Phryn., p. 163. Compare also Gautier, op. cit., p. 142: “A force d’étre ballotté par l’existence, ἃ force de fréquenter des compagnons d’armes venus

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

li

contrary to all reason to treat him as a genuine Attic writer, How quickly travel or exile under the peculiar linguistic conditions of pre-Macedonian Greece could affect a man’s speech, as it affects

his accent nowadays, is aptly illustrated by Solon’s lines : πολλοὺς δ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας, πατρίδ᾽ εἰς θεόκτιτον, ἀνήγαγον πραθέντας, ἄλλον ἐκδίκως, ἄλλον δικαίως,

. ..

γλῶσσαν οὐκέτ᾽ 'Αττικὴν ἱέντας,

ὡς

ἂν πολλαχῇ

πλανωμένους."

Still more pertinent is the remark of Demosthenes when defending his father from the charge that ‘he talked like a stranger’ (διαβεβλήκασι γάρ μου τὸν πατέρ᾽, ὡς ἐξένιζεν)." For after describing his father’s slavery and wandering in different parts of Greece he adds: οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς δημόταις οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς φράτερσιν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλοθι οὐδαμοῦ τὸν ξενίζοντ᾽ οὐδεὶς πώποτ᾽ ἠτιάσαθ' ὡς εἴη ξένος. In fact it appears that

anyone who was not a habitual resident

in Athens

found it im-

possible to preserve the purity of his Attic speech. So Xenophon, ἀνὴρ ἐν στρατείαις σχολάζων καὶ ξένων συνουσίαις, has necessarily a strong Ionic taint. To cite a few examples,’ he uses: ἁλίζειν

as well as the Attic ἀθροίζειν.

δάπεδον diver

” ”

1 »

ἔδαφος. δύεσθαι.

ἑτοιμάζειν

"»

»

παρασκενάζειν.

κόπος

”

»

πόνος.

λαμπτήρ

»

De

»

παρέχειν.

προσπελάζειν

„

,»,

πλησιάζειν.

τραυματίζειν

»

»

τιτρώσκειν.

πορσύνειν

"

Mr. H. Richards, in his Moves on Xenophon and Others, is constantly quoting deviations from Attic diction and syntax. Of especial interest is his remark‘ that

‘The most noticeable things ... are the words quite common

in

the poets or in Herodotus and sometimes in the Hippocratean treatises, in some cases used by Thucydides and it may be by Antiphon, sometimes appearing again later in the Kowy or frequent in Lucian: names for common things and familiar ideas, which the des quatre coins de la Gréce, et pour avoir neglige peut-étre la lecture des auteurs qu'il avait cultivés dans sa jeunesse, il laissa s’obliterer en lui le sens

du bon usage attique. Et c’est ainsi qu'on s’explique qu'il ait employé des mots postiques sans motif stylistique quelconque.’ 2 Arist. 4th. Pol. xii. 4.

2 Contra Enbul,, § 18 (p. 1304). ®

See also New Phrynichus, pp. 165-74;

4 p. 159.

ἀ 2

Gautier, op. cit., pp. 144-50

lil

INTRODUCTION

comic poets and the orators must have used over and over again, had they formed part of ordinary Attic speech, from the days of Aristophanes and Lysias to those of Demosthenes and Philemon,’ Xenophon, then, represents the first clear stage in the intrusion of a non-Attic element into professed literary prose. But it is time to return to Aeneas, and to discover what light these investigations throw on his language. We shall find a striking corroboration of the general trend of our argument.

A.

Dichon

of Aeneas.

If a scholar were presented with a list of words like ἄκρυπτος, ἁμαξοπληθής,

δόλωμα,

εὔογκος,

κάματος,

κέντημα,

λάφνρα,

πέσημα,

xanamerg, and asked to suggest in what sort of literature they occurred, he would probably reply at once ‘tragedy’. He would be

surprised to learn that they came in an unpretentious treatise on siegecraft. Yet such is the case. The vocabulary of Aeneas is, at first sight, astounding, and it is only when we realize what Xenophon’s

diction implies that we can begin to account for it. We said at the beginning that the nature of. their careers was similar: but there is a difference in the men which is reflected in their language. Xenophon, though years of absence from Athens had blunted his

feeling for the finer points of language, is still by birth and training an Athenian, and (when he chooses to be) a master of that ‘ sponta-

neous felicity’! which gained for him the title of the ‘ Attic Muse’? and for his style its comparison with the honey of Hymettus.*

But

Aeneas is an Arcadian by birth, of a country the most remote from the humane influence of Athens, and writes in a dialect which is not his own. It was, to be sure, the recognized international speech of

his day ; still, it looks as if he is not quite at ease while expressing his ideas

on

paper, and

we must

not

forget that he is, as far as we

know, the first Peloponnesian who used Attic Greek as his medium of expression.

He had probably had some sort of schooling, if not

at Athens, at some

other literary centre, such

as Sicyon was

in his

day ;‘ and he evidently read Herodotus and Thucydides with care ; I Quint. Inst. Or. x. i. 8a ‘ Xenophontis

illam

iucunditatem

sed quam nulla consequi adfectatio possit.’ 2 Diog. Laert. 1. vi. 13 (δ 57) ᾿Εκαλεῖτο δὲ καὶ ᾿Αττικὴ Μοῦσα

ἑρμηνείατ. 3 Suidas, Ξενοφῶν ᾿Αττικὴ μέλιττα ἱπωνομάζετο. 4 See note on x, 10.

inadfectatam, γλυκύτητι

τῆν

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

ki

but on the whole it is surprising to find that his Greek is as good as it is, and a striking testimony to the rapidity with which the speech of Athens was developing into a common dialect. It is in his diction above all that he betrays himself, and the more closely we study it, the more do we recognize the prevalence of the Ionic element so strong in the diction of Xenophon. The following is a list of words, found in Aeneas, which occur also in Tonic literature, whether prose or poetry, Attic tragedy, Xenophon, Aristotle, or Theophrastus ; but are πο found in Thucydides, Plato, the dialogue portions of old Attic comedy (excluding parody), the Attic orators,’ or Attic inscriptions before the time of Alexander. This list falls into the following subdivisions : ? A. Words found in epic or lyric poetry, or the lyric passages of tragedy or comedy. ᾿ i. Words found in poetry, but not in Ionic prose. ii, Words found both in poetry and in Ionic prose.

B. Words which appear for the first time in the dialogue portions of tragedy. i. Words found in tragedy, but not in Ionic prose. ii. Words found both in tragedy and in Ionic prose. C. Words which appear for the first time in Ionic prose, and not in poetry of the classical period. D. Words which appear for the first time in the later prose of Xenophon,

Avi.

Aristotle,

Theophrastus, &c.

Nouns. ἀγαθίς (xviii. 14, ἄς.) (Pherecydes, Epicharmus) δάμαλις (xxvii. 14) (Aesch. Epicrates. inscr. fourth cent, B. 6.) ἔφεδρος, ‘adversary’ (xiv. 1) (Pind. Xen.) στελεά, στελεόν (xviii. 10) (στειλειή in Homer) χερμάδιον (xxxvili. 6, &c.) (Homer. Tyrtaeus) Adjectives,

κλωστός (xviii. 14) (Eur.)

veddapros (xxxil. 3) (Homer. Xen. Arist.) ταλαπείριος, ‘ vagabond’ (x. 10) (Homer φαεινός (xxv, 2) (Homer. Pind. trag. Aristoph.) 1 Excluding Hypereides and Deinarchus. 2 I have adopted both the classification and a considerable

portion of the

material from Christian Mahlstedt’s dissertation Über den Wortschats des Aineias Taktikus (Jena, 1910). For the exact references in the case of each word and many other details of interest the reader is referred to Herr Mahlstedt’s treatise.

(The lists of authors by whom complete. S.A.H.]

the words

are used are not intended to be

liv

INTRODUCTION Adverbs.

ἑκάστοθι (xi. 11) (Homer) ματαίως (vi. 1) (Emped. trag. Arist. πανσυδίῃ (xv. 9) (Homer. Bacchyl.

Eur. Xen.)*

Verbs.

dvaipw, “lift up’ (xxiii, 4) (Homer. trag.) κοιτάζομαι (x. 26) (Pind. Polyb.)

προσαΐσσω (xxxiv. 2) (Homer. Aesch.) προφέρω, ‘bear forward’

(xxii. 27) (Homer. Hes. Theogn. Eur.)

φέγγω (xxvi. 3) (Aristoph. Ap. Rhod.)

A. ii,

Nouns.

ἄγγος (xxix. 6, 8) (Homer. Hdt. Hipp. trag. Aristoph.)? ἄρμενα

λυφίς

(xi. 3, &c.) (Hes. Hipp.)

(xxxi. 26) (Homer. Hdt. Ap. Rhod.)

ἄπεδον (xxxvii. 6) (Homer. Hat. trag. Aristoph. Xen.)

κάματος (xxvi. 8) (Homer. Hipp. trag.) λαμπτήρ (xxii. 21, &c.) (Homer. Hipp. trag. Xen.)* öxavov (xxix. 12) (Anacr. Hdt.) πάλος (xx. 2) (Sappho. Pind. Hdt. trag.) * πυλωρός (v. 1, ἄς.) (Homer. Hdt. trag.) πυρσός (vi. 7) (Homer. Pind. Eur. Hdt. Polyb.)® Adjectives.

ἀσυνήθης (xvi. 19) (Emped. Hipp. Arist. Polyb.) θανατηφόρος (xxvii. 9) (trag. Hipp. Xen. Arist.)® Adverb.

ἔσωθεν (xxxii. 7, &c.) (Emped. Hdt. trag. Xen.)* Verbs,

ἀντιόομαι (xxxvii. 5, ἄς.) (Hdt. Aesch.)® éxdéw (xviii. 14) (Homer. Hdt. Hipp. Eur.) * ἐνείρω (xxxi. 20, &c.) (Hipp. Hat.) * οἰνόομαι (xvi, 5, &c.) (Homer. Hdt. trag.) ' πορσύνω (xxix. 9) (Homer. Hdt. trag. Xen.) B.i.

Nouns.

δόλωμα (viii. 2) (Aesch.) λάφυρα (xvi. 8) (trag. Xen. Κοινή) πέσημα (xxxii. 12) (trag. Anth. Pal.)

τέχνασμα (xxxvii. 8) (Eur. Xen.) "ἢ ! The form πανσυδί occurs in Thue, viii, 1. 1.

2 Attic ἀγγεῖον.

6 7 ἡ 10

® Attic λαμπάς,

+ Attic κλῆρος.

5 Attic ppuxrés.

Once in Plat. (Rep. 617 d, a highly coloured passage). Attic ἔνδοθεν, ® Attic ἐναντιόομαι. It is no doubt a mere chance that these compounds have not survived in Attic. Once in a fragment of Cratinus ; ordinary Attic μεθύω.

11 Agathon is made to use this word in Ar, Thesm, 198.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

ly

Adjectives. ἄκρυπτος (xxxix. 6) (trag.)

ἁμαξοπληθής (xxxii. 5) (Eur.)

αὐτουργός, ‘with his own hand’ (xviii. 2) (Soph.) δύσγνωστος (xxv. 2) (Eur.) Adverb. κρυφαίως (xviii. 8, &c.) (Aesch. Κοινή)

Verbs. eiomopρεύομαι (xviii. 15, &c.) (Eur. Xen.) ἐκπορεύομαι (xxiv. 4, &c.) (Eur. Men. Xen. Arist.)

ἐξελίσσω (xxix. 8) (Eur. Xen.)

ἐξερευνάω (xxviii. 4) (me: Polyb.) προεξερευνάω (xv. 5) (Εἰ προτάσσω, ‘appoint beforehand? (i. 5) (Soph. Arist.)

πυρσεύω (xv. 1, &c.) (Eur. Xen.)

B. ii.

Nouns. κέντημα (xxxi. 30) (Hipp. Aesch. Polyb.) κλώψ (xxiii. 7) (Hdt. Eur. Xen.) πολυπλήθεια (iii. 1) (Hipp. Soph. Arist.) Adjectives.

βρωτός (viii. 4) (Hipp. Eur. Xen.) eoyxos (xxix. 6, ἄς.) (Hipp. Eur. Arist.) Verbs. dypρεύω (xxii, r1, &c.) (Hdt. trag. Xen.)

ἀντηχέω (xxxvii. 7) (Hipp. Eur. Arist. Polyb.) ἐνράπτω (xxxi. 9, ay (Hat. Eur. Diod.) καταρράπτω (xxxi. 4) (Hipp. Aesch. Theophr.)

λεηλατέω (xvi. 8, &c.) (Hdt. trag. Xen.) ὀχλέω (xxii. 26, &c.) (Hdt. Hipp. trag. Arist.)* Cc.

Nouns, ἀντιστασιώτης (xi. 7, ἄς.) (Hdt. Xen. Arist.) βαλανάγρα (xviii. Hi &c.) (Hdt. Xen.)

βοήθησις (xvi. 4) hr: ipp.)

ἑτοιμασία (xxi. 1) (Hipp.)

μάννα (xxxv.) (Hipp.)

πέλμα (xxxi. 4) (Hipp. Herond. Polyb.)* πρατήριον (x. iv (Hdt. Diod.)*

πρίσμα (xxxy.) (Hipp. Theophr.)* προσαγωγή (absol,), ‘attack’ (x. 23) (Hdt. Xen)’ σκυταλίς (xxii, 27, &c.) (Hdt. Diod. Polyaen.) 1 Attic ἐνοχλέω,

3 Attic κάττυμα.

3 Moeris, p. 207, 11 Bekk.: πωλητήριον ᾿Αττικοί, πρατήριον Ἕλληνες. * But in Ar. Frogs 881 (lyr.) ῥήματα καὶ παραπρίσματ᾽ ἐπῶν. 5 In

Hdt,

and

Xen.

of ‘approach’

to a god or king.

In the trans,

(προσαγωγὴ μηχανήματος, xxii, 8) the word is found in Polybius,

sense

lvi

INTRODUCTION Adjectives and Adverb.

ἄνιππος (of country) (viii. 4) (Hdt. Dion. Hal.) δηλωτικῶς (xiv. 2) (adj. in Hipp.) ἐξαιρετός, ‘removable’ (xx. 3} (Hdt.)' ἱππάσιμος (vi. 6, &c.) (Hdt. Xen. Arist. Polyb.) παραμήκης (xxxi. 3) (Hipp. Polyb.) πεδινός (i. 2) (Hdt. Xen. Arist. Polyb.)? πότιμος (xl. 8) (Hdt. Hipp. Xen. Arist. Polyb.) ῥωμαλέος (i. 8) (Hdt. Hipp.)*

|

σύννους (xx. 1) (Hipp. Arist.)

ψαμμώδης (vill, 2) (Hipp. Arist.)

Verbs.

ἀντορύσσω {xxxvii, 7) (Hdt.) διευρύνω (xxxi. 12) (Hipp. Arist.) ἐκκνάω (xxxi. 14) (Hdt. Theocr.) ἐμπαρασκευάζω (ix. 3) (Clinias Pyth, ap. Stob.) ἐνειλέω (xxix. 6, &c.) (Hipp.)

καθυπνόω (xviii. 17) (Hdt. Xen. Arist.) ° καταλείφω (xxxvii. 9) (Hipp. Arist.) κατασκεπάζω (xxxvil. 3) (Hipp.) κατασκέπτομαι (xxiii, 10) (Hipp. Xen.) κατασύρω, ‘lay waste’ (xvi. 8) (Hdt. Polyb.) κηρόω (xxii. 25) (Hipp. Herond.) λοχίζω, ‘divide into λόχοι᾽ (1, 5) (Edt. Dion. Hal.)*

ποτίξω (xxvii, 14) (Hipp. Xen. Arist.}”

προαφίημι (xxxii. 6) (Hipp. Dio Cass.) προετοιμάζω (xviii. 6, &c.) (Hdt. Hipp.)

προκατασκενάζω (xvi. 16, &c.) (Hipp. Xen. Polyb.) προσδέω, ‘tie up’ (xxii. 14) (Hdt. Hipp. Arist.)

προσεπιδέω (xvili. 19) (Hipp.) προσπλάσσω (xxii. 25) (Hdt. Hipp.) προὐποτίθημι (xxxvi. 2) (Hipp. Arist.)

ὑπερπίπτω (xxx. 9) (Hipp. Arist.)

’ ὑποθυμιάω (xxxü.

1) (Hipp. Luc.)

ὑπορύσσω (xxxvii. 7, &c.) (Hdt. Polyb. Diod.)

φλογόω (trans.) (xxx, x) (Hipp. Theophr.) "

D.

Nouns.

δίερσις (xxxi. 18) (v. 1. in Arist. Galen) ἑκατοστύς (xi. τὸ ἃ, &c.) (Xen. inscr. fourth cent, B. 6.)

2 ἃ 3 *

Attic ἐξαιρετέος, The form wedsewds is found in Plat. Laws iv. 704 ἃ, Once in Plat, (PAaedrus 243d, metaph.). Attic words. Once in [Plat.] Axtochus 365 a. ὃ Attic καθεύδω,

8 Found in Thuc. in the other meanings, ‘place in ambush? (ili. 107. 3).

‘lie in ambush for’ (v. 115. 1) and

? Once in Plato (PAaedrus 247 e, a highly coloured passage).

® Intrans. in Hipp.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Wii

ἐξοπλισία (x. 13) (Xen. Arist, inscr. fourth cent. B.C.) ἱεροποιία (xvii. 1) (Anaxim. Rhet. pap. third cent. Β, c.)

ἱματισμός (xxxi. 15) (Theophr. Polyb. pap. third cent. B.c.) κάθετος (xxxii. 6) (Arist. Polyb.) μόσσυν (ea 3) (Xen. Ap. Rhod.) vewAxia

(xvii. 1) (Arist. Theophr.)

παρασκεύασμα (xxii. 19) (Xen. ὰ πολεμικόν, ‘signal for battle’ (iv. 3) (Xen. Theophr. Polyb.) προνομή (xxxi. 8) (Xen. Polyb.)

ῥίνη (xviii. 5, ἄς.) (Ken.)? στρατοπεδεία on 15) (Xen. Polyb.) συναρχίαι (iv. 11) (Arist. Polyb. inscr. fourth cent. Β. 6.) ς (xxiv. 17, &c.) ) (Xen. Arist. Polyb.)? φὰς (ii. (i 6) (φάρξις inscr. 400 B.C.) χελώνη, ‘ pent-house’ (xxxii. 11, ἄς.) (Xen. Polyb.) Adjectives and Adverbs. ἀντιπρόσωπος (xxii, 11) (Xen. Theophr.) δυσμνημόνευτος, ‘hard to remember’ (xxiv. 2) (Arist. MW ἐπισπερχεστέρως (xxvi. 10) (pos. adv. in Xen.

εὐαπαλλάκτως (xvi. 28) (adj. in Xen. and Arist.) εὐμνημόνευτος, ‘easy to remember’ (xxiv. 14) (Arist.)* ἰσομεγέθης (xxxi. 10) (Xen. Polyb.)

παρασκευαστικός (vii. 4, &c.) (Xen. Theophr.) προνοητικῶς (xviii, rr) (Xen. adj. in Arist.) ὑπερδέξιος (i. 2) (Xen. Polyb.) Verbs.

ἐγκαταρράπτω (xxxi. 4 ἃ, &c.) (Xen.) ἐπαφίημι (χχχί!. 6, &c.) (Xen. Arist. Theophr, Polyb.)

ἐπιστίζω (xxxi. 29, ἃς.) (Theophr.) ἐπισυνδέω (xxxvü. 9) (Theophr.) καταπηδάω (xxii. 19, ἃς.) (Xen.)*

μορφόω (xl. 4) (Theophr. Arat.)

νυκτοφυλακέω (xxii. 1) (Xen. περιοδεύω (xxii, το, &c.) (Epicur. pap. third cent. B.c.) πολυωρέω (xxii. 17) (Arist. inscr. and pap. third cent. Β. 6.)

προεμβάλλω (trans.) (xviii. 3) (Arist. Polyb.)* προερευνάω (xxvii. 15) (προερευνάομαι in Xen.)

προπορεύομαι (xxiii. 10) (Polyb.} σημειόω {= σημαίνω) (xxii. 2 ) (Theophr. Polyb.)

συμπερίειμι (xxxviii. 2) (Xen.) συνδιάγω (x. 24) (Arist.) 1 κατερρινημένον, Ar. Frogs goa; κατερρινημένους, Aesch. Suppl. 747. § Attic σύριγμα. 5. In Plat. Tim, 748 = ‘with bad memory’. 4 In Plat. Tim. 18¢ = ‘ worth mentioning’. 5 ἀναπηδάω is frequent in good Attic. © Intrans, in Hdt. iv, 183. 3 and Thuc, iv. a5. 5.

.

liii

INTRODUCTION συνυπάρχω (xxxiii. 4) (Eth. Eud. Theophr.)

τυφλόω (metaphorical) (ii. 1, &c.) (Theophr.) Looking more closely at the words in these lists, we see that they fall roughly into three divisions : (a) Words for common objects or actions of everyday life, which would not be expected to occur often in literary prose : e.g. ἀγαθίς, ἄρμενα, δάμαλις, πρίσμα, ἐκκνάω, ἐνειλέω, ἐνείρω. (dyabis and δάμαλις are found also in comic fragments.) (4) Words decidedly picturesque and vivid, which Attic prose

rejected as too highly coloured, though they stand for quite familiar ideas: e.g. ἔφεδρος, κάματος, λάφυρα, ἁμαξοπληθής, ἐπισπερχής, πανσυδίῃ, ταλαπείριος, ἀγρεύω, κατασύρω, κοιτάζομαι. In this class we may place the characteristically Ionic forms in -pa, 8.8. δόλωμα, κέντημα, πέσημα, τέχνασμα. In other cases we have the non-Attic form of a pair of synonyms : 8. δ. ἄγγος for ἀγγεῖον, κλώψ for κλέπτης, πρατήριον for πωλητήριον, πυρσός for φρυκτός. (©) New technical terms and new compounds, necessitated by the growth both of the art of war and of other sciences, and the need for an extended vocabulary to keep pace with it. This accounts for the majority of the words in part D: e.g. ἐξοπλισία, vewAxia, προνομή, ὑπερδέξιος, adjs. in -ıxds, ἐπαφίημι, ἐπισυνδέω, νυκτοφυλακέω, περιοδεύω, προερευνάω.

The list will be considerably increased if we used by Aeneas in common with Thucydides found in pure Attic, from the strict severity of authors are acknowledged to decline: for while strong traces of Ionic influence in his diction,

include the words or Plato, but not which both these Thucydides shows Plato’s exuberance

often leads him into a more varied and picturesque vocabulary than the orators allow themselves." E.

Nouns.

ἄγρα (xxiv. 15) (Hdt. Plat. Xen. Polyb.)* ἄθροισις (iv. 12) (Thuc. Arist.) ἀκροβολισμός (xxxix. 6) (Thue, Plat. Xen. Polyb.)

διόρυγμα (χχχί!. 12, &c.) (Thuc.) ἕνερσις (xxxi, 19) (Thuc.) 1 Rutherford couples Plato with Aristophanes and the orators as an example of ‘that marvellous precision of language’ (New Phryn., p. 163): needs reconsideration,

ἅ Attic θήρα,

but this surely

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

ἐπέξοδος (xxiii. ἔρυμα (xvi. 15, κλεῖσις (xx. 1) κτύπος (xx. 4)

AND

STYLE

lix

1) (Thuc.) &c.) (Hdt. Thue. Plat. Xen.) (Thuc.) (Thue. Plat. Xen.)

πέμψις (iv. 12, &c.) (Hdt. Thuc. Arist.) πυθμήν (xxix. 7) (Hipp. Plat.) σύμπτωμα (Praef. 4, &c.) (Hipp. Thuc. [Plat.] φάκελλος (xxxiii, 1) (Hdt. Hipp. Thue. Arist.

Axtochus)

φέγγος (x. 25, &c.) (Plat, Xen. Arist.)

Adjectives,

ἀπόλεκτος (xxvi. 10) (Thuc. Xen. Polyb. ϑυσμεταχείριστος, ‘hard to manage’ (xxxix. 7) (Plat. Xen.) δυσπρόσοδος (xxviii. 1) (Thuc. Xen. Arist. Polyb.) εὐπρόσοδος (xxii. 15, &c.) (Thuc. Xen.) νοερός (xxvili. 2) (v. 1. in Plat. Arist. νοήρης in Herond.) ποδώκης (vi. 5) (Thuc. Plat. Xen.) πυρφόρος (xxxüi. 8) (Thuc. Polyb.) πυρώδης (xxiii. 1) (Hipp. Plat. Arist.) συνίστωρ (xxiii. ro) (Thuc. Polyb.)

χαμαιπετής (xxxüi. 9) (Plat. Polyb.) Adverbs.

ἀνάπαλιν (xxxi, 19) (Hipp. Plat. Xen.)! πάμπαν (Xvi. 2, &c.) (Hdt. Hipp. Plat. Xen. Arist.) Verbs.

ἀκροβολίζομαι (χχχίχ. 1) (Thue, Xen. Polyb.) ἀναγγέλλω (x. 18, ἄς.) (Thuc. Xen.)

ἀνηκουστέω (x. 3) (Hdt. Thuc.) διαπορεύομαι (xxxii. το) (Hdt. Thuc. Plat. Xen. Arist.)

ἐκβοηθέω (xv. 4) (Hdt. Thuc. Xen. Polyb.) ἐντέλλομαι (xxxi. 8) (Hdt. Hipp. Plat. Xen.) ἠρεμέω (ix. 3, &c.) (Hipp. Plat. Xen. Arist.)

προσπελάζω (xxii. 12, &c.) (Hipp. Plat. Xen.) ord£e (xi. 3) (Hdt. Hipp. Plat. Xen. Arist.)

The most prominent features of this list are: a. Verbal nouns in -ya and -σις, an acknowledged Ionic trait.

6. Technical terms connected with the art of war: e. g. ἀκροβολιopds, ἐπέξοδος, ἀπόλεκτος, δυσπρόσοδος, εὐπρόσοδος, πυρφόρος, ἀναγγέλλω, ἐκβοηθέω. After this overwhelming display of evidence, it is needless to dilate

further upon the amount of Ionic material in Aeneas’s vocabulary which remains impervious to the textual critic. Having established Aeneas’s relation in a backward 1 Attic prefers πάλιν or ἔμπαλιν.

direction to

lx

INTRODUCTION

that immense vocabulary which was used by Ionic and early Attic writers, rejected by the orators, and accepted again by Xenophon and the writers of the Κοινή, we must now go on to ascertain his forward connexion with the fully developed Κοινή of the Hellenistic age. The results will be found equally striking. The list of otherwise ‘late’ words found in Aeneas and Aeneas alone of fourthcentury writers is a remarkably long one: and though they are

accounted for to a great extent by the nature of his subject, a science which was always increasing its technical vocabulary as men continued to theorize upon it more and more, this renders them none

the less interesting.

The

the list of words common

same tendencies

which we noticed in

to Aeneas and the fourth-century prose

writers will be found further exemplified here, and it is clear that a considerable part of the technical vocabulary of Polybius was coined during the lifetime of Aeneas. F. The following words are found elsewhere only in writers of the

post-Aristotelian period : Nouns.

ἀκρολοφία (xv. 6) (Polyb. Diod.) διάδυσις, ‘ passage’ (xxiv. 5) (Diod.) διλοχία (xv. 3) (Polyb.) ἐκκοιτία (xiii. 3) (Philo) ἐπισημασία (xxxi. 3) (Epicurus. Polyb.)

ἐπιφάνεια, ‘appearance’ (of an enemy) (xxxi. 8) (Polyb.)? ἡμεροσκοπεῖον (vi. 6, &c.) (Artemidorus ap. Steph. Byz.)’ καθολκή (x. 12) (Hero Alex. inser. 100 B.C.) λιμενοφύλαξ (xxix. 12) (inser. first cent, B.C.) ὀχυρότης (xxii. 2) (Polyb. Diod.) πὰρασύνθημα (xxv. 1, &c.) (Polyb. Onasander)

παρατήρησις (x. 25) (Polyb. Diod, Plut.)

.

περικεφαλαία (xxiv. 6, &c.) (Att. inser. 316 B.C. περικεφαλαῖον in Polyb.) περιοδεία (i. τ, &c.) (Epicurus. Strabo)

πολέταρχος (xxvi. 12) (πολιτάρχης in inscr. second cent. B.c.) (πριστήρν (iv. 2) (Aretaeus. Anth. Pal.) ῥῖπος (xxix. 6, ἄς.) (Agatharchides. Dioscorides) *

ῥύμη, *by-street’ (ii. 5, &c.) (Polyb. N.T. pap. second cent. B. c.)

σκηνοποιία συνεκφορά σύσσημον τειχοποιία

(viii, 3) (Polyb.) (xvii. 1) (Dion. Hal.) * (tv, 1, &c.) (Strabo. N.T.) (viii. 3) (Philo, Diod. Plut.)

1 Used by Isoc. in the sense ‘splendour’, ‘distinction’,

2 ἡμεροσκόπος in Ar, Birds 1174.

« As a grammatical term;

_

® Form ῥίῳ occurs in Ar. Peace 699.

but ef. ἐννεκφέρω in Thue. ii. 34. 4.

TEXT, LANGUAGE, AND STYLE ὑπόρνγμα (xxxii, 8, &c.) (pap. A.D. 343) φνλακεῖον (xx. 5, &c.) CNT

χρεωφειλέτης (v. 2, ἃς.)

Diod.)

(N.T. Dion. Hal. Plut.)

Adjectives.

ἀδιάτμητος (xxxii. I) (Cyrill. Alex.) ἁμαξήλατος (xvi. 14) (Strabo. Pollux) ἄπριστος (xx. 2) (Quint. Smyrn.)

δυσδιάβατος (vili. 1) (Polyb. Diod.)

δυσεπίβολος (vill. 1) (Paulus Alex.)

évedpevrixds (i. 2) (Strabo. Philo) εὐείσβολος (xvi. 16) (Strabo) εὐκάτοπτος (xxvii. 2) {J. Afr. Cyrill. Alex.) veoxuns (xvl. 14, &c.) (Nicand.

στρατοπεδευτικός (xxi. 2) (Polyb.

7’%er.)

σωληνοειδῆς (xviii, 6) (Hero. Philo)

ὑπερπετής (xxxil. 10) (Polyb. Diod. Strabo) φορταγωγός (xxix. 4) (Schol. Od.) Adverbs.

ἀναντιλέκτως (xxxl. 9b) (Strabo. Luc. adj. in pap. third cent. ». c.) προσφάτως, ‘recently’ (xvi. 2) (Polyb.) (cf. ἐκ προσφάτου, iil, 1) Verbs. ἀνθυπορύσσω (xxxvii, 5) (Polyaen.)

ἀνταποστέλλω (xxxi. 9 Ὁ) (Polyb. Joseph. Plut.) ἀντεπιστέλλω (xxxi, 4.8} (Luc. Paus.)

ἀντικαταλαμβάνω (xxiv. 14) (Timaeus Locr. Dio Cass.) ἀντιπαεανίζω

(xxvil. 4) (ἀντιπαιωνέζω in Maximus Tyr.)

ἀπελίσσω (xviii. 15) (Hero. Apollod. Poliorc. y. 1. in Dio Cass.) ἀποκινέω (intrans.) (x. 5) (Polyaen.) ' εἰσαφίημι (xxxil. 9) (Strabo. Joseph.)

ἐκσπογγίξω (xxxi. 13) (Eubul. ap. Poll.) ἐκφερομνυθέω (xxii, 5) (inscr. third cent. B.c. Cornutus) παραλέγω, ‘quote’ (iv. 7) (Plut.)

προαλείφω (xxxiv. I) Die ZI.) προαπαγγέλλω (x. 5) {Dio Cass.)

προδιατάσσομαι (xvi. 16) (inser. second cent. B. C.)

προενδημέω (xxix. 4) (Joseph.)

προενεδρεύω (iv. 8) (Appian)

προενείρω (xxxi. 22) (Schol. Luc. Zcarom.) προκαθίζω (trans.) (xv. 9) (Polyb.)*

προπαραγγέλλω (xxvii. 3) (inscr. third cent, B.c. Dio Cass.) προσύγκειμαι (xviii. 18, &c.) (Joseph)

ὁ

προσυντίθεμαι (xvii. 13, &c.) (Joseph. Dio Cass.) συμπροδίδωμι (xi. 3) (Greg. Naz.) 1 Cf. ὑπαποκινέω, Ar. Birds 1011, Thesm, 924, and the ἀπόκινος of comedy, 2 Intrans. in Homer, Hdt., Arist.

Ix

INTRODUCTION

xii

συμπροσάγω (x. 23) (Galen) συνειστρέχω (xxxix. 1, &c.) (Appian) ὑποτοξεύω (xxxvi. 1) (Palladius ?) G. Finally we have to consider the words used by Aeneas alone of extant writers (apart from the ancient lexicographers) (41 in number) : Verbs,

Nouns. ἀντιδομή (xxiii. 5)

Adjectives. δυσεπίθετος (Praef. 2)

(ἀντιδέμων (xxxiii. 4)

ἀντίκριος (xxxii. 7)

δυσπροσπόριστος (viii.

ἀντιπροθυμέομαι

βαλανοδόκη ἃς.)

δυσστρατοπέδευτος

(xvill. 3,

διαδεκτήρ (vi. 4, &c.)

ἐκτομάς (xxviii. 2) ἕξερσις (xxxi. 19) ἐπισκόπησις (x. 6)

ἐπιστιγμή(χχχ!. 2,810.) θερμαστίον (xviii, 6)* λεηλάτησις (xvi. 5) μεσόπυλον (xxxix. 3)?

1)

(viii, 1)

ἡμιύφαντος (xxix, 6) κατάκολλος (XXXi. 10) ὀρόφινος (xxxii. 8)

πυρσευτής

(vi.

διαπληρόω (xvi. 8) ἡμεροσκοπέω (vi. 1) καταλευκόω (RXX. 15)

ξενοκρατέομαι (xii, 4)

τροτεραλίσσω 20

περίοδος (δ) (xxii. 3, &c.) πολιτοφυλακία (xxii. 7 (xxxii.

ἀποπτύσσω (xxxi. 23)

πισσαλοιφέω (xi, 3) πολιτοφυλακέω (i 3) προαποπληρόω (ii. 2) προκληρόω (iii, 6)

πάνειον (xxi. 2, &c.)

προώστης

1)

(xi.

(xxxi.

προσαλίζω (xvii. 4)

συμπετάννυμι (xxxvii, (eovmerdopai) (xvii. 2)

5)

7)

ὑποπροτί! θημι

ῥνμάρχης (iii. 4, &c.)

2)

στολίδιον (xxix. 4)

(xxxvi.

φορμορραφίς (xviil. 10, &c.)

Taking into consideration the length of the work (40 chapters), Aeneas’s vocabulary is one of the most extensive and peculiar in Greek literature. We have here a total of over a hundred words which he is either the first of extant

Greek

authors

to use, or the

first to use in a peculiar sense. Glancing briefly at the constituents of this remarkable vocabulary, we see again that it falls into certain well-defined groups. ı. Subject-matter. a. Words connected with household objects or actions of everyday life (about 20). 1 Geppacrpis Arist. ; θερμζα)στίν, 1. G. τι. ii. 754, 1. 29. 3 μεσσοπύλη, Asclepiades In Anth. Pal. v. 203.

TEXT, ὁ. Terms

more

LANGUAGE, or

less

AND

technical,

STYLE

either

Ixiii

military

or

official

(about 50). 2. Formation. a. New nouns: i. Compound or derived from compounds, περίοδος, πολιτοφυλακία, χρεωφειλέτης,

e.g.

λιμενοφύλαξ,

ii, Verbal nouns. in-pa -σις

παρασύνθημα

ὑπόρυγμα ἕξερσις

ἐπισκόπησις λεηλάτησις

παρατήρησις -εἶον

τεια

ἡμεροσκοπεῖον φυλακεῖον

ἐπιφάνεια

περιοδεία τία

ἐκκοιτία

σκηνοποιία TELXOM oda

τή, -ά

-ἧς,

ἀντιδομή ἐπιστιγμή καθολκή συνεκφορά προώστης

πυρσευτής

᾿

(about 35 in all)

ὁ. New compound adjectives (17). ¢. New compound verbs: (i) Compounded with one prep. (17).

(i)

"»

„

ὕπνο preps. (20).

(iii)

»

»

anoun (4).

(4x in all)

If we turn to the papyri, we find similar developments

taking

There is the surprising number of 73 new verbs place there.‘ compounded with two prepositions, against 131 from Homer to Plato;? and verbal nouns in -μα and -σις show over 40 new In the formation of adverbs from participles, again, examples each.’ there is the same tendency shown.

In Aeneas we have, 6. g., πεφυλαγ-

μένωςτ᾽ in papyri ἀνεστραμμένως, ἁρμοζόντως, καθηκόντως, and several adverbs of the type ἀσυντάκτως." Rather strangely, while Aeneas 1 Most of the following facts and figures are taken from Mayser, op. cit.

3 Mayser, pp. 497-504. * Also in Xenophon.

® Ibid. pp. 433-5 437-8.

© Mayser, p. 458.

Ixiv

INTRODUCTION

prefers to form his comparative adverbs

in -ws and

not -ov (e.g.

ἀκολαστοτέρως, apuxrorépws, πλειόνως), there is no trace of this in the papyri.! On the other hand, it is common in Herodotus (θειοτέρως, ἰσχυροτέρως, εὐπετεστέρως, &c.) and in Xenophon (ἐχθιόνως,

μειζόνως).

It seems to be a characteristic Ionic trait which either

disappeared in the fully formed Kowy, or perhaps had only a local range, not extending to Egypt. It is thus clear that this extensive coinage of new words is not due in any way to a striving after literary effect, but part of a linguistic process that was going on over the whole Hellenic world during the formation of the Kowy, tending to a more elaborate expression and a loss of simplicity in diction, one compound word doing duty where two or three would have been used in earlier Greek. The language thus loses much of its flexibility and charm, but gains a certain amount in brevity and conciseness of expression, the qualities most demanded by an age which is beginning to treat subjects technically, and needs a technical vocabulary. Lastly, there are certain forms to which an Ionic origin should probably be assigned : ἀείρω (vi. 4, &c.) ἀξιόχρεος (xvi. 11) δύνω (xxxii. 8, &c.)

for Attic αἴρω ἀξιόχρεως δύομαι

καταλιμπάνω (viii. 3) κλείω (xviii. 21, &c.)

καταλείπω κλήω

μαχέσομαιὃ {xvi, 7)

μαχοῦμαι

πιεξζέω (xviii, 12) πονέσαι (ili. 2)

πιέζω πονῆσαι

συμμίσγω (χν. 4)

συμμίγνυμι

ναός (xvii, 3)?

σπόνδυλος (xxxvi. 2)

νεώς

σφόνδυλος

λίθος feminine (xxii. rz, &c.) seems also to betray non-Attic influence (see L. and S. =. v.). δεσμέω (xxxviii. 3) is a late form of Seopebw.?

B. Having

Orthography of Aeneas.

proved beyond dispute the non-Attic character of a great

deal of Aeneas’s diction, we can proceed with more confidence to 1 Mayser, pp. 458-9. 3 The true Ionic form is νηός. 5 It is, however, found in an inscr. from Elis, fifth cent. ».c.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixv

the task of determining exactly in what form he wrote his down, The problem is by no means a simple one, and is plicated by the fact that Greek spelling at all periods was exceedingly fluid condition ; and never more so than in the

words comin an fourth

century B.c., when official Attic had indeed succeeded in fixing a canon

for its

own

circle,

but

the

increased.

intercommunication

between folk of different dialects gave rise to a bewildering diversity. These variations in spelling may, indeed, arise from an attempt to represent faithfully the varieties of pronunciation which obtained

in different parts of the Greek world, and are no more remarkable than the attempt of a modern novelist when writing in country or Cockney dialect to give the exact form in which the words are uttered by his characters. The evidence of manuscripts is now generally regarded as wholly untrustworthy with regard to questions of spelling, since so much new light has been shed on the language by the study of inscriptions : nor could we possibly claim for M, with its appalling number of corruptions, any exception to this rule. We ought not, however, as some editors of Aeneas have done, to correct the spelling by a simple reference to the testimony of Attic inscriptions of the classical period, for we are not dealing with a genuine Attic writer.

It must

be presumed that Aeneas was as independent

of Attic

authority in spelling as he was in diction, and would accordingly spell words and use forms as he saw them spelt and used around

him,

without

therefore our

regard

to the uniformity

task to examine

of his language!

It is

each doubtful case separately, and

decide it on its own merits, testing it by the evidence of contemporary literature as far as it is trustworthy, or in the case of spelling, by reference to contemporary inscriptions. A ‘correct’ text of Aeneas is, no doubt,

almost

as

impossible

to arrive

at as a ‘correct’

text

of Homer ; but it is hoped that the present attempt to emend him on historical principles may prove more successful than the reckless ‘atticizing’ to which he has been subjected. In respect of word-forms M is disconcertingly inconsistent. We find, for instance, both πράσσω and πράττω, θάλασσα and θάλαττα, τέσσαρες

and

τέτταρες : γινώσκω,

γίνομαι

1 It seems unlikely, however, that he would vary

and

(rarely)

γιγνώσκω;

his spelling of the same word

in different cases, e, g. write now θάλασσα, now θάλαττα, as the manuscript does, except where both forms were universally recognized in literature, e. g. ἐάν and ἄν, éavréy and αὑτόν : compare our ‘specially’ and ‘especially’, ‘judgment’ and ‘judgement’, ‘connection’ and ‘connexion’. an

e

Ixvi

INTRODUCTION

γίγνομαι:

οὐθείς

and

οὐδείς : περιοδία

and

weptodeia,

φνυλάκιον

and

φυλακεῖον, μέχρις and μέχρι: third declension genitives in -eos, τέων and in τους, τῶν : plurals in -ea and y.

The

evidence

of Attic inscriptions? is here most

helpful:

for

it shows in the fourth century, especially the latter half, a gradual infiltration of forms regarded as non-Attic, while after the end of the fourth century a more or less definite compromise is arrived at between strict Attic and other (esp. Ionic) dialects. Attic gave up her rr and pp: while Ionic submitted to the Attic a, contraction of vowels, and Attic inflexion. We may start by considering those cases which are pretty certainly due to bad manuscript tradition. These are: (1) Uncontracted forms in declension: " e. g. ζευγέων, τείχεος, ἔτεα, πάθεα,

&c.,

often

found

next

to

ζευγῶν,

τείχους, ἔτη,

πάθη.

The

contracted forms in M are far more numerous. (2) Substitution of « for εἰ, owing to the debased spelling of the Hellenistic period :* e.g. ἡμεροσκόπιον, φυλάκιον, wepeodia should be written ἡμεροσκοπεῖον, φυλακεῖον, περιοδεία. Both forms are found in M, (3) Substitution of -e for -y in 3rd person sing. of subjunctive active, In Attic inscriptions after 378 B.C. - is often written εἰ: and the two were pronounced alike. So we find,e¢. g., dya@el τύχει, εἴπει, εἰρέθη," (4) Substitution of -εἰσαν for -εσαν as 3rd person pl. of plupf. active," e.g. κατεβεβλήκεισαν should be written κατεβεβλήκεσαν. (5) Substitution of x for « : ravdoxevs, τανδοχεῖον for ravdoxevs, πανδοκεῖον.

“ΤΙανδοχεῖον of διὰ τοῦ x λέγοντες ἁμαρτάνουσι " (Phrynichus.)®

Rutherford

thinks that ‘Even

if the Oceconomicus was

written by

Xenophon, it is still possible that ξενοδοχία in ix. ro came from the author’s hand’. But the substitution of x for « was certainly not Tonic ; the Ionic tendency was rather the other way (e.g. δέκομαι). It was a definitely post-classical development, and a mistake very

common in manuscripts {see L. and 5, 5. v. πανδοκεῖον). we find νεοχμῆτες, an impossible form, for νεοκμῆτες. The second class of forms is those which cannot 1 Cf. passim Berlin, 1900).

Meisterhans,

2 See Meisterhans, p. 132.

Grammatik

be decided

der Altischen Inschrifien

5. ]bid., p. 50,

€ Rutherford, New PAryn., pp. 229-38,

In xxxviii. τ

(third ed.,

* Ibid., pp. 39 and 166,

5 Ibid., p. 36a.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

[xvii

merely by a reference to Attic inscriptions, because they are either

Tonic characteristics reappearing in the Κοινή, or developments not specifically Ionic which mark an approach to the Koy stage. (I) oo or Tr. M generally gives oo, but by no means always. We find, e.g, both πράσσω and πράττω, θάλασσα and θάλαττα, τέσσαρες and τέτTapes, ἧσσον and ἧττον.

All Greek dialects except Attic wrote oo, and it is one of the few instances where an Attic form is definitely overwhelmed in the Kowy.* It is interesting to note that in an Athenian treaty with Naxos early in the fourth century we find διαλλάσσοντας and ἡσσηθῇ, and in the oath taken by the Greek states to Alexander in 336 θάλασσα: ἢ proving that in this case Athens was ready to give way to the majority. In the Ptolemaic papyri oo prevails, but the two forms are inextricably intermingled? oa is also found on the Pergamene inscriptions.

Prof.

Gilbert

Murray

has supplied the following note on this

point: ‘It is worth noting that the difference of spelling does not imply a difference in pronunciation, but only a difference in a conventional sign for a sound which the Greek alphabet did not properly represent: presumably our TCH, or something like it. My belief is that the old normal spelling was CC. Then the islands developed the new

this sound. the Κοινή into TT,’

letter T, as distinct from

T,

to denote

Athens took up this T in the form of TT or TT. In the old CC reasserted itself, with Atticist lapses

Aeneas, then, may have written either, and perhaps wrote both indifferently : and under the circumstances there is no alternative but to follow the tradition of our manuscript. (2)

οὐδείς

OF οὐθείς :

μηδείς

or μηθείς.

M generally gives 8, but both οὐθείς (xviii. 19) and μηθείς (xxx. τ,

XXXL. 35) Occur, From 378 onwards the # forms appear in Attic inscriptions, and are predominant by 330.4

Smyth (Zonic, Ὁ. 299) says: ‘6 for ὃ...

is not specifically Ionic. The aspiration of an original media is widely known in all the dialects as they approach the Kou? stage’. 1 Thumb, p. 78.

* Meisterhans, p. 258.

1 Meisterhans, Ὁ. ror. 8.2

* Mayser, pp. 222-4.

Ixviil

INTRODUCTION

Both are found in the papyri, though # is considerably commoner.’ Here again there is really nothing to guide us: Aeneas is equally likely to have written either. (3) γίγνομαι, γιγνώσκω OT γίνομαι, γινώσκω. M gives γινώσκω invariably, γίνομαι almost invariably.’

No evidence of γίνομαι is found on Attic inscriptions till 292 B.€. : after that it is always wniten.°

In Ionic, on the other hand, it appears regularly, e.g. in Herodotus manuscripts, while ἐκγινόμενα (Paros), γινέσθων (Oropus) occur in fifthcentury inscriptions.

It is the same with γινώσκω, which replaces γιγνώσκω on Attic inscriptions as early as 325. The papyri confirm this evidence.‘

It seems best, therefore, to write γίνομαι, γινώσκω everywhere. (4) ἕνεκα or ἕνεκεν. M nearly always gives ἕνεκεν. ἕνεκεν is first found in Attic inscriptions on two religious inscriptions at the end of the fourth century ; on a state inscription first in 282, Later it almost completely supersedes ἕνεκα. The figures are, in the fourth century, ἕνεκα : ἕνεκεν = §1: 2; in the second century, 4:21.

In non-Attic dialects ἕνεκεν is already in the fourth century as frequent as ἕνεκα. Smyth ‘sees no reason to reject’ ἕνεκεν as an Tonic form,* while Mayser asserts its Ionic origin.” In the papyri ἕνεκεν occurs before vowels and consonants in-

differently, though ἕνεκα 1s still not infrequent.® ἕνεκεν Should certainly be kept, as the normal non-Attic form; but ἕνεκα, where found, must also be allowed to remain.

(5) μέχρι Or μέχρις : ἄχρι or ἄχρις. M prefers μέχρις and ἄχρις before vowels. μέχρι, ἄχρι are the only forms found in Attic inscriptions before both vowels and consonants.? In literature, ἄχρι, μέχρι are the only forms found

in Hdt.;

in

Xen. the manuscript tradition is in favour of μέχρις before vowels ; 1 Mayser, pp. 180-1. 2 yiyvona only five times. @ Meisterhans, p. 177. 4 Mayser, p. 165 : "γιγνώσκω, γίγνομαι begegnen als überlieferte Orthographie nur noch in klassischen Stücken, γιγώσκω, γίνομαι, nachweisbar seit a77v.Chr,, sind durch die ganze Ptolemäerzeit in den Urkunden ausschliesslich herrschend.’

& Meisterhans, pp, 215-17. * Pp. 597. Tp. 14, % Mayser, pp. 341--. * Meisterhans, pp. ata and arg. Cf. Kühner-Blass, i, p. 297.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixix

while in Menander (Sama 179 [in Teubner text]} we find ἄχρις safeguarded by the metre. μέχρις, ἄχρις are written by Herondas. In the papyri μέχρις, ἄχρις do not appear till Graeco-Roman times.’ According to the grammarians μέχρις, ἄχρις are ‘ Hellenistic’ forms: but the testimony of the manuscripts of Xenophon and Aeneas makes

it probable that these forms were creeping into common

speech

before the middle of the fourth century, and there seems no sufficient reason to reject them.

(6) -apxoc or -dpxne, M gives generally -apxos:

e.g. πολίταρχος, φρούραρχος : but thrice

ῥυμάρχης (ill. 4, 5). -apxos is always found on except once. (324 B. C.), when In Thucydides βοιωτάρχης occur in the manuscripts of v.

Attic inscriptions till imperial times, μεράρχαι occurs.’ (Boeotian) and ἐνωμοτάρχης (Spartan) 37. 4, v. 66. 3.

In Herodotus many forms in -apxys appear, €. g. νομάρχης, Bowr-

ἄρχης, Sexdpyys, &c. It is clearly the usual Ionic form. In Xen. Anad. ıv. v. 24 all manuscripts give κωμάρχην. In the papyri we find exactly what might be expected. The old Attic forms in -apxos survive longest in compounds with numerals (Sexddapyos, χιλίαρχος, &c.), and in official titles (γυμνασίαρχος, τριήραρ-

xos), while new compounds are almost always formed in -dpyys.* On the whole, therefore, it is best to keep ῥυμάρχης in spite of the inconsistency. It may have an Ionic origin, or (more likely) Aeneas

may have invented the office, in which case it was open to him to use either form.

(7) 3rd pers. pl. imperatives in -éwreon or -ἔτοοςαν, -CecaN or -cecacan, Both forms occur in M. ἔστωσαν is used as the imperative form of εἰμί: on the other hand

βαλλόντων, φυλασσόντων, &c., also occur,

In xiii, 2-3 διαιτάσθωσαν occurs in company with λαμβανόντων and ὑπηρετούντων. In Attic inscriptions the forms in τωσαν do not appear till the end of the fourth century, but greatly predominate in the third: Ratio in fourth century, τῶν : τωσὰν = LIT: »

inthrd

„

I.

,τὼν τ -wrav = 3: 22.4

1 Mayser, p. 243.

2 Meisterhans, pp. 124-5 ; Kühner-Blass, i, pp. 502-3. ® Mayser, pp. 256-7.

i Meisterhans, p. 167.

Ixx

INTRODUCTION

In Attic prose both forms appear in the manuscripts : the late form is especially frequent in Xenophon {ἔστωσαν always in Cynegeticss). Both forms were apparently used indifferently in non-Attic Greek

of the fourth century, while in the papyri forms in -ovrwy are wholly unknown.! Both forms should therefore be preserved in Aeneas,

(8) 3rd pers. sing. weak aor. opt. act. in -aı or “εἰ (Aeolic). M

generally

has the

‘Aeolic’

form:

but

in

ill.

καταστήσαι

should probably be read; γράψαι (xix), ποιῆσαι (xxxi. 3) also occur. The ‘ Aeolic’ form was usual in Attic. Aristophanes uses -ais but not «αι; Plato likewise; -a: occurs sometimes Demosthenes and often in Xenophon."

in

manuscripts

of

In a case where even Attic writers were not quite decided (it seems that they admitted -ai¢ and rejected -a:) it would be unwise to affirm that Aeneas could not have written both forms with equal ease. (9) Nom. pl. of proper names in -evs, in «εἷς or -fc, M gives, e.g., Πλαταιεῖς, li. 3:

Σινωπεῖς, xl. 4.

The evidence of Attic inscriptions shows that -#s prevailed till 350 B.C. -es occurs after 378, is frequent after 350, and invariable after 424." | -eis should certainly be kept. (τοὺ Weak aor. act. of σημαίνω, ἐσήμμνα OT ἐσήμανα.

This aor. occurs five times in Aen.: vi. i (σημάνῃ), IX. I (σημάνῃ), x. 14 (σημήνῃ), xxii. 3 (σημῆναι), xxxi. 28 σημῆναι).

This point is difficult to decide. For while ἐσήμηνα is undoubtedly the proper Attic form {παρὰ τὴν ἀρχαίαν χρῆσιν διὰ τοῦ a. Phryn.*), yet the form in -ava occurs as early as the Euripides Antiope papyrus, and also occasionally in the best manuscripts of Xenophon. If M always had the « form, we should have little hesitation in keeping it; but as there are three instances of the n form to two of the

a form, perhaps it is wisest in this case to ‘atticize ’ (with Hertlein), and to suppose that the later form came in in transcription. These are the chief cases where there 15 real difficulty in deciding

the form used.

But it is satisfactory to find the evidence of the

1 Mayser, p. 327. 3 For a full discussion Kübner-Blass, ii, pp. 73-4. 8 Meisterhans, p. 141.

see

Rutherford,

New

Phrynichus,

€ Rutherford, New Phryn., p. 76; cf. Meisterhans, p, 182.

p.

433 1%,

and

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixxi

papyri bearing out, on the whole, remarkably well the contention that our manuscript is not necessarily wrong when it gives a non-Attic form, but, in the great majority of cases, demonstrably right. C. Grammar and Syntax. ‘Inficetus, soloecus scriptor Aeneas, qui animi sensa non proloqui novit, sed obscure indicat, veluti aenigmata proponeret et Graece

loqui nescisset’ (REISKE).

‘ Ex eodem ... et sparsae et continuae sententiae eminent, quibus qui velit facile intelleget valuisse Aeneam scribendo et usum esse genere dicendi eodem fere quod in scriptoribus eius aequalibus, velut in Xenophonte, abunde cognovimus, emendato et Graeco, puro

et candido, temperato et aequabili’ (HERCHER). Both of these criticisms, though neither is altogether true, have

some measure of truth in them. The first is perhaps unconsciously prompted by the terrible condition of the text; the second lends encouragement to every reckless attempt to reconstitute it. The truth of the matter lies between the two. Aeneas is a some-

what unskilful writer doing his best.

His best is not, as ‘ Kunst-

Prosa’, remarkably good ; still, it must be admitted that where he can be viewed undistorted by the mirror of his tradition, he says what he means to say clearly enough, which is, after all, one of the chief virtues required of the writer of a military text-book. His grammar, however, presents certain features of very great

interest.

We may confess at once that it is not all that it might

be from the Atticist’s point of view. He a degeneration from pure Attic usage: truer to say that, while Xenophon’s is the praiseworthy attempt of an outsider

standard.

represents, with Xenophon, though it would perhaps be a real degeneration, this is to rise to a very exacting

Many of his peculiarities he shares with Xenophon, and

some are demonstrably Ionic in origin; in others, it must be admitted, he is soloecus, judged by the standard of literary Greek, though some of them may be due merely to the influence of the spoken language. It should be remembered that he shows acquaintance with Herodotus and Thucydides, and it would be natural that these authors should affect to some extent the style of an unpractised writer. Of the two, Thucydides seems to have made the

deeper impression on him, and his style shows certain traces which distinctly suggest Thucydidean influence, though we can hardly affirm, as Lange does, that they amount to conscious imitation. 1 Compare in this connexion the list of Ionic forms given above on p. Ixiv.

Ixxii

INTRODUCTION

The following are some of the most striking cases Aeneas definitely departs from normal Attic usage: a.

in which

Verbs.

(1) He sometimes uses the active form where Attic writers use the middle. E.g.: ἐνθυμεῖν (xxxvil. 6) for Attic παρακελεύειν (v. I) " προενθυμεῖν (xxiv, 18) » προνοεῖν (XV. I, &c.) " παρασκευάζειν (absol.) (xvii. 2) ,,

ἐνθυμεῖσθαι. παρακελεύεσθαι. προενθυμεῖσθαι. προνοεῖσθαι (so also Xen.).? παρασκευάζεσθαι."

(2) On the other hand he has some developments of the middle and passive which are unparalleled in contemporary literature. ξενοκρατεῖσθαι (xii. 4) is on the analogy of the common ἀριστοκρατεῖσθαι, δημοκρατεῖσθαι, &c. But we also find :

passives

ἐκφερομυθεῖσθαι {pass.), ‘be conveyed by word of mouth’ (of a message) (xxii. 5). évedpeverOa: (pass.), ‘be set with ambushes’ (of a place) (xxiv. 11). ἐξαυτομολεῖσθαι (pass.), ‘be betrayed by deserters’ (of a password) (xxiv. 16). ὁμηρεύεσθαι (mid.), ‘give hostages’ (of a city) (x. 23). Still stranger are (1) εἰς τὸν σιγώμενον τόπον,

sound’ (xxii.

13).

for ‘the

place

where

there

is no

The nearest parallel is perhaps Eur. Az. 78 τί

σεσίγηται δόμος ᾿Αδμήτου ;

(2) The use of ὁ πεμπόμενος, whether as middle (as Behrendt thinks) or passive, for ‘the man to whom the letter is being sent’ (xxxi. passim). This occurs time after time and must be genuine; but it is certainly peculiar Greek. These ‘solecisms’ seem to indicate that by Aeneas’s day the usage of the passive was becoming much looser. We find traces of this in the poets earlier, e. g. : αὐλεῖται δὲ πᾶν μέλαθρον, ‘resounds with flutes,’ Eur. £ Z. 367. θυηπολεῖται 8 ἄστυ μάντεων ὕπο, ‘reeks with the steam of sacrifice,’ Eur. Heracleid. 401.

ἀείδετο δὲ πᾶν τέμενος, ‘rang with song,’ Pind. Οἱ x. 76.

These examples very much resemble ras évedpevopévas ὁδούς, &c., in Aeneas. Latin.

Greek was always freer in its use of the passive than

1 See L. and &., 5. v.

1 See, however, note ad loc.

TEXT, (3) The impersonal appears in Aeneas:

LANGUAGE, passive,

very

AND rare

STYLE

in Greek,’

Ixxiii occasionally

νυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι, ‘ watch must be kept’ (xxii. 1). fevorpopyGein, ‘mercenaries would be supported’ (xiii. 4).

Perhaps po[v|s obs οἰσθήσεται, ‘to whom reference is to be made’ (x. 6). (4) In one passage (confirmed by Julius Africanus) we find δέομαι apparently used impersonally, like δεῖ: δεήσεται δὲ ἀναγινώσκοντα ἀναγράφεσθαι εἰς δέλτον (xxxi. 19); cf Plato, Meno 79 c and 79e; Soph. O. C. 570. (5) We may also notice in this connexion the use of ἀξήμια (x. 3)

and ἀφυλάκτως (xvil. 4) In a peculiar passive sense: ἀξήμια of goods for the taking of which no ξημία is exacted ; ἀφυλάκτως διακεῖσθαι of occasions which are not guarded against. Compare the use of ὑπόπτως διακεῖσθαι in Thuc. viii. 68. 1, for ‘to

lie under suspicion’. b. Adjectives and Adverés. (1) The comparative forms in -épws and -dvws, common in Xenophon, have been already noticed. (2) πάμπαν (xvi. 2, &c.), πανσυδίῃ (xv. 9) are words found very

rarely in Attic prose. (3) ἅμα is used twice as an adverb of place, not of time. xil. I μήποτε ἅμα διατελεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀλλὰ Steoxeddo Par. xxil. IO οὐδ᾽ ἅμα οἱ αὐτοὶ παρὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς διατελοῦσι. ‘All instances of the adverb have the notion of time, though it

sometimes involves that of place or quality’ (L. and S., 5. v., quoting the Homeric ἅμα πάντεφ) : but here the notion of place is clearly predominant, as in ὁμοῦ.

(4) ἤδη used constantly (e.g. iv. 1, x. 25, &c.) to introduce a historical illustration, It seems to combine the ordinary temporal Meaning with that of introducing an example, as αὐτέκα in Attic prose. This use is almost peculiar to Aeneas, and probably

colloquial (see note on iv. 1). (5) The coupling of different degrees of comparison may be noted as a slight awkwardness of style: Vill. I κατασκενάξειν . .. τοὺς ποταμοὺς δυσδιαβάτους καὶ πλείους. xvi, 2 draxréraro: , .. καὶ ἀπαράσκενοι. 1 Kühner-Gerth, i, p. 125.

Ixxiv

INTRODUCTION

e. Prepositions.

(1) Aeneas retains the Ionic use of dvd in time expressions (also found in Xenophon): XXXL,

24

av

ἔτη πολλά,

Cf. Hdt. ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, ἀνὰ πάντα ἔτεα, Xen. Cyr. ὙΠῚ, i. 23 dv ἑκάστην ἡμέραν, &c.

‘Die gutattische Prosa ausser Xenophon vermeidet ἀνα fast gänzlich ’ (Kühner-Gerth, i, p. 474, note at bottom). {2} He sometimes uses ἐν after verbs where eis would be more natural. B.g.: iv, 3 ἀθροίζεσθαι ἐν.

X. 3 κατακομίζειν ἐν, xxxi. 14 γράφειν ἐν. Compare Thue. it. 99 ξυνηθροίξοντο ἐν τῇ Δοβήρῳ.

Thuc. v, 35. 7 κατῴκισαν αὐτοὺς ἐν Kpaviors. Thue. v. 47. II ἀναγράψαι ἐν στήλῃ.

Xen. Zell, ı11. ii. 3 κατειργμένοι ἐν τῷ στανρώματι. Aen, Cyr, IV. v. 28 τοὺς φίλους ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ καθιστᾶσι.

This construction is especially frequent in Thuc. and Xen.! ad. Conjunchons.

(τ) In ii. 7 we have a doubtful example (see note ad loc.) of the use of ws pleonastically, followed by an infinitive in indirect speech,

which is not uncommon in Xenophon, (In Xenophon ὅτι is more usual.)

but rare in Attic writers.’

il. 7 ἐξοιστέον ... as... κίνδυνον εἶναι. Cf. Xen. Zeil. τι. i, 2 εἰδὼς ort. . . ἔσεσθαι.

Cyr. VIL 1. 25 ἐλογίζετο ws... . ἧττον ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐθέλειν. (2) The use of ὡς for ὥστε with the infin. (xxvi. 1 Gs ἀκριβῶς ἐκ πλείονος διαγνῶναι ἑαυτούς) is ‘frequent [in Xenophon] but un-attic’ (Richards, p. 41).

(3) πρὶν 3 is found twice, a use peculiar to Ionic.‘ (In one or two places it is found in manuscripts of Attic writers, but suspected : e.g. in Thuc. v. 61. 1 it has been emended to πρὶν 57.) XXVIL. 15 πρὶν ἢ τὰ ἔξω προερευνηθέντα ἐμφανισθῆναι.

XXVili. 4 πρὶν ἢ ἐξερευνῆσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν. 1 Cf. Kühner-Gerth, i, p. 541.

® It occurs in Plato, Gorg. 4534 (after εὖεὖ ἴσθ᾽ Gri); Laws Bgad (εἶπον ὅτι. χρῆναι) ; Soph. Ὁ. Ὁ 3 8 See also Kühner- Gerth, ii, p. 5oI (note at top). 4 Ibid, ii, p. 445, foot-note 2,

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixxv

(4) The favourite Xenophontic collocation of καὶ... several times in Aeneas. E.g.:

, δέ occurs

xxiv. 2 καὶ ἄλλοτε δέ, xxxi. 8 καὶ γενομένου δέ. xxxü. 5 καὶ παρασκευάζεσθαι δέ. e. Use of Infinitive. Where in normal Attic Greek either ὥστε with the infin. or a future

participle would be used, Aeneas often prefers the simple infinitive, sometimes ‘epexegetic ’, sometimes clearly an infin. of purpose: iv. 10 ἔλαβε τῶν γυναικῶν τὰς ἐπιτηδειοτάτας συμπλεῦσαι. ix. 3. φόβον ἐμπαρασκευάσεις ἐπὶ τῆς αὑτῶν ἠρεμεῖν (= ἀναγκάσεις διὰ φόβον). xviii. 16 παρῆν ὁ στρατηγὸς κλεῖσαι τὰς πύλας. XX, 4 κατεσκεύασαν τὰς πύλας κλείεσθαι.

xxii. 16 ἀφίεσθαι... κατ᾽ οἰκίας ἑορτάζειν. xxiii. 7 προετοιμάσαντες . «. θόρυβον γενέσθαι.

This use is especially common in Xenophon after verbs of giving, choosing, &c.,! e.g. An. v. ii. I τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ κατέλιπε φυλάττειν τὸ στρατόπεδον. J. Omission of participle, In one or two cases where Attic Greek would probably have used a participle, Aeneas omits it: iv. § πρὸς τοὺς ὑπομένοντας μετὰ συσσήμων (1.6. μετὰ σ. πρὸς τοὺς ὑπ. προσυγκειμένων). viii. x εἰς τὴν χώραν προσδεχόμενον πλείω καὶ μείζω δύναμιν πολεμίων.

xvi. 4 προσδεχόμενοί τινας ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτούς (sc. ἐπιόντας). g.

Use of cases.

(1) Accusative. a. A pleonastic use of the internal accusative may be noticed, resulting from Aeneas’s fondness for verbal nouns: xi. 7 τὴν δευτέραν ἐπίθεσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι. xvi. 4 βοηθοῦντας... ἄτακτον βοήθησιν. xvi. 14 βοηθείας... βοηθεῖν.

b. Accusative of the space over which action takes place. xvi. 11 τὴν δίωξιν... ποιεῖσθαι τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδούς.

xvi. 14 τὰς ἁμαξηλάτους ... ὁδοὺς... βοηθεῖν. A favourite use of Xenophon.’ E.g.:

Cyr. 1. vi. 43 ἄγειν (στρατιὰν) στενὰς ἢ πλατείας ὁδούς, Mag. Eq. viii. 3 τὰ κατάντη ταχὺ ἐλαύνεσθαι. 1 Ibid., ii, p. τό.

2 Cf. Richards, Xenophon and Others, p. 113.

Ixxvi

INTRODUCTION

(2) Genstive. a. The partitive genitive is extensively used, E.g.: ili, 6 τῶν συλλεγέντων . . . ἀποστελοῦσι. X. 20, τῶν τὰ ἐναντία φρονούντων... καὶ μάλιστα ἡγεμόνας... yevoμένους . «. μεθιστάναι. xxil. 25 ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τοῦ κηροῦ. XXXL. 23 ἀποπτύξαντες τοῦ χιτωνίσκου.

XXXIX. I προ o |dyew τῶν πολεμίων. Cf. Xen. Hedi, ται. i. 4 ἔπεμψαν τῶν ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα ἱππευσάντων, ν. ἵν. 8 τῶν ἐκ τῆς στοᾶς ὅπλων καθελόντες.

This use is especially common

in the historians, with verbs of

sending, choosing, &c.‘ b. found iv. iv. xi.

The participle in the genitive absolute construction is often by itself, where the noun or pronoun can be easily supplied. 6 ἐπὶ δὲ πρᾶξιν πορευθέντων καὶ πέμπειν τινὰς γνωσομένους. 12 μετὰ συσσήμων, καὶ μὴ ἀγνοουμένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους, 15 εἰς ἐκκλησίαν παρακληθέντων.

xvii, x dla |p δὲ μὴ ὁμονοούσῃ πόλει καὶ ὑπόπτως πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχόντων. KXil, 23 οὕτω περὶ τὰς φυλακὰς διατελούντων. Cf. Hdt. ili. 13. 1 κατειληθέντων δὲ ἐς Μέμφιν ἔπεμπε κτλ. Thue. iil. 34. 3 ἐξαπιναίως καὶ οὐ προσδεχομένων. Xen. An, 1. i. 17 προϊόντων ... δρόμος ἐγένετο, &c.

This use is especially common in Xenophon.’ (3) In connexion with the last point we must notice Aeneas’s favourite habit of omitting the subject where it can be easily supplied

or 15 indefinite.

This is remarkably frequent.

E.g.:

1. 8 ἵνα μὴ ἀπερισκέπτως τι ἕτερον αἱρῆται (Sc. ris). ix. 2 διαγγελθέντων οὖν τούτων . . . δύνανται (Sc. οἱ ἄγγελοι) droτρέψαι κτλ. X. 13 ἡ δὲ ἂν ἄλλῃ φαίνηται (Sc. τις).

xxil. 28 ἐὰν δὲ ἐλθὼν καταλάβῃ (sc. 6 φύλαξ) τόπον ἔρημον φύλακος. XXIV. 18 μὴ... ἀσύμφορον (sc. τι... ἧ. xxvi, 8 ὅταν εὑρεθῇ (sc. ris) αἰσχρόν τι ποιῶν. Cf.

Isaeus,

vi. 44 6...

νόμος οὐκ ἐᾷ ἐπανιέναι, ἐὰν μὴ ὑὸν κατα-

Alm.’

In Xenophon we often have the technical phrase ὅταν σημήνῃ, which shows how the use developed. But it is much more extended in Aeneas. i Cf. Kiihner-Gerth, i, p. 345. 5. Ibid. i, pp. 35-6.

3 Ibid. ii, p. 81.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

xxvii

A.

Variations of construction. These are very frequent: sometimes they are fairly normal, such as would occur especially in Thucydides ; at other times very violent and awkward. They are probably not so much due to imitation of

Thucydides’ style as to the carelessness of an unskilful writer, (1) We

may

begin

by noticing

different

word-forms

in

close

proximity: e.g. in iil. 5 we find ras ἐγγυτάτας ῥύμας, ras ἐγγυτάτω ῥύμας, τὰς ἐγγύτατα εὐρυχωρίας ἴῃ the same sentence ; προχειρότερον in x. 15 and mpoxesporip@e in x. 17; ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους and ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει are used apparently with no distinction of meaning; νύκτωρ, νυκτός, ἐν νυκτί are all used indifferently for ‘by night’. Such details as these

show how fluid was. the usage of the spoken language in Aeneas’s day.

(2) Anacoluthon. Vill. I μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰς τὴν χώραν προσδεχόμενον.

. , δύναμιν

πολεμίων πρῶτον μὲν τὴν χώραν δυσεπίβολον εἶναι. x. 19 τὰ 8 ἐλάσσω τούτων ἀδικήματα, .. . δεσμὸς ἡ ξημία. xxix. 8 ἕκαστος ὃν ἔδει τηρήσαντες καιρόν, .. . πρῶτον μὲν τὸ φόρημα ἐλύθη.

XXxi. 23 ἤδη δέ τινες... γράψαντες... εἶτα... ὑποθέντες καὶ droπτύξαντες (without finite verb).

(3) Change of number. x 7 στρατιώτας μὴ μισθοῦσθαι μηδὲ ἑαυτὸν μισθοῦν.

x. 13 ξένους... μεθίστασθαι εἰς χωρίον ῥητὸν. . . ἡ δὲ ἂν ἄλλῃ φαΐνμται, ζημίαν προκεῖσθαι.

xvi. 16 προκατασκευάσαντα airds, . . , οὕτω μερισθένταίς) ἐναντιοῦσθαι... mpol σδιαταξαμένους κτλ. xxi. 7 οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ἥκιστά τις δύναιτο. .. μὴ προειδότες,

. . .

(4) Change of case, x. I παρηγγέλθαι.... τοῖς κεκτημένοις, , ., ὡς οὐκ elraf| ı |ÖNTeON.

xvii. 18 ἦν δὲ προσυγκείμενον TH Τημένῳ ... ἐλθὼν... σπᾶν τὸ[ν]

σπάρτον. {A violent κατὰ σύνεσιν construction, Temenus being regarded as the real subject of the sentence.) xxil. 6 ὑπάρχοι dv αὐτοῖς τοῦ χρόνου τὸ μῆκος καὶ φθάσαι καὶ λαθεῖν

πράξαντάς τι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. (5) Change of gender. (κατὰ σύνεσιν.) x. 2 οἷς δ᾽ dy μὴ ὑπάρξῃ ξενία x. 6 ἐπισκόπησιν, πρὸ[υἷς οὖς x, II ταῖς δὲ δημοσίαις. .. ἐθέλοντα διαλέγεσθαι (πρεσβείαις

παρ᾽ οὖς θήσονται (ξενία = ξένοι). οἰσθήσεται (ἐπισκόπησιν = ἐπισκόπους). πρεσβείαις. .. οὐ χρὴ ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸν = πρέσβεσι).

lxxviii

INTRODUCTION

(6) Changes of mood. a. Indirect command or statement followed by imperative. *

E. g. xi. 8-9 εἰπόντα.

. . ὅτι συμφέρον

cin.

. . ἐὰν δέ τις ἄλλοσ

ἐκθῆται τὰ Orda... , ὡς προδότης... πασχέτω τι. +

--

u;

=

¥

XXIl, 12 λίθους βάλλειν... καὶ...

F

ἐρωτώντων τίψες εἶεν,

b. Infinitive followed by indicative. x. 19 ἐξεῖναι ἁπαλλάττεσθαι' ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον πεπωλήσεται. XXill. 4 Gare κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν θαυμάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ὕστερον δὲ... ἀμέλειαν εἶχον.

c. Optative for indicative. XXiL. 12 ἐρωτώντων (imperat.} τίνες εἶεν. xxvil. 4 τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστω γνωστὸν ὅτι ein τὸ πολεμι(κ)όν. ἃ. Subjunctive with optative. xi, 1 ἂν δὲ δέῃ ξενοτροφεῖν, ὧδε ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα γίνοιτο.

Praef. 3-4 Gros... μηδὲν φανῶσι σφαλέντες" ἂν δὲ ἄρα τι σύμπτωμα γένηται, ἀλλ᾽ οἵ γε λοιποὶ... καταστήσαιεν. XV. § va... προειδῶσιν . .. καὶ μηδὲν ἐξαίφνης αὑτοῖς προσπέσοι. In the last two cases the optative perhaps suggests a remoter contingency: cf. Thuc, iii. 22. 8 ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα... ἦ καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν.

(7) Variation of phrase. E.g. xxiv. 15 ἐπὶ μὲν ἄγραν... ἐπὶ δὲ κλοπήν «.. τοῖς δὲ φανεροῖς ἐγχειρήμασιν. XXVl. 7 καὶ ἐὰν στράτενμα κεκακοπαθήκῃ μάχῃ λειφθέν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἀποβαλεῖν ἢ (ex) τραυμάτων ἢ συμμάχων ἀποστάσει, ἢ δι ἄλλο τι σύμπτωμα ἀθυμῇ. This uncertainty of construction and looseness in the grasp of his sentence sometimes causes Aeneas to employ very clumsy expedients, chief among which is the extensive use of the pronoun

αὐτός to make himself clear, a sure sign of uneconomical and awkward writing. A good example occurs in x. 21-2, where the pronoun is used in reference to Leptines no less than eight times. Another

example

is xii, 3 οἷον Χαλκηδονίοις

ἔπεμψαν φρουρὰν αὐτοῖς (ol Κυξικηνοῶ.

πολιορκουμένοις...

Cf. x. 115 ΧΧΙΧ, 2 ; XXX. 4, ἄς,

There are ἃ few other points which are not easily classed under any special head. (1) The use of a plural verb with neuter subject: XL. 5 ἅπερ ἔμελλον... συνοίσειν,

xvi. 8 τά τε γὰρ ληφθέντα πάντ᾽ Gv) σῴξοιντο.

4

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixxix

This is quite a common construction in Xenophon, especially when he is speaking of animals. ‘Much more in Xenophon’s way than in that of any other Attic prose writer’ (Richards, p. 79). Cf. Xen. Ages. ii. 23 σφάλματα ἐγένοντο. (Of animals) Anab. τι. ii. 15, τν, i, 13, ἄς, Once, on the other hand, we have the σχῆμα Πινδαρικόν : xxx. 2 ἴσχοι δ᾽ ἂν τὰ βέλη καλάμων ταρσοί. (2) The peculiar use of σώματα for ‘troops’ (i, τ, &c.), sometimes with no reference whatever to physique, e.g. xxii. 16 ὅσοι ἐν σώμασι μάλιστα ὕποπτοι τοῖς αὑτῶν. xxiii. 10 σώματα αὐτοῖς cuvicropa. (See note on i. 1.) From this follows the common use of neuter for masculine when troops are mentioned : E. g. i. 3 τὰ τειχήρη καὶ πολιτοφυλακήσοντα. iv. 5 τὰ ἀποστελλόμενα. ΧΧΧΥΪ, I τὰ ὑπερβαίνοντα.

(3) A small point worth notice is the order Aeneas often adopts when one noun depends on another. He likes to put the genitive first, before the article belonging to the other substantive : E.g. xi. 3. τοῦ λιμένος τὸ κλεῖθρον τῶν νεωρίων τὰ στάζοντα. xvii. 3. τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς προέχουσι. xvii. 5. πρὸς τοῦ Διονύσον τὸν βωμόν. Xxxi. 35. τῆς χειρὺς τῶν δακτύλων. xl. 3. τῶν δεσποτῶν τὰς θυγατέρας.

(4) ἄν appears twice with the future infinitive xxvil. 9. οὐδένα ᾧετο ἂν ἀμνημονήσειν. xl. 3. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ᾧετο μάλιστα πολεμιωτάτους ἔσεσθαι. This lends some support to the manuscript reading in some disputed passages in Thucydides (8. g. ii. 80. 8; v. 82. 5; vi. 66. 1).

D.

Style.

These examples of the vagaries of Aeneas’s grammar give some

idea how much is to be expected of him as a literary artist. they do not give a complete picture, suppose that the book is remarkable solely for the badness of its grammar. always; sometimes cumbrous ; rarely but it has qualities of its own, a certain

But

and it would be unjust to from a literary standpoint Rough it is, no doubt, fluent, and never elegant: naive vigour and engaging

Ixxx

INTRODUCTION

frankness. In spite of the effort the author makes to keep his own personality in the background, we come away from the book with the impression that he was a man whose acquaintance it would have been worth while to cultivate. The very nature of the greater part of the book prevents it from exhibiting what we call ‘style’, Directions can hardly be made

palatable reading: and therefore the excellence of a manual is that it should be as concise as is possible consistently with clearness. This Aeneas has not quite achieved: he is quite clear, but needlessly verbose. Like an unskilled artist, he has a few stylistic forms, which he uses again and again. In the short foreword where there are abstract ideas to grapple with, he produces, we may imagine in the

sweat of his brow, a quite dignified and formal piece of prose ; where the material is concrete and prosaic, as in the greater part of the book, the same simple artificialities strike us as cumbrous and out of place. Again, though Aeneas has the vocabulary, he has not altogether learnt the method of the technical writer, He is unsystematic, His subjects are arranged in a fairly satisfactory order, but the arrangement is not carried out in the details. These are rather ‘strung on’ as he remembers them than classified beforehand: ’

improvements on

his own

suggestions are often added as after-

thoughts; repetitions and misplacements are not uncommon, and have attracted the attention of suspicious editors. He seldom expresses his meaning as shortly as he might. His sentences often straggle sadly, trip from weariness, and have to pick themselves up and start afresh. The verbosity is not the verbosity of the Attic writer whose exactness of definition reflects his exactness of thought, and whose every word adds not only weight but shape to his period,

but rather that of the literary novice, who thinks that to give two words where one will suffice is a virtue in itself. Such a practice nullifies to some extent the benefit of a technical vocabulary. In the narrative portions of the work we have something a good deal better—the interest of the story-teller in his story, which makes

him tell it well.

The artificialities drift away or are carried easily on

the current ; and though there is no effort at shape or symmetry, and the construction is for the most part of the simplest, he succeeds in making his readers realize the situation and enjoy the story. 1 Cf. viii. 2-5;

xvi.

19-20.

idea of the shape of a period.

Such passages

make

it clear that he had little

The new ideas are put into relation with the

rest of the sentences just as they happen to come along.

TEXT,

LANGUAGE,

AND

STYLE

Ixxxi

His interest is fresh, and with freshness even the most artless narrative holds the attention. Moreover, some of his stories are

exceedingly good ones. From what has been said it will appear that Aeneas has few of the virtues and some of the vices of a conscious literary ‘style’. These, it is true, are of the mildest description, and mostly look like reminiscences of an admiring perusal of Thucydides,’ or perhaps a vague recollection of early schooling. Two characteristics remain to be noticed, The first is his very frequent use of two expressions for one idea ; the two are generally not exactly synonymous: the second usually amplifies or limits . the first. Cf. for example: In the Praef.: ἀγῶνες καὶ κίνδυνοι (8 1). σωθεῖσι καὶ καλῶς ἀμυναμένοις (§ 2).

φοβεροὺς καὶ δυσεπιθέτους (§ 2). πολλῶν καὶ παντοίων ἔργων (§ 3). In 1: εὔνους τε καὶ τοῖς καθεστηκόσι πράγμασιν ἀρεσκομένους ( 6). ἡλικίᾳ καὶ νεότητι ($ 8). In ii: χωρισθέντες καὶ μερισθέντες (ξ 8). In iv: ἐπὶ παραδείγματος καὶ μαρτυρίου καθαροῦ (δ 7). λαθεῖν καὶ φθάσαι is ἃ simple piece of artifice that has particularly taken his fancy, and is inserted wherever it can be worked in: 6. δ. xvili. 19; xxii. 6 and 19; xxiii. 11; xxxvii. 6. An equally noticeable characteristic is an apparent desire to avoid saying a simple thing in the simplest way. It takes two or three

forms, but especially that of using a periphrasis with a verbal noun instead of the simple verb. This may have been caught from Thucydides, but it is a development common in later Greek. So we have:

κωλνταὶ ἔσονται for κωλύσουσι (iii. 3). τὰς ἀθροίσεις καὶ τὰς πέμψεις ποιεῖσθαι for ἀθροίζειν καὶ πέμπειν (iv. 12). τὴν μάθησιν λαμβάνειν for μανθάνειν (vii. 4). ἐπανάστασιν δέον γενέσθαι for δέον ἐπαναστῆναι (xi. 13). τὴν δίωξιν ποιεῖσθαι for διώκειν (xvi. 11).

πρὸς θεραπείαν τε καὶ ἀνάληψιν τραπέσθαι for θεραπεύειν τε καὶ ἀναλαμβάνειν (xxvi. 8). περὶ δὲ ἐπιστολῶν κρυφαίων παντοῖαι μέν εἰσιν at πέμψεις for πολλαχῶς

πέμπονται {xxxi. 1). I Phrases like πολλὴ per’ εὐνοίας ἰσχὺς ἔσοιτο (x. 21) and οἱ μετὰ ξυνέσεως καὶ ἐπιστήμηε γινόμενοι (xvi. 4) have an unmistakably Thucydidean ring. 2089 f

Ixxxii

INTRODUCTION

Other examples of Aeneas’s use of verbal nouns are: ' πρὸς τὰς ἀποβάσεις τῶν πολεμίων (Vill. 2),

πρὸς τὰς λήψεις τῶν δοράτων (xxix. 8).

πυρὸς σκενασίας (xxxili. 2). ταῖς τῶν κλιμάκων προσθέσεσιν (xxxvi. 1). Aeneas’s book is certainly not an ideal example of a technical manual, or a model of idiomatic Greek. But much of it is none the less excellent reading. Apart from the good stories and the good telling of them, there are one or two pieces of naive unconscious humour that deserve to be mentioned. In ch. xxxi, after mentioning all sorts of ἐπιστολῶν κρνφαίων πέμψεις, he comes to his

own invention, the marvellous

device of the ἀστράγαλος and the

λίνον, which he says is πασῶν ἀδηλοτάτη πέμψις, πραγματωδεστάτῃ δέ. After a lengthy descnption of the method of its employment, which is certainly very πραγματώδης, he ends up (δ 19) with the splendid remark: καταμαθεῖν δὲ wAcilorjov ἔργον ἐστὶν τὰ γεγραμμένα ἢ τὸ ἔργον αὐτὸ γενέσθαι. And worthy to be set beside this is the great truth

set on record in xl. 5: πόρρωθεν yap κατάδηλος βάλλουσα γυνή, 1 Cf, also ἀσπίδος χάλκωμα (xxxvii, 6) for Hdt.’s ἐπιχάλκῳ ἀσπίδι, Thisalteration is instructive, as it shows that this method of expression was in ordinary use at the time:

it is Aeneas’s

method to substilute familiar for obsolete diction

when he is quoting. (See note on ii. 3.) evidence of the papyri {see p. Ixiii).

This is further confirmed by the

SELECT

BIBLIOGRAPHY? EDITIONS

Is.

Casaubonus:

Αἰμείου

τακτικόν

τε

καὶ πολιορκητικὸν

ὑπόμνημα

περὶ

τοῦ

πῶς χρὴ πολιορκούμενον ἀντέχειν, Paris, 1609 (appended τὸ Casaubon’s edition οὗ Polybius). Text, commentary, and Latin translation, This edtfio princeds was republished entire by J. Gronov (Amsterdam, 1670) and again by J. A. Emesti (Vienna and Leipzig, 1763-4) in their editions of Polybius. I. Conradus Orellius: Aeneae Lactic® commentarius de toleranda obst-

dione, etc, Leipzig,

1818.

Contains

Casaubon’s

commentary

and

translation, together with notes by J. Gronov, G. H. C. Koés, Caspar

Orelli, Conrad Orelli, and others.

(Published, as a supplement to

Schweighiuser’s Polybius.) H. Köchly und W. Riistow: Aeneias von Verlheidigung der Städte. In vol. i of Greechische Kriegsschrifisteller, Leipzig, 1853. A supplement in vol. ii. 2 (pp. 336-50) contains readings from B. R. Hercher: Aeneae commentarius poltorceticus, editio mator and editio minor, Berlin, 1870.

A, Hug: Aeneae commentarius potiorceticus, Leipzig, 1874. R, Schoene: Aeneae Taclhici de obsidione toleranda commentarius, Leipzig, 1911. TRANSLATIONS Besides the Latin translation by Casaubon and the German translation by Köchly and Rüstow, two French translations have been made,

The

only previous English translation is contained in Aeneas Tacticus, Asclepiodotus, Onasander: with an English translation by members of the Illinois Greek Club, London and New York, 1923 (Loeb Classical Library). CRITICAL

WORKS

C.

Behrendt: de Aeneae Tactici commentario poltorcetico (Dissert. Königsberg, 1910). Fr. Haase: Jahns Jahrbb. xiv (1835), pp. 93-7 ; xvii (1836), pp. 206-12. F.C. Hertlein: Symöolae criticae ad Aeneam Tacticum, Wertheim, 1859. A,

Hug: Prolegomena critica ad Aeneae Aeneas von Stymphaios, Zürich, 1877.

editionem,

Zürich,

1874;

A. Kirchhoff: Hermes, ı (1866), pp. 449-53; and in the preface to Hug’s edition, pp. vii ff. 1 A full bibliography will be found in Schoene’s edition (Leipzig, rgıı), pp. xix-xxii; see also the edition in the Loeb Classical Library, pp. 20-3.

ixxxiv

SELECT

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. C. Lange: de Aencae commentario poliorcetico, Berlin, 1879; Jahns Jahrbb. cox (1879), p. 461 fl.; Animadversiones criticae in Aeneae comm, pol., Cassel, 1883. Chr. Mahlstedt: Über den Wortschatz des Aineias Taktikus (Dissert. Kiel, Jena, 1910).

M. H. E. Meier: A. Meineke:

Oßuscula academica, ii, pp. 292-306, Halle, 1863.

Hermes, it (1867), pp. 174-90 ; iii (1868), p. 162.

J. J. Reiske: in Hercher's editio maror, pp. 128-33. | H. Sauppe: Ausgewählte Schriften, pp. 631-45, Berlin, 1896. K. Schenkl: Bursians Jahresier. xxxviii (1884), Abt. i, pp. 261-70. E. Schwartz: ‘ Aineias’ in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real-encyclopddie, i (1894),

1019-21, T.

Hudson-Williams: ‘The Authorship of the Greek military Manual attributed to “ Aeneas Tacticus ",’ Amer. Journ. of Phtlol. xxv (1904), ΡΡ. 390-405.

SIGLA A

=

B=

cod. Paris. graec. 2435 ,

”

”

2522

"

3}

”

2443

Cc

=

M Ca He Hn Hu Tu

= cod. Laurent. LV.

= = = = =

4

Casaubonus R. Hercher F. C. Hertlein A. Hug editores Turicenses (H. Köchly et W. Rüstow)

Schoene = Richardus Schoene

[] (}) [1] *

2853

= quae in codicibus scripta secludenda videntur = quae in codicibus omissa addenda videntur vd. notam ad xviii. 20 =signum a scriba adscriptum super vocabula quae ei corrupta visa sunt

AINEIOY [Aiktavod

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

τακτικὸν

χρὴ

ὑπόμνημα

πολιορκουμένους

περὶ τοῦ πῶς ἀντέχειν)

Praefatio Ὅσοις τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐκ τῆς αὑτῶν ὁρμωμένοις χώρας ὑπερόριοί τε ἀγῶνες καὶ κίνδυνοι συμβαίνουσιν, ἄν τι σφάλμα γένηται κατὰ γῆν ἢ κατὰ θάλασσαν, ὑπολείπεται τοῖς περιγινομένοις

αὐτῶν οἰκεία τε χώρα καὶ πόλις καὶ πατρίς, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν ἄρδην 2 πάντες ἀναιρεθείησαν" τοῖς δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων μέλλουσι

κινδυνεύειν, ἱερῶν καὶ πατρίδος καὶ γονέων καὶ τέκνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, οὐκ ἴσος οὐδὲ ὅμοιος ἀγών ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ σωθεῖσι μὲν καὶ καλῶς ἀμυναμένοις

τοὺς πολεμίους, φοβεροὺς

τοῖς

ἐναντίοις

καὶ

Io

δυσεπιθέτους els τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον εἶναι, κακῶς δὲ προσενεχθεῖσι 8 πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους οὐδεμία ἐλπὶς σωτηρίας ὑπάρξει. τοὺς οὖν ὑπὲρ τοσούτων καὶ τοιούτων μέλλοντας ἀγωνίζεσθαι οὐδεμιᾶς παρασκευῆς καὶ προθυμίας ἐλλιπεῖς εἶναι δεῖ, ἀλλὰ πολλῶν καὶ παντοίων ἔργων πρόνοιαν ἑκτέον, ὅπως διά γε αὑτοὺς μηδὲν 15 4 φανῶσι σφαλέντες" ἂν δὲ ἄρα τι σύμπτωμα γένηται, ἀλλ᾽ οἵ γε λοιποὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα els ταὐτό ποτε καταστήσαιεν, καθάπερ τινὲς τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς τὸ ἔσχατον ἀφικύμενοι πάλιν ἀνέλαβον ἑαυτούς. I

Ti οὖν Tor σωμάτων σύνταξιν σκεψαμένους πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος

τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ τῶν φυλάκων τὰς καταστάσεις καὶ wepiodle)las, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα σώμασι κατὰ τὴν Q πόλιν χρηστέον, πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς μερισμοὺς ποιητέον. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἐκπορευομένους δεῖ συντετάχθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ τόπους, ὡς χρὴ πορεύεσθαι παρά τε τὰ ἐπικίνδυνα χωρία καὶ ἐρυμνὰ καὶ στενόπορα καὶ πεδινὰ καὶ ὑπερδέξια καὶ ἐνεδρευτικά, καὶ τὰς τῶν ποταμῶν διαβάσεις καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων παρα8 τάξεις' τὰ δὲ τειχήρη καὶ πολιτοφυλακήσοντα πρὸς μὲν τὰ

τοιαῦτα οὐδὲν δεῖ συντετάχθαι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει τόπους 8 ἀντῶν

27 ποταμῶν] corr, Meier

M:

corr, Hn

16 durots

M:

πολεμίων M : corr. L, Dindorf

corr, Tu

22

περιοδίας

M

28 πολιτοφυλακῆσ ὄντα M :

20

25

AENEAS

ΟΝ

SIEGECRAFT

Foreword When men leave their country and engage in warfare and encounter perils beyond their own frontiers, and disaster occurs by land or by sea, the survivors still have their own country and city and fatherland between them and utter destruction;

but for those 2

who have to fight for all that is most dear to them, for temples and fatherland, for parents and children and all they possess, the struggle is of a wholly different kind: a successful and stout resistance to the enemy will make them dreaded by their foes and more secure from future invasion, while any weakness in meeting the peril will leave them no hope of safety. When, therefore, men have to fight 3 for all these precious stakes, they must omit no preparation and no personal effort: rather they must think beforehand of every possible

precaution, that the world may never see them beaten through their own fault, and that if disaster does come the survivors may be 4 able later on to make good the loss, like certain of the Hellenes who have been reduced to the direst straits and yet have recovered.

The organization of troops should be made with reference to I the size of the city, the situation of its buildings, the posting of guards and rounds, and any other service for which-troops are required in the city: all these points must be borne in mind in making the allotment. Expeditionary forces must be organized 2 with reference to the country through which they have to pass, provision being made for negotiating dangerous points, strong positions and defiles, plains, commanding heights, and spots suitable for ambushes; attention must be given also to the river-crossings,

and to the formation of a battle-line under such conditions,

On 3

the other hand, the organization of troops employed on garrison or police duty depends on no such considerations, but on the points of vantage in the city and the needs of the moment, B 2

4

AINEIOY

4 καὶ τὸν παρόντα κίνδυνον. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν ἀπονεῖμαι δεῖ τοὺς φρονιμωτάτους τε καὶ ἐμπείρους μάλιστα πολέμου, οἱ περὶ 5 τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔσονται' ἔπειτα λοιπὸν ἀπολέγειν σώματα (ra) δυνησόμενα μάλιστα πονεῖν, καὶ μεϊτ]ρίσαντα λοχίσαι, ἵνα εἴς τε τὰς ἐξόδους καὶ τὰς κατὰ πόλιν mepioöle)las καὶ τὰς τῶν πορου- 5 μένων βοηθείας ἢ εἴς τινα ἄλλην

ὁμότροπον

ταύταις λειτουργίαν

ὑπάρχωσιν οὗτοι προτεταγμένοι τε καὶ δυνατοὶ ὄντες ὑπηρετεῖν. 6 εἶναι δὲ αὐτοὺς edvous τε καὶ τοῖς καθεστηκόσι πράγμασιν ἀρεσκομένους" μέγα γὰρ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιβουλὰς τ(οι)δοῦτο ἀθρόον ὑπάρχον ἀντ᾽ ἀκροπόλεως" φόβος γὰρ ἂν εἴη τοῖς ἐναντία θέλουσιν 10 ἢ ἐν τῇ πόλει, ἡγεμὼν δὲ καὶ ὁ ἐπιμελητὴς αὐτῶν ἔστω τά τε ἄλλα φρόνιμος καὶ εὔρωστος, καὶ ᾧ ἂν πλεῖστοι κίνδυνοι εἶεν 8 μεταβολῆς γενομένης. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους ἡλικίᾳ καὶ νεότητι ἐκλέξαντα ἐπὶ τὰς φυλακὰς

καθιστάναι καὶ τὰ

τείχη, τὸ δὲ περιὸν πλῆθος μερίσαντα πρὸς τὸ μῆκος τῶν νυκτῶν ı5 9 καὶ τῶν φυλάκων τὸ πλῆθος κατανεῖμαι, τῶν δὲ ὄχλων τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν, τοὺς δὲ εἰς τὸ θέατρον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους εἰς τὰς οὔσας ἐν τῇ πόλει εὐρυχωρίας, ἵνα μηδὲν ἔρημον 7 εἰς δύναμιν τῆς πόλεως.

"Apıorov δὲ τὰς ἀχρείους οὔσας εὐρυχωρίας ἐν τῇ πόλει, ἵνα ao μὴ σωμάτων εἰς αὐτὰς δέῃ, τυφλοῦν ταφρεύοντα καὶ ὡς μάλιστα ἀβάτους ποιοῦντα 2 λαμβάνειν αὐτάς,

τοῖς νεωτερίζειν βουλομένοις καὶ προκαταΛακεδαιμόνιοι δὴ Θηβαίων ἐμβαλόντων ἔκ

τε τῶν ἐγγυτάτω οἰκιῶν διαλύοντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν αἱμασιῶν καὶ τειχζων ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἄλλους τόπους φορμοὺς γῆς καὶ λίθων 25 πληροῦντες, φασὶν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ὄντων πολλῶν

ἱερῶν

καὶ μεγάλων, χρησάμενοι

χαλκοῖς

καὶ τούτοις

τρίποσιν,

προαποπλη-

ρώσαντες τάς τε εἰσβολὰς καὶ τὰς διόδους καὶ τὰ εὐρύχωρα τοῦ πολίσματος, ἐκώλυσαν τοὺς εἰσβάλλειν ἐπιχειροῦντας εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ 8 πόλισμα. Ἡλαταιεῖς δὲ ἐπεὶ ἤσθοντο νυκτὸς ἐν τῇ πόλει Θη- 30 βαίους ὄντας, κατανοήσαντες οὐ πολλοὺς αὐτοὺς ὄντας οὐδὲ ἔργων τῶν προσηκόντων ἁπτομένους, οἰομένους γε μέντοι κατέχειν τὴν πόλιν, ἐνόμισαν ἐπιθέμενοι ῥᾳδίως κρατήσειν. τεχνάζουσιν οὖν 4 εὐθέως τοιόνδε. τῶν ἀρχόντων οἱ μὲν ὁμολογίας ἐποιοῦντο τοῖς Θηβαίοις

ἐν τῇ

ἀγορᾷ,

οἱ δὲ παρήγγελλον

1 αὐτῶν) durdv Μ : corr. Ca corr, Ca 11 6 dei. He

28 δὴ] δὲ M:

3 {τὰν add. Tu

5 wepodias M: corr, Hn 20 "Apıarov Orelli: ἄχρηστον

corr. Sauppe

yar M; corr. Meineke

24

κρύφα

τοῖς ἄλλοις 35

4 μετρίσαντα M :

Ὁ τοῦτο M: τοιοῦτον Hn M: εὔχρηστον ὃ Schoene

ζχερμάγδια Abovres Haase

25 τει-

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (I, ID)

5

In the first place the most skilful and experienced soldiers must 4 be set apart to form the magistrates’ bodyguard ; it then remains to 5 make a roll of the men who will be most capable of exertion and

to divide them into companies, so as to form an organized and serviceable body for making counter-attacks, for furnishing rounds, for bringing assistance to anyone in difficulties, and for other similar duties. These must be men who are loyal and satisfied with the 6 established government ; for a united body like this is a protection, as strong as any citadel, against the plots of traitors, and will intimidate malcontents within the walls. Their commander and supervisor 7 should be a stout and able soldier, and also a man who has everything to fear from a change of government. Of the rest, those who 8 are youngest and strongest should be picked out for guards and stationed

on the

walls,

and

the

remainder

should

be

divided

according to the length of the nights and the number of the guards, and posted accordingly ; while the bulk of the inhabitants should 9 be distributed, some

in the market-place, some in the theatre, and

the rest in whatever open places there are in the city, that as far as possible no part of the city may be left unguarded.

To avoid the necessity of stationing troops to defend the unwanted II open spaces of the city, it is advisable to block them by digging trenches and raising all possible obstacles to any disaffected citizens who may wish to occupy them. Thus, when the Thebans broke 2 into their city, the Lacedaemonians pulled down the nearest houses, and filled baskets with earth and stones taken from them and from fences and walls in different quarters of the town; it is said that they even took from their temples numbers of large brazen tripods, which they used to block up the entrances, passages, and open spaces in the citadel, and in this way defeated the enemy’s attempts to break into the citadel itself. Similarly the Plataeans, when they 3 discovered during the night that some Thebans had entered their city, soon noticed that there were not many of them and that they were not taking proper precautions, because they fancied they were masters of the city; and concluding that a sudden onslaught would easily dispose of them, they promptly devised the following scheme. While some of the magistrates discussed terms with the Thebans 4 in the market-place, others secretly passed word to the citizens not

6

_AINEIOY

πολίταις σποράδην μὲν ἐκ τῶν

οἰκιῶν μὴ

ἐξιέναι

καθ᾽ Eva [δὲ]

καὶ δύο, τοὺς (δὲ) κοινοὺς τοίχους διορύττοντας λαθραίως

παρ᾽

δ ἀλλήλους ἀθροίζεσθαι. ἑτοιμασθέντος δὲ πλήθους ἀξιομάχου τὰς μὲν διόδους καὶ τὰς ῥύμας ἐτύφλωσαν ἁμάξαις ἄνευ ὑποζυγίων, 6 ὑπὸ δὲ σημείου ἀθροισθέντες ἐφέροντο ἐπὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους (ἅμα δὲ 5 τούτοις τὰ γύναια καὶ οἱ οἰκέται ἦσαν ἐπὶ τοῖς κεράμοις), ὥστε βουλομένων τῶν Θηβαίων πράσσειν καὶ ἀμύνεσθαι ἐν σκότει, οὐκ ἐλάττω ὑπὸ τῶν ἁμαξῶν βλάβην ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν προσκειμένων αὐτοῖς ἀνθρώπων γενέσθαι. οἱ μὲν γὰρ (ἀπέφευγον) ἄπειροι ὄντες } χρὴ σωθῆναι διὰ τὰς φράξεις τῶν ἁμαξῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐμπείρως 10 διώκοντες ταχὺ πολλοὺς ἔφθειραν. 1

"E£owreov

δὲ καὶ τὰ

ὑπεναντία

τούτοις, ὡς

μιᾶς

μὲν

οὔσης

εὐρυχωρίας κίνδυνον εἶναι τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει, ἂν προκαταλαμβάνωσιν οἱ ἐπιβουλεύοντες" κοινοῦ γὰρ καὶ ἑνὸς ὄντος τόπον τοιούτου τῶν φθασάντων ἂν εἴη τὸ ἔργον. δύο δὲ ἢ τριῶν 15 8 ὄντων τοιῶνδε τόπων, τάδε ἂν εἴη τὰ ἀγαθά" εἰ μὲν ἕνα ἣ δύο καταλαμβάνοιεν τόπους, τὸν λοιπὸν ἂν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ὑπάρχειν"

εἰ 88

πάντας,

χωρισθέντες

ἂν καὶ μερισθέντες

διακέοιντο πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους ἀθρόους μέρει ὑπερέχοιεν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει. ὡς δὲ ἄλλων πάντων θελημάτων χρὴ τὰ ἐνόντα γεγραμμένοις ὑπονοεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἀπερισκέπτως

[ἄλλη III

Ex

πολιτοφυλάκων

προσφάτου

τάχιστα

ἄν

τις

δὲ εἰς

ἐγγινομένου σύνταξιν

καὶ

ἀσθενεστέρως

ὄντας, εἰ μὴ ἑκάστῳ αὕτως καὶ κατὰ τῶν 20 ὑπεναντία τοῖς προτι ἕτερον αἱρῆται.

σύνταξις] φόβον

φυλακὴν

ἀσυντάκτῳ τῆς

πόλει,

πόλεως

τοὺς 25

πολίτας καταστήσαι, εἰ ἑκάστῃ φυλῇ μέρος τι τοῦ τείχους κλήρῳ ἀποδείξειεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐλθοῦσαι εὐθὺς αἱ φυλαὶ φυλάξουσιν. κατὰ πολυπλήθζεδιαν δὲ φυλῆς ἑκάστης τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ τείχους φυ3 Aartdyrav, ἔπειτα οὕτως ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς τοῖς σώμασι πονέσαι ἀπολέγειν εἴς τε τὴν

τοὺς δυναμένους ἀγορὰν καὶ τὰς 30

περιοδ(ε)γίας, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο δεῖ χρῆσθαι τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀνθρώ8 molı)s. ὁμοτρόπως δὲ καὶ φρουρίου ὑπὸ συμμάχων φρουρουμένου μέρος

τι τοῦ τείχους

τῶν

συμμάχων

ἑκάστοις

ἀποδιδόσθω

φυ-

1 καθένα δὲ καὶ δύο τοὺς κοινοὺς M: δὲ transponendum vidit Schoene 8 rode μὲν Μ: corr, manus rec. in codice C 8 (ἀπέφευγον) add. G. Murray :

alii (ἔφευγον)

vel (Epwyov): (ἠπόρουν) Tu

alpjoa: M: "Pheu

Schoene

22 αἰρῆται Haase :

26 καταστήσοι M: corr. Tu

27 κατα-

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(II, III)

7

to leave their houses indiscriminately in ones and twos, but to break through the partition walls between them, and so to muster without the enemy’s knowledge. Having thus got a presentable force together, 5 they used carts without horses to block up the alleys and streets, and then, at a given signal, attacked the Thebans in a body ; meanwhile the women and slaves had gathered on the housetops. 6

The Thebans, having to manceuvre and defend themselves in the dark, found the carts even more formidable than their assailants. For they fled without any idea where to turn for safety, owing to the presence of the barricades, while their pursuers, knowing the ground well, soon dispatched numbers of them. _ On the other hand, the arguments against this practice must be 7 admitted: when there is only one open space left in the city, the inhabitants are in a dangerous situation if the traitors are the first to occupy it: for the first move is all important when there is only one such meeting-place. But when there are two or three such spaces, there are certain advantages: if one or even two of them 8 are seized, the third is still left for the defenders;

while

if all are

occupied, the detached sections of the attacking force will be in a weaker position to resist the combined forces of their opponents, unless each section by itself outnumbers the whole of the defenders. Similarly, when any other decision has to be made, factors which may tell against the rules laid down must be taken into account ; for an unconsidered choice may lead to something very different from what was intended.

[Another system of organizing city guards] When an unforeseen danger threatens a city whose inhabitants IIL have not been previously organized, the quickest way to organize them for the defence of the city will be to assign by lot a section of the wall to each tribe ; each tribe will then at once proceed to its station and there mount guard; the number of men in the different tribes will determine the length of wall to be assigned to each. Then those from each tribe who are capable of hard work must be 2 chosen for duty in the market-place and on rounds, or for any service

for which

such men are required.

So, too, when

a fort is 3

held by allies, a portion of the wall should be assigned to each πολυπληθίαν M: corr, He 20 dp] ἐφ᾽ Μ΄: corr, Reiske δίας M ἄνθρωπος M: corr. Ca

81 mepio-

8

AINEIOT

Adrrew.

ἐὰν δὲ πολῖται ἐν ὑποψίᾳ πρὸς ἀλλ(ήλ)ους ὦσιν, κατὰ

ἀνάβασιν ἑκάστην τοῦ τείχους δεῖ ἐπιστῆσαι ἄνδρας πιστούς, οἱ 4 κωλυταὶ ἔσονται, ἄν τις ἐπιχειρῇ ἄλλος ἀναβαίνειν. ἐν εἰρήνη

δὲ καὶ ὧδε χρὴ συντετάχθαι τοὺς πολίτας,

πρῶτον μὲν ῥύμης

᾿ἑξκάστης ἀποδεῖξαι ῥυμάρχην ἄνδρα τὸν ἐπιεικέστατόν τε καὶ 5 φρονιμώτατον, πρὸς ὅν, ἐάν te ἀπροσδοκήτως νυκτὸς γένηται,

5 συναθροισθήσονται. χρὴ δὲ τὰς ἐγγυτάτας ῥύμας τῆς ἀγορᾶς εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἄγειν τοὺς ῥυμάρχας, τοῦ δὲ θεάτρου τὰς ἐγγυτάτω ῥύμας εἰς τὸ θέατρον, εἴς τε τὰς ἄλλας ἕκαστον ἐγγύτατα εὐρυχωρίας ἀθροίζεσθαι τοὺς ῥυμάρχας μετὰ τῶν ἐξενεγκαμένων παρ᾽ τὸ

6 αὐτοὺς τὰ ὅπλα: οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τάχιστα ἔς τε τοὺς προσήκοντας ἕκαστοι τόπους ἀφίκοιντο καὶ ἐγγυτάτω τῶν σφετέρων οἴκων εἶεν, διαπέμποιέν τε ἂν οἰκονομοῦντες πρὸς τοὺς κατ᾽ οἶκον, τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας, ob πρόσω αὐτῶν διατελοῦντες, τῶν τε ἀρχόντων δεῖ προκεκληρῶσθαι εἰς ὃν ἕκαστοι τόπον ἐλθόντες τῶν συλλεγέντων 15 ἐπὶ τὰ χείλη ἀποστελοῦσι, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἕνεκα ἐπιμελείας

ἡγεμόνες ἔσονται, ἄνπερ εὐθὺς ἡγεμονεύσωσιν ὧδε.

[περὶ IV

συσσήμων]

ἘΕὐθύτατα de(7) αὐτοῖς πεποιῆσθαι σύσσημα, ap’ ὧν μὴ ἀγνοή-

gover τοὺς προσιόντας αὐτοῖς᾽ ἤδη γὰρ τοιόνδε συνέβη. Χαλκὶς a0 ἡ ἐν Εὐρίπῳ κατελήφθη ὑπὸ φυγάδος ὁρμωμένου ἐξ "Eperplellas, ἃ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τινὸς τεχνασαμένου τοιόνδε. κατὰ τὸ ἐρημό-

τατον τῆς πόλεως καὶ πύλας οὐκ ἀνοιγομένας ἔχων ἐφήδρενεν πριστῆρα ἣ ῥίνην, (ἣν) φυλάσσων τὰς ἡμέρας καὶ τὰς νύκτας ἔλαθεν νυκτὸς τὸν μοχλὸν διαπρίσας καὶ δεξάμενος ταύτῃ στρατιώ- 25

gtas.

ἀθροισθέντων δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ὡς δισχιλίων ἀνδρῶν ἐσημάνθη

τὸ πολεμικὸν σπουδῇ. πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν Χαλκιδέων δ ἄγνοιαν ἀπόλλυνται" οἱ γὰρ ἐκφοβηθέντες ἐτίθεντο φέροντες τὰ ὅπλα

πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους

ὡς πρὸς

4 ὕστερος παραγίνεσθαι.

ἀπώλλυντο,

μέχρι

φιλ(ῶους,

οὕτως οὖν καθ᾽ ἕνα

χρόνῳ

ὕστερον

ἔγνωσαν

αὐτὸς ἕκαστος καὶ

οἱ πλεῖστοι 30

τὸ συμβαῖνον,

1 πρὸσ ἄλλουσ M: corr. Ca 9 ἑκάστων Hn difficile sed manifesto legitur ; sic etiam AB’ Schoene:

editores

δύο

δοκῶν τῆς

16 ’ χείλη in M τείχῃ Ca et ceteri

18 Εὐθύτατα delt) Schoene : Εὐθύτατα δὲ M: ἔπειτα δεῖ Sauppe

Ql ἐρετρείας M:

scripsi: &plpev M

corr,

Ho

23

ἔχων] ἔχον Ca (ex C)

ἐφήδρευεν

24 πριστῆρα 4 ῥίνην, (Av) scripsi: πύργασξρήνην Ms

πῦρ ἐν γάστρῃ καὶ Iacoby corr, Gronovius (‘cum ταῦτα }M: corr.Ca 81 ἀπώλλοιντο M: corr.

(conservato infra διαπρήσατ) 25 διαπρήσα: M: serra noctu secuisset’ Ca in versione) ταῦ! Ὁ} 29 φίλουσ Μ: corr. He 80 ὕστερον M: corr, rn Ca

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ (III, IV)

9

contingent of the allies to guard. If the citizens suspect one another of treachery, trustworthy men should be stationed at each place where the wall can be ascended, to prevent unauthorized persons from mounting. But the citizens should have been already organized in time of peace 4 on the following plan. First of all there should be appointed as commander for each street a man selected for his character and ability,

whose house will serve as a rallying-point in the event of any sudden night alarm. The commanders of the streets nearest the market- 5 place should lead their men to the market-place, those of the streets nearest the theatre to the theatre, and similarly all the other commanders should assemble at the open spaces nearest to them with the armed men who have reported to them. In this way each party 6 will arrive at its proper post without loss of time, and the men will be near their own homes ; they will thus be able to send domestic instructions to their households—their children and wives—, being still close at hand. Lots should have been cast beforehand to decide the spot to which each of the magistrates is to go, that he may send detachments of the troops there assembled to the battlements and

see to the taking of such other measures as are required, when once the commands

have been apportioned as above.

[Of signals) First of all signals should

be already arranged, so that the IV

defenders may not fail to recognize anyone who approaches. For this is what once happened, Chalcis on the Euripus was captured

by an exile who started from Eretria, with the help of a friend in the city who contrived the following plan. He went to the most deserted 2 part of the city, near a gate which was not opened, and waited there

with a saw or file, which he kept ready day and night, until he succeeded one night in sawing through the bar unobserved and admitting soldiers at that point. When about two thousand men 3 had assembled in the market-place, the alarm was sounded hastily,

and many of the men of Chalcis were cut down through failing to recognize their foes: for in their panic they fell in with the enemy,

each man thinking that they were his friends and that he was late in coming up. In this way most of them were destroyed, 4 one or two at a time, and when they finally discovered the true state of affairs, the city was already in the enemy’shands. Intime 5

Io

AINEIOYT

5 πόλεως ἤδη κατεχομένης. πολεμοῦντα οὖν χρὴ Kal ἐγγὺς ὄντων τῶν πολεμίων, πρῶτον μὲν τὰ ἀποστελλόμενα ἐκ τῆς πόλεως

κατὰ γῆν ἢ κατὰ θάλατταν ἐπί τινα πρᾶξιν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπομένοντας μετὰ

συσσήμων

ἵνα μὴ ἀγνοῶσι 6 πολέμιοί εἰσιν.

ἀποστέλλεσθαι

καὶ

ἡμερινῶν

καὶ

νυκτερινῶν,

πολεμίων αὐτοῖς ἐπιφαινομένων, (el) φίλιοι ἢ ἐπὶ δὲ πρᾶξιν πορευθέντων καὶ πέμπειν τινὰς

γνωσομένους, ἵνα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ὡς ἐκ πλείστου τῶν ἀπόντων οἱ

ὑπομένοντες ἴδωσιν" μέγα γὰρ ἂν φέροι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκ 7 πλείονος παρασκευάζεσθαι. τοῖς δὲ μὴ οὕτω πράττουσιν ἃ συμβέβηκεν ἐμφανισθήσεται (ἀπὸ) τῶν ἤδη γενομένων, ἵνα ἐπὶ

10

8 παραδείγματος καὶ μαρτυρίον καθαροῦ παραλέγηται. Πεισιστράτῳ γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγοῦντι ἐξηγγέλθη ὅτι οἱ ἐκ Μεγάρων οἱ ἐπιχειροῖεν ἀφικόμενοι πλοίοις ἐπιθέσθαι νυκτὸς ταῖς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων γυναιξὶν θεσμοφόρια ἀγούσαις ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι' 6 δὲ Πεισί-

9 στρατὸς ἀκούσας προϊσ)ενήδρευσεν.

ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῶν Μεγάρων

15

ὡς λεληθότες ἀπέβησαν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης ἐγένοντο, ἐξαναστὰς ὁ Πεισίστρατος τῶν ἐνεδρευθέντων τε ἀνδρῶν ἐκράτησεν καὶ διέφθειρεν τοὺς πλείστους, καὶ τῶν πλυίων οἷς ἀφίκοντο 10 ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο. ἔπειτα παραχρῆμα τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις πληρώσας τὰ πλοῖα ἔλαβε τῶν γυναικῶν τὰς ἐπιτηδειοτάτας

20

συμπλεῦσαι, It πόλεως.

καὶ

κατήγετο

εἰς τὰ Μέγαρα

ὀψὲ

ἀπωτέρω

τῆς

κατιδόντες οὖν τὰ πλοῖα προσπλέοντα ἀπήντων πολλοὶ

τῶν Μεγαρέων, αἵ τε συναρχίαι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι, θεώμενοι ὡς εἰκὸς αἰχμαλώτους ἀγομένας ὡς πλείστας.

ἀποβάντες

τοὺς

μὲν καταβαλεῖν,

(.. ὃ) καὶ μετ᾽ ἐγχειριδίων

ὅσους

δὲ

[ἂν]

δύναιντο

τῶν

a5

ἐπιφανεστάτων συναρπάζειν εἰς τὰ πλοῖα. καὶ οὕτως ἐπράχθη. 12 δῆλον οὖν ὅτι μετὰ συσσήμων, καὶ μὴ ἀγνοουμένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους, τὰς ἀθροίσεις καὶ τὰς πέμψεις δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι.

[wept ν

πυλωρῶν)

Ἔπειτα πυλωροὺς καθεστάναι μὴ τοὺς τυχόντας ἀλλὰ φρονί- 30 μους καὶ ἀγχίνους, καὶ μὴ ὑπονοεῖν μὴ δυναμένους ἀεί τι τῶν εἰσκομιζομένων, ἔτι δὲ καὶ εὐπόρους καὶ οἷς ἐνέχυρα ἐν τῇ πόλει δ (εἰ) add.Ca

8 (e)löücw Reiske

γενομένων lacunam indicat ἐπὶ παρα. κτλ. Wuensch

10 (dmdyaddidi: (ἐκ) Ca

15 προσενέδρευσεν M: corr.Ca

11 ἐνεδρευόντων M : corr. Meineke: τῶν

ἐνεδρῶν τῶν He 34 lacunam indicavit Ca 30 καθιστάναι editores praeter Schoene ὑπονοεῖν [μὴ] δυναμένους

post

Schoene: ἐμφανισθήσεταί τινων ἤδη γενομένων, ἃ 12 of ἐπιχειροῖεν M : of del. Reiske et alii

Meineke

25 [ἀν] del. L. Dindorf 31 pndwanlvos M: καὶ δὴ

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (IV, V)

11

of war, therefore, and when the enemy are close at hand, troops sent out from the city for any object, whether by land or by sea, should not be dispatched until signals have been arranged by which they can communicate with the garrison by day or night, so that when enemies appear before the wails, the defenders may know for certain whether they are friends or foes. Further, when they have set out, 6

observers should be dispatched from the city to ascertain how they are faring, in order that the garrison may follow their movements as far out as possible; for it is a great advantage to be prepared well beforehand for whatever is coming. The result of neglecting these precautions will be well shown from incidents which have actually occurred—to give in passing something in the way of illustration and clear evidence. Pisistratus, when general at Athens, was informed that a force coming from Megara by sea intended to attack the Athenian women at night, while they were celebrating the Thesmophoria at Eleusis. On hearing this he laid an ambush for them. The force from Megara disembarked, as they thought, without attracting attention, and were some way from the coast when Pisistratus burst from his ambush and overpowered them, destroying the greater number of them, and also captured their boats. These he filled without delay with his own troops and, taking with him such of the women as he thought best for his purpose, put into Megara late in the evening, keeping at some distance from the city. On sighting the boats, a crowd of Megarians, including all the magistrates, flocked down to meet them, seeing, as they thought, a fine cargo of female prisoners. (Pisistratus gave his men orders)

to disembark of them

down,

with but

8

9

10

τὰ

daggers in their hands, and to strike some to carry

off alive

guished citizens they could capture.

out.

7

to the boats

all the distin-

And these orders they carried

It is clear from this story that no troops should be mustered, 12

and no expeditions dispatched, without signals to ensure that the different parties are known to one another.

[Of gate-sentries) In the next place, the sentinels at the gates must be men specially V

selected for intelligence and presence of mind, who will not fail to look with suspicion upon everything brought into the town; they should also be well-to-do men, and bound by ties of family

12

AINEIOY

ὑπάρχει, τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκα λέγω, ἀλλὰ συναλλαγμάτων ἀνάγκην ἢ 80 ἄλλην

ὑπό τινων ἢ αὐτοὶ

παράκελεύσαιεν

μὴ olrwes δι᾽ ἔνδειαν ἢ τινὰ ἀπορίαν πεισθεῖεν

ἄν τινας ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ.

@ Λεύκων δὲ ὁ Βοσπόρου τύραννος καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν τοὺς χρεωφειλέτας διὰ κυβ(ε)ίαν ἢ δι’ ἄλλας ἀκολασίας ἀπομίσθους 5 ἐποίει.

[ἡμεροσκοπί(ε)ϊτα] VI

Χρὴ δὲ καὶ ἡμεροσκόπους πρὸ τῆς πόλεως καθιστάναι ἐπὶ τόπῳ ὑψηλῷ καὶ ὡς ἐκ πλείστον φαινομένῳ' ἡμεροσκοπεῖν δὲ

ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ

χωρίῳ τρεῖς τοὐλάχιστον,

μὴ τοὺς τυχόντας, ἀλλ᾽ 10

ἐμπείρους πολέμου, ὅπως μὴ δι᾿ ἄγνοιαν δοξάζων τι 6 σκοπὸς σημήνῃ ἢ διαγγείλῃ εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ ματαίως (dvJoxAfi τοῖς

2 ἀνθρώποις. ἀγνοοῦντες

πάσχουσι δὲ ταῦτα οἱ ἄπειροι τάξεων καὶ πολέμου, τὰς

τῶν

πολεμίων

8 παρασκευῆς πράσσεται,

ἐργασίας

καὶ

πράξεις,

εἴτε καὶ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου.

εἴτε

ἐκ

ὁ δὲ ἔμπειρος, 15

γνοὺς τὴν τῶν πολεμίων παρασκευὴν καὶ πλῆθος καὶ πορείας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κίνησιν τοῦ στρατεύματος, οὕτω τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐμφανιεῖ. 4 ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ὑπάρχωσιν τοιοίδε τόποι, ὥστε καὶ εἰς τὴν πόλιν dm’ αὐτῶν φαίνεσθαι τὰ σημεῖα, ἄλλους Em’ ἄλλοις τόποις διαδεκτῆρας

εἶναι τῶν ἀειρομένων σημείων, οἱ σημα[Πνοῦσιν els τὴν πόλιν. 20 5 εἶναι δὲ τοὺς ἡμεροσκόπους καὶ ποδώκεις, οἱ ὅσα μὴ οἷά τε (διὰ) τῶν σημείων δηλοῦν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῶν τινα δέῃ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἀγγέλλειν,

δυνζήσγονται ταχὺ ἀφικνεῖσθαι, κἂν ὡς ἐκ πλείστου ἀγγέλλωσιν. 6 ἄριστον δὲ ἱππασίμων ὄντων τόπων καὶ ὑπαρχόντων ἱππέων, ἱππέας συνημερεύειν, ἵνα διὰ τῶνδε θᾶσσον ἀγγέλληται. πέμπειν 25 δὲ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τοὺς ἡμεροσκόπους ὄρθρου ἢ ἔτι νυκτός, ἵνα τοῖς τῶν πολεμίων σκοποῖς μὴ κατάδηλοι ὦσιν ἡμέρας πορευό7 μενοι ἐπὶ τὰ ἡμεροσκοπ(εῦῖα. σύνθημα δὲ (μὴ) ἔχειν αὐτοὺς ἂν

καὶ τὸ αὐτό, ὅπως μήτε ἑκόντες μήτε ἄκοντες, ἐὰν συλληφθῶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, εἰπεῖν ἔχωσι τὸ τῶν

ἐν τῇ πόλει

σύνθημα. 30

παραγγέλλεσθαι δὲ τοῖς ἡμεροσκόποις αἴρειν τὰ σύσσημα ἐνίοτε, καθάπερ οἱ πυρσευταὶ τοὺς πυρσούς.

8 νεοτερισμῶΜ Ν

δ χρεοφειλέτας διὰ κυβίαν ἢ διάλλουσ M

11 δοξάζον τι

corr.Schoene

M:

corr, Ca

16 παραταντομάτου

12

σημάνῃ

M: corr, He

20 σημαίνουσιν M: corr. Tu 21 (&d) inde C 23 δύνωνται M: corr. Schoene

ad editionem min.)

M:

corr. He

Ἶ ἡμεροσκοπία bxAq M:

18 ἀπ' αὐτῶν] ἀπαντῶν M

a manu rec, adscriptum in B, καὶ ὡς M: corr, He (in addendis

25 συνημερεύειν Bursian : συνιμείρειν M:

συνείρων Ca

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(V, VI)

13

—hat is to say, a wife and children—to be loyal to their city, not men whom poverty, difficulty in meeting their commitments, or other troubles might make ready supporters or actual instigators of any mutinous design. Leucon, tyrant of the Bosporus, used to 2 discharge even members of his bodyguard who got into debt through

gambling or any kind of loose living.

[Outposts by day] Outposts, too, must be posted by day in front of the city, on high VI ground visible from as great a distance as possible: each group should consist of at least three men, specially chosen for their experience. Otherwise, you will have scouts, who know no better,

imagining dangers and reporting them by hand or signal to the city, thus causing needless panics. Such false reports are spread by 2 men who have never seen active service, and so fail to understand

which of the enemy’s operations and movements are due to design, and which to accident. On the other hand, the reports of an 8 experienced man will be accurate: for he will know the meaning of the enemy’s preparations and numbers, of his line of march and his other movements. If there are no places from which signals 4 can be sent direct to the city, stations must be arranged at different points to transmit the signals to the city as they are made. The 5

men on outpost duty must also be good runners, able to reach the city quickly and bring messages from distant points, in cases where signals cannot be used and messages have to come by word of mouth,

Where

there are cavalry and the country is suitable for 6

their employment, it is best to keep mounted men at each post, that messages may be delivered more quickly. The outposts should be sent from the city at daybreak or while it is still dark, to prevent the enemy’s scouts from seeing them go to their posts, as would happen if they went by day. Their password must be different 7 from that of the garrison, so that if captured they may not have it in their power, willing or unwilling, to betray the password for entering the city. The men on outpost duty should be ordered to display their recognition-signs at intervals during the day, in the same way as the fire-signallers raise their torches at night. 28 ἐπὶ τὰ B marg.: ἔπειτα M ἡμεροσκοπία M: corr. Ca (μὴ) add. Tu 29 post αὐτό in fine versus in M spatium quinque litterarum vacuum

81 σύσσιμα M

14

VIL

AINEIOT

Ὅταν

δὲ

ἡ

χώρα

ἐγκάρπως

διακέηται

μὴ

πόρρω

ὄντων

πολεμίων, εἰκὸς πολλοὺς τῷν ἐν τῇ πόλει περὶ τοὺς ἐγγὺς χώρους 2 διατελεῖν, γλιχομένους τοῦ καρποῦ. τούτους ἀθροίζξειν ὧδε χρή. πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς ἔξω σημαίνειν ἀπιέναι els τὴν πόλιν" ἐὰν δὲ χώρας ἐσκεδασμένοι ὦσιν, ὑπὸ διαδεκτήρων 8 πάντες ἢ οἱ πλεῖστοι παραγίνωνται εἰς

δ᾽ οὖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἅμα ἡλίῳ δύνοντι καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον τῆς ὁ σημαίνεσθαι, ὅπως πόλιν. ἐπειδὰν δὲ

τούτοις σημανϑῇ ἀπιέναι, οὕτως τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει (σημαίνειν δειπνοποιεῖσθαι" τὸ δὲ τρίτον σημαίνειν els φυλακὴν ἱέναι καὶ

4 καθιστάναι. ὡς δὲ δεῖ τοῦτο[υς] γίνεσθαι καὶ ὡς αἴρειν τοὺς τὸ φρυκτούς, ἐν τῇ Παρασκευαστικῇ βίβλῳ πλειόνως εἴρηται, ὅθεν δεῖ τὴν μάθησιν» λαμβάνειν, ἵνα μὴ δ[ε)ὶς περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν γράφειν, συμβῇ.

VIII

|

Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα els τὴν χώραν προσδεχόμενον πλείω καὶ μείζω δύναμιν πολεμίων πρῶτον μὲν τὴν χώραν δυσεπίβολον

εἶναι τοῖς 15

πολεμίοις καὶ δυσστρατοπέδευτον καὶ δυσπροσπόριστον καταᾧ σκευάζειν καὶ τοὺς ποταμοὺς δυσδιαβάτους καὶ πλείους. πρός τε τὰς ἀποβάσεις τῶν πολεμίων εἰς τὰ ψαμμώδη καὶ στερεὰ ὅσα καὶ οἷα χρὴ κατασκενάζεσθαι δολώματα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσι, τοῖς τε ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τῇ πόλει λιμέσιν οἷα εἷς τούτους δεῖ φράγματα 20

παρασκευάζεσθαι

πρὸς τὸ μὴ εἰσπλεῖν

ἢ τὰ

εἰσπλεύσαντα μὴ

3 δύνασθαι ἐκπλεῦσαι, τά τε καταλιμπανόμενα ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἑκουσίως, εἰς χρείαν δὲ φέροντα τοῖς ἐναντίοις, οἷον πρὸς [τε] τειχοποιίαν

ἢ σκηνοποιίαν ἢ ἄλλην τινὰ πρᾶξιν, as δεῖ ἀχρεῖα ποιεῖν ἢ (μὴ) 4 φθείροντα ἀφανίζειν, τά τὲ ἔγκαρπα (ὡς bef, .), καὶ ὕδατα ὡς ἄποτα δεῖ ποιεῖν, 5 ἄνιππα ποιεῖν, περὶ μὲν οὖν λείπεται,

ὡς δεῖ ἕκαστον

λίαν πολλά, δηλῶται'

βρωτὰ καὶ ποτὰ καὶ τὰ Kar’ ἀγροὺς 25 τὰ πάντα κατὰ τὴν χώραν στάσιμα τά τε ἱππάσιμα τῆς χώρας ὡς δεῖ τούτων πάντων ὧδε μὲν νῦν παρατούτων

γίνεσθαι,

ἵνα μὴ

καὶ ταύτῃ,

γέγραπται δὲ τελέως περὶ αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ 30

Παρασκευαστικῇ βίβλφ. ΙΧ "Av δὲ θρασύνεσθαί τι ἐπιχειρῶσιν οἱ ἐπιόντες πρός σε, τάδε ποιητέον.

πρῶτον

μὲν

χρὴ

σώμασι

τόπους

τινὰς

τῆς οἰκείας

χώρας καταλαβεῖν, ἔπειτα ἐκκλησιάσαντα τοὺς αὑτοῦ στρατιώτας ἢ πολίτας ἄλλα τε προειπεῖν αὐτοῖς, ὡς ὑπαρχούσης τινὸς αὐτοῖς 35 πράξεως eis τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ὅταν νυκτὸς σημήνῃ τῇ σάλπιγγι, 1 ἔγκαρπος M : corr. Reiske διάκειται M: corr. G. Dindorf 4 post χρὴ in M spatium quingue litterarum vacuum in fine versus 8 {σημαίver) add. Ca 10 τούτους M: corr. Ca 12 μὴ ö[e]is] μηδεὶς Ms: corr. Ca 17 πλείου:} dwAevorous Orelli: alii alia 28 {τε del. Hn a4 ὡσδὴ

TIOAIOPKHTIKA At harvest-time, if the enemy

(VI-IX)

15

are close at hand, it is probable VII

that many of the citizens, in their anxiety to save their crops, will remain in the fields near the walls. These must be summoned to 2 the city in the following way.

First of all, a signal must be given

at sunset for those outside the walls to leave their work and come into the city; if they are scattered over a wide area, transmitting stations will be required for the signals: for everyone, or nearly everyone, should be within the walls by night. When the signal 3 has been given for those outside to leave their work, another should be given for those within to take their dinner, and a third for mounting guard, whereupon the watch should be duly posted. The method of signalling and of raising fire-signals is 4 described at greater length in my Preparations for Defence: 1 will leave it to be studied there, to avoid covering the same ground twice. Next, if invasion by a superior force is anticipated, access, en- VIII campment, and foraging must be rendered difficult for the enemy;

rivers must be made hard to cross and their banks flooded. Besides this, traps must be laid to hinder landing on sandy or 2 rocky shores ; booms must be placed at the mouths of harbours in the city or home territory, to prevent the enemy from sailing in, or to cut off the escape of any ships that have sailed in; articles purposely 3 left in the fields, which are likely to be useful to the enemy, as for making walls or tents, or for any similar purpose, must be either rendered useless or else put out of sight; food, drink, and growing 4

crops (must be . . .); all standing water in the neighbourhood must be made unfit to drink; ground suitable for the operations of cavalry must be made impracticable; and so forth. All particulars 5 of

these arrangements

I here

omit, to avoid,

as I said, undue

repetition : a full discussion of them will be found in my Preparations for Defence. If your assailants are inclined to be aggressive, you may deal with IX them

in this way.

First send

vantage in your own territory.

men

to occupy

certain

points of

Then call together your soldiers or

citizens and, telling them that an attack is to be made on the enemy,

issue the necessary orders, bidding those of military age be ready, M:corr. Ca (μὴν add. Haase 26 βροτὰ M: corr. Ca add, et lacunam esse statuit Schoene πάντα] ἄλλα M: 239 ταύτῃ Schoene: ταῦτα M: κἀνταῦθα Herm. Schoene

Μ: corr, Orelli corr, Hn

84 αὑτοῦ Ca: ἀντοῦ M: ζσεγαυτοῦ He

26 (üs δεῖν corr. Schoene 80 δηλοῦται

36 σημάνῃ M:

16

AINEIOT

ἑτοίμους εἶναι τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, ἀναλαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα καὶ 2 ἀθροισθέντας εἰς χωρίον βητὸν ἕπεσθαι τῷ ἡγουμένῳ. diayyedθέντων οὖν τούτων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων ἢ τὴν πόλιν, 3 δύνανται ἀποτρέψαι ὧν ἐπιχειρῶσι πράσσειν. τούτων δὲ οὕτω

πραχθέντων τοῖς μὲν φιλίοις θάρσος ἐμποιήσειζαὶς ἐπιχειρῶν τι 5 ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δεδιώς, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις φόβον ἐμπαρασκευάσεις ἐπὶ τῆς αὑτῶν ἠρεμεῖν. X

Act δὲ καὶ τάδε παρηγγέλθαι

τῶν

πολιτῶν

τοῖς

κεκτημένοις

ζεύγη ἢ ἀνδράποδα, ὑπεκτίθεσθαι εἰς τοὺς προσοίκους, ὡς οὐκ 2 εἰσαξ[Πόντων εἰς τὴν πόλιν. οἷς δ᾽ ἂν μὴ ὑπάρξῃ ξενία map οὖς θήσονται, [πρὸς] τοὺς ἄρχοντας δημοσίᾳ παρατίθεσθαι τοῖς προσοίκοις, παρασκευάζοντας di ὧν σωθήσεται τὰ ὑπεκτιθέμενα.

Io

[xnpvypara] 3

Enmetra κηρύγματα ποιεῖσθαι τοιάδε διά Twos χρόνον, φόβου καὶ ἀποτροπῆς τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων ἕνεκεν. κατακομίζειν τὰ ἐλεύθερα σώματα καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, τοῦ δὲ ἀνηκουστοῦντος

ἐξουσίαν

εἶναι τῷ βουλομένῳ

ἀζήμια

ἄγειν

5

καὶ

4 φέρειν τὰ ἐκ τῆς χώρας. tds τε ἑορτὰς κατὰ πόλιν ἄγειν, συλλόγους τε ἰδίους μηδαμοῦ μήτε ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς γίνεσθαι, τοὺς

δὲ

φανερῷ 5 unde

ἀναγκαίους

τόπῳ. δειπνεῖν

ἢ

μηδὲ κατὰ

ἐν

πρυτανείῳ

ἢ ἐν

βουλῇ

θύεσθαι μάντιν

ἰδίᾳ ἄνευ τοῦ

συσσιτίαν

ἐν

ἀλλ᾽

ταῖς

ἢ

αὑτῶν

ἐν ἄλλῳ 20

ἄρχοντος. οἰκίαις

ἑκάστους, ἔξω γάμου καὶ περιδείπνου, καὶ ταῦτα προαπαγγείλαντας τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἐὰν δὲ ὦσιν φυγάδες, ἐπικηρύσσειν, ὃς ἂν ἀστῶν ἢ ξένων ἢ δούλων ἀποκινῇ, ἃ ἑκάστῳ τούτων ἔσται. 6 καὶ ἐάν τίς τινι τῶν φυγάδων συγγένηται ἢ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων τισίν, ἢ ἐπιστολὰς πέμψῃ ἢ δέξηται, εἶναί τινα κίνδυνον ἡ ἐπιτίμιον αὐτῷ. τῶν δὲ ἐκπεμπομένων καὶ εἰσαγομένων ἐπιστολῶν εἶναι 7 ἐπισκόπησιν, πρὸ[υ]ς οὖς οἰσθήσεται πρότερον. ὅπλα οἷς ἐστιν ἑνὸς πλείω ἀπογράφεσθαι, καὶ ἐξάγειν μηδένα μηδὲν ὅπλον, μηδὲ ἐνέχυρον δέχεσθαι. στρατιώτας μὴ μισθοῦσθαι μηδὲ ἑαυτὸν 4 δύναται Herm. Schoene : δύνασαι Ca σειασ M:corr.Meier @ ἄλλου Μὶ corr.Ca corr. Hn 10 εἰσαξιάντων M; corr. Ca σανείω M : corr. Ca

22 αὐτῶν M: corr. Tu

ἐπιχειροῦσι He 5 ἐμποιῆ(dore}éisiCa 7 duray M: 1} [πρὸς] del. Hn 20 πυρ28 συγγένηται A ἐπιστολὰς

πέμψῃ ἢ wap’ ἐκείνων δέξηται Hn et aliialia : sed loco ab emendatoribus multum vexato succurrit Schoene nihil esse mutandum convincendo: vide adnot. 29 προὺσ οὖσ M: corr. Ca (ex C)

25

30

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (IX, X)

17

when the trumpet sounds by night, to take up their arms, muster at a given point, and follow their leader. When news of this reaches 2 the city or camp of the enemy, it may very well dissuade them from their intended attack. By this means your boldness and readiness 3 to take the offensive will inspire your own men with confidence, and also deter the enemy from stirring beyond their own frontier. The

following order, too, should have been already issued :

Χ

“All citizens who possess cattle or slaves are to lodge them with neighbours across the frontier, and on no account to bring them into the city.’ In the case of those who have no friends with whom to place2 them, the magistrates must deposit them on behalf of the state with people living near, and take means to ensure their safe keeping.

[Notices] Then, after a certain interval,

notices to the

following

effect 3

should be published, to intimidate and deter intending traitors :

“ All free men and crops are to be brought in and lodged in the city : offenders are liable to the seizure of their property without redress,’ ‘All festivals are to be celebrated within the walls;

no private 4

meetings may be held anywhere either by day or by night; all necessary meetings are to be held in the prytaneion, council chamber, or some other public place.’ “No prophet is to sacrifice privately without the presence of the magistrate.’ *No club dinners are allowed; all are to dine in their own 5 houses, except in the case of a wedding

or funeral feast, and then

only after due notice has been given to the magistrates.’ If there are any exiles from the city, proclamation should be made of the penalties attaching respectively to any citizen, foreigner, or 6 slave who absconds. If anyone is seen with any of the exiles or with any emissaries sent by them, or sends letters to them or receives letters from them, he should be liable to!some penalty or fine; and all letters going out or coming in should be submitted to

a board of censors before being sent out or delivered. A list should be made of all those who have in their, possession 7 more than one set of arms, and no one should be allowed to carry

arms out of the city or to take them in pledge. 3858

c

18

AINEIOT

8 μισθοῦν ἄνευ τῶν ἀρχόντων. ἐκπλεῖν μηδένα ἀστῶν μέτοικον ἄνευ συμβόλου, τά τε πλοῖα προ[σἸ(παργηγγέλθαι g (eadaı καθ᾽ ἂς πύλας ἐν τοῖς ἐχομένοις ῥηθήσεται. ξένους ἀφικνουμένους τὰ ὅπλα ἐμφανῇ καὶ πρόχειρα φέρειν, καὶ αὐτῶν παρζαιρ)εῖσθαι, καὶ αὐτοὺς μηδένα ὑποδέχεσθαι, μηδὲ 3

I

f

m

Y

In

-

“

i

-

Ε

μ᾿

f

i

μηδὲ ὁρμίτοὺς εὐθὺ τοὺς 5

i

€

f

x

*

Ν

πανδοκέας, ἄνευ τῶν ἀρχόντων, τοὺς δὲ ἄρχοντας ἀπογράφεσθαι,

10 καὶ παρ᾽ ᾧ τινες ὅταν

κατάγωνται.

τὰς δὲ νύκτας ὑπὸ τῶν

ἀρχόντων τὰ πανδοκεῖα ἔξωθεν κλείεσθαι. διὰ χρόνου δέ τινος, ὅσοι ἂν ταλαπείριοι αὐτῶν wow, ἐκκηρύττεσθαι: ὁμόρονς δὲ ἢ κατὰ

%

παίδευσιν

τι γράφεσθαι. a

ἢ

μ᾿

κατ᾽

3

ἄλλην

τινὰ

΄οὩ

ταῖς δὲ δημοσίαις

+

πόλεων ἢ τυράννων

a

χρείαν

ἐπιδημοῦντας

ἀφικνουμέναις t

ἢ στρατοπέδων

οὐ

1

%

χρὴ

ἀπο-

κὸν

+

πρεσβείαις +

ἐν

“πὰ

ἀπὸ

4

αὐτοῖς

Io

τὸν

ἐθέ-

Aovra διαλέγεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεί τινας τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς πιστοτάτους, 1 I -᾿ i 4 € f ol per’ αὐτῶν συν(δια)τελοῦσιν μέχρις ἂν ἐνδημῶσιν οἱ πρέσβεις. τῷ καὶ ὧν ἂν σπανίζῃ ἡ πόλις, σίτου ἢ eAalov ἢ ἄλλον τινός, τῷ 15 εἰσάγοντι κατὰ πλῆθος τῶν εἰσαγομένων τόκους προκεῖσθαι καὶ στέφανον δίδοσθαι els τιμήν, τῷ δὲ ναυκλήρῳ ἀνολκὴν καὶ f

f

13 καθολ[ζιϊκήν.

ἐξοπλισίας

m

τε πυκνὰς

Fd

1,

ποιεῖσθαι,

καὶ ξένους τοὺς

ἐνδήμους τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον μεθίστασθαι εἰς χωρίον ῥητὸν ἢ κατ᾽

οἶκον διατελεῖν" ἡ δὲ ἂν ἄλλῃ φαίνηται, ζμίαν προκεῖσθαι 14 ἀδικοῦντι. κλείεσθαι,

ὅταν

τε σημήνη, τὰ [rovrots| ἐμπόρια

καὶ τὰ λύχνα

κατασβέννυσθαι,

καὶ τῶν

ὡς

20

καὶ πρατήρια ἄλλων

μηδένα

15 ἔτι προϊέναι" ὅταν δέ τινὶ ἀναγκαῖόν te συμβῇ, μετὰ λαμπτῆρος βαδίζειν, ἕως ἂν παραγγελθῇ. καὶ ὃς ἂν καταμηνύσῃ τινὰ ἐπιof

oy

f

Y

Li,

fad

be

-

βουλεύοντα τῇ πόλει, ἢ ὅ τι ἂν τῶν προγεγραμμένων τις πραττό- 25 μενον ἐξαγγείλῃ, ἀνηγγέλθαι τε αὐτῷ ἀργύριον καὶ τὸ ἀγγελθὲν ἐμφανῶς προκεῖσθαι ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἢ ἐπὶ βωμοῦ ἢ ἐν ἱερῷ, ἵνα προχειρότερόν τις τολμήσῃ μηνύει» τι τῶν προγεγραμμένων. 16 ἐπὶ δὲ povdpyo ἢ στρατηγῷ ἢ φυγάδι δυναστεύοντι χρὴ καὶ τι

at

y

*

Fal

ΤᾺ

4,

ι

al

a

με

5

τάδε προκηρύττεσθαι: (. . .) ἐὰν δέ τι καὶ αὐτὸς πάθῃ ὁ ἀποκτείνας, τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ ἀποδίδοσθαι τὸ ἀγγελθὲν ἀργύ[4

fa

u

f

4

17 ριον" ἐὰν δὲ μὴ N τέκνα, τῷ ἐγγυτάτω γενομένῳ.

*;

ἃ

iL

καὶ ἐάν τις

2 προσηγγέλθαι M: corr. Hn: cf, xxvii. 5 & παρῆσθαι M: corr. Reiske 6 πανδοχέας M+: corr. Hn 7 wap ᾧ τινες Herm. Schoene: wap’ driver Μ : παρ᾽ ᾧτινε Ca 8 πανδοχεῖα M: corr. Hn 9. ὦσιν B marg. : ὡσεὶ M Reiske

12 ἐν αὐτοῖς] ἐᾶν αὐτοῖς Orelli 14 συντελοῦσιν M: corr, 18 καθολικὴν M: corr. Ca 21 [τούτοις] del, He 22 λύχνα]

ἴχνῃ M: corr. Ca Schoene

23 παρεῖναι M:

corr. He

30 lacunam agnoverunt Tu

24 (dyrı)mapayyeAön

30

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (X)

19

It should be forbidden to hire soldiers or to serve for hire without leave from the magistrates.

No citizen or resident alien should sail out of the city except with a 8 pass; and orders should have been given beforehand to shipsto anchor only in front of those gates which are specified in a proclamation.

All strangers entering the city should carry their arms openly and 9 ready to hand, and be disarmed immediately upon entrance ; noone, not even an innkeeper, should take them in without leave from the magistrates, who should keep a list of them, and of the addresses of

any who take lodgings. At night all inns should be locked up by ro the magistrates from the outside; and after a specified time all

strangers who are vagrants should be given notice to quit, but a list should be made of members of neighbouring states residing in the city for educational and other purposes. When official embassies come from other cities, tyrants, or camps, 11 the general public should not be allowed to mix and converse with them, but a number of citizens specially selected for their loyalty

should always attend them, sharing their quarters during the whole time of their stay. When the city is short of corn, oil, or other supplies, a premium proportionate to the value of his cargo should be offered to any merchant who brings in a consignment, and also a wreath as a mark of honour, while the captain should be granted exemption from harbour dues. Parades should be held frequently, and on each occasion strangers living in the city should be ordered to remove temporarily to a specified place or to keep within doors ; if discovered elsewhere, they should be liable to prosecution. At a given signal all stores and shops should be closed and all lights put out, after which the public should be forbidden to walk abroad: anyone who is obliged to go out is to carry a lamp, until further notice. A reward should be offered to any man who brings information about any traitor, or

12

13

14 15

gives evidence of the commission of any of the offences above mentioned ; this reward should be displayed openly in the marketplace, on an altar, or in one of the temples, to encourage people to

give such evidence more readily.

In the case of any monarch, 16

general, or ruler who is in exile, it should furtherbe announced that

(anyone who slays him will receive such-and-such a reward,) and that if the slayer is himself slain, the reward will be paid to his children, or if there are no children, c2

to the next

of kin.

Even 17

20

ΑἸΝΕΙΟΥ͂

τῶν συνόντων τῷ φυγάδι ἢ μονάρχῳ ἢ στρατηγῷ πράξη τι, τῶν προκειμένων ἀποδίδοσθαι καὶ κάθοδον αὐτῷ εἶναι' διὰ γὰρ ταῦτα 18 προχειροτέρως ἂν ἐγχειροῖεν. ἐϊὰ]ν δὲ ξενικῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοιάδ᾽, 19 ἀναγγείλαντα σιγήν, πάντων ἀκουόντων κηρῦξαι" εἴ τις βούλεται ἀπιέναι, μὴ

ἀρεσκόμενοι

ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον

τοῖς

πεπωλήσεται'

κατὰ τὸν νόμον

τὸν

παροῦσιν, ἐξεῖναι ἀπαλλάττεσθαι" 5

τὰ δ᾽ ἐλάσσω τούτων ἀδικήματα,

προκείμενον

δεσμὸς

ἡ

ζημία,

ἐὰν

δέ

τις

φαίνηται βλάπτων τι τὸ στράτευμα, διαλύων τὸ στρατόπεδον, 20 θάνατος ἔστω ἡ (ημία. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν ἄλλων τάξεων ἐπιμέλειαν ποιητέον. καὶ πρῶτον ἐπισκεπτέον el ὁμονοοῦσιν οἱ πολῖται, ὡς ἂν ὄντος μεγίστου τούτου ἀγαθοῦ ἐν πολιορκία" εἰ δὲ μή, τῶν τὰ ἐναντία φρονούντων τοῖς παροῦσι πράγμασι καὶ μάλιστα ἡγεμόνας τε καὶ αἰτίους γενομένους ἐν τῇ πόλει πράξεώς twos μεθιστάναι αὐτοὺς ἀνυπόπτως, μετὰ προφάσεως εὐλόγου ἐκπέμποντα ἄλλῃ ὡς πρέσβεις τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλας δημοσίας al ἐργασίας. οἷον καὶ Διονύσιος ἔπραξεν Λεπτίνην τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ, ἔχοντα

Συρακο[υἱσίων

τῷ πλήθει οἰκείως

καὶ

ὁρῶν

Io

TS

κατὰ

πολλὰ ἰσχυρὸν αὐτὸν ὄντα: γενόμενος αὐτῷ (ἐν) ὑποψίᾳ τιν, καὶ θέλων αὐτὸν μεταστήσασθαι, φανερῶς μὲν οὐκ ἐπεχείρει ἐκβάλλειν αὐτόν, γνοὺς ὅτι περὶ αὐτὸν πολλὴ

μετ᾽ εὐνοίας ἰσχὺς

22 ἔσοιτο καὶ νεώτερον ἄν τι γένοιτο" τεχνάζει δὲ τοιόνδε. πέμπει αὐτὸν μετὰ ξένων ὀλίγων εἰς πόλιν ὄνομα Ἱμέραν, κελεύων φρουρὰν τὴν μὲν ἐξαγαγεῖν τὴν δὲ καταστῆσαι. γενομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ Ἱμέρᾳ, πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν περιμένειν, μέχρις 23 ἂν αὐτὸς μεταπέμψηται. πόλεως δ᾽ ὁμηρενομένης, ὅταν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν grpar(e)ia γίνηται, τοὺς γονεῖς τῶν ὁμηρευόντων καὶ τοὺς ἐγγύrara γένει μεθίστασθαι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἄχρις ἂν ἧ πολιορκία παρέλθῃ, ἵνα μὴ ἐφορῶσιν ἐν ταῖς προσαγωγαῖς τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς αὑτῶν παῖδας συμπροσαγομένους καὶ τὰ ἔσχατα πάσχοντας" 24 ἐγχωρεῖ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἔνδον ὄντας καὶ ὑπεναντίον τι πρᾶξαι. ἐὰν δὲ ἄρα δυσχερὲς GH) μετὰ τῶνδε τῶν προφάσεων ἐκπέμπειν, συνδιάγειν αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐλαχίστων μετέχοντας ἔργων καὶ πράξεων καὶ μήτε ὅπου ἔσονται μήτε ὅ τι πράξουσιν προειδέναι, καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν διατηροῦντας καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν" καὶ 8 i[a]v] ἐὰν M: corr. Orelli 4 ἀναγγείλαντι M: corr. Meier δ dpeσκόμενος Cu 6 post ὕστερον Jacunam indicat Schoene 7 ἢ ζημία Μ: corr. Orelli 8 (4) διαλύων He (ex C) 89 ¢AetC: ἢ ᾧγμία M 12 post πράγμασι lacunam indicant Schoene et alii 18 μάλιστ᾽ dv) He 14 αὐτοὺς del, He 17 Συρακουσίων M: corr. Meineke 18 (iv) add. Ca 9. στρατιὰ M:corr. Hn ἐγγὺσ τὰ γένη M: corr. Kirchhof 28 ἀντῶν M;

corr. Tu

81 δυσχερὴς M: corr. Ca

(844, Tu

34 διατελοῦντας He

240

25

30

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(X)

21

if a follower of the exiled ruler, monarch, or general conspires against him, he should be paid part of the reward and allowed to return from exile; this will be a strong inducement to make the attempt. The

mercenary

troops

should

be

assembled,

silence

ordered, 18

and the following proclamation made in the hearing of all: ‘If 19 anyone is discontented and wishes to depart, he may take his discharge now; after this any malcontent will at once be sold as a slave. Minor offences will be punished according to the recognized law by imprisonment, but if any man is caught tampering with the army and inducing men to desert, he will pay for it with his life.’ In the next place, all other classes should be kept under careful 20 supervision, It should first be ascertained whether the citizens are all of one mind: for this would be the greatest advantage possible in time of siege; if they are not, it is advisable unostentatiously to get rid of some of those who are discontented with the present government, especially when they have been prominent in or responsible for any intrigue in the city: this may be done plausibly by sending the

suspects elsewhere on embassies or other public service,

It was a1

thus that Dionysius dealt with his brother Leptines, when he saw that he was in high favour with the people of Syracuse, and that his position was in many ways a strong one: suspecting his loyalty, he determined to remove him, but did not attempt to banish him’ openly, knowing that his popularity would gain him considerable support, and that violent measures might lead to a revolution. His plan was this. He dispatched him with a few mercenaries to a city 22 called Himera, with orders to replace the present garrison by the troops he had with him ; and on his arrival there sent him further orders to remain until he was definitely recalled. When a city which has given hostages is attacked, the parents 23 and relatives of the hostages should be removed from it until the siege is over, that they may not see their children brought up with the enemy as they attack, and meeting a cruel death: for if

within the walls they might go so far as to offer resistance to the authorities. If it proves difficult to use the pretexts I have 24 mentioned for sending them away, they must remain, but should be assigned as small a part as possible in the conduct of operations, and should not know in advance where they will be sent or what they will have todo. They must be left as little as possible on guard by themselves either by day or by night; and even when they are

22

AINEIOY

ἄλλους Em’ ἄλλας πράξεις καὶ λειτουργίας αὐτοῖς τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιρρεῖν ἀνυπόπτως, μεθ᾽ ὧν ὄντες ἐν φυλακῇ μᾶλλον ἔσονται ἣ 25 φυλάξουσί τι. ἔστωσαν δὲ διειλημμένοι ὡς el(s) παρατ(ή)ρησιν" οὕτως γὰρ ἂν διακείμενοι

ἥκιστα

ἂν

δύναιντο

νεωτερίσαι.

ἔτι

τοίνυν μηδὲ εἰς τὰς κοίτας λαμπτῆρας φέρεσθαι μηδὲ ἄλλο 5 νυκτερινὸν φέγγος" ἤδη γάρ τινες, ἐπ(εδὶ πάντῃ ἐξείργονται μηδὲ(ν) νεωτερίσαι, θέλοντες, μηδὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους τι 26 πρᾶξαι, τοιόνδε τεχνάζουσι. σὺν γὰρ τοῖς καλάθοις καὶ στρώμασι φερόμενοι[ς] εἷς τὰς φυλακὰς λύχνα οἱ δὲ δᾷδας οἱ δὲ λαμπτῆρας, ἵνα δὴ πρός τι κοιτασθῶσιν, (8a) τούτων τῶν τὸ φεγγῶν σύσσημον ἐποιήσαντο' διὸ δεῖ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα ὑπο-

πτεύειν.

[ἐπιβουλαῖί) ΧΙ “Ere δὲ καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν δεῖ τοῖς ἀντιπροθυμονμένοις προσέἃ xeıv τὸν νοῦν καὶ μηδὲν εὐθέως ἀποδέχεσθαι διὰ τἀδε. ῥηθήσονται 15 δὲ ἑξῆς αἱ ἐπιβονλαὶ

ἐκ τῆς βίβλου παραδείγματος ἕνεκεν, ὅσαι

κατὰ πόλιν ἐξ ἀρχόντων ἢ ἰδιωτῶν γεγόνασιν καὶ ὡς ἔνιαι αὐτῶν 8 κωλυθεῖσαι διελύθησαν.

Χίου γὰρ μελλούσης προδίδοσθαι, τῶν

ἀρχόντων τις, συμπροδιδοὺς καὶ ἀπατῶν τοὺς (ovv)dpxovras ἔπεισε λέγων, Gs, ἐπειδὴ εἰρήνη εἴη, τοῦ τε λιμένος τὸ κλεῖθρον 20 els γῆν ἀνασπάσαντας ξηρᾶναι δεῖ καὶ πισσαλοιφῆσαι, καὶ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν νεῶν ἄρμενα ἀποδόσθαι, τῶν τε νεωρίων ἐπεσκευάσθαι τὰ ordlovra καὶ τὴν ἐχομένην αὐτῶν στοὰν καὶ τὸν πύργον, ἐν

ᾧ διῃτῶντο οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἐχόμενον τῆς στοᾶς, ἵνα ἐκ προφάσεως κλίμακες προσπορισθῶσιν τοῖς μέλλονσι καταλαμβάνειν τὰ νεώρια 25

4 καὶ τὴν στοὰν καὶ τὸν πύργον.

ἔτι δὲ συνεβούλενε καὶ τὸ πλῆθος

τῶν τὴν πόλιν φυλασσόντων ἀπόμισθον ποιῆσαι, ἵν᾽ ὡς ἐλάχιστον

5 δῆθεν ἀνάλωμα τῇ πόλει J. καὶ ἄλλα τούτοις ὁμότροπα λέγων ἔπεισε τοὺς συνάρχοντας ἅπερ ἔμελλον τοῖς προδιδοῦσι καὶ ἐπι(τυθεμένοις συνοίσειν πρὸς τὴν κατάληψιν" ὥστε ἀεὶ δεῖ 30 6 προσέχειν

τοῖς

τὰ

τοιαῦτα

λειοῦν

σπουδάζουσιν.

ἅμα

δὲ τοῦ

1 ἄλλους tx’ ἄλλας scripsi: ἄλλας ἐπάλλας M: ἄλλας ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαζι)ς Reiske τὸ] εἰς Schoene 3 ὡσεὶ παρὰ τρισίν M: corr. Tu 6 ἐπὶ πάντη M: corr. Ca 7 wnd&v)] μὴδὲ M: corr, Ca 8 ἀκολούθοις M: corr. Orelli © φερομένοις Μ΄: corr, Haase 10 ἵνα δὲ M: corr, Ca (διὰ) τούτων

τῶν φεγγῶν He : τοῦτον τὸν φεγγαῖὸν M

14 δεῖ rois] τοῖσ δειῖ MAB,

sc. cum significatione turbati ordinis vocabulorum : corr, Schoene 15 ei Odes] εὐήθως Herm. Schoene 18 äpxovras M: corr. Ca 25 προ[σ]-

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(X, XI)

23

left alone, a number of people should, without raising suspicion, keep coming upon them in the execution of various commissions and special services: under whose observation they will be really under guard rather than on guard. They should also be separated, a5 for purposes of supervision ; in this way there will be little chance of their making trouble. Further, no lamp or other light should be taken by a man when he goes to bed; for it has happened before now that when people’s attempts to revolt and intrigue with the enemy were completely baulked, they hit upon the plan of bringing lanterns, torches, and 26 lamps to their posts, as well as the baskets and rugs they usually carried, saying that they must have some light to go to bed by, and by means of these lights made signals to the enemy. A sharp look-out, therefore, must be kept for all such devices.

[Plots] Again, it is necessary to keep an eye on the citizens who are XI known to be disaffected, and never to adopt suggestions too readily. Τὸ illustrate this, I will give in order an account of the 2 several plots mentioned in my treatise on the subject which owed their origin to the treachery of magistrates or private persons, and also relate how some of them were frustrated and failed. When Chios was on the point of being betrayed, a magistrate 3 who was in the plot deceived his colleagues by persuading them that, as it was peace time, it was advisable to have the harbour boom

hauled ashore, dried, and pitched, the old tackle of the ships sold, and the Jeaky roofs of the ship-houses put in a state of repair, as well as the colonnade adjoining the docks and the tower next to it, in which the magistrates resided: this served as a pretext to provide ladders for those whose object it was to seize the dockyard, colonnade, and tower. He also advised the discharge of the greater number 4 of the city guards, on the plea of saving expense. By these and § similar arguments he persuaded his colleagues to agree to the very measures that would facilitate the capture of the city by the traitors’ attack, It is, therefore, important always to keep an eye on people who busy themselves to prepare the way for such schemes. At the 6 πορισθῶσιν

Schoene

28 ἡ Μ:

corr.

Ca

20

ἔμελλεν

Meineke

30 ἐπιθεμένοις M: corr. Tu 81 λειοῦν] sic MAB: in B in marg. ante λειοῦν manus rec. inseruit re : inde τελειοῦν C ut videtur et Ca

24

AINEIOT

τείχους ἐπιδήσας ξηρᾶναι

κατεκρέμασε δίκτυα ἐλάφεια καὶ σύεια, ὡσεὶ

θέλων, καὶ ἄλλῃ

ἱστία ἔξω

τοὺς

κάλους

ἔχοντα'

καθ᾽

Ἵ ἅπερ ἐν νυκτὶ ἀνέβησαν στρατιῶται. πρὸς δὲ ἀντιστασιώτας τοιόνδε ἐπράχθη ἐν ΓΑργει. μελλόντων γὰρ τῶν πλουσίων τὴν δευτέραν ἐπίθεσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ξένους ἐπαγομένων, 5 ὁ τοῦ δήμου προστάτης, προαισθόμενος τὸ μέλλον, τῶν ἐπιθησομένων τινὰς τῶν ὑπεναντίων ὄντων τῷ δήμῳ

ἄνδρας

δύο

προσ-

ποιησάμενος φίλους εἶναι ἀπορρήτους, πολεμίους αὐτῷ καθίστησιν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐποίει κακῶς ἐν τῷ φανερῷ, σιγῇ δὲ τὰ ἐκ τῶν 8 ἐναντίων

βουλεύματα

ἤκουεν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.

ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ εἰσά- 10

γεσθαι τοὺς ξένους ἦσαν οἱ πλούσιοι, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τινὲς ἦσαν ἕτοιμοι, καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα ἔμελλεν τὸ ἔργον ἔσεσθαι, ἔδοξε τῷ τοῦ δήμον προστάτῃ ταχίστην ἐκκλησίαν συνα-

γαγεῖν καὶ τὸ μέλλον μὴ προειπεῖν, ἵνα μὴ πᾶσα ἧἡ πόλις ταραχθῇ,

εἰπόντα δὲ ἄλλα τε καὶ ὅτι συμφέρον σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις πάντας

᾿Α(ρ)γείους

εἴη ἐν τῇ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ 15

παρεῖναι ἐν τῇ αὑτοῦ φυλῇ

9 ὄντας Exaloyrov. ἐὰν δέ τις ἄλλοσ᾽ ἐκθῆται τὰ ὅπλα ἢ ἄλλῃ ἐξενεγκάμενος φανῇ, ὡς προδότης καὶ ἐπιβουλεύων τῷ δήμῳ 10 πασχέτω πλούσιοι

τι. τοῦτο δὴ αὐτὸ ἵνα κατὰ τὰς φυλὰς ὄντες οἱ μὴ δύνωνται εἰς ταὐτὸ ἀθροισθέντες μετὰ τῶν ξένων 20

ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ταῖς φυλαῖς ὄντες διακεχωρισμένοι ὦσιν ἐν πολλοῖς ὀλίγοι φυλέταις. καλῶς δὲ δοκεῖ καὶ ἀγχινόως μετ᾽ 10 8 ἀσφαλείας διαλῦσαι τὸ μέλλον. παραπλησίως δὲ ἐν ᾿Ηρακλείᾳ τῇ ἐν τῷ ἸΤπόντῳ, οὔσης δημοκρατίας καὶ ἐπιβουλευόντων τῶν πλουσίων τῷ δήμῳ καὶ μελλόντων ἐπιτίθεσθαι, προγνόντες οἱ 15

προστάται τοῦ δήμου τὸ μέλλον, οὐσῶν αὐτοῖς τριῶν φυλῶν τεσσάρων ἑκατοστύων, ἔπεισαν τὸ πλῆθος ἑξήκοντα

καὶ

εἶναι éxaro-

στύας, ἵνα ἐν ταύταις καὶ εἰς τὰς φυλακὰς καὶ εἰς τὰς ἄλλας 1ι λειτουργίας φοιτῶσιν οἱ πλούσιοι. συνέβαινεν καὶ ἐνταῦθα διεσκεδασμένους εἶναι τοὺς πλουσίους καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἑκατοστύσιν 30 12 ὀλίγους ἑκάστοθι παραγίνεσθαι ἐν πολλοῖς δημόταις. ὁμότροπον δέ τι τούτῳ καὶ πάλαϊον»] ἐν Λακεδαίμονι (λέγεται!) γενέσθαι. μηννυθείσης γὰρ ἐπιβουλῆς τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ὅτι ὅταν ὁ πῖλος ἀρθῇ

ἐπιθήσονται,

ἔπαυσαν

τοὺς

ἐγχειροῦντας

ἐπιθέσθαι,

κήρυγμα

1 ἐκδήσα: Hn 2 ἱστία] σύεια M: corr. Orelli 8 dure M: corr. Orelli 8 τὰ] τὸ M: corr. Ca 10 ἐπεὶ δ᾽ iv] sic AB; in M non clare apparent 18 τάχιστα Ca 16 ᾿Α(ρ)γείου: μὲν οὖσ M secundum collationes quibus Orelli et Hercher usi sunt: hodie litterae ita evanidae ut non

possit dici quid olim

scriptum

Schoene ἀυτοῦ Μ΄: corr. Tu corr. Reiske 81 ὀλίγοις M:

fuerit:

dye: οὖς A:

ἔχει obs B:

corr.

17 ἑκατὸν M: corr. Meier ἄλλωσ M: corr. Ca 32 παλαιὸν M: corr, Tu

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XI)

25

same time he fastened to the wall and hung out stag-nets and boarnets, as if for drying, and in another place sails with their ropes hanging outside; and by these some of the enemy climbed up under cover of night. In Argos the following measures were taken against the revolu- 7

tionary party.

When

the wealthy party was about to make its

second attempt against the democracy, and was calling in mercenary troops, the democratic leader, perceiving what was on foot, induced two of the hostile party which was meditating the attack to

become

his

secret

accomplices,

and

thus, while

representing

them to be his enemies and treating them as such in public, obtained from them privately information about the traitors’ plans. The wealthy party was on the point of bringing in the mer- 8 cenaries, accomplices in the city were ready, and the attempt was to be made on the following night, when the democratic leader saw fit to summon a special meeting of the assembly, and without

disclosing the plot, which might have thrown the whole city into commotion, said in the course of his speech that it was expedient for all the citizens to assemble by tribes and remain under arms during the coming night: and that anyone who conveyed his arms to any other point, or appeared with them anywhere else, was to be punished as a traitor and conspirator against the people. Now the object of this was that the wealthy men, being divided according to their respective tribes, might be prevented from forming a united body and taking part with the mercenaries in the attack : for by this tribal arrangement they would be distributed in small groups among their fellow tribesmen. By this clever and effective plan the attempt was frustrated entirely without risk. Similarly at Heracleia Pontica, when under a democratic régime the wealthy party was plotting against the people and contemplating an attack, the leaders of the people, discovering their intention, persuaded the populace to substitute for their normal arrangement of three tribes, with four centuries in each, a division into sixty centuries, in which the wealthy men were to be distributed for guard-duty and other public services. Here, too, the result was that they were divided, so that in each century there were only a few of them along with a large number of ordinary citizens, A similar incident is said to have occurred long ago at Sparta. The magistrates were informed that an attack would be made (λέγεται) post Λακεδαίμονι addidi, post γενέσθαι add. Tu σθαι M 88 πηλὸς; M: corr. Ca

γενέσθαι Ct γίνε-

9 10

10 a

11

12

26

AINEIOT

18 ἀναγγείλαντες Κορκύρᾳ

τοὺς

τὸν

πῖλον

δὲ ἐπανάστασιν

δέον

μέλλοντας γενέσθαι

ἄραι μὴ ἐκ τῶν

ἄραι.

ἐν

πλουσίων

καὶ

ὀλιγαρχικῶν τῷ δήμῳ (ἐπεδήμει δὲ καὶ Χάρης ᾿Αθηναῖος φρουρὰν 14 ἔχων, ὅσπερ συνήθελεν τῇ ἐπαναστάσει) ἐτεχνάσθη τοιόνδε. τῶν τῆς φρουρᾶς τινες ἄρχοντες σικύας προ(σ)βαλίλ)]όμενοι καὶ τομὰς 5 ἐν τῷ σώματι ποιησάμενοι καὶ αἱματωθέντες ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ὡς πληγὰς ἔχοντες, ἅμα δ᾽ αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς προπαρεσκενα-

σμένοι οἵ τε ἄλλοι

στρατιῶται

τὰ ὅπλα

ἐξηνέγκαντο καὶ τῶν

15 Κορκυραίων οἱ ἐπιβουλεύοντες, τῶν ἄλλων ἀγνοούντων τὸ πρᾶγμα"

καὶ εἰς ἐκκλησίαν παρακληθέντων

συνελαμβάνοντο οἱ προστάται τὸ

τοῦ δήμου, ὡς ἐπαναστάσεως γινομένης μεθίστασαν πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον αὑτοῖς.

[περὶ συμμάχων ΧΙ

ἐξ αὐτῶν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα

ἃ δεῖ προνοεῖν)

Χρὴ δὲ καὶ συμμάχων εἰς τὴν πόλιν ζεἰσηγμένων) μήποτε ἅμα διατελεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀλλὰ διεσκεδάσϑθαι ὁμοτρόπως τῶν 15 a αὐτῶν ἕνεκεν τοῖς προειρημένοις. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ μετὰ ξένων

μισθοφόρων μέλλοντάς τι πράσσειν ἀεὶ χρὴ ὑπερέχειν πλήθει καὶ δυνάμει τοὺς ἐπαγομένους πολίτας τῶν ξένων" εἰ δὲ μή, ἐπ᾽ 8 ἐκείνοις

γίνονται

αὐτοί

τε

καὶ

ἡ

πόλις,

οἷον

πολιορκουμένοις παρόντες σύμμαχοι ἔπεμψαν Kulımmvol) [οἱ τῶν Χαλκηδονίων σύμμαχοι].

Χαλκηδονίοις

φρουρὰν αὐτοῖς (ol 20 βουλευομένων τὰ

αὑτοῖς συμφέροντα οὐκ ἔφασαν οἱ φρουροὶ ἐπιτρέψειν, ἐὰν μὴ καὶ Kulırmvois δοκῇ εἶναι συμφέροντα, ὥστε τοῖς Χαλκηδονίοις

N φρουρὰνN ἔσω οὖσαν > ῃ τὴν πολὺ N φοβερωτέραν

4 μένων πολεμίων.

R προκαθηεἶναι τῶν

δεῖ οὖν μήποτε εἷς πόλιν οἰκείαν μείζω δύναμιν 25

ἐπακτὸν δέχεσθαι τῆς ὑπαρχούσης

μένην ἀεὶ δεῖ τὴν πόλιν πολλῷ

τοῖς πολίταις, ξένοις

ὑπερέχειν

τε χρω-

τῆς τῶν ξένων

δυνά-

pews: οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς ξενοκρατεῖσθαι καὶ ἐπὶ μισθοφόροις 5 γίνεσθαι. οἷον καὶ Ἡρακλεώταις τοῖς ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ συνέβη. ἐπαγόμενοι

γὰρ

ξένους

πλείονας

τοῦ προσήκοντος,

πρῶτον

μὲν 30

1 πηλὸν M corr. Ca 3 ἐπιδημεῖ M: corr. Ca 4 ὥσπερ M: corr.Ca 5 προβαλλόμενοι M: corr. Ca 9 τῶν ἀλλων] δ᾽ post τῶν add. Ca: post πρᾶγμα interpunxi 11 γενομένης Meineke 12 ἀντοῦ; M: corr. He

14 (εἰσηγμένων) addidi:

[οἱ τῶν

Χαλκηδονίων

(ἐπηγμένων) Reiske

20 post σύμμαχοι lacunam indicat Schoene (καλχιδονίων

lectionis usurpasse videntur corr, Ca

23

M)

23

δοκεῖ M: corr. Ca

M: corr.Ca προ(σ)καθημένων Reiske μένον M: corr, Tu 38 ἐπὶ} ἔτι Μ:

σύμμαχοι),

ἀντοῖσ

19 Χαλκιδονίοισ M

(ol Κυζικηνοῦ addidi deleto

M:

quae

verba

corr. Tu

καλχιδονίοισ M

locum

ἔφησαν

verae

M:

24 οὖσαν] ὁρᾶν

26 én’ αὐτὸν M: corr. Ca corr, Ca

χρώ-

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XI, XII)

27

‘when the cap was lifted’, and defeated the attempt by ordering those who were about to raise the cap to refrain from doing so. At Corcyra, when a revolt of the wealthy oligarchs against the 1g people was impending (Chares the Athenian, who was stationed there with a guard, was in sympathy with this revolt), recourse was had to the following device. Certain officers of the guard cut 14 themselves about the body with cupping-glasses, and ran out into the market-place covered with blood, like wounded men; whereupon the rest of the soldiers and the Corcyraean conspirators, who were standing by in readiness, immediately brought out their weapons, the rest of the populace knowing nothing of the plot. 15 Then an assembly was summoned, and the leaders of the people were’ arrested on the charge of instigating a revolution, while the conspirators proceeded to make the changes necessary to secure their position.

[Precautions in regard to allies] When allies are brought into the city, they should never be XII quartered all together, but in separate detachments, in the manner

suggested above and for the same reasons. In the same way, when 2 mercenaries are to be employed for any purpose, the citizens who employ them should always be superior in numbers and strength : otherwise, they and their city are at the mercy of the foreigners. I will give an instance, The people of Chalcedon during a siege 3 received a garrison from Cyzicus, which was then their ally; when the Chalcedonians proceeded to frame their plans according to their own interests, the troops of the garrison said they would consent to nothing that was not expressly approved by the Cyzicenes as well; and the end of it was that the people of Chalcedon became far more afraid of the garrison inside the city than of the enemy without. It should, therefore, be a rule never to admit into 4 one’s own city a foreign force stronger than the available citizen army, and when mercenaries are employed there should

be

a con-

siderable margin of superior strength on the side of the home forces ; for it is not safe to be under foreign control and in the power of mercenaries. The

inhabitants of Heracleia

Pontica found

this to their cost. 5

They called in too strong ἃ mercenary force, and so, after crushing

28

AINEIOT

τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας ἀνεῖλον, ἔπειτα αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν λεσαν, τυραννευθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ εἰσάγοντος τοὺς ξένους.

XII

ἀπώ-

*Ap δὲ δέῃ ξενοτροφεῖν, ὧδε ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα γίνοιτο.

[ξενοτροφία] Χρὴ τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει εὐπορωτάτοις προστάξαι κατὰ δύναμιν 5 ἑκάστῳ παρασχεῖν ξένους ἕκαστον, τοὺς μὲν τρεῖς, τοὺς δὲ δύο, τινὰς δὲ ἕνα' ἀθροισθέντων δὲ ὅσων δεῖ, οὕτω διελεῖν αὐτοὺς els λόχους, καταστήσαντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς πιστο-

« τάτους λοχαγούς, τὸν δὲ μισθὸν καὶ τὴν τροφὴν οἱ ξένοι παρὰ τῶν μισθωσαμένων λαμβανόντων, τὸ μέν τι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, τὸ δὲ το 8 καὶ τῆς πόλεως συμβαλλομένης. καὶ διαιτάσθωσαν ἕκαστοι ἐν ταῖς τῶν μισθωσαμένων οἰκίαις, οἱ δὲ τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τὰς ἐκκοιτίας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιτάγματα ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀθροιζόμενοι 4 ὑπὸ τῶν λοχαγῶν ὑπηρετούντων, κομιδὴ δὲ τοῖς προαναλίσκουσιν

εἰς τοὺς ξένους χρόνῳ τινὶ γενέσθω ὑπολογιζομένοις ἀπὸ τῶν 15 εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερομένων παρὰ ἑκάστου τελῶν' οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τάχιστά τε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εὐτελέστατα ξενοτροφηθείη. XIV

Τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ πόλει ὑπεναντία θέλουσιν τοῖς καθεστηκόσι

προσφέρεσθαι ὡς προγέγραπται.

[ὑπόδειξις εἰς ὁμόνοιαν) Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν

πολιτῶν

προάγειν, ἄλλοις τε ὑπαγόμενον

εἰς ὁμόνοιαν

τέως

20 μάλιστα

χρὴ

αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς χρεωφειλέτας

κουφίζοντα τόκων βραχύτητι ἣ ὅλως ἀφαιροῦντα, ἐν δὲ τοῖς λίαν emixwddvors καὶ τῶν ὀφειλημάτων τι μέρος, καὶ πάντα ὅταν deln),

ὡς πολύ γε φοβερώτατοι ἔφεδροί εἰσιν οἱ τοιοίδε ἄνθρωποι, τούς 35 ἃ τε ἐν ἀπορίᾳ ὄντας τῶν ἀναγκαίων εἰς εὐπορίαν καθιστάναι. καὶ ὅπως ἴσως καὶ ἀλύπως τοῖς πλουσίοις ταῦτ᾽ &v) γινόμενα πράττοιτο καὶ ἐξ οἴων πόρων πορίζοιτο, καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐν τῇ Ποριστικῇ βίβλῳ δηλωτικῶς γέγραπται. XV Κατασκευασθέντων δὲ τούτων, ἄν τι ἀγγελθῇ ἢ πυρσευθῇ 30 2 βοηθείας δεόμενον, ἐξιέναι ἐπὶ τὰ κακούμενα τῆς χώρας. τοὺς 1 ἀυτοὺς M: corr. Schoene 8 ἀσφαλέστατοι M: corr. He δέοιτο διελεῖν ἑαυτοὺσ M: corr. He 15 ὑπολιγοζομένοισ M Μ: corr. Orelli corr, Haase

πόρων πόνων M:

22 27 ταῦτ'

corr. Ca

χρεοφειλέτας M: corr, Ca d(v)) ταῦτα M: corr, Hn

80 ἀγγελθὲν M:

7 ὅσων ἀπὸ] ὑπὸ

24 ὅτ' ἂν δὲ γιγνόμενα M

corr. Ca

Μ: 28

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XII-XV)

29

the opposing faction, found that they had brought ruin upon themselves and their city: for the mercenary captain made himself tyrant. If it is necessary to maintain mercenaries, it may be done with XIII least risk in the following manner.

[The maintenance of mercenaries] The wealthiest citizens should be required to provide one, two, or three mercenaries apiece, according to their means; when a sufficient number has been collected, they should be divided into companies, under

the command

of the most trustworthy citizens.

These mercenaries should receive their pay and maintenance from 2 those who hire them, partly at the expense of the latter, partly from funds contributed by the state. Each party of them should be 3 quartered in the house of the man who has engaged them, but those who are told off for any public service, night watches, or other duties assigned by the magistrates, should always be assembled under the

supervision of their commanders, Repayment should be made after 4 a certain time to those who have advanced money on account of the mercenaries, the sum in question to be subtracted from the

taxes paid by each man to the state.

This will prove the quickest,

safest, and cheapest system of maintaining mercenaries. Particulars have already been given of the way to deal with XIV political malcontents.

[Suggestions for securing unanimity] It is very important that unanimity among the citizens in general

should

be secured

for the time

being

by various

conciliatory

measures, such as the relief of debtors by the reduction or abolition of interest: in a very dangerous crisis even the capital sum owed may be partly or, if necessary, wholly cancelled, as insolvent debtors are very dangerous adversaries to have sitting by, watching for their opportunity. Those in want of the necessaries of life should be amply provided for. How this may be done fairly and 2 without laying an undue

burden on the rich, and from what funds

such provision should be made, I have described in detail in my Ways and Means,

So much for preparations within. If after this a message XV arrives by hand or fire-signal asking for help in the country, an

30

AINEIOY

δὲ στρατηγοὺς

παρόντας

εὐθὺς

ovvrdrredy),

ἵνα μὴ

σποράδην

καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἐξιόντες ἐπὶ τὰ αὑτῶν ἀπολλύωνται δι᾽ ἀταξίαν καὶ κόπον ἄκαιρον, ἐνεδρευόμενοί τε ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ κακὰ 8 πάσχοντες. ἀλλὰ χρὴ τούς τε παραγινομένους ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἀθροίζεσθαι μέχρι τινὸς πλήθους, ὡς λόχου ἢ διλοχίας, εἶτα 5 συνταχθέντας καὶ ἡγεμόνος αὐτοῖς φρονίμου δοθέντος, οὕτως 4 ἐκπέμπεσθαι καὶ σπεύδειν ὄντας ἐν τάξει ὡς μάλιστα. ἔπειτα καὶ

(ἄλλο) καὶ ἄλλο πλῆθος οὕτως ἐκπέμπειν καὶ ἐν τάχει μέχρις οὗ ἱκανοὶ

δοκοῦσιν

ἦ τὰ μέρη, πάντα δέῃ, 5 πόρρωθεν ὑπάρχοντας

ἐκβεβοηθηκέναι,

ἵνα

καὶ

ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ

καὶ ἐάν τε μέρει μέρος δέῃ βοηθῆσαι ἐάν τε ἅμα τὸ ῥᾳδίως ὑπάρχῃ συμμίσγειν ἀλλήλοις καὶ μὴ δρόμῳ παραγίνωνται. πρὸ δὲ αὐτῶν δεῖ πρώτους τοὺς ἱππέας καὶ κούφους ἐξιέναι, μηδὲ τούτους (ἀτάκτους),

προεξερευνῶντάς

τε καὶ

χωρίων,

ἐκ

ἵν᾽

ὡς

προκαταλαμβάνοντας

πλείστου

προειδῶσιν

οἱ

τὰ

ὑψηλὰ

ὁπλῖται

6 πολεμίων καὶ μηδὲν ἐξαίφνης αὐτοῖς προσπέσοι. περί καμπὰς τῶν χωρίων καὶ τὰς βάσεις τῶν ἀκρολοφιῶν ἐκτροπὰς τῶν ὁδῶν, ὅπον ἂν τρίοδοι How, εἶναι σημεῖα, περὶ ταῦτα σχίζωνται ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων οἱ ὑπολελειμμένοι δι

ἡ τῆς ὁδοῦ,

ἐχόμενα

τὰ

τῶν τῶν 15

τε τὰς καὶ τὰς ἵνα μὴ ἄγνοιαν

ἀπιόντας] τε εἰς τὴν πόλιν πεφυλαγμένως ἀναχωρεῖν 20

πολλῶν ἕνεκεν καὶ μάλιστα ἐνέδρας φοβούμενον πολεμίων! ἤδη 8 γὰρ περὶ βοήθειαν ἀφύλακτον τοιόνδε συνέβη. Τριβαλλῶν ἐμβαλλόντων εἰς τὴν ᾿Αβδηριτῶν χώραν, ἐπεξελθόντες ᾿Αβδηρῖται καὶ παράταξιν ποιησάμενοι κάλλιστον ἔργον εἰργάσαντο' συμ-

βαλόντες γὰρ κατέβαλον πολλοὺς 9 μάχιμον. οἱ δὲ ἀπαλλαγέντες καὶ

τὴν χώραν

καὶ ἐνίκων πλῆθος πολὺ

καὶ 25

Τριβαλλοί, ἀγανακτήσαντες τῷ συμβάντι, ἀναλαβόντες αὑτούς, πάλιν ἀφικόμενοι εἰς

καὶ ἐνέδρας προκαθίσαντες

ἔκειρον

τὴν χώραν

τὴν

᾿Αβδηριτῶν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ ᾿Αβδηρῖται ὑπερφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ προειργασμένον ἔργον ἐπεβοήθουν πανσυδίῃ 30

πάσῃ ῥώμῃ καὶ προθυμίᾳ 10 ὅπου

δὴ

λέγεται

ἐκ

οἱ δὲ ὑπῆγον αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰς ἐνέδρας.

μιᾶς

πόλεως,

τοσαύτης

πλείστους ἐν ἐλαχίστῳ χρόνῳ ἀπολέσθαι. 1 συντάττει M: corr.Ca 5 λόχω M:

corr. Ca

τὸ

μέγεθος,

οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀκούσαντες

2 dvréyM:corr,Hn 7 (ἰόντας Reiske

γε

ἀπολλύονται Ν : corr. Ca 7 καὶ (ἄλλο) καὶ ἄλλο πλῆθος

scripsi: καὶ κατὰ ἄλλο πάθοσ M: ἄλλο καὶ ἄλλο πλῆθος Meineke {πλῆθος iam Ca) 10 ἐὰν rd (corr. Ca) pépn*pépor δέη M: corr, Reiske 11 ὑπάρxew M:

corr. Ca

13 παραγίνονται

Schoene : (ἀφυλάκτως ἀλλὰ) Ca πέσῃ Reiske 20 ἀπιόντάσ τε Μ: 32 ὅπου δὲ M: corr, Ca

M:

corr. Ca

13 (ἀτάκτουτ) add.

15 πολῖται Μ: corr. Tu corr. Hn 27 ävrois M:

16 προσcorr. He

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XV)

31

expedition should be made to the district attacked. The generals a should be present on the spot to marshal the force, and to prevent small parties from marching out one after another to rescue their own property ; for such ill-organized and ill-timed exertions would lead to disaster by affording an easy prey to ambushes. The 3 men should be assembled at the gates as they come up, till a certain number, say one or two companies, has arrived; then, after they have been properly formed up and a capable leader placed in command, they should be sent on as fast as they can go without

losing their formation. In this way one detachment after another 4 should be dispatched without delay, until the expeditionary force is considered sufficiently strong: the object is to keep the several detachments in touch with one another on the march, and, in case

one

detachment

should require another’s assistance or the whole

force be compelled to engage, to make concentration easy, so that

no troops will have to come up at the double from a distance.

Any 5

cavalry and light troops available should be sent out first in advance, also in good order, and should reconnoitre and occupy com-

manding positions, in order that the main body may have as much notice as possible of the enemy’s plans, and thus be secure from a sudden attack.

At bends in the road, at the foot of hills, and at 6

turnings—wherever there is a choice of roads—signals should be placed, to prevent stragglers who do not know the way from taking the wrong turning. In returning to the city every precaution 7 should be taken, especially against ambushes ; for lack of caution has before now involved an expedition in the sort of mishap which I am now going to relate, A raid made by the Triballi into the country of Abdera was met 8 in a splendid fashion by the men of Abdera, who marched out and were victorious in a pitched battle against this powerful and warlike tribe, inflicting great loss upon

them.

their

their

defeat,

retired

to

collect

The forces,

Triballi, mortified by 9 and

then

advanced

a

second time, posting an ambush as they went, and proceeded to lay waste the territory of Abdera within a short distance of the city, The men of Abdera, whose previous success made them despise their enemy,

rushed

out

and

charged

them with

the utmost vigour

and

enthusiasm ; the enemy led them on step by step into the ambush ; and there they lost more men, it is said, than any other city of the 10 same size ever lost in so short a space of time. For even when

32

AINEIOYT

τὸν ὄλεθρον τῶν πρώτων ἐπεξελθόντων of ἄλλοι βοηθείας, ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλος ἄλλον παρακαλῶν ἔσπευδεν ἐπεξελθοῦσι, μέχρι ἠρημώθη ἡ πόλις ἀνδρῶν.

[ἄλλη

ἐπέσχον τῆς βοηθεῖν τοῖς

βοήθεια)

XVI Ὅδ᾽ οὖν ἄλλος τρόπος βοηθείας βελτίων ἂν εἴη ἐπὶ τοὺς 5 ἃ ἐμβεβληκότας. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν οὐ χρὴ (ἕωθεν εὐθὺ βοηθεῖν, εἰδότα ὅτι ἀτακτότατοι ἂν καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι πρὸ τῆς ἕω εἶεν οἱ

ἄνθρωποι, τῶν μὲν ἐπειγομένων τὰ οἰκεῖα σῴζειν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν, ἑτέρων δὲ πεφοβημένων εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους προϊέναι,

οἷα εἰκὸς προσφάτως ἠγγελμένων, ἄλλων δὲ πάμπαν ἀπαρασκεύων 10 8 ὄντων.

τάχος,

χρὴ

οὖν τὴν μὲν

βοήθειαν

εὐτρεπίζειν

ἀθροίζοντα ὅτι

ἅμα τῶν μὲν τὸ δεῖμα ἀφαιροῦντα, τοῖς δὲ θάρσος ἐμ-

4 ποιοῦντα[εἾ, τοὺς δὲ ὁπλίζντα[ς]. δεῖ γάρ σε εἰδέναι ὅτι τῶν πολεμίων οἱ μετὰ ξυνέσεως καὶ ἐπιστήμης γινόμενοι ἐν πολεμίᾳ, κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν τὸ ἰσχυρότατον αὑτῶν ἐν τάξει ἄγουσι προσδεχό- 15 μενοί τινας ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἑτοίμως ἔχοντες ἀμύνεσθαι" τινὲς δὲ

διασπαρέντες

αὐτῶν

κατὰ

τὴν

χώραν

ἀδικοῦσιν,

ἄλλοι

δ' ἂν

ἐνεδρεύοιεν προσδεχόμενοί τινας βοηθοῦντας ὑμῶν ἄτακτον βοή5 θησιν. δεῖ οὖν μὴ εὐθὺς αὐτοὺς προσκείμενον ἐνοχλεῖν, ἀλλ᾽

ἐᾶσαι τούτους πρότερον θαρσῆσαι καὶ καταφρονήσαντάς

σου ἐπὶ 20

AenAdrnow καὶ πλεονεξίαν ὁρμῆσαι" ἅμα δ᾽ ἂν οὗτοι σιτίων καὶ πόσεως πληρούμενοι καὶ οἰνωθέντες ἀμελ[λ)εῖς καὶ ἀπειθεῖς τοῖς

6 ἄρχουσι yivowro, ἐκ δὲ τούτων εἰκὸς μοχθηροὺς αὐτῶν τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν συμβαίνειν, ἐάνπερ γε σὺ αὐτοῖς 1 εὐκαίρως ἐπιθῃ[σῃ!. ἡτοιμασμένης γάρ σοι τῆς βοηθείας εἰς a5 τὸν παρηγγελμένον τόπον καὶ ἐσπαρμένων ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων πρὸς ἁρπαγήν, οὕτω χρὴ αὐτοῖς προσκεῖσθαι τοῖς μὲν ἱππεῦσιν

. προκαταλαμβάνοντα τὰς ἀποχωρήσεις, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπιλέκτοις ἐνέδρας ποιούμενον, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις κούφοις ἐπιφαινόμενον

αὐτοῖς, τοὺς

δ᾽

ὁπλίτας ἀθρόους ἐν τάξει &yovrals], μὴ πόρρω δὲ τῶν προ- 30 πεμφθέντων μερῶν. ἐπιτίθεσο δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν οἷς ἄκων μὲν (μὴ) μαχέσῃ, μαχόμενος δὲ μὴ ἔλασσον ἕξεις τῶν πολεμίων. 568 Μ: corr. Hu 6 (vverds) post οὖν inserendum putat Schoene: {ξωθεν) addidi 10 of δ' εἰκὸς M: corr. Ca ἀγγελμένων M: corr. Ca 12 ἐμποιοῦντασ robe δὲ ὀπλίζοντασ M: corr.Ca Ca 15 ἀντῶν M: corr. He 18 ἡμῶν M:

14 ἐν πόλει oad M corr, corr. Ca 22 ἀμελλεῖς

M:

37 πρὸκεῖσθαι (= προσκεῖ-

corr, Ca

25 ἐπιθήσηι M:

corr. Haase

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΉΤΙΚΑ

(XV, XVI)

33

news reached the city of the fate of the first sally, men kept pouring out, cheering one another on in their eagerness to rescue those who were in front, until not a man was left within the walls.

[Another method of relief | Another way of ordering an expedition against invaders may, XVI therefore,

be preferable.

first place,

In the

it is undesirable

to 2

attempt immediate reprisals (at dawn); for you must remember that before daybreak your men will be unprepared and in great disorder, some eager to save their own property on the farms without loss of time, others afraid to advance boldly to meet the danger, as is natural in the case of a sudden alarm, others again caught entirely You must, therefore, make ready for the expedition 3 unprepared, not only by mustering troops without delay, but by removing apprehensions, inspiring confidence, and where necessary providing

arms. For you must know that if your adversaries are men of 4 judgement and skill, they will at first keep their best troops in hand when in the enemy’s country; for they will expect an attack and be prepared to repulse it. Some of them in small detachments will be going about the country plundering, while others will probably be in ambush, ready for any undisciplined attempts at reprisal on your part.

You should not, therefore, attack and harass 5

them at once, but should wait till they grow reckless and contemp-

tuous of your opposition, and intent only on satisfying their greed by Soon, too, they will be full of food and drink, and drunken looting. Men in this condition are 6 men are careless and disobey orders. likely to make ἃ poor show in battle and in retreat, if you choose the right moment

for attack.

This will be when

your force

is in 7

readiness at the place appointed and the enemy have dispersed in search of plunder: then is the time to attack, cutting off their lines of retreat with your cavalry and using your picked men for ambushes; the rest of your light troops should keep in touch with the enemy, while the heavy infantry is brought up in column not far from Make your attack in a position the detachments sent in advance. where you need not fight if you do not want to, but where the advantage will be on your side if you do choose to fight. σθαι ex προκεῖσθαι correctum) M

20 κούφως M:

τασ M: corr. Ca προοφθέντων M: μαχέσῃ scripsi : μαχήσῃ M

2200

D

corr, Ca

corr.Ca

80 dyor-

32 (μὴ) add. Ca

24 8

AINEIOY Ala

ἐᾶσαι

οὖν τὰ τοὺς

πρότερον

πολεμίους

εἰρημένα λυσιτελεῖ wore ἐφεῖναι καὶ

ὡς

πλείστην

κατασῦραι

τῆς χώρας,

ἵνα

(Sy) λεηλατοῦντες καὶ διαπεπληρωμένοι λαφύρων ῥᾳδίως σοι τὴν δίκην Sdclovelw: τά τε γὰρ ληφθέντα πάντ᾽ &v) σῴζοιντο, οἵ τ᾽ Ὁ ἀδικήσαντες κατ᾽ ἀξίαν λάβοιεν τὰ ἐπιτίμια, ὀξέως δ᾽ ἂν 8 βοηθήσας τοῖς μὲν σαυτοῦ ἀπαρασκεύοις τε καὶ τετ(αρ)αγμένοις κινδυνεύοις, οἵ τε πολέμιοι μικρὰ μὲν ἂν φθάσαιεν κακουργή10 σαντες, ἐν τάξει δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι ὄντες ἀτιμώρητοι ἂν ἀπέλθοιεν.

δὲ

κρεῖσσον,

ὡς

Il αὐτοῖς ἐπιθέσθαι. λεηλατηθέντα,

γέγραπται,

ἐνδόντα

ἀφυλάκτως

πολὺ

διακειμένοις

ἐὰν δέ σε λάθῃ ἢ φθάσῃ τὰ ἐκ τῆς χώρας

οὐ χρὴ

τὴν

δίωξιν αὐτῶν

ποιεῖσθαι

Io

τὰς αὐτὰς

ὁδοὺς καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χώρους, ἀλλὰ τῇ σ]δε μὲν ὀλίγους ἐπιφαίνεσθαι

καὶ

διώκοντας

μὴ

ἐπικαταλαμβάνειν

ἑκουσίως

καὶ

ἀνυπόπτως, ἄλλο δὲ πλῆθος μετὰ ἀξιοχρέου δυνάμεως σπεύδειν κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς ὅτίτ]. τάχιστα πορευόμενον, καὶ φθάσαντος ἐν 1a τῇ τῶν ἀγόντων χώρᾳ περὶ τὰ ὅρια ἐνεδρεῦσαι (φθάσαι δέ σε

15

εἶκός ἐστι, πρότερον εἷς τὴν ἐκείνων ἀφικόμενον, διὰ τὸ Ale)lav

ἄγοντας αὐτοὺς βραδυτέρως πορεύεσθαι), τὴν δ᾽ ἐπίθεσιν αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι δειπνοποιουμένοις" οἱ γὰρ λεηλατήσαντες, &v τε τῇ αὐτῶν ἤδη γεγονότες καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες, πρὸς ῥᾳθυμίαν τρεπό-

18 μενοι ἀφυκτοτέρως ἂν διακέοιντος

ἄριστον, ἵνα νεοκμῆσιν τοῖς

στρατιώταις χρήσῃ, ὑπαρχόντων γε πλοίων, κατὰ θάλατταν τὴν δίωξιν ποιεῖσθαι" τό τε γὰρ φθάσαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς τὸ δέον σοι 14 συμβήσεται, ἐὰν μὴ κατοφθῇς πλέων ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, Ἐ(υ)ρηναίους καὶ Βαρκαίους λέγεται καὶ ἄλλας τινὰς πόλεις τὰς ἁμαξηλάτους τε ὑδοὺς καὶ μακρὰς βοηθείας ἐπὶ συνωρίδων καὶ ζευγῶν βοηθεῖν" κομισθέντων δὲ εἰς τὸ προσῆκον καὶ ἑξῆς τῶν CevyGv παραταχθέντων, ἀποβάντες of ὁπλῖται

καὶ ἐν τάξει

15 νεοκμῆτες προσεφέροντο τοῖς πολεμίοις. %

καλὸν

4

TO

πλεονέκτημα, ταχῦ

i

τε

καὶ

γενόμενοι

οἷς οὖν εὐπορία ζευγῶν, Fi

νεοκμῆτας

hl

τοὺς

[4

στρατιώτας 30

οἱ τραυματίαι, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο γένοιτο σύμπτωμα

τοῖς στρατιώταις, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπάγοιντ᾽ ἂν els τὴν πόλιν. 16 Καὶ ἐὰν μὲν 7 ἡ χώρα μὴ εὐείσβολος, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγαι ὦσιν αἱ Tu

1 πρότερα M: corr.Ca ἃ πάντα M: corr. Hn

ἵνα ἡ M: corr. Reiske 4 δώσουσιν Μ : corr. 6 rer(apjayadroıs scripsi: τεταγμένοι: M:

(od) τεταγμένοις Ca 12 ryote M: gavras Haase 17 λίαν M: corr. Ca

corr, Ca 20 ἀντῶν M:

λακτοτέρως Ca ἱνανεοσμησιν M: corr, Ca 24 κρηναίουσ M: corr, Ca 27 ζενγέων M

25

εὐθὺς

εἰς τὸ δέον ἐλθεῖν" εἴησαν δὲ ἂν αἱ ἅμαξαι εὐθὺς καὶ ἔρυμα ταῖς στρατοπεδείαις"

20

15 ὄγτι M corr. He

φθά21 ἄφυ-

22 ye} δὲ M: corr. Ca

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙ͂ΚΑ

(XVI)

35

From what I have said you will see that it is sometimes a good plan to give the enemy rein and allow them to lay waste your territory as far as they please; for when they are engaged in pillage and encumbered with spoil, you will have an easy opportunity of revenge ; the loot will be all recovered and the robbers will receive their just reward. On the other hand, you will endanger your own men if you attempt reprisals hastily, when they are unprepared and in disorder; while the enemy, although they will have had time to do a little damage, will not yet have lost their formation, and so will get away unpunished, It is, as I have said, far better to give way for the moment, and then catch them unprepared. If you do not succeed in finding or intercepting your captured property, you should not pursue along the roads or through the country which the enemy have traversed; send only a few men that way to make a demonstration, with orders not to overtake the enemy, but to let him think they are trying to do so, while the main army, in full strength, makes a forced march by another road. After outdistancing the robbers, wait in ambush on the confines of their territory (it wil! probably be easy to outdistance them and reach their frontier first, as the spoil they carry will delay their march), and choose their dinner-hour for your attack ; for when the plunderers are safely across their frontier, they will relax their vigilance, and will thus have less chance of escape. If you have boats available, it

8

9

10 11

12

13

is best to make the pursuit by sea and so keep your soldiers fresh ;

for thus you will outdistance the enemy and secure the other advantages you need, as long as your passage by sea is unobserved. It is said that the people of Cyrene and Barca and some other 14 cities, when they sent relief expeditions over their long carriageroads, used cars and chariots. After driving to a likely spot they drew up their chariots in line, and the heavy infantry alighted and fell in, fresh and ready for an immediate attack on the enemy. A good supply of chariots is therefore a great asset, providing a 15 quick way of bringing your men fresh to the point required. The carts will also serve at the time to barricade the encampment, and can be used afterwards to take back to the city those who are wounded or injured in any other way. If your country is not easy to invade, and the ways leading into 16 D2

36

AINEIOY

εἰσβολαὶ καὶ στεναί, προκατασκευάσαντα αὐτάς, ὡς προγέγραπται, οὕτω μερισθέντα(τ) ἐπὶ ταῖς εἰσβολαῖς ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι καὶ βουλομένοις πρὸς τὴν πόλιν προσιέναι, προ[σ]διαταξαμένους καὶ φρυκτοῖς γνωρίζοντας τὰ ἀλλήλων πάθη,

1] ὅπως

τὰ μέρη

βοηθῇ,

ἄν

τι δέωνται

ἀλλήλων.

ἂν

δὲ

μὴ 5

δυσείσβολος ἢ ἡ χώρα, ἢ δὲ πολλαχῇ πολλοὺς εἰσβάλλειν, χρὴ ὑμᾶς καταλαβεῖν τῆς χώρας τόπους, ὥστε τοῖς πολεμίοις χαλεπὴν 18 εἶναι τὴν πάροδον ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν. ἂν δὲ μηδὲ ταῦτα ὑπάρχῃ, τῶν λοιπῶν καταλαβεῖν ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως χωρία σύμμαχα πρὸς

τὸ μάχεσθαί τε πλεονεκτικῶς καὶ εὐαπαλλάκτως ἔχειν τοῦ χωρίου 10 ὅταν βούλῃ ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν" καὶ οὕτως, (ὧς) ἐμβαλόντες of πολέμιοι εἰς τὴν χώραν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν πορεύονται, καὶ ἄρχειν 1g ὑμᾶς τῆς μάχης ἐκ τῶν χωρίων τούτων ὁρμωμένους. τὰς δ᾽ ἐπιθέσεις αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι ἀεὶ πλεονεκτοῦντα ἐκ τῆς χώρας τῇ συνηθείᾳ πολὺ γὰρ προέξεις προειδὼς τὰ χωρία καὶ προάγων εἰς 15 τόπους οἵους ἂν σὺ βούλῃ, σοὶ μὲν γνωτοὺς καὶ ἐπιτηδείους καὶ φυλάξασθαι καὶ διῶξαι καὶ φυγεῖν καὶ ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν πόλιν λαθραίως καὶ φανερῶςἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια προειδότα ὅπου ἂν τῆς χώρας ὑπάρχῃ ὑμῖν---, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις (ἀ)συνήθεις καὶ

20 ἀγνῶτας καὶ λελειμμένους πάντων

τούτων"

εἰδότας ὅτι ἄπειρον 20

ὄντα τῆς χώρας οὐ μόνον ἀδύνατον πρᾶξαί τι ὧν θέλει, ἀλλὰ καὶ σωθῆναι χαλεπόν, τῶν γε ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ βουλομένων ἐπιχειρεῖν.

πρὸς πάντα (δ)ὴ ἀτόλμως καὶ δειλῶς διακείμενοι σφάλλοιντ᾽ (ἄν), διὰ τὸ μηδὲν τῶν τοιούτων εἰκάζειν. διενέγκοι γὰρ ἂν τοῖς ἑζκα)τέροις ὅσον εἰ τοῖς μὲν νυκτὸς (εἴη ἦ μ)άχη τοῖς δὲ ἡμέρας, 25

21 εἰ οἷόν τέ πως iv) τοῦτο ἅμα γενέσθαι. ναυτικοῦ, πεπληρῶσθαι τὰς ναῦς"

ὑπάρχοντος

δέ σοι

οὐ γὰρ ἐλάσσω τοὺς πολεμίους

ὀχλήσουσιν οἱ ἐν ταῖς ναυσίν, ἐάν γε παραπλέον ὑπάρχῃ

πρὸς

τὰ ἐπιθαλάσσια χωρία καὶ τὰς παρὰ θάλασσαν ὁδούς, ἵν᾽ ὑπὸ ὑμῶν

τε ὀχλῶνται

4 ἀπόβασιν

καὶ ὑπὸ

ποιουμένων.

τῶν

νηῶν

ταῦτα

δὲ οὕτως

σκευαστοτάτοις ἂν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτοῖς ἀποβαίη.

1 αὐτάρ : αὐτά Μᾷἷ

corr, Tu

κατὰ

ἐπιθεῖσθε

2 μερισθέντα Μ: corr.Ca

4 προσδιαταξαμένουσ M:

corr. Ca

νώτου

αὐτοῖς

πράττονίτες)

τὴν 30

ἀπαρα-

καὶ παρὰ δόξαν

τὰ

ἐπὶ τῆν εἰσβολῆσ Μ

6 αὶ δὲ] ἤδη M:

corr. Hn

10 μάχεσθαί τι M:corr.Ca ἔχειν τοῦ x. Herm. Schoene: ἔχων τὸ χωρίον M : alii alia 11 br’ ἂν βούλει M: corr. Hn (as) addidi 12 κατάρχειν Herm. Schoene 15 προήξεις Μ : corr. Reiske 16 βούλει M: corr.

Hn od'piv (= σὸιμὲν ex σὸμὲν correctum) M: corr. Ca 19 owiées M:corr,Ca 38 mpdsmdvra’ ἢ Μ: corr, Herm. Schoene σφάλλοιντ᾽ (av) scripsi: σφάλλοιντο M 24 διότι M: corr.Ca 25 ἑτέροις M: corr, He

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ it are few and narrow, these, as I have

(XVI)

37

said, should be occupied in

advance: then, with your detachments posted at the several entrances, you should resist the attack of the force moving on the city; your dispositions should be made in advance, and the fortunes of each detachment made known to the others by firesignals, to enable them to reinforce each other in case of need.

If on the other hand your country is not hard to enter, and can 17 be invaded by a large force at several points, you must occupy positions within your territory that will make it difficult for the enemy to advance upon the city. If this too is impracticable, your 18 next resort is to occupy positions near the city which will help you to fight at an advantage, and to withdraw easily from your position when

you

desire to retire to the city;

then, directly the enemy

enter the country and march upon the city, you too must assume the offensive with these positions as your base. Your familiarity with 19 the ground must always be used to advantage in delivering attacks you will gain a great deal by previous knowledge of the country, and by being able to entice the enemy into whatever sort of country

suits you best, where you know your ground and are at liberty to act on the defensive, to pursue, retreat, or withdraw either secretly or openly to the city (especially as you will also know where to find your supplies); while the enemy, strangers in an unfamiliar country, can derive from it none of these advantages; for it is well 20 known that a man who does not know the ground is not only unable to carry out his own plans, but finds it hard enough to retreat in safety, if the defenders choose to attack him. Thus with no heart for anything and afraid to move, because they cannot foresee their opponents’ movements, they are doomed to failure. For there will be as much difference between your position and theirs as if they were fighting in the dark and you in broad daylight, supposing this could happen at once. If you have a fleet, your ships should be ready manned; for an a1 attack by sea will cause the enemy just as much embarrassment as one by land, if the fleet is kept threatening their sea-board and the roads along the coast: they will then be embarrassed both by your attack on land and by the descent made by the fleet upon their rear. By this means you will attack the enemy when they are least pre- a2 pared to resist, and your movements will take them by surprise. {εἴη ἡ μγάχη Tu: post νυκτὸς spatium vacuum sex litterarum, deinde yxn M: alii alia 26 πῶσ ἡ M: corr. He 28 ἐάν reM: corr. Tu παρασλέων M: corr. Tu 30 ὑμῶν) ἡμῶν M: ‘a vobis’ Ca 81 πράττων M: corr. Ca

38 xVU

AINEIOY ᾿Εἰὰ]ν δὲ μὴ ὁμονοούσῃ

πόλει

καὶ ὑπόπτως

πρὸς ἀλλήλους

ἐχόντων χρὴ προνοοῦντα εὐλαβεῖσθαι τὰς μετ᾽ ὄχλου ἐξόδους ἐπὶ θεωρίαν λαμπάδος καὶ ἱπποδρομίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγώνων ὅσαι γε ἱεροποιίαι πανδημεὶ ἐκτὸς τῆς πόλεως καὶ σὺν ὅπλοις πομπαὶ

ἐκπέμπονται, συνεκφορὰς

ἔτι καὶ τῶν

περὶ

τὰς

πανδήμους

τελευτησάντων'

ἔνι

νεωλκίας

γὰρ

καὶ

καὶ ἐν τοιῷδε

τὰς 5 καιρῷ

4 σφαλῆναι τοὺς ἑτέρους. παράδειγμα δὲ ἐξοίσω γενόμενον πάθος. ἑορτῆς γὰρ πανδήμον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ᾿Αργείων γενομένης ἐξῆγον πομπὴν σὺν ὅπλαις τῶν ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ συχνοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων καὶ αὐτοὶ παρεσκεύαζον καὶ αὑτοῖς συνῃτοῦντο ὅπλα εἰς τὸ 8 τὴν πομπήν. καὶ ἐγένετο πρὸς τῷ ναῷ τε καὶ τῷ βωμῷ" οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τὰ ὅπλα θέμενοι ἀπωτέρω τοῦ ναοῦ πρὸς τὰς εὐχάς τε καὶ τὸν βωμὸν ὥρμησαν. τῶν δὲ ἐπιβουλευόντων οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τε καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς

προέχουσι

παρέστησαν

ἐν

ταῖς

εὐχαῖς,

ἀνὴρ

ἀνδρί,

ἔχοντες 15

4 ἐγχειρίδια: καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατεβεβλήκεσαν, οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔσπευσαν. ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν συνεπιβουλευόντῶν ὑπομείναντες ἐν τῇ πόλει μετὰ τῶν προσαλισθέντων ὅπλων προκατέλαβον ods προσῆκε τόπους τῆς πόλεως, ὥστε δέξασθαι τῶν ἔξω obs ἐβούλ[εὐ]οντο. διὸ δεῖ τὰς τοιαύτας ἐπιβουλὰς ἐν 20 5 οὐδενὶ καιρῷ ἀφυλάκτως διακεῖσθαι. Χῖοι δὲ ἄγοντες τὰ Διονύσια καὶ πέμποντες πομπὰς λαμπρὰς πρὸς τοῦ Διονύσου τὸν βωμόν, προκαταλαμβάνουσι τὰς εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν φερούσας ὁδοὺς φυλακαῖς καὶ δυνάμεσι πολλαῖς, κώλυμα οὖν οὐ μικρὸν τοῖς βουλομένοις 6 νεωτερίζειν. ἄριστον δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς πρῶτον μετὰ τῆς προειρη- 15 μένης δυνάμεως ἱεροποιῆσαι, τούτων δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλον ἀπαλλαγέντων, οὕτω τοὺς ἄλλους συνιέναι.

XVIII

ὋὌσταν δὲ οἱ εἰσπορευθέντες παραγένωνται καὶ dein γίνηται, σημαίνει(ν)

δειπνοποιεῖσθαι

καὶ

εἰς φυλακὴν

ἱέναι.

ἐν

ᾧ οἱ

φύλακες εὐτρεπίζονται, ἐν τούτῳ περὶ τῶν πυλῶν ἐπιμελητέον 30 ὅπως καλῶς κλείωνται' περὶ γὰρ τὰς βαλάνους πολλὰ σφάλἅ ματα γίνεται διὰ τὰς τῶν ἀρχόντων μαλακίας, ὅταν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας τις αὐτῶν ἐλθὼν κλεῖσαι μὴ αὐτουργὸς γίνηται, 1 ἐὰν δὲ μὴ M: corr. Ca 8 rove μετὄόχλου M : corr. Ca 5 νεολκίασ M:corr.Ca Ἵ ἑταίρουσ M: corr. Ca 8 ἐξείργων M: corr. Ca 8 ovχνῶν τῶν δὲ ἐπι. M: corr. Tu 10 αὑτοῖς συνῃτοῦντο scripsi: αὐτοῖς συνηττοῦντο Id: alii alia

fortasse nil mutandum

αλισθέντων G. Dindorf corr. Ca

διὸ δὴ M:

11 καὶ (ds) ἐγένετο (sc. ἡ πομπή) Tu et alii alia: sed

16 καταβεβλήκεισαν M: corr. Hn

dna(ırYov Meineke

corr. Ca

29

σημαίνει M:

18 rpo[e]-

20 ἐβουλεύοντο M:

corr, Ca

31 post

NOAIOPKHTIKA

(XVIL XVII)

39

Where the citizens are not of one mind but suspicious of one XVII another, careful watch must be kept on occasions when crowds go out to see torch races, horse races, or other games—that is at alli public celebrations and armed processions outside the walls; and also at the public docking of ships and at public funerals: for even

on these occasions the loyal citizens may be involved in disaster, as 2 I shall proceed to show by an actual instance. At Argos a public festival took place outside the city, at which there was an armed procession of all the men of military age; and a number of the conspirators made ready and joined in the demand for arms to carry in the procession, Their attempt was made close by the temple3 and the altar: most of the company piled their arms at some distance from the temple and went to the service of prayer at the altar; but some of the conspirators remained by the arms, while others, armed with daggers, took their places at the ceremony next to the magistrates and most prominent citizens, each picking his man.

After these had been struck down, others ran off with the 4

arms to the city; while another party of conspirators, who had remained in the city, occupied the points of vantage, armed with the extra weapons they had collected, so as to allow only those whom they wished to enter the city. At no time, therefore, should you neglect to be on your guard against such plots. When the people of Chios celebrate their5 Dionysiac festival with a splendid procession to the altar of Dionysus, they line the streets leading to the market-place with guards and pickets in force, thus making things very difficult for would-be revolutionaries. ‘The best plan is for the magistrates to conduct the 6 celebrations first, attended by the bodyguard

I mentioned

earlier,

and not to allow the general public to assemble until the officials are clear of the crowd, When those who come in from the country are within the city XVIII and evening is coming on, the signals should be given for dinner

and for mounting guard. While the guards are getting ready, you should inspect the gates to see that they are shut fast; for

disasters are very apt to result from the magistrates’ slackness in regard to bolts. Ifa magistrate does not attend in person to the 2 duty of bolting the gates, but delegates it to the sentinel, tricks can κλείωνται spatium 5 litt., deinde περὶ πέρτασ M: ad πέρ in B adscriptum est in Marg. a manu rec. γὰρ, quod ex C recepit Ca

40

AINEIOT

ἀλλὰ παραδοὺς τὴν βάλανον τῷ πυλωρῷ κακουργεῖται

ὑπὸ

ἃ πολεμίους.

πυλωρῶν

κλεῖσαι κελεύῃ, τἀδε

βουλομένων

νυκτὸς

δέξασθαι

ὃ μέν τις ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν βαλανοδόκην

ἄμμον προενέβαλεν, ὅπως ἡ βάλανος ἔξω

μένῃ

τοὺς

τῶν πυλῶν

(cal) μὴ

ἐμβάλ-

ληται els τὸ τρύπημα. φασὶ δὲ καὶ ἐμβεβλημ[μἸένας βαλάνους 5 4 ὧδε ἐξαιρεθῆναι. ἐμβαλλομένης κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἄμμου εἰς τὴν βαλανοδόκην σείεσθαι ἀψοφητί, ἵνα μηδεὶς αἴσθηται. μετέωρος

οὖν ἡ βάλανος ἐγίνετο προσπιπτούσης τῆς Ψάμμον, ὥστε ῥᾳδίως αὐτὴν ἐξαιρεθῆναι. ἤδη δὲ πυλωρὸς δεξάμενος τὴν βάλανον παρὰ στρατηγοῦ ἐμβαλεῖν, ἐντεμὼν λάθρᾳ σμίλῃ βάλανον, βρόχον λίνον περιβαλὼν ἐνέβαλεν, εἶτα

δ τῷ λίνῳ ἀνέσπασεν.

7 ῥίνῃ τὴν τὸ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον

ἄλλος δὲ προετοιμάσας ἐν γυργάθῳ λεπτῷ

(ἐν)έβαλεν προσημμένου λίνου, καὶ ὕστερον ἀνέσπασεν.

ἐξηρέθη

δὲ καὶ ἀνακρουσθεῖσα ἡ βάλανος. ἔτι δὲ καὶ θερμαστίῳ λεπτῷ ἐξηρέθη᾽ χρὴ δὲ τοῦ θερμαστίον τὸ μὲν ἂν μέρος εἶναι οἷον 15

σωλῆνα, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον πλατύ, ὥστε τῷ μὲν σωληνοειδεῖ ὑπο7 λαμβάνειν τὴν βάλανον, τῷ δὲ ἐπιλαμβάνειν. ἕτερος δὲ ἔλαθεν τρέψας τὸν μοχλὸν μέλλων ἐμβάλλειν, ἵνα μὴ κατέλθῃ εἰς τὸ τρύπημα

8 περὶ

ἡ

βάλανος

᾿Αχαΐαν

δὲ

καὶ

ἐν

ὕστερον

πόλει

ὠσθεῖσα

ἀνοιχθῇ

ἐπιχειροῦντες

ξένους πρῶτον μὲν τῆς βαλάνου ἔλαβον

(

κρυφαίως

πύλη).

δέξασθαι 10

τὰ μέτρα τρόπῳ τοιῶδε.

9 προκαθέντες ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ εἰς τὴν βαλανοδόκην λίνου λεπτοῦ καὶ ἰσχυροῦ βρόχον ἔχοντα τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔξω οὔσας ἀφανεῖς, ὡς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ἐνεβλήθη ἡ βάλανος, ἀνέσπασαν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τοῦ λίνου τὸν

βρόχον καὶ τὴν βάλανον, λαβόντες δὲ τὰ μέτρα αὐτῆς πάλιν 25 καθῆκαν. ἔπειτα πρὸς μέτρα οὕτω τῆς βαλάνον βαλανάγραν 10 ἐποιήσαντο

τρόπῳ

τοιῷδε,

ἐχαλκεύσαντο

σίφωνά

τε καὶ φορ-

μορραφίδα. ἦν δὲ ὁ μὲν σίφων ἐργασθεὶς καθάπερ εἴωθε γίνεσθαι" τῆς δὲ φορμορραφίδος τὸ μὲν ἀξὺ καὶ πολὺ μέρος εἴργασία)το καθάπερ ταῖς ἄλλαις φορμορραφίσιν, ἡ δὲ λαβὴ ἦν 30 II κοίλη ὥσπερ στυρακίου ἡ στελεὰ παρὰ μὲν τῷ χαλκεῖ ἐνεβλήθη

ὥστε πρὸς τὴν βάλανον

(ἡ στελεὸν)

4 ἐζομένηM: corr. Ca

προσαχθεῖσαν

(καὶ δα.

18 ἔβαλεν M:

καὶ

στελεόν, ἀπενεχθέντος δὲ ἐξηρέθη,

δὴ δοκεῖ ποιηθῆναι πρὸς τὸ τὸν χαλκέα Μ : corr. Ca

ἐμβάλλεται.

3

ἁρμόσαι. μηδὲν

προνοητικῶῷς

ὑποπτεῦσαι

δ ἐμβεβλημμένασ M

corr. Tu

19 ἑωσθεῖσα M:

ὅ τε

10 σμηλη

corr, Hn

post

ἀνοιχϑῇ spatium vacuum 4 litt. in M: (ἡ πύλη) add. Tu 20 ἐν πόλει (Ἡραιέωνν Ca (ex Polyaeno) 28 ἔχοντα scripsi: καὶ M 24 ἀνέσπασεν M: corr, Orelli τὰς ἀρχὰς M: corr. Lange 27 φορμοροφίδα M : corr. L. Dindorf

20

ras τε M:

corr,

Tu

φορμοραφίδυς M

30

εἰργά-

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XVIII)

41

be played by a sentinel who wishes to let in the enemy by night,

I will give examples. One of them poured sand into the socket in the day-time, so that 3 the bolt should remain outside instead of slipping down into the

hole.

Even bolts already in position are said to have been undone

by pouring sand gradually into the socket, and working the bolt to 4 and fro noiselessly, so as to avoid notice, until, as the sand fell in, the bolt was gradually lifted and could be easily taken out. Once, 5 too, a gatekeeper, who had been deputed by his general to fasten the bolt, stealthily cut a notch in it with a chisel or file, tied a knot

of string round it, pushed home the bolt, and after waiting a short time pulled it up again by the string. Another prepared a fine net 6 with a string attached, pushed

and afterwards drew it up.

home

the bolt enclosed

in the net,

The bolt has also been removed by

being knocked upwards. Again, it has been taken out with a small pair of pincers: one nipper of the pincers must be hollowed like a channel, the other flat, so that you can receive the bolt with

the channelled nipper and get a hold upon it with the other. Another traitor succeeded in turning round the cross-bar without 7 being noticed, when he was about to insert the bolt, so that it could

not fall into its socket, and the gate could be opened afterwards with 8 push. At a city in the district of Achaea where they were plotting 8 secretly to let in mercenaries, their first step was to take the measurements of the bolt in the following manner, They inserted into the 9 socket during the day-time a loop of fine strong string, with the ends projecting but concealed ; and when the bolt was inserted at night they pulled it up, along with the loop, by pulling the ends of the

string, took its measurements, and replaced itin the socket. next step was to get a key made

they did as follows.

They

Their

to these measurements, which

had a tube and a rush-mat needle 10

forged: the tube was of the usual pattern, as was the greater part of the needle, including the sharp end; but its handle was made hollow, like the hole in a spike where the shaft is inserted. A shaft 11 was put in at the smithy, but taken out when they carried it home, so that the needle could be driven against the bolt and made to grip. The trick played to get the instruments made without the smith’s σατο M : corr. Schoene poppopagiow M 31 στυρακίου ἡ στελεὰ ($ arededv) ἐμβάλλεται scripsi : στυρακίον ἢ" στελέα ἐμβάλλεται M (post 4: vacuum 30 fere litterarum spatium) : στυρακίον στειλεὰ ἢ στειλεὸν ἐμβάλλεται Ca:

alii alia

84 πρύστε M:

corr. Tu

42

AINEIOY

σίφων ob ἕνεκα 12 γίνεσθαι. ἤδη περίμετρον ὧδε λεπτῷ καθῆκαν,

ἐργασθεὶς εἴη καὶ 4 φορμορραφίς, καὶ τὰ ἄρμενα δέ τινες ἐν τῇ βαλανοδόκῃ οὔσης βαλάνον τὸ ἔλαβον. πηλὸν xepaplelixoy περιελίξαντες ὀθονίῳ ἀρμένῳ πιεζοῦντες περὶ τὴν βάλανον τὸν πηλόν"

ἔπειτα ἀνέσπασαν τὸν πηλὸν καὶ ἔλαβον τὸν τύπον τῆς βαλάνου, 5

18 πρὸς ὃν τὴν βαλανάγραν ἐποιήσαντο. συνεβάλλετο γενέσθαι ζὑπὸ) Τημένῳ 'Ροδίῳ ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ Τέως πόλις εὐμεγέθης προειδότος [ὑπὸ] τοῦ πυλωροῦ. ἄλλα τε οὖν προσυνέθεντο καὶ νύκτα ἀσέληνον καὶ σκοτεινήν, ἐν ἦ ἔδει τὸν μὲν ἀνοῖξαι, τὸν δὲ μετὰ 14 ξένων εἰσελθεῖν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ Eder) εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα πραχθῆναι, τὸ παρῆν τῷ πυλωρῷ ἀνὴρ ὅστις ἐπεὶ ὀψὲ ἦν καὶ φυλακαί τε ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους καθίσταντο καὶ ai πύλαι ἔμελλον

κλείεσθαι, σκότους

οὖν

ἤδη ὄντος, ἀπηλλάσσετο, ἐκδήσας ἀρχὴν ἀγαθίδος λίνου κλωστοῦ, 15 ὅπερ οὐκ ἔμελλεν ῥᾳδίως διαρραγῆναι. τὴν δὲ ἀγαθίδα ἐπορεύθη[ν] ἀπελίσσων ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως

16 πορευόμενοι ἥξειν. καὶ

ἔδωκε

κατὰ

πέντε

στάδια, ὅπῃ

ἔμελλον

οἱ εἰσ- 15

ἐπεὶ δὲ παρῆν ὁ στρατηγὸς κλεῖσαι τὰς πύλας, τὸ

ἔθος

τῷ

πυλωρῷ

ἐμβαλεῖν

τὴν

βάλανον,

δεξάμενος ἐνέτεμεν λαθραίως ἀψοφητὶ ῥίνῃ ἢ σμίλῃ τὴν βάλανον, ὥστε ἐνέχεσθαι λίνον. εἶτα βρόχον περιθεὶς καθῆκε τὴν βάλανον ἐχομένην ὑπὸ τοῦ λίνου: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα κινήσας τὸν μοχλὸν καὶ ao ἐπιδείξας τῷ στρατηγῷ κεκλεισμένην τὴν πύλην εἶχεν ἡσυχίαν. 17 Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ἀνασπάσας τὴν βάλανον, τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ σπάρτου

πρὸς αὑτὸν ἔδησεν

τοῦδε

ἕνεκεν, ὅπως, εἰ καθυπνώσας

18 τύχοι, ἐγερθείη σπώμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ λίνου. ὃ δὲ Τήμενος παρῆν διεσκευασμένος μεθ᾽ ὧν ἔμελλεν εἰσπορεύεσθαι εἰς χωρίον ῥητὸν 25 πρὸς τὸν τὴν ἀγαθίδα ἔχοντα.

ἦν δὲ προσυγκείμενον τῷ Τημένῳ

πρὸς τὸν πυλωρὸν ἐλθὼν εἰς τὸν χῶρον σπᾶν τὸ[ν] σπάρτον. 19 καὶ εἰ μὲν ἦν ἕτοιμα τῷ πυλωρῷ ἅπερ ἤθελε, προσεπιδῆσαι πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ λίνον μαλλὸν ἐρίου καὶ ἀφεῖναι, ὅπερ ἰδὼν ὃ Τήμενος ἔμελλεν σπεύδειν πρὸς τὰς πύλας" (ἐπ)εὶ δ᾽ ἀπετύγχανεν 3° ὁ πυλωρὸς τοῦ θελήματος, οὐθὲν προσάψας ἀφῆκεν τὸ[ν] λίνον, ὥστε τὸν Τήμενον ἐκ πολλοῦ φθάσαι τε καὶ λαθεῖν ἀπαλλαγένταοἾ. 1 φορμοραφὶσM 3 κεραμεικὸν M : corr. Ca Θ συνεβάλλετο scripsi : συμβάλλεται M (post quod lacunam indicat Schoene) 7 (ὑπὸ) huc ex vs. 8 transposuit Hu transposuit Hu 10 13 ἀκανθίδος M; corr, Ca

15 ἀπιλάσσων M: corr.Hn 23 πρὸσ ἀντὸν M:

corr. He

πρόδοτος Schenkl 8 (6x0) hinc in vs. 7 ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰσ M: corr. Haase 12 τείχεος M 14 ἀκανϑίδα M ἐπορεύθην M : corr, Ca

18 σμήλη M: corr.Ca

ἕνεκεν" ὅτι Μ΄: corr, He

ΒΞ] κεκλείμένην M

24 τύχη M:

corr.

L. Dindorf 26 ἀκανθίδα M : corr, Ca 27 ἐλθόντι vel ἐλθόντα Hn τὸν ondprov M : corr.Tu 28 προσπηδῆσαι M: corr. Ca 80 (ἐπ)εὶ scripsi: aM

81 τὸν λῖνον M:

corr. Hn

32 ἀπαλλαγέντασ M:

corr. Ca

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XVII)

43

suspecting the object for which he had made them was certainly a very clever one, Once, too, the circumference of the bolt was measured while it 12 was in the socket in the following way. Potter's clay wrapped in fine linen was inserted and pressed down with a tool round the bolt ;

then the clay was pulled up, an impression of the bolt taken, and a key made to fit it. An agreement was once made to betray Teos, an Ionian city of considerable’ size, to Temenus the Rhodian, with the complicity of the sentinel at the gate. Among other arrangements they fixed upon a dark night when there would be no moon, on which the sentinel was to open the gates and Temenus was to enter with his mercenaries. During the day before the night when the attempt was due a man waited by the sentinel; when it grew late and the guards were being posted along the wall, and the gates were about to be shut, this man slipped out in the gathering darkness, after making fast one end of a ball of spun cord which would stand a good strain. Unrolling the ball as he went, he made his way to a spot five stades from the city, where the attacking force had arranged to meet him. When the general came round to shut the gates and as usual gave the sentinel the bolt to insert, he took it and without making a noise or attracting notice, cut a notch in it with a file or chisel, so that a thread would catch; next he slipped a loop round the bolt and let it down with the thread attached to it; and then, after shaking the bar to show the general that the gate was secure, kept quiet. After a time he pulled up the bolt and tied the end of the cord to his person, so that, if by any chance he fell asleep, he would

be roused by a pull at the cord.

13

14

15 16

17

Meanwhile Temenus was ready 18

waiting, with the force which was to make the attack, at the place agreed upon with the man who had the ball of cord, It had been arranged that Temenus should go to the place and pull the cord: and if the sentinel had succeeded in making all ready, he was to 19 have fastened to the end of the cord a piece of wool and let it go; on seeing this Temenus was to have made a rush for the gates, But as the sentinel was unsuccessful in his enterprise, he let the cord go with nothing attached to it, so that Temenus had plenty of time to escape unobserved : they had after all noticed during the

44

AINEIOY

ἠσθάνοντο οὖν ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ τὸ σπάρτον ὑπάρχον ἐν τῇ πόλει, οὐχ 20 οἷόν τε ἦν προϊέναι. τρόπον δὲ κατὰ τόνδε προεδόθη πόλις ὑπὸ πυλωροῦ. σύνηθες ἐποιήσατο, ἐπεὶ μέλλοιεν al πύλαι κλείεσθαι, ὑδρίαν ἔχων ἐξιέναι ὡς ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ. ἀφικνούμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν κρήνην λίθους ἐτίθει εἰς τόπον γνωστὸν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐφ᾽ οὗ φοιτῶντες εὕρισκον διὰ τῶν τιθεμένων λίθων

ἅπερ θέλοι δηλοῦν

216 τῆς πόλεως φύλαξ. εἰ μὲν γὰρ πρώτην φνλάσσοι, ἕνα λίθον ἐτίθει πρὸς τὸν συγκείμενον τόπον, εἰ δὲ δευτέραν, δύο, εἰ δὲ τρίτην, τρεῖς, εἰ δὲ τετάρτην, τέτταρας.

ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἡ τοῦ τείχους

καὶ κατὰ τί τῶν φυλακζεῦων λελόγχοι.

τούτῳ δ᾽ οὖν τῷ τρόπῳ

σημαίνων ἐνέδωκεν.

ταῦτα δεῖ οὖν συμβαλλόμενον

πάντα

ᾧυ-

λάττεσθαι καὶ τὰς πύλας αὐτὸν τὸν ἄρχοντα κλείειν καὶ μὴ ἄλλῳ διδόναι τὴν βάλανον, 22 πΠράσσοντα δέ τι τοιοῦτον τὸν μοχλὸν ἀφανίζειν" ἤδη γάρ τινες ἐπιφανέντες ὑπεναντίοι ἐβιάσαντο πάλιν κλεῖσαι, τοῦ μοχλοῦ παρόντος. διὸ δεῖ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα προνοεῖν.

ἱμοχλοῦ XIX

πρῖσις]

δΔιαπρίοντα δὲ μοχλὸν ἔλαιον ἐπιχεῖν' θᾶσσον γὰρ καὶ ἀψοφητὶ μᾶλλον πρισθήσεται, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ σπόγγος ἐπί τε τὸν πρίονα καὶ τὸν μοχλὸν ἐπιδεθῇ, πολλῷ κωφότερος ὁ ψόφος ἔσται. πολλὰ δ᾽ ἄν τις καὶ ἄλλα ὁμότροπα τούτοις γράψαι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν παρετέον.

ἰκώλυμα

τῶν

περὶ

μοχλοὺς

καὶ

βαλάνους

κακουργηματωνῚ ΧΧ

Εἰς δὲ στρατηγὸν

τὸ τούτων μηδὲν μὴ δεδειπνηκότα

κακουργεῖσθαι δι αὑτοῦ τὴν

χρὴ πρῶτον κλεῖσιν καὶ

μὲν τὴν

ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῖσθαι, μηδὲ ἄλλῳ πιστεύειν ῥᾳθύμως διακείμενον" ἐν δὲ ἐπικινδύνοις καὶ πάμπαν σύννουν δεῖ περὶ ταύτην εἶναι. 2 ἔπειτα τὸν μοχλὸν σεσιδηρῶσθαι διὰ μήκους τριχῇ N τετραχῇ: 1 post ὑπάρχον lacunam indicat Schoene

εἰσιέναι M : corr. Ca

4 ὑδρίον M:

5 κρήνην κλίνην M: corr, Ca

corr. Schoene

Folia 169 et 170

codicis M binis foraminibus deformata sunt: quibus lacunis quae perierunt ex A et B suppleta indicat Schoene (quem secutus sum) his uncinis circum-

scripta [ γνωστίὃν τοῖσ AB] πολεμίοισ M & τιϑεμέϊνων λίθων ἅπερ ὃ ABJeAcı M 7 π[ρώτην φυλάσσοιεν ἀνθ' ὧν AB] ἐτίθει M: corr. Tu {φυλάσσοιεν ἕνα λίθον Ca) Β εἰ δὲ [δευτέραν δύο εἰ δὲ τρίτην AB] τρίτησ M: corr. Ca θ ἔτι δῇ καὶ ἡ τοῦ τ. καὶ κατά AB] τι M: corr. Ca 10 φυλάκων M : corr. Kirchhoff τούτω & off tv ra τρόπω σημαίνων ἐνέδωκεν

AB] ταῦτα M

11 πάντα φ[ υλάττεσθαι καὶ τὰς πύ AB ἴλασ M

13 διδό-

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XVII-XX)

45

night in the city that the cord was there, and so it was impossible to proceed further.

Another way in which a city was betrayed by a gatekeeper was 20 this. He made a custom of going out with a pitcher just before the gates were shut, as if to fetch water; on reaching the spring he used to place stones on a spot agreed upon with the enemy, who would come up and discover from the stones placed there the message which the sentinel intended to convey. If he was keeping the first 21

watch, he put one stone down on the appointed place ; if the second, two, if the third, three, if the fourth, four;

he also signified to what

point of the walls and to which guard-station the lot had assigned him. In this way he imparted the information which betrayed the city. In view of these various devices no precaution must be omitted: the magistrate must shut the gates in person, and not give the bolt to anyone else, When engaged in any enterprise of the sort yourself, you should 22 take away the cross-bar altogether : for once some of the opposite party appeared unexpectedly and shut the gates again by main force, as the bar was still at hand;

care must therefore be taken to

prevent any such occurrences,

[Sawing a bar] When you are sawing through a bar you should pour oi! on it: XIX

this will help the work and deaden the sound.

And if ἃ sponge is

fastened to the saw and the bar, the sound will be much less distinct. I could mention many other similar devices, but must now pass on.

[The prevention of tampering with bars and bolts] To prevent any tricks being played with these, a general should, XX first of all, go in person to shut the gates and make his inspection, before he has dined, and not entrust anyone else with the task when he is disposed to be lazy ; in time of war he will need to have all his wits about him in the performance of this duty, Secondly, the bar 2

vlas τὴν βάλανο ΑΒΊν M

20 τὸν

[μοχλὸν AB] ἐπιδεθῇ M

κουφό-

repos ὁ μοχλὸς M: corr. Haupt πολλὰ & [dy τις καὶ ἄλλα ΑΒ] ὁμότροπα M Ἀ1 μὲν παρετέον AB] Μ 23 βαλάνουσ κακουργημάτων AB] Μ 25 χρὴ [πρῶτον μὲν στρατηγὸν AB] μὴ M 26 δι' ἀυτοῦ M: corr, Hn

κλεῖ σιν καὶ τὴν ἔπι. ποι, AB] μὴ δὲ M 27 ῥαιθύμωσ διακείμίενον ἐν δὲ ἐπικινδύν AB]oo καὶ M 29 ἔπειτα τὸν μοχλὸ AB]» Μ

46

AINEIOY

ἄπριστος γὰρ ἔσται. ἔπειτα βαλάνους ἐμβάλλεσθαι τρεῖς μὴ ὁμοτρόπους, τούτων δὲ ἕκαστον φυλάττειν ἀνὰ μίαν τῶν στρατηγῶν" εἰ δὲ πλείονες εἴησαν, πάλῳ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοὺς λαχόντας. ἃ ἄριστον δὲ τὰς βαλάνους μὴ ἐξαιρετὰς εἶναι, ὑπὸ δὲ λοπίδος σιδηρᾶς κατέχεσθαι, ἵνα μὴ πλέον ἐξαιρομένη μετεωρίζηται τῷ

καρκίνῳ ἣ ὥστε μοχλῷ ὑποκεῖσθαι ἐπικλειομένων τῶν πυλῶν καὶ ἀνοιγομένων" τὸν δὲ καρκίνον ἐσκευάσθαι, ὅπως ὑπὸ τὴν λοπίδα 4 καθίζγηται καὶ ῥᾳδίως τὴν βάλανον μετεωρίζῃ. ᾿Απολλωνιᾶται δὲ of ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ παθόντες τι τῶν προγεγραμμένων κατεσκεύασαν τὰς πύλας κλείεσθαι ὑπὸ σφύρας τε μεγάλης καὶ κτύπου παμμεγέθους γινομένου, ὡς σχεδὸν κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν ἀκούεσθαι ὅταν κλείωνται ἢ ἀνοίγωνται αἱ πύλαι' οὕτω μεγάλα 5 τε καὶ σεσιδηρωμένα ἦν τὰ κλεῖθρα. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ. “Ὅταν

δὲ

αἱ

πύλαι

κλεισθῶσιν,

τοῖς

φύλαξι

σύνθημα

1

καὶ

παρασύνθημα δόντας ἐπὶ τὰ φυλακίεδῖα διαπέμψαι. XXI Περὶ δὲ ἀρμένων ἑτοιμασίας καὶ ὅσα περὶ χώραν φιλίαν προκατασκευάζεζινν καὶ (δ)ὴ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ὡς δεῖ ἀφανίζειν ἢ (a)ypela ποιεῖν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ὧδε μὲζν) παραλείπεται" ἐν δὲ τῷ 2 Παρασκευαστικῷ περὲ τούτων τελείως δηλοῦται. περὶ δὲ φυλάκων καταστάσεως καὶ περιοδί(ελιῶν καὶ πανείων καὶ συνθη-

15

20

μάτων καὶ παρασυνθημάτων τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ἐν τῇ Στρατοπεδευτικῇ

βίβλῳ γραπτέον ὃν τρόπον δεῖ γενέσθαι, ὀλίγα δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ νῦν δηλώσομεν,

ἰφνυλακαί) XXII Νιυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι ἐν μὲν τοῖς κινδύνοις καὶ προ(σ)καθημένων ὦ ἤδη ἐγγὺς πολεμίων πόλει ἢ στρατοπέδῳ. τὸν μὲν στρατηγὸν τὸν τοῦ ὅλον ἡγεμόνα καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ τετάχθαι [καὶ] περὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα καὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἐὰν ὀχυρότητος μετέχῃ" εἶ δὲ μή, προκατειληφέναι τόπον τῆς πόλεως ἐρυμνότατόν τε καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾽ 8 αὐτοῦ τῆς πόλεως ὁρώμενον. περὶ δὲ τὸ στρατήγιον σκηνοῦν καὶ 2 ἀνὰ μίαν] dvipa M: 8

κάθηται

M:

corr,

corr. Schoene ‘nescio

quis’

13 ἣν τὰ] πάντα M: corr. Schoene

ϑημῖ᾽a καὶ

παρασύνθῃ AB

δὲ dppévew ἑτοιμασίας: AB

lua M

& ὑποθεῖσθαι M: apud

He

«ai ἐν aly

Il

AB Ton M

corr. Sauppe γιγνομένου

15 φυλάκια M: corr. Hn

17 προκατασκενάζεξζιν) He:

κατασκεύϊαζε καὶ εἰ (ἢ B) τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρα ὡς AB] 18 ἐναντίοις ὧδε pe παρα, AB] ἐν δὲ Μὶ : corr.

M

14 ow-

18 [rept

(3)) Schoene : πρὸ-

Se M χρεία Herm. Schoene

M τ corr. Ca 19 τούτων

[{Πτελείως δηλ. περὶ δὲ AB] φυλάκων M 20 περιοδιῶν M: corr, Hn wal συνθημάτω AB]p καὶ M 21 ἐν τῇ [orparowedevrw AB]

ai way, βίβλω Μ

28

30

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XX-XXII)

47

should be covered throughout its whole length with three or four thicknesses of iron, so that it cannot be sawn through. Thirdly, three bolts of different patterns may be put in on different days: one of these should be kept by each general; or if the generals should be too many in number, their days for this duty must be

decided by lot.

And it is best to have the bolts not removable, g

but held down by an iron plate, so that when the bolt is being taken out, it may never be lifted by the pincers higher than will enable it to be inside the bar while the gates are being shut or opened. The pincers must be so made as to slip under the plate and lift the bolt without trouble. At Apollonia on the Pontus, 4 where one of the above ruses had been practised with success, the gates were so constructed as to be shut to the sound of a big hammer, which made a tremendous noise, so that almost the whole

city could hear when the gates were being shut or opened, the fastenings being very heavy and plated with iron. And the same 5 thing was done at Aegina. When the gates are shut the guards should be given the password and the accompanying signal, and sent to their several posts. The provision of tools, and the methods of putting friendly XXI territory in a state of defence and of concealing or rendering useless to the enemy things left on the land, I will not now discuss, as Ihave treated them at length in my Preparations for Defence. Thea posting of guards, rounds, sudden alarms, passwords, and signals

must be reserved for full treatment in the manual on Campaigning, but a few hints may be given now.

[Watches] Watches at night must be strictly kept in time of war and when XXII the enemy are close to the city or camp.. The commander-in-chief 2 and his bodyguard should be stationed round the town-hall and market-place, if this position is a defensible one; otherwise, he should have previously occupied the strongest place in the city, and the most conspicuous from all quarters. The bugler and the 3

dispatch-runners should always be quartered next to the general’s 25 προκαθημένων

M:

corr.

Meier

28 ἀγορὰν [ἐὰν ὀχυ ΑΒ]ρότητο: M 80 πε[ρὶ δὲ τὸ στρ. σκην ἋΒ ροῦν καὶ M

27 καὶ τὰ περιαρχεῖα

M:

corr, He

29 πόλεωσ [ἐρ. τε καὶ AB] ἐπὶ M

48

AINEIOY

διατελεῖν ἀεὶ τὸν σαλπιγκτὴν καὶ τοὺς δρομοκήρυκας, (iv"), ἐάν τι δέῃ σημῆναι ἢ παραγγεῖλαι, ἐξ ἑτοίμου ὑπάρχωσι, καὶ οἵ τε [οἷ]

ἄλλοι φύλακες τὸ μέλλον αἴσθωνται καὶ οἱ περίοδοι ὅπου [ἐὰν Α ὄντες τύχωσι κατὰ mepioöle)iav τῆς πόλεως. ἔπειτα τούς τε ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει φύλακας καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀρχείων καὶ 5 τῶν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν εἰσβολῶν καὶ τοῦ θεάτρον καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατεχομένων χωρίων διὰ βραχέων τε φυλάσσειν καὶ πολλὰς 5 εἶναι τὰς φυλακὰς καὶ ἅμα πολλοὺς

ἀνθρώπους.

ἐν γὰρ τῷ

δι᾽

ὀλίγου φυλάσσειν οὔτ᾽ ἂν κατὰ μῆκος χρόνου δύναιτό τις πρᾶξαί Tt πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ νεωτερίσαι φθάσας, ἧττόν τ᾽ ἂν ὕπνοι 10

ἐγγίνοιντο διὰ βραχέος φυλασσόντων, τῷ τε πολλοὺς ἅμα φυλάσσειν μᾶλλον δύναιτο ἐκφερομυθεῖσθαί τι τῶν πρασσομένων. 58 ἐγρηγορέναι τε ὡς πλείστους ἄμεινον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις καὶ πάντα φυλάξαι ἐν τῇ νυκτί, ἵν᾽ ὡς πλεῖστοι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην φυλακὴν 6 προφυλάσσωσιν. ἐὰν δὲ ὀλίγοι τε καὶ μακρᾶς φυλάσσωσιν, 15 ὕπνος τ᾽ ἂν ἐγγίνοιτο διὰ τὸ μῆκος τῶν φυλακῶν, καὶ εἴ τινές τι

ἐγχειροῖεν νεωτερίσαι, ὑπάρχοι ἂν αὐτοῖς τοῦ χρόνου τὸ μῆκος καὶ φθάσαι καὶ λαθεῖν πράξαντάς τι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους"

διὸ δεῖ

7 τὰ τοιαῦτα μὴ ἀγνοεῖν. ἔτι δὲ χρὴ ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις καὶ τάδε προνοεῖν. τῶν φυλάκων μηδένα προγινώσκειν μήτε ὁπύστην 30 μήτε ὅπου φυλάξει τῆς πόλεως" μηδὲ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀεὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἡγεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ws πυκνότατα πάντα μεθιστάναι τὰ πολιτοφυλακίαν: οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ἥκιστά τις δύναιτο 8 προδιδοὺς

δηλοῦν

τι

ἢ

προσδέξασθαι

παρὰ

τῶν

περὶ τοῖς

πολεμίων,

τὴν ἔξω μὴ

προειδότες ὅπου τοῦ τείχους τὴν νύκτα ἔσονται μηδὲ ped” ὧν, 25 ἀλλ᾽ ἀγνοοῦντες τὸ μέλλον. καὶ τοὺς ἡμέρας φυλάξαντας μὴ φυλάσσειν νυκτός" οὐ γὰρ ἐπιτήδειον προειδέναι ἃ μέλλει 9 ἕκαστος πράσσειν. προφυλάσσοιέν T ἂν ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει φυλάκων προφύλακες ὧδε. ἐξ ἑκάστου γὰρ φυλακζεδίου καθ᾽ ἑκάστην φυλακὴν [τῶν] προφυλασσόντων εἷς ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ τὸ 30 ἐχόμενον φυλακζεδῖον, καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνον ἄλλος εἰς τὸ ἐχόμενον, καὶ

ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς τὰ ἄλλα'

παρηγγέλθω δὲ ποιεῖν ἅμα πάντας

1 rove [δρομ, ἐάν τι AB] δέη M : (ἵν add. Ca 2 ὑπάρχοΐσι καὶ εἴτε οἱ ἄλλοι φύλα ΑΒΊκεσ M: corr. Ca 3 ὅπου [ἐὰν ὄντες τύχωσι καταπερABTkodia» M: corr. Orelli 4 ἐπὶ τῷ [τείχει φνλ, καὶ τὸ ΑΒ Tio M 6 τὴν Ley. εἰσβολῶ ΑΒ ν καὶ Μ 8 οὔτ' dv] ὅτ' ἂν M: corr. Sauppe νοιντὸ M τῷ re] τό τε δ : corr. Ca 16 ἔγγίγνοιτο M

11 ἐγγί20 pare

ὁπόστην μήτε ὅπυυστῆνπι M: corr. Maur, Schmidt 21 μηδὲ] μήτε M : corr, Meineke 24 τὸ ἢ πρὸσ δέξ ΑΒΊασθαι M 25 προειδύτων M corr, Behrendt τοῦ [τείχους τὴν νύκτα ABT] ἔσονται M 26 ἀλλἀγνοοῦντεσ τὸ μ. [καὶ τοὺς ἡμέρ ABlac φυλάξαντασ 27 ὧν γὰρ ἐπιτήδειον προϊέναι AB] ἀμελεῖ M: corr. Haase aB τῶν Cixi τῶ ABT] τείχει po. M

NOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXII)

49

lodging, ready at hand in case bugle-calls or messages are needed, 80 as to give the guards and the rounds notice of what is to be

done, wherever they happen to be in their circuit of the city, Secondly, the guards on the wall, in the market-place, at the town- 4 hall, the entrances

to

the

market-place,

the

theatre,

and

other

points occupied should have short periods on duty: the reliefs should be frequent and their numbers strong. For in a short 5 period on guard a man will not have time to effect communication

with the enemy and complete any treasonable design before he is relieved, and men will be less likely to fall asleep at their posts if they are on duty for a short time only; and with large numbers it is more likely that information will leak out concerning any attempt at treachery. Thus it is desirable that as many men as 58 possible should be on the alert in time of danger, and that everyone should go on guard-duty during the night, so that there may be as many

men

as possible

in each

relief;

with

small

numbers

and 6

infrequent reliefs men are likely to fall asleep owing to the length

of their watch, and intending traitors will have ample

time to

communicate with the enemy unobserved before they are relieved. These considerations, therefore, must always be. borne in mind.

At a critical time these further precautions should be added, 7 None of the sentinels should know beforehand in which relief or at what point in the city he will be on guard; nor should the same commanders be always in charge of the same detachment; in all matters concerned with the supervision of citizens changes should be made as frequently as possible. A traitor will have far less chance of betraying anything to outsiders or receiving information from the enemy, when no one knows before- 8 hand at what point of the wall he will be at night or who his companions will be, but everyone is in complete ignorance of his

destination.

Those who have kept guard by day should not do

so at night as well: for it is inadvisable that men should know in advance on what duties they will be employed. Patrols from the sentries on the wall may be sent out in the g following manner. In every watch one man from every guardstation is to patrol as far as the next station;

on to the next, and so on;

from there another

the order for all these patrols to start

20 φυλακίου Μ΄: corr, Hn 80 [τῶν] ἀε]. (Δ B81 gvAdwiovM 932 ἄλλοι post ἄλλων add. Tu ἅμα πάντα: Meier: Gna πάντας M: dsalfä)rarres Herm. Schoene 3859

E

50

AINEIOY

10 τοῦτο ἀπὸ συσσήμων. καὶ οὕτω πολλοί τε [καὶ] ἅμα περιοδεύ(σγουσιν καὶ μικρὸν ἕκαστος χωρίον κινηθήσεται, καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἅμα

οἱ αὐτοὶ παρὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς διατελοῦσι, πυκνὰ ἄλλων φυλάκων παρ᾽ ἄλλοις γινομένων προ[σἸφύλαξιν. τούτου δὲ οὕτω πρασσομένου II οὐκ ἄν τι ἐκ τῶν φυλάκων νεωτερισθείη. τοὺς δὲ (προφύλακας, ὅταν μὴ) προφυλάσσωσιν, ἀντιπροσώπους ἀλλήλοις ἑστάναι" οὕτως γὰρ ἂν πάντῃ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν βλέποιντο, καὶ ἥκιστα ὑπό τινων ἀγρευθεῖεν λάθρᾳ προ(σ)γελθόντων, ἅπερ ἤδη γεγονότα περὶ τὰ 12 ἡμεροσκοπίεδῖα δεδήλωται. ἐν δὲ ταῖς χειμεριναῖς καὶ σκοτειναῖς νυξὶν (ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην αὐτοὺς λίθους βάλλειν εἰς τὸ ἔξω μέρος τοῦ τείχους,

καὶ ὡς

δὴ

ὁρωμένους

τινὰς

ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν

190

ἐρωτώντων

τίνες εἶεν. ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου γὰρ ἂν γνωσθεῖέν τινες προσπελά18 ὥντες, ἂν δὲ δοκῇ, καὶ εἰς τὸ ἔσω μέρος τῆς πόλεως τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν, οἱ δέ τινες τοῦτό φασιν βλαβερὸν εἶναι' τοὺς γὰρ προσιόντας τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τῷ σκότει προαισθάνεσθαι (ὅτι 15 ἐνταῦθα οὐ προσιτητέον ἐστὶ διὰ τὴν φωνήν τε τῶν περιόδων 14 καὶ τὸ βάλλειν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν σιγώμενον τόπον. ἄριστον

δ᾽ ἐν τοιαύταις νυξὶν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους xiva(s) προσδεδέσθαι νυκτερεύοντας, olmep ἐκ πλείονος ἐμφανιοῦσιν τὸν ἐκ τῶν πολεploy κατάσκοπον ἢ αὐτόμολον προσπελάζντα τῇ πόλει λαθραίως ἤ

πῃ

ὁρμώμενον

αὐτομολοῦντα'

ἅμα

δὲ καὶ τὸν

15 τύχῃ καθεύδων, ἐγείρουσι διὰ τὸν ὑλαγμόν. εὐπρόσοδα

καὶ εὐεπίθετα

τοῖς πολεμίοις

φύλακα,

ἐὰν

ἣ δ᾽ ἂν τῆς πόλεως ἦ, τῇδε

φύλακας

καθι-

στάναι τοὺς τὰ πλεῖστα κεκτημένους καὶ ἐντιμοτάτους τε καὶ τῶν μεγίστων μετέχοντας τῇ πόλει" μάλιστα γὰρ ἂν αὐτοῖς προσήκοι μὴ

πρὸς

ἡδονὰς

τραπέσθαι,

ἀλλὰ

μεμνημένους

ἀεὶ

περιοδεύουσιν M:

corr. Meier

3 ἕκαστον M:

corr. Ca

οὐδ' Gua} οὐ θαμὰ Hn 3 δια[τελοῦσι mux ΑΒ]νὰ Μ 4 γινομένοισ M; corr. Ca προ[σἸφύλαξιν scripsi: προσφύλ[αξὶν τούτον δὲ of ΑΒἼτω M : [προσἸφύλαξιν Ca

5 ὅτἄντι M : corr, Sauppe

25

προσέχειν.

16 (ἐν) δὲ ταῖς πανδήμοις ἑορταῖς χρὴ τῶν κατὰ πόλιν φυλάκων ὅσοι ἐν σώμασι μάλιστα ὕποπτοι τοῖς αὑτῶν καὶ ἄπιστοι, ἀφίεσθαι 17 ἀπὸ τῶν φυλακείων κατ᾽ οἰκίας ἑορτάζειν. καὶ ἅμα μὲν πολνωρεῖσθαι δόξουσιν, ἅμα δὲ οὐδὲν ἂν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἴη πρᾶξαι. ἀντὶ δὲ τούτων ἄλλους εἰς τὰ φυλακεῖα καθιστάναι πιστοτέρως ἔχοντας" 1 [καὶ] del. He

20

ν[εωτερισθείη τούσδε προ-

ἈΑΒηφυλάσσωσιν Μ : (προφύλακας, ὅταν μὴ) addidi 6 ἑστάναι οὕτως (οὕτω B) γὰρ ἂν πάντῃ AB] ἀπ᾿ ἀυτῶν M 7 τινων [[ἀγ, λάθρα προελAB]övrav M : corr. Tu 9 Auepol[oxdma δεδ. AB] ἐν δὲ M: corr.Hn 10 ζἄλλην καὶ) add. Ca 15 post προαισθάνεσθαι spatium vacuum 3-4 litt, deinde dv προσπηγαιον M: corr. Haupt et (ὅτι ἐνταῦθα) add. 18 τείχεος M κύνα M: corr. Ca 22 ἡ δ᾽ ἂν M: corr. Ca 235 προσ-

30

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(XXII)

51

should be given by one signal. Thus there will be several men 10 on their rounds at once, and each will have only a short way to go; neither will the same men remain together, but new guards and new patrols will be constantly meeting each other. This system will prevent treachery on the part of the guards. The τὶ patrols, when not actually on their round, should stand facing each other: in this position they will be able to survey the country in all directions, and are least likely to be surprised by anyone coming stealthily upon them, a misfortune which, as we saw, has happened before now in the case of day outposts. During stormy τὰ

or dark nights they should throw down one stone after another on to the ground outside the walls, and challenge as if they saw someone coming: for in this way anyone who is approaching will inevitably be discovered. If it is thought advisable, the same may 13 be done on the city side as well. Some, however, say that this is a bad plan: for the enemy approaching in the dark are warned by the voices of the men on their rounds and the throwing of stones not to attack at that particular point, but rather at a place

where no sound is to be heard.

‘The best plan on such nights 14

is to keep watch-dogs chained up outside the wall: these will be quicker to detect the enemy’s spies, deserters stealing up to the city, or anyone making his way out at any point with intent to desert;

their barking, too, will wake

the

sentinel

if he happens to

be asleep. The quarters of the city which are most accessible to attack 15 should be guarded by the wealthiest and most distinguished citizens, whose interests are most closely bound up with those of the city: for they more than anyone else will have reasons for seeing that they do not turn aside to self-indulgence, but always attend diligently to their duty. During public festivals those of 16 the troops on guard in the city who are untrustworthy and most suspected by their own comrades must be dismissed from their posts with leave to keep the feast at their own houses: this will 17 seem to them a special mark of distinction, and at the same time give them no chance of causing mischief. Others more loyally ἥκει M: corr. Tu 26 det scripsi: ἂν M: sequitur spatium in M in fine versus; ‘videtur lacuna indicari’ Schoene an ταῖς 4 AB Pina M: (ὦ add. Haase H 38 ὅσοι ἐν Lora ὕποπτοι M : ὅσοι ἂν dat μι mw. He ἀντῶν Μ:

29 φυλ[ακείων κατ᾽ ole ABjiaoe M

[Lue δὲ οὐδὲν ἃ ABY ἐπ' ἀυτοῖσ M

καὶ ἄλλα

E2

M:

corr, Ca

4-5 litt. προσέχειν [σώμασι corr. Tu

30 δύξ.

52

AINEIOY

περὶ γὰρ τὰς ἑορτὰς [τοὺς τοιούτους καιροὺς] μάλιστα οἱ βουλό18 μενοί τι νεωτερίζειν ἐγχειροῦσιν. ὅσα δὲ πάθη γέγονε περὶ Ig τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς, ἐν ἄλλοις δηλοῦται. (δι) ὃ μᾶλζλ)ον

delt) ἅμα τούτοις μηδὲ τὰς ἀναβάσεις εἶναι

ἀλλὰ

κλειστάς,

ἵνα

μηδενὶ

[ἔϊγι τοῦ τείχους βουλομένῳ

ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος εὐπόρους

ἐγγίνηται

προκαταλαμβάνειν 3

ἐνδοῦναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὦσιν

φύλακες οὖς ἂν σὺ βούλῃ, ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους διατελοῦντες καὶ μὴ καταβαίνοντες, ἄν τέ τινες ἔξωθεν τῆς πόλεως λάθωσιν ὑπερβάντες, μὴ ῥᾳδίως διὰ ταχέων καταβαίνωσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν μὴ θέλωσιν ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν καταπηδῶντες Kwörνεύειν καὶ μήτε λαθεῖν μήτε φθάσαι. πρί[οτρ)έποι δ᾽ ἂν τὸ παρασκεύασμα τοῦτο περὶ τὰς ἀναβάσεις καὶ ἐν τυράννου ἀκρο20 πόλει. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐζν Νάξῳ ναυμαχίαν ἐπιβουλευόμενος ὁ φρούραρχος Νικοκλῆς ἀναβάσεις κλειστὰς ποιήσας κατέστησε

φύλακας ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει, ἔξω δὲ τῆς πόλεως περιοδ(ελίας ἐποιεῖτο δι μετὰ κυνῶν' προσεδέχοντο γὰρ ἔξωθέν τινα ἐπιβουλήν. ἐν ὁμονοοῦσι τῷ τείχει πτῆρσιν, 22 στρατηγῷ ὁ

δὲ καὶ μηδενὸς ὑπόπτου ὄντος ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐν (τοῖς ἐπὶ φυλακείοις δεῖ τὰς νύκτας λύχνα καίεσθαι (ἐν) λαμἵνα καθ᾽ obs ἄν τι προσπελάζῃ πολέμιον, ἄρωσι τῷ τὸν λαμπτῆρα. ἐὰν μὴ φαίνηται πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν

λαμπτὴρ

τόπου

κωλύοντος,

ἄλλος

διαδεκτὴρ

Io

15

20

ὑπολαμβάνων

᾿λαμπτῆρι φαινέτω τῷ στρατηγῷ, ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τὸ ἐμφανιζόμενον αὐτῷ τοῖς ἄλλοις φύλαξι δηλούτω σάλπιγγι (ἢ) τοῖς 23 δρομοκήρυξιν, [ἢ] ὁποτέρως ἂν συμφέρῃ. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους καὶ οὕτω περὶ τὰς φυλακὰς διατελούντων παραγγελλέσθω 25 τῷ ἄλλῳ ὄχλῳ, ὅταν σημειωθῇ, μηδένα ἐξιέναι" ἐὰν δέ τις ἐξίῃ ἐπί τινα πρᾶξιν ἀναγκαῖον, μετὰ λαμπτῆρος πορεύεσθαι, ἵνα 24 πόρρωθεν

κατάδηλος

μηδένα

δημιουργὸν

vovraı

τοῖς

μακροτέρων

7

περιοδεύουσι,

χειροτέχνην,

φύλαξιν. 4

τοῖς

ὃν

βραχυτέρων

ἵνα

δ᾽ ἂν νυκτῶν

μὴ

μηδ᾽

ψόφοι

τρόπον

ἀπό

ἴσως

γινομένων

ἐργάζεσθαι

τινων

καὶ

ἴσαι

γί-

κοινῶς

πᾶσιν

αἱ

cum xxii, 24-5 cf. J. Afr. 48.

1 [τοὺς

τοιούτους

xaspots] del. He ut correcturam

στοιχείον τοὺς καιροὺς e margine falso loco illatam

τοῦ στοιχείου τοὺς M: corr. Ca: εἴ, ad ν5.1

verborum

vs. 3 τοῦ

2 πάθεα M

περὶ

8 (δι) ὃ μᾶλζλ)ον Belt)

seripsi: ὁμαλὸν δὲ Μ, quod defendit Orelli: (&') ὃ καλὸν [δὲ] Murray 6 ἔτι Μ:

corr. Kirchhoff

7 βυύλει ἐξανάγκησ M : corr. Hn

[πόλεως G0, ὑπε

AB] pSavres M

τοῖσ

πολεμίοις

&

ὦσιν a

τείχους | dia, καὶ ΑΒ) μὴ

φύλακεσ

M

Brie

9 καταβαίνζονσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ reix AB]-

30

HOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXI)

53

disposed should be placed on guard in their place; for it is at festivals especially that revolutionary designs are put into execution. The disasters that have happened on such occasions are described 18 elsewhere.

At these times, therefore, it is also better for the ways 19

up on to the wall to be rendered difficult of access and kept closed, so as to give an intending traitor no opportunity of seizing any part of the wall, which will be manned by guards of your own choosing who have no alternative but to stay at their posts; while if a party succeeds in climbing up from outside unobserved, they will not be able to come down off the walls into the city without some trouble and delay, unless they are willing to take the risk of jumping down from a height in full view of an enemy awaiting them. This plan of blocking the ways up on to the wall will he found useful also in a tyrant’s citadel. After the battle of 20 Naxos, Nicocles, the commander of the garrison, against whom a plot was being formed, had the ascents blocked up, posted guards on the walls, and kept up a patrol with dogs outside the city; for a treacherous attack was expected from without. When there is no disaffection or suspicion within the city, lights a1 should be kept burning in lamps by night at the posts on the walls, so that a signal can be given to the general by raising the lamps when a hostile move

is directed

against

any point,

If the nature 22

of the ground prevents the general from seeing a lamp on the wall, a transmitting-station must forward the signal with another lamp, whereupon the general should communicate the news to the other posts, either by bugle-call or orderly, as is most convenient,

At such critical times, when the sentries are kept strictly at their 23 posts in this way, orders should be issued to the rest of the populace that after the signal none are to leave their houses: if any one finds it necessary to do so he must take a lamp, so as to be seen clearly at a distance by the men on their rounds. No 24 mechanics must work at night, lest the noise should disturb the guards. The fair and equal distribution of the watches among the troops, varying with the length of the nights, must be regulated by a ove M: corr. Ca

δῶντες AB] κινδ. Μ

10 ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν) ἀπαλλήλων M: corr. Hn

καζταπη-

11 προτρέπζοι δ' ἂν AB] τὸ x. M: corr. Ca

13 Ky Nay) ἔξω M:corr.Ca ἐπιβουλενομένοιαM: corr.Ca 15 περιοδίας M 17 ὑπυπτεύοντος M; corr. Kirchhoff (τοῖς ἐπὶ) add. Tu 18 (ἐν

add. Ca Meineke

48 (f)add.Ca 24 [#] del. Tu 81 ἴσαι] καὶ Ms corr. Murray

29 ἢ post npuoupydvadd

54

AINEIOY

φυλακαὶ ylvowro, πρὸς κλεψύδραν χρὴ φυλάσσειν. ταύτην δὲ 25 συμβάλλειν διαδοχῇ μερίδος. μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτῆς κεκηρῶσθαι τὰ ἔσωθεν, καὶ μακροτέρων μὲν γινομένων τῶν νυκτῶν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τοῦ κηροῦ, ἵνα πλέον ὕδωρ χωρῇ, βραχυτέρων δὲ προ(σ)π[ε]λάσσεσθαι, ἵνα ἔλασσον δέχηται. περὶ μὲν οὖν φυλακῶν ἰσότητος 5 ἱκανῶς μοι δεδηλώσθω.

26

ἘἜῈν δὲ τοῖς ἀκινδυνοτέροις τοὺς ἡμίσεας τῶν προγεγραμμένων εἰς τὰς φυλακὰς καὶ wepioöle)las χρὴ τετάχθαι, καὶ οὕτω τὸ ἥμισυ

τῆς στρατιᾶς

εἰρηναίων ὄντων 2] ὀχλεῖν.

καὶ

νύκτα

ἐλάχιστά

ἑκάστην

φυλάξει"

τε

ἐλαχίστους

ἐάν τε περιοδείας

καὶ χρὴ

τὸν

ἀκινδύνων

τῶν

δὲ

καὶ

ἀνθρώπων τὸ

στρατηγόν, σκυταλίδα

ἔχουσαν σημεῖον παρὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ παραδίδοσθαι τῷ πρώτῳ φύλακι, τοῦτον δὲ τῷ ἐχομένῳ καὶ ἕτερον ἑτέρῳ, μέχρι περιενεχθῇ ἡ σκυταλὶς κύκλῳ τὴν πόλιν καὶ κομισθῇ

παρὰ

προειρῆσθαι δὲ τοῖς προφύλαξιν μὴ πορρωτέρω

τὸν

στρατηγόν"

προενεγκεῖν τὴν 15

48 σκυταλίδα τοῦ ἐχομένου φύλακος. ἐὰν δὲ ἐλθὼν καταλάβῃ τόπον ἔρημον φύλακος, πάλιν ἀντιδιδόναι παρ᾽ οὗ ἔλαβεν τὴν

σκυταλίδα,

(ἵν᾽) αἴσθηται ὁ στρατηγὸς

καὶ γνῷ τὸν μὴ παρα-

29 δεξάμενον ἀλλ᾽ ἐκλείποντα φυλακήν. ὃς δ᾽ ἂν φυλακῆς αὐτῷ οὔσης μὴ παρῇ εἰς τὸ τεταγμένον, ὁ λοχαγὸς αὐτοῦ παραχρῆμα 20 τὴν φυλακὴν ἀποδόσθω, (δ) πόσον[δ᾽ ἂν εὑρίσκῃ, καὶ καταστησάτω

ὅστις ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ φυλάξει.

ἔπειτα (6) πρόξενος ἐξ αὑτοῦ ἀπο-

διδότω τῷ πριαμένῳ τὴν φυλακήν, ὁ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ (γμιούτω τῇ νομιζομένῃ Οηγμίᾳ.

[ἐπέξοδος XXIII

λαθραία

Ἐπεξόδους δὲ ποιούμενον

λαθραίως

ἐν

ταξίαρχος

αὐτὸν

τῇ

νυκτί

25

ἐν νυκτὶ τοῖς προσκαθη-

μένοις πολεμίοις τάδε προνοεῖν, πρῶτον μὲν φυλάξαι ὅπως μὴ ἐξαυτομολήσῃ" ἔπειτα φῶς ὑπαίθριον μηδὲν εἶναι, ἵνα μὴ ὁ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἀὴρ πυρωδέστερος ὧν τοῦ ἄλλου ἐκφήνῃ τὸ μέλλον. 2 τούς τε τῶν κυνῶν ὑλαγμοὺς καὶ τῶν ἀλεκτρυόνων τὰς φωνὰς 30 ἀφανίζειν ἄφωνα ποιοῦντα τόνδε τὸν καιρόν, ἐπικαύσαντά τι τοῦ σώματος" καὶ γὰρ al τούτων φωναὶ ἀθρόον φθεγγόμεναι ἐκφαί3 vovor τὸ μέλλον. ἐποιήσαντο δέ τινες καὶ τοιόνδε τεχνάσαντες. 1 post γένοιντο (γίγνοιντο M) lacunamindicat Schoene

ταύτην... μερίδος

corrupta esse putat Schoene 4& προπελάσσεσθαι M: corr. Ca (ex J. Afr. 48) 5 φυλάκων M : corr. Schoene 6 ixavéc M: corr, Ca 8 περιο-

δίασ M: corr. Ca

τηγῶν M; corr. Tu

11 ἐάν τε περιοδεία: ἐν ταῖς weprodeiaas Tu 17 πάλιν] πάντ᾽ Μ': corr, Sauppe

τῶν στρα-

18 (ἴν᾽) add. Ca

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXII, XXIII)

55

water-clock. This should be made to correspond with the change of the reliefs. It is better for its inside to have a coating of wax: 25 as the nights grow longer some of the wax should be removed, to allow room for more water; as they grow shorter more wax should be inserted, so that the clock holds less. Enough then of the question of the fair distribution of watches. When danger is less imminent, half of the numbers indicated 26 above will be sufficient for the guards and rounds, and so half the army will be on guard each night. In time of peace, when there is no danger, as few men as possible should be troubled with

sentry duty, and to the Jeast possible extent. If the general has to send out rounds, a stick with a seal upon 27 it should be delivered from the general to the first sentinel, passed by him to the next, and so on until the stick has completed the circult of the city and is returned to the general. Orders should be given to each patrol not to carry the stick further than the next sentry ; and if on arrival he finds the post vacant, to return the 28 stick to the man from whom he received it, so that the general may be notified, and identify the offender who is absent from his post. Ifa man is not present to mount guard at the place ap- 29 pointed, his company commander must at once sell his post for whatever premium it will fetch and appoint a man to keep watch instead of him. Then the citizen who engaged him must supply money to pay the man who has bought the post, and next day the regimental officer must inflict the usual fine on the defaulter.

[Secret salhes at night] When making a sally at night to surprise the enemy outside XXIII your walls the following precautions should he observed. First of

all, take care that no one deserts;

secondly, that there are no

lights in the open air: for a glow in the sky over the city may betray your intentions. Any chance of dogs’ barking or cocks’2 crowing must be done away with: you can keep them quiet for the time being by cauterizing some part of their bodies; for the noise they make by barking or crowing all together betrays what is going on. The following device has been employed in making a sally. g 21 πόσον 8’ dy M: corr, Hn a2 (0) add, Tu ἐξ αὐτοῦ scripsi: ἐξ αὐτοῦ M : ἐκ τῶν) αὑτοῦ He: ἐξ del. Sauppe 28 phd’ ὑπὲρ - corr. Tu 81 τι ; re M 853. ἀθρόον scripsi: ὄρθρον M : (mp6) ὄρθρον Lange, vix probabiliter

56

AINEIOY

στασιασμοῦ

προσποιητοῦ

μετὰ

προφάσεως

εὐλόγου

γενομένου

παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, καιρὸν τηρήσαντες καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες ἐπέθεντο

παρ᾽

4 ἐλπίδα τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ κατώρθωσαν. ἤδη δέ τινες τειχήρεις ὄντες καὶ ὧδε (ἔλαθον ἐπεξ)ελθόντες τὰς μὲν πύλας ἀπέδειμαν

ὁρατῶς

τοῖς

ἐναντίοις,

πολεμίοις:

ταύτῃ

ff δὲ μάλιστα

κατεπέτασαν

ἀκάτειον

εὐεπιθέτως καὶ ἀνῆραν

εἶχεν

τοῖς5

διὰ χρόνου

τινός, ὥστε κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν θαυμάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ὕστερον δὲ δ καὶ πολλάκις γινομένου ἀμέλειαν εἶχον. οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐν νυκτὶ διελόντες τοῦ τείχους ὅσον ἤθελον, καὶ ἀντιδομὴν παρασκευασάμενοι κατεπέτασαν τὸ ἱστίον. τηρήσαντες δὲ καιρὸν τὸ ἐπεξελθόντες ἐπέθεντο παραδόξως τοῖς πολεμίοις" ποιοῦντες δὲ ταῦτα ἐφύλασσον μή τις αὐτομολήσῃ. διὸ δεῖ μηδὲν τῶν

δ᾽ τοιούτων

παρορᾶν.

ob μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἐν ταῖς νυξὶν ἀσκέπτως

per’

ὄχλου ἐκπορευτέον, οἷα καὶ ἐν τοῖς καιροῖς τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τινὲς τεχνάζουσιν, οἱ μὲν ἔσω τῆς πόλεως οἱ δὲ καὶ ἔξωθεν, 15 προσάγεσθαι βουλόμενοι τοιοῖσδε ἀπατήμασι, πυρσεύσαντές τι ἣ ἐμπρήσαντες νεώριον ἢ γυμνάσιον (ἢ) ἱερὸν πάνδημον ἣ δι᾿ ὅπερ ἂν ἔξοδος γένοιτο πλήθους ἀνθρώπων καὶ οὐ τῶν τυχόντων.

7 προνοοῦντα οὖν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα μὴ ἑτοίμως ἀποδέχεσθαι. πρᾶξις δὲ καὶ ἥδ᾽ ἐξοισθήσεται ἐξ ἀρχόντων. προετοιμάσαντες κατὰ τὴν 30 χώραν θόρυβον γενέσθαι καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀγγελθῆναι κλωπῶν ἐπιβουλήν, δι’ ὅπερ ἔμελλον οἱ πολῖται σπεύσειν 8 εἰς βοήθειαν, γενομένου δὲ τούτου οἵ τε ἄρχοντες καὶ οἱ συνεθέλοντες τοὺς πολίτας παρεκάλουν εἷς βοήθειαν. ἐπειδὴ ἠθροίσθη τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τὰς πύλας σὺν ὅπλοις, τοιόνδε 25 9 ἐτεχνάσαντο. προεῖπον ol ἄρχοντες τοῖς ἠθροισμένοις ὅτι τρία

μέρη

αὐτοὺς

γενομένους

πόλεως, παραγγείλαντες 10 ἀκούουσιν

ἦν

ἀνύποπτα.

δεῖ

ἐνεδρεῦσαι

ἃ προσῆκεν καὶ

τοὺς

μικρὸν

ἀπωτέρω

τῆς

πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα, τοῖς δὲ μὲν

ἐξαγαγόντες

ἐκάθισαν

εἰς χωρία ἐπιτήδεια ὡς ἐνεδρεύσοντας τοῖς ἐμβεβληκόσι πολε- 30 plows αὐτοὶ δὲ λαβόντες σώματα αὐτοῖς συνίστορα τῆς πράξεως προεπορεύοντο ὡς κατασκεψόμενοί τε τὰ ἀγγελλόμενα καὶ mpoxwδυνεύ(σγοντες τῶν ἄλλων, ἵνα δῆθεν προαγάγοιεν τοὺς πολεμίους

τ εἰς τὰς ἐνέδρας ὡς ὑποφεύγοντες. 1 γενομένησ M: corr. Ca

Hn

πορευθέντες

4 ὧδε ἐλθόντες Ms corr. Τὰ

6 dxdreov] ἀγγεῖον M: corr. Kirchhoff

δὲ εἰς τόπον ἀνέδειμαν M: corr.

7 καὶ ἀρχὰσ M:

corr. Ca

28 ὀΐ γε M:

corr, Tu

® reixous] rely M 14 ἐκπορενταῖον M : corr. Ca 17 (4) add. Orelli 18 πράξεις M: corr. Ca 20 ἥδ᾽ ἐξοισθήσεται Tu: ade ξοισθήσεται M :

ὧδε (γεγενημένη) ἐξ. Ca

ἐξαρχόντων Μ

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (XXIII)

57

The citizens made a plausible pretence of sedition within the city, watched

their opportunity for a sally, and made a surprise attack

on the enemy with complete success. In another city the besieged surprised the enemy by a sally in the following way. They walled up the gates in full view of the enemy; but at the point where an attack upon the latter was most practicable, they let down a sail and after a while drew it up again. This surprised the enemy at first, but on its frequent repetition they ceased to take notice of it; then at night the besieged made a hole in the wall large enough for their purpose, built a retired wall across the gap and stretched the sail over; and when the opportunity came they made their sally and took the enemy by surprise. While they were doing all this they took good care that no one should desert. None of these points, therefore, must be neglected. But you should never, not even at night, go out incautiously with a disorganized mob: in times of danger traitors both within and without devise plans with the special object of drawing an attack, by such tricks as lighting fires or setting fire to 4 dockyard, gymnasium, or public shrine, in short by any ruse likely to entice a crowd of unusual size out of the city. You must therefore use care, and not be too ready to take such proceedings seriously. I will mention here a scheme originated by certain magistrates. They arranged for an

alarm

to

be

raised

in the country and

for a report

4

5

6

7

to be

brought in from the fields of an intended attack by robbers, which they knew would bring the citizens in haste to the rescue. When 8 the alarm was raised, these magistrates and their supporters called

upon the citizens to go to the rescue, When the citizen body had mustered at the gates under arms, their next manceuvre was to direct the assembled force to divide into three detachments and 9

lay ambushes suited

their own

hearers. spots

selves

at a little distance from the city: an order which plans

without

exciting

the

suspicions

of their

Thereupon they led out the force and posted it in likely 10

with directions

with

to lie in wait

their accomplices

went

for the

on

invaders;

ahead,

saying

they them-

that

they

would test the truth of the report and meet the danger first, their plan being, nominally, to entice the enemy into the ambush by a pretended flight. They then went ahead to a spot where a force 11 σννελθόντεσ M: corr, Tu κοψόμενοί re Mi corr. Ca μηϑὲν M : corr. Cu

24 πολίτας: πολεμίουσ M: corr. Ca προκινδυνεύοντεσ M: corr. Hn

32 κατα33 δῆθεν

58

AINEIOT

ὅπου ἦν αὐτοῖς ξενικὸν προητοιμασμένον κρυφαίως κομισθέντες κατὰ θάλατταν, ἀναλαβόντες ἔφθασαν καὶ ἔλαθον εἰσαγαγόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν

κατ᾽ ἄλλας

ὁδούς, ὡς

τοὺς

ἐπεξελθόντας

πολίτας

πάλιν ἀπαγαγόντες" τὴν δὲ πόλιν καταλαβόντες τοῖς ξένοις τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐνέδραις ὄντων τοὺς μὲν ἐφυγάδευον, τοὺς δὲ ἐδέχοντο. 5 διὸ δεῖ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα ὑποπτεύειν καὶ μὴ ἀλογίστως νύκτωρ εἰς πολεμίους ἔξοδον πλήθους ποιεῖσθαι.

ἰσυνθημάτων) XXIV

Παραδιδόντα δὲ συνθήματα δεῖ προνοεῖν, ἐὰν τύχῃ τὸ στράτευμα μιγάδες ὄντες ἀπὸ πόλεων ἢ ἐθνῶν, ὅπως μή, ἂν παρέχῃ τὸ τὸ ἂν εἶδος δύο ὀνόματα, ἀμφιβόλως παραδοθήσεται, οἷον τάδε, Διόσκουροι Τυνδαρίδαι, περὶ ἑνὸς εἴδους δύο ὀνόματα of τὰ

Baird

καὶ

ἄλλοτε

δὲ “Ἄρης

᾿Βννάλιος,

᾿Αθηνᾶ

Παλλάς,

ξίφος ἐγχειρίδιον, λαμπὰς φῶς, καὶ ἄλλα ὁμότροπα τούτοις, ἅπερ δυσμνημόνευτά ἐστιν παρὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ἑκάστῳ ἔθ(ν)ει 15 τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ βλάβην φέρει, ἐὰν κατὰ γλῶσσάν τις παραγ8 γέλλῃ (μᾶλλον) ἢ κοινόν τι ἅπασιν. ἐν μιγάσι δ᾽ οὖν ξένοις οὐ δεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα παραγγέλλειν, οὐδὲ ἐν ἔθνεσι συμμάχοις. οἷον

Χαριδήμῳ ᾿Ωρείτῃ περὶ τὴν Αἰολίδα συνέβη, καταλαβόντι ἤϊλιον Α τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. τῷ ἄρχοντι τοῦ Ἰλίου ἦν οἰκέτης ἐκπορευόμενος 20 ἐπὶ λείαν ἀεί, καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς νυξὶν ἐξεπορεύετο καὶ εἰσεπο-

5 ρεύετο elody[plwy

τὰ ἀγρευθέντα

ἑκάστοτε.

ἐν δὲ τῷ

χρόνῳ

τοῦτον καταμαθὼν ὁ Χαρίδημος ταῦτα πράσσοντα οἰκειοῦται, καὶ εἰς λόγους κρυφαίους ἀφικόμενος διομολογεῖται, καὶ ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἐκπορευθῆναι ἐν ῥητῇ νυκτὶ ὡς ἐπὶ λείαν' μεθ᾽ ἵππου a5 δὲ

ἐκέλευσεν

αὐτὸν

ἐξελθεῖν

ἐν

τῇ

νυκτί,

ἵνα

αἱ

πύλαι

αὐτῷ

ἀνοιχθεῖεν, ἀλλὰ μὴ κατὰ τὴν διάδυσιν [ἢ τὴν ἐκτομάδα πυλίδα],

6 ὥσπερ εἰώθει, εἰσέλθοι. Χαριδήμῳ ἔλαβεν παρ᾽

γενόμενος δ᾽ ἔξω καὶ διαλεχθεὶς τῷ αὐτῶν ξένους ὡς τριάκοντα τεθωρα-

κισμένους καὶ ἔχοντας ἐγχειρίδια καὶ ὅπλα καὶ περικεφαλαίας 30 7 κορυφαίας. [as] ἀπήγαγέν τε οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ἐν ἐσθῆτι φαύλῃ καὶ ἔκρυψε τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ ὁμοιώσας αἰχμαλώτοις, μετ᾽ ἄλλων γυναικῶν καὶ παιδαρίων, καὶ τούτων ὡς αἰχμαλώτων, 1 κρύψαι wo M: corr, Ca κονισθέντεσ M : corr. Schoene : κομισθὲν Ca 8 (περὶ) συνθημάτων Schoene 12 εἴδεος M 15 ἔθει M: corr. Ca 17 (μᾶλλον) ἢ Haase: 4(un)Meier 22 εἰσἀγρὸν M: com. Ca 28 τούτῳ M:

corr. Sauppe

28 εἰώθη Μ: corr.Ca

237 διάλυσιν M:

corr, Hn

εἰσελθών" M:corr. Ca

[ἢ τὴν ἐκ. wvai8a] delevi

31 κρυφαίας Ca

[as] del. Tu

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(XXIIL XXIV)

59

of mercenaries, who had arrived secretly by sea, was ready waiting,

picked them up, and without attracting notice succeeded veying them into the city by another route:

were

merely leading

expedition.

Then,

in con-

for it looked as if they

back the citizens on their return from the when

the mercenaries

were

in occupation

of

the city, some of the citizens who had formed the ambush were banished, and the rest permitted to return. All such reports, therefore, should be looked upon with suspicion, and no sallies in force should be made at night without due precautions.

[Of passwords] In giving the password, if your force includes men of different XXIV

cities or nationalities, take care not to give a word whose meaning can be equally well expressed by another word, as for instance Dioscuri and Tyndaridae, where the two different words mean the same; or again Ares and Enyalius, Athena and Pallas, sword and 2 cutlass, lamp and light, and similar expressions, which are hard to remember because of the different usages of every nation, and are a source of danger if a dialect form instead of one generally familiar is issued as the password. Thus when mixed mercenary troops or 3 allies of different nationalities form part of your force, such passwords should be avoided. I will give as an instance what happened

in Aeolis to Charidemus of Oreus, after of Ilion by the following stratagem. The governor of Ilion had a slave to steal, especially at night, when return again each time with the results a time Charidemus found this

out, made

he had captured the town who constantly went out 4 he used to go out and of the night’s work. After 5 the

slave’s

acquaintance,

and came to a secret understanding whereby he induced him to go out as if to steal on a specified night: he was to go out during the night with a horse, so that the gates might be opened for him on his return, instead of his entering by the passage [or wicket], as he usually did. When he arrived outside, 6 he interviewed Charidemus and chose from his force about thirty mercenaries, armed with breastplates, daggers, shields, and closefitting helmets. These he led off in the dark, in shabby clothing 7 and with their arms concealed, making them look like prisoners, and brought them into the town along with some women and children, also dressed as prisoners, the gates being opened to let

60

AINEIOT

8 εἰσεπορεύετο ἀνοιχθεισῶν αὐτῷ τῶν πυλῶν διὰ τὸν ἵππον. ὅπου δὴ εὐθὺς οἱ εἰσελθόντες ἔργου εἴχοντο τόν τε πυλωρὸν ἀποκτείναντες καὶ εἰς ἄλλας ξένας πράξεις ὁρμήσαντες, καὶ τῶν πυλῶν 9 παρῆσαν τάξεις καὶ κατέλαβον τὸ πόλισμα, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ 10 αὐτὸς εἰσεπορεύθη μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοιόνδ᾽ ἔπραξεν. τοῦ στρατεύματός τινι μέρει ἐνέδρας ἐποιήσατο, προνοήσας ὅτι παρέσοιτο βοήθεια ἐπὶ τὸ χωρίον. ὅπερ συνέβη: εὐθὺς γὰρ αἰσθόμενος ᾿Αθηνόδωρος "Iußpios, ὧν ov πόρρω μετὰ στρατεύματος, ἐπειρᾶτο

βοηθεῖν

Ey

ἐγκρατεῖς ὄντες, ἐφ᾽ ἂς εὐθύς, οὐ πόρρω ὄντος τοῦ Χαριδήμου,

ἐπὶ τὸ χωρίον.

ur ἔτυχε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς [β]ἀγχίνως πάλιν ἀν(θ)υποπτεύσας, καὶ οὐ τὰς ἐνεδρενομένας ὁδοὺς ἐπορεύθη πρὸς τὸ Ἴλιον, ἀλλὰ ἄλλας 12 πορευθεὶς ἔλαθέν τε ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ καὶ ἦλθεν πρὸς τὰς πύλας. καὶ ἔλαθόν τινες συνζεισγελθόντες

els τὴν πόλιν ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ, ὡς

18 τοῦ Χαριδήμου ὄντες στρατεύματος. ἔπειτα πρὸ τοῦ πλείονας εἰσελθεῖν ἐγνώσθησαν τῷ συνθήματι, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐξέπεσον αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς πύλας διεφθάρησαν" τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἦν τὸ 14 σύνθημα Τυνδαρίδαι, τοῦ δὲ Διόσκουροι. καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο ἐγένετο πόλιν μὴ ἀντικαταληφθῆναι παραχρῆμα ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αθηνοδώρου ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ νυκτί, παραγγέλλειν οὖν χρὴ τὰ συνθήματα εὐμνημόνευτά τε καὶ ὡς μάλιστα ἀδελφὰ ταῖς μελλούσαις πράξεσι 15 γίνεσθαι,

οἷον

τάδε.

ἐπὶ

μὲν

ἄγραν

15

ac

πορενομένοζις “Αρτεμιν

᾿Αγροτέραν, ἐπὶ δὲ κλοπήν τινα πράξεων

ἙἭ. ρμῆν Δόλιον, ἐπὶ δὲ

βιασμὸν Ἡρακλέα, τοῖς δὲ φανεροῖς ἐγχειρήμασιν Ἥλιον καὶ Σελήνην, καὶ ὡς μάλιστα ὁμότροπα τούτοις καὶ κοινότατα πᾶσιν. 25

16 ᾿Ιφικράτης δὲ οὐδὲ (rd) αὐτὸ σύνθημα ἐκέλευεν τὸν περίοδόν τε καὶ

φύλακα

ἔχειν,

ἀλλὰ

ἕτερον

ἑτέρῳ

δεδόσθαι,

ἵνα

ὁ μὲν

τὸ

πρῶτον ἐρωτηθεὶς ἀποκρίνηται Ζεὺς Σωτήρ, ἐὰν τοῦτο ἔχων τύχῃ, ὁ δ' ἀν(τ)ερωτηθεὶς Ποσειδῶν" οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ἥκιστα σφάλλοιντο 17 ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἐξαυτομολοῖτο τὸ σύνθημα. πλάνης δὲ γενομένης

τοῖς

φύλαξιν

ἀπ᾿

ἀλλήλων

συριγμῷ

χρῆσθαι

πρὸς

αὐτούς, τοῦτο δὲ προσυγκεῖσθαι' πλὴν γὰρ τῷ εἰδότι ἄγνωστον τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔσται, ἐάν τε Ἕλληνες ἐάν τε βάρβαροι wow. 18 προενθυμεῖν δὲ τῶν κυνῶν, μὴ διὰ τὸν συριγμὸν ἀσύμφορον ἐξ 11 βαγχίνω: M θόντες M ; corr. Tu ‘an τῷ δὲ γ᾽ Schoene corr. Tu

πάλιν ἂν ὑποπτεύσασ M: corr. Ca 14 συνελ15 πλείονοσ M : corr, Ca 18 τοῦ δὲ} τοῖς δὲ Ca: 19 πάλιν Μ : corr, Tu Ἃ1 μάλιστα do M :

22 πορευόμενοσ M : corr. Tu

23

ἐπιδὲ βιασμῶν M : corr. Ca

26 (τὸν αὐ. (ἃ τὴν περίοδον M: corr. Ca 20 ἂν ἐρωτηθεὶσ M: corr, Ca 81 πρὸσ dvrovc M: corr. He 82 τοῦτον He ἄγνωστος He

30

NOAIOPKHTIKA the horse pass through.

(XXIV)

No sooner had they entered than they 8

set to work, slew the sentinel, behaved

and

61

as mercenaries

succeeded in occupying the gates,

arrived and seized the citadel;

usually do,

at which troops at once

for Charidemus was close at hand.

Afterwards Charidemus himself entered with the main body, but 9 took care at the same time to place a detachment in ambush, 10 suspecting that a force would be sent to recapture the city, as was indeed the case. For on hearing the news Athenodorus of Imbros, who with his army was at no great distance, tried at once to send help.

He,

too, was

about an ambush: ambush was

seen,

and

a shrewd

man

and

had

his suspicions II

so he avoided the route to Ilion on which the

placed, took another road

arrived

also

at the

city gates.

slipped into the city, passing amid

in the dark without

Then

some

of his

being

men 12

the confusion for members of

Charidemus’ army. But before any more could enter they were 13 discovered by means of the password, and some were driven out, others slain at the gates; for the relieving force gave the password as‘ Tyndaridae ’, while Charidemus’ password was really ‘ Dioscuri’. This, and nothing else, saved Ilion from

being at once recaptured 14

by Athenodorus the same night. The passwords given should therefore be easy to remember, and as nearly related as possible to the business in hand: for instance, 15 for a foray ‘Artemis the Huntress’; for secret exploits ‘Hermes the cunning’; ‘Sun’

and

in case of an assault ‘ Heracles’;

‘Moon’;

and

for open attacks

so on as far as possible, using

words

that will be intelligible to all. Iphicrates used even to say that 16 rounds and sentries should not have the same password, but that a different one should be assigned to each: for instance, the man challenged would answer ‘ Zeus the Saviour’ (if this happened to be the word), and the reply of the challenger might be ‘ Poseidon’. This would minimize the risk of disasters arising from the betrayal of the password to the enemy. In case the guards get separated, arrange in advance for them 17 to communicate by whistling: for this will convey nothing to those who do not know it, whether they are Hellenes or Barbarians. But look after your dogs: otherwise, when they hear the whistle 18 they may cause trouble. Whistling was used to collect the troops

62

AINEIOT

αὐτῶν ἧ. ἐχρήσαντο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐν Θήβαις ὅτε τὴν Καδμείαν καταλαβόντες ἐσκεδάσθησαν νυκτὸς καὶ ἠγνόησαν ἐαντούς" πρὸς 19 συριγμὸν συνελέγοντο.

τὰ δὲ συνθήματα ἐρωτᾶσθαι κοινῶς τοῖς

τε περιοδεύουσι καὶ προφύλαξιν" οὐδὲν γὰρ προσήκει τὸν ἕτερον ἐρωτᾶν. ὡς γὰρ περίοδος καὶ πολέμιος ἂν ἐρωτῴη.

[rapaovvdnpara] XXV

Ἔνιοι δὲ παρασυνθήματι χρῶνται τῶν re πανείων ἕνεκεν καὶ πρὸς τὸ γνωρίζειν μᾶλλον τοὺς φίλους. εἶναι δὲ τὰ παρασυνθήματα ὡς ἰδιαίτατα καὶ δυσγνωστότατα τοῖς πολεμίοις.

εἴη δ᾽ ἂν

τὰ παρασυνθήματα τοιάδε. ἐν μὲν ταῖς σκοτειναῖς νυξὶν τό τε σύνθημα ἐρωτᾶν καὶ φωνεῖν te ἄλλο ἢ καὶ ψόφον ἐμφανίσαι, τὸν

TO

δὲ ἐρωτώμενον TO τε σύνθημα ἀποκρίνεσθαι καὶ ἄλλο προσυγκείμενον φωνῆσαι ἢ ψόφον ἐμφανίσαι' ἐν δὲ τοῖς φαεινοῖς χρόνοις τὸν μὲν ἐρωτῶντα τὸ σύνθημα τὸν πῖλον ἀφελέσθαι ἢ ἐν τῇ χειρὶ

8 ἔχοντα ἐπιθέσθαι, ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ἐπαγαγέσθαι τὸν πῖλον ἐπὶ τὸ 15 4 πρόσωπον καὶ ἀπαγαγέσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸ δόρυ καταπῆξαι προσιόντα ἢ εἰς τὴν ἀριστερὰν παραλαβεῖν, ἢ ἔχειν ἐν τῇ χειρὶ ἄραντα ἢ ἀνελέσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἐρωτώμενον τό τε σύνθημα ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ τούτων τι προσυγκείμενον ποιῆσαι.

20

[περιοδεῖαι] XXVI

Περιοδεύειν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις"

πρῶτον

δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ

ἠθροισμένων λόχων ὃύο ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος ἐναλλὰξ ἀλλήλοις, διεσκευασμένους τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ὅπλοις καὶ παρασυνθήμαζσιν), 4 ὡς ἀκριβῶς ἐκ πλείονος διαγνῶναι ἑαυτούς, τοὺς δὲ τὴν πρώτην

φυλακὴν

περιοδεύοντας

ἀδείπνους

χρὴ

γὰρ οἱ τὴν πρώτην προφυλάσσοντες

περιοδεύειν' ἀπὸ

τυγχάνουσι

δείπνου ὄντες ῥᾳθυμο-

4 τέρως τε καὶ ἀκολαστοτέρως διακείμενοι. περιοδεύειν δὲ ἄνεν λαμπτῆρος, ἂν μὴ λίαν χειμὼν ἦ καὶ σκότος" εἰ δὲ μή, οὕτω ὁ λαμπτὴρ φεγγέτω, εἰς ὕψος μὲν μηδέν (κεκαλύφθω γάρ τινὶ), ἐπὶ 4 δὲ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὰ πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν μόνον φεγγέτω. ἐν ἱπποτροφούσῃ δὲ πόλει καὶ ἐν ἱππασίμῳ χειμῶνος ἱππεῦσι περιοδεύειν" ἐν γὰρ τοῖς ψύχεσιν καὶ πηλοῖς καὶ μήκεσι τῶν νυκτῶν θᾶσσον 5 ἀνύοιτ᾽ ἂν ἡ mepiodela. ἐὰν δὲ ἅμα τούτοις καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ἃ ἑαυτοῖς M: corr, Ca 7 παρασυνθήμασι Tu

28

5 ds}dM: corr. Ca ἀνερωτῶν M: corr. Ca 8 τὰ παρα. καὶ παρα. M : corr. He 11 ἄλλο ἡ

Hn: μᾶλλον M: μᾶλλον (de) Schoene ψῆφον M: corr.Ca 12 ἄλλω Μ: corr. Ca 32 δὲ del, He: πρῶτον μὲν Ca (ex C) : post κινδύνοις inter-

30

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXIV-XXVI)

63

at Thebes during the recapture of the Cadmeia, when they got separated and did not know one another in the dark. Rounds and patrols should both demand the password: it is no 19 use for only one to do so. For an enemy might challenge just as well as a man going the rounds.

[Signs to accompany the password] A sign is sometimes employed as well as the password to prevent panics and for the better recognition of friends. These signs must be as distinctive as possible, and such as an enemy will be least likely to recognize: here are some examples. On dark nights the challenger should also utter some further sound or simply make an audible signal, and the man challenged should give the password and also utter a prearranged sound or make some noise. But in a good light the challenger should take off his cap, or, if he has it in his hand, put it on; or he may press his cap down over his brow, or set it back on his head, or plant his spear in the ground as he approaches, or pass it over to his left hand, or hold it aloft in his hand, or simply raise it; the other man should give the password in answer and also make some

XXV 9

g 4

such prearranged movement.

[Rounds] In time of danger rounds are necessary. And, first, two of the companies stationed in the market-place should take turns to go the rounds under the city wall, equipped with their ordinary armour, and instructed in signs which will enable them to distinguish each other with certainty from a distance, The men on duty in the first watch must go their rounds before their dinner: for men on patrol in the first watch are apt to be lazy and insubordinate if they have come straight from dinner. Rounds should be made without lanterns, except on very dark and stormy nights ; if one is carried, it should be screened so as not to shed any light upwards, but only on the ground in front of the men’s feet. In a city which keeps horses and where the ground is fit for their use, rounds should be made on

horseback in winter; for in the cold and mud of the long nights they will be sooner over in this way. punxi

24 παρασύνθημα M:

πγονόντοσ M : corr. Ca

corr. Ca

corr. Ca

27 ἀπὸ δείπνου ὄντες] οτιοδει-

29 4 καὶ Μ: corr. Ca

33 πηλοῖς] δηλοισ M: corr, Orelli,

31 ποδῶν] Show M:

XXVI

2

3

4

64

AINEIOY

περιοδεύωσιν, ὥστε

Twas

μὲν els τὰ ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἐπισκο-

6 πεῖσθαι, τινὰς δὲ τὰ ἔσω, ἔχειν

δὲ καὶ περιοδεύοντας

λίθους

ἐν

ταῖς σκοτειναῖς νυξὶ καὶ βάλλειν ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην εἰς τὸ ἔξω μέρος τοῦ τείχους. οἷ δὲ οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσι τοῦτο διὰ τὰ προγεγραμ7 μένα. ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ὄντων ἀλλήλοις χρὴ [δὲ] τὰς περιοδείας εἶναι κάτω τοῦ τείχους, καὶ μὴ ἀναβαίνειν τοὺς περιόδους πλὴν τῶν φυλάκων. καὶ ἐὰν στράτευμα κεκακοπαθήκῃ μάχῃ λειφθέν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἀποβαλεῖν ἢ (ex) τραυμάτων ἢ συμμάχων ἀποστάσει, ἢ δ ἄλλο τι σύμπτωμα ἀθυμῇ καὶ τεταπεινωμένον ἡ, ἐπικίνδυνά τε ἢ πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, χρὴ τὰ προγεγραμμένα 8 κατὰ τὰς φυλακὰς πράσσειν. καὶ τοὺς περιόδους ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις καιροῖς πυκνάς τε χρὴ περιοδεύειν καὶ ov δεῖ προθυμεῖσθαι ἐν

10

ταῖς περιοδείαις εὑρίσκειν τινὰς τῶν προφυλασσόντων ἀἄμελεστέρως διακειμένους διὰ ὕπνον ἢ κάματον" οὐ γὰρ συμφέρει οὕτω διακείμενον τὸ στράτευμα ἔτι ἀθυμότερον καθιστάναι (εἰκὸς δὲ

ὅταν εὑρεθῇ αἰσχρόν τι ποιῶν ἀθυμεῖν), ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πρὸς 9 θεραπείαν τε καὶ ἀνάληψιν αὐτῶν τραπέσθαι. καὶ περιόδους ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις καιροῖς ἐκ πλείονος χωρίου καταδήλους εἶναι προσιόντας τοῖς φύλαξι φωνοῦντάς τι πόρρωθεν, ὅπως ἂν ἐγερθῇ ἐὰν καθεύδῃ ὁ προφύλαξ καὶ παρασκευάσηται ἀποκρίνεσθαι τὸ

20

τὸ ἐρωτώμενον, ἄριστον δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις καιροῖς ἐπιμελῶς ἑκάστην περιοδεύειν μετὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀπολέκτων

ἀνδρῶν, ὑπεναντίως δὲ τούτοις διακειμένον στρατεύματος ἐπι11 σπερχεστέρως τοὺς φύλακας ἐξετάζειν. ἐφοδεύειν τε τὸν στρατηγὸν μηδέποτε τὴν αὐτὴν ὥραν ἀλλὰ ἰδίᾳ λαμβάνοντα, ἵνα μὴ 28 προϊδόντες σαφῶς ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τὴν ἄφιξιν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ

οἱ στρατιῶται ταύτην [Ταὐτην] μάλιστα τὴν ὥραν φυλάσσωσιν. 12 ἀποδέχονται δέ τινες καὶ τόδε ἐπαγγελλομένων τινῶν καὶ κελευόντων. τὸν πολίταρχον, ἐὰν μὴ θέλῃ περιοδεύειν dia φόβον τινὰ ἢ ἀρρωστίαν, θέλῃ δὲ εἰδέναι τὸν μὴ φυλάσσοντα καθ᾽ 18 ἑκάστην φυλακήν, τάδε ποιεῖν χρή: λαμπτῆραϊς) εἶναι προσυγκεί-

μενον πᾶσι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει φύλαξιν καὶ πρὸς ὃν πάντες ἀνταζἱροῦσιν οἱ προφύλακες" ἀειρέσθω δὲ ἐκ τόπου ὅθεν πάντες 14 ὄψονται οἱ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους φύλακες. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ὑπάρχῃ 4 1 ante ὥστε lacunam indicat Schoene δεῖ [καὶ]

lacunam

corr Ca add. Ca

4M:

Herm.

Meineke

& ante

χρὴ spatium

indicare putat Schoene

εἰς del. He vacuum

[δὲ] del. Tu

2 τὰ ἔσω͵ ἔχειν in M

T κεκακοπάθηκεν M : corr. Tu ληφθὲν M: 8 ἀθυμεῖ M: corr.Ca τεταπεινωμένον AM:

corr, Ca

Schoene

11 τὰσ περιόδονσ M; corr, Tu

: ἑκάστοτε He

arodexte» M : corr. Ca

trium litt,, quod

6 rao περιόδουσ M : corr. Ca corr. Ca

8 (éx) 10 τε

22 ἕκαστον M : corr. 33

ὑπενμαντίοισ

39

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

If men are going out is being kept on nights have stones ground outside the

(XXVI)

65

their rounds on the wall as well, so that a look- 5 both sides of it, those on duty should on dark 6 to throw down one after another on to the walls; though some object to this, for the

reasons I have given above.

When there is fear of treachery, the 7

rounds should be made under the wall, and no one allowed on the top except the sentinels.

If the army is in a bad state owing to a reverse in the field, or to

heavy loss from casualties or desertion by allies, or is disheartened and humiliated by any other mishap, and the presence of the enemy

is a continual menace, the arrangement of the watches mentioned above should be carried out, At these times the rounds should 8 be made frequently, but you should not be too anxious on the rounds to detect patrols who are asleep at their posts or too worn out to keep proper guard ; for it is unwise to depress still further an army in this condition, and a man is sure to lose heart if he is caught neglecting his duty: you should rather set about attending to their wants

and restoring their moral.

At such times the approach

of 9

rounds should be indicated from a greater distance by speaking loudly some way off, so that if the sentinel is asleep he may wake up and

prepare

himself to answer

the challenge.

It is best under 10

such circumstances for the general in person to make each round carefully with his own regular bodyguard. On the other hand, when your force is over confident, the super-

vision of the guards must be stricter. The general should never 11 keep to the same time for his rounds, but choose his own time, to

prevent the soldiers’ knowing long beforehand the moment at which their general will arrive, and keeping especially careful watch at

that hour.

Some adopt the following plan, which certain people 12

suggest and recommend. In case the governor of the city, from fear of danger or ill-health, is reluctant to make the rounds in person, but nevertheless wishes to discover which men in any watch are neglecting their duty, he may do as follows, A lantern-signal may 13 be pre-arranged with all the guards on the wall: and all patrols must

answer this signal by raising their own lanterns.

This signal should

be made at a spot from which all on duty on the wall will be able to see it; if there is no such place, a raised platform must be con- 14 M: 26

corr, Ca προειδότες Tu

25 ἀλλὰ ἰδίᾳ λαμβάνοντα] 27 ταύτην Ταύτην M

88 ἀνταίρουσιν M: corr. Meineke 3889

F

ἀλλ᾽ det διαλλάσσοντα Haupt 81 λαμπτῆρας M: corr. He

66

AINEIOT

τοιοῦτος τόπος, παρασκευασθήτω ἔκ τινων ὕψος ὡς μέγιστον. ἔπειτα ἀπὸ τούτου αἰρέσθω λαμπτήρ, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον ἀνταίρεσθαι τοὺς ἄλλους καθ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστου φυλακείου, ἔπειτα

ἀριθμεῖσθαι, καὶ οὕτως εἰδέναι εἰ πάντες ἦραν ol προφύλακες ἢ ἐκλείπει Tis τῶν φυλάκων.

5 [πανεϊων]

ΧΧΥΝῚΣ

Τοὺς

δὲ περὶ

φόβους

πόλιν ἢ στρατόπεδα

γενομένους

νυκτὸς

ἢ

μεθ᾽

ἐξαίφνης ἡμέραν,

θορύβους

ἅπερ

καὶ

ὑπό

τινων

καλεῖται πάνεια (ἔστιν δὲ τὸ ὄνομα Πελοπον(ν)ήσιον καὶ μάλιστα ᾿Αρκαδικόν), ταῦτ᾽ οὖν τινες κελεύουσι, καταπαύειν θέλοντες αὐτά, 10 2 προσυγκεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει σημεῖα, ἃ ἰδόντες γνώσονται, # . 3 ¥ ΄“ f ‘ αἰσθήσονται δὲ ὅτι ἔστιν πάνειον' ἔστω δὲ [αἰσθήσονται] πυρός ra

u

.

7

-

[4

[4

TL προσυγκείμενον ἐπὶ χώρου εὐκατόπτου πᾶσιν εἰς δύναμιν τοῖς 8 ἐν τῇ πόλει. ἄριστον δὲ προπαρηγγέλθαι, καθ᾽ οὖς ἂν τῶν στρατιωτῶν γένηται φόβος, κατὰ χώραν τε ἠρεμεῖν παιᾶνα, 4 πλησίον

ἢ λέγειν ὅτι εἴη πάνειον i ? παραγγέλλειν. καθ᾽ οὖς

ἕω

ἀντιπαιανίζωσιν,

εἰδέναι

3

δ᾽

al

ἔστω

᾿

κατὰ

r

δέ τι ὁ στρατηγὸς4 τοῦτο

καὶ τὸν Pad ἂν τοῦ

ἡ,

τούτους

,μ

τὸν

᾿

γνωστὸν

ὅτι

εἴη

*

φόβον

*

φοβερὸνἈ αἴσθηται,

καὶ ἀναβοᾶν 15

ἀκούοντα ἀεὶ a στρατεύματος

bl

ὄντα.

Ld

τὸ

ws

μάχης

γενομένης καὶ νικηθέντων ὡς τὰ πολλὰ γίνονται φόβοι, 5 μὲν καὶ ἡμέρας, καὶ νυκτὸς δὲ καὶ “

,

3

f

4

Ἀ

πάνυ.

ὥστε [14

~

# σημαίνειν

πολεμι(κ)όν.

4

τῷ ™ μὴ

ἐὰν

¥

τῇEn σἀλπιγγι

\

δὲ 20

ἐνίοτε

οὖν ἧσσόν *

.

ne

τις]

F

τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι, χρὴ els τὴν νύκτα παρηγγέλθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις πᾶσι κατὰ τὰ ὅπλα εἶναι ὡς μάλιστα, ὡς ἐσόμενόν τι περὶ 6 αὐτούς, προειδότας οὖν εἰκός ἐστι, ἐάν τι γίνηται, μὴ ἀπροσδο- 25 i en) δ᾽ αὶ # F κήτοις προσπεσεῖν, μηδὲ u ὑπὸ φόβων ἐξαπιναίων ταράσσεσθαι καὶ Η 7 ἀπόλλυσθαι. Ἑῤφράτας δέ, ὁ Λακώνων ἁρμοστὴς ἐπὶ Θράκης, 4 m 5 en i * f ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ πυκνὰ ἐγίνοντο ἐν τῷ στρατεύματι τὰς νύκτας φόβοι,

καὶ οὐκ ἠδύναντο ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ παῦσαι, τοιόνδε παρήγγειλεν 8 νύκτα.

ὅταν

τις

θόρυβος

γίνηται,

ἀνακαθίζειν

αὐτοὺς

mpos τὰ ὅπλα ἐν τῇ εὐνῇ, ἀνίστασθαι δὲ μηδένα ὀρθόν'

εἰς

εὐθὺς 30

ἂν δέ τιν

ἴδῃ τινὰ ὀρθόν, παρήγγειλεν ἐν πᾶσιν, ὥσπερ πολεμίῳ τῷ ἐπανα-

g στάντι χρῆσθαι. Θ ‘fortasse Ca

{περὶ}

διὰ γὰρ τὸν φόβον τοῦ παραγγελθέντος οὐδένα πανείων ’ Schoene

10 (#pds) ταῦτ᾽ Herm.

Schoene

Θ πελοπονήσιον καταπάνειν

11 σημεῖα 8 ἰδόντεσ M: corr. Haase quod videtur hinc in proximam sententiam γνώσονται ad supplendum sensum

σονται] del. Haase: vide supra

M:

M:

corr,

corr. Ca

ex C

12 αἰσθήσονται scripsi, falso translatum esse, et

postea additum:

yrioorra:

M

13 ἐκκατόπτον M : corr, Tu,

[αἰσϑή-

16 τὸν

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΊΚΑ

(XXVI, XXVII)

structed somehow, as high as is practicable. should be raised, the signal. The discover whether whether there are

67

From this a lantern

and every man at each post must acknowledge number should then be counted: hence you can all the patrols have acknowledged your signal, or any defaulters.

[Of panics] For dealing with sudden alarms or attacks of terror occurring by XXVII day or night in the city or camps, sometimes called panics (a Peloponnesian word, especially common in Arcadia}, the following

measures have been recommended.

Signals should be pre-arranged 2

which the troops in the city will recognize, and perceive that a panic has occurred;

there should also be a beacon-fire,

in accordance

with a pre-concerted plan, on a spot visible, as far as may be, from all quarters of the city. It is best to have issued orders in advance 3 that wherever the alarm takes place, all troops are to remain at their posts and raise a paean, or pass the word round from man to man that it is only a panic. If in any part of the force the paean 4 is not raised in answer, you may assume that the panic has

occurred there, If the genera! sees some real ground for apprehension, the bugle should be sounded: this should be the recognized alarm-signal. Panics generally take place after a defeat in battle, occasionally in the day-time, at night frequently. To prevent their occurring so 5

often, all the troops should have orders for the night to remain by their arms as far as possible, in readiness for emergencies: this warning 6 will probably prevent them, when emergency does arise, from being taken by surprise and thrown into confusion by a sudden panic, with disastrous results. Euphratas, the Spartan governor in Thrace, finding night alarms 7 of very frequent occurrence in his army, and being unable to stop them in any other way, issued the following orders for the night.

In the event of an alarm, the men were to sit up at once on their 8 beds and reach for their arms, but no one was to stand up. Anyone standing upright he publicly ordered them to treat as an enemy.

Everyone, he thought, would take care to remember this order from 9 πλησίον Μ: corr.CaexC μιὸον Μ : corr, Schoene

18 ἀντιπαιανέζουσιν M: corr. Meier 20 πολέ22 ηδόοντισ M (supra oo nota, quae quid signi-

ficet non apparet) : corr. Caex

C

32 τῷ ἐξαναστάντι Meier F 2

68

AINEIOT

gero

ἂν

ἀμνημονήσειν.

πρὸς

δὲ

τούτοις, ὅπως

ἀληθὲς

τὸ

παράγγελμα μετὰ φόβον 7, γενομένου τινὸς θορύβου ἐπλήγη τις τῶν σπουδαιοτέρων ἀνδρῶν οὐχὶ θανατηφόρον, τῶν δὲ φαύλων 10 τινὰ ὥστε καὶ ἀποθανεῖν. συμβάντος δὲ τούτου ὑπήκουσάν τε ol ἄνθρωποι καὶ εὐλαβούμενοι ἐπαύσαντο τῶν τε θορύβων καὶ τοῦ 5

Il περιδεῶς ἐξανίστασθαι ἐκ τῶν κοιτῶν. ἐπαύθη δὲ καὶ τοιῷδε τρόπῳ. στρατοπέδῳ θορυβουμένῳ νυκτὸς κηρύξας σιγὴζν) ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνήγγειλεν τὸν μηνύσαντα τὸν ἀφ[εθὶέντα (τὸν) ἵππον dr 12 ὃν καὶ θορυβηθῆναι. χρὴ δ᾽, ἄν τι τοιοῦτον ἐν ταῖς νυξὶ πάσχῃ͵ στράτευμα, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην φυλακὴν καθεστάναι ἑκάστον λόχου ἢ τὸ τάξεως ἐπὶ τοῖς κέρασι καὶ τοῖς μέσοις ἄνδρας οἱ προσέξουσιν ὅπως ἐάν τινα αἰσθάνωνται ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνον ἢ Aus) ἀρχόμενον 13 θορυβεῖν,

εὐθὺ

ἄλλον

πλήθους

ὅπως,

ἐάν

τις

παρὼν

καθέξει

ἀπὸ

συσσιτίου

φόβος

γένηται,

καὶ

κωλύσει

ἑκάστου οὗτοι

δὴ

αὐτίκα.

ἄνδρα

τοῦ

δὲ

παραφυλάσσειν,

εἰδότες

τοὺς

ματαίους 15

φόβους καταπαύσωσι τοὺς παρ᾽ αὑτῷ ἕκαστος. 14 αὐτὸν δὲ θορυβεῖν νυκτὸς τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στράτευμα δαμάλεις

τὰς ἀγελαίας μετὰ κωδώνων ἀφιέντα εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἄλλα ὑποὔγια,

οἶνον ποτίσαντα.

[ἔγερσις) 15

20

Γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας μὴ τοὺς φύλακας εὐθὺ ἀφιέναι ἐκ τῶν φυλακείων πρὶν ἣ τὰ ἔξω προερευνηϑέντα ἐμφανισθῆναι καθαρὰ εἶναι πολεμίων’ καὶ οὕτω ἀπιέναι τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν φυλακῶν μὴ Epa) πάντας ἀλλὰ κατὰ μέρη, ὅπως ἀεί τινες ἐπὶ τοῖς φυλακείοις διατελῶσιν,

28

[πυλωρικα] XXVIII

πΠρονοεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τάδε ἐν φόβῳ οὔσης πόλεως.

πύλας τὰς

μὲν ἄλλας κεκλεῖσθαι, μίαν δὲ ἀνεῷχθαι ἧ ἂν δυσπροσοδώτατον ἢ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν μέλλωσιν ὁρᾶσθαι οὗ 2 προσιόντες, καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ ἐκτομάδα, ἵνα σώματα μὲν ἀνθρώπων 30 cum xxviii. 1-4 cf. J. Afr. 40.

1 ἂν ἄς], Hn

I GavarnpépasC M:

corr.

καὶ Ca:

nulli

Ca

Share M:

ἀληθῶς He

2 7, γενομένου) ἡγεμόνοσ M: corr. Tu

4 τινὰ] τινὲς Ca

5 εὐλαβουμένον Νῖ : corr. Ca

8 ἀφεθέντα

M:

alii alia

8 post ϑορυβηϑῆναι

11 ἀν dpa σοι προσέξωσιν

corr.

M:

Ca

{τὸν} add.

lacunam

corr, Haase

Ca

indicant

7 σιγῆ δι᾽ dy

non

12 ἄλλῳ M:

TIOAIOPKHTIKA fear of the consequences.

(XXVII, XXVIII)

69

And to show that he really meant what

he said, when a panic did occur, one of his best men was struck down, though not killed, and some of the less valuable men actually lost their lives. After this the men obeyed orders, and took care to 10 have no more panics, and never again to leave their beds in a fright. Another way of stopping a panic was this. While the camp was 11

in an uproar one night, the herald called for silence and made the proclamation : ‘Whosoever reports the person who let loose the horse which has caused this commotion .. . .’ If an army is subject to this sort of thing at night, men of each τὰ company or regiment should in each watch be posted on the flanks and in the centre, so that if anyone is seen waking in a fright or otherwise beginning to make a disturbance, one of them will be

immediately at hand to check and restrain him. each out You your into

mess in the rest of the for groundless alarms yourself should alarm heifers or other beasts the enemy's camp with

One man from 18

army should also be on guard to look and check panics in his own section. the enemy’s forces at night by giving 14 wine to drink, and then driving them bells round their necks.

[Reveille] When day dawns, the guards should not be dismissed from their 15 posts until the ground outside has been thoroughly explored, and is known to be clear of hostile troops: the guards may then be dismissed, not all at once but by detachments, to ensure there being always a certain number of men on duty.

[On gate-kecping] The following precautions, too, should be taken in a city which XXVI)

is afraid of attack. All gates should be kept shut except one, which should be in the part of the city most difficult of access, and so situated that anyone approaching it will be visible a long way off. Even here only 2 corr. Tu Schoene

17 νοσῖοσ

18 ποτίσασ Schoene Schoene

ἐρχόμενον M: corr. Hn 13 ‘fortasse (4) παρὼν Herm. 18 οὗτοι δὲ M: corr. Schoene 18 ἀντῷ M: corr. Tu

τὸ M:

corr, Kirchhoff

Μ΄: corr. Tu

18 ἀφιέντεσ M: corr. Sauppe

21 μὴ scripsi:

xp} M:

χρὴ τοὺς φ. (μὴ)

22 ἐμφανισθῇ καὶ Μ΄: corr. Hn 23 φυλάκων M: corr. μὴ äravraa M: corr. Meineke 29 μελλουσιν M : corr, Meier

7ο

AINEIOTYT

κατὰ τὴν ἐκτομάδα πυλίδα ἐξίῃ καὶ εἰσίη καθ᾽ ἕνα’ οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ἥκιστά τις λανθάνοι αὐτομολῶν ἣ κατάσκοπος εἰσιών, ἐάνπερ γε

8 ἦ ὁ πυλωρὸς νοερός. (πᾶσαν) δὲ ἀνοίγεσθαι ὑποζυγίων ἕνεκεν καὶ ἁμαξῶν καὶ ἀγωγίμων ἐπισφα(λῶς. καὶ ἐάν τι δέῃ εἶσενέγκασθαι σίτου ἢ ἐλαίου ἢ οἴνου ἐν τάχει H τῶν ὁμοτρόπων τούτοις,

ἁμάξαις

ἢ

σωμάτων

πλήθει,

ταῦτα

δὲ χρὴ

κατὰ

τὰς

ἐγγυτάτας πύλας κο[ι]μίζειν καὶ (προεξιόντος τῶν πυλῶν στρατεύἃ ματος"

οὕτω ὃδ)ὲ ἂν τάχιστα καὶ ῥῆστα εἰσκομισθείη.

τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον

μὴ ἀνοίγεσθαι πρωὶ πύλας ἀπροσκέπτως ἀλλ᾽ ὀψιαίτερον, ἔξω τε μηθέν[τ]α ἀφίεσθαι πρὶν ἢ ἐξερευνῆσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν" ἔτι τε μηδὲ πλοῖα κατὰ ταύτας ὁρμίζεσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἀπωτέρω, ὡς ἤδη γε καὶ ἡμέρας πολλαὶ πράξεις ἀνοιχθεισῶν ἀμφοτέρων πυλῶν γεγόνασιν ἐπὶ τεχνασμάτων καὶ προφάσεων τοιῶνδε, ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἔργον πολλὰ 5 παραπλησίως τούτῳ πραχθέντα. Πύθων μὲν ὁ Κλαζομένιος, καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει

τινῶν

συνεθελόντων,

τηρήσας

τελέως

τὸ

ἡσυχαίτατον τῆς ἡμέρας, ἁμάξαις ἐκ παρασκευῆς πίθους εἶσαγούσαις κατέλαβε Κλαζομενὰς (μενουσῶν) ἐν ταῖς πύλαις τῶν ἁμαξῶν, καθ᾽ &s, ξένων προϊπαρχόντων κρυφαίως οὗ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως, τοὺς μὲν τῶν πολιτῶν λαθόντες, τοὺς δὲ φθάσαντες, τινὰς δὲ τῶν ἔσω συνεργοὺς ἔχοντες κατέσχον τὴν πόλιν. 6 ᾿Ιφιάδης τε ᾿Αβυδηνὸς κατὰ “Ελλήσποντον καταλαμβάνων Πάριον ἄλλα τε περὶ τὴν ἀνάβασιν νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους λάθρᾳ παρεσκευάσατο καὶ ἁμάξας πληρώσας φρυγάνων καὶ βάτων παρέπεμψεν πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ἤδη τῶν πυλῶν κεκλεισμένων, ὡς τῶν Παριανῶν

10

15

30

οὔσας τὰς ἁμάξας. ἔτι ἐγγὺς ἐλθοῦσαι πρὸς τὰς πύλας ηὐλίζοντο, 35 7 ὡς φοβούμεναι πολεμίους. ἃς ἔδει ἐν καιρῷ τινι ὑφαφθῆναι, ἵνα

αἱ πύλαι

ὁρμησάντων

ἐμπρησθῶσι

καὶ πρὸς

τὸ

σβεννύειν

τῶν

Παριανῶν

αὐτὸς κατὰ ἄλλον τόπον εἰσέλθῃ.

Δοκεῖ δέ μοι συναγαγόντι δηλωτέον εἶναι ἃ δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι καὶ ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα, ἵνα τις μηδὲν εὐήθως ἀποδέχηται, 2 λανθάνῃ M: corr. Meier 3 vonpds M: corr. Tu (nagar) add. Schoene 4 émopalréss] émopa M in fine versus, ‘ubi comparent vestigia

sequentis litterae, nisi fallor σ᾽ (Schoene}: ἐπίσφας AB: corr. Ca Θ πλήθει] πάθη M: corr. Ca ex J. Afr. 49 T κοιμίζειν M: corr, Ca ex C

καὶ ἐὰν τάχιστα M: lacunam indicavit He, quam supplevi coll, J. Afr. 49, ubi additum wpoefsörros στρατεύματος 10 μηθϑέντα M: corr. B (manus rec.)

et C

ἐξερεννῆσαι Schoene:

ἐξερευνήσῃ Μ΄: ἐξερευνηθῇ Orelli

11 μήτε M:

corr, He κατὰ ravras] κατ᾽ αὐτὰς He ex J. Afr. 49 12 ἡμέραι M: corr. Gronovius 16 ἡσυχότατον M: corr. He 17 {μενουσῶν) add. Ca

22 παρασκενάσατο M 26 ἔτι] εἶτα Meineke corr. Ca εἶναι ἃ scripsi: ἕνα M: (r)iva Haase corr. Haase

28 owayayırra M; δὴ φυλάσσησθε :

20

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ (ΧΧΥΠῚ

yı

the wicket gate should remain open, so that men have to pass in or out one by one: in this way anyone seeking to desert or a spy seeking to gain entrance will have little chance of escaping detec-

tion—that is if the sentry at the gate has his wits about him. open

the whole gate for beasts of burden, carts, and

is dangerous.

If it is found

To3

merchandise

necessary to bring in without delay

corn, oil, wine, or similar articles in carts or with a number of carriers,

they must be taken in at the nearest gate (under the escort of a troop sent out to meet them): this will be the quickest and easiest way. Asarule, gates should not be opened incautiously early in 4 the day, but only later on, and

the city until the immediate explored.

no

one

should

neighbourhood

Again, boats must not come

be allowed

to leave

has been thoroughly

to anchor in front of the

gates, but lie further off, since even in the day-time the opening of both gates has been the occasion for many successful attempts, aided by stratagems or pretexts which I will now illustrate ; for many similar ruses have been employed for this same object. Python of Clazomenae, who had accomplices in the city, waited 5 carefully for the quietest time of day, at which he had arranged for carts to bring in a load of wine-casks, and then seized Clazomenae while the carts were standing in the gateway; this enabled a force of mercenaries, waiting in concealment close at hand,

to make

their way

in and

capture

the

city, some

of the

citizens not knowing what was going on, and some being too late to prevent it, while others were accomplices in the plot, Again, Iphiades of Abydos was trying to take Parion on the 6 Hellespont. Besides making secret preparations for scaling the wall by night, he filled carts with faggots and brambles, and sent them up to the wall after the gates had been shut, as if they belonged to They actually came right up to the gates and bivouacked the town. there, pretending to be afraid of the enemy.

Thearrangement was 7

that the carts were to be set alight at a certain time so that the gates might catch fire; then, while the citizens were all intent on putting out the fire, Iphiades himself was to enter at another point. I have thought it best to collect these precepts to show the several precautions which should be taken at the various times, that no one may be too ready to accept anything without due examination,

AINEIOT

72

[ὅπλων λάθρᾳ XXIX

Περὶ

δὲ τῶν

εἰσκομιζομένων

εἰσκομιδή]) εἰς τὴν πόλιν

ἀγγείων

τε

καὶ

φορημάτων, ἐν οἷς ἄν τι κρυφαῖον (ἐνῇ, ᾧ) ἐνίοις ἤδη πόλις καὶ an ἀκρόπολις κατελήφθη, νῦν δηλωθήσεται. ἅπερ εὐλαβεῖσθαι

δεῖ καὶ μὴ ἀφροντίστως αὐτῶν ἔχειν, καὶ μάλιστα τὸν πυλωρὸν 5 ἔν τισι καιροῖς, ὅταν ἔξωθέν τι 7 ἔσωθεν φοβερὸν 7. ἔστιν δέ 8 οἱ προσεκτέον εἰσκομιζομένοις. ἐξοίσω δὲ καὶ παραδείγματος ἕνεκεν ἐπὶ πράξει γεγενημένα. κατελήφθη γὰρ πόλις, ἔσωθέν 4 τινων συνθελόντων, ἐν ἑορτῇ πανδήμῳ τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς προενδημήσασι ξένοις καὶ πολιτῶν τοῖς ἀνόπλοις τε καὶ τὸ συνεργοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον ἐσομένοις εἰσεκομίσθησαν θώρακες λίνεοι καὶ στολίδια καὶ περικεφαλαϊαζι) ὅπλα κνημῖδες μάχαιραι τόξα τοξεύματα ἐν κιβωτοῖς ὡς φορταγωγοῖς κατεσκευασμένα, ὡς 5 ἱματίων ἐνόντων καὶ ἄλλων ἀγωγίμων" ἅπερ οἱ ἐλλιμενισταὶ ἀνοίξαντες καὶ ἰδόντες ὡς ἱμάτια μόνον κατεσημήναντο, μέχρι 15

6 τιμήσονται οἱ εἰσαγαγόντες.

καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐτέθη

ἐγγὺς τῆς

ἀγορᾶς, ὅπου ἔδει" ἐν δὲ ταρσοῖς καὶ ῥίποις καὶ ἱστζίγοις ἡμιυφάντοις δοράτια καὶ ἀκόντια ἐνειλημένα εἰσηνέχθη, καὶ ἐτέθη ὅπου ἕκαστα συνέφερεν ἀνυπόπτως" ἐν δ᾽ ἄγγεσιν ἀχύρων καὶ ἐρίων πέλται καὶ μικρὰ ἀσπίδια ἐν τοῖς ἐρίοις καὶ ἀχύροις 20 κεκρυμμένα, καὶ ἄλλα εὐογκότερα ἐν σαργάναις ἀσταφίδος καὶ σύκων πλήρεσιν, ἐγχειρίδια δὲ ἐν ἀμφορεῦσι πυρῶν καὶ ἰσχάδων ἡ καὶ ἐλαιῶν, εἰσηνέχθη δὲ ἐγχειρίδια καὶ ἐν σικυοῖς πέποσι γυμνά, ἀπεωσμένα κατὰ τοὺς πυθμένας εἰς τὸ σπέρμα τῶν σικνῶν.

ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιβουλεύων τε καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἔξωθεν

εἰσηνέχθη

ἐν a5

8 φρυγάνων φορήματι. νυκτὸς δὲ γενομένης καὶ ἀθροισθέντων τῶν ἐπιθησομένων, ἕκαστος ὃν ἔδει τηρήσαντες καιρόν, ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα οἰνωμένοι ἦσαν οἱ ἄλλοι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν of(a) δὴ ἐν ἑορτῇ, πρῶτον μὲν τὸ φόρημα ἐλύθη, καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁ ἡγεμὼν ἔτοιμος ἦν" ἔπειτα ἄλλοι μὲν αὐτῶν τοὺς ταρσοὺς ἐξεζζλισσον 30

πρὸς τὰς λήψεις τῶν δοράτων καὶ ἀκοντίων, ἕτεροι δὲ τὰ ἄγγη τῶν ἀχύρων καὶ ἐρίων, ot δὲ τὰς σαργάνας ἀνέτεμον, ἄλλοι δὲ τὰς κιβωτοὺς ἀνοίγοντες τὰ ὅπλα ἐξήρουν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς ἀμφορέας 9 συνέτριβον, ἵνα ταχεῖα ἡ λῆψις τῶν ἐγχειριδίων γένοιτο. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα καὶ οὐ πόρρω ὄντα ἀλλήλων ἐπορσύνετο ἀπὸ σημείου 35 cum xxix. r-1o cf, J, Afr. 50 3 ενοισάντι xpupaov évios M:

corr. Tu et {ἐνῇ @) add.

10

τοῖς προ,

ἐένοις ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον M : ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον post συνεργοῖς transposui coll. J. Afr. so

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(XXIX)

73

(The smuggling of arms) I will now deal with the bringing into the city of vessels and XXIX freights in which articles are hidden out of sight; for cities and

their citadels have been captured by this means before now.

In 2

this matter the closest and most careful supervision must be exercised, especially by the sentinel at the gates, at times when attacks are feared either from without or within; and he must pay special attention to goods coming in. I will give as an example 3 a trick once put into practice, which, with the assistance of traitors,

resulted in the capture of a city during a public festival. The first step was to bring in arms for the use of the foreigners 4 already resident and of those citizens in the plot who did not already possess them: so linen cuirasses, jerkins, helmets, shields, greaves, daggers, bows, and arrows were packed up in transportcases apparently containing garments and other merchandise, which the customs-officials opened, inspected, and sealed up as 5 containing nothing but garments, until the valuation was forthcoming from the importers. The cases were then stored in the 6 Proper place near the market, while small spears and javelins

were brought in wrapped in wicker-work, crates, and half-woven sails, and quietly placed in convenient positions; bucklers and small

shields were hidden among the contents of vessels full of chaff and wool, other less bulky articles in baskets full of raisins and figs, daggers in jars of wheat, dried figs, and olives; more daggers, 7 without sheaths, were smuggled in inside ripe pumpkins, pushed in at the bottom into the seed of the pumpkins. The ringleader of the plot was carried into the city in a load of firewood. At night 8 the conspirators mustered for the attack, each waiting for the appointed time, when the rest of the inhabitants were about the streets full of wine, as usually happens on a feast day. First the load was untied, and their captain sprang out ready; then some unwound the wicker-work to get hold of the spears and javelins, others emptied the jars of chaff and wool, others cut open the baskets,

others

opened

the cases

and

took

out the arms,

while

others smashed up the jars, so as to get hold of the daggers quickly. All these preparations went forward at once and at no 9

11 λιναῖοι M: corr. Behrendt 18 κατεσκενασμέναις

He

20 ἀχύρεσ M: corr. Ca & δὲ M: corr, Schenkl M:

corr, Meineke

18. περικεφαλαῖα M : περικεφαλαίας J. Afr. 50 14 ἅσπερ

He

17 ἱστοῖσ

24 dwew ὦ eva M: corr, Ca 30 ἐξέλισσον M: corr, Meineke 83 ἀνέτεμίνγον He

M:

corr.

Tu

28 ol(a) δὴ] 81 ἕτερος

74

!

AINEIOY

ὁπλισθέντες δ᾽ 10 Tov ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ ὡς φάλαγξι γενομένου. ἕκαστοι τοῖς προσήκουσιν» ὅπλοις οἱ μέν τινες αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πύργους ὥρμησαν καταλαβεῖν καὶ πύλας, καθ᾽ ἂς καὶ ἄλλους προσεδέχοντο, ot δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα καὶ τὰς ἐναντίας οἰκίας, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἄλλων τόπων εἴχοντο. Els δὲ ὁμοίας πράξεις τῶν εἰρημένων δεόμενοί τινες ἀσπίδων, 1ι

5

μαὴ

καὶ ἐν μὲν 12 ὅπλα, olovov καὶ ἐργάτας ἅμα οὕτως εἰσηγάγοντο. τῷ φανερῷ ἄλλα ἀγγεῖα ἔπλεκον, ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶν ὅπλα, περικεφαλαίας καὶ ἀσπίδας, ἔπλεκον, αἷς ὄχανα περιετίθεσαν σκύτινα ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν προσορμιζοκαὶ ξύλινα, μένων πλοίων νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας οὗτε μεγάλων οὔτε μικρῶν (ἀγδιασκέπτως ἔχειν, ἀλλὰ ἐμβαίνοντας τοὺς λιμενοφύλακάς τε καὶ ἀποστολέας ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀγώγιμα, ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι καὶ Σικυώνιοι ἀμελήσαντες τῶν τοιούτων μεγάλα ἐσφόλησαν.

ει

ἐπεὶ οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ ἐδύναντο ἑτοιμάσασθαι οὐδὲ εἰσαγαγέσθαι

[περὶ ὅπλων εἰσαγωγῆς) XXX

Hpovoety δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ πράσει εἰσαγόμενα καὶ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκτιθέμενα ὅπλα

τά

τε ἐπὶ τῶν

καπηλείων

καὶ

παντοπωλείων,

(Sv) ἀθροισθέντων πλῆθός τι γένοιτ᾽ ἄν, ὅπως μηθενὶ ἕτοιμα 7 α τῶν βουλομένων νεωτερίζειν" εὔηθες γὰρ τῶν μὲν ἀφικνουμένων

20

ἀνδρῶν παραιρεῖσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ ταῖς συνοικίαις

ἀθρόα ὑπάρχειν σωράκους τε ἀσπιδίων καὶ ἐγχειριδίων κιβώτια, διὸ δεῖ τὰ εἰσαφικνούμενά τε καὶ ἠθροισμένα ὅπλα μὴ ἐκφέρεσθαί τε εἰς τὴν

ἀγορὰν

δείγματος τὸ ἄλλο κρίνειν.

καὶ

νυκτερεύειν

ἂν

τύχῃ,

ἀλλὰ

πλὴν

πλῆθος (mplv) ἐκτίθοιτό τις, εἶναι δημοσίᾳ

[περὶ ἐπιστολῶν XXXI

ὅπου

Kpudaiar |

Περὶ δὲ ἐπιστολῶν κρυφαίων παντοῖαι μέν

εἶσιν αἱ πέμψεις,

προσυγκεῖσθαι δὲ τῷ πέμψοντι καὶ δεχομένῳ ἰδίᾳ" αἱ δὲ λανθά2vovoot μάλιστα τοιαίδε ἂν elev. ἐπέμφθη ἐπιστολῆ ὧδε. εἰς cum xxix. τῷ σῇ J. Afr. 49 1 τοῦ M: corr. Tu

B (manus rec.) et C (mANdos) οἰσυίων Sauppe

18

γινόμενον M: corr, Schoene

ὁπλισθένται M:

corr,

4 ἐναντίων Ca 8 ofovor Schoene: acoaw M : 10 τπροσετίθεσαν Meineke guava M: corr.

Ca 13 ἀδιασκέπτωνς J. Afr. 49: διασκέπτωσ ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς J. Afr. 40: εἰδέναι ἀντοῖσ M

M:

δεῖ ἀσκέπτως Tu ἐνθυμουμένονς J. Afr.

14 49:

30

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(XXIX-XXXT)

great distance from each other on a signal

for battle array.

given

75 in the city, as if

Then, when each man had found his proper 10

arms, some rushed off to seize the towers and gates, where more of their number were let in; others made for the town-hall and

houses opposite, while the rest occupied various points of vantage, On similar occasions men in want of shields, and unable to 11 provide them in any other way or to convey amms into the city, had recourse

who

to importing

osiers and with them workers in osier,

plaited other articles in the day-time, but at nights worked 12

wicker armour, consisting of helmets

and shields, to the rims of

which they fixed handles of leather and wood. Moreover,

you

should

keep

a sharp

look-out

on

boats,

both

large and small, which take up moorings near by, either by day or

at night: the harbour-officials and dockyard-superintendents should go on board and inspect the cargoes in person, bearing in mind that the Sicyonians for instance suffered a great disaster from neglect of these precautions.

[Of the importation of arms) Precautions must be taken, too, in regard to arms imported for XXX sale or displayed in the market-place, or in the shops and stores: these if collected might make a large pile, and so they must be placed beyond the reach of intending traitors. It would be very 2 foolish to make everyone who enters the city give up his arms, while you let quantities of them, boxes full of shields and chests full of daggers, lie ready to hand in the market or in lodginghouses,

Imported

arms,

therefore,

which

should not be exposed

in the market-place

wherever

to be placed:

they happen

have

been

collected

or left for the night

with

the exception of a

sample, official permission should be required before a consignment is displayed.

[Of secret messages] As regards secret messages, there are all sorts of ways of sending XXXI them: a private arrangement should be made beforehand between the sender and the recipient.

I will give some of the most suc-

cessful methods. εὐθυμουμένουσ

M

32 avpaxove M:

M: corr. Schenkl

19 (av)

corr, Ca

add.

Ca

γένοιτο

M:

corr.

25 (πρὶν) add. Herm. Schoene

29 πέμψαντι M: corr. Schocne

Schenkl

δημοσίᾳ

76

AINEIOY

φορτία ἢ ἄλλα σκεύη ἐνεβλήθη βυβλίον ἢ ἄλλο ri γράμίμ)α τὸ τυχὸν καὶ μεγέθει καὶ παλαιότητιΞς. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γέγραπται ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐπιστι( μένων γραμμάτων (ἢ τοῦ πρώτου orlyov) 7 δευ-

τέρου ἢ τρίτου, ἐπιστιγμαῖς δὲ ἐλαχίσταις καὶ ἀδηλοτάταις πλὴν τῷ πεμπομένῳ. εἶτα ἀφικομένου τοῦ βυβλίον παρ᾽ ὃν δεῖ, ἐξεγράφετο [καὶ] τὰ ἐπισεσημασμένα γράμματα, {καὶ τιθεὶς ἐφεξῆς τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πρώτου

στίχου

καὶ δευτέρου

καὶ τὰ ἄλλα

ὡσαύτως,

8 ἐγνώριζε τὰ ἐπισταλέντα. ὀλίγα δ᾽ ἄν τις θέλων ἐπιστεῖλαι καὶ ὧδε ποιήσαι, παρόμοιον τούτῳ. ἐπιστολὴν γράψαντα περί rıvov φανερῶς ἐν πλείοσιν, ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐπιστολῇ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἐπισημαινόμενον γράμματα, di ὅτων ἐμφανιεῖς ὅπερ ἂν βούλ]λῃ. τὴν δὲ ἐπισημασίαν εἶναι ὡς ἀδηλοτάτην ἐπιστιγμαῖς διὰ πολλοῦ ἢ γραμμαῖς παραμήκεσιν. & τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις μηδεμίαν ὑπόνοιαν 4 ἕξει, τῷ δὲ πεμπομένῳ γνωστὴ ἔσται ἡ ἐπιστολή. (ἢ) πεμπέσθω ἀνὴρ ἀγγελίαν φέρων τινὰ ἢ καὶ ἐπιστολὴν περὶ ἄλλων φανερῶν' τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος πορεύεσθαι κρυφαίως αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ τῶν ὑποδη-

IO

15

μάτων πέλμα ἐντεθήτω εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ βυβλίον καὶ καταρραπτέσθω,

ga

5 6

1

πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πηλοὺς καὶ τὰ ὕδατα εἰς κασσίτερον (ἐλγηλασμένον λεπτὸν γραφέσθω πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἀφανίζεσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ὑδάτων τὰ γράμματα. ἀφικομένον δὲ map ὃν δεῖ, καὶ ἀναπαυομένον ἐν τῇ νυκτί, ἀναλυέτω τὰς ῥαφὰς τῶν ὑποδημάτων, καὶ ἐξελὼν καὶ ἀναγνούς, ἄλλα γράψας λάθρᾳ ἔτι καθεύδοντος καὶ ἐγκαταρράψας ἀποστελλέτω τὸν ἄνδρα, (ἀντ)επιστείλας καὶ δούς τι φέρεωῳ φανερῶς, οὕτως οὖν οὔτε ἄλλος οὔτε ὁ φέρων εἰδήσει" χρὴ δὲ τὰς ῥαφὰς τῶν ὑποδημάτων ὡς ἀδηλοτάτας ποιεῖν. εἰς Ἔφεσον δ᾽ εἰσεκομίσθη γράμματα τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. ἄνθρωπος ἐπέμφθη ἐπιστολὴν ἔχων φύλλοις γεγραμμένην, τὰ δὲ φύλλα ἐφ᾽ ἕλκει καταδεδεμένα ἦν ἐπὶ κνήμην. εἰσενεχθείη δ᾽ ἂν γραφὴ

καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν

8 ἐνειλημένην προδοσίας

προδιδόντος

γυναικῶν

λεπτοῖς μολιβδίνοις. εἰς

στρατόπεδον

ὧδε.

τῶν

ὠσὶν

ἐχούσαις

ἐκομίσθη

ἀντικαθημένον

ἐξιόντων

ἱππέων

πολέμιον

περὶ

ὑπὸ

τοῦ

πόλεως

εἰς

cum xxxi. 4-5 cf. J. Afr. 51

1 ypdyulusa| δράμα M : corr. Meineke 2 8 ἐγέγραπτο Hn 3 (ἢ rot πρώτου στίχου addidi: «τοῦ wp. στὸ Hu δ (öde Hn 6 ἐξεγράφετο καὶ τὰ ἐπ. yp. τιθεὶς Μ : καὶ transposui 8 γράψαα M: corr. Tu Il γράμματα δὲ ὅτε M: corr. Herm. Schoene ἐμφανῆ, ὥσπερ ἐν βούλλῃ M : eorr. Schoene: ἐμφανιεῖς ἅπερ ἂν 18 ἠλασμένον M: corr. Meineke

J. Afr, 51: corr, Tu

βούλῃ

dete re M: corr. Tu

Kirchhoff 23 ἀποστείλας

M:

45

ἀντ᾽ ἐνωτίων

δὲ ἐπιστολὴ ἐκ τῆς

ac

14 (ἢ) addidi ἀνταποστεῖλας

21 (ἐν) φύλλοις Ha:

φύλλοις

30

ΠΟΛΙΌΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ (XXXI)

17

A message was once sent in the following manner. A book or 2 some other document, of any size and age, was packed in a bundle or other baggage.

In this book

the message

was

written by the

process of marking certain letters of the first line, or the second or third, with tiny dots, practically invisible to all but the man to whom it was

sent:

then, when

the

book

recipient transcribed the dotted

reached

its destination,

the

letters, and placing together in

order those in the first line, and so on with the second line and the

rest, was able to read the message. Another similar way of sending just a short message is this. 3 Write an ordinary letter at some length on any subject, and employ the same device of marking letters, indicating by these whatever you wish. The marking should be made as inconspicuous as possible, either by placing the dots at long intervals, or by strokes of unusual length: in this way the message will be intelligible to the recipient, without arousing the suspicions of anyone else. Again, a man may be sent with a message or even a letter on 4 some other subject, not anything private, while a letter is secretly inserted between the sole and the lining of the messenger’s shoes before he starts, and sewn up. In case the road is wet and muddy, the message

should

be written on a thin sheet of tin to

prevent the letters from being obliterated by the water. When the messenger has reached his destination and is asleep at night, the person for whom the letter is intended must undo the stitches in his

shoes,

take

out the letter, read it, write a reply unobserved

while the man is still asleep, sew it up in the sole, and send him off, after giving him an answer to be delivered openly. In this 5 way neither the messenger nor anyone else will know

your secret:

only take care to make the stitches in his shoes as inconspicuous as possible, Again, a message was brought to Ephesus in the following way. 6 A man was sent with a letter written on leaves, the leaves being bound on a wound in his leg. Again, writing may be conveyed in women’s ears, wrapped in 7 thin pieces of lead worn instead of ear-rings. Again, a letter containing an offer of betrayal was once con- 8 veyed by the traitor into the enemy’s camp near at hand in the following manner. One of a troop setting out from the city for (ἐγγγεγραμμένην Meincke scripsi : ἐνειλημένοις M

29 ἔχουσιν Tu: ἐχουσῶν Ca 831 προσοδίας M: corr. Ca

80 ἐνειλημένην

4a

78

-

AINEIOT

προνομὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἑνὶ ἐγκατερράφη ὑπὸ τὰ πτερύγια τοῦ θώρακος βιβλίον. [ἐνὶ ᾧ ἐντέταλτο, ἐάν τις ἐπιφάνεια τῶν πολεμίων γένηται, πεσεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππον ὡς ἄκοντα καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι. καὶ γενομένου δ᾽ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀποδοθῆναι τὸ βυβλίον ὡς δεῖ. ὑπηρέτησεν δὲ ἱππεὺς ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφῷ. 9 ἄλλος δὲ ἱππέα ἐκπέμπων εἰς τὴν ἡνίαν τοῦ χαλινοῦ βυβλίον ἐνέρραψεν. ἐγένετο δὲ περὶ ἐπιστολὴν τοιόνδε. πόλεως γὰρ πολιορκουμένης ἐπεὶ παρῆλθεν ἔσω τῆς πόλεως ὁ κομίζων τὰς

ga

9 Ὁ

10

τι 12

18

ἐπιστολὰς τῷ μὲν προδιδόντι καὶ οἷς ἔφερεν οὐκ ἀποδίδωσιν, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῆς πόλεως ἦλθεν μηνύων καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τῷ ἐδίδουν. ὁ δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἐκέλευεν ταύτας μὲν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς οἷς ἔφερεν ἀποδοῦναι, τὰ δὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων, εἰ ἀληθές τι μηνύει, παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐνεγκεῖν" καὶ ὁ μηνύων ταῦτα ἔπραξεν. ὁ δὲ ἄρχων λαβὼν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ ἀνακαλεσάμενος τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τὰ σημεῖά τε ἐδείκνυεν τῶν δακτυλίων, ἅπερ ὡμολόγουν αὑτῶν εἶναι, 15 καὶ λύων τὰ βιβλία ἐδήλουν τὸ πρᾶγμα. τεχνικῶς δὲ δοκεῖ φωρᾶσαι, ὅτι τὰς πεμπομένας παρὰ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἀπέλαβεν" ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀρνηθῆναι καὶ φάσκειν ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι ὑπό τινος. τὰς δ᾽ ἀνταποστελλομένας λαβὼν ἀναντιλέκτως ἤλεγξεν. κομίζεται δὲ καὶ ὧδε. κύστιν ἰσομεγέθη ληκύθῳ ὁπόσην τε βούλει 20 πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν γραφησομένων φυσήσαντα καὶ ἀποδήσαντα σφόδρα ξηρᾶναι, ἔπειτα ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς γράψαι ὅ τι ἂν βούλῃ μέλανι κατακόλλῳ. ξηρανθέντων δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων ἐξελείϊν) τὴν πνοὴν τῆς κύστιδος καὶ avuumieoavrals) εἰς λήκυθον ἐνθεῖναι" τὸ δὲ στόμα τῆς κύστιδος ὑπερεχέτω τοῦ πώματος τῆς ληκύθου. ἔπειτα 28 φυσήσαντα τὴν κύστιν ἐν τῇ ληκύθῳ ἐνοῦσαν, ἵνα διευρυνθῇ ὡς μάλιστα, ἐλαίου ἐμπλήσαντα περιτεμεῖν τῆς κύστιδος τὸ ὑπερέχον τῆς AnxvOov καὶ προσαρμόσαι τῷ στόματι ὡς ἀδηλότατα, καὶ βύσαντα τὴν λήκυθον κομίζειν φανερῶς. διαφανές τε οὖν τὸ ἔλαιον ἔσται ἐν τῇ ληκύθῳ καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο φανεῖται ἐνόν, ὅταν 30 δὲ ἔλθῃ παρ᾽ ὃν δεῖ, ἐξεράσας τὸ ἔλαιον ἀναγνώσεται φυσήσας

τὴν κύστιν'

καὶ ἐκσπογγίσας

14 γράψας ἀποστελλέτω.

καὶ κατὰ

ταὐτὰ εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν

ἤδη δέ τιϊνεὶς ἐν δέλτῳ, ἐν ξύλῳ γράψας,

cum xxxi, 14 cf. J. Afr. 53

2 [ἐν] del. Ca

δ ᾧ ἔδει He

ἀδελφῷ} ἀδελφὸν M: corr. Kirchhoff

ἐνέγραψεν M: corr. Ca 9 καὶ ols ἔφερεν scripsi: καὶ πρόσέφερεν M : @ προσέφερεν (deleto καὶ) Orelli: alii alia 12 ἔφερον M: corr, Ca

va(s} δὲ Ca Tu

17

13 αὐτὸν

οὐκ ἀπέλαβεν)

M:

ὅτι

corr. Schoene

καὶ

ἔλαβεν

19 ἂν ἀντιλέπτος M: corr. Ca ex C ἀντιβούλει M: ὁπόσην dy βούλῃ Lange

M:

15 αὐτὸν M:

corr,

Hn:

οὗ κατέλαβε

corr.

Tu

20 ὁπόσην re βούλει scripsi : ὁπόση 21 φυσήσασ καὶ ἀποδήσασ M:

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXXI)

79

a foray in the enemy’s lines had a note sewn up under the skirt of his cuirass, with orders, if the enemy came within view, to fall from his horse as if he had been thrown, and allow himself to be made

a prisoner; on arrival in the enemy’s camp he was duly to deliver the note. In this case he was assisted by a brother trooper. Another 9 man sent out a trooper with a note sewn up in his bridle-rein, Here is another story about a letter. During a siege the bearer of some letters arrived within the city, but, instead of delivering them to the traitor and those for whom they were intended, went and laid information before the governor, and offered the letters to him. On hearing his story, the governor bade him deliver the 9 8 letters he already had to those for whom they were intended, but to bring the traitors’ reply to him, if there was any truth in his story. His informant did so; whereupon the governor, after receiving

the replies, summoned

with the seals of their own acknowledge, and then

the

traitors and

signets, which

opened

confronted

they were

them

forced

to

the letters and discovered the plot.

He certainly convicted them very cleverly by not taking the original 9 Ὁ

letters from the bearer: for the traitors might have denied. complicity and asserted that it was a plot against them; but by getting hold of the replies he convicted them beyond all dispute. Another way of conveying letters is to get a bladder to fit an 10

oil-flask, the bladder being of whatever size you please, according to the Jength of the letter you wish to send: inflate this, tie it up, and dry it thoroughly, then write your message on it in ink mixed

with glue.

When the writing has dried, let the air out of the I

bladder, squeeze it, and push it into project beyond the lid of the flask, its fullest extent inside the flask, fill jecting end, and fit it to the mouth of notice it; put a bung in the flask, and

the flask; but let its mouth Then blow up the bladder to 12 it with oil, cut off its prothe flask so that no one will carry it about openly. The

oil will now be plainly seen in the flask, and there will not appear to be

anything

else

in it.

When

the

flask

reaches

the man

for 18

whom it is intended, he will empty out the oil, blow up the bladder,

and read the message; and after sponging off the writing he may write his reply on the same bladder and send it back, Again, a man has before now poured wax on a writing-tablet, 14 corr. Tu πιέσαντασ M:

oréparos Tu 83 τινεσ M:

22 βούλει M: corr.Meier corr, Tu

εἰσλήκυθον M:

26 φυσήσασ M: corr.Tu corr. Ca

23 ἔξελε Μ- com. Tu els (τὴν) A. He

διερβυνθῇ

24 συμ25

πώματος

M: corr. Gronovius

80

AINEIOT

κηρὸν ἐπέτηξεν καὶ ἄλλα εἰς τὸν κηρὸν ἐνέγραψεν. εἶτα ὅταν ἔλθῃ παρ᾽ ὃν δεῖ, ἐκκνήσας τὸν κηρὸν καὶ ἀναγνοὺς γράψας πάλιν ὡσαύτως ἀπέστειλεν. λέγεται δὲ καὶ εἰς πυξίον γράψαντα μέλανι ὡς βελτίστῳ ἐᾶν ξηρανθῆναι, ἔπειτα λευκώσαντα ἀφανί-

Cew τὰ γράμματα. ὅταν οὖν ἀφίκηται παρὰ τὸν πεμπόμενον, 5 λαβόντα εἰς ὕδωρ θεῖναι τὸ πυξίον: φανεῖται οὖν ἐν τῷ ὕδατι 15 ἀκριβῶς ἅπαντα τὰ γεγραμμένα. γράφοιτο δ᾽ ἂν καὶ εἰς πινάκιον ἡρωϊκὸν ἅπερ ἂν βούλῃ. ἔπειτα καταλευκῶσαι καὶ ξηράναντα γράψαι ἱππέα φωσφόρον ἢ 6 τι ἂν βούλῃ, ἱματισμὸν λευκὸν καὶ τὸν ἵππον λευκόν" εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ ἄλλῳ χρώματι, πλὴν μέλανος. τὸ ἔπειτα δοῦναί τινι ἀναθεῖναι ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως εἰς ὃ [ἐ]ὰν τύχῃ 16 ἱερὸν ὡς εὐξάμενον. ἰδσο]ὸν δὲ δεῖ ἀναγνῶναι τὰ γεγραμμένα, χρὴ ἐλθόντα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ γνόντα τὸ πινάκιον συσσήμῳ τινὶ προσυγκειμένῳ, ἀπενέγκαντα εἰς οἶκον θεῖναι εἰς ἔλαιον' πάντα οὖν τὰ γεγραμμένα φανεῖται. πασῶν δὲ ἀδηλοτάτη πέμψις, τε πραγματωδεστάτη δέ, νῦν μοι (N) δι᾽ ἀγραμμάτων ἐμφανισθήσεται" 17 ἔστι δὲ τοιάδε. ἀστράγαλον εὐμεγέθη τρυπῆσαι {τρυπήματαΝ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα, ἐξ els ἑκάστην πλευρᾶν τοῦ ἀστραγάλου" ἔστω

δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα τοῦ ἀστραγάλου (ra εἴκοσι

18 στοιχεῖα" διαμνημόνευε) δέ, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν πλευρᾶς

καὶ τέτταρα

ἄρξῃ τὸ ἄλφα, 20

καὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα ἅπερ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πλευρᾷ γέγραπται. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, ὅταν τινὰ θέλῃς ἐν αὐτοῖς τίθεσθαι λόγον, λίνῳ διείρειν.

ἐὰν (θ)έληξ) AINEIAN δηλοῦν ἐν τῇ διέρσει τοῦ λίνον, ἀρξάμενος ἐκ τῆς πλευρᾶς τοῦ ἀστραγάλον ἐν 7 τὸ ἄλφα ἐστίν, παρελθὼν (παρὰ) τὰ ἐχόμενα τούτου ἱπαραϊγράμματα, ὅταν 25 ἔλθηζς) els πλευρὰν οὗ τὸ ἰῶτά

ἐστιν, δίειρον

πάλιν, παρεὶς

δὲ

τούτου τὰ ἐχόμενα, ὅπου συμβαίνει τὸ vd) εἶναι, καὶ πάλιν παρεὶς [τὸν] τὰ ἐχόμενα τούτου, ὅπου (ro) εἴ ἐστιν, δίειρον τὸ λίνον, καὶ οὕτω τὰ ἐπίλοιπα τοῦ λόγου ἀντιγράφων ἔνειρε εἰς τὰ 19 τρυπήματα,

ὥσπερ

ἄρτι

AINE

ἐθξμεθα

[ὄνομα].

ἔσται

οὖν 30

cum xxxi, 17-19 cf, J. Afr. 5a 1 ἐπέθηκεν M: ἐπέτηξαν J. Afr. 53 2 ἐκκνίσαα M: corr. Tu 3 drbs aus M : corr. Meineke λέγεται] ἐνδέχεται Kirchhoff Β Βούλει M: corr. Meier 8 βούλει : corr, Meier 11 ἐὰν τύχῃ Μ : corr. Meier 12 εὐῤάμενον Meier: εὐῤόμενοσ M: εὐξάμενος Ca ὅσον δὲ M: corr, Meineke 18 πραγματοδεστάτη M (ἡ) add. Meineke διὰ γραμμάτων M: corr. Herm. Schoene 17 {τρυπήματα) add. He ex J. Afr. 5a 19 (τὰ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα στοιχεῖα" διαμνημόνευε) addidi coll. J, Afr. 52 : {τὰ στοιχεῖα" διαμνημόνευεγδ Tu Ρ 80 δέ] δ Μ-: δὲ J. Afr. 5a 22 Alves διαιρεῖν

M: corr.Ca

Haase corr. He

23 (@)éAn(s) Orelli: Αἰνείαν He: ἐὰν ελήδινηαὶ M

διαιρέσει M: corr. Ca παραγράμματα M: corr, Tu

Αἰνείας

25 (mapa) addidi τούτων M: 28 ἔλθη M: ἔλθης J. Afr. κα

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(XXXI)

81

after writing on the wooden part, and has written another letter on the wax: when it has come to its destination, the recipient has scratched off the wax, read the letter, written a reply in the same way, and sent it off. Another device recorded is to write on a boxwood tablet with the very best ink, let it dry, then whiten it over to conceal the writing.

When

the tablet reaches the man to whom it is sent, he

must take it and put it in water: and in the water every word will come out clearly. Again, you may write any message you wish on a votive tablet: 15 then whiten it thoroughly, dry it, and draw on it a picture, say, of a horseman with a torch, or anything else you like; his dress and

horse should be white or, if not white, any colour but black.

Then give it to someone to set up in some temple near the city, as if you were paying a vow. The man who is to read the’ message 16 must come into the temple, identify the tablet by some prearranged mark, carry it home, and dip it in oil: then all the writing will become visible. The hardest method of all to detect, but the most troublesome, that without writing, I will now explain. It is as follows. Take 17 a good sized die and bore in it twenty-four holes, six on each side. These holes are to represent the twenty-four letters of the alphabet ; and

be careful, too, to remember, counting

from

the side, which- 18

ever it is, on which the A comes first, the letters which follow on each side in turn. Afterwards, when you wish to place a message on'this contrivance, pass a thread through. Suppose, for instance, that you wish to signify AINEIAS by the way in which the thread is passed through. Begin from the side of the die where the A is, and pass over the succeeding letters till you come tol; when you reach the side where the I is, pull the thread through again ; then leave out the next letters, and do the same where N happens to be;

then again leave out the next letters, and

pull the thread

through at E; and in the same way copy the rest of the message on the die by passing the thread through the holes, as in the case of the letters AINE, which we have just placed on the die. In this way there will be a ball of thread wound round the die 19 ovro τῷ ra ἔστιν M: corr, Orelli 87 τὸν &vaı M: corr. T. HudsonWilliams : τὸ ν εἶναι Orelli 38 [τὸν del. Schoene ὅπου ἔνεστιν M: corr. Schoene : ὅπου & ἐστι Haase: τὸ ὃ Tu 20 post λίνον lacunam

indicat Schoene 30 ὥσπεο ἄρτι Allve ἐθέμεθα [ὄνομα] scripsi: ὥσπερ ap τἰαιμῖθα ὄνομα M: ὥσπερ (8) ἄρτι ἐθέμεθα ὄνομα Sauppe 3809 G

82

AINEIOT

περὶ τὸν ἀστράγαλον ἀγαθὶς ἀναγινώσκοντα ἀναγράφεσθαι εἰς ἐκ τῶν τρυπημάτων. ἀνάπαλιν διαφέρει δὲ οὐδὲν τὰ γράμματα

λίνου πεμπομένη, δεήσεται δὲ δέλτον τὰ δηλούμενα γράμματα δὲ γίνεται ἡ ἔξερσις τῇ ἐνέρσει, ἀνάπαλιν γραφῆναι εἰς δέλτον"

οὐδὲν γὰρ ἧττον γνωσθήσεται.

καταμαθεῖν

δὲ πλεΐϊστ]ον ἔργον 5

20 ἐστὶν τὰ γεγραμμένα ἢ τὸ ἔργον αὐτὸ γενέσθαι. εὐτρεπέστερον δ᾽ ἂν τοῦτο γίνοιτο ξύλου ὡς σπιθαμζδαίον τρυπηϑέντος ὅσα γε τὰ στοιχεῖα τῶν γραμμάτων"

ἔπειτα ὡσαύτως

ἐνείρειν τὸ λίνον

els τὰ τρυπήματα. ὅπου δ᾽ ἂν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ τρύπημα uud dis ἐνείρεσθαι, ὥσπερ τὸ αὐτὸ γράμμα δὶς ἐφεξῆς γράφεσθαι, mpoar περιελίξαντα τὸ λίνον περὶ τὸ ξύλον ἐνείρειν. γίνοιτο δ᾽ ἂν καὶ

ὧδε.

ξἐύλψον

ἀντὶ

τοῦ

ἀστραγάλον

λεᾶναι,

καὶ

τρῆσαι

γραμμάτων

τέτταρα

καὶ εἴκοσι'

καὶ

ἐφεξῆς

ξύλου

ποιήσαντα

κύκλῳ

τὰ

ὑποψίας

κύκλον

στοιχεῖα

δ᾽ ἕνεκεν καὶ ἄλλα

τῶν ἐν

μέσῳ τοῦ κύκλου τρυπῆσαι, ἔπειτα οὕτω εἰς τὰ στοιχεῖα ἐφεξῆς 22 ὄντα τὸ λίνον Evelpeiw.

ὅταν δὲ δὶς τὸ αὐτὸ

γράμμα

γράφειν, ἐκ τῶν ἐν μέσῳ τρυπημάτων προενείραντα 23 γράμμα ἐνεῖραι"

γράμματα] δὲ λέγω τὸ τρύπημα.

15

συμβαΐνῃ

els τὸ αὐτὸ ἤδη δέ τινες

εἴς τι βιβλίον γράψαντες ὡς λεπτότατον μακροὺς στίχους καὶ λεπτὰ γράμματα, ἵν᾽ ὡς εὐογκοτάτη γίνηται ἡ ἐπιστολή, εἶτα ἐπὶ τῷ uw του χιτῶνος ὑποθέντες καὶ ἀποπτύξαντες τοῦ χιτωνίσκου ἐπὶ τῷ ὥμῳ. ἀνύποπτος δὴ δοκεῖ εἶναι ἡ κομιδὴ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς καὶ ἐνδεδυκότος τινὸς τὸν χιτωνίσκον καὶ οὕτω φερομένου. 24. μαρτύριον δὲ ὅτι τὰ εἰσπεμπόμενα μετὰ ἐπιβουλῆς χαλεπὸν φυλάξαι. οἱ γοῦν περὶ Ἴλιον ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἐκ τοσούτου χρόνου καὶ οὕτω Ötareralyluevor οὕπω δύνανται φυλάξαι μὴ εἰσελθεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰς Λοκρίδας"

IO

καίτοι τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ἡ σπουδὴ

30

35

καὶ

ἡ φυλακή. ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγοι, προσέχοντες τῷ λαθεῖν, λανθάνουσιν 25 av ἔτη πολλὰ εἰσάγοντες σώματα. παρὰ δὲ τοῖς παλαιοτέροις καὶ τοιόνδε ποτὲ ἐτεχνάσθη. Ποτίδαιαν γὰρ θέλων προδοῦναι 30 Τιμόξενος ᾿Αρταβάζῳ προσυνέθεντο ἀλλήλοις ὃ μὲν τῆς πόλεώς 26 τὶ χωρίον, ὃ 3& τοῦ στρατοπέδου, εἰς ὅπερ ἐτόξευον πᾶν ὅ τι cum xxxi. 23 οἵ, J. Afr. 53; cum xxxi. aq cf. J. Afr. 53 1 πεποιημένη He évépfe: M : corr, Ca

vel εὑτρεπέστερον He: ὅσατε M: corr, Ca ἐύλο correctum) M 19 εἷς τι͵ εἰς τὸ M:

χιτῶνος scripsi: τοῦ M

3 ἐξίεσια M: corr. Boivin ad, J. Afr. sa: alii alia 6 πλεῖστον ΤΙ : corr. Orelli 8 εὐχερέστερον

εὐπρεπέστερον M 7 σπιθαμαίου M: corr.Ca ex C 10 ὥσπερ] ὥστε He 12 {vad (= ξύλον ex ποιῆσασ M : corr. Hn corr, Tu: τὸ del, He

(cum

18 γράμματα M: J. Afr. 53)

32 post ὥμῳ lacunam indicat Schoene

corr. He 21 rov

325 post

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ (XXXI)

82

when it is dispatched, and the recipient must read the message by writing on to a tablet the letters signified by the different holes, the thread being unwound from the holes in the reverse order to that in which it is wound on. It does not make any difference that the letters are written on the tablet in the reverse order: they

will be intelligible just the same, But the task of reading message is really harder than the composition of it.

the

A handier method would be to get a piece of wood seven or 20 eight inches long, and bore as many holes in it as there are letters

of the alphabet;

then pass the thread through the holes in the

same way as before.

When it happens that the thread has to go

through the same hole twice, that is when the same letter occurs twice in succession, twist the thread

once

round

the wood before

passing it through the hole again, Another plan would be this: a; instead of the die or the wood, make a wooden disk and polish it; next bore twenty-four holes in a line round the circumference for

the letters of the alphabet, and to disarm suspicion bore holes in the middle as well.

After this the thread must be passed through

the different letters in the line.

When

you have to repeat a letter, og

pass the thread through one of the holes in the middle before returning to the same letter—by eier I mean, of course, hole. Again, a note has been written on very thin papyrus, in long lines 28

of fine characters, so as to make the packet as small as possible; it was then inserted in the shoulder of a tunic, and part of the tunic folded back on the shoulder. A good way of getting the letter through

without

suspicion would, I think, be for a man

to

put the tunic on and carry it in this way. Here is a proof of the difficulty of thwarting plots for bringing 24 things into a city. The men round Ilion, afıer all this time and

in spite of all their efforts, are not yet able to prevent the Locrian maidens from coming into their city, for all their eager watching: a few men

by studious

precautions

have

managed

to smuggle

in

women unobserved year after year.

In earlier times the following trick was once played.

Timoxenus a5

wished to betray Potidaea to Artabazus: they therefore agreed upon a certain spot in the city chosen by Timoxenus, and one in the lines chosen by Artabazus, into which they used to shoot 26 Ἴλιον in M spatium vacuum quattuor litt. 26 διατεταγμένοι Hin οὕπω] οὕτω M: corr, Ca 29 dv’ ἔτη] avéres M 6 τι Herm.

Schoene:

ὅ re ἄντι M:

ὅτε οὖν τι Tu

G2

M : corr. 32 πᾶν

84

᾿ΑΙΝΕΙ͂ΟΥ

ἤθελον ἀλλήλοις ἐμφανίσαι, (ἢ ᾿Αρταβάζῳ Τιμόξενος 7 Τιμοξένῳ ᾿Αρτάβαζος" ἐτεχν)άζετο δὲ (ὧδεδ" τοῦ τοξεύματος περὶ τὰς γλυφίδας ἑλίξαντες τὸ βιβλίον καὶ πτερώσαντες ἐτόξευον εἰς 27 τὰ προσυγκείμενα χωρία. ἐγένετο δὲ καταφανὴς ὁ Τιμόξενος προδιδοὺς τὴν Ποτίδαιαν’ τοξεύων γὰρ 6 ᾿Αρτάβαζος εἰς τὸ 5 προσυγκείμενον, ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χωρίου διὰ πνεῦμα καὶ φαύλην πτέρωσιν, βάλλει ἀνδρὸς Ποτιδαιάτου τὸν ὦμον, πρὸζς ὃν)

βληθέντα περιέδραμεν ὄχλος, οἷα φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ" αὐτίκα δὲ τὸ τόξευμα λαβόντες ἔφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς, καὶ 28 οὕτως καταφανὴς ἐγένετο ἡ πρᾶξις. “Ἱστιαῖος δὲ βουλόμενος τῷ τὸ ᾿Αρισταγόρᾳ

σημῆναι,

ἄλλως

μὲν

οὐδαμῶς

εἶχεν ἀσφαλῶς

δη-

λῶσαι, ἅτε φυλασσομένων τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ οὐκ εὔπορον (ὃν) γράμματα λαθεῖν φέροντα, τῶν (δὲ) δούλων τὸν πιστότατον 29 ἀποξυρήσας ἔστιξεν καὶ ἐπέσχεν ἕως ἀνέφυσαν αἱ τρίχες. (os δὲ ἀνέφυσαν) τάχιστα, ἔπεμπεν εἰς Μίλητον, ἐπιστείλας τῷ 15 ἐπεστιγμένῳ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ ἀφίκηται, εἰς Μίλητον πρὸς ᾿Αρισταγόραν, κελεύειν ξυρήσαντα κατιδεῖν εἰς τὴν κεφαλήν. 30 τὰ δὲ στίγματα ἐσήμαινεν ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν, γράφειν δὲ καὶ ὧδε, προσυνθέμενον τὰ φωνήεντα γράμματα ἐν κεντήμασι τίθεσθαι, ὁπόστον ἂν τύχη ἕκαστον ὄν, ἐν τοῖς γραφομένοις τοσαύτας 20 στιγμὰς εἶναι. οἷον τόδε' Διονύσιος

καλός

καὶ τόδε ἄλλο’

Ἡρακλείδας

ἠκέτω

25

οὐρώκλο AGE οὐκ Ten) [ἀντὶ τῶν φωνηέντων γραμμάτων τίθεσθαι τί δαὶ καὶ τάδε τὰ πεμπόμενα γράμματα εἴς τινα τόπον τῷ πεμπομένῳ (γνωστὸν τιθέναι τὸν φέροντα, τῷ δὲ πεμπομένῳ) δῆλον γίνεσθαι ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου cum xxxi,

εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ πωλοῦντός rı ἢ ὠνουμένον, ὅτι 30

31-2 cf, J. Afr, 53

1 post ἐμφανίσαι spatium vacuum trium litt, in fine versus in M: (ἢ... ᾿Αρτάβαζος" addidi

23 ἐτεχνλάζετο

δὲ (ὧδε)"

τοῦ rof.] af{éro δὲ τοῦ τοί.

M:

corr. Herm. Schoene τὰς yAupidas} τὰς πύλασ γλυφὰσ M: corr. Ca 7 mpols bv) βληθέντα] προβληϑέντα M: corr. Tu: τὸν δὲ βληθέντα He (ex Herodoto) 11 ἀσφαλῶι M 12 (öv} add. Valckenarius 13 (38) add. Tu 14 ἂν ἔφυσαν M : corr. Meier (ὧς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν) add. He

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ

(ΧΧΧΙ)

85

arrows carrying any information which they wished to communicate

to each other, (either Timoxenus to Artabazus or Artabazus to Timoxenus); the following was the device they used: they wound the note round the grooved end of an arrow, which they then feathered and shot into the places agreed upon. But Timoxenus’ 27 treachery was discovered: for Artabazus shot in the usual direction, but owing to the wind and the bad feathering of the arrow missed his mark, and hit a Potidaean in the shoulder. As often happens in war, a crowd ran up to the wounded man: and they at once seized the arrow and took it to the generals, so that the plot was discovered. Again, when Histiaeus wished to communicate with Aristagoras, 98 and could find no other safe means of sending a message, as the roads were guarded and it was very difficult for a letter to get through without detection, he took his most trusty slave and shaved his head, then tattooed the message on it, and waited till the hair grew

again. As soon as it had grown, he sent him to Miletus with no 2g other orders except to tell Aristagoras, when he reached Miletus, to shave his head and examine it. The marks told Aristagoras what he was to do. Again, you may use the following cipher. Arrange beforehand 30 to represent the vowels by dots, a different number of dots according to the order in which each vowel stands in the alphabet. For 31 example :—

DEAR D:-R

DIONYSIOS

Dei: Ni:Si2S

or again :—

HERACLEIDAS H:R-CL::-D.S

WANTED W-NT:D

And these messages (should be placed by the messenger) place known to the recipient, to whom the arrival of the the city to buy or sell something should be a signal that has come for him, and has been deposited in the place

in some man in a letter agreed

ex Herodoto

corr. Ca

16 ἐπιστιγμένω M:

21 olovre δὲ M: corr, He HKETQ

PRAACRT

_

(KT

vocales significantia add, Ca:

corr. Ca

28-26 ANCCKAT

890 ὃν M:

prope evanida) καὶ τόδε

HPAKAEIAAC ἄλλο M:

puncta

καὶ τόδε ἄλλο ante ᾿Ηρακλείδας transposuit Hu

auctore He 21 [ἀντὶ dal.) delevi 38 (γνωστὸν... πεμπομένῳν addidi: ‘ verba lacunosa ; suppleas fere sic: τῷ (πεμπομένῳ γνωστὸν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπου κατατίθεσθαι γνωστοῦ καὶ αὐτοῦ, τῷ δὲ) πεμπομένῳ ᾽ Schoene

86

ΑἸΝΕΊΟΥ

ἥκει αὐτῷ γράμματα καὶ κεῖται ἐν τῷ πίρ)ορρηθέντι τόπῳ. καὶ οὕτως οὔτε ὁ φέρων οἷδεν ὅτῳ ἠνέχθη οὔτε ὁ λαβὼν γνωστὸς ἔσται ὅτι ἔχει.

πολλοὶ δὲ κατ᾽ "Ἤπειρον

κυσὶν ἐχρήσαντο

ὧδε.

32 ἀπαγαγόντες berulı)ov περιέθηκαν περὶ τὸν αὐχένα ἱμάντα, ἐν ᾧ ἐπιστολὴ ἐνέρραπτος. εἶτα ἀφῆκαν νυκτὸς ἢ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν πρὸς ! ὃν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἔμελλεν ἥξειν, ὅθεν ἀπήχθη. ἔστι Θεσσαλ(ουἾικόν. 883 χρὴ δὲ τὰς παραγινομένας εὐθὺς ἀνοίγειν δέλτους.

δὲ

τοῦτο

᾿Αστυά-

νακτιὶ δὴ τυράννῳ Λαμψάκου πεμφθείσης ἐπιστολῆς ἐν ἦ γεγραμμένα ἦν μηνύοντα τὴν

ἐπιβονλὴν

db ἧς

ἀνῃρέθη, παρὰ τὸ μὴ

εὐθὺς ἀνοῖξαι καὶ ἀναγνῶναι τὰ γεγραμμένα ἀλλὰ ἀμελήσαντος αὐτοῦ, πρὸς ἄλλοις δὲ γενομένου πρότερον, διεφθάρη, τὴν ἐπιστολὴν 34 ἔχων περὶ τοὺς δακτύλους. διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν καὶ ἐν Θήβαις ἡ Καδμεία κατελήφθη, τῆς τε Λέσβον ἐν Μυτιλήνῃ παραπλήσια τούτοις ἐπράχθη. 35 ΓΛλοῦς δὲ βασιλέως ναύαρχος παρὰ βασιλέα ἀναβάς, ἐπεὶ οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν ὑπομνήματα ἐν βιβλίῳ ἔχοντα εἰσιέναι παρὰ βασιλέα (ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ πολλῶν τε καὶ μεγάλων διαμνημονευτέον), ἐγράψατο εἰς τὰ διαστήματα τῆς χειρὸς τῶν δακτύλων περὶ ὧν ῥητέον ἣν αὐτῷ. περὶ τὴν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιμέλειαν τῷ πυλωρῷ πονητέον, ὡς ἂν μηθὲν λανθάνῃ τῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερομένων μήτε ὅπλον

10

15

20

μήτε γράμματα. [ἀντιμηχανήματα] XXXII

Πρὸς

δὲ

τὰς

τῶν

ἐναντίων

σώμασιν ἐναντιοῦσθαι ὧδε.

προσαγωγὰς

πρῶτον

μηχανήμασιν

ἢ

μὲν ἱστία ὑπεραιρόμενα

ἐκ

πύργων ἢ ἱστῶν ἢ τῶν ὁμοτρόπων τούτοις, οἷς προσαχθέντ᾽ &v) ὑπεραίροζι)το, χρή τισιν ἀδιατμήτοις περιβληθέντα κατασπᾶσθαι ὑπ᾽ ὀνεζυ)δόντων. ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὑποθυμιᾶν [καπνὸν πολὺν ὑφάπτειν] 2 ὡς μέγιστον πῦρ ποιοῦντα. ἀνταείρεσθαι πύργους ξυλίνους 7 30 ἄλλα ὕψη ἐκ φορμῶν πληρουμένων ψάμμον ἢ ἐκ λίθων ἢ ἐκ πλίνθων. ἴσχοι δ᾽ ἂν τὰ βέλη καλάμων ταρσοὶ ὀρθίων καὶ cum xxxi. 33 ef. J. Afr. 53. 1 πορρηθέντι M:

corr. Ca

3 κατήπειρον M:

corr. Ca

yorres (vuerds) et infra ἀφῆκαν [yverds ἢ] μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν Hu δεσμὸν M : corr. Ca 5 ἐγέγραπτο M: corr. Tu

4 ἀπαγα-

coll, J. Afr. 53 7 θεσσαλονικὺν

M: @erreaddy J. Afr. 59: corr Tu 9 é¢M: corr. Sauppe 16 πλοῦ: M: 22 ἀανθάνηται els τὴν 21 ποιητέον M: corr. Herm. Schoene corr. Ca

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΗΤΙΚΑ (ΧΧΧΙ, XXXII) upon.

87

In this way the messenger does not know for whom the

letter was brought, nor will it be known that the recipient has it. Dogs were often used in Epirus in the following way. They 32 led them away from their homes on leashes, and fastened round their necks a strap in which a letter was sewn up, Then, either by night or by day, they let them go and find their way home, which they were sure todo. This method is used in Thessaly, All letters that arrive should be opened at once. A letter was 33 sent to Astyanax tyrant of Lampsacus containing information of the plot which proved fatal to him : since, however, he did not open

it at once and read the contents, but took no notice and attended

to other business first, he was murdered with the letter unopened in his fingers. The same delay caused the capture of the citadel 34 in Thebes, and something like it happened at Mytilene in Lesbos. When Glous the Persian

admiral went

up to see the king, and 35

found it impossible to carry his memoranda

into the presence-

chamber (the matters of which he had to speak being numerous and important), he noted down in the spaces between his fingers the subjects which he had to discuss. The sentry at the gates must keep a sharp look-out for such things as I have described, to see that nothing, whether arms or letters, enters the city unobserved.

[Contrivances for repelling assaults] I will now mention some methods of repelling the enemy’s XXXII assaults, whether made by machines or by storming-parties. First, sails raised above the wall from siege-towers, masts, or similar erections on which they can be brought up and raised high, must

be lassoed with something that cannot be cut through, and hauled down with windlasses. emit thick fumes,

At the same time make a big fire which will

Wooden towers should be raised in defence, or 2

other erections made either of baskets filled with sand or of stones or of bricks ; missiles may be kept off by wicker-work made of reeds woven crosswise, πόλιν εἰσφερόμενον M:

corr. Lange

27 ἱστίων M: corr. Ca umeparparo Μ : προσ, κατατετάσθαι M

M:

corr. Meineke

corr, He

26

ἱστία] εἰσ τὰ M:

corr. Schoene

προσαχθέντ᾽ ἀζ ν) ὑπεραίροζι)το scripsi : προσαχθέντα

ὑπεραίροιτ᾽ χν Schenk) 28 κατασπᾶσθαι scripsi: 29 ὑπονεόντων M:; corr. Herm. Schoene ἅμα) ἄλλα

[καπνὸν πολὺν

32 ἴσχοιζεν)

Hn

ὑφάπτειν]

delevi

80

πνέοντα

M:

88 3 πλαγίων

ΑἸΝΕΊΟΥ συντιθεμένων.

ἡτοιμάσθαι

δὲ

καὶ

τοῖς

εἰς τὰ

χείλη

μηχανήμασιν elominryovow, κριῷ καὶ τοῖς ὁμοτρόποις τούτῳ, ἐρύματα' σάκκους ἀχύρων πληροῦντα προ[σἸκρεμαννύειν (καὶ ἀγγεῖα ἐρίων καὶ ἀσκοὺς βοείους νεοδάρτους πεφυσημένους ἢ 4 πεπληρωμένους τινῶν (cal) ἄλλα τούτοις ὁμότροπα. καὶ ὅταν 5

ἢ πύλην ἢ ἄλλο τι τοῦ τείχους διακόπτῃ, χρὴ βρόχῳ τὸ προ[σ]cyov ἀναλαμβάνεσθαι, ἵνα μὴ δύνηται προσπίπτειν τὸ μηχάνημα.

ὅ καὶ παρασκευάζεσθαι δὲ ὅπως λίθος ἁμαξοπληθὴς ἀφιέμενος ἐμπίπτῃ καὶ συντρίβῃ τὸν] τρύπανον: τὸν δὲ λίθον ἀφίεσθαι 6 ἀπὸ τῶν προωστῶν, ἐχόμενον ὑπὸ καρκίνων, ὅπως δὲ μὴ τὸ ἁμαρτάνῃ τοῦ τρυπάνου ὁ λίθος φερόμενος, κάθετον χρὴ προαφίεσθαι, καὶ ὅταν αὕτη πέση ἐπὶ τὸ τρύπανον, εὐθὺ τὸν λίθον Ἶ ἐπαφίεσθαι.

ἄριστον δὲ πρὸς τὰ διακόπτοντα τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τόδε

παρεσκευάσθαι.

ὅταν γνῷς ἡ (μέλλει) προσάγεσθαι τοῦ τείχους

ταύτῃ χρὴ ἔσωθεν ἀντιπαρασκευάζειν ἀντίκριον, διορύξαντα τοῦ 15 τείχους μέχρι τοῦ ἄλλον μέρους τῶν πλίνθων, ἵνα μὴ προΐδωσιν

πρότερον ἔσωθεν

οἱ πολέμιοι" τῷ ἀντικρίῳ

ὅταν

δὲ ἐγγὺς

ἧἦ τὸ

διακόπτον,

παίειν"

καὶ πολὺ

ἰσχυρότερον»

οὕτως

6 ἀντίκριος

8 γινέτω. πρὸς δὲ τὰ μεγάλα μηχανήματα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς σώματά τε πολλὰ προσάγεται καὶ βέλη ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀφίεται ἄλλα Te καὶ so καταπέλται καὶ σφενδόναι, εἰς δὲ τὰς ὀροφίνας οἰκίας καὶ πυρφόρα τοξεύματα----πρὸς δὲ ταῦτα τὰ μηχανήματα πρῶτον μὲν χρὴ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κρυφαίως ὑπορύσσειν κατὰ τὰς προσαγωγὰς τοῦ μηχανήματος, ἵνα οἱ τροχοὶ

τῶν μηχανημάτων

ἐμπίπτοντες

δύνωσιν els τὰ ὑπορύγματα' ἔπειτα ἔσωθεν ἀνταείρειν ἐκ φορμῶν 25 πληρουμένων ψάμμον καὶ λίθων ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἔρυμα, ὅπερ τοῦ τε μηχανήματος ὑπερέξει καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων βέλη ἀργὰ 9 ποιήσει. προκαλύπτειν δὲ ἅμα τούτοις καὶ ἐρυμνὰ παραπετάσματα ἢ ἱστία, ἐρύματα τῶν εἰσαφιεμένων βελῶν, ἅπερ σχήσει τε τὰ ὑπερπίπτοντα τῶν βελῶν καὶ ῥᾳδίως συλλεγήσεται, χαμαιπετὲς 30 10 δὲ μηδὲν ἔσται.

τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ

ποιεῖν καὶ ἡ ἂν ἄλλῃ

τοῦ τείχους

ὑπερπετῆ γινόμενα τὰ βέλη τοὺς ὑπηρετοῦντάς τε καὶ τοὺς διατι πορευομένους βλάπτῃ καὶ τιτρώσκῃ. ἡ δὲ ἂν τοῦ τείχονς χελώνη προσαχθεῖσα δυνη[σε͵ταί τι τοῦ τείχους διορύξαι ἢ καταβαλεῖν, 1 ἡτοίμασται M: corr. Ho xeiAn] τείχη Ca et ceteri editores praeter Schoene 2 εἰσπίπτουσιν εἰσπουσιν M: corr. Ca τούτων M: corr. Hn 3 προσκρεμαννύειν M: corr. Ca (wai) add. Tu 6 wewAnpupévew M: corr, Ca (καὶ) add. He 6 προσΐσχον M: corr. Ca 8 τὸν τρύπανον M : corr. Ca 11 καθέτην M: corr. He 14 ἢ ἐμέλλειἢ προσάγεσθαι scripsi: ἢ προσάγεσθαι M: ἢ wp. (μέλλει τὸ Schoene: alli

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXXII)

89

Defences should also be prepared against battering-rams and other 3 similar engines directed against the battlements: hang in front of them sacks filled with chaff, bags of wool, or fresh ox-hides, inflated or stuffed, and similar articles.

When the ram is making a breach 4

in a gate or any part of the wall, you must catch its projecting end in a noose, and so prevent the engine from delivering its blow. And have ready a rock large enough to fill a cart, to drop on § it and smash its nose to pieces. This stone should be dropped from the projecting beams, where it can be held in position by

grappling-hooks.

Make

sure that the stone shall not miss the 6

nose of the ram as it falls by letting down a plumb-line first, and when this drops on to the nose, immediately let the stone go after it. It is best, too, to prepare as follows against engines attempting to breach the wall, When you know where the ram is to be applied, get ready at this point a counter-ram on the inside, digging through a part of the wall, but only as far as the brickwork on the further side, so as to keep the enemy still in ignorance of your proceedings. Then, when the enemy's engine is close up, deliver a blow from inside with your counter-ram. The counter-ram should be much the stronger of the two. When you have to deal with big machines which bring up a number of men to discharge missiles from catapults, slings, and so on, and burning arrows to set fire to thatched roofs—contrivances of this sort must be met, first, by setting the inhabitants of the city to dig secretly beneath the spots where the assaults will be made, so that the wheels of the machine will fall through and sink into the excavations ; next raise a breastwork against them as best you can with baskets full of sand and with stones, which will rise above the level of the machine and render the enemy’s missiles ineffective. Hang out as well strong curtains or sails as a shelter against the missiles, to catch them as they come over the wall; they can then be easily collected, and none will reach the ground. Do the same,

7

8

9

10

too, at any other point where the missiles may fly over the wall and disable or wound workmen and passers-by. At whatever point the enemy bring up a shelter to enable them 1 to dig through or knock down part of the wall, you must be ready alia

16 τὸν πλίνθον M: corr. Ca

τὸν ἀντίκριον γενέσθαι Hn

19 γινέτω scripsi: γίνεται M

28 πληρουμένου M: corr. Ca

838 ἐρυμνὰ

scripsi: γυμνὰ M: πυκνὰ Th. Mommsen 38 βλάπτει καὶ τιτρώσκει M : corr, Haase ἡ δὲ Μ 84 δυνήσεταί M: corr, Haase

90

AINEIOY

12 ταύτῃ χρὴ ἀντιοῦσθαι παρεσκευασμένον. πρὸς μὲν τὸ διόρυγμα πῦρ ποιεῖν πολύ, πρὸς δὲ τὸ πέσημα τοῦ τείχους τάφρον ἔσωθεν ὀρύσσειν, ἵνα μὴ εἰσέλθωσιν" καὶ ἅμα ἀνταείρειν τειχίζοντα πρότερον ἢ πεσεῖν τὸ τεῖχος ἢ διορύσσεσθαι, ἂν μὴ ἄλλως κωλύειν.

δύνῃ 5

[ἐμπρησις) ΧΧΧΠῚ

Χρὴ

δὲ

ταῖς

προσενεχθείσαις

χελώναις

ἐπιχεῖν

καὶ

πίσσαν

στυππεῖον καὶ θεῖον ἐπιβάλλειν, ἔπειτα φλογωθέντα φάκελλον τὰ δὲ [καὶ] ἐξάψαντα ἐπαφιέναι σχοίνῳ ἐπὶ τὴν χελώνην, τοιαῦτα προτεινόμενα ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐπιβάλλεται τοῖς προσαγο- τὸ παρεσκενάσθω πιμπράναι χρὴ ταῦτα ὧδε. 2 μένοις μηχανήμασι, ξύλα οἷον ὕπερ(α), μεγέθει δὲ πολλῷ μείζω" καὶ εἰς μὲν τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ ξύλον κροῦσαι σιδήρια ὀξέα καὶ μείζω), περὶ δὲ τὰ ἄλλα μέρη τοῦ ξύλου καὶ ἄνω καὶ κάτω χωρὶς πυρὸς σκευασίας ἰσχυράς"

τοῦτο δὲ τῇ

τὸ δὲ εἶδος γενέσθω οἷον κεραυνός, τὸ γραφόμενον.

ἀφίεσθαι χρὴ ἐς τὸ προσαγόμενον μηχάνημα ἐσκευασμένον οὕτως

ὥστε ἐμπήγνυσθαι εἰς τὸ μηχάνημα, καὶ ἐπιμένειν τὸ πῦρ ἐμπα3 γέντος αὐτοῦ. ἔπειτ᾽ ἄν τινες ὦσι τῆς πόλεως ξύλινοι μόσ(σ)υνες ἢ τοῦ τείχους τι, χρὴ τούτοις ὑπάρχειν πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἐμπίίζμ)πρασθαι ἐὰν δὲ a0 4 ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων πίλους καὶ βύρσας πρὸς τὴν τάξιν. ἐμπρησθῶσιν πύλαι, προσφέρεσθαι ξύλα, καὶ ἐμβάλλοντα ὡς μέγιστον τὸ πῦρ ποιεῖν, μέχρι οὗ Tabpeven(s) τὰ ἔσωθεν, καὶ avridelun(s) ἐκ τῶν σοι συνυπαρχόντων τάχιστα' εἰ δὲ μή, ἐκ τῶν ἐγγύτατα οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντα.

ἱπυρὸς σβεστήρια πρὸς τὰ Eumiumpapeva) XXXIV

Ἐὰν

δέ τι οἱ πολέμιοι πειζρῶνγται

ἐμπιμπρά[μεϊναι

ες

ἰσχυρᾷ

σκευασίᾳ mv)pds, [τὸ πῦρ] σβεννύειν χρὴ αὐτὸ ὄξει"

οὐ γὰρ

ῥᾳί(δῦως

τούτον γὰρ

ἐξάπτεται.

cum xxxiii. ef. J Afr. 38

μᾶλλον

r cf. J. Afr. 45;

δὲ ἱξῷ προαλείφειν' cum

xxxiii

4 cf. J. Afr. 46;

cum

ἔτι xxxiv

3 (resxiov) τειχίζοντα Meineke 4 διορύσσεσθαι scripsi: διορύσσεται M 8 στίππυον M: corr. Ca φλογώσαντα He ex J. Afr. 45 8 [καὶ] del. Hu 10 προτεινόμενα: M: corr, Boivin (ex Casauboni versione) Gronovius: μεγέθει Tu: ὑπερμεγέθη M 13 [καὶ μείζω] del, He

γραφομένων Hn ἐμπίπρασθαι M

.

12 ὕπερα 15 τῶν

18 μύσυνες M 19 reixeor M {ἐδλινόνν τι Tu 20 πίλους πλείουσ M: corr, Coraes ad Polyaen, vi, 3

ΠΟΛΙΟΡΚΉΤΙΚΑ

(XXXII-XXXIV)

91

to resist their attack, Where they are digging through, lighta great 12 fire, and where they are knocking down the wall, dig a trench inside to prevent their getting in. And before the wall is knocked down or dug through build a retired wall to bar their advance, if you can find no other means of stopping them.

[Methods of setting on fire) On shelters brought up by the enemy you should pour pitch and XXXIII drop tow and sulphur: then fasten to a rope some burning brushwood and let it down on to the shelter. Materials of this kind may be slung out from the wall and dropped on the engines which are being brought up. The best way to set 2 fire to them is to get pieces of wood shaped like pestles, but much larger, and hammer sharp iron spikes into the ends of the wood ; and round the other parts of it, both on the top and underneath, fasten separate pieces of highly inflammable stuf, till it looks like a thunderbolt as represented in pictures. This instrument should be dropped

on the engine which is being brought up: it is made in such a way that it will fix itself in the engine, and so that the burning stuff will not fall off when it is fixed.

If there are any wooden

towers in the 3

city, or if any part of the wall is made of wood, they must have coverings of felt and hide on the side facing the enemy, to prevent their being set on fire. If the gates catch fire, you should bring 4

logs and pile them up to make the fire as big as possible, until you can dig a trench inside and build a retired wall with such materials as are immediately at hand: if there are none forthcoming, you must get them by pulling down the nearest houses,

Materials

for quenching £

fire

Ifthe enemy attempt to set anything on fire with highlyinflammable XXXIV materials, you should use vinegar to put the fire out: this will make it hard to set alight again. Better still, smear it beforehand with

τάξιν} ἔπαλξιν Tu

88 ταφρεύσῃ M: corr. Boivin

τι δέη M: corr. Schoene ἐμπιμπράμεναι M: corr.

27 πρὸς Μ: exC

corr. He

26 Lange

23 ἀντιδείμῃ(:}} ἄν

‘Edy δέ τινες M: corr. Lange ἰσχυραὶ σκενασίαι M: corr.

[τὸ πῦρ] del. Lange

igG Meineke : μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ προαλείφειν M

nei ται Schoene

28 ῥάιωσ M: corr, Ca

92

AINEIOY

ἃ πῦρ οὐχ ἅπτεται.

τοὺς δὲ κατασβεννύντας ἀπὸ τῶν ὑψηλοτέρων

ἔχειν περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἔρυμα, ἵνα ἧσσον ὀχλῶνται προσαϊσσούσης αὐτοῖς τῆς φλογός.

ἱπυρὸς σκενασία) XXXV

Αὐτὸν

δὲ

πῦρ

σκευάζειν

ἰσχυρὸν

κατασβένννται.

πίσσαν,

δᾳδὸς πρίσματα

ἐν ἀγγείοις ἐξάπτοντα

ὧδε,

θεῖον, στυπ(π)εῖον,

ὅπερ

οὐ

πάνυ

τις

μάνναν

λιβανωτοῦ,

προσφέρειν,

ἐὰν βούλῃ

τῶν πολεμίων τι ἐμπρησθῆναι.

ἰκλιμάκων προσθέσει XXXVI

κωλύματα)

Ταῖς δὲ τῶν κλιμάκων» προσθέσεσιν ἀντιοῦσθαι. ἐὰν μὲν τὸ ὑπερέχῃ τοῦ τείχους ἡ κλῖμαξ προστεθεῖσα, χρή, ὅταν ἐπ᾽ ἄκρων 3 ἀναβαίνων, τότε ἀπῶσαι τὸν ἄνδρα ἣ τὴν κλίμακα ξύλῳ δικρῷ, ἐὰν μὴ ἄλλως κωλύειν δύνῃ διὰ τὸ ὑποτοξεύεσθαι" ἐὰν δὲ ἀρτία ἦ τῷ τείχει ἡ κλῖμαξ, τὴν μὲν κλίμακα

οὐχ

οἷόν

τε ἀπωθεῖν, τὰ

8 δὲ ὑπερβαίνοντα χρὴ ἀπῶσαι, ἐὰν δὲ ταῦτα μὴ δοκῇ εἶναι, 15 πεποιῆσθαι χρὴ οἷον θύραν ἐκ σανίδων, ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπὰν προσφέρηται ἡ κλῖμαξ, ὑποπροτιθέναι τῇ κλίμακι τῇ προσφερομένῃ" ὅταν δὲ προσίῃ ἡ κλῖμαξ πρὸς τὴν θύραν, ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὑπαχθείσης τῆς θύρας ἡ κλῖμαξ πίπτει, σπονδύλου προὐποτιθεμένον, οὐδὲ προ(σ)σταθῆναι δυνήσεται, 20

[ὑπορνσσόντων ΧΧΧΨΝΙΣ

γνῶσις

καὶ κώλυσις]

Τοὺς δὲ ὑπορύσσοντας ὧδε κωλύειν. ἐὰν δοκῇς ὑπορύσσεσθαι, ὡς βαθυτάτην ἐκτὸς χρὴ τὴν τάφρον ὀρύσσεσθαι, ὅπως εἰς τὴν τάφρον τὸ ὑπόρυγμα ἀφίκηται καὶ οἱ ὑπορύσσοντες ὀφθῶσιν. 2 ἐὰν δέ σοι ὑπάρχῃ, καὶ τειχίον τειχίσαι εἰς αὐτὴν ὡς ἰσχυρο- 25 τάτων καὶ μεγίστων λίθων, ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ὑπάρχῃ τειχίσαι λίθοις,

8 ξύλων φορυτὸν κομίσαι"

ἂν δὲ τὰ ὑπορύγματα τῆς τάφρου (mn)

cum xxxvii. 1-5 cf. J. Afr. 54

7

δ πάνυ re] πάντη in πάνυτη

ἐν äyyelos]

ἐναντίως

Μ΄:

mutatum M : corr. Meineke

corr.

Orelli

18 dpria 3) ἄρ τι dvn M: corr, Meineke 15 μὲν δοκῇ

19 σφονδύλου

M:

Hn

corr.

Lange ex J. Afr. 54

M:

corr, He

Haase:

μὲν

προσταθῆναι

βούλει

corr,

M

Hn

14 rw re ὄχει M: corr. Orelli

(ἀδύνατα) Ca

M

6 στυπεῖον

M:

17 προὐποτιθέναι

25 ἰσχυροτάτην

26 λίθοις J. Afr, 54: λίθους M

(xp) add. Meineke: τῇ τάφρῳ J. Afr. 54

M:

Hn

corr.

27 κομίσαντα

TIOAIOPKHTIKA (KXXIV-XXXVII) birdlime: for this is fire-proof.

93

Men engaged in putting out fires 2

below them should wear a shield over their faces, so as to be less

inconvenienced by the leaping flames,

[/nflammable materials) You yourself may make a fierce fire, which it is impossible to put XXXV out, with the following materials: pitch, sulphur, tow, pounded gum of frankincense, and pine sawdust. Put these in a vessel, set a light to them, and apply them to any articles belonging to the enemy which you wish to catch fire.

[Aindrances to the placing of ladders] The

resisted.

placing

of

scaling-ladders

against

the

wall

should

be XXXVI

If the ladder when in position projects over the top of

the wall, you must wait until the man

coming up reaches the top,

and then push him or the ladder away with a pitchfork, supposing a discharge of missiles from below prevents you from stopping him in any other way. If the ladder is just level with the top of the wall,

you will not be able to push'it away: in that case you must push off the men who come over the top.

If this does not seem practic- 2

able, have a frame like a door made

out of planks, and when the

ladder is being placed against the wall slip the frame out under its upper end before it touches the wall: when the ladder leans against

the frame, the frame runs back of its own accord upon a

roller

placed ready under it, and the ladder falls down, so that it will be impossible to place it in position.

[The discovery and prevention of mines] The digging of mines should be prevented by the following XXXVIL measures. If you think you are being undermined, the trench outside must be dug to a great depth, so that the enemy’s mine will open into the trench and their men will be plainly seen at work. Where you have enough material, you should also build a wall in 2 the trench, using the strongest and largest stones you can get. If you have not stones to build a wall, bring all the pieces of wood you can find, and if the mine runs up against the trench at any point, 8

94

AINEIOY

προσπέσῃ, ταύτῃ ἐπιβάλλοντα ξύλα καὶ τὸν φορυτὸν ἐμπρῆσαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα κατασκεπάσαι, ὅπως ὁ καπνὸς εἰς τὸ διόρυγμα πορεύσηται καὶ κακῶς ποιήσῃ τοὺς ἐν τῷ ὀρύγματι ὄντας"

ἐνδέχεται δὲ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπολέσθαι αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ καπνοῦ. 4 ἤδη δέ τινες καὶ σφῆκας καὶ μελίσσας εἰς τὸ διόρυγμα ἀφέντες 5 5 ἐλυμήναντο

τοὺς

ἐν

τῷ

ὀρύγματι

ὄντας.

χρὴ

δέ, ἂν

γνωσθῇ

καθ᾽ ὅν τινα τίρὶόπον ὀρύσσουσιν, ἀνθυπορύσσειν καὶ ἀντιοῦσθαι 6 καὶ ἐμπιμπράναι ἐν τῷ ὀρύγματι μαχόμενον. παλαιὸν δέ τι λέγεται" ΓΆμασιν Βαρκαίους moAwproüvrals) [ἐπεὶ] ἐπιχειρεῖζν)

ὀρύσσειν. οἱ δὲ Βαρκαῖοι αἰσθόμενοι (τὸ) ἐπιχείρημα τοῦ ᾿Αμάσιδος, ἠποροῦντο μὴ λάθῃ ἢ φθάσῃ, ἔπειτα ἀνὴρ χαλκεὺς ἀνεῦρεν ἐνθυμήσας ἀσπίδος χάλκωμα περιφέρων ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους 7 ἐπάνω προσίσχειν πρὸς τὸ δάπεδον. πρὸς & προσίσχοι ἀντορύσσοντες οὖν

τῇ μὲν δὴ ἄλλῃ

κωφὰ

ἦν

τὸ χάλκωμα' F δὲ ὑπωρύσσετο, ἀντήχει. οἱ Βαρκαῖοι ταύτῃ, ἀπέκτειναν πολλοὺς τῶν 15

ὑπορυσσόντων. ὅθεν καὶ νῦν χρῶνται αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ γνωρίὦντες ἣ ὑπορύσσεται. 8 καὶ οἷς μὲν προσήκει τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων τεχνάσματα [καὶ] ἀντιούμενον ἀμύνειν δεδήλωται' τοῖς δὲ ὑπορύσσειν μέλλουσιν 9 ὧδ᾽ ἂν γένοιτο ἰσχυρότατον φράγμα. χρὴ δύο ἁμαξῶν τοὺς ῥυμοὺς

10

εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ

δῆσαι,

συμπετάσαντα

κατὰ

τὸ ἕτερον

20

μέρος

τῆς ἁμάξης, ὅπως μετεωρισθῶσιν οἱ ῥυμοὶ εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ νεύοντες" ἔπειτα οὕτως ἐπισυνδεῖν ἄλλα ξύλα καὶ ῥίπους καὶ ἄλλα φράγματα ἐπάνω, ταῦτα δὲ πηλῷ καταλεῖψαι. ἔσται οὖν τοῦτο καὶ προσα-

γαγεῖν ὅπου βούλει τοῖς τροχοῖς καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν, ὑπὸ δὲ τούτῳ τῷ φράγματι τοὺς ὑπορύσσοντας εἶναι.

25

[ἐπικουρητικά) ΧΧΧΥΠῚ

Ἐν δὲ ταῖς προσβολαῖς τῶν πολεμίων πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος μηχανήμασιν ἢ καὶ σώμασι χρὴ διατετάχθαι τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει μαχομένους τρία μέρη, ὅπως οἱ μὲν μάχωνται, οἱ δὲ ἀναπαύωνται, οἱ δὲ παραcum xxxvii. 8-9 cf. J. Afr. 55.

1 ἐπιβάλλοντες δ σφίκασ

M:

M:

corr.

corr.Tu Ca

3 ποιήσῃ] ποιῆι. ἢ M :’corr. Schoene 6 ἂν γνωσθῇ)

ἀγνωσσειν

Μ᾽: corr,

Orelli

τόπον J. Afr. 54 : τρόπον M 9 πολιορκοῦντασ M: corr, Ca [ἐπεὶ] del. Meier ἐπεχείρει M: corr. Meier 10 (rö)add. CaexC 18 dmφέρων M: corr. Tu (ex Herodoto) ond övroa M: corr. Wesseling τείχεος M 18 τὸ δάπεδον] τάδε M corr, Wesseling (ex Herodoto)

30

HOAIOPKHTIRA

(XXXVH,

XXXVIII)

95

there pile up logs and the odd pieces of wood, and set a light to them, covering up all the other faces of the pile, so that the smoke passes into the enemy’s workings, and stifles the men at work there ; it is even possible that many of them will die of suffocation. Once the workmen in a mine were tormented by swarms of 4 wasps and bees let loose into it, If however you know at what spot they are digging, you should 5 dig countermines and engage them underground, barring their progress and burning them out. ‘There is an old story in this con- 6 nexion. Amasis, while besieging Barca, started to dig mines. The citizens on realizing his intention were greatly dismayed, fearing that he would defeat their vigilance, until a smith thought out a plan, which was to go round inside the walls with the bronze part of

a shield and apply it to the ground.

There was no sound where 7

the shield was applied, except at the point where the mines were being dug: there the mining caused it to ring. Here then the men of Barca dug countermines and killed many of the enemy’s miners.

So this method is still employed at night in discovering the whereabouts of mines. I have now described the best methods of defence against the 8 enemy's stratagems. When you are starting mining operations

yourself, the following will prove a most effective screen.

Take 9

two carts, and tilt them up together from behind like opening doors, until their poles are high in the air and converge towards the same

point; then tie the poles together.

Next on this framework bind

other poles and wickerwork, or anything else to serve as a screen above, and daub the whole with clay. The wheels will enable you to bring up this contrivance wherever you want it, and to take it away afterwards, and under this shelter the miners can work.

| Reserves | At times when assaults are being made on the wall either by XXXVUI machines or by actual storming-parties, the fighting force of the city should be divided into three parts, so that there may always be one part in action, another off duty, and 14 προσίσχοιτο χάλκωμα M corr. Hn καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐν. M: He: ἀντιώμεδα M ἀμύνη

corr. Tu ex J. Afr. 55 τα δὲ J. Afr, 55:

corr. Tu

the third preparing

for

ὑπορύσσετο M : corr. Ca 18 προσἧκεν M: corr. Ca [καὶ] del. Ca 19 ἀντιούμενον M : corr. Ca ex C 23 οὕτως} ὅπωσ M :

24 ἐπάνω, ταῦτα δὲ) σπανιώτατα δὲ M: 25 τοὺς τροχοὺς M et J. Afr. 55:

ἐπάνω,

corr. Orelli

96

AINEIOY

σκευνάζωνται, καὶ veoxpires ἀεὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ὦσιν. δεῖ δέ τινας καὶ ἄλλους ἐπιλελεγμένους πλήθει πλείονι μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ

ξυμπεριιέναι

κύκλῳ

τὸ

τεῖχος,

ἐπικουροῦντας

ἀεί

rive

πονουμένῳ μέρει: τὸ γὰρ ἐπιὸν μᾶλλον οἱ πολέμιοι φοβοῦνται ἃ τοῦ ὑπάρχοντος καὶ παρόντος ἤδη. rds τε κύνας δεσμεῖν τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον"

μετὰ γὰρ ὅπλων καὶ θορύβου τῶν [καὶ] ἀνθρώπων

τρεχόντων κατὰ τὴν πόλιν δι᾽ ἀ[λ]ήθειαν ὁρῶσαι αἱ κύνες ὀχλοῖεν 4 ἂν προσκείμεναι, τοῖς τε ἐπὶ τῷ τείχεε μαχομένοις παραινεῖν οἷα ἑκάστῳ δεῖ, τοὺς μὲν ἐπαινοῦνταϊς], τῶν δὲ δεζόγμενον' ὀργῇ δὲ 5 μηθένα τῶν τυχόντων ἀνθρώπων" ἀθυμότεροι γὰρ εἶεν ἄν. εἰ δέ τινας δεῖ μετιέναι ἀμελοῦντας καὶ ἀκοσμοῦντας, τοὺς τὰ πλεῖστα κεκτημένους καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει δυνάμεως μάλιστα μετέχοντας" εἴη γὰρ ἄν τι τοιοῦτο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις παράδειγμα. ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα

τούτων

δεῖ

παρεῖναι,

ἐν

τοῖς

᾿Ακούσμασι

γέγραπται.

6 χερμάδια δὲ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν ἀκαίρως ἀφιέναι, παρεσκευάσθαι [ὁ]δὲ ὅπως καὶ τὰ ἀφεθέντα ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐν νυκτὶ ἀναλέγηται ὧδε. 7 κατακρέμαννύειν χρὴ ἐν κοφίνοις ἄνδρας κατὰ τοῦ τείχους οἵτινες ἀναλέξουσιν" οὕτως δὲ ἄνδρας χρὴ τοὺς ἀναλέξοντας τὰ χερμάδια ἀναβαίνειν

els τὸ

τεῖχος,

κατακρεμασθέντων

Io

δικτύων

συείων

15

ἣ

8 ἐλαφείων ἢ ταῖς ἐκ τῶν σχοινίων κλίμαξι πεποιημέναις. ταύτας δ᾽ ἴσας εἶναι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῖς ἀναλέγουσιν ἀνθρώποις, ὅπως, ἐάν τινὲς πονῶσιν, ταχὺ ἀναβαίνωσιν' πύλας γὰρ μὴ ἀνοίγεσθαι νυκτός, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τοιαύταις κλίμαξι χρῆσθαι καὶ ἅτινα ἂν

30

βούλησθε.

[ δολεύματα μ XXXIX

Χρὴ

πύλαις ἔνθεν ζεσθαι 2 πόλιν. πόλιν

δὲ πολιορκουμένους

καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα

25

τεχνάζειν.

ἐν ταῖς

καὶ εἰς τὸ ἔσω μᾶλλον μέρος ὀρύξαντα τάφρον ἔνθεν καὶ πάροδον λιπόντα, ἔπειτα ἐπεξελθόντας τινὰς ἀκροβολίκαὶ προ[σἸάγειν τῶν πολεμίων ὥστε συνεισδραμεῖν εἰς τὴν τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καταφεύγοντας εἰς τὴν 30 χρὴ ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν παοὰ τὰς λελειμμένας παρόδους

cum xxxix. I-2 cf, J. Afr. 56

1 veoxunres M: corr. Ca dow) σώμασιν M: corr. Ca βούντων καὶ ἀνθρώπων M: corr. Haase 7 ἀλήθειαν épfuwigea: Lange

corr. Ca Orelli (omisso7:)

Ὁ ἐπαινοῦντασ

M:

corr. Ca

M:

Θ ϑορυcorr. Ca

τῶν δεδεμένων M :

10 (μετιέναι) post μηθένα add, Ca 12 δυναμένους M: corr. 13 ἄν τι in M non distincte legitur : ἄν τὶ τοιοῦτο Βὶ ἂν τοιοῦτο A 18 68M: corr.Ca 17 τείχεος M 18 οὕτως δὲ] rots

TIOAIOPKHTIKA

(XXXVIII,

XXXIX)

97

action: thus the troops on the wall will always be fresh. A larger 2 detachment of picked troops should go all round the walls with the general, relieving any part of the fighting force which is hard pressed. For the enemy are more afraid of a foe whose attack they know to be imminent than of the one with whom they are actually engaged. For the time being all dogs should be chained up: for at the g unfamiliar sight of armed men hurrying up and down the city and

making a noise, they might run at them and make themselves a nuisance.

During the fight you should encourage the men on the wall with 4 tact and discrimination: give a word of praise to those who deserve it; make a special appeal to those who need it. Do not lose your temper with any of the rank and file: it will only dishearten them ; if a reproof for negligence and insubordination is necessary, single 5 out the most wealthy and influential citizens ; then it will serve as a warning to the others as well. The occasions on which these various offences should be passed over are mentioned in my manual on Addressing Troops. Do not allow stones to be thrown indiscriminately, and take 6 Measures, too, to recover

at night

those

which

have

been

thrown

during the day. Men should be lowered over the wall in baskets 7 to pick them up; and you should hang out boar-nets or stag-nets or rope-ladders to enable the men engaged on this duty to climb up again. There should be a ladder for each man, so that if any 8 of them get into difficulties there will be no time lost in climbing up. The gates should not on any account be opened at night: use ladders of this kind, or anything you please.

[Ruses] Another device to which you should resort during a siege is this. XXXIX Dig a trench in the gateway and for some way into the city, leaving a passage

on

each

side.

Then

let some

of your

force make

a

sally, and skirmish so as to entice some of your opponents to pursue them into the city. The citizens as they flee into the city 2 should run in along the passages left on each side; but their δὲ Ηε

ἀναλέῤαντας Hn

19 δακτυλίων ἵστων πέλαφιων M: corr. Orelli

1 3° teas] δισσὰσ M: corr. Kirchhoff τινα M: 3883

ἂν (ἄλλα) τινὰ Orelli

33 καὶ drwa ἂν scripsi : καὶ ἄν

29 προάγειν J. Afr. 56: προσάγειν M H

οϑ

AINEIOY

εἰστρέχειν"

τοὺς δὲ

τῶν

πολεμίων

συνειστρέχοντας

elxds

ἐστι,

μὴ προειδότας τὴν τάφρον, ὅμα τε καὶ κεκρυμμένης οὔσης, εἰσπίπτειν καὶ φθείρεσθαι ἔσω τῆς πόλεως" ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ δ᾽ εἶναι συντεταγμένους τινὰς ἐν ταῖς διόδοις καὶ πρὸς τοῖς 8 ὀρύγμασι πυλῶν χώραις. ἐὰν δὲ πλείονες τῶν πολεμίων ἐπεισφέρωνται καὶ βούλῃ αὐτοὺς ἔχειν, χρὴ ἡτοιμάσθαι ἄν(ζω)θεν ἀπὸ τοῦ μεσοπύλου πύλη(ν) ξύλων ὡς παχυτάτων καὶ σεσιδηid

x

ἡ ρῶσθαι

f

αὐτήν. i

πολεμίους,

3

%

᾿

ὅταν οὖν βούλῃ F

3

ταύτην

f

ἀφιέναι

i

ε

r

ὑπολαβεῖν

Fa

ὀρθήν'

καὶ

4

Ἰ

αὐτή

"

τοὺς εἰστρέχοντας f

τέ

τινας

*

ἢ

Fl

πύλη

f i i Ἶ f φερομένη διαφίθ)ερεῖ - καὶ y τοὺς᾿ς πολεμίους σχήσει μὴἈ εἰσιέναι" ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει βαλλόντων τοὺς πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις 5 πολεμίους. χρὴ δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἀεὶ προειρῆσθαι, ἐάν ποτε αὐτοῖς πολέμιοι συνεισπίπτωσιν, ὅπῃ τῆς πόλεως συναθροισθήσονται,

ὅπως τῷ τόπῳ οἱ φίλοι διαγινώσκωνται' i

i

ov yap ῥάδιον μιγάδας 4

TE ὄντας μεθ᾽ ὅπλων καὶ μετὰ θορύβων συνεισπίπτοντας διαγινώ6 σκεσθαι.

Ig

15

ἤδη δὲ τοῖς θρασυνομένοις τε λίαν καὶ προσπελάζουσι

τῷ τείχει ἐγγυτέρω τοῦ προσήκοντος νυκτὸς ἢ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν βρόχους ἡμέρας μὲν κρυφαίως κατεσκεύασαν νυκτὸς δὲ ἀκρύπτους, οἷς προ[σἸκαλούμενοι

ἀκροβολισμοῖς

Ἰ ἔστω δὲ ὁ μὲν βρόχος ὅπλου

τὸν

εἰσπεσόντα

ἀνασπάσουσιν.

ὡς ἰσχυροτάτου, τὸ δὲ ἕλκον ἐπὶ

δύο πήχεις ἅλυσις, τοῦ μὴ διατμηθῆναι"

τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο, ὅθεν ἕλκουσι,

σχοίνου.

καὶ ἀνασπᾶται

κηλωνείοις,

ὅλος οἱ

δὲ ἔσω δὲ

κατακρέμαται

πολέμιοι

ἐὰν

διατέμνειν

ὅπλοις ἢ

ἐπιχειρῶσι,

πρὸς

ταῦτα πάλιν οἱ ἔσωθεν κηλωνείοις χρῶνται καθιέντες, ἵνα μὴ διατέμνηται" αἱ γὰρ ἁλύσεις πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα πραγματῶδες καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ζἀ)λυσιτελές,

[φυλακὴ XL

1 εἰκός} εἴη ὅσ Μ τ corr, Ca

35

πόλεως]

“Av ἢ ἡ πόλις μεγάλη καὶ μὴ ἱκανοὶ @ow οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει ἄνθρωποι περιίστασθαι ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς δὲ ὑπάρχουσι θέλῃς αὐτὴν διαφυλάξαι, χρὴ τῆς πόλεως ὅσα ἂν 4 εὐπρόσοδα cum xxxix, 3-4 cf. J. Afr. 56a;

15

cum χὶ, 1 cf, J. Afr. 57

8 τούτων

Μ : corr, Ca

4 πρῷ roi

opvypagı M: corr. Ca: alii alia 6 βούλει M : corr. Meier ἔχειν7 κατέ» xe Schoene (ex J. Afr, 564) vix recte ἦνθεν M: corr, Ca 7 πύλη πυλῶν Μ΄: corr. Orelli ex Casauboni versione 8 βούλει M: corr, Meier

ἀπολαβεῖν Hn vix recte 9 πολυφερομένῃ διαφέρει M: corr. Orelli 11 οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει Tu (coll. J. Afr. 56a) 12 a’rots|] ἄνθισ M: corr. Hn

30

MOAIOPKHTIKA (XXXIX, XL)

99

pursuers, knowing nothing of the trench, which should be concealed, will probably fall into it and be killed inside the city; a force should be drawn up for the occasion in the streets and in the spaces near the gate where the trenches are. If more of the 3 enemy are running in after these and you wish to stop them, you must have ready a door of stout timber to let down from the beam above the gate, and have it plated with iron. When you wish to 4 check the enemy as they rush in, let this door fall straight down: it will kill some of them as it falls, and prevent the rest from getting in. Meanwhile some of the men on the wall must shoot down the enemy near the gates. But you must always have ἃ 5 pre-arranged rendezvous for your own men, where they are to

assemble if ever the enemy follow them

into the city, so that

they may be distinguished by their position: for it is no easy task to know friend from foe when they rush in pell-mell in the confusion of the fight. Once when an enemy became too venture- 6 some and advanced too close to the wall, lassos were prepared for day and night (by day they were concealed, but by night used openly): the object was to entice the enemy up to the city by skirmishing and haul up those who were caught in the lassos. The 7

noose itself should be made of the strongest rope obtainable; the line that pulls up the man should be a chain for the first three feet from the noose, so that it cannot be cut through; the hauling-end should be of rush-rope. The whole apparatus is let down and hauled up from inside the walls, by ropes or swing-beams. If the enemy try to cut the rope, the defenders reply by letting it down with a run by means of the swing-beams, to prevent them from doing so: the use of chains to prevent such an occurrence is undesirable, for they are troublesome things and awkward to handle,

and also not worth the expense.

[Garrisoning a city) If the city is a large one and the inhabitants too few to guard XL the whole circuit of the walls, but you nevertheless wish to guard it securely with the men you have, use any available material to 18 τέλεον M:

corr. He

17 ἐγγύτεροι

καλούμενοι M:

corr, Tu

31 ἁλυσεισ M:

M: M:

corr. Tu corr. Ca

M : corr, Meineke ἄλυσις C:

corr. Ca

23 xydwvelas] αλωνίοισ M: corr. Ca H2

10 προσ22

ὅλως:

38 λυσιτελέσ

100

AINEIOT

οἰκοδομεῖν ὕψει ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἵνα, ἄν τινες τῶν πολεμίων ἢ λαθραίως

ἢ βίᾳ

καταπηδᾶν

ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν,

a

f

4

ἀναβῶσιν,

fa

Ev ἀπειρίᾳ

ἕω

+

+

ἀλλὰ

γενόμενοι

“

πάλιν

un

+

ἀπίωσι

δύνωνται

4

μὴ

f

ἔχοντες

ὅπη

καταβαίνωσιν. παρὰ δὲ τὰ φκοδομημένα ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν φυλασσόντων (τῶν) ὑπαρχόντων ἀνθρώπων, ἵνα τοὺς καταπηδῶντας ἀπὸ α τῶν ὑψηλῶν διαφθείρωσιν. Διονύσιος δὲ πόλιν ὑποχείριον ποιησάμενος, ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τεθνηκότων, τῶν δὲ ᾿

*

-

F

*

Ν

ar

πεφευγύτων,

m

ἠθέλησε

+

κατασχεῖν'

8 ὀλίγων φυλάσσεσθαι,

4

ἣν

ὃὲ

Ca

4"

μείζων

ἢ

eo.

ὥστε

ὑπ

ἐπιμελητὰς μὲν οὖν τινας κατέλιπεν οὖς

ἐνεδέχετο, τῶν δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μέγιστα δυναμένων olkeralı)s συνῴκισεν τῶν δεσποτῶν τὰς θυγατέρας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ ἀδελφάς" Fa

m

ἔμ

ba

F

4

-

κ

|

f

οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ᾧετο μάλιστα πολεμιωτάτους ἔσεσθαι τοῖς δεσπόταις 4 καὶ αὑτῷ πιστοτέρους. Σινωπεῖς δὲ πρὸς Δαταμᾶν πολεμοῦντες ἐπεὶ ἐν κινδύνῳ ἦσαν καὶ σπάνει ἀνδρῶν, τῶν γυναικῶν τὰ ἐπιεικέστατα σώματα μορφώσαντες καὶ ὁπλίσαντες ὡς ἐς ἄνδρας μάλιστα, ἀντὶ ὅπλων f

+

καὶ

se

περικεφαλαιῶν

4

ὁμότροπα τούτοις δόντες χαλκώματα, 5 μάλιστα οἱ πολέμιοι ὄψεσθαι ἔμελλον.

γ

τοὺς

--

πόρρωθεν γὰρ κατάδηλος βάλλουσα

TE

Kadous f

καὶ

4

τὰ

*

περιῆγον τοῦ τείχους ἡ βάλλει οὐκ εἴων αὐτάς"

γυνή.

ποιοῦντες δὲ ταῦτα

τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἐφύλασσον μὴ διαγγελθῇ.

6

ἐὰν δὲ θέλῃς ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει περιόδους πλείους φαίνεσθαι, χρὴ N,

u

Lal

Ν

περιιέναι ἐπὶ

δύο,

-

#

Fa

ἔχοντας

τὰ

δόρατα

τὸν

ἀριστερῷ ὥμῳ, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ" μ᾿

-".

6M

᾿

yo

au

m

a,

ἕνα

στίχον

ἐπὶ

εἾ

τῷ

καὶ οὕτω φανοῦνται %

Eid

En

1 εἰς τέσσαρας. ἐὰν δὲ τρία περιζίγωσι, τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ ὦμῳ ἔχειν τὸ δόρυ, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριστερῷ ἱκαὶ οἱ ἄλλοι κατὰ ταυτάϊ καὶ οὕτω φανοῦνται els δύο. 8 Περὶ δὲ τροφῆς ἀσίτου καὶ ὧν σπάνις ἐν πολιορκίᾳ καὶ ὑδάτων 3 F -Ω # F ws δεῖ- πότιμα ποιεῖν, ἐν TH[m Παρασκεναστικῇ .- βύβλῳ δεδήλωται. mei δὲ ταῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν εἴρηται, περὶ ναυτικῆς τάξεως δίειμι. é

4

be’

ey)

fF

m

rd

5

~

ἀ

ἰ

Ναυτικοῦ δὲ στρατεύματος δύο εἰσὲ στόλοι. [Αἰνείου πολιορκητικά'

ἢ Αἰλιανοῦ

καθὼς ἢ ἀρχὴ" 4

&

4

f

]

cum xl. 4-5 cf, J. Afr. 57;

cum xi. 6-7 cf. J. Afr, 58

1 ὕψει] ὑψηλὰ 1. Afr. 57 5 He: ἀπίωσι Orelli: πᾶσιν ἅπασι M

ὕψη Meineke 2 ἐν ἀπορίᾳ Ca 8. πάλιν 5 (rar) addidi: (ἐκ τῶν) Ca: {τινὲς Tor}

Tu (οἱ ὑπάρχοντες ἄνθρωποι J. Afr. 57) 9 κατέλιπεν scripsi: μετὀλίγων Μ 10 (&miornae)} post ἐνεδέχετο add. Ca conservato supra pert’ ὀλίγων 3 {κατέλιπε Schoene δυναμένουσ οἰκέτασ M: corr. Tu 12 dv] αὐτοὺς

He

13 αὐτῶ M:

μορφώσαντες Meineke

corr. Sauppe 24

14 «ai del. A, Schaefer

τρία] ἐπὶ τριῶν

Hn vix recte

15 (zera)-

περιῶσι

M :

MOAIOPKATIKA (XL)

101

build up high such parts.of the wall as are easy of access from outside.

Then if any of the enemy make

their way up either by

stealth or by force, they will find themselves in an unfamiliar position, and will not be able to jump down

from

such a height,

but will have to go back because they cannot find a way down. Such

men

as are available should be posted

here and there along

the parts that have been built up, to dispatch any who dare to make the jump. Dionysius once wished to occupy a city which ἃ he had conquered: some of its inhabitants were dead and some in exile, and it was too large to be defended by a small garrison. He therefore

left behind

him a few men whom

he could spare to 3

look after the city, and married some of the slaves of the most prominent citizens to the daughters, wives, and sisters of their masters: this, he thought, would make them most bitterly hostile to their masters and increase their loyalty to himself. Again, the 4 men of Sinope, when at war with Datamas, were in a critical posilion and in want of men. They therefore disguised and armed the fittest of their women, so as to make them look as much

like men as they could, gave them jars and similar brass utensils to represent armour and helmets, and marched them round the walls in full view of the enemy. They were not allowed to throw § anything: for you can tell a woman a long way off by the way she throws. And they took care to prevent the betrayal of the stratagem by deserters, If you wish rounds on the wall to appear

stronger

than they 6

really are, they should march round two abreast, the front rank carrying

their spears on their left shoulders, the second

their right shoulders: four

abreast.

If the

rank on

in this way they will look as if they were patrol

is a file of three

men,

the

first man 7

should have his spear on his right shoulder, the second on his left shoulder: in this way they will look as if they were two abreast. As to the provision of food when there is no corn, shortage of 8 supplies during a siege, and the way to render water fit for drinking,

these

Jor Defence.

matters

have

been

discussed in my

Preparations

And since they have been dealt with, I shall proceed

to naval arrangements, A fleet may be equipped in two ways. corr, Ca (ex ©) 26 [xat... ravra] del. He: καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κατὰ ταῦτα Hu els δύο J. Afr. 58: εἷς δύο M 32 post ἀρχή" complures litterae erasae suntin M:

in AB erasarum litt. nullum vestigium

COMMENTARY Foreword Tus short paragraph has the appearance of having been composed with especial care. The effort to achieve a literary style is much more conspicuous than in the remainder of the book. The sentences are carefully, even rhythmically, constructed ; there is much

studied antithesis and balancing of phrases; and from the first we may notice Aeneas’s love of double expressions, such as ἀγῶνες καὶ κίνδυνοι, οὐκ ἴσος οὐδὲ ὅμοιος, σωθεῖσι καὶ

καλῶς

ἀμυναμένοις, φοβεροὺς καὶ

δυσεπιθέτους, παρασκενῆς καὶ προθυμίας,

$1. περιγινομένοις. On all questions of orthography see Introduction, pp. Ixiv-Ixzi. § 2. δυσεπιθέτους. ‘Hac voce augenda lexica’ (Orelli); but it has found a place in L. and S., though this is apparently the only passage where it occurs; εὐεπίθετος, on the other hand, is found in Thue. vi. 34. 4 and Xen. An. ım. iv. 20, ἄς, On the number and nature of Aeneas’s ἅπαξ λεγόμενα see Introduction, p. Ixit fl.

§§ 8-4. ὅπως.

. . φανῶσι...

καταστήσαιεν,

Schoene, following

Hercher, reads (av) after καταστήσαιεν ; but cf. Thuc. iii, 22. 8 ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα... τοῖς πολεμίοις ἦ καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν, The opt. perhaps

suggests ἃ remoter possibility. The redundant ἀλλά in the apodosis (= at certe) is fairly often found in Plato and Xenophon: cf. KühnerGerth, ii, p. 287, note 6. § 4. καθάπερ τινὲς, κτλ. It is difficult to believe that, when writing this sentence, Aeneas had not specially in mind the desperate straits to which Sparta was reduced, first in the winter of 370-69, and again

in 362, by Epaminondas. below (ii. 2).

The latter occasion is expressly referred to

I The first part of the work (cc. i-xiv) deals with preparatory measures for defence, previous to the appearance of the enemy. The proper organization

of troops for

the performance of various

duties. §§ 1-3. §§ 4-7. §§ 8-9.

Distinction drawn between expeditionary forces and troops to compose the garrison. Organization of the magistrates’ bodyguard, and of an efficient force for special duties. Disposition of the garrison and of the other inhabitants,

CHAPTER

I, § 1-3

103

$1. σωμάτων σύνταξιν. Not the formation of troops for battle, of which the tacticians speak; rather the whole constitution and disposition of the fighting force in a city is referred to by this expression. Note the use of σώματα, meaning ‘troops’, which has no exact parallel in any

other author.

Its development

from

the

ordinary

meaning

of

σῶμα can be traced through such phrases as that in § 5 λοιπὸν ἀπολέγειν σώματα (τὰ) duvqodspeva μάλιστα πονεῖν, and xxviii. 2 ἵνα σώματα μὲν ἀνθρώπων «+. ἐξ, καὶ εἰσίῃ καθ᾽ ἕνα. Compare Xen. Cyr. 11. i. II σώματα μὲν ἔχοντες ἀνδρῶν ἥκετε οὐ μεμπτά, which is perhaps the nearest parallel in

another author.

Here physical characteristics are still kept in mind;

but Aeneas often uses it without any reference to physical e.g. xxii, 16 ὅσοι ἐν σώμασι. .. ὕποπτοι τοῖς αὑτῶν.

condition :

τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως... τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἄστεος. A good example of the distinction between ἄστυ and πόλεις, the former referring to the city of bricks and mortar, the latter to the city as a community of citizens. Cf. Thuc. vi. 44. 2 τῶν μὲν πόλεων οὐ δεχομένων αὐτοὺς ἀγορᾷ οὐδὲ dora, This seems better to suit the sense of the present

passage than to take πόλις of the whole city, including the acropolis and the ἄστυ (i.e. the town dwellings excluding the acropolis). Xen. Hell, vu. iü. 4 is a good instance of this latter distinction: τοῦ μὲν ἄστεως ἐκράτει. . . Θηβαίον δὲ ἁρμοστοῦ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἔχοντος, ἐπεὶ ἔγνω οὐκ ἂν δυνάμενος... τῆς πόλεως κρατεῖν wth,

§ 2. συντετάχθαι. ‘Duplicem aciem et praecipiendi. Alteram

Etiam Hesychius: ὑπερδέξια.

A

notionem involvit ordinandi in legimus apud Xen. Cyr. vit. ii. 3.

συνέταξεν---ἐνετείλατο, παρήγγειλεν ' (Orelli). favourite

word

of Xenophon.

military term for ground commanding Hell. vu.

iv. 13

ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου

It is the

the surrounding

technical

country: cf.

προσιόντας : iv. ii. 14 ἐκ τῶν

ὑπερδεξίων

βάλλοντες αὐτούς,

ἐνεδρευτικά, Not found elsewhere before the Hellenistic period (Strabo and Philo), A large number of ‘late’ words, chiefly technical terms, are first found in Aeneas: cf. Introduction, pp. Ix-Ixiv. ὃ 8. τὰ δὲ τειχήρη, sc. σώματα,

CE

iv. 5 τὰ ἀποστελλόμενα : xxxvi.

1 τὰ bmepßaivovra,

πολιτοφυλακήσοντα, A certain correction for M’s πολιτοφυλακῆσ ὄντα, though the verb is not elsewhere found. (In Polyb. xviii. 39. 4, referred to by L. and S., the MSS. read πολεοφυλακεῖν, which bears

quite a different meaning.) The paramount necessity of watching not only the city but also the citizens is a striking, if melancholy, feature which runs throughout the whole book.

104

COMMENTARY

The chief magistrates of Larisa

Arist. Pol. 1305 29. {cf.

esp.

were

called

of πολιτοφύλακες : cf.

Their duties are described ibid. 1322* 26 ff.

1. 34 ff. δεῖ δὲ καὶ ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἐν πολέμῳ

πυλῶν τε

καὶ τειχῶν

φυλακῆς ὁμοίως ἐπιμελητὰς εἶναι καὶ ἐξετάσεως καὶ συντάξεως τῶν πολιτῶν), A πολίταρχος is mentioned in xxvi. 12 (cf. the πολιτάρχαι of Acis

xvii. 6 and 8). § 4. ol περὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔσονται. Primarily to protect them from such treacherous attacks as those described in c. xvii, Whether this guard is the same force as the ἐπίλεκτοι mentioned in xvi. 7 we are not

told; but at Phlius 300 men, picked for exactly the same purpose, were

called

ἐπίλεκτοι (Xen.

compare the 100 λογάδες who king (Hdt. vi. 56).

Zell.

v. iii,

formed

22-3),

and

we

may

also

the bodyguard of the Spartan

As yet there has been no mention of a στρατηγός : and the ἡγεμὼν καὶ ἐπιμελητής referred to in $ 7 is most naturally taken to mean the

commander of the efficient hoplite force of $ 5, though it might refer to the commander-in-chief. But the contents of the book are clearly addressed not to the ἄρχοντες, but to a στρατηγός on whom is placed

the sole responsibility for the defence of the city. The situation which Aeneas has primarily in view appears in fact to be as follows. The city is under a democratic government; for (a) the magistrates are οἱ ἄρχοντες, (6) the party most to be feared (of ἀντιπροθυμούμενοι, xi. 1) is

clearly the πλούσιοι (cf. cc. xi and xiv).

But the ἄρχοντες at a crisis

appoint a στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, or dictator, who

places the city under

martial law (cf. the regulations in c. x), and is at liberty to take any measures which he thinks fit for its defence. Such an arrangement, though it would be unusual in the fifth century, is perfectly natural and almost inevitable in the fourth, when

military science had

become a

profession (see Introduction, p. xxviiff.). The author is probably speaking from personal experience ; and all this fits in well with the circumstances of Aeneas of Stymphalus’ command at Sicyon. $ δ. σώματα (τὰ) δυνησόμενα μάλιστα πονεῖν. Troops were often (especially at Sparta) formed into fighting units according to age: cf. Xen. An. vi. iv. 25;

λοχίσαι,

v. 4; Hell. uw, iv. 32;

11. iv. 23, &c,

λόχος, corresponding roughly to our company,

was the

common name in Greece for the largest tactical unit. It consisted generally of about 100 men: cf. Xen. Am. un. iv. 21; ıv, vill. 15. In An. 1. ii, 25 the number seems to have fallen to 50. For a new

estimate of the numbers of the Spartan λόχος and its relation to the

μόρα see an article by A. J. Toynbee in J, H. S., vol. xxxiii (1913).

CHAPTER I,$4-CHAPTER II, §1 § 6. εἶναι δὲ αὐτοὺς εὔνους. e.g.in cc.

x and

xi.

This

point

that

Aeneas

Notice

105

is further developed

later,

here, as always, assumes

the presence of traitors, either potential or actual, within the city walls.

μέγα yap... ἀντ᾽ ἀκροπόλεως.

One of the very few concessions to

sentiment that Aeneas allows himself,

For the sentiment in question

we may compare the famous words which close Nicias’s final appeal to the defeated Athenians before Syracuse (Thue. vii. 77. 7): ἄνδρες γὰρ πόλις, καὶ οὐ τείχη οὐδὲ νῆες ἀνδρῶν κεναί, It was no doubt something of a Hellenic commonplace:

ii. 37 ἀλκᾷ δὲ τεῖχος ἀνδρῶν

an echo of it is found in Pindar, Zaren

ὕψιστον

ἵσταται, and in Plato, Laws 778d

καλῶς μὲν καὶ ὁ ποιητικὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν (sc,

τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων) λόγος ὑμνεῖται,

τὸ χαλκᾶ καὶ σιδηρᾶ δεῖν εἶναι τὰ τείχη μᾶλλον ἢ γήινα, Lam indebted for the last two references to A. W, Verrall's study on the paeans of Pindar in Collected Studies in Greek and Latin Scholarship (see p. 127).

§ 7. ἡγεμὼν δὲ καὶ ὁ ἐπιμελητὴς. stands

is

very awkward, but

we

The position of the article as it have

a parallel

in xxix. 1 ἐνίοις

ἤδη

πόλις καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις κατελήφθη, 50 that it is perhaps best not to interfere

with the MS, reading. We may compare Arist. Poet. 14486 38 ὥσπερ "Thuis καὶ ἡ ᾿οδύσσεια (where Bywater approves the suggestion (ἡ) Ἰλιὰς, though he cites as parallels de Respir. 478> 28 ἔστι δὲ θάνατος καὶ ἡ φθορὰ

πᾶσιν ὁμοίως

τοῖς μὴ dredéow, and

Rhef.

1414> 14).

To

take

ἡγεμὼν here as predicate is hardly possible in view of the rest of the sentence. Editors have either transposed (K. and R.) or omitted 6 (Hercher and Schoene). εὔρωστος.

‘Energisch’ (K. and R.);

but the word seems generally,

unless qualified, to denote physical fitness: cf. Xen. Hell..v. iii. 6; vi. i. 6. §§ 8-9. τὸ δὲ περιὸν πλῆθος... τῶν δὲ ὄχλων, This antithesis can hardly be accidental. By πλῆθος no doubt is meant the rest of the regular citizen force; by ὄχλοι everyone else (including doubtless μέτοικοι, and probably δοῦλοι) capable of bearing arms in a crisis, II Open spaces within the city walls ; their advantages and disadvantages

to the defenders. § 1.

§§ 2-6.

§§ 7-8.

Unwanted open spaces should be blocked up.

The value of street barriers is shown by two illustrations : (a) § 2. The defence of Sparta against the Thebans (36a 2. c.). (4) §§ 3-6, The defence of Plataea against the Thebans (431 3. c.). There are, however, arguments against this practice,

§ 1. ”Apıorov.

ἄχρηστον (M) is defended by Casaubon and Fischer,

106

COMMENTARY

but its sense is the exact opposite of what seems to be required. Caspar Orelli’s suggestion ἄριστον gives an easy reading, paralleled by vi. 6; xvi.

13; xvii. 6, &c.;

and the

confusion of these

two words

probably occurs also in Plut. So/on, 15. (See H. Richards, Xenophon and Others, p. 246.) ἀχρείους, ‘Unwanted’ (sc. for the defenders’ use). This seems better than the translation ‘unoccupied’ (sc. by buildings). εὐρυχωρίας. ‘ Haec sunt loca, quae Graeci ὁρμητήρια significantissima voce appellabant’ (Casaubon). The word is generally used by the historians in the sense of an open space for action, whether on land (as in Xen. Zeil. vu. iv. 24), or more often at sea: cf, Hdt. viii. 60 8; Thuc. ii. 83.2, ἄς. In an ordinary mods the two chief εὐρυχωρίαι are naturally the ἀγορά and the

θέατρον (cf. i. 9; iii. 5), but Mr. A. J. Toynbee has kindly shown me some photographs of small Greek wédcs-sites in the Peloponnesus from which it is clear that the ring-wall often enclosed a considerable space of uneven ground, which was probably by no means entirely covered with buildings. ᾿

τυφλοῦν ταφρεύοντα.

Cf. xxxix. r, where trenches are to be dug in

the εὐρυχωρίαι near the gates. τυφλοῦν does not except in Aeneas as a technical military term.

§ 2. Λακεδαιμόνιοι

δὴ,

κτλ.

This

seem

to

be

found

desperate defence took

place

ν

during the last invasion of Laconica by Epaminondas, in 362, when Sparta was within an ace of being captured, and was saved only by

the heroic exertions of the aged Agesilaus; cf. Xen. Hell. vir. v. 9-10; Plut. Ag. 34;

Polyaen. ii. 3.

(In the campaign of the Thebans did not by Aeneas are not been derived from

10;

Justin, vi. 7;

Frontinus, iii. 11. 5.

370-69, to which Casaubon referred this incident, venture to attack the city.) The details given mentioned by any other author, and must have an eyewitness, though no Arcadian contingent

seems to have been present on either side. The casual way in which the story is introduced implies that it would be fresh in the minds of

his readers. διαλύοντες.

Sc. αὐτάς (= τὰς οἰκία),

any need to emend the text. is not a very good one, because

There does not seem

to be

Haase’s suggestion χερμάδια λύοντες χερμάδιον and χερμάς seem always to

denote stones used as missiles; and (as Schoene remarks) " διαλύειν aptissimum ". αἱμασιῶν. As opposed to τεῖχος and τειχίον, a wall built of Zoose stones, such as may be seen in any countryside:

cf. Hesych.,

αἱμασιά"

CHAPTER

II, §§ 2-3

107

τὸ ἐκ πολλῶν λέθων λογάδων ἄθροισμα, and the phrase αἱμασιὰς λέγειν (Od. xviii. 350; xxiv. 224); further, Thuc. iv. 43. 3; Theocr.i. 47 ; and

Hdt. ii. 69. 3 (of walls Aauntedby lizards). τειχίων is better than τειχῶν (M), because the former is regularly used of house-walls, the latter of fortifications. ὄντων πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων, The sense of the passage, as well as the order, is decisive against taking these words with ἱερῶν : nor, on the other hand, do they look like an adscript. We must either suppose that they are a particularly violent example of the not uncommon construction by which the genitive absolute is used instead of the participle in agreement with the noun to which it refers, in order to give greater emphasis

(see

Kühner-Gerth,

ii, pp. 110-11

for

examples, none

of

which, however, is so difficult to explain as this); or follow K. and R. in inserting τούτων after ὄντων, an omission not very improbable in the case of M.

Sparta was famous for its tripods:

cf. Σπάρτας πολυτρίποδος,

Alex. Aet. in Anth, Palas. vii. 709. 4 (Schoene). For the use of sacred objects in a like emergency we may compare Tac. fist. iii. 7: Fores penetrassent, ni Sabinus revulsas undique

statuas, decora maiorum, in ipso aditu vice muri obiecisset (Casaubon). προαποπληρώσαντες.

ἅπαξ λεγόμενον,

$ 8. Πλαταιεῖς δὲ, κτλ,

Referring to the famous attack on Piataea

in 431 B.c.: cf. Thuc. ii. 2-6; Dem. im Neaer., § 98 ff.; Diod. xii. 41. Aeneas’s method when quoting Herodotus or Thucydides is

very interesting. He by no means confines himself to the actual words of his original, but (a) replaces words and expressions not current in his own day by the ordinary vocabulary; (ὁ) paraphrases his author in order to bring out his own points in the clearest way,

omitting unessential

details and

sometimes adding to the original.

Here, for instance:

(i) He gives the impression that the magistrates made terms with the Thebans in order to secure time for preparing defences.

Thucydides

definitely says that the idea of making an attack occurred afterwards

(c. 3, δὲ 1-3). (ii) οὐδὲ ἔργων τῶν προσηκόντων moral for his readers.

ἁπτομένους

is inserted

to point the

(iii) The barricades, which are the excuse for bringing in the story, occupy naturally a much more prominent place: cf, Thuc., c. 4, § 2 with Aen., § 6.

(iv) The ἄρχοντες ($ 4) and the σημεῖον (§ 5) are not mentioned by Thucydides.

On

the

other

hand,

the

prolonged

resistance of the

108

COMMENTARY

Thebans (Thuc., c. 4, § 2 δὶς μὲν ἢ τρὶς ἀπεκρούσαντο) is omitted by Aeneas as unessential. , Compare with this Aeneas’s treatment of Herodotus xxxvii, 6-7: see notes ad loc.).

(xxxi. 25-29;

κατανοήσαντες οὗ πολλοὺς αὐτοὺς ὄντας, The reason for this is given in Dem. loc. cit. ($ 99) ὕδωρ γὰρ γενόμενον τῆς νυκτὸς πολὺ ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς πάντας εἰσελθεῖν" ὁ γὰρ ᾿Ασωπὸς ποταμὸς μέγας ἐρρύη.

κρατήσειν.

It is worth while noticing that editors of Thucydides

have emended the manuscript reading κρατῆσαι on the strength of this passage, though it would be quite in Aeneas’s manner to alter a construction that was strange to him. $4.

xa” ἕνα [δὲ] καὶ δύο, τοὺς (δὲ) κοινοὺς τοίχους,

excellent emendation

of M’s

KTA.

Schoene’s

καθένα δὲ καὶ δύο τοὺς κοινοὺς τοίχους, κτλ.

Cf. xv. 2 ἵνα μὴ σποράδην καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἐξιόντες... ἀπολλύωνται. διορύττοντας. In ὃ 6 M has πράσσειν and ἐλάττω: in x, 19 ἀπαλλάττεσθαι and ἐλάσσω. See Introduction, p. Ixvii. § δ. τὰς μὲν διόδους καὶ τὰς ῥύμας. ‘Alleys and streets.” δίοδοι (cf. § 2 of this chapter and χχχίχ, 2) are by-streets leading from one main street to another, and narrower than ῥῦμαι; cf. iii, 4, where ῥύμη is used like the Latin ozcus of a main street together with

the alleys that branched off from it; the whole might be a ‘ quarter” of some size. $ 8. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις... κεράμοις, The traditional punctuation of this sentence is to put a full stop after Θηβαίους, and a comma after xepduos.

But the embarrassment of the Thebans with

the

carts was

not due to the presence of the women and slaves on the housetops. It is better to make the ὥστε clause depend on the whole of the preceding sentence (drarpaoderros ... Θηβαίον:), and to place ἅμα δὲ τούτοις... κεράμοις in a parenthesis. The whole sentence is somewhat loosely constructed.

ot μὲν γὰρ (ἀπέφευγον)

ἄπειροι... ἁμαξῶν.

Some

verb must be

supplied between γὰρ and ἄπειροι. Prof. Murray’s suggestion, ἀπέφευγον, seems the most likely for the following reasons:

(1) The corresponding passage in Thuc. (ii. 4. 2) reads ἐφοβήθησαν καὶ τραπόμενοι ἔφευγον διὰ τῆς πόλεως, ἄπειροι μὲν

ὄντες οἱ πλείους ἐν σκότῳ

καὶ πηλῷ τῶν διόδων 7 χρὴ

δὲ ἔχοντες τοὺς διώκοντας

σωθῆναι ..., ἐμπείρους

τοῦ μὴ ἐκφεύγειν, «rl. The occurrence of ἔφευγον in Thucydides is a strong argument for reading ἔφευγον or ἀπέφευγον in Aeneas. Of these,

ἀπέφευγον is preferable because (2) this reading explains the omission of the word in M, since the next word is ἄπειροι,

CHAPTER

II, §& 4-7

109

To the objection that Aeneas, in speaking of the φράξεις as the cause

of the Thebans’ being ἄπειροι ἡ χρὴ σωθῆναι, departs from Thucydides, it may be answered that itis not unnatural for him to do so, since the ἅμαξαι are for him the central point of the whole passage. Against K. and R.’s ἠπόρουν the following considerations can be urged: it is quite unlike Thucydides’ ἔφευγον; it does not offer nearly so good an explanation of the corruption; and the order is against

constructing

it. with διὰ rds φράξεις,

although

the

sense

might

be

improved thereby. διὰ τὰς φράξεις = διὰ τὸ ταῖς ἁμάξαις πεφράχθαι τὰς διόδους, not quite the same as διὰ τὰ φράγματα. The simple noun φράξις is rare, but not

(as Hercher asserts) absolutely without authority ; for it occurs in J. G. IV.1484, 1.75 Απολλωνίδας εἵλετο φάρξιν τοῦ ναοῦ (Epidaurus, ¢. 400 B.C.), Compounds are frequent: ἀπόφραξις (Xen. An. iv. ii. 25), ἀντίφραξις (Arist, Anal. post. go® 16, &c.), ἔμφραξις (Arist.), ἐπέφραξις (Plutarch). φράγμα and its compounds are more frequent ; but Aeneas is noticeably

fond of verbal nouns in -σις (see Introduction, p. Ixiii). § 7. ᾿Εξοιστέον, κτλ. As Fischer (Quaestiones Aeneanae, p. 12) points out, §§ 7-8 interrupt the connexion between c. ii and c. iii, and are clearly in the nature

of a modern foot-note ; for the Theban

surprise of Plataea, though originally adduced to prove the advantages of barricades, suggests to Aeneas the discussion of other measures to be taken in view of a possible surprise. Thus ii. 6 leads naturally to iii, x ἐκ προσφάτου δὲ ἐγγινομένου φόβου ἀσυντάκτῳ πόλει. For similar cases where an illustration of one topic forms a bridge to another ef. xii, g and xiii, 1; xv. 8-10 and xvi. τ. For ἐκφέρω in the simple sense of ‘ quote’ or ‘ mention’ cf. xvii. 2 παράδειγμα δὲ ἐξοίσω γενόμενον πάθος : xxiii. 7 πρᾶξις δὲ καὶ δ᾽ ἐξοισθήσεται,

Elsewhere it is used of ‘publishing’ an oracle, or ‘disclosing’ a secret; and Aeneas perhaps regards himself as ‘bringing forth’ out of his treasure things new and old.

τούτοις : i.e, the practice of blocking up the ἄχρειοι εὐρυχωρίαι, as recommended in § 1. ὡς... εἶναι. This can be taken quite simply to mean ‘as for instance the fact that...’; and the plural τὰ ὑπεναντία supports this view. But it may be an example of the combination of two indirect speech constructions found in Xen. Cyr. vin. i. 25 ἐλογίζετο bs... ἧττον ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐθέλειν : cf. Hell, n. ii. 2.

κοινοῦ γὰρ καὶ ἑνὸς ὄντος τόπου τοιούτου,

The form of expression is

110

COMMENTARY

strange, though the sense is clear: we should expect ἑνὸς γὰρ μόνου κοινοῦ τόπου ὄντος racovrov, or the like. § 8. τοῖς ἐναντίοις. Here, of course, the opponents of the enemy,

i.e. the defending force. εἰ δὲ πάντας,

κτλ.

Optimistic

reasoning,

for it

is difficult

to see

where the defenders themselves could muster in force if the enemy had

occupied all the open spaces.

Notice the looseness of the grammar :

τὸν λοιπὸν Av... . ὑπάρχειν is parallel to χωρισθέντες dv . . διακέοιντο. ὡς δὲ αὕτως... αἱρῆται. The sense of this sentence is clear, though

it is expressed clumsily. It is removed from the text by Hercher and Hug, but the language is characteristic of Aeneas. ‘In the case just mentioned I have stated the objections which might be urged against my own precepts: in future I shall leave this to my readers, only reminding them that in forming any plan (κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων θελημάτων) it is as well to think of all possible objections first; a thoughtless adherence to my injunctions will be of course disastrous.’ Excellent advice. ὑπονοεῖν. ‘Suspect’ in the sense of ‘conjecture, form guesses about’, in a case where exact knowledge is impossible. Cf. v. ı and Ar. Knighis 652.

ἕτερον. Other than the right one, i.e, disastrous. This euphemistic use of ἕτερος is not uncommon, both in prose and poetry: cf. Soph, Phil.

503

παθεῖν μὲν

εὖ, παθεῖν

δὲ θάτερα:

Pind.

Pyth. iii. 34 δαίμων

ἕτερος : Isocr. xix, § 25 πλέον θάτερον ποιεῖν, &C. To translate ἔγερον here as ‘other than that I have recommended’ would obviously nullify the point of this caution, which

is to warn

author’s

without

recommendations

the reader z0/ to adopt

considering

whether

they

the

are

applicable to the particular situation.

αἱρῆται is the simplest correction of M’s αἰρῆσαι (Casaubon wrote αἱρήσαιο, but Aeneas noticeably avoids using the and person sing.). It is true that there is no definite subject, but in several passages Aeneas

omits the subject where it is indefinite and from the context: see Introduction, p. Ixxvi.

can

be easily supplied

Hl Further advantage. §§ 1-3.

directions for posting

the defending force

A certain section of the city wall should

to

the greatest

be allotted to each φυλή,

or each contingent οἴσύμμαχοι, and the ascents on tothe wall should be carefully watched,

CHAPTER δὲ 4-6,

II, ὃ 8—CHAPTER

The troops should be already organized

III, § 3

111

by ῥῦμαι beforehand ; and

even the magistrates should have their stations and duties assigned in advance,

In a small assault often disorder was manders is a

Greek city, when a moment's delay in the event of an meant capture, the need of quick concentration without paramount. The idea of street sections and street comparticularly good one.

§ 1. Ἐκ προσφάτου,

This phrase is best taken by itself adverbially

as equivalent to προσφάτως : cf. xvi.

2 προσφάτως

ἠγγελμένων,

The

word is rare in Attic prose, and is apparently confined to special cases: e.g. in the comedians it is often used of fresh fish, Cf. Kock, Com.

Ait. Frag. iii, p. 132 (frag. 462 of Menander, 1, 4); ii, p. 107 (frag. 218 of Antiphanes, I. τὴ. For the number and significance ‘ poetic ’ words used in Aeneas see Introduction, pp. xlviii-lv. καταστήσαι is the obvious correction

of the

of καταστήσοι (M}, though it is

rather disconcerting to find the other form of the opt. (ἀποδείξειεν) in the line next below. However, we find γράψαι in c. xix, and ποιήσαι in xxxi.3. The ‘ Aeolic’ terminations in -eas, -ee, τειν were the

usual Attic forms, though occasional instances of the others appear, especially in the 2nd person singular (safeguarded by metre in Aristophanes). But Aeneas, an imperfect Atticist, may have written either. See Introduction, p. Ixx. δ 2. wovdoat. An Ionic and Hellenistic form.

§ 8, φρουρίου:

The

usual word

for a fort (castellum)

on

the

boundaries of a state’s territory, e.g. in Attica, Oenoe, Panactum, Phyle; in Laconica, Leuctra and Oeon (cf. Thuc. v. 54. 1; Xen. Hedi.

vi. v. 243 Plut. Cleom. 6). povpia were built on the model of πόλεις. At Oenoe we find an irregular square with eight towers and a bastion on the north side, and three towers on the south;

each tower has two

stories, and loopholes in the upper story on the three exposed sides. There is a passage round the wall level with the floor of the second story, and a small door at the entrance to each tower. On the west and south-east are two

gates covered

by flanking walls, and a watch

tower in the centre.

ἀλλ(ήλγους.

ἄλλουσ (M) would in itself be possible, but a com-

parison of xvii. 1 ὑπόπτως πρὸς correction exceedingly probable. ἐπιστῆσαι

ἄνδρας

πιστούς.

ἀλλήλους

In xxii.

Ig

ἐχόντων makes

Casaubon’s

it is recommended

further precaution that the ἀναβάσεις be κλεισταί,

as

a

112

COMMENTARY

κωλυταὶ ἔσονται.

Aeneas is fond of these circumlocutions:

τὴν μάθησιν λαμβάνειν : Xvi. Ir δίωξιν,

cf. vii. 4

ποιεῖσθαι, &c.

§ 4. συντετάχθαι. Notice the perfect tense. The organization by ῥῦμαι should be carried out in time of peace, so as to be ready when

the emergency occurs. § δ. &yyurdras . .. ἐγγυτάτω... ἐγγύτατα. The variation of expression is remarkable, and almost looks as if it was deliberate. In any case it is improbable that three different forms

the text if they were not in the § 6. χείλη. “Battlements.” appear to be used by any other used of the edge of a trench 23. 2), and may very well be

would

appear

in

original MS. Cf. xxxii. 3. The word does not writer exactly in this sense, But it is (ZZ. xii. 52; Hdt. i. 179. 2; Thue. ii. right. The obvious emendation τείχη

has been adopted in both passages by all editors previous to Schoene.

τῶν συλλεγέντων (sc. τινά),

For the partitive genitive cf. xxxi. 23

ἀποπτύξαντες τοῦ χιτωνίσκου : XKXIX. I προσ ἄγειν τῶν πολεμίων. It is not uncommon in Xenophon, e.g. Zell, mt. i. 4 ἔπεμψαν τῶν ἐπὶ τῶν

τριάκοντα ἱππευσάντων : cf. Anab. ıv. v. 22. ἄνπερ εὐθὺς ἡγεμονεύσωσιν ὧδε. what follows

in c. iv.

refer backwards,

and

If the not,

as

It is very

hard

clause

is to

usual,

forwards

to explain

ὧδε by

stand, therefore, ὧδε must (‘si

statim

isto pacto

civibus praeiverint’, Casaubon). There is no parallel to this in Aeneas, but τοιῷδε refers backwards in xvii. 1. The clause stands rather awkwardly at the end of the chapter, and it is possible that ς, iv should

begin

at τῶν

re ἀρχόντων

above, and a

colon only be placed at ὧδε.

Then

εὐθύτατα δὲ αὐτοῖς πεποιῆσθαι (the

reading of M) follows without great difficulty, πεποιῆσθαι being parallel

to the perfect infinitive προκεκληρῶσθαι in iii. 6. of a new chapter

But as the beginning

Εὐθύτατα δὲ, κτλ. is very abrupt, and

consequently

δὲ is usually altered to de(i). Fischer (Quaestiones Aeneanae, p. 16) notes that in M the title of c. iv, περὶ σνσσήμων, instead of occupying the vacant space in the remainder of the line which finishes c. iii (this happens in all other cases where the space left is sufficient), is placed by itself in the line below ; he argues from this that there is a large lacuna after ἀποστελοῦσι, “in qua de τῶν συλλεγέντων civium divisione agebatur, quibus in sententiis dispersa inerant maxima ex parte ea verba, quae nunc contracta

atque fortasse commutata

legimus

in tumida

illa sententiola cap. iii

extrema. Deinde dixit auctor de ratione interdum sortiendi, de ratione signorum signaque constituendi, qua e re conservata sunt verba

CHAPTER

III, §4—CHAPTER

IV, §1

113

capitis iv prima. Fuit igitur olim, qui contractis illis verbis locum lacunosum sarciret.’ This wholesale insertion would no doubt remove the difficulties ; but it is the merest guesswork, and surely, if the position of περὶ συσσήμων in M is to be taken as evidence, it can only be adduced to prove a lacuna after ὧδε, not after ἀποστελοῦσι,

Iv The importance of a system of recognttion-signs. §§ 1-4.

The need of these illustrated by the capture of Chalcis (? 358-7 B.c.).

§§ 5-6.

Expeditionary forces, therefore, must be provided with signals ; and their friends in the city should keep constantly in touch with them. The result of neglecting these precautions illustrated by Pisistratus’ descent on Megara (570-560 B.c.).

§§ q-12.

The σύσσημα mentioned here must not be confused

distance signals described in c. vi. (perhaps badges, or even under the name

gestures

παρασυνθήματα)

They

with the long-

are pre-arranged

signs

such as are described in c, xxv

by which

members

of the

defending

force could recognize each other. This was especially necessary in Greece, as with the exception of the Spartans the citizen hoplites had no uniform to distinguish them from the troops of other cities.

$1. Εὐθύτατα Se(i) αὐτοῖς πεποιῆσθαι, For the text see note at end ofc. iii, Notice again the perfect πεποιῆσθαι: this is another precaution which should be arranged beforehand. ἤδη. Aeneas appears to use this word in a sense peculiar to himself among extant authors. It is his favourite method of introducing an historical illustration : cf. x. 25 ἤδη γάρ ries... τοιόνδε τεχνάζουσι: Xv. 7 ἤδη yap... τοιόνδε

συνέβη,

It is an

extension

of the

ordinary

temporal meaning to convey the sense ‘for instance’, The word is used by Herodotus in a somewhat similar way: cf. iv. 77. 1 καίτοι τινὰ ἤδη ἤκονσα λόγον ἄλλον : Vil. 35. I ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα, ὡς, κτλ. It looks like a trick of colloquial style. We may compare the way in which αὐτίκα is used in Attic prose to introduce an illustration. Χαλκὶς ἡ ἐν Εὐρίπῳ: The date of this anecdote has been referred by editors from Casaubon onward to the famous Lelantine war between Chalcis and Eretria in the seventh cent. 8.0. But closer examination of the passage reveals objections to so early a date: (a) The incident is described with great accuracy of detail; we may contrast the vague reference to the revolt of the Partheniae in xi. 12 (the only other illustration from early Greek history which is 3059

I

114

COMMENTARY

not taken from Herodotus, except that of Pisistratus in §§ 8-11 of this chapter). (δὴ) When

reverting

to ancient history

Aeneas

usually

marks

the

fact: cf.xi. 12 πάλαι[ον] ἐν Λακεδαίμονι : XXXvii. 6 παλαιὸν δέ τι λέγεται (of Amasis at Barca): xxxi. 25 Potidaea). {c) It is nowhere in this with Eretria, but simply that In consideration of these dent to 358-7

παρὰ δὲ τοῖς παλαιοτέροις (of Artabazus at passage stated that Chalcis was at war the fugitive started from Eretria. facts it is perhaps better to refer the inci-

B.c., when the Athenians recovered Euboea:

cf. Diod.

xvi. 7; ΤΙ 190 and ıgr. This is the more likely as Aeneas quotes as far as possible from contemporary history (see Introduction, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii). ἃ 2. ἔχων ἐφήδρευεν. ἔχων ἔφξρεν M. Most editors have retained ἔφερεν and altered ἔχων to ἔχον, which then agrees with τὸ ἐρημότατον

τῆς πόλεως and governs πύλας. This is extremely harsh and awkward. It would be possible to keep ἔχων ἔφερεν as it is, translating ‘ he used to bring a... which he had’; but more probably ἔφερεν, which is marked in M as corrupt, should

be

altered.

An

intransitive

verb

is

wanted, and ἐφήδρενεν, ‘waited for his opportunity’, gives a good sense without very serious alteration of the text. If this is adopted

ἔχων presents no difficulty. πριστῆρα

ἢ ῥίνην...

[S. A. H.] ϑιαπρίσας,

πὺύργασξρήνην . . . διαπρήσας

Those who retain διαπρήσας, ‘burning conjectures as to what is concealed

of them

very convincing:

through’, have

made

M.

various

in the corrupt πὗργασξρήνην, none

πυργάστρην

(a conjectural

word meaning

‘Feuerbauch’), Behrendt ; πῦρ ἐν γάστρῃ καὶ, Iacoby (ydorpy is an old

Ionic word meaning the ‘belly ’ of a cauldron) ; “ latere videtur nomen instrumenti apti ad excitandam ignis flammam parvam sed peracrem ’, Schoene. But surely the whole idea of secretly burning through a μοχλός is absurd: the obvious thing was to cut it through with a saw or some other tool: cf. c. xix on μοχλοῦ mpisıs. Casaubon saw this

and translated accordingly ‘cum serra noctu secuisset’, although he printed διαπρήσας in his text, perhaps accidentally; Gronov, who republished Casaubon’s work in his edition in 1670, altered it to διαπρίσας, which certainly seems right. In this case πύργασξρήνην must conceal the name of some tool or tools. For the first part of the word πριστῆρα is not a very big change {πριστήρ is a late word for a saw, used

by Aretaeus): mvp may have resulted from διαπρήσας, if the latter corruption took place first. For the second part, Prof, M. L. W.

CHAPTER

ΙΝ, δὲ 2-8

115

Laistner has suggested ῥίνην, file (a word used by Aeneas in xviii. 5 σμίλῃ ἢ ῥίνῃ, and xviii. 16 ῥίνῃ ἢ σμίλῃ)}: confusion between y and ı is a common mistake in MSS. The obvious word to connect the two

nouns is ἢ (cf. the two passages quoted), and (jv) is easily supplied after ῥίνην. [S. A. H.] § 8. τὸ πολεμικὸν. A technical term first found in Xenophon. Cf. An. ww. iii, 29. δι’ ἄγνοιαν, Failing to recognize their friends, owing to the lack of σύσσημα, they fall in with the enemy by mistake, and are killed ‘involuntarily’, as Aristotle would say: cf. Erk. Nie. 1109 35

δοκεῖ δὴ ἀκούσια εἶναι ra... . δ ἄγνοιαν γινόμενα.

ἐτίϑεντο.... τὰ ὅπλα, The meaning of this phrase is determined by a comparison with Plato, Rep. v. 440 ε ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον αὐτὸ (sc. τὸ Bupoeides) ἐν τῇ τῆς ψυχῆς στάσει τίθεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα πρὺς τὸ λογιστικόν.

See

Adam, ad loc. (Schoene). ὕστερος.

ὕστερον M.

ὕστερος gives better sense, and

is supported

by the occurrence of ὕστερον just afterwards. § δ. πρὸς τοὺς ὑπομένοντας, The position of these words is somewhat awkward, but it hardly seems necessary to transpose them, as Hug does. ἀγνοῶσι. δὲ, of ὑπομένοντες. ἐπιφαινομένων, (Cf xvi, ἡ ἀπά τα; xviii, 22; ἐπιφάνεια, xxxi, 8.) The usual term in the historians to denote the sudden appearance of an enemy. ἐπιφάνεια, first used in this sense by Aeneas, is found in Polybius, i. 54. 2. § 6. ἐπὶ δὲ πρᾶξιν, This word is a favourite with Aeneas, in the

sense of a military enterprise (cf. vi. 2; xxiv. 15) or treacherous design (cf. x. 20; xxiii. 10). For the genitive absolute cf. xxii. 23, ἄς. ἴδωσιν,

Schoene, following Reiske, has altered to εἰδῶσιν : but the

scouts may be thought of as the ‘eyes ’ of the army in the city.

87. ἐμφανισθήσεται,., παραλέγηται.

If (dmö) is inserted before

τῶν (AMO could easily have dropped out after TAI), and only a comma placed after γενομένων, it does not seem necessary to mark a lacuna, Schoene says: ‘ videtur (sc. post γενομένων) deesse tale quid: ζἐξοίσω δέ τι πάλαι γεγενημένον) vel simile’; and places a full stop after γενομένων : but this does not seem to help much. For παραλέγω, meaning ‘mention in passing’, cf. Plut. Mor. 653 e. § 8. Πεισιστράτῳ γὰρ, κτλ, The date of this incident may be put with fair confidence between 570 and 560 ».c., during the long war between Athens and Megara for the possession of Salamis. It was in 12

116

COMMENTARY

consequence of his success in this war make himself tyrant in 560 ».c.:

that Pisistratus was able to

Hdt. i. 59. 4 πρότερον εὐδοκιμήσας ἐν

τῇ πρὸς Μεγαρέας γενομένῃ στρατηγίῃ, Νίσαιάν τε ἑλὼν καὶ ἄλλα ἀποδεξάμενος μεγάλα ἔργὰ. Other

authorities

are Justin, ii. 8 and Frontinus, ii. 9. 9, who

are

following closely the same account as Aeneas ; but Plutarch (So/on, 8)

and Polyaenus (i. 20) give quite different versions of the story, and assign the leadership of the expedition to Solon, though in Plutarch Pisistratus is his colleague. Plutarch introduces his story with the words τὰ μὲν οὖν δημώδη τῶν λεγομένων τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, which is in itself sus-

picious.

Fora

accounts

see

full discussion of the date and the value of the different J. Toepffer,

Altertumswissenschaft,

Quaestiones

p. 2% fl).

He

Pisistraieae (Beiträge zur gr.

comes

to the conclusion that

Aeneas’s account is the most trustworthy.

It will be noticed that the point of the illustration, the need for the useof σύσσημα, comes right at the end, but Aeneas relates the whole story for its own sake. (Cf. the long account of the capture of Ilion by Charidemus (c. xxiv), where the point of illustration is not reached till § 13.) θεσμοφόρια, For an account of this festival and its significance see J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Studyof Greek Religion, ch. iv. προ[σ]ενήδρευσεν. For confusion between πρὸς and πρὸ in M cf. xvi, τό; xxii. I.

$10. Maße... συμπλεῦσαι. See Introduction, p. Ixxv, for this favourite infinitive of Aeneas and Xenophon. § 11. αἴ τε συναρχίαι. ‘ouvapyia: pro οἱ ἄρχοντες ὁμοῦ vetus est Hellenismus. Aristoteles Polticorum libro iv (12988 14) ἐν ἄλλαις δὲ πολιτείαις βουλεύονται αἱ συναρχίαι συνιοῦσαι ᾿ (Casaubon). Cf. xvii. 3.

(. «) καὶ μετ᾽ ἐγχειριδίων ἀποβάντες. Something has clearly dropped out in M. Casaubon suggested (6 δὲ ἐκέλευσεν); if this is adopted we must aller ἀποβάντες

to ἀποβάντας, and

drop

the

καί, which

may have

been inserted as a rough attempt to mend the construction. If «al... ἀποβάντες is kept, we must supply something like Schoene's (xexeAevσμένοι δ᾽ ἦσαν of Πεισιστράτου στρατιῶται ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσι) ; but the passive verb is somewhat awkward.

$12. μετὰ

συσσήμων,

καὶ μὴ

ἀγνοουμένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους

(sc. τῶν

πολιτῶν). The subject to the genitive absolute is easily supplied ; for an exact parallel cf. xvii, ı ’E[a]y δὲ μὴ ὁμονοούσῃ πόλει καὶ ὑπόπτως πρὸς

ἀλλήλους ἐχόντων, τὰς

ἀθροίσεις

καὶ

τὰς

πέμψεις

δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι.

For

the

form of

expression cf. xvi, II τὴν δίωξιν... ποιεῖσθαι, and Introduction, p. Ixxxi.

CHAPTER

IV, §10—CHAPTER

V,

δ 2

117

Vv The tdeal sentinel. § 1.

He must be a responsible man, who has a stake in the city.

§ 3.

How Leucon, tyrant of the Bosporus, maintained bodyguard.

the discipline of his

This is another of the measures that should not be left to the last moment, but taken in time of peace; it is therefore mentioned here, though it breaks the connexion between c. iv and c. vi. § 1. Ἔπειτα, The word has no temporal meaning here, but simply

indicates that the author is passing to a fresh point: cf. vill. 1 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα.

μὴ ὑπονοεῖν μὴ δυναμένους, If this extraordinary expression is right, it can only mean “unable to help suspecting ’. But the text is probably corrupt, and most editors have despaired of the passage. It is possible that

what

Aeneas

wrote

was

something

like

φρονίμους

ὑπονοεῖν μηδ᾽ ἀμνημονοῦντας τῶν ἀεὶ εἰσκομιζομένων.

If so, the

καὶ ἀγχίνους corruption

must have arisen from the scribe’s telescoping μηδ᾽ ἀμνημονοῦντας into μηδαμνοῦντας : this might then become μὴ δυναμένους, which would

naturally be taken with ὑπονοεῖν, to that required, another

But as this gave the opposite sense

μὴ had

expression now in the text.

to be inserted, giving

Of other

attempts

the

curious

at emendation

the

best perhaps is Meineke’s καὶ δὴ ὑπονοεῖν [μὴ] δυναμένους,

τῶν εἰσκομιζομένων. See cc, xxix and xxx for further development of this point. § 2. The point of the illustration isnot made very clear, but it 15 an argument @ fortrort.

If Leucon would not allow his bodyguard

to

get into debt, much less should the more important πυλωροί be chosen from the ranks of debtors. Λεύκων... ἐποίει. For other notices of Leucon see Dem. “epi, §§ 30-3; Diod. xiv. 93.1; Polyaenus, vi, 9. Diodorus says that he reigned as tyrant of the Bosporus forty years, dating from 393. In this case he would, in all probability, be still alive at the time Aeneas was writing; but the use of the imperfect need not cause us any difficulty. Polyaenus gives other stories of his methods in dealing with treachery, and an interesting account how he recruited on one occasion this same bodyguard (vi. 9. 2). Demosthenes highly praises his generous conduct towards Athens with regard to the Pontic corn

supply.

In return for his services Athens had made him an honorary

citizen (Dem. loc. cit.). 1 Beloch, Gr. Gesch,? iii, a, 92, dates his reign from 387/6.

118

COMMENTARY VI

The duties of outposts. §§ 1-3.

They should be posted

in groups

of at least three, and

must

be ex-

perienced soldiers. $4. $§ 5-6.

A system of transmitting-stations for their signals must be arranged, if they are out of sight of the city. They must be swift of foot, or, where the ground allows of it, mounted

men should be used as messengers; outposts should be dispatched § 7.

from the city at or before daybreak. Their password must be different from

that used

in the city, in case

they are captured.

Scouting and outpost duly in Hellenic warfare. Καὶ τὸ μὲν διὰ κατασκόπων πειρᾶσθαι εἰδέναι τὰ τῶν πολεμίων πάλαι εἴρηται ὡς ἀγαθόν ἐστιν.

ἐγὼ δὲ πάντων ἄριστον

νομίζω εἶναι τὸ αὐτὸν πειρᾶσθαι, ἣν ἦ

ποθεν ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς, θεώμενον τοὺς πολεμίους ἀθρεῖν, ἣν τι ἁμαρτάνωσιν.

Mag. Eq. iv. 16. It is probable that the full value of scouting,

Xen.

especially on the

march, was not realized in Greece till the fourth century.

As long as

the hoplite remained the sole infantry arm, there was little chance of making really good use of weaknesses in the enemy’s position. Ἡμεροσκόποι were mostly used, as here, for signalling an enemy’s approach, in order to give time for due preparation: e.g. in the Persian

war,

Hdt.

vii.

183,

192,

219;

in the Peloponnesian

war,

Thuc. viii, 100. 2; Xen. Zell. 1. i, 2. In Aristoph. Birds, 1174, Tris flies into Nephelococcygia λαθὼν κολοιοὺς φύλακας ἡμεροσκόπους. With the employment of light-armed troops, however, the supreme value of good scouting became obvious. Xenophon fully realizes its importance on the march: cf, Cyr. vi. iii. 2 ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἐπὸρεύετο ὡς ἐδύνατο τάχιστα τοὺς ἱππέας μὲν πρώτους ἔχων καὶ mpd τούτων διερευνητὰς καὶ σκοποὺς αἰεὶ ἀναβιβάζων ἐπὶ τὰ πρόσθεν εὐσκοπώτατα,

These

would probably be parties of five or ten {πεμπάδες or δεκάδερ) detached from the light troops under the command of their πεμπάδαρχος or

δεκάδαρχος (cf. Cyr. τι. i. 22), who was appointed occasion.

Cf. Cyr. vi.

σκόπαρχος for the

ili. 12, where the σκόπαρχος reports

ἐσμὲν μία δεκὰς οἱ ἐπὶ ταύτης

τῆς σκοπῆς : also Hell. vu. ii. 6.

ἡμεῖς δ᾽ In the

Mag. Eg. he insists especially on the value of cavalry for scouting duties: cc. iv and vii form useful appendices to § 6 of this chapter of Aeneas. In Attica, where the rocky ground was unsuitable for

cavalry operations, the main use of the ἱππῆς was to act as the eyes of the army. In Mag. Ey. iv. τὸ Xenophon recommends that the

CHAPTER

VI, §§ 1-7

119

σκοπιαί and φυλακαί be κρυπταί : οὕτω γὰρ ἅμα μὲν τῶν φίλων γίγνονται, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνέδραι κατασκευάζονται,

ξ 1. ἐπὶ τόπῳ ὑψηλῷ,

φυλακαὶ

So Dercylidas in Xen. Zeil. ut. ii. 14 sees

the enemy’s scouts ἐπὶ τῶν μνημάτων, and adopting the same

measures

himself discovers a hostile force blocking his way. In Polyaen. v. 39 & σαλπιγκτής was ἐπὶ δένδρον σκοπός. In the passages from Herodotus mentioned above the ἡμεροσκύποι are περὶ τὰ ὑψηλὰ τῆς Εὐβοίης. τρεῖς τοὐλάχιστον, The advantages of having at least three in a group are obvious they could stay out all day and take their turn on the watch without relief, while for the purposes both of signalling and

of sending messages quickly three would be the minimum efficient number. δοξάζων.

δοξάζον (M) can hardly stand

in the

sense

of ‘a fancy’:

there is no example of such a use. There is a good parallel to this remark on inexperienced σκοποί in Xen.

Mag.

Eq.

vii.

14

οὐδεμία γὰρ οὕτω

καλὴ λεία ὡς φυλακαί, ἣν

κρατηθῶσι καὶ εὐεξαπάτητοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ φύλακεε' διώκουσι γὰρ ὅ τι ἂν ὀλίγον ἴδωσι νομίζοντές σφισι τοῦτο προστετάχθαι. x 8:6. ποδώκεις. One of the ‘poetic’ with

Thucydides,

regarded as more

Plato,

or

less

and

words

Xenophon.

technical’ (H.

which

Aeneas

‘Perhaps

shares

it should

Richards,

Xenophon

be

and

Others, p. 113).

ot... δυνζήσγονται, δύνωνται M. The subjunctive of purpose after a relative is occasionally found in Homer, but the only parallel quoted from a prose author is Thuc. vii. 25. 1 (vaös) πρέσβεις ἄγουσα οἵπερ τά Te σφέτερα φράσωσι, . καὶ... ἐποτρύνωσι, which is usually emended. It is better, therefore, to read δυνζήσγονται, with Schoene.

δέῃ (without ἄν) cf. ix. 2.

For ὅσα...

᾿

§ 6. ἱππασίμων ὄντων τόπων. Against this would have to be put the greater difficulty of concealing mounted outposts, especially in the flat country which was eminently ἱππάσιμος.

συνημερεύειν.

A conjecture

giving the exact sense required. Liv. 1.

quite close to The

word

M's

συνιμείρειν,

and

is found in Xen. Mrm.

Cf συνδιημερεύω in Xen. Symp. iv. 44.

ἡμεροσκοπζεδῖα.

First found in Aeneas.

§ 7. σύνθημα δὲ (μὴ) ἔχειν. The addition of the negative, a drastic remedy, is absolutely necessary to give the sense required, unless we suppose that the small space left in M after αὐτό is meant to indicate a considerable lacuna, and that the sense of the passage originally ran, ‘they are to have for their own use one

and

the

same password,

120

COMMENTARY

but tt must be different from

that used by the men in the city’.

But the

first remedy is simpler.

μήτε ἄκοντες. Is there a hint here of the darker side of Greek warfare? The men who used hostages for the purpose described in x. 23 were not likely to shrink from torturing a prisoner to make him give up his password.

αἴρειν τὰ σύσσημα. Just to show that nothing was wrong, as the πυρσενταί would occasionally raise their fire-signals and hold them steady (see note on § 4 of next chapter) to give favourable news. πυρσευταὶ. dm. λεγ. The verb πυρσεύειν is found in Eur. Hel. 1126, and £7. 694 (metaph.); also Xen. Az, vır. viii. 15 and later authors.

VII Regulation of the movements of the citizens. §§ 1-2. § 3. § 4.

Arrangements for bringing them in from the fields at night. Arrangements for dinner and night-duty. Reference to Παρασκεναστικὴ βίβλος for method of fire-signalling.

It must be remembered that the question of getting in the harvest or vintage was enormously more

important in the case of the small

αὐτάρκης πόλις, for which Aeneas is writing, than for a big commercial city like Athens. In this way we find that the citizens of Acanthus open their gates to Brasidas {περὶ rod καρποῦ φόβῳ ἔγνωσαν οἱ πλείους ἀφίστασθαι ᾿Αθηναίων, Thuc. iv. 88). So Epaminondas sends his cavalry alone to attack Mantineia in Xen. Zell. vit. v. 14 διδάσκων ὡς πάντα μὲν εἰκὸς ἔξω εἶναι τὰ τῶν Μαντινέων βοσκήματα,

πους, ἄλλως τε καὶ σίτου συγκομιδῆς οὔσης.

in the evening

cf. Zeil. v. iv. 3, where

πάντας δὲ τοὺς ἀνθρώ-

For the return to the πόλις

Melon and his confederates

slip into Thebes, ὡς δὴ ἐξ ἀγροῦ ἀπιόντες, ἡνίκαπερ of ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων ὀψιαίTarot,

§ 1. γλιχομένους.

Notice

this word

(a very strong one) used to

express their passionate anxiety.

§ 8. οὕτως.

“Then

and not till then’: cf. xvi. 7 οὕτω χρὴ αὐτοῖς

προσκεῖσθαι,

καθιστάναι.

Sc. φύλακας,

Probably καθιστάναι should be taken as

co-ordinate with, not subordinate to, σημαίνειν,

§ 4. αἴρειν τοὺς φρυκτούς. signalling by

night

with

This primitive form of telegraphy, firebeacons

or torches,

seems

to

have

been

borrowed by Greece from Persia. A detailed description of the method is the famous passage in Aesch. Ag. 281-316 (date 458 2.c.), which may be taken to support the hypothesis that the Greeks had

CHAPTER first made its acquaintance

VII, ἐδ 1-4

in the Persian war:

121 see Hdt. ix. 3.

The

first example known in Greek history is its employment during the siege of Paros (Ephorus, Fr. 107, ed. Müller ; Nepos, Mill. vii.3). But in the second Persian war the Greeks employ it again (Hdt. vii. 183), and in the Peloponnesian war fire-signals have become quite common (Thuc. ii. 94. 1; iii. 22. 7-8 ; vi i. roz. ı). From the scholiast on the first passage we learn that φρυκτοί were of two kinds, φίλιοι and

πολέμιοι. Those which signalled the approach of friends were simply held up and kept stationary ; those which gave notice of an enemy were held up and tossed about. This explains Polyaenus, ii. 28, 2 ; ill. 9. 55; vi. 19. 2, where πυρσοὶ φίλιοι are referred to. Frontinus, ii.

δ. 16, gives a somewhat similar device of the Arabs:

cf. also Onas,

EXV, 2-3. Polybius gives a detailed and highly interesting excursus on methods of fire-signalling in book x, 43-7, especially valuable to us, as it contains in c. 44 a detailed transcription of our author’s own method,

practically in his own words, quoted perhaps from the Παρασκεναστικὴ βίβλος.

He

begins in c. 43 by emphasizing

the

importance of a good

intelligence system for success in war: ὅτε μὲν οὖν ὁ καιρὸς ἐν πᾶσε μεγάλην ἔχει μερίδα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, μεγίστην δ' ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, παντὶ

δῆλον τῶν δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο συναγωνισμάτων πλείστην ἔχουσι δύναμιν οἱ πυρσοί.

Unfortunately the simplicity of the earlier methods made them of little Teal use:

διὰ yap συνθημάτων ὡρισμένων

ἔδει τὴν χρείαν συντελεῖν"

τῶν

δὲ

πραγμάτων ἀορίστων ὑπαρχόντων τὰ πλεῖστα διέφυγε τὴν τῶν πυρσῶν χρείαν, The ἁπλῆ πυρσεία could only signal that friends or enemies were

approaching, and was entirely unable to give particulars of any sort. Aeneas, he

says, tried to remedy this deficiency, and

made

some

little progress (βραχὺ μέν τὶ προεβίβασε), but fell far short of perfection. He then proceeds to quote Aeneas’s own instructions. The device described is rather characteristic of our author: it shows considerable ingenuity expended ona rather disappointing result. It is what might be expected of the man whose favourite method of sending secret messages was that described in xxxi. 16 ff. (πασῶν

πραγματωδεστάτη δὲ, κτλ.), of which

he

δὲ ἀδηλοτάτη πέμψες,

himself remarks

($

19) κατα-

μαθεῖν δὲ πλεῖστον ἔργον ἐστὶν τὰ γεγραμμένα ἢ τὸ ἔργον αὐτὸ γενέσθαι. The passage of Polybius is as follows: Αἰνείας

δὲ βουληθεὶς

διορθώσασθαι

τὴν τοιαύτην

ἀπορίαν,

ὁ τὰ

περὶ τῶν

στρατηγικῶν ὑπομνήματα συντεταγμένος, βραχὺ μέν τι προεβίβασε, τοῦ γε μὴν δέοντος

ἀκμὴν πάμπολυ

τὸ κατὰ

τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἀπελείφθη,

γνοίη δ᾽ ἄν ris ἐκ

122

COMMENTARY

a τούτων.

Φησὶ yap δεῖν τοὺς μέλλοντας

ἀλλήλοις

διὰ τῶν

πυρσῶν

δηλοῦν

τὸ

κατεπεῖγον ἀγγεῖα κατασκευάσαι κεραμεᾷ κατά τε τὸ πλάτος καὶ κατὰ τὸ βάθος ἰσομεγέθη πρὸς ἀκρίβειαν, εἶναι δὲ μάλιστα τὸ μὲν βάθος τριῶν πηχῶν, τὸ δὲ ἃ πλάτος πήχεος. εἶτα παρασκευάσαι φελλοὺς βραχὺ κατὰ πλάτος ἐνδεεῖς τῶν στομάτων, ἐν δὲ τούτοις μέσοις ἐμπεπηγέναι βακτηρίας διηρημένας eis ἴσα μέρη 4 τριδάκτυλα, καθ ἕκαστον δὲ μέρος εἶναι περιγραφὴν εὔσημον. ἐν ἑκάστῳ δὲ μέρει γεγράφθαι τὰ προφανέστατα καὶ καϑολικώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς 5 συμβαινόντων,

οἷον εὐθέως

ἐν τῷ

πρώτῳ,

διότι

πάρεισιν

ἱππεῖς

εἰς τὴν

χώραν, ἐν δὲ τῷ δευτέρῳ, διότι πεζοὶ βαρεῖς, ἐν δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ Yıkoi, ὅ τούτων δ' ἑξῆς πεζοὶ μεθ᾽ ἱππέων, εἶτα πλοῖα, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σῖτος, καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς οὕτω, μέχρις ἂν ἐν πάσαις ypady ταῖς χώραις τὰ μάλιστ᾽ ἂν ἐκ τῶν εὐλόγων προνοίας τυγχάνοντα καὶ συμβαίνοντα κατὰ τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας 7 καιροὺς ἐκ τῶν πολεμικῶν. τούτων δὲ γενομένων ἀμφότερα κελεύει τρῆσαι τὰ ἀγγεῖα πρὸς ἀκρίβειαν, ὥστε τοὺς αὐλίσκους ἴσους εἶναι καὶ κατ' ἴσον

ἀπορρεῖν"

εἶτα

πληρώσαντας

ὕδατος

ἐπιθεῖναι

τοὺς

8 βακτηρίας, κἄπειτα τοὺς αὐλίσκους ἀφεῖναι ῥεῖν ἅμα.

φελλοὺς

ἔχοντας

τὰ»

τούτου δὲ συμβαίνοντος

δῆλον ὡς ἀνάγκη, πάντων ἴσων καὶ ὁμοίων ὄντων, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἂν ἀπορρέῃ τὸ ὑγρόν,

κατὰ τοσοῦτον τοὺς φελλοὺς καταβαίνειν καὶ τὰς βακτηρίας κρύπτεσθαι κατὰ τῶν 9 ἀγγείων. ὅταν δὲ τὰ προειρημένα γένηται κατὰ τὸν χειρισμὸν ἰσοταχῆ καὶ σύμφωνα, τότε κομίσαντας ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐν οἷς ἑκάτεροι μέλλουσι συντηρεῖν τὰς πυρσείας, 10 ἑκάτερον θεῖναι τῶν ἀγγείων, εἶτ᾽ ἐπὰν ἐμπέσῃ τε τῶν ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμ-

μένων, πυρσὸν ἦραι κελεύει, καὶ μένειν» ἕως ἂν ἀνταίρωσιν of συντεταγμένοι" γενομένων δὲ φανερῶν ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα τῶν πυρσῶν καθελεῖν, εἶτ᾽ εὐθέως ἀφεῖναι 11 τοὺς αὐλίσκους ῥεῖν. ὅταν δὲ καταβαίνοντος τοῦ φελλοῦ καὶ τῆς βακτηρίας ἔλθῃ

τῶν

γεγραμμένων

ὃ βούλει

δηλοῦν

κατὰ

τὸ

χεῖλος

τοῦ

τεύχονς͵

ἄραι

12 κελεύει τὸν πυρσόμ' τοὺς 8 ἑτέρους ἐπιλαβεῖν εὐθέως τὸν αὐλίσκον, καὶ σκοπεῖν 13 τί κατὰ τὸ χεῖλός ἐστι τῶν ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμμένων ἔσται δὲ τοῦτο τὸ δηλούμενον, πάντων ἰσοταχῶς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις κινουμένων.

(Polybius, x. 44.) Supposing

the

stick

to be τρίπηχυς,

i.e, the

same

length as the

ἀγγεῖον, there would be room on it for twenty-four tea μέρη τριδάκτυλα,

and twenty-four different messages might be sent.

The ἀγγεῖον acts

just as a κλεψύδμα. To signal φόνος ἐν τῇ πόλει, the man in charge takes the bung out of the αὐλίσκος as the first signal is lowered, lets the water run till section 21 is level with the top of the jar, and then

shouts to his comrade to raise the second signal. The men at the other station at once stop up their adAioxos, and see that section 21— φόνος ἐν τῇ méde—is level with the top of their jar (see Fig. 1 opposite). It is obvious that everything would depend on the quickness and

CHAPTER

VII, δ 4

123

accuracy of manipulation, and the αὐλίσκοι must have been very small; ᾿ otherwise confusion between different messages was bound to happen. Also, the difficulty of getting the two pots ἰσυταχῆ καὶ σύμφωνα must have needed a good deal of χειρισμός (§ 9). Altogether, it is hard to believe that this ingenious μηχανή was ever of much practical use. As Polybius

points out, though

it allowed a certain restricted

variety of

signals, it was unable to provide for the παράδοξα which would most of Hr-irreis Hz πεῖοὶ

πρεῖς πήχεις «

is

3 DAR μεθ᾽ Inolur Is σλοῖα ἰς- σῖτον

: ἢ :

μα-τηρίᾳ Sa

εἴγασι καὶ τέτταρα μέρη τριδάκτυλα

-

ἱ [καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς οὕτω 9

Fie.

ı

all need signalling; δῆλον γὰρ ὡς οὔτε προϊδέσθαι τὰ μέλλοντα πάντα δυνατὸν οὔτε προϊδόμενον εἰς τὴν βακτηρίαν γράψαι... καὶ μὴν οὐδ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ

βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμμένων οὐδέν ἐστιν ὡρισμένον,

πόσοι γὰρ ἥκουσιν ἱππεῖς ἢ

πόσοι πεζοί, καὶ ποῦ τῆς χώρας καὶ πόσαι νῆες καὶ πόσος σῖτος, οὐχ οἷόν τε διασαφῆσαι. περὶ γὰρ ὧν ἀδύνατον γνῶναι πρὶν ἢ γενέσθαι, περὶ τούτων οὐδὲ συνθέσθαι πρὸ τοῦ δυνατόν (c, 45, §§ 2-4).

Of his own favourite method Polybius says (§ 6), ἐπινοηθεὶς

διὰ

Κλεοξένου καὶ Δημοκλείτου, τυχὼν δὲ τῆς ἐξεργασίας δι ἡμῶν, πάντη πάντως μέν ἐστιν ὡρισμένος καὶ πᾶν τὸ κατεπεῖγον δυνάμενος ἀκριβῶς διασαφεῖν, κατὰ δὲ τὸν χειρισμὸν ἐπιμελείας δεῖ καὶ παρατηρήσεως ἀκριβεστέρας. It is founded on

124

COMMENTARY

the principle on which any really effective method must be founded— that of making the alphabet the basis of communication

out letters one by one

in separate

resembles

signalling codes.

our modern

signals; and

and spelling

thus in essentials

It is described fully in

CC. 45-7. Xenophon also recommends the use of πυρσοί to mislead the enemy at night:

Cyr. U1. iii, 25 πολλάκες δὲ καὶ ὄπισθεν τοῦ στρατοπέδου

ἐπυρπό-

λοὺυν ἀπάτης ἕνεκα τῶν πολεμίων' ὥστ᾽ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ κατάσκοποι ἐνέπιπτον εἰς τὰς προφυλακὰς αὐτῶν͵ διὰ τὸ ὄπισθεν τὰ πυρὰ εἶναι ἔτι πρόσω τοῦ στρατοπέδον οἰόμενοι εἶναι,

ἐν τῇ Παρασκενυαστικῇ βίβλῳ. which

appear to

have

been

For an account of the different βίβλοι written

by

Aeneas

see

Introduction,

pp. Xli-xiv. πλειόνως. This form of the comparative adverb is not uncommon: see Kühner-Blass, i, p. 577, note 1. ὅθεν δεῖ, κτλ, This final injunction looks genuine, and so supports the genuineness of other such remarks (e.g. xxii. 6 διὸ δεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα μὴ ἀγνοεῖν),

on which much

desire to avoid

repetition

καὶ ταύτῃ, λίαν πολλά, δηλῶται.

doubt

has been

cf. vill. 5 ὧδε

thrown.

For a

similar

μὲν νῦν παραλείπεται. .. ἵνα μὴ

But the loose arrangement of his subject-

matter sometimes causes Aeneas to repeat himself inadvertently: e.g. ef. vii. 3 with xviii. 1; x. 14-1g with xxii, 23.

ΝΠ How to render a country difficult of invasion. § 1. 8.2. $3. § 4. § 5.

Flood the river banks, Lay traps for landing parties on sandy or stony coasts, and place barriers across harbour mouths. Remove impleinents and superfluous material left in the fields. Leave no crops in the fields, and render water unfit for drinking ; make ground impracticable for cavalry. Reference to Παρασκεναστικὴ βίβλος for details,

§ 1. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, A vague and unsatisfactory connexion, certainly not fitting on well toc. vii. The precautions mentioned here must precede those mentioned there in actual order of time. Probably it only indicates a change of topic: cf. ἔπειτα in v. 1. SucemiPodoy ... δυσστρατοπέδευτον.... δυσπροσπόριστον. The two last are ἅπαξ λεγόμενα, and the first occurs elsewhere only in Paulus Alexandrinus, δυσδιαβάτους. ‘ Deiectis pontibus, aut castellis ad transitum inaedi-

CHAPTER

VIII, 8 1-4

125

ficatis et praesidio firmatis, aut etiam sepimento in ipsis aquis structo e cratibus, aut trabibus intertextis.

Posterior Graecia λέσσας aut λέσας

id genus munitionum appellavit’ (Casaubon). πλείους. ‘Efficiendum ut pro amne uno plures transire opus sit hostibus, prius quam ad urbem accedant. Simili stratagemate Germani opera Caecinae obruunt apud Tacitum libro I. annalium’ [c.64] (Casaubon). More probably, as K. and R. point out, the flooding of the country by means of dams is referred to: for πολύς in this connexion cf. Plut. Ages. 32 ἐρρύη δὲ πλεῖστος éavrod ...d Εὐρώτας : Dem. de Corona, § 136 πολλῷ ῥέοντι (of a turgid speaker). There is no need to alter the reading of M, though the Greek is certainly not elegant. For different degrees of comparisoh together see xvi. 2 ἀτακτότατοι καὶ

ἀπαράσκενοι.

8 3. ἀποβάσεις. The usual term for disembarkation of a force coming by sea: cf. Thucydides passim. It seems never used of approaches by land. References to the sea coast and harbours play an important part in Aeneas, and are of some help in enabling us to determine the exact purpose and date of his book. What the δολώματα were it would be interesting to know. Pits in sandy districts, and rocks rolled down from the cliffs on a rocky shore, suggest themselves. φράγματα, Cf, Thuc. vii. 59. 3, where the Syracusans block up the mouth of the great harbour τριήρεσι πλαγίαις καὶ πλοίοις καὶ ἀκάτοις ἐπ᾽

ἀγκυρῶν ὁρμίζοντες (Orelli), There was no boom across the harbour mouth at Piraeus in 429, when Cnemus and Brasidas made their daring attempt upon Athens by sea, but one was placed there immediately afterwards:

μετὰ τοῦτο φυλακὴν

ἤδη τοῦ Πειραιῶς μᾶλλον τὸ λοιπὸν

ἐποιοῦντο λιμένων τε κλήσει καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐπιμελείᾳ (Thue. ii, 94. 4). was ἃ κλεῖθρον across the harbour at Chios (xi. 3).

§ 8. ἑκουσίως,

There

The alteration to ἀκουσίως (K. and R.) is a small

one, but unnecessary: ‘agitur de rebus quas non inviti, sed dedita opera in agris reliquerunt ’ (Schoene), ἀχρεῖα ποιεῖν ἢ (μὴ) φθείροντα ἀφανίζειν, It has been proposed to translate the manuscript reading (without μὴ): ‘render useless or utterly destroy.’ But a comparison of xxi. 1, ὡς δεῖ ἀφανίζειν ἢ (ἀγχρεῖα ποιεῖν τοῖς ἐναντίοις, strongly supports the insertion of (μὴν. § 4. (ὡς δεῖ... Schoene decided that there was a lacuna here, because the text does not say what is to be done with τά re βρωτὰ καὶ ποτὰ καὶ τὰ κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς ἔγκαρπα. It is hardly possible to connect these words with ὡς δεῖ ἀχρεῖα ποιεῖν, erd., since throughout §§ 3 and 4 the object is in each case placed first, and the ὡς dei clause after it.

126

COMMENTARY

στάσιμα ὕδατα, Standing water, as opposed to rivers: cf. Aen. Orc. XX. II. ὡς dora dei ποιεῖν. By the introduction of some foreign matter, perhaps even poison, though this horrible practice was against the spirit of Greek warfare. It was one of the rules of the Amphictyonic council that its members should not cut off one another’s water supply in time of war. But there was a rumour at Athens that the plague of 430 was caused by the poisoning of the wells in the Piraeus by the Peloponnesians: Thue. ii. 48. 2 ὡς of Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα ἐσβεβλήκοιεν

és ra φρέατα, And Pausanias (x. xxxvil. 7) mentions a story that Solon suggested poisoning the water of the Cirrhaeans with hellebore during the siege in the first sacred war (c. 590 2.c.). § δ. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων. Picking up the long straggling sentence that began in § 2. ΙΧ flow to deter an aggressive enemy. $ 1, δὲ a-3.

March

your troops to points of vantage, and then tell them publicly

that an attack is intended. This will probably restrain the enemy from aggression, and encourage your

own

Men.

For a successful stratagem of this kind see Polyaen. iii, ὃ. 20 (Iphicrates). At first sight this chapter seems out of place, and its genuineness has been questioned. So far we have been dealing with precautions preliminary to the appearance of the enemy, and

with them inc, x; c. viii describes

we

are still dealing

the precautions

to be taken dr’

ἀγροῦ, c. x those to be taken ἐν τῇ πόλει, and

dealing with the safe much more naturally no means systematic this would not be a

the first words

of c. x,

removal of cattle to neighbours’ territory, follow after c. viii than c. ix. However, Aeneas is by in his arrangement, and were there nothing else, sufficient reason for suspecting the authenticity

of c. ix.

But a curious change comes over the style in this chapter. Whereas Aeneas has hitherto studiously avoided the use of the second person, it here becomes prominent (§ 1 οἱ ἐπιόντες πρός σε, ὃ 3 θάρσος curoncedlals,

φόβον Epmapaokevdecıs).

It is then dropped again till c. xvi, where it

again occurs repeatedly (§ 4 dei γάρ σε εἰδέναι and τινας ὑμῶν, $ 5 κατα-

φρονήσαντάς gov, § 6 ἐάνπερ γε σὺ, &c.). It is to be noticed, too, that c. Xvi seems to contradict the advice given inc. xv. These facts are

CHAPTER

VIII, §5—CHAPTER

IX

127

remarkable, and the two passages must be considered in relation to each other. In other respects there is not anything very remarkable about them. The style is not noticeably worse than in the rest of the book : indeed, in c, xvi it is rather better, being freer and more alive ; and there is nothing in either passage which forbids us to say that Aeneas could have written it. Hug’s attempt to differentiate between the sober correctness of the genuine author and the wild exuberance of a rhetorical interpolator does not carry conviction. A possible explanation is that the two passages are genuine, but were added at a later date, when the author saw fit to revise his treatise in the light of further experience, and in so doing wrote unconsciously in a slightly different style. The exact relation of c. xvi to c. xv will be discussed

on its own merits (see note ad loc.). But it remains to give a word of explanation why Aeneas inserted c. ix in this particular place. To this question Fischer (Quaestiones Aeneanae, pp. 24-7) seems to have found a satisfactory solution. He remarks : ‘Cum autem cap. viii oppidani exspectarent hostium copias numerosas . . . atque tempus haberent terrae obstruendae, cap. ix hic est status rerum: providetur bellum. Sed quasi quiescente hoste in terra sua cives sibi quoque laxius bellum parare putaverunt licere. Quod dum fit, proditorum nuntio aut exploratorum dux subito certior factus hostes clam nocturnam incursionem praeparare . . . dolo conatur eos deterrere a consilio, quod non iam tempus est instituendi omnia, quae praecepit Aeneas cap. viii. Quam ob rem τόπους twas τῆς οἰκείας χώρας iubet cives καταλαβεῖν, quae loca non tam ad defensionem opus est idonea esse quam ut e longinquo videantur ei, qui in eis considerunt. Quibus animadversis hostium speculatores . .. praeoccupata esse loca omnia superiora et bene praeparatos esse illos ad defendendam patriam referent ad suos.’ In a word, the plan is pure bluff, but worth trying in order to cover one’s own deficiencies. Also, as Fischer points out (p. 26), it will reassure the startled citizens to know from the general's own lips that he considers them ready for any enterprise (§ 1 ἑτοίμους εἶναι + ++ ὄπεσθαι τῷ ἡγουμένῳη. The result will probably be that no further movement of troops will be necessary, Such advice as this is characteristic of an experienced soldier, with a knowledge of human character; and it is so good and to the point that we can quile see why Aeneas decided to insert it. Other instances of his insight into human nature may be found in the Introduction, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv.

128

COMMENTARY

81. σημήνγε cf. x.

14;

Hdt.

Sc. ὁ σαλπιγκτής.

This impersonal

viii. ı1.

the

1.

On

form

σημήνῃ

use is common: see Introduction,

p. Ixx. $ 2. διαγγελθέντων, Though there is no mention of traitors, Aeneas assumes that the news will reach the enemy's ears. δύνανται. The subject has to be supplied from the context: of ἄγγελοι or the like. For parallels see Introduction, p. Ixxvi, It does Not seem

necessary to alter the text.

ὧν ἐπιχειρῶσι, For the omission of ἄν cf. vi. 5. $ 8. ἠρεμεῖν. Aeneas often uses a simple infinitive where ὥστε with the infinitive would be expected in Attic Greek. For other examples see Introduction, p. Ixxv.

Of ἠρεμεῖν H. Richards says (Xenophon and Others, p. 75): ‘Not in Thucydides, comedy, or orators, but

Platonic;

is used

three or four

times by Xenophon.’

x This chapter details the notices to be posted and the precautions to be taken in a city which expects an attack, To the modern reader it is perhaps the most interesting in the book, shedding as it does a vivid light on the social life of the ordinary fourth-century πόλις. The rigour of the precautions necessary to guard against treachery speaks for itself. Specially interesting are the regulations against σύλλογοι and μάντεις, and the phrase κατὰ waidevow . . . ἐπιδημοῦντας ($ 10), which implies that the larger πόλεις were centres providing educational facilities for the surrounding districts. The notices deal with: §§ 2-0. $3. §§ 4-5. § 6. 8.1.

§§ 8-10.

Safe keeping of cattle and slaves. Safe keeping of free men and crops. Festivals, sacrifices, and social gatherings. Exiles ; postal censorship. Control of arms and mercenaries,

Harbour regulations; inns and lodging-houses ; restriction of aliens.

§ τι. § 12, § 13.

Reception of embassies. Blockade-running. Public parades,

8 14.

Precautions at night.

§§ 15-17. 88 18-19. §§ 20-32.

Rewards for information against traitors and exiles. Proclamations to mercenaries. General supervision of the citizens; removal of dangerous persons ; the instance of Dionysius and Leptines.

§§ 23-25.

Supervision of hostages’ relatives.

§§ 25-26.

Use of lamps at night,

CHAPTER ΙΧ, §1—CHAPTER X,§3

199

M has the title κηρύγματα placed at the beginning of § 3: and, as we noticed above, §§ 1 and 2 would come in very well at the end of c. viii, § 1. παρηγγέλθαι. Notice the tense: this order should be issued before those in § 3, as a preliminary precaution. ὑπεκτίθεσθαι. The regular term for conveying persons or property to a place of safety: cf. Soph. ZU. 297 ἥτις ἐκ χερῶν | κλέψασ᾽ ᾽ορέστην τῶν ἐμῶν ὑπεξέθου : Xen. Cyr. vi. i, 26.

ὡς οὐκ εἰσαξι)όντων,

Notice the loose construction ; see Introduc-

tion, p. Ixxvii. § 2. ξενία wap’ οὖς. An interesting example of κατὰ σύνεσιν construction: ξενία = ξένοι. There is an equally good one in § 6 ém-

σκόπησιν, mpö{uk obs οἰσθήσεται.

[πρὸς] τοὺς ἄρχοντας ... ὑπεκτιθέμενα. If πρὸς (M) is to be retained, this sentence will be part of the παράγγελμα : in that case the owners of the property will be the subject of παρατίθεσθαι, and the meaning must be either (a) ‘deposit them publicly with the magistrates of neighbouring cities, making arrangements for their safe keeping’; or (δ) ‘make arrangements to deposit them publicly with the magistrates of neighbouring cities, whereby they will be kept safe’. The latter rendering, involving the separation of παρασκευάζοντας from δ by... ὑπεκτιθέμενα, is exceedingly awkward ; and in any case πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας

τοῖς προσοίκοις is very peculiar Greek for ‘with the magistrates of neighbouring cities’. Furthermore the procedure described is not a very likely one. If πρὸς is omitted (following Hertlein’s suggestion), a better sense is got (see translation); and all difficulty in the Greek is removed. The occurrence

of προσοίκοις a few

words

later may have

caused

its

intrusion into the text. § 8. διά τινος χρόνου, ‘Von Zeit zu Zeit’ (K. and R.): but ‘after a certain time’ (i.e. after the precautions mentioned in c. viii and x. 1, 2 have been carried out) seems to suit the sense better. These notices would be all posted at once, as declaring martial law, and remain till the danger was over. ἕνεκεν. For the form see Introduction, p. Ixviii.

κατακομίζειν... ἐν τῇ πόλει,

.

Constructio praegnans, in a form

specially favoured by this author (cf. iv. 3 ἀθροίζεσθαι ἐν:

xxxi, 14

γράφειν ev),

ἀνηκουστοῦντος.

ἀζήμια. 2050

The usual Attic words are ἀπειθέω and ἀπιστέω.

This word does not seem to be used elsewhere referring K

130

COMMENTARY

to objects stolen,

‘for which

no ζημία is exacted’: its usual use is of

the person who escapes ‘scot free’. $4. κατὰ πόλιν.

For

disasters

which

occurred when ἑορταί were

held ἔξω τῆς πόλεως see c. xvii,

βουλῇ. Here used for βουλευτήριον, simply of the place where the Council met, another unfamiliar usage. πρυτανείῳ (Casaubon) is a certain emendation for M’s πυρσανείω. θύεσθαι. “Intellige sacrificia clandestina pro coniuratis in patriam, fidei et taciturnitatis sacramento se obstringentibus, quale videmus apud Sall. (αἱ. 22’ (Orelli). μάντιν, That prophets were a troublesome class, who required close supervision at alltimes, we see from two or three other references to their profession. They were especially given to faking their omens : see the episode of Xenophon and Silanus, Cyrus’s prophet, in Xen. Anab. v. vi. 16-29 ; and a note on the office of ἱερσποιός in ἃ scholium

on Demosthenes, Merdias, § 115 (Dindorf, vol. ix, p. 607) ἱεροποιὸν δὲ καλοῦσι τὸν ἐποπτεύοντα τοὺς μάντεις͵ ὅτε θύουσι, μὴ πού τι κακουργῶσιν ἐν ταῖς θυσίαις. On ἃ campaign the Athenian μάντις had practically to

take his orders from the general:

cf. Plato, Zaches 199 ἃ καὶ ὁ νόμος

οὕτω τάττει, μὴ τὸν μάντιν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ

ἄρχειν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν τοῦ

μάντεως.

W. R. Halliday (Greek Divination, pp. 54-98) has an interesting chapter on the origin and function of the μάντις in Greek society. § δ. κατὰ συσσιτίαν. The excuse of ‘dining at the club’ was apparently no less popular in the fourth century 2.c. than it is to-day as a means of escaping occasionally from the home circle. γάμου καὶ περιδείπνουν, K. and R. have an interesting note on Greek weddings and funerals, pointing out the significance of the feasts as religious ceremonies. In contrast to the usual συσσιτίαι, or club dinners, the presence of women was permitted at these family festivals. Demosthenes was entrusted with the signal honour of providing the rendezvous for the περίδειπνον attended by the relatives of the Athenians who fell at Chaeroneia: cf. de Corona, § 288. ἀποκινῇ. ᾿ἀποκινεῖν" ἐπέρχεσθαι, ἀποτρέχειν ’ (Suidas). This curious intransitive use (perhaps a colloquial one, like our ‘make off’) is found elsewhere only in Polyaenus. ὑπαποκινέω, however, is used in the same way in Aristoph. Birds 1011 ὑπαποκίνει τῆς ὁδοῦ : Thesm. 924 ἀλλ᾽ ὑπαποκινητέον, In Knights 20 ἀπόκινος, the name of a comic dance, is used with a pun on the sense ‘an absconding ’.

§ 6. συγγένηται

. . . δέξηται,

Schoene

has

showed

quite

con-

CHAPTER

X, §& 4-10

131

vincingly that the text of this passage is sound. After quoting some of the various emendations proposed he says: ‘sed nihil mutandum: “si quis exulum aliquem vel eorum emissarios convenerit vel litteras (eis) miserit vel (ab eis) acceperit”.’ Thus all difficulty is removed by simply taking § παρ᾽ ἐκείνων τισίν with συγγένηται, instead of with the

following verbs.

[S. A. H.]

ἐπισκόπησιν, mpdluls οὖς. Cf. ὃ 2 ξενία map’ obs, οἰσθήσεται. It does not seem impossible to keep the MS. reading here, taking the singular as an impersonal passive. This construction undoubtedly

appears

in xiii.

4 ξενοτροφηθείη,

and

xxii.

1 νυκτοφυλα-

κεῖσθαι.

§ 8. συμβόλου. in Aristoph. Birds,

K. and R. quote appositely the amusing passage 1208 ff., where

Pisihetairos, having

declared war

on Olympus, refuses to let Iris through without a pass: Πι.

κατὰ ποίας πύλας

εἰσῆλθες ds τὸ τεῖχος, ὦ μιαρωτάτη; Ip. Hs,

οὐκ οἶδα μὰ O° ἔγωγε κατὰ ποίας πύλας. ἤκουσας αὐτῆς οἷον εἰρωνεύεται ἢ πρὸς τοὺς κολοιάρχας προσῆλθες ; οὐ λέγεις ;

σφραγῖδ᾽ ἔχεις παρὰ τῶν πελαργῶν ;' Ip. τί τὸ κακόν; Πι.

Ip. καθ᾽

ἃς

οὐκ ἔλαβες; Ip. ὑγιαίνεις μέν; Πι. ἐπέβαλεν ὀρνίθαρχος οὐδεὶς σοι παρών;

οὐδὲ σύμβολον

μὰ Al" οὐκ ἔμοιγ᾽ ἐπέβαλεν οὐδεὶς ὦ μέλε.

πύλας,

κτλ.

Probably

an

actual

quotation

from

the

κήρυγμα. 810. ταλαπείριοι. Otherwise found only in poetry (chiefly in Homer). Yet it is clear from this passage that it was an ordinary colloquial word for a vagrant. See Introduction, p. xlviii ff. κατὰ maideuow . . ἐπιδημοῦντας, An interesting reference to a subject of which we know very little—education in other parts of Greece besides Athens. It seems from the references we have that all Greek cities of any size were in some sense educational centres. Hdt. vi. 27 tells us of a school of one hundred and twenty boys at Chios (500 B.c.); and Mycalessus in Boeotia, not by any means an important town, has more than one διδασκαλεῖον (Thuc. vii, 29. 5). When the Athenians migrated to Troezen in the Persian war, school-

masters were provided for the children (Plut. hem. 10); while if Diodorus (xii, 12. 4) is to be trusted, the constitution of Thurii provided state payment for teachers: χορηγούσης τῆς πόλεως τοὺς μιτθοὺς τοῖν K2

132

COMMENTARY

διδασκάλοις, But this may be a later forgery. Aelian (Var. Hist. vii. 15) mentions the prohibition of schools as a recognized punishment

for disobedient allies.

Plato (Crito 50 d) refers to Solon’s laws com-

pelling parents to educate their children. It is interesting, in view of our contention that Sicyon is primarily referred to in Aeneas’s book, to note that a school of drawing was first established in that city

(Pliny, N. A. xxxv, § 77). 811, ἐν αὐτοῖς.

The masculine

seems to be used

instead of πρεσβείαις, had preceded.

as if πρέσβεσι,

For this abrupt change of gender

see Introduction, p, Ixxvii. $ 12. Blockade-running: notice that a seaport town is implied: cf. § 8; viii. 2; xvii 21; xxix. 12. τόκους προκεῖσθαι. ‘ Intelligendum merces illatas non exponi venum publice, sed a magistratu legitimo pretio coemi, ut earum distributio publica auctoritate fiat. Vult igitur Aeneas mercatori praeter omnem pecuniam, quam in emptionem aut vecturam impenderit, etiam usuras eius pecuniae pendi pro more civitatis aut mercatorum’ (Casaubon). As K. and R. point out, there is nothing in Aeneas’s actual words which expressly asserts that the cargo was to be bought by the state; but in a besieged city this would probably be the case. The procedure would be this: the merchant, who was taking this big risk in the public service, would agree with the state on a certain rate of premium to be paid on his cargo. In the event of a successful venture he would of course obtain his legitimate profit from the sale of the goods, either in public market or by contract with the state, and in addition receive the premium κατὰ πλῆθος τῶν εἰσαγομένων. Thus there would be a strong inducement to carry as big a freight as possible. προκεῖσθαι. Regularly used when a prize or reward is publicly offered (Latin propont’) ; in § 13 it is used of a penalty.

ἀνολκὴν καὶ καθολ[ι]κήν.

ἀνολκὴ λίθων occurs in Thuc. iv. ra. 2;

καθολκή in 7. G. τι. i. 467 (= Dit. 717), 1. 37. It is obvious that they are common technical terms. K, and R. are inclined to refer their meaning to the remission of the tax on exports and imports called at Athens the πεντηκοστή (a 2 per cent. charge). But they probably refer to freedom from actual harbour dues. These would be collected by the ἐλλιμενισταί or λιμενυφύλακες (see xxix. 12). The actual words ἀνολκὴ καὶ xadodx remind us of the tideless waters of the Mediterranean, 813. φαίνηται.

8 14. σημήνῃ.

Sc. τις : οὗ ii, 8;

xxvi. 8, &c.

Sc. ὁ σαλπιγκτής : ch. ix. 1.

CHAPTER

X, § 11-21

133

§ 16. ὅταν δέ τινι, κτλ. This caution is repeated in xxii. 23. § 16. The fact that no previous reference has been made to the killing of suspects seems to indicate that a sentence has dropped out before ἐὰν 3¢—probably a sentence beginning ἐὰν μέν, and stating the alternative : ‘if the informer kills his man, he shall receive such-and-

such a reward.’ The repetition of ἐάν might help to account for its disappearance. §17. τῶν προκειμένων. Some editors suspect a lacuna before these words, but the genitive can be taken as partitive, and paralleled by § 20 below;

cf. iii, 6, &c.

§18. ξένοι are everywhere recognized as a dangerous element: cf, c. xii, The κήρυγμα extends to the end of § το. ἀναγγείλαντα σιγήν. A call for silence usually preceded a proclamation: Eur, Hee. 532 Σιγᾶτ᾽, ᾿Αχαιοί, σῖγα πᾶς ἔστω λεώς, | σίγα σιωπα.

819. πεπωλήσεται. Notice the use of the future perfect to express the automatic certainty of the punishment: cf. Xen. Az. vit. i. 36 ἐκήρυξεν bs ἂν AG... . ὅτι πεπράσεται.

§ 20. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν ἄλλων τάξεων. The mercenaries are most likely to give trouble ; but all classes of citizens must be equally well looked after. ὡς ἂν ὄντος. Notice the turn, which is significant—< if it could only be secured’. It must be admitted that the measures taken here to secure it are counsels of despair; and the whole of the rest of the chapter is unpleasant reading. τῶν τὰ ἐναντία φρονούντων, This can be taken as an example of the peculiar partitive genitive found in iii, 6 (τῶν συλλεγέντων, «, ἀποστελοῦσι). Cf. § 17 above. αὐτοὺς is very awkward

and

harsh;

but it may

be

genuine, con-

sidering Aeneas’s remarkable habit of using this pronoun wherever he possibly can. Cf. §§ 21, 22. § 21. οἷον καὶ Διονύσιος ἔπραξεν. This incident is not mentioned elsewhere, and its exact date cannot be ascertained with certainty ; but we shall not be far wrong in placing it in 397, or soon after. It was in that year that Himera, ie. the new town of Thermae Himeraeae (the old Himera had been destroyed by the Carthaginians in 409),

became subject to Dionysius I (Diod. xiv. 47).

Leptines, who had

served his brother with great skill and loyalty in the wars against Carthage, was apparently the victim of iniquitous treatment. In 386-5 he was (according to Diod. xv. 7. 3) banished to Thurii, He fell

134

COMMENTARY

fighting against Carthage at the naval battle of Cronion in 383: so presumably a reconciliation had taken place (see Diod. xv. 15-17). We are reminded of the similar treatment of Polyzelus by Hiero

(Diod. xi. 48). γενόμενος αὐτῷ (dv) ὑποψίᾳ τινί, The addition of év seems necessary : cf. iii, 3 daw... ἐν ὑποψίᾳ πρὸς ἀλλζήλγους Sow,

At first sight it would

seem that the words meant ‘ being suspected by him (Leptines)’, but the sense of the passage is against this. πολλὴ per’ εὐνοίας ἰσχὺς. This phrase has a Thucydidean ring. For the influence of Thucydides on the style of Aeneas see Introduction, p. Ixxxi. § 22. πόλιν ὄνομα Ἱμέραν. Implying that Sicily was not familiar to Aeneas’s readers.

For the significance of this see Introduction, p. xxxvii.

§ 23. ὁμηρευομένης,

This

use

of the middle

is elsewhere

unex-

ampled, The active is found in a transitive sense in Eur. Rhes. 434 τῶνδ᾽ ὁμηρεύσας τέκνα (cf. Bacch. 297). For other unusual uses of the middle and passive see Introduction, p. Ixxii f. ἵνα μὴ ἐφορῶσιν, κτλ. Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, made use of this horrible expedient at the siege of Utica in 307 (Diod. xx. 54). There is a cold-blooded frankness about this sentence which throws an unpleasant light on fourth-century morality. § 24.

καὶ ἄλλους...

φυλάξουσί

τι.

ἄλλας

ἐπᾶλλας

M.

If this is

kept, τὸ πλῆθος must be altered to κατὰ πλῆθος or eis πλῆθος (cf. Thuc. i. 14.2), The meaning will then be that numerous commissions must be laid upon them, to keep them occupied and under surveillance. Against this it can be urged (4) that ‘one commission after another’ should be ἄλλας én’ ἄλλαις πράξεις (which Reiske proposed to read); (4) that the emendation of τὸ πλῆθος is not very convincing; (¢) that the sense seems contradictory with συνδιάγειν αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐλαχίστων peréΧοντας ἔργων καὶ πράξεων above. By reading ἄλλους én’ ἄλλας πράξεις, and leaving τὸ πλῆθος unaltered, a quite different but far more satisfactory sense can be got, viz. that numerous

excuses for keeping plurals ἄλλους and

them

persons are to be given

under observation.

For

various

the masculine

ὧν, referring to τὸ πλῆθος, cf. § 2 and ὃ 6 above.

[S. A. H.] ἢ 25. ἔστωσαν.

This isthe only form of the 3rd pers. plur. imperat.

of εἰμί found in Aeneas, though the older form in -vray is found with other verbs, e.g. βαλλόντων, φυλασσόντων : see Introduction, p. Ixix f.

ὡς (5) παρατζήγρησιν. A very clever emendation by K. and R. for M’s ὡσεὶ παρὰ τρισίν. παρατήρησις is a late word, but bears in Polyb.

CHAPTER

Χ, §§ 22-26

135

xvi. 22. 8 (ἐκ τῆς τῶν αὐλικῶν παρατηρήσεως καὶ κακοπραγμοσύνητ) the same sense of close observation to detect faults, § 26. σὺν γὰρ τοῖς καλάθοις, κτλ, This sentence is very corrupt in M, and even after considerable restoration still presents difficulties. M has: σὺν γὰρ τοῖς ἀκολούθοις καὶ orpwpacs φερομένοις εἰς ras φυλακὰς λύχνα dı δὲ δάδασ di δὲ Ἀλαμπτῆρας, ἵνα δὲ πρός τι κοιτασθῶσιν, τοῦτον τὸν φεγγοῖον σύσσημον ἐποιήσαντο.

ἀκολούϑοις is plainly impossible, and Conrad Orelii’s suggestion καλάθοις, ‘provision baskets’, is generally accepted ; φερομένοις is a type of error, due to assimilation, that is very common in M, and

may be corrected to φερόμενοι without hesitation ; and if the words iva... κοιτασθῶσιν are to be regarded as genuine, we must accept, with Casaubon, δὴ for δὲ, To read (da) τούτων τῶν φεγγῶν seems the only way of making sense of τοῦτον τὸν geyyaiov—the last being a most

suspicious-looking adjective standing where a noun is wanted. After so much tinkering, the phrase ἵνα δὴ πρός τι κοιτασθῶσιν remains to be dealt with.

One thing is certain, that if we read δὴ, the sentence

must refer not to the men’s real reason, but to their alleged pretext for bringing the lights; and if we keep πρός τι κοιτασθῶσιν, there is only one possibie translation consonant with both sense and order— to take πρός τε to refer to the lights, and render ‘saying that they must have some light to go to bed by’. For πρός in this sense we may quote two good parallels from Aristophanes: Peace 692 νυνὶ δ᾽ ἅπαντα πρὸς λύχνον βουλεύσομεν (a sly reference to Hyperbolus’ trade), and Wasps 772 ἡλιάσει πρὸς ἥλιον. The preposition is also used in ἃ musical context, ‘to the accompaniment of’: cf. Eur. Adc. 346 πρὸς Λίβυν λακεῖν αὐλόν : Diod. v. 34. 5 πρὸς ῥνθμὸν ἐμβαίνειν, And in Aeneas, xxii, 24, we find πρὸς κλεψυδραν χρὴ φυλάσσειν, Schoene (ad loc.),

quoting Reiske’s ‘ad lumen aliquod’, confirms this view; and it seems quite a natural colloquial expression. The sense is good, though the men’s excuse seems rather transparent. Certatnly it is preferable to emending to πρὸς ras κοίτας θῶσιν, the only alternative at all near the MS. reading. huyva ... λαμπτῆρας, These words are possibly used here in their correct sense: λύχνος, a portable light, carried in the hand or set on a lampstand;

different from the fixed λαμπτήμ, a stand or grate used

for lighting rooms’ (L. and S.s. vv.). Elsewhere, however (xxvi. 14, and §15 above; perhaps also § 25), λαμπτήρἰΒ used loosely for λαμπάς, any kind of artificial light, especially a torch.

156

COMMENTARY ΧΙ

The frustration of piols, $ 1, Beware of adopting suggestions without examination. §§ 2-15. Illustrations of various sorts of plots ;

δ 3-6. 65 7-10. $§ roa-1t, $12. §§ 13-15. δ1,

εὐθέως.

A successful plot at Frustration of a plot Frustration of a plot Frustration of a plot

Chios. at Argos. at Heracleia Pontica. at Sparta,

A successful plot at Corcyra. In xxviii,

7 we find iva ris μηδὲν εὐήθως

amodexnrat,

It is

tempting to alter one of the passages to agree with the other, but either word makes very good sense. § 2, ἐκ τῆς βίβλους Casaubon considered that a space should be left after τῆς for the title of the βίβλος, which

he thought

᾿Ακουσμάτων (he may have misunderstood the meaning

might

be

of this term:

see Introduction, p. xiii); Hercher has ἐκ τῆς {πυριστικῆς) Bißkov.

But,

as Schoene suggests (ad loc.), the book was perhaps called simply ἐπιβουλῶν βίβλος ; in this case the genitive can easily be supplied from ἐπιβουλαὶ, and there is no need to assume a lacuna.

ἢ 83. Χίου γὰρ μελλούσης προδίδοσθαι. There is practically nothing to indicate the date of this incident except such hints as we can glean from the story here told. But from the way it is introduced, it is obvious that the author expects his readers to know all about it: so there is a strong presumption in favour of its being a contemporary or recent event. This is confirmed by the exact and detailed knowledge displayed

at all points:

e.g.

τοῦ

λιμένος

τὸ

κλεῖθμον, τὴν

ἐχομένην αὐτῶν

στοὰν καὶ τὸν πύργον, ἐν ᾧ διῃτῶντο οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἐχόμενον τῆς στοᾶς, δίκτυα ἐλάφεια καὶ σύεια, ὡσεὶ ξηρᾶναι θέλων, καὶ ἄλλῃ ἱστία ἔξω τοὺς κάλονς ἔχοντα.

It is also interesting to note that our historical authorities seem to support a fourth-century date. For Thucydides (viii. 24. 4) goes out of his way to mention that Chios was singularly free from party strife in the fifth century, Χῖοι yap

μόνοι

μετὰ

Aaxedaipoviovs

ὧν ἐγὼ

ῃσϑόμην

ηὐδαιμόνησάν τε ἅμα καὶ ἐσωφρόνησαν, while both Aristotle (Pol. 1303 * 34,

13065 5) and Aelian (Var. His. xiv. 25) refer to στάσις in later times. Finally a guess may be made at the actual date. In the year 357 B.c. Chios revolted with others from the reconstituted Athenian league (Diod. xvi. 7. 3; cf. Dem. pro Rhod., § 3): and this may be the occasion

referred

to, though

it would

in the book (cf, Introduction, p. xii).

be the latest ascertained

date

|

CHAPTER

ΧΙ, §§ 1-7

137

τὸ κλεῖθρον. CF. viii. 2, and note ad loc. πισσαλοιφῆσαι. To preserve the wood: the keels of ships were treated in the same way. The word is not found elsewhere, πισσόω being used. ἄρμενα. A poetical and Ionic word, used by Hesiod and Hippo-

crates, &meoxeudodaı. The perfect occurring after so many aorists is noticeable, and must mean ‘to be put in a state of repair’: ἐπισκευάζεσθαι

is the usual technical term for ‘to refit’. tov... νεωρίων... τὰ ordlovra. For an exhaustive discussion of the evidence concerning Greek docks see Lehmann-Hartleben, Die anitken Hafenanlagen des Mittelmeres (Klio, Beiheft xiv (1923)),

p. 105 ff. ; he shows (p. 107) that here νεώρια = νεώσοικοι (Schiffshäuser), which

were

covered

dripping places’

with

a roof:

in the roofs.

τὰ στάζοντα will therefore be ‘the

[S. A.H.]

β 4. τῶν τὴν πόλιν φυλασσόντων. No doubt a mercenary guard, the expense of which would seem superfluous in peace time. ξενοτροφία was a great burden in Aeneas’s day (see c. xiii). $5.

ἅπερ

ἔμελλον.

For

the

plural

verb

cf.

xvi.

8 τά

re γὰρ

ληφθέντα πάντ' &v) σῴζοιντο.

This use is quite common in Xenophon.

Gore... σπουδάζουσιν.

The occurrence of this remark, in a place

where no interpolator would naturally put it, is a strong argument for the genuineness of these frequent cautions. re has been inserted in the margin of B before λειοῦν : hence C and Casaubon read τελειοῦν, But λειοῦν, in the metaphorical sense of ‘smooth the way’, seems appropriate enough. § 6. ἱστία. A fairly certain correction for M’s σύεια, which has crept in from the σύεια a few words back. § 7. μελλόντων γὰρ τῶν πλουσίων τὴν δευτέραν ἐπίθεσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῷ δήμῳ. Argos had long been a staunch upholder of democracy in the Peloponnese, but after her defeat by Sparta at Mantineia in 418 B.c. came the πρώτη ἐπίθεσις τῶν πλουσίων, which resulted in a few months’

oligarchy (Thuc. v. 81-2: cf. Aeneas xvii. 2, and note ad loc.).

In

415, according to Thucydides (vi. 61. 3), Alcibiades was planning a second revolt, and K. and R. wish to refer the incidents mentioned here

to that date. But it is uncertain whether this revolt ever took place, although Diodorus (xiii. 5) speaks as if it did, and in any case its small importance hardly seems to warrant the expression τὴν δευτέραν ἐπίθεσιν. It is more

when

likely that Aeneas

twelve hundred

is referring

to the events of 370 B.c.,

aristocrats lost their lives in the terrible oxv-

148

COMMENTARY

ταλισμός which followed the betrayal of their plot, and the infuriated mob eventually turned upon its own leaders (Diod. xv. 57-8). ὃ τοῦ δήμου προστάτης. Hug (Aeneas von Siymphalos, pp. 32-3) points out that this phrase shows an intimate acquaintance with Argive

politics, which supports the theory that the author was a Peloponnesian. While in other references to the magistracy of democratic states we have the vague phrase ἄρχοντες or ouvdpyovres, or the plural προστάται τοῦ δήμου (Xi. 10a; xi. 15), here we have the singular, which implies that the author knew that there was a definitely recognized post of προστάτης τοῦ δήμου at Argos, as at Athens, Hug cites in support of this a fragment of Theopompus (Athen. vi, p. 252 a) Νικόστρατον δὲ τὸν ᾿Αργεῖον πῶς οὐ χρὴ φαῦλον νομίζειν; ὃς προστάτης γενόμενος τῆς ᾿Αργείων

πόλεως. . . ἅπαντας ὑπερεβάλετο τῇ κολακείᾳ: and a passage in Diod. xvi. 44. 2 ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ τρισχιλίους στρατιώτας ἐξέπεμψαν, στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐχ

εἵλαντο, τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως κατ᾽ ὄνομα τὸν Νικόστρατον

στρατηγὸν αἰτησαμένου

συνεχώρησαν, which implies that he had to be released by consent of the

people from some position he held in the city.! He also adds, with regard to the phrase ἡ δεντέρα ἐπίθεσις, that such an expression (implying familiarity with the event recorded) is to be easily explained if we think of the author as general of the Arcadian league; we must remember how significant for the position of Arcadia in Greece was the victory of the democratic party in Argos over the oligarchical conspirators in 370: from that moment Argives and Arcadians were the closest of

allies, and conducted their military operations hand in hand (cf. ᾿Αργεῖοι καὶ ᾿Αρκάδες, Xen, Hell. vit. i. 35, 44, 45;

11. 2, 8, 10;

iv. 30), down to

the time when an oligarchical and philo-Spartan reaction made itself felt within the Arcadian league, in 363. τινὰς τῶν ὑπεναντίων ὄντων.

These words seem superfluous, but in view

of the cumbrous construction of the whole sentence, quite in Aeneas’s way, it is unnecessary to bracket it, as Hercher does. προσποιησάμενος φίλους εἶναι ἀπορρήτους. For this use of the infinitive cf. xx. 4 κατεσκεύασαν τὰς πύλας κλείεσθαι : xxiii. 7 προετοιμάcaves... θόρυβον γενέσθαι : see Introduction, p. laxv. αὐτοὺς, See x. 20, 21 for the use of this pronoun when entirely needless. Most editors have altered to éparots (with K. and R.), but

ἐν τῷ φανερῷ can be quite well taken with πολεμίους καθίστησιν, as well as with ἐποίει κακῶς,

§ 8. ἔδοξε rd... προστάτῃ -.. εἰπόντα δὲ. ! Sauppe refers also to Tegean inscriptions προστάται τοῦ δάμον (I. G, v. ii, τα, 12, 19, 14).

which

For the change mention

from

a collegium

of

CHAPTER

XI, §§ 8-ı0a

dative to accusative cf. xxii. 6; xvi. το.

139

As it stands, the sentence

contains an anacoluthon, and for εἰπόντα both εἰπεῖν (K. and R.) and εἶπεν (Herm. Schoene) have been suggested,

*A(pyyelous.

Orelli and Hercher give μὲν ob as the reading of M.

The letters are now nearly obliterated, and (as Schoene says, ad loc.) it is very doubtful whether μὲν was ever really written there, since

A

has ἄγει οὖς and B ἔχει obs. The best correction is 'A(p)yetovs (Schoene), which gives good sense, and involves only the addition of one letter to A’s reading. . § 10. τοῦτο δὴ αὐτὸ, A colloquial use, for διὰ τόδε μάλιστα : οἵ, Soph. 0. 7. 1005 τοῦτ᾽ ἀφικόμην, ὅπως... εὖ πράξαιμί τι : Plato, Prot. 810 6 ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰ ταῦτα καὶ νῦν ἥκω παρὰ σέ, ἵνα, κτὰ. : Symp. 204.8 αὐτὸ γὰρ τοῦτό ἐστι χαλεπὸν ἀμαθία : Xen, An. wi. 21 ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ Eorevdov.. . εἴ πως δυναίμην φθάσαι,

$ 108. ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ, We have no means of fixing exactly the date of this episode, but probabilities point strongly to a fourth-century date, shortly before Clearchus became tyrant, in 364 (see xii. 5). The glimpses we get of the history of Heracleia, though few till the middle of the fourth century, are very interesting, and show usa rich and

powerful

commercial

state much

vexed

by internal dissensions.

The outlines of its history in some respects resemble that of Syracuse. Grote gives a good account in chap. 98 (fourth ed. vol. 10, pp. 393-405).

Heracleia was a colony of Dorian stock (see note on the tribes below), founded by Megarians and Boeotiansin the middle of the sixth century B.c., perhaps on the site of an old Milesian trading-factory. The original constitution was apparently a democratic one; and the settlers,

as at Syracuse,

kind of serfdom.

reduced

native

Mariandyni

to

a

But an aristocracy, probably of three hundred (cf.

Polyaen. ii. 30. 2), soon developed: καὶ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ

the

ὁ δῆμος μετὰ

cf. Ar. Pol. 1304

τὸν ἀποικισμὸν

εὐθὺς

31 κατελύθη δὲ

διὰ τοὺς

δημαγωγούς"

ἀδικούμενοι γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν οἱ γνώριμοι ἐξέπιπτον, ἔπειτα ἀθροισθέντες οἱ ἐκπίπτοντες καὶ κατελθόντες κατέλυσαν τὸν δῆμον. The next step after this

was a change from a narrow oligarchy toa wider one: Pol. 1305b 11 ἐξ ἐλαττόνων εἰς ἑξακοσίους ἦλθεν. But still the populace was discontented, especially with the administration of justice: Pol. 1305 34 δημαγωyoivres yap πρὸς τὰς κρίσεις μεταβάλλουσι τὴν πολιτείαν, ὅπερ καὶ ἐν ‘Hpaxdeia ἐγένετο τῇ ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ : cf. 1306 36 ἐκ δὲ δικαστηρίου κρίσεως ἡ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ στάσις ἐγένετο, ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ μοιχείας δικαίως μὲν στασιαστικῶς δὲ ποιησαμένων τὴν κόλασιν Tov... ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ κατ᾽ Εὐετίωνος. A second

democracy followed, which is no doubt the one to which Aeneas refers

140

COMMENTARY

here ; we shall not be far wrong in placing it about 370 2.c, But the rich were formidable and discontented; and to prevent conspiracy the new

division

democratic

of

leaders.

centuries

But

here

mentioned

was

adopted

there was no restoring order:

by the

the lower

sections of the populace were raising the favourite cries of χρεῶν ἀποκοπή and γῆς ἀναδασμός (Justin xvi. 4. 2), and in 364 the harassed

oligarchs, after appealing in vain first to the Athenian general Timotheus, who was operating in the northern Aegean, and then to Epaminondas, finally induced Clearchus, then in the service of Mithridates I of Pontus, to bring his mercenaries to their aid.

ever, he threw over the himself tyrant with the aristocrats who invited oligarchy of 300 which 30.

2

Κλέαρχος.

On his arrival, how-

aristocrats and took the opportunity to make support of the populace. (That it was the him, in the hope of re-establishing the strict had formerly existed, is clear from Polyaen. ii.

. . ἐλογοποίησεν

ὡς ἀπαλλαγῆναι

βουλόμενος

δορνφόρων καὶ τῇ βουλῇ τῶν τριακοσίων παραδοῦναι τὰ πράγματα.) further fortunes of Clearchus see note on xii. 5.

μετὰ

τῶν

For the

The addition τῇ ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ to designate Heracleia shows that the author was not a native of Pontus writing for Pontic readers, as Sauppe supposed. At the same time the number of illustrations cited from the

history of this district, and the accuracy of detail in their narration, make it probable that Aeneas

had

seen a good

See Introduction, p. xvii ἔν, τριῶν φυλῶν καὶ τεσσάρων

ἑκατοστύων.

deal of service there.

Grote (loc.

cit, p

394)

translates ‘three tribes, and four centuries’, presumably implying that

the two were altogether separate, and that the rich were enrolled in the four centuries, the rest of the inhabitants in the three tribes.

But this

seems an unlikely arrangement: although the text does not expressly say so, the meaning is surely that each φυλή contained four ἑκατοστύες, making twelve in all. Under the normal arrangement the division was evidenily made according to wealth, so that all the rich men served

together in certain centuries. The object of the reorganization was to obviate this, by distributing them among all the centuries. The substitution of sixty ‘centuries’ for twelve shows that the term was used in a very rough sense. The φυλαί are probably the old Dorian tribes, Ὑλλεῖς, Πάμφυλοι, and Supaves, found in most Dorian communities.

dv ταύταις, These are the emphatic words: the rich had no doubt taken their share of military service and public burdens before, but concentrated in a few centuries,

CHAPTER

XI, §§ 11-15

141

$11. δημόταις. Notice that the word is not here used technically of members of a deme, but in its original sense of a commoner or plebeian:

cf. Hdt.

ii. 172. 2 κατώνοντο τὸν ΓΆμασιν Αἰγύπτιοι... dre δὴ

δημότην τὸ πρὶν ἐόντα καὶ οἰκίης οὐκ ἐπιφανέος,

§ 12. ἐν Λακεδαίμονι (λέγεται) γενέσθαι. The ‘ancient history ’ referred to is the attempted revolt of the Partheniae. The traditional date, 708 2.c., is one of the earliest fixed dates in Greek history. Its failure led to the foundation of Tarentum. Strabo (278-80) gives two accounts, one from Antiochus of Syracuse, and

one from Ephorus, which more nearly resembles that of Aeneas ; but neither is quite the same. The Partheniae were children of Spartiates born out of wedlock during the first Messenian war: though this irregularity was

sanctioned

by law, the rest of

the citizens tried to

deprive them of their rights as true-born Spartans. They conspired with the Helots to revolt. The attempt was fixed for the Hyacinthia, but Phalanthus their leader helped to betray it. According to Antiochus the attempt was to be made ‘when Phalanthus put on his cap’, and the κῆρυξ frustrated it by forbidding him to put it on. According to Ephorus, ‘the Partheniae agreed with the Helots to raise a Lacedaemonian cap as the sign; some of the Helots betrayed the signal to the authorities, but recommended them not to attempt a counter-attack: for the conspirators were many in number, and of one heart and soul, like so many brothers; so they ordered those who were going to raise the signal to leave the market-place.” Diodorus (viii. 21) has an account agreeing with Antiochus: the signal was to be ‘when Phalanthus pulled his cap over his brow’ (ἐπὶ τὸ μέτωπον ἐφελκύσῃ τὴν κυνῆν).

8118. ἐν Κορκύρᾳ. Cf. Diod. xv. 95. 3. The incident happened in 861 ».c., and Chares’ behaviour provoked severe strictures on the Athenians: οὗτος δὲ rots μὲν πολεμίους εὐλαβούμενος, τοὺς δὲ συμμάχους ἀδικῶν διετέλει, καταπλεύσας γὰρ εἰς Κόρκυραν συμμαχίδα πόλιν, στάσεις ἐν αὐτῇ μεγάλας ἐκίνησεν, ἐξ ὧν συνέπεσε γενέσθαι σφαγὰς πολλὰς καὶ ἁρπαγάς, δι᾿ ἃς συνέβη τὸν δῆμον τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων διαβληθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις, Corcyra

had always been notorious for its bloody internal dissensions. The most terrible chapter of its history took place in 427 ».c., and gave Thucydides the opportunity of writing what for depth of insight and intensity of expression are perhaps the finest pages in his work (iii. 82-3). $ 15. τῶν ἄλλων ἀγνοούντων. Ifa full stop is put at ἐπιβουλεύοντες, it seems necessary to insert a δ᾽ before ἄλλων. (So Schoene, following

142

COMMENTARY

Casaubon.)

The

punctuation adopted in the text renders this

necessary.

un-

"

καὶ εἰς ἐκκλησίαν παρακληθέντων. For the genitive absolute without the subject expressed see Introduction, p. Ixxvi. XII Precautions in regard to allies. § 1. §§ 2-4.

$5.

Their forces must be split up to prevent concerted action. A mercenary force must never be stronger than the available citizen force : otherwise it will be the master and not the servant of the city, as the Cyzicenes were at Chalcedon, A similar thing happened at Heracleia Pontica.

The connexion of thought with the preceding chapter is provided by the mention of the part the Athenians (who were σύμμαχοι εἰσηγμένοι)

played in the revolution at Corcyra. This leads naturally to a general discussion of the dangers created by inviting outside assistance. §1. A participle must be inserted : εἰσηγμένων seems slightly preferable to ἐπηγμένων (Reiske).

dpa. ‘All instances of the adverb have the it sometimes involves that of place or quality’ here it appears that the only notion involved is § 2. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ... μέλλοντάς. A colloquial τοῦτο δὴ αὐτὸ (xi. το).

notion of time, though (L. and S.s.v.), But that of place. form of expression : cf.

μέλλοντας is really an accusativus pendens, though

it is helped out by πολίτας in the next line. § 8. οἷον Χαλκηδονίοις. . . (ot Kufixnvol). For of Κυζικηνοί M gives οἱ τῶν καλχιδονίων σύμμαχοι. The simplest explanation of this clearly corrupt reading is that, Κυζκηνοί having become illegible in the MS., a gap was left, and a note appended: ‘the name of the allies of the Chalcedonians

is wanting.”

ol... σύμμαχοι

might

then easily creep

into the text. With so much alteration the text will stand: though βουλευομένων is certainly an awkward asyndeton, it can be paralleled by xvi. 13 ἄριστον, ἵνα, κτλ,

The pleonastic αὐτοῖς should not be tampered

with (see xi. 7; x. 20). Though we cannot fix with certainty the date of this incident, there is a strong presumption in favour of placing it somewhere between 363 and 360 8.c. At that time Athens was engaged with poor success

in defending her confederate towns against the attacks of the troublesome

Thracian

prince Cotys;

the details are very obscure, such

in-

formation as we have coming from the speeches of Demosthenes. We know that Cyzicus itself was besieged in 364, and relieved by

CHAPTER

XII, §§ 1-5

143

Timotheus (Diod. xv. 81. 5); and in the year 362/1 B.c., ἐπὶ Μόλωνος ἄρχοντος (cf. Dem. contra Polyclem, δὲ 5-6), Byzantium, Chalcedon, and Cyzicus, owing to their own lack of supplies, were holding up the comships from the Euxine destined for Athens, while the Cyzicenes were besieging Proconnesus, which was still allied to Athens. The siege of Chalcedon may have taken place as a result of this insubordination ; Athens

had to send

an expedition

to stop it, in September 362 (cf.

Dem. loc. cit., § 6 and ὃ 17). The frequent references to operations in this part of the world during these years, and the detailed knowledge displayed, make it exceedingly probable

that Aeneas

had either seen

service there himself, or had information from an eyewitness.

Cyzicus was one of the most powerful and flourishing Greek cities in Asia Minor. Under Persian rule it enjoyed almost a monopoly of the coinage of electrum staters. Its inhabitants seem to have been independent in character, judging from their attitude towards Athens at this period, as well as from this anecdote; in 75 B.c. the magnificent defence they made for Rome against Mithridates gained for Cyzicus the privileges of a free city.

§ 4. ξενοκρατεῖσθαι. Equivalent 10 κρατεῖσθαι ὑπὸ ξένων, The verb is formed on the analogy of the passives ἀριστοκρατεῖσθαι͵ δημοκρατεῖσθαι, ὀλιγαρχεῖσθαι.

It is not found elsewhere.

§ δ. ὑπὸ τοῦ εἰσάγοντος τοὺς ξένους. on xi, roa;

Clearchus (date 364): see note

also Diod. xv. 81. 5; Justin xvi. 4;

Polyaenus ii, 30.

Suidas (s. v. Κλέαρχος) has an interesting account of this typical product of his age. He went to Athens in his early youth to study philosophy under Plato, and at this time Isocrates (2. vii, § 12) gives him a good character: κατὰ μὲν ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὡμολόγουν... ὅσοιπερ ἐνέτυχον édevBepi@raroy εἶναι καὶ πραότατον καὶ φιλανθρωπότατον τῶν μετε-

χόντων τῆς διατριβῆς" ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἔλαβε, τοσοῦτον ἔδοξε μεταπεσεῖν ὥστε πάντας θαυμάζειν τοὺς πρότερον αὐτὸν γιγνώσκοντας. In this respect he resembled other aristocratic students of philosophy. He was banished in the course of some στάσις from his native city, and took service with Mithridates

I, King

of

Pontus,

gaining

distinction as a mercenary

captain. In 364 B.c. the oligarchical party in Heracleia, after vain appeals to Timotheus and Epaminondas, asked his assistance in a struggle against the turbulent democracy (see note on xi, roa), He came to their help, nominally as Mithridates’ general, with a strong force of mercenaries, and, under pretence of keeping them in the better discipline of a barrack, induced the citizens to give him a stronghold within the city itself (Polyaen. ii. 30. 1 μισθοφόρους συνέταξε

14

COMMENTARY

λεληθότως

ἐξιέναι νυκτός, λωποδυτεῖν, ἁρπάζειν, ὑβρίζειν, τιτρώσκειν.

«τοῦντες οἱ πολῖται παρεκάλεσαν

Κλέαρχον βοηθεῖν"

ἀγανα-

ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἄλλως ἔφη δυνατὸν

εἶναι τὴν ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῶν κατασχεῖν, εἰ μή τις αὐτοὺς περιτειχίσειεν),

thus secured his position, he invited Mithridates to come

Having

and

take

possession of the city, but on his arrival imprisoned him and held him to ransom (Justin xvi. 4. 9). Next, as we see here, he disappointed

the oligarchy by denouncing their iniquities and declaring himself the people’s champion (cf. Polyaen. ii. 30. 2), thus securing a tyranny, which he maintained for eleven years, taking as a model Dionysius of Syracuse

(Diod.

xv. 81.

5 ἐζήλωσε μὲν τὴν διαγωγὴν τὴν Διονυσίον τοῦ

Συρακοσίων τυράννου), A revolting example of his methods is given in Polyaen. ii, 30. 3, where he is said to have taken out the whole fighting force of the city (τοὺς ἀπὸ ἑκκαίδεκα ἐτῶν μέχρι πέντε καὶ ἑξήκοντα) on an expedition to Astakus in the dog days, with the express purpose of ensuring their death in the marshes from disease and exhaustion. At the same time he was

a generous patron of literature and art, and

collected a library : cf. Memnon, i. 2 (Müller’s Frag. Hist, Gr. vol. iii, Ρ. 527). His amiable career was cut short in 353 8.0. at a Dionysiac festival by Chion and Leonides, themselves two former pupils of Plato. But the tyranny descended to his family, and was not shaken off till 281 8.c., when Lysimachus, the last occupant, was defeated and slain,

and the city passed into the hands of Seleucus, A democracy was established, whose first act was to pull down the ἀκρόπολις with which Clearchus had established his despotism eighty years before.

XII Maintenance of mercenaries. § 1. 85. 2-4.

They

must be provided at the expense

of the richer

citizens, and

placed under citizen commanders of tried loyalty. Payand maintenance must be suppliedby those who have engaged them, but the city should share the expense; those who have advanced money can be reimbursed afterwards by deduction from their taxes.

Here again, as at the end of c. xi, the last historical illustration (that

concerning Clearchus’ mercenaries) chapter.

suggests

81. "Av δὲ δέῃ... Av... γίνοιτο,

the subject for the next

For the change of mood cf. Eur.

Hel. 1085 ἣν γὰρ καί τι πλημμελές σε δρᾷ, τάφος σ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἂν ῥύσαιτο : Xen. Cyr. τ. vi. τό τούτου δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοις, ἄνπερ μελήσῃ σοι: An. v. i, g ἐὰν ++. φυλάττωμεν... ἧττον ἂν δύναιντο ἡμᾶς θηρᾶν οἱ πολέμιοι. ὅσων dei, οὕτω διελεῖν αὐτοὺς.

ὅσων

δέοιτο

διελεῖν

ἑαυτοὺσ

M.

The

impersonal use of δεῖται in the MS. reading can be paralleled by zxxi. 19,

CHAPTER

XIII, §§ 1-4

145

where M has δεήσεται δὲ ἀναγινώσκοντα ἀναγράφεσθαι εἰς δέλτον (supported by Julius Afr. c. 52). Cf also Soph. 0. Ὁ. 570 ὥστε Bpaxe’ ἐμοὶ δεῖσθαι φράσαι: Plato, Meno 79 ( δεῖται οὖν σοι πάλιν... τῆς αὐτῆς ἐρωτήσεως (again ibid. 79 e). But the optative is very difficult to account for, and it is hard to resist Hercher’s excellent emendation, which gives a good sense with only a slight alteration of the text. §§ 2, 8. λαμβανόντων, διαιτάσθωσαν. For Aeneas’s forms of the imperative see Introduction, p. Ixix f.

use of different

§ 3. ἐκκοιτίας. A very rare word, appearing also in Philo, § 4. ὑπολογιζομένοις ἀπὸ τῶν. ,, τελῶν, ἀπὸ is a correction for ὑπὸ (M). If this reading is right, the meaning must be that the money owed by the state is to be deducted from the taxes paid by the εὔποροι. Either the state pays a part of the cost of the ξένοι at the time (§ 2), and the remainder is advanced temporarily by the εὔποροι, who are to be reimbursed χρόνῳ τινί: or the meaning may be that the rich citizens both pay a part of the cost (this being non-returnable) and advance the share for which the state is responsible (this part to be returned later). In any case it is surprising to find it assumed that the taxes outweigh the state’s debt to the εὔποροι. Schoene (following Haase) reads ὑπολογιζομένων and brackets ὑπὸ: with this reading, the meaning would be ‘each man’s taxes being taken into consideration (1.6. deducted from the sum to be paid him)’. This is perhaps an easier sense, but if the reading was originally ὑπολογιζομένων, why should it ever have been

altered to ὑπολογιζο-

μένοι) Wrong assimilation of terminations is a frequent source of corruption, but it is hard to see how originally similar endings come to be altered in such a way as to make them dissimilar. τάχιστά τε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εὐτελέστατα. τίχεστα, because funds would be forthcoming at once;

ἀσφηλέστατα,

because

the mercenaries

would not know one another, and would be quartered separately; εὐτελέστατα, because a private citizen would take care that his pocket suffered as little as possible.

ξενοτροφηθείη. Impersonal passive: cf. xxii. 1 νυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι. This use is not common in Greek (see Kühner-Gerth, i, p. 125), bu cf. Aristoph. Birds 1160 ἐφοδεύεται, κωδωνοφορεῖται : Hdt. viii. 74. 2 ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον: Thuc. 1, 73. 2 ἐκινδυνεύετο: Plat. Rep. 451 ς εὖ μάλ᾽ ἂν ἀμφισβητηθείη . Plat. Pol. 299 ἃ ὧν δ᾽ ἂν καταψηφισθῇ.

2889

L

146

COMMENTARY XIV

How to secure unanimity within the city. δ τ,

The populace must be kept loyal for the time being by appeals to their

§ a.

interest, such as the relief of debtors and paupers, Reference to the author's Ποριστικὴ βίβλος for details.

§ 1. τόκων βραχύτητι

ἢ ὅλως ἀφαιροῦντα.

Co-ordinate

alternatives,

explaining κουφίζοντα notice the variation of construction. ἔφεδροί, In boxing and wrestling contests, the ἔφεδρος was a third man who waited in readiness to meet the winner of the previous bout. In Pindar and Xenophon, however, it is used simply for ‘an adversary ’. Here it may have the additional idea of one who ‘sits by’ awaiting his opportunity : ἐφεδρεύω is so used in Thuc. iv. 71 and viii. 92. 8 (perhaps also in Aeneas iv. 2: vide ad loc.).

Aristotle (Pol. 1305 b 39) also insists on the danger of insolvent debtors in a state: γίνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσε

τὰ ἴδια ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς : and we are reminded of the desperate ruined crew that Catiline gathered round him. Cf. also v. 2 Acicov... τῶν φρουρῶν τοὺς ypewperdéras . . . ἀπομίσθους ἐποίει,

τούς te ἐν ἀπορίᾳ ὄντας τῶν ἀναγκαίων. It is worth noticing that Aeneas does not here consider the possibility of the whole city’s suffering from dearth of provisions. With a few exceptions, notably the sieges of Plataea and Melos, siege-operations in Hellenic warfare were concluded rather by treachery than by famine, But in xl. 8 shortage of supplies is referred to.

§ 2. ἴσως solution

καὶ

ἀλύπως.

A problem

which has not yet found

in England, though the Ποριστικὴ βίβλος may have

one for Greece. ἐν τῇ Ποριστικῇ βίβλῳ. See Introduction, p. xiii. ϑηλωτικῶς, In the classical period δηλωτικός Hippocrates.

occurs

its

provided

only

in

XV We now enter on the second section of the treatise. All preliminary precautions having been taken {κατασκενασθέντων τούτων), Aeneas turns to discuss actual operations against a hostile force already in sight, §$ 1-4

How

to arrange a relief expedition.

All must be done in order.

5.

The men must assemble at the gates, and be sent out in organized detachments, one after another in quick succession. Cavalry and light troops should be sent out first to reconnoitre.

6.

Signs should be posted at bends and corners on the road,

7. ο.

In returning to the city beware of ambushes, The men of Abdera paid dearly for neglecting this.

CHAPTER

XIV,

§ 2. εὐθὺς auvrärreuv).

$1—CHAPTER

XV,§5

147

So Xenophon insists on the proper ordering

and arrangement of cavalry: Mag. Eg. ii. 7 οὕτω yap προειρημένων πολὺ εὐτακτοτέρως ἂν ἔχοι ἢ εἰ ὥσπερ ἐκ θεάτρον ὡς ἂν τύχωσιν ἀπιόντες λυποῖεν ἀλλήλους, . . (§ 9) ἄτακτοι δ᾽ ὄντες ἀλλήλους μὲν ταράττουσι καὶ ἐν στεναῖς ὁδοῖς καὶ ἐν διαβάσεσι, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις οὐδεὶς ἑκὼν αὑτὸν τάττει μάχεσθαι,

κόπον

ἄκαιρον.

Explained by xvi. 2 τῶν μὲν ἐπειγομένων τὰ οἰκεῖα

σῴζειν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν.

κόπος is ‘ mainly poetical’ (H. P. Richards, Moses on Xenophon and Others, p. 114): it is, however, found also in Plato, Rep. vii. 537 b; Xen. de Re Ey, iv. 2; An. v. viii. 3; Cyneg. vi. 25. 8 8. ὡς λόχου ἢ διλοχίας, ie. from 100 to 200 men, if the usual numbers of the λόχος in the fourth century are referred to here. (See note on i, 5.) But it seems a large number for one detachment from a small πόλις : and in Xen.

Cyr. νι, iii, 21 we find a λόχος composed

of

twenty-four men. Apparently the λόχος varied considerably in strength. διλοχία is used by Polybius and Arrian. ὡς μάλιστα. Better taken with σπεύδειν than with ὄντας ἐν τάξει. § 4. (ἄλλον καὶ ἄλλο πλῆθος. κατὰ ἄλλο πάθοσ M. Since there is no ‘other emergency’ in view, it seems necessary to alter πάθος to πλῆθος (cf. xxviii, 3); and this. necessitates the alteration of κατὰ,

Meineke’s emendation (printed in the text) gives the best sense.

For

ἄλλο καὶ ἄλλο cf. XxVI. 6 βάλλειν ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην.

ἐν τάχει has been altered to ἐν τάξει, but the sense is quite good. συμμίσγειν. An Ionic form, found in Thue. vii. 6. 2. The intransitive active is generally used in the sense ‘engage an enemy’, but in Xen. An.

vi. ii. 24

(βουλόμενοι, .. συμμεῖξαι

τοῖς ἄλλοις

εἰς Κάλπης

λιμένα) it has the meaning ‘ join forces’, as here. § δ. τοὺς ὑπάρχοντας ἱππέας καὶ κούφους. Implying that even in the fourth century the smaller πόλεις had sometimes no regularly organized

force beyond the ὁπλῖται, For the'use made of cavalry and light troops {πεζοὶ εὐζωνοι, Xen. Cyr. v. iii, 56) for scouting purposes see note on c. vi. μηδὲ τούτους (ἀτάκτουφ). Something has clearly dropped out here, and this suggestion of Schoene’s is the simplest and likeliest, since ἀτάκτους could easily be omitted after τούτους.

ὁπλῖται.

Κι. and R.’s correction for πολῖται (M): the heavy infantry

are specially referred to (cf. xvi. 7 τοῖς μὲν ἱππεῦσιν . . . τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπελέκτοις ον τοῖς 8 ἄλλοις κούφοις .. . τοὺς δ᾽ ömAlras).

προειδῶσιν . .. προσπέσοι.

Cf. Praef. §§ 3-4 ὅπως... φανῶσι...

καταστήσαιεν, and note ad loc. L2

148

COMMENTARY

86. βάσεις. βάσις in the sense of ‘base’ is late Greek, except of the base of a triangle (Plato, Aristotle), and does not seem to be used elsewhere of the foot of a hill. But it is a quite natural usage, and it is therefore unnecessary to alter it to ἀναβάσεις (K. and R.). § 7. πεφυλαγμένως. Xen, An.u.iv. 24. Xenophon and Plato seem to be especially fond of forming adverbs from participles, e.g. drove~ νοημένως, συντεταμένως, ὑπερβαλλόντως.

§ 8. Τριβαλλῶν ἐμβαλλόντων. 376 D.C. The account given by Diod. (xv. 36) differs considerably. According to Diodorus, a horde of over

30,000

devastated

the

Triballi, in consequence

territory

of Abdera.

of a famine,

invaded

and

On their retreat the citizens

attacked them unawares (σποράδην καὶ ἀτάκτως τὴν ἐπάνοδον ποιουμένουε), and inflicted on

them a loss of over 2,000.

The

Triballi returned to

avenge their defeat, the Abderites having meanwhile obtained assistance

from neighbouring Thracian tribes. A severe engagement took place, in the course of which their allies suddenly deserted them, and the unfortunate citizens, finding themselves cut off and surrounded on all sides, died almost

to a man.

The

Triballi were

proceeding

to lay

siege to the city when Chabrias the Athenian general suddenly appeared and drove them off. (Diodorus goes on to add that he left a guard in Abdera, and was assassinated there; but as he also dies a glorious death at Chios in 358 ».c. (xvi. 7. 4), this part of the story must be an

invention.) The divergence is interesting, but Aeneas’s account carries conviction with it in every line, while Diodorus’s may well be a trumped up tale of brave Greeks fighting at overwhelming odds against treacherous barbarians. The place’ of the ἐνέδραι is taken by the treacherous allies. Abdera was a colony of Clazomenae and Teos (Hdt. i. 168) on the Thracian seaboard: its inhabitants bore in antiquity an unenviable reputation for stupidity (Dem. Or. xvii, § 23), which is not dispelled by the incident here recorded. παράταξιν ποιησάμενοι. The technical term for forming in line of battle:

cf. Thue. v. τα. 2 ἐκ παρατάξεως.

§ 9. πάσῃ ῥώμῃ καὶ προϑυμίᾳ.

Perhaps a gloss on the unusual Ionic

word πανσυδίῃ, πανσυδί is found in Thuc. viii. 1 (mavovdi διεφθάρθαι) ; πασσυδίᾳ in Xen. Hell. w. iv. 9.

$ 10. ὅπου δὴ λέγεται.

Reminding us of Thuc iii. 113. 6 πάθος γὰρ

τοῦτο μιᾷ πόλει Ἑλληνίδι ἐν ἴσαις ἡμέραις μέγιστον δὴ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον

τόνδε ἐγένετο (of Ambracia); πάθει χρησαμένην

οὐδενὸς

and vii. 30. 3 τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Μυκαλησσὸν

ὡς ἐπὶ μεγέθει τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἧσσον ὀλοφύ-

ρασθαι ἀξίῳ τοιαῦτα ξυνέβη,

CHAPTER

XV

§6—CHAPTER

XVI

149

XVI Another method of relief. §§ 1-3.

Sometimes it is safer for no

your force should

troops to leave

the city at once, but

be collected and put in good

fighting trim

without delay, §§ 4-6.

The

enemy

will at

first preserve

good

order,

but

afterwards

will

§§ 8-10. §§ 11-13.

become disorganized in their search for booty. Dispose your forces to the greatest advantage, and choose your ground for battle carefully. It is often best to wait till you can catch them unprepared. If they escape with your property, send a small force to follow on their heels, but let the main body circumvent them by a forced march, and wait in ambush; or, where possible, sail round to intercept them.

§§ 14,15.

Use of chariots in warfare, illustrated from Cyrene and Barca.

§ 7.

§ 16. §§ 17-20.

If your territory is difficult to invade, divide your forces and occupy all the approaches, If not, occupy positions from which you can harass the enemy on their march to the city; or, at the worst, occupy points of vantage

in the neighbourhood. You will have the advantage of familiatity with the ground, which is all-important. $$ 21-22.

If you have a fleet, use it to make descents

on the enemy

in their

rear.

This chapter gives an excellent picture of a raid made by one πόλις on its neighbour : it is assumed that the enemy will conduct operations in the usual leisurely fashion, and that looting will be one of the main objects. The author shows that, with reasonable precautions and capable generalship, the defending force is in a commanding position, but implies that the difficulty is to enforce method and discipline. How hard it was to restrain Greek citizens when their territory was being ravaged, we see from the temper of the Athenian farmers in the opening years of the Peloponnesian war. The

question

of authenticity,

discussed

in connexion

with

c. ix,

again arises here, not because the chapter is misplaced, but because it shows certain peculiarities of style. The most noticeable is the frequent occurrence of the second person (both singular and plural), which is not used at all in the chapters immediately preceding: cf. § 4 δεῖ γάρ σε εἰδέναι and προσδεχόμενοί τινας βοηθοῦντας ὑμῶν : ὃ 5 καταφρονήσαντάς cov: ὃ 6 ἐάνπερ γε σὺ... ἐπιθῇ σῃ)]: $ 7 ἡτοιμασμένης γάρ σοι τῆς βοηθείας and

ἐπιτίθεσο.

Other

noticeable

features

are the

use of οὗτος

as a simple unemphatic demonstrative (‘ they’), for which cf. § 5, and the use of the optative with & instead of the future, which occurs more than a dozen times (e.g. §§ τ, 4, 5).. On the other hand, there is no difference in the diction, and there is nothing which really proves that

150

COMMENTARY

it was not written by Aeneas himself (perhaps at a later date), though there is the possibility that it was added by some other fourth-century writer, The conditions of warfare implied, those of the small independent πόλις, are strongly against a very much later date. For the conception of war

as φύσει κτητική, i.e. as a series of free-

booting expeditions and reprisals, see Zimmern, Greek Commonwealth, Part III, c. v. (Warfare), and his admirably vivid description of a border raid and its consequences on pp. 344-5 (2nd ed.). The question of the circumstances in which the ἄλλος τρόπος βοηθείας is to be resorted to is discussed in the note on (@éev) in § 2. § 2. (ἕωθεν). This has been suggested to me as an improvement on (wxras), suggested by Schoene, who remarks ‘ desideratur noctis mentio’. The similarity of ἕωθεν to εὐθύ might easily cause it to be omitted. The transition to the consideration of a night attack is certainly very abrupt, since § 1 refers merely to another method of βοήϑεια against invaders, which may be preferable on certain occasions, and there is no further reference to night operations either in c. xv or in the rest of c. xvi. But the only alternative is to exclude or emend πρὸ τῆς ἕω,

which is προθέσεως accepted πρὸ τῆς ἕω

a dangerous expedient. Wuensch proposes ἀπαράσκευοι (= ‘non parati ad capiendum consilium ’), which, although by Fischer (p. 32), is not very convincing. In defence of it may be said that, although (as Fischer points out) some of

the reasons which Aeneas gives for not sending the βοήθεια at once are

more

applicable to an attack by day than to one by night, others are

especially appropriate to a night alarm (e.g. some

of the men are

‘entirely unprepared’, and some even answer the summons unarmed),

Nor is it necessary to assume that, because the case of a night or rather an early morning alarm

is mentioned, the ἄλλος τρόπος βοηθείας

is intended only for night attacks, As Fischer says (p. 32), it is for use on certain special occasions (cf. wore in § 8}—when the citizens are taken off their guard and frightened, which is especially likely to happen in the case of an attack πρὸ τῆς ἔω. On these occasions it is obviously necessary to wait for some time before going out against the invaders.

Aeneas then proceeds to point out that the delay will have

the additional advantage of giving the enemy time to lose their discipline and grow careless. [5. A. H.] , προσφάτως. A picturesque and poetical word, literally ‘ new killed’, often used of fresh food. So here the news is ‘hot to hand’, Cf. Dem. i Mediam, § 112 πρόσφατος κρίνεται (opposed to ἀδικήματα oda καὶ ψυχρά).

CHAPTER πάμπαν.

Cf.

xx.

1.

Aristotle’ (L. and §.).

XVI, § 2-7

‘Rare

in

the

best

151 prose:

frequent

in

Another ‘ poetical’ word finding its way into

Hellenistic Greek (cf. H, P, Richards, Noles on Xenophon and Others, P. 44).

§ 4. προσδεχόμενοί τινας ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς.

It looks at first sight as if a

participle was needed to ease the grammar; but cf. iv. 5 πρὸς τοὺς ὑπομένοντας μετὰ συσσήμων, and vill, I εἰς τὴν χώραν προσδεχόμενον πλείω καὶ μείζω δύναμιν πολεμίων.

A good illustration of this passage is supplied by the operations

before Stratus in 429 (Thuc. ii. 81), when the attacking Peloponnesians advanced τεταγμένοι καὶ διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχοντες, ἕως ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν ἐπιτη-

δείφ, but their allies the Chaonians, σφίσιν αὐτοῖς πιστεύοντες, rushed on

in disorder and were cut to pieces by the defenders, who laid an ambush outside the city and made a sally at the right moment to support it. βοηθοῦντας... ἄτακτον βοήϑησιν,

and βοήθησις occurs elsewhere well be right.

The expression is a curious one,

only in Hippocrates, but it may very

Cf. § 14 βοηθεῖν βοηθείας, and

xi. 7 τὴν δευτέραν ἐπίθεσιν

ἐπιτίθεσθαι.

§ δ, οἰνωθέντες. There do not seem to be any instances of troops actually getting drunk on the march in fourth-century warfare, but it shows the spirit in which these petty raids were normally conducted. Xenophon suggests that wine had some influence on the Spartan council of war before Leuctra: Zeil, vi. iv. 8 ἦν μὲν yap per’ ἄριστον τῷ Κλεομβρότῳ ἡ τελευταία βονλὴ περὶ τῆς paxns’ καὶ τὸν οἶνον παροξῦναϊΐ τι αὐτυὺς ἔλεγον, § 7. τὰς

ἀποχωρήσεις,

‘lines

of

ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσημβρίᾳ ὑποπενόντων

retreat’:

cf. διαβάσεις,

ἀποβάσεις,

ἀναβάσεις, &c.; also Xen. Mag, Eg. vii. 15 τὰς μέντοι ἀποχωρήσεις σκοπεῖν

δεῖ ὅπως μὴ ἐναντίαι τοῖς βοηθοῦσιν ἔσονται, With this passage we may compare Cyrus’s dispositions for cutting off the retreat of the Armenians (Xen. Cyr. τι iv. 22-5), where the final caution is μέμνησο οὖν ἐκεῖνο ὅτι φθάνειν δεῖ πεφραγμένους τοὺς πόραυς πρὶν κινεῖσθαι τὴν θήραν.

(See § 11.) τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπιλέκτοις. Who were these picked troops? They have not been mentioned before, but Aeneas seems to imply that each city

possessed

a body of ἐπίλεκτοι,

Perhaps they are the same as the

soldiers picked to form the magistrates’ bodyguard in i, 4 (πρῶτον... ἀπονεῖμαι δεῖ τοὺς φρονιμωτάτους τε καὶ ἐμπείρους μάλιστα πολέμον, οἱ περὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔσονται), Or the σώματα (rd) δυνησόμενα μάλιστα πονεῖν Of i, 5.

This is supported by Xen. Zeil, v. iii. 22, where a similar guard at

152

COMMENTARY

Phlius, which enforces loyalty on the rest of the populace, is composed of ἐπίλεκτοι (cf, Hell, vit. ii. 10), though it might be expected that the magistrates’ special guard would remain in the city. Most cities had a special guard of this sort: Thebes (Plut. Pe/op. 18}; Argos (the

χίλιοι λογάδες : Thuc. v. 72. 3; Diod. xii. 75. 7); Elis (300 infantry: Xen. Zeil, viz. iv. 13, 16, 31); Sparta (ol τριακόσιοι ἱππῆς καλούμενοι : Thuc. v. 72. 4, but cf, Hdt. vi. 56 ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας λογάδας, of the king’s bodyguard); Athens had 300 λογάδες at Plataea (Hdt. ix. 21. 3); the Arcadian league had its ἐπάριτοι (Xen, Zell, vit. iv. 22 and 33). τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις κούφοις, This may imply that the ἐπίλεκτοι were not hoplites, but light troops or peltasts; on the other hand, ὅλλος is not infrequently used loosely in an enumeration: ‘the light troops as well.’ Still, the fact that they are chosen for ἐνέδραι makes it probable that they were not hoplites, The sudden appearance of ἐπίλεκτοι may perhaps be used as an argument in favour of a different authorship for this chapter. προπεμφϑέντων (Casaubon) is a probable correction for M’s προοφθέντων, This might possibly be taken as ‘sighted in advance by the enemy’ (referring to ἐπιφαινόμενον), but it would be both awkward and obscure.

ἐπιτίθεσο δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις, κτλ, μὴν φρονίμον

γε ἄρχοντος

καὶ τὸ μήποτε

Cf, Xen. Mag. Zg. iv. 13 ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύειν

ἑκόντα,

πλὴν

ὅπον

ἂν

πρόδηλον ἢ ὅτι πλεῖον ἔξει τῶν πολεμίων, μαχέσῃ. The Epic future μαχήσῃ (M) can hardly be admitted, but

there is no reason to reject the Ionic form μαχέσομαι, which occurs also in late prose. § 8. κατασῦραι, An Ionic word, used later by Polybius, Ἀεηλατοῦντες. lonic and poetical until Xenophon. διαπεπληρωμένοι.

drat Ἀεγόμενον,

λαφύρων. A tragic word, appearing also in Xenophon and the Kon. τά... ληφθέντα... Av) owlowre. This is a fairly common construction in Xenophon, especially when he is speaking of animals: cf. An.ıv.v. 25 τὰ κτήνη érpehovro:

ibid. τι. il. 15; rv. 1.13, ἄς,

The same

explanation would to a certain extent apply here. But Xenophon used it also in other cases, especially of arms, chariots, &c. More unusual examples are Ag. ii. 23 ὅσα σφάλματα ἐγένοντο: Zeil, 1. i. 23 γράμματα πεμφθέντα ἑάλωσαν, Cf, also Aeneas xi, 5 ὅπερ ἔμελλον, . . συνοίσειν,

ἃ 8. τετζαρ)αγμένοις. This correction of τεταγμένοις (M) seems more satisfactory than the insertion of a negative, with Casaubon. § 11, τὴν δίωξιν αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς

CHAPTER

XVI, 88 8-14

153

χώρους. This use of the accusative of space traversed is especially favoured by Xenophon: e.g. Cyr. 1. vi. 43 στρατιὰν, .. ἄγειν. ἦ στενὰς i} πλατείας ὁδούς : I. iv. 27 τὰ δύσβατα πορεύεσθαι: Mag. Ἐφ. viii. 3 τὰ κατάντη ταχὺ ἐλαύνεσθαι, Cf. ὃ 14 of this chapter τὰς ἀμαξηλάτους ὁδοὺς... βοηθείας... βοηθεῖν,

ἀξιοχρέου. On the form see Introduction, p. Ixiv. φθάσαντος. This may possibly be right, in view of the numerous genitive absolute consiructions used where other cases would be more natural, though φθάσαντας (Haase) is an easy correction. 812. δειπνοποιουμένοις. Cf. Xen. Mag. Eg. vii. 12 ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καλὸν καὶ

σγρατουπεδενομένυις

κοίτης γε ἀνισταμένοις.

καὶ ἀριστῶσι

καὶ δειπνοποιουμένοις

ἐπιχειρεῖν,

καὶ ἐκ

ἐν πᾶσι γὰρ τούτοις ἄοπλοι στρατιῶται γίγνονται, μείονα

μὲν χρόνον οἱ ὁπλῖται, πλείονα δὲ οἱ Athenians in the great harbour and attacking them before they Iphicrates caught the Spartans other instances cf. Xen. Zell,

ἱππεῖς. The Syracusans outwitted the at Syracuse by having a quick lunch, had finished their meal (Thuc. vii. 40). at dinner (Polyaen. ut. ix. 53). For ır. i, 27 (Aegospotami); Hdt. i. 63;

vi. 78.

8.18. ἄριστον. Notice the asyndeton. For the use of a fleet for this purpose cf. Xen. Mag. Eg.v. 12 οἷς δὲ θάλαττα πρόσεστιν ἀπατητικὸν καὶ τὸ πλοῖα παραυκεναζόμενον πεζῇ τι πρᾶξαι

ἐπιβουλεύειν κατὰ θάλατταν ἐπιχειρῆσαι.

1. iv. $14. Κ(υ)ρηναίους καὶ Βαρκαίους,

See

καὶ τὸ πεζῇ

also

[Xen.]

προσποιούμενον

Resp.

Ath.

The Greek cities of North Africa

were always famous for their horses and chariots: cf. Soph. ZU. Antiphanes apud Athen, iii, p. roof. In Cyrene chariots were in the old Homeric fashion, to convey the warrior to his place ranks. See Xen. Cyr. vi. i. 27 καὶ τὴν μὲν Τρωικὴν διφρείαν πρόσθεν καὶ τὴν Κυρηναίων ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἁρματηλασίαν κατέλυσε : cf. ibid. ἢ. 8.

727; used in the οὖσαν

Accord-

ing to Xenophon Cyrus initiated the use of scythed chariots as weapons of offence in the Persian army; Pharnabazus has two scythed chariots (δρεπανηφόρα) in Hell. tv. i. 17. Darius had two hundred at Arbela (Arr. Anab. τα. viii. 6).

A ἁρμάμαξα (or rather éhe ἁρμάμαξα,

perhaps

implying that there was one in regular use for such purposes as are mentioned in $ 15) was used for conveying prisoners into Tegea (Xen. Hell. vi. ν. 9). λέγεται. Aeneas has this only on hearsay: he has not travelled

very far south or west.

(Compare

his lack of knowledge

development of siegecraft in Sicily.) τὰς ἀμαξηλάτους τε ὁδοὺς καὶ μακρὰς βοηθείας... βοηθεῖν.

of the Since

184

COMMENTARY

ὁδοὺς is accusative of the extent of ground

traversed, while βοηθείας

an ordinary cognate accus., re... καί must

is

(if the reading is right)

join ἁμαξηλάτους and μακρὰς, both qualifying ὁδοὺς. This is certainly awkward, but may be allowed to stand. If, however, it is considered

necessary to emend, it is perhaps best to write ras ἁμαξηλάτους re ὁδοὺς τὰς μ. βοηθείας (καὶ) emi.. . ζευγῶν βοηθεῖν: . ὁδοὺς and ἐπὶ... ζευγῶν.

re... καί will then join τὰς

§ 16. In this sentence M is in great confusion about terminations, The singular προκατασκευάσαντα can be allowed to stand, and will account

for the corruption of αὐτάρ to αὐτά, but μερισθέντα must

altered to the plural, p. Lxxvii. προ[σ]διαταξαμένους,

For the change of number An obvious correction.

be

see Introduction,

The confusion between

προς and πρὸ occurs elsewhere : cf, iv. 8. φρυκτοῖς. See note on vii. 4. § 17. f δὲ. This emendation of Hertlein’s for ἤδη (Μὴ is the simplest change. Cf. Thuc. iv, 8. 5 ὅπως μὴ 7 τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐφορμίσασθαι

és αὐτόν.

There

is, however,

the

further

possibility that

χώρα

ἤδη

resulted from an original χώρα, padiov δὲ 7. § 18. τῶν λοιπῶν καταλαβεῖν. Either understand ἐστί and translate

‘it is your next resort’ (a variation of the common phrase λοιπόν ἐστι), or supply χρή and τόπων from χρὴ ὑμᾶς καταλαβεῖν τῆς χώρας τόπους in § ı7. The first perhaps makes better sense, the second is easier

Greek. εὐαπαλλάκτως

ἔχειν τοῦ χωρίου.

gives no construction.

M has evar. ἔχων τὸ χωρίον, which

Alter πρὸς τὸ μάχεσθαί re... καὶ an infinitive is

clearly wanted, and this suggestion of Hermann sense without going far from

Schoene’s gives good

the manuscript reading.

The ablatival

genitive of separation is quite natural after εὐαπαλλάκτως ἔχειν. εὐαπάλAaxros is used by Xen. (de Re Eg. iii. 1) of a horse which will find a ready sale. καὶ οὕτως, (ds). This seems a simpler correction than to substitute κἂν οὕτως for καὶ οὕτως, which involves the alteration of πορεύονται to πορεύωνται.

§§ 19, 20. A good example of Aeneas’s sentence

to grow

as it goes

along,

without

method regard

of allowing to symmetry

ἃ or

grammatical correctness. If we are content to regard it in this way, it may stand exactly as it is written in M, except for a few obvious corrections of spelling ; but if we attempt to emend it according to the requirements of Attic style, we are at once plunged into difficulties.

CHAPTER ἔτι δὲ͵,

ὑμῖν.

XVI, §16—CHAPTER

XVII, §1

Introduced plainly as an afterthought.

155

Not much

is to be gained by altering to προειδότε to agree with σοὶ. Prof. Murray and (independently) Hermann Schoene have suggested transposing this clause and placing it after συνηθείᾳ, This certainly makes the whole passage much easier, but the alteration does not seem absolutely necessary, ζἀ)συνήθεις καὶ ἀγνῶτας, They have never been there before, and so are unfamiliar with the face of the country.

§ 20. εἰδότας. The sentence is resumed with a break in the construction quite intelligible, and hinted at by mpoe:déra above. πρὸς πάντα (Sy)... σφάλλοιντ' (dv). M has πρὸς wavra’ ἢ... σφάλAowre, No very satisfactory emendation has been proposed, but Hermann Schoene’s δὴ is the easiest correction of ἢ, and an dp is clearly wanted somewhere. | ἀτόλμως καὶ δειλῶς διακείμενοι, Ch. Ken, Mag. Ἐφ. iv. τι τὸ γὰρ εἰδέναι μὲν ὅτι εἰσί mov φυλακαί, ὅπον δ' εἰσὶ καὶ ὁπόσαι μὴ εἰδέναι, τοῦτο θαρρεῖν μὲν κωλύει τοὺς πολεμίους, ὑποπτεύειν δὲ ἀναγκάζει πάντα τὰ χωρία.

διενέγκοι γὰρ ἂν, κτλ.

We have a good parallel in Xen. Mag. Ἐφ.

viil. 3 καὶ of ye τῶν τόπων ἔμπειροι πρὸς τοὺς ἀπείρους τοσοῦτον ἐν ταῖς προελάσεσι καὶ ἀποχωρήσεσι διαφέροιεν ἂν ὅσονπερ οἱ ὁρῶντες τῶν τυφλῶν,

§ 21. ὑπάρχοντος δέ σοι ναυτικοῦ.

Cf. note on § 13.

XVII Precautions αἱ festivals, § τ,

§§ 2-4. § 5. § 6.

These require careful supervision when

there is disunion in the city.

This is illustrated by the oligarchical rising at Argos (417 B. c.). The practice of the Chians at their Dionysiac festival. The magistrates should conduct the celebrations first, and before the general public is allowed to assemble,

retire

§ 1, ἐπὶ θεωρίαν λαμπάδος, Cf. Plat. Rep. 328 a λαμπὰς fora... ἀφ᾽ ἵππων τῇ θεῷ (at the feast of Artemis); Ar, Frogs 131 ἀφιεμένην τὴν λαμπάδ᾽ ἐντεῦθεν den. Torch races were originally held at Athens on the feasts of Athene, Hephaestus, and Prometheus, as fire gods. They were common in all parts of Greece, as can be seen from this passage; cf. Paus. vil. xxvii. 3 (feast of Διόνυσος Λαμπτήρ at Pellene) and Pindar, Οἱ,

xiii. 40 (the ‘EAA@ria, a feast of Athene at Corinth: cf. schol. ad loc.). ἱπποδρομίας.

Combined

(Plat. Rep. loc. cit.), ἐκτὸς τῆς πόλεως,

with the λαμπάς at the feast of Artemis

So Cylon at Athens seized the Acropolis at the

feast of the Auicw, 4 καλεῖται Διὸς ἑορτὴ Μειλεχίου μεγίστη ἔξω τῆς πόλεως,

156

COMMENTARY

ἐν ᾧ πανδημεὶ θύουσι (Thuc. i. 126. 6).

Diodorus (xv. 40) describes an

aitack made on Phialeia by oligarchical exiles during the Dionysia,

Cf. § 5. σὺν

ὅπλοις

woprat.

For a description of the cavalry reviews at

Athens see Xen, Mag. £¢. iii.

πανδήμους vewdxias, Not, as might be expected, analogous to the modern ceremony of launching a battleship. The use of the word

νεωλκέω (sedducere navem) shows that νεωλκέαι were the occasions when the fleet was drawn

up into dry dock.

‘ Diem intelligo, quo mare

claudebant, navibus omnibus in terram subductis.

Eum diem videntur

Graeci omnes publica festivitate insigniisse, quemadmodum natalem navigationis, cum mare aperiebatur, solenni certamine publicoque spectaculo multarum gentium celebrari solitum auctor est Vegetius ’

(iv. 39) (Casaubon).

It was

probably an annual festival at the

beginning of winter. συγεκφορὰς τῶν τελευτησάντων. The ritual practised at a public burial of Athenian citizens who had fallen in battle is described in detail in Thuc. ii. 34. The noun is found here only in this sense, but

ξυνεκφέρω occurs in Thucydides (loc. cit.). τοὺς ἑτέρους,

This probably means the loyal citizens, as opposed to

an implied οἱ ἐπιβουλεύοντες.

§ 2. ἐξοίσω. Cf. it, 75 xxiii, 7. ἑορτῆς γὰρ πανδήμου, «rk, The reference is beyond doubt to the πρώτη ἐπίθεσις τῶν πλουσίων at Argos in 417 {see note on xi. 7), the direct result of the battle of Mantineia.

See Thuc. v. 81, 82;

Arist.

Pol. 1304 * 25-273 Diod. xii. 80; Plut. A/c. 15, none of whom, however, gives any detailed description.

As to the actual feast at which the attempt was carried out, there can be little doubt that it was the great Argive festival of Hera at the Heraeon, situated between Argos and Mycenae.

The time of year was late winter (cf, Thuc. v. 81, 2 καὶ πρὸς fap ἤδη ταῦτα ἦν τοῦ χειμῶνος Ayyorros}—~i.e. January or February, date

must

therefore be 417,

and

not

418,

as sometimes

given,

The on

the authority of Diodorus, who says that the oligarchy at Argos lasted

eight months.

Thucydides explicitly tells us (82. 2) that the democrats

waited for the γυμνοπαιδίαι τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων to overthrow the rule of the oligarchy. This festival took place in Hecatombaeon (late June or July), and calculating back to a time πρὸς ἔαρ ἤδη τοῦ χειμῶνος λήγοντος,

we cannot possibly allow oligarchical dominion.

a longer

time

than five months for the

CHAPTER

XVII,

§§ 2,3

157

All that we know of the Heraea coincides exactly with the description of the ἑορτὴ πάνδημος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ᾿Αργείων γενομένη (see Smith, Diet, Ant. s.v. Heraca , Farnell, Culis of the Greek States, i. 187 and 249). There was a πανήγυρις and a πομπὴ σὺν ὅπλοις : the complete military force of the city marched in full panoply from Argos to

the Heraeon, and there (πρὸς τῷ vag τε καὶ τῷ Bang) a service of ritual and sacrifice took place.

from

the

fact

This feast was also called the Hecatombaea,

that a hundred

oxen

led the

procession

to the

Heraeon, and ἡ ἀσπίς (1. G. um. iii, 1320; vir. 49, 1. 12} or ἀγὼν χάλκειος (τὰ ἐν ΓΆργει ᾿Εκατομβαῖα, Hesych.), from the fact that a brazen shield was hung up for the young warriors to tilt at. The time of year at which it was celebrated was probably the Attic month of Γαμηλιών, and it appears that a ἱερὸς γάμος between Zeus and Hera

also formed part of the ritual.

Diodorus’ mistake about the duration

of the oligarchy is probably due to reckoning the time from the conclusion of the alliance between Sparta and Argos, which took place about November 418. τῶν ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ συχνοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων. The best emendation of M’s τῶν ἐν τῇ ἡλικία συχνῶν τῶν δὲ ἐπιβουλευόντων. The confusion of terminations may account for the transposition of δὲ. παρεσκεύαζον. Will the active stand, used absolutely? See Intro-

duction, p. Ixxii, for cases where Aeneas substitutes an active for the usual middle. But the change is not a hard one to make: Aeneas may have written παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ αὑτοῖς συνήτουν. συνῃτοῦντο. I print this word as being considerably nearer M’s συνηττοῦντο than any other suggested reading. συναιτέω is not found elsewhere, but there seems no objection to a verb meaning ‘to join in demanding’. The middle voice of alréw is used in much the same way as the active. It is interesting to notice that, if our reading is correct, the citizens’ arms at Argos must have been stored in a public armoury, and not kept in private houses. This is to some extent supported by the regulations about arms in x. 7 and c. xxx. $ 8. καὶ ἐγένετο... of μὲν πολλοὶ, κτλ. Notice the simple paratactic construction, which gives an air of excitement to the narrative; cf. § 4 καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατεβεβλήκεσαν, of 82... There seems to be no need to alter the text, although various emendations have been suggested. ταῖς ἀρχαῖς. The expression is not infrequently used (like τὰ τέλη) to express the magistrates collectively acting in discharge of their official duties (cf. Thuc. v. 47. 9 al ἔνδημοι dpyet), like our ‘Home Office’; but itis rarely found with such a strong personal meaning as it has here.

158

COMMENTARY

$4. ἀφυλάκτως. Here used passively in the sense of ‘not guarded against '—a late use, appearing first in Aristotle. The usual active sense is found in xvi, 10 ἀφυλάκτως διακειμένοις : while in xv, 7 βοήθεια ἀφύλακτος may mean ‘ unguarded’ in either sense of the English word.

85. Χῖοι,

Cf. note on xi. 3.

ἄγοντες τὰ Διονύσια.

Diodorus (xv. 40) describes an attack made

by the exiled aristocracy of Phialeia at the Dionysiac festival, while all the citizens were assembled in the theatre (375 3.C.). πρὸς τοῦ Διονύσου τὸν βωμόν. This order is a favourite mannerism of Aeneas:

cf. xi. 3 τοῦ λιμένος τὸ κλεῖθρον,

§ 6. μετὰ τῆς προειρημένης δυνάμεως,

This must be the bodyguard

mentioned in i. 4 οἵ περὶ τοὺς dpyovras ἔσονται,

AVII Precautions against treachery al the gates. δὲ 1-2,

δὲ 5-6. § 7.

§§ 8-11, § 13. §§ 13-19. §&§ 20-31. 821, Β 52.

A rigorous inspection must be made by the officials in person, for all sorts of tricks are possible, Sand may be poured into the socket to prevent the bolt from shooting home, The bolt may be removed by various methods. The bar may be turned so that the boit is not shot home.

The device of the tube and the rush-mat needle. An impression of the bolt may be The device of Temenus to capture The man sent out to fetch water. The gates must therefore be shut If you yourself want to keep the altogether,

taken with a clay mould. Teos, by the magistrate in person. gates open, take away the bar

This chapter is highly entertaining, and shows us Aeneas’s enthusiasm for every sort of mechanical ingenuity. Ch. xxxi forms a worthy counterpart to it: in both cases some of the devices would be of little or no practical use, even if practicable at all. The construction of the ordinary Greek city-gate and the method of fastening it are illustrated in Fig. 2. ABAD and BCFE are the two leaves (σανίδες) of the gate, which must have been so constructed that it could open inwards only. To fasten it a wooden bar (yoxAds), GH, which apparently was circular (cf. xviii. 7), was placed horizontally across it on the inside. One end of the bar, G, was probably into a hole in the wall, while the other end, Z7, rested on a which it could be fixed by a metal bolt (βάλανον), 7, which was from above, through a vertical hole bored in the poyAds, into

inserted ledge to inserted a socket

(βαλανοδόκη) in the ledge beneath, the top of the βάλανος when pushed home being well below the top of the μοχλός. The βάλανος must have

CHAPTER

XVII, §4—CHAPTER

XVIII

159

been a heavy iron pin, thick enough to stand a big strain, since if anyone tried to force the gate everything depended on the resistance of the βάλανος : an indication of its size is given in Thuc. ii. 4. 3, where a

Plataean

χρησάμενος

soldier ἐς τὸν

ras

πύλας... ἔκλῃσε

μοχλόν.

To

get

the

στυρακίῳ βύλανος

pushed home, a key (Sadavdypa or καρκίνος, was

ἠκαντίου

out when

ἀντὶ βαλάνου it

was

once

required, which, when

inserted from the top through the hole bored in the μοχλός, could be made to grip the βάλανος and draw it out. There is apparently no direct evidence in ancient writers as to the shape of the Bakavaypa and βάλπνος. They must have been made in

such a way that a firm hold of the latter could be got with the former,

ee

i

es

ere

a

Fic.

Pe

Cie”

ti

Mir es

ἃ.

and so that it would be difficult for unauthorized persons to get a firm hold with anything else. Köchly and Riistow' have suggested (i) that the βώλανος ended in a hook, the βαλανέγρα in a ring, or vice versa;

or

(ii) that the βάλανος ended in a screw, the βαλανάγρα in a pipe with a female screw inside it, or vice versa. The hook and ring seems too elementary a device; a βάλανος fitted with either would be far too easy to extract. On the other hand, the screw is too complicated: there is apparently no evidence for screws at all until a late period, and at any rate it is not reasonable to suppose that the ordinary χαλκεύς was capable of making an accurately fitting male and female screw. The evidence of this chapter of Aeneas (esp. ὃ 6 and §§ g-ır) is very useful in this connexion. ‘T’he devices here mentioned as having been employed by enemies or traitors to withdraw the βάλανος without the proper βαλανάγρα give a strong presumption (cf. notes ad loc.) that the βάλανος 1 Gr, Knegsschnifistelicr, i, pp. 164-7.

160

COMMENTARY

was mainly cylindrical, but had one side flattened (see Fig. 3 for section: NO is the flattened surface). Given a βάλανος of this shape, the

most

obvious

device

oS

to enable

the

Sadavdypa

to grasp

indicated in Fig. 4.

it is that

PORS

is the

flattened face of the βάλανος ; Tis ἃ groove or slot starting from one edge

of the flat surface and a short

distance

passing for

round

the

cylin-

drical part. The upper edge of the slot was perhaps rounded so that a simple hook could not grasp it. The Sadavaypa would then consist of a completely cylindrical pipe made to fit exactly round the βάλανος, with a stud fixed on its inside surface of

such a size as not to prevent the pipe from passing over the βάλανος, so long as the stud was opposite the flattened

surface of the latter.

(See Fig. 5 for

a section of the βάλανος, aßy, with the βαλανάγρα,

del, round

it,

the

stud,

η,

being opposite the flat surface, «8, of the βάλανως ) The stud is so placed in the βηλανάγρα that the latter can be passed over the βάλανος far enough to bring the stud opposite

the slot,

into

which

it can

be

slipped by a slight turn to the right or left as the case may be.

There it

will be locked (so far as an upward pull is concerned), and the βάλανος can

be

extracted

simply

by

lifting

the Badavdypa. This device would give plenty of scope for variety of pattern. tion of

The size, shape, and posithe stud could be varied,

corresponding alterations being made in the length and breadth of the flat side of the bolt, and in the size, shape, and posilion of the slot. [S. A. H.] $ 1. Ὅταν δὲ ol εἰσπορευθέντες παραγένωνται, Resuming, perhaps,

CHAPTER

XVIII, 8 1-4

161

from c. vii.

As before remarked, Aeneas’s order is not very clearly

thought out. κλείωνται᾽

περὶ, κτὰ.

‘Post

κλείωνται

spatium

5 litt. haud

lacunam indicans M ’ (Schoene), μαλακίας. A difficult word to translate here. out after dinner and in bad weather is implied,

dubie

Reluctance to go

as well as mere care-

lessness.

§ 2. κλεῖσαι. May be taken either after ἐλθὼν or with αὐτουργὸς γίνηται, preferably the former: in either case, the infinitive is a deviation from strict Attic usage.

Cf. § 16

παρὴν 6 στρατηγὸς κλεῖσαι τὰς πύλας,

αὐτουργὸς, in the sense of ‘ with his own hand’, is found Soph. Az. 52 ὄψεις ἀράξας αὐτὸς αὐτουργῷ yepi :

and metaphorically in Xen. Symp, i. 5 αὐτουργοὺς τῆς φιλοσοφίας (i.e. ἄνεν διδασκάλου.

He § 8. εἰς τὴν βαλανοδόκην. filled up the socket in the wall, so that the bolt when put in would remain flush with the bottom of the μοχλός,

μένῃ

ἔξω

(Kal).

Casaubon’s x

certain correction of M’s ἐζομένῃ :

once the participial form appeared in the text καὶ was bound ta disappear.

Fie.

5.

§ 4, ἐμβαλλομένης κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἅμμου... σείεσθαι.

This implies

that in this case the bolt did not fit very closely, as there must have been room to put some

instrument

down

the hole in the μοχλός, to

shake the bolt enough to allow sand to settle under its bottom, Moreover, the bolt must have been a comparatively light one—possibly of wood, since otherwise it is difficult to see how

sand

would force it

up. Perhaps Aeneas felt the difficulty: at any rate his φασὶ implies that the device was not one of his own experience. ψάμμου,

We have ἄμμον immediately above ; but ψαμμώδης occurs in

viii. 2, and ψάμμος in xxxil. 2; so perhaps there is hardly justification for altering: though it is probable that Aeneas wrote one or the See Kühner-Blass, i, p. 259. 6 ‘ Moeris other, we cannot tell which. p. 420 Ψάμμος ᾿Αττικῶς, ἄμμος “Ἑλληνικῶς, aber ἄμμος gebraucht auch

Plato und Xenophon’, 3350

M

162

COMMENTARY

ἢ δ. ἐντεμὼν.

‘ Probavimus balanum ferream fuisse: quod videtur

refellere Aeneas cum ad eius incisionem adhibet σμίλην, scalprum; sed aliud est τέμνειν, secare, aliud ἐντέμνειν, incidere; ut cum in baculo

vel paxillo, quem funiculo alligare volueris, fit incisio, ne funiculus defiuat, sed haereat vinculum, atque, ut paullo post ait Aeneas, ὥστε ἐνέχεσθαι λίνον ($ 16). Potest autem etiam scalpro incisura aliqua in

ferro

fieri’ (Casaubon).

An

excellent

example

of

this editor's

thoroughness and care.

§ 6. ἐν γυργάθῳ.

‘A wicker basket’ (L. and 5).

This, however,

cannot be the meaning here, and there is little to make us suppose that it ever was the meaning of γύργαθος, except Hesychius’ σκεῦος mAexrov, ἐν ᾧ βάλλουσι τὸν ἄρτον οἱ dproxéra.

But

a similar article is

called in Latin retreulum: cf. Hor. δα, τὶ i. 47; Juv. xii. 60; and all the other cases where the word occurs in Greek go to show that it meant a fine-meshed net: e. g. Aristophanes, Δαιταλῆς (Fr. 217 (Kock)) εἶ μὴ δικῶν re γυργάθους ψηφισμάτων re θωμοὺς φέροντες : cf, Pollux x. xxxv, § 158, and vir. xxxiii, § 176 καὶ γυργάθους δὲ πλέκειν ἔλεγον. This could quite well apply to a net. In Arist. Zist. An. v. 555° τὸ the word is used of a spider’s web; cf. the proverb (quoted by L. and 5. s.v.) γύργαθον φυσᾶν, for labour lost.

ἀνακρουσθεῖσα.

)

Presumably a hole was made in the wall, in order

to reach the βάλανος from the bottom, since the βαλανοδόκῃ cannot have

been exposed underneath.

ϑερμαστίῳ,

This form is not found elsewhere, but other forms of

the word occur: see Introduction, p. Ixü, foot-note 2, The implement described is apparently a pair of pincers of which one leg is ‘ channel-

shaped’ (like a σωλήν, ‘a drain-pipe’) at the end where it grips, and the other has an ordinary flat grip. The channel-like groove in the one leg runs vertically, and fits round the cylindrical surface of the βάλανος (ὑπολαμβάνειν), while the flat surface of the other leg engages the flattened side of the βάλανος (ἐπιλαμβάνειν), pressing it into the σωλὴν

and getting a firm grip.

The use of such an instrument is a strong

indication that the βάλανος was not perfectly cylindrical, but flattened on one side, [S. A. H.] § 7, βάλανος would μοχλός square meant,

τρέψας τὸν μοχλὸν. A slight turn of the μοχλός would cause the to drop no further than the bottom of the μοχλάς, so that it not enter the βαλανοδόκη. This trick seems to imply that the was round (probably simply a rough-hewn trunk), since a beam could not easily be given a slight tilt, such as is evidently

CHAPTER

XVII,

§§ 5-0

163

ἀνοιχθῇ (ἡ πύλη). ‘ Post ἀνοιχθῇ spatium vacuum 4 literarum in M, ut fit ante initium novae narratiunculae’ (Schoene), But the insertion of

ἡ πύλη seems

necessary

to complete

the

sense,

ὠσθεῖσα

cannot

possibly refer to the βάλανος, which could not in any case be reached from outside. § 8. wept ᾿Αχαΐαν δὲ ἐν πόλει,

this incident are unknown, Aeneas’s own experience. Mention must be made after πόλει, on the strength resemblance is sufficiently passage in full :— Διοίτας, στρατηγὸς ᾿Αχαιῶν,

The

date

and

exact

locality of

but it is almost certainly an anecdote from See Introduction, p. xvii. of Casaubon’s proposal to insert ᾿Ηραιέων of an anecdote in Polyaen. ii. 36. The striking to warrant the quotation of the τὴν Ἡραιέων πόλιν φανερῶς édeiv οὐ δυνάμενος

ἀφανῶς εἷλε φθείρας μεγάλοις χρήμασι τῶν Ἡραιέων τινάς.

of φοιτῶντες ἐπὶ

τὰς

τὰς κλεῖδας

πύλας

πυλῶν

πολλάκις

καὶ καθομιλοῦντες

τοὺς πεπιστευμένονς

καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς πίνοντες ἔλαθον ἀπομαξάμενοι τὰς βαλανάγρας

ἐκμαγεῖα τῷ Διοίτᾳ διέπεμψαν. δημοσίαις κατασκευάσας

τῶν

καὶ τὰ

ὁ δὲ παραπλησίας καὶ ἴσας κλεῖδας ταῖς

ἀντέπεμψεν αὐτοῖς νύκτα συνθέμενος, καθ᾽ ἣν οἱ μὲν

ἀνέῳξαν τὰς πύλας, ὁ δὲ Διοίτας per’ ὀλίγων στρατιωτῶν εἰσῆλθεν. But the narrative differs in important details. In Aeneas the keys are obviously made at the smith’s forge inside the city: in Polyaenus the moulds are sent to Dioetas, who has them made himself.

Casaubon remarks, would narratio aliquantum est occultarum, et quarum the incident (239-5 B.c.)

This, as

not be in itself an insuperable objection: ‘rei diversa, ut fere amat in expositionibus rerum conscii fuere perpauci.’ But the date of is an almost insurmountable difficulty, We

should have to suppose either (a) that the whole narrative was added by a later hand, towards the end of the third century, a supposition which there is nothing in the language itself to support; or (4) that Polyaenus is confusing the taking of Heraea by Dioetas with an earlier fourth-century episode, when this device was actually practised.

It is

far simpler to suppose that the two accounts have nothing to do with each other; and considering the frequent occurrence of similar devices which this chapter implies, there is no improbability in this supposition. The reticence of Aeneas as to the name of the city, which he must almost certainly have known, may well have been due to considerations of policy. ἐπιχειροῦντες. There is no need to insert τινες, as Casaubon and Hercher do.

For the omission of an indefinite subject cf. ii. 8; ix. 2.

§ 9. βρόχον ἔχοντα τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔξω οὔσας ἀφανεῖς, M2

This seems the

164

COMMENTARY

simplest emendation of M’s βρόχον καὶ, which gives a very awkward sense. BTOXONEXONTATAC was originally written; then, by haplography,

BPOXONTATAC,

which

involved

a change

to βρόχον

καὶ ras

in order to make a prima facie sense (cf. xviii. 3, where καὶ was omitted for the same reason). ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, This correction by Lange of M’s ras ἀρχὰς is preferable to the insertion of a καί before τὸν βρύχον.

are very frequent in M. $10, σίφωνά τε καὶ φορμορραφίδα. used for drawing

large

wine

Confusions of termination

The σίφων is a pipe such as is

out of a cask;

the

needle for stitching rush-mats.

φορμορραφίς

These

is clearly

a

two implements were

apparently used together as a substitute for the ϑερμαστίον described in

§ 6.

The σίφων is placed round the βάλανος {taking the place of the

σωληνοειδὲς μέρος of the θερμαστίον), and the φορμορραφίς is then inserted

opposite the flattened surface of the βάλανος, so as to press it into the σίφων and get a grip (as was done by the πλατὺ μέρος of the θερμαστίον). The βάλανος is then pulled out just as it was with the pincers. The measurements of the βάλανος are taken first so as to get the σίφων of the right diameter and the Φορμορραφίς of the right length. The handle of the latter was made detachable, no doubt in order that the instrument

might not be too long for use in the space available: the ordinary Φορμορραφίς was perhaps made all in one piece, the handle as well as the

rest being of metal,and might have been awkward to use for this purpose. [S. A. H.] oppoppapis

is found

here

only,

but φορμορραφέομαι

is cited

from

Demosthenes and ridiculed by Aeschines {τε Cies. $ 166). ὥσπερ

στυρακίου ἡ στελεὰ (ἡ στελεὸν) ἐμβάλλεται.

στυρακίου ἢ"

M reads ὥσπερ

στελέα ἐμβάλλεται, with an exceptionally large space

afler στυρακίου 4, suggesting that the copyist was in perplexity. This might well have occurred in the case of such a reading as that given in the text, which is founded on Casaubon’s restoration. The occur-

rence of the two unusual words στελεά and στελεόν so close together may well have confused a scribe who did not know their meaning. The meaning of στελεά (Ionic στειλειή, Hom, Od. xxi. 422) is given by

Hesychius as τοῦ πελέκνος ἡ ὀπή, εἰς ἣν ἐντίθεται τὸ ξύλον.

‘rede quod

foramen

manubrium

So Casaubon:

significat, quale

est in ferro securis aut tuditis, in

inseritur,

aliter

neque

grammatici

interpretantur :

στειλειὰ τὸ τρῆμα τοῦ πελέκεως δὲ οὗ τὸ στειλεὸν ἐνείρεται, ἣν τρύμην ᾿Αττικοὶ λέγουσι’

Modern

scholars, however,

at a loss to explain the feat

performed by Odysseus {πελέκεων δ᾽ οὐκ ἤμβροτε πάντων πρώτης oredaijs),

CHAPTER

XVIII, δὲ 10-13

have been inclined to suggest that στειλειή. in that passage. (Monro, Od, xili-xxiv, by translating πρώτη στειλειή as ‘the top does not give further explanation.) And of

Magdalen

College,

in

a

paper

165

means the handle of the axe p. 217, seems to imply this of the handle’, though he Mr. Herbert Greene, Fellow

which

he

kindly

put

at

my

disposal, has discussed all the passages where the word occurs, to prove that the meaning ‘handle’, rather than ‘hole’, is the suitable one in each case. If this were accepted, the present passage would require no alteration beyond 5 for ἢ. This, however, would in no way explain the large lacuna in M, and the other passages (Nic. Ther. 387; Ap. Rhod. iv. 957; Ath. iii, p. 74), though favouring his supposition, do not seem quite conclusive. Whatever the στειλειή of a πέλεκυς was, the στειλειή of a στυράκιον is perfectly simple to understand in the sense of the hollowed end made to receive the shaft; and the στειλειή οἵ the φορμορραφίς would be of exactly the same pattern.

Stephanus is probably right when he says ‘ Στειλειά, §, vel στειλειόν, τό, securis manubrium : sed στειλειά magis proprie securis foramen in quod immiltitur bgnum’. That is, στειλειά came to be generally used for the top part of the handle. $ Al. προνοητικῶς δὴ... γίνεσθαι Somewhat awkwardly expressed : καὶ τὰ ἄρμενα γίνεσθαι is appended in a loose fashion. With ἐργασθεὶς εἴ cf. § 10 fy... ἐργασθείς,

ἄρμενα. Not in Attic prose, but used of surgical instruments in Hippocrates, of the tackle of a ship in poetry, and later (in Anth. Pal. and inscriptions) of any sort of implement. $12.

mefoivres.

The

contracted

form

occurs

in Homer

(Od. xii.

174, 196), Herodotus (e.g. iii. 146. 4), and in Polybius and late Greek. It is therefore

probably

an Ionic form

which

survived

in the Κοινή,

and there seems no sufficient reason to alter it. Note that this device also implies that the βάλανος fitted very loosely in the βαλανοδόκη : cf. note on § 4.

$ 18. συνεβάλλετο γενέσθαι (ὑπὸ) Τημένῳ Ῥοδίῳ, ur. The text we are to adopt in this difficult passage will depend on the view taken of the whole story, especially with regard to §19. Was the city actually captured in this way or not? There is no external evidence

one way or the other, as the date of the incident is wholly unknown, On συμβάλλεται (M) Casaubon has the note: ‘ Notent lectores Hellenismum,

συμβάλλεται γενέσθαι Τημένῳ pro συνέβη γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Τημένῳ, contigit

ut veniret in Temeni potestatem.’ It is indeed worth the readers’ ‘notice’ if συμβάλλεται bears this meaning, which is absolutely un-

166

COMMENTARY

paralleled, and akin to no other known use of the word.

But before

deciding as to the meaning, or indeed the genuineness, of συμβάλλεται,

let us see what it ought to mean, in reference to the context. To do this, we must anticipate, and consider the text in§ 19. Here M reads: καὶ εἰ μὲν ἦν ἔτοιμα τῷ πυλωρῷ ἅπερ ἤθελε, προσπηδῆσαι {(προσεπιδῆσαι Cas.) πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ λίνον μαλλὸν ἐρίου καὶ ἀφεῖναι, ὅπερ ἰδὼν ὁ Τήμενος ἔμελλεν σπεύδειν πρὸς τὰς πύλας" εἰ δ' ἀπετύγχανεν ὁ πυλωρὸς τοῦ θελήματος, οὐθὲν προσάψας ἀφῆκεν τὸν (τὸ Hertlein) Aivo», ὥστε τὸν Τήμενον ἐκ πολλοῦ φθάσαι

τε καὶ λαθεῖν ἀπαλλαγέντασ (ἀπαλλαγέντα Cas.).

ἠισθάνοντο οὖν ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ

τὸ σπάρτον ὑπάρχον ἐν τῇ πόλει, οὐχ οἷόν τε ἣν προϊέναι.

In all this, as it stands, there is πὸ hint of the plan’s having succeeded. On the contrary there are two things that distinctly imply that it failed. (i) εἰ μὲν ἦν erowa .. . ἅπερ ἤθελε, προσεπιδῆσαι.

. καὶ ἀφεῖναι must mean

‘if things Aad been made ready as he wished, he was fo have fastened ... and let go’: i.e. it must be a past unfulfilled condition, προσεπιδῆσαι being equivalent to ἔδει προσεπιδῆσαι, and ἄν being omitted as is usual in such cases. In other words, this cannot be part of the previous arrangement (mpocvyseipevoy): if it were, ἐὰν μὲν ἢ would be required— if things were made ready, (it was arranged that) he was /o

fasten,’ &c.

(1) οὐθὲν προσάψας ἀφῆκεν is a clear statement of fact.

If

this view of the passage is accepted, the only alteration necessary (apart from obvious corrections such as Casaubon’s προσεπιδῆσαι for προσπηδῆσαι and εἰ δ᾽ ἀπετύγχανεν.

ἀπαλλαγέντα for ἀπαλλαγέντασὶ) 15 ἐπεὶ 8° ἀπετύγχανεν for

So συμβάλλεται γενέσθαι, xrA., need mean no more than ‘an arrangement was made to betray Teos’,

The middle συμβάλλεσθαι, meaning

‘to agree upon’, is used with a direct object in Xen, συνεβάλλοντο δὲ καὶ Ἀόφον eis ὃν δέοι πάντας ἀἁλίζεσθαι.

An, vt. iii. 3

Here, then, if the

manuscript is right, we have a passive use of the same meaning, literally, ‘ Teos was agreed upon to be betrayed to Temenus ’, certainly

strange, but no stranger than several other uses of the passive occurring in this author:

cf. ἐκφερομυθεῖσθαι, ἐξαυτομολεῖσθαι, &c.

If this is not accepted (and certainly the present tense makes

harder), there is no alternative but to emend. are at all near the

MS.

reading:

σνμβόλῳ

it

But no emendations

λέγεται γενέσθαι

(Hug),

‘is

said to have been betrayed by a token’, involves a reconstruction of § τὸ on the assumption that the plot succeeded. On the whole, it is simplest to change the present to an imperfect, συνεβάλλετο, on the hypothesis that the termination was assimilated to that of γενέσθαι, and to translate as suggested above.

CHAPTER

XVIII, §§ 14-21

167

(ὑπὸ) Τημένῳ ‘PoSie ... προειδότος [ὑπὸ] τοῦ πυλωροῦ. The transposition of ὑπὸ is perhaps the simplest way of emending the text. The alternative is to suppose that προειδότος is a corruption of some participle or adjective agreeing with Τέως, Casaubon suggested προδοθεῖσα (cf. ὃ 20 προεδόθη πόλις ὑπὸ mvdwpod), A more attractive suggestion palaeographically is πρόδοτος (Schenkl), a rare adjective, which might easily be corrupted into προειδότος. It is true that it is only found in tragedy, e.g. Soph. ZU. 126, 208, 1074; Eur. Hipp. 595 (all lyrical passages); but that is not a conclusive argument against it, in view of the general characteristics of Aeneas’s voca-

bulary. ἀσέληνον.

So at Plataea (Thue. iii. 22. 1) τηρήσαντες νύκτα χειμέριον

ὕδατι καὶ ἀνέμῳ καὶ ἅμ᾽ ἀσέληνον ἐξῇσαν,

814. ὅστις. This use of ὅστις to specify a particular person, as opposed to the accepted generic use, crept early into Ionic Greek, and descended to the Κοινή, ‘bis endlich ὅς völlig durch ὅστις verdrängt wurde’ (Kühner-Gerth, ii, p. 400). So in Homer, Z/. xxiii. 43 οὐ μὰ Zip’, ὅς τίς τε θεῶν ὕπατος καὶ ἄριστας : Ht.

ii. 99. 4 πόλιν κτίσαι ταύτην

ἥτις νῦν Μέμφις καλέεται : and once in Thuc. (vi. 3. 1) βωμόν, ὅστις νῦν ἔξω τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν,

‘Es scheint sich dann dadurch von ὅς zu unterscheiden,

dass es eine innigere Beziehung der näheren

Gegenstande criminately.

ausdrückt”

But

later

the

Bestimmung

two

were

zu seinem

used

indis-

ἀγαθίδος (Casaubon’s emendation for deavéi8os) is clearly right: cf. xxxi, 19. dyaéis is used of the ball of thread Ariadne gave to Theseus (Pherecydes Fr. 106, ed. Müller). Pollux vi, x, § 31 mentions a proverb ἀγαθῶν ἀγαθίδες, 7 πλείστῃ κέχρηνται of κωμικοί,

816. ἐνέτεμεν. Cf. note on § 5. κινήσας. Probably by giving it a push to show that the βάλανος held. § 17. ὑπὸ τοῦ λίνου.

Not to be confused

with the βρόχος fastened

round the βάλανος, although this was referred to as τὸ λίνον in § τό, § 18. ἐλθὼν. A violent κατὰ σύνεσιν construction, as if Aeneas had written

ὁ δὲ

Τήμενος

προσυνέθετο

πρὸς

τὸν πυλωρὸν : but there is no

necessity to alter the text. Cf. Introduction, p. Ixxvii. § 19. For the treatment of this sentence see note on § 13. § Al. εἰ μὲν γὰρ πρώτην φυλάσσοι, ἕνα λίθον. K. and R.’s adaptation of Casaubon’s φυλάσσοιεν ἕνα λίθον (for the MS. φυλάσσοιεν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν) is certainly right. It was all-important to know on which watch the πυλωρός was serving. With πρώτην, &c., understand φυλακήν.

168

.

COMMENTARY

§ 22. πράσσοντα δέ τι τοιοῦτον. This abrupt change of side comes in rather curiously, but is quite in Aeneas’s way: there is no reason to mark a lacuna, in spite of the fact that there is a space of about four letters before πράσσοντα in M.

XIX Sawing through a bar. Oil and a sponge will deaden the noise.

κωφότερος. ἔσκε κωφὰ

Of a ‘dead’ sound: cf. Hdt. iv. 200. 3 τὰ μὲν δὴ ἄλλα

πρὸς τὰ προσῖσχε,

κατὰ

δὲ τὰ ὀρυσσόμενα ἠχέευκε

ὁ χαλκὸς τῆς

ἀσπίδος.

ΧΧ Prevention of tampering with bars and bolts. § 1. $5 2-3.

The general must go the rounds in person, before dinner. The bar may be plated with iron; bolts of different patterns may be used on different days ; an iron plate may be fixed in the wall above

the bar, so that the pincers cannot lift the bolt right out of the bar. § 4. 8.5.

At Apollonia and Aegina the gates were shut to the sound of a large hammer, which the whole city could hear. When the gates are shut, give the password and mount guard,

81. ph

δεδειπνηκότα,

Cf

xxvi,

2 τοὺς

δὲ τὴν

πρώτην

φυλακὴν

περιοδεύοντας ἀδείπνους χρὴ περιοδεύειν' τυγχάνουσι γὰρ οἱ τὴν πρώτην προφυλάσσοντες ἀπὸ δείπνου ὄντες ῥᾳθυμοτέρως τε καὶ ἀκολαστοτέρως διακεί-

μένοι, Dinner, apparently, was apt to play havoc with all ranks, πάμπαν. Cf. note on xvi. 2, σύννουν. Generally ‘in deep thought’, but here simply ‘circumspect’: cf, Ar. Pol 12672 36 ἐποίησε τὸν Αὐτοφραδάτην σύννουν γενόμενον παύσασθαι τῆς πολιορκίας, περὶ ταύτην, sc. τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν. § 8,

ἄριστον

δὲ τὰς

βαλάνους

μὴ

ἐξαιρετὰς

εἶναι,

Apparently

the

iron plate is to be fixed in the wall in the recess which is left to allow access to the bolt (AZ

in Fig. 2 on p. 159), at such a height

as to allow the bolt to be lifted by the key (καρκίνος = Badavdypa) only far enough to get it clear of the βαλανοδόκη, i.e. so far that its lower end is flush with the bottom of the bar (ὥστε μοχλῷ ὑποκεῖσθαι), If this was done, no one could get the bolt right out of the bar (e.g. to measure it) without risking detection by moving the bar from its

position,

[S, A. H.]

§ 4, ᾿Απολλωνιᾶται δὲ of ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ. To distinguish them from the people of Apollonia, the flourishing Corinthian colony on the Adriatic.

CHAPTER

XVIII, $ 22—CHAPTER

This Apollonia was a Milesian colony in the Black Sea. Very little is known mentions it as a city where the oligarchs by stealing public funds (Pol, 1306 * 6):

XXII

τόρ

Thrace, on the west shore of of its history, but Aristotle brought about their own ruin ὁτὲ μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐπιχειροῦσί τι

κινεῖν, ὁτὲ δὲ κλέπτουσι τὰ κοινά, ὅθεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς στασιάζουσιν, ἣ οὗτοι ἢ οἱ πρὸς τούτους

μαχόμενοι

κλέπτοντας,

ὅπερ

ἐν ᾿Απολλωνίᾳ

συνέβη τῇ ἐν τῷ

Πόντῳ.

ὁπὸ σφύρας τε μεγάλης. It is difficult to see how the gates could be shut ‘by’ a hammer: probably ὑπὸ means ‘to the accompaniment of’, as in the expressions ὑπὸ σάλπιγγος, ὑπ᾽ αὐλοῦ, &c. ἣν τὰ (Schoene’s emendation for M’s πάντα) ἰδ certainly preferable to adding rd, A verb is really wanted, and there is no point in πάντα,

§ 5. σύνθημα καὶ παρασύνθημα.

See c. xxv. XXI

§ τ΄ $ 2.

Precautions against an invader will be found described in my Preparations for Defence. The posting of guards, sudden alarms, passwords, &c., will be dealt with fully in my manual on Campaigning, but 1 will give a few hints now,

§ 1. τῷ Παρασκευαστικῷ, sc. ἐγχειριδίῳ, presumably.

But elsewhere

it is called ἡ Παρασκεναστικὴ βίβλος : cf. vii. 4; vüi. 5. different parts of Aeneas’s work see Introduction, p. xii ff.

For the

XXII Regulation of watches, $5 1-3.

The general and his bodyguard should be quartered in a strong central position, preferably in the market-place, accompanied by

$8 4-6.

Watches

the bugler and dispatch-runners. should

be numerically

strong

and

of short

duration,

to

prevent negligence or treachery. $$ 7-8.

No sentinel should know his position or commander beforehand, and

$5 9-ı5.

changes should be made constantly, The method of patrol is as follows: one sentry from each station should patrol the wall as far as the next station; patrols actually on their rounds should stand facing each other.

86 ra-14.

§ 15. §§ 16-18.

On

not

dark nights stones should be thrown over the walls and the challenge constantly given, though some think this inadvisable.

It is better, perhaps, to chain up dogs outside the walls. The weakest parts of the city must be entrusted to men with the greatest sense of responsibility. During festivals suspected citizens should be dismissed from guardduty.

170 §§ 19-20. $$ 2:-22.

COMMENTARY The ascents on to the wall should be kept closed at these times ; at Naxos Nicocles also patrolled outside the city with dogs. Where there is no fear of treachery, a system of lamp-signalling

should be employed. §§ 23-24.

§§ a4-a5. § a6. §§ 27-29.

Notice must be given to the general public not to leave their houses at night except in case of urgent necessity, and night-work must be stopped. The length of watches should be measured by a water-clock. When no immediate danger is expected, reduce the strength of the watches by half. The general should hand his staffte the first watchman, to be passed right round the walls ; defaulters should be fined.

This chapter contains much interesting information, and throws a good deal of light on the problems which a fourth-century general had to face. Compare c. x. § 1. Νυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι. This chapter begins very abruptly, but we have an almost exact parallel in xxvi. 1 περιοδεύειν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις. In most cases a new section is introduced by δέ or ἔπειτα, The answering δέ to ἐν μὲν τοῖς κινδύνοις does not really come till $ 26 ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀκινδυνοτέροι, Again the asyndeton after στρατοπέδῳ is violent, though not more so than in some other passages: cf. xviii, 13. γυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι is probably one of Aeneas’s impersonal passives: cf. xiii, 4 ξενοτροφηθείη, The verb in the active occurs in Xen. Cyr. tv. v. 3. We find the passive ἐφοδεύεται used similarly in Ar. Birds 1160; ‘men

are going the rounds.’ § 2. τοὺς per’ αὐτοῦ, The bodyguard of i. 4 and xvii. 6. [καὶ] περὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα, M has καὶ τὰ περιαρχεῖα, which Casaubon altered to δεῖ περὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα. But καὶ may easily have come in by dittography after τετάχθαι.

ὀχυρότητος.

A technical military term for the strength of a position.

The adjective ὀχυρόν is a favourite with Xenophon, who

uses τὰ dyupd

with the meaning of loca munita (e.g. Cyr. vt. i. 15). ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς πόλεως ὁρώμενον. A combination of two constructions : (i) ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ---' visible for as great a distance from it as possible’ (cf. xxviii. 1 ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν μέλλωσιν ὁρᾶσθαι); (il) ἐπὶ πλεῖστον

τῆς

city as possible ’, ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ is of sufficient reason to perpetually finding 8 8. σκηνοῦν. A

πόλεως. visible over

as

wide

an

area of

the

course really superfluous; but there seems no treat it as an interpolation (with Hercher) : we are αὐτός used where it is not wanted. Xenophontic word: here it does not mean literally

“be encamped in a σκηνή᾽, nor does στρατήγιον mean the general's fent:

CHAPTER

XXII,

§§ 1-8

171

in the middle of their own city tents would not be needed.

Xenophon

often uses the word simply for ‘take up one’s quarters’, like σκηνεῖν : cf, An. νιν. II σκηνοῦν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις, It is further explained by διατελεῖν. δρομοκήρυκας, Occurs in Aeschines, de Falsa Leg.§ 130. Cf. Pollux, i. xxx, ὃ 148.

Casaubon

quotes

Bellum Africum, 31. 4 (of Caesar)

“At haec non ipse per se coram, cum de vallo prospecularetur, sed

mirabili peritus scientia bellandi in praetorio sedens per speculatores et nuntios imperabat quae fieri volebat’. οἱ περίοδοι. The masculine noun περίοδος, meaning one who goes on a round (ἦ mepiodor), is peculiar to Aeneas. § 4. εἰσβολῶν.

Generally

used

of a mountain

pass:

here of the

narrow streets opening into the wide market-place. § 5. ἐκφερομυϑεῖσθαί τι.

A rare compound

See Introduction, p. Ixxü, τῶν πρασσομένων, i.e. treasonable

meaning μῦθον ἐκφέρειν.

attempts : cf. πρᾶξαί ra πρὸς τοὺς

πολεμίους above,

ὃ 86. ὑπάρχοι ἂν... καὶ φθάσαι καὶ λαϑεῖν. The infinitives would no doubt have been introduced by ὥστε Attic Greek, but there are several other instances in Aeneas of the plain infinitive used epexegetically. § 7. τῶν φυλάκων μηδένα, κτλ.

These stringent regulations, and the

recommendation to change the composition of detachments as often as possible, would effectually frustrate any confidence between the officer and his men, or cohesion between individuals;

in fact, all that

makes for good soldiership is lost. It is a melancholy testimony to fourth-century warfare that a commander of Aeneas’s experience should be forced to insist on such precautions: no good soldier would dream of it except as a desperate expedient, ὁπόστην (sc. φυλακήν) : a clever correction of Maurice Schmidts ‘for M’s δπουστῆναι. πολιτοφυλακίαν.

Cf, i. 3 τὰ τειχήρη καὶ πολιτοφυλακήσοντα.

ᾧ 8. μὴ προειδότες, It seems necessary to change M’s προειδότων, in view of ἀγνοοῦντες immediately below: otherwise it might have been retained as an indefinite genitive absolute. But the mistake is very easily accounted for after πολεμίων. μηδὲ ned’ dy. For the use of ὅς in indirect questions see Kühner' Gerth, ii, p. 438: ‘Wo és in einer sogenannten abhängigen Frage

gebraucht wird, hat es weniger die Bedeutung des fragenden ris oder dons, als vielmehr die Bedeutung des relativen οἷος, wie im Lat. πεῖ st. qualis” But in phrases like the present and Xen. Cyr. νι. i. 46 πέμπει πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον εἰπὼν ὃς ἦν͵ the distinction is a delicate one.

172

COMMENTARY

§ 9. προφυλάσσοιέν τ΄ Oy... προφύλακες

ὧδε.

Casaubon

rightly

remarks that the words προφυλάσσειν and προφύλαξ are used by Aeneas in a sense different from that in which they are found in the historians: ‘nam apud Thucydidem, Xenophontem, Polybium εἰ alios Graecorum historicos προφυλακαί sunt stationes pro muris urbis aut valio castrorum

positae “—i.e. outposts. Here, however, they are clearly patrols, as opposed to the stationary φύλακες in the φυλακεῖα. The procedure is immediately described. But there are two points of difficulty: (ἢ) In§ gaand § τι of this chapter, and in §§ 8-9 of c. xxvi, it is difficult to take προφυλάσσειν and προφύλαξ of the actual patrol on his round,

In ὃ 5a ἵν᾽ ὡς πλεῖστοι. ., προφυλάσσωσιν

accords ill with the

direction given here that only one man should go from one post to another ; and it is difficult to see what the injunction in § 11, that the προφύλακες should stand facing each other, can mean,

Again, in Xxvi.

8-9, the προφύλαξ is represented as asleep, and not going on his round at all, Is there any means of getting a consistent meaning for προφνλάσσειν in all these passages? Casaubon opines: ‘Inter plures φύλακας unius φυλακείου fuisse προφύλακα unum vel plures. Ii erant inter stationarios primi, et munia vigilum curabant intentius quam ceteri, Itaque horum erat circitoribus interrogantibus respondere.’ This is probably about right. The φύλακες were a considerable body of men, perhaps ten or twelve. Out of these, a certain number (probably two) was chosen for the actual task of keeping guard, while the others were allowed to sleep (see x. 26, where they take baskets and rugs to sleep on). The former were called προφύλακες, and their duty was to stand facing one another and keep a sharp look out

on both sides of the wall, both for the general’s rounds and for an approaching enemy (§ 11}; at intervals (ἀπὸ συσσήμων) one of them was to leave his own φυλακεῖον, and patrol the wall till he reached the next one; there he stopped and kept guard; and so on round the whole circuit of walls. Thus φύλακες and προφύλακες would be constanily interchanged,

(ii) The προφύλακες must be carefully distinguished from the περίοδοι or rounds, who represented the general, and delivered his staff to the πρῶτος φύλαξ (8 27). These went round under the walls (xxvi. 1 ὑπὸ τὸ τεΐχυρ), and were two companies drawn from the troops in the ἀγορά (i.e. probably from the general's bodyguard), But in § τὸ of this chapter it appears that περιοδεύειν is used loosely for ‘move round the walls’, referring to the προφύλακες : for the rounds are not

CHAPTER

ΧΧΙΙ,

§§ 9-11

173

under discussion at all at present. A separate chapter (c. xxvi) is reserved for them, προφυλασσόντων. M has τῶν προφυλασσόντων, the imperative having been confused by the scribe with the genitive plural of the participle. This is not an uncommon error: cf. xl. 1 ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνϑεν φυλασσόντων ὑπαρχόντων ἀνθρώπων (M), 810. οὐδ᾽ ἅμα, There seems no reason to alter ἅμα, if we take it of place, rather than of time, as in xii. 1 xp)... μήποτε dua διατελεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους,

᾿

§§ 10-11. πυκνὰ... ἑστάναι, It is very difficult to be sure of the right reading here, as M is defective. All it gives is— νὰ ἄλλων φυλάκων wap’ ἄλλοις γινομένοισ προσφύλ τω πρασσομένον ὅτἄντι ἐκ τῶν φυλάκων ν

φυλάσσωσιν

ἀντιπροσώπους ἀλλήλοις ἑστάν. B reads: πυκνὰ ἄλλων φυλάκων παρ᾽ ἄλλοις γινομένοισ προσφύλαξιν τούτου δὲ οὕτω πρασσομένου

ὅτᾶντι

ἐκ

τῶν

φυλάκων

νεωτερισθείη

τούσδε

προφυλάσσωσιν

ἀντιπροσώπους ἀλλήλοις ἑστάναι. This may be taken with fair certainty to represent M’s reading. Then (i) γινομένων προφύλαξιν is an easy correction for ywopévaa mpoo-

φύλαξιν.

(ii) ὅτγᾶντι is undoubtedly corrupt, and Sauppe’s οὐκ ἄν may accepted; cf. $ 5 of this chapter, where ör’ ἄν has replaced οὔτ᾽ dv. (iii) τούσδε προφυλάσσωσιν

is harder to account for.

be

We may read

either (a) τοὺς δὲ προφυλάσσοντας (Kirchhoff), which is simple, but involves a considerable change, of which no account can be given; or (4) τοὺς δὲ (προφύλακας, ὅταν μὴ) προφυλάσσωσιν, supposing a considerable

omission

in M,

This

has

three advantages:

(1) it explains

the

presence of both τούσδε and προφυλάσσωσιν ; (2) it is explicable palaeographically, since we know how apt the eye of a scribe was to anticipate his pen and travel to the second of two similar groups of letters; (3) it gives exactly the sense that seems to be wanted: the patrols, when not actually engaged in patrolling, are to stand facing one another. § 11, ἀντιπροσώπους. For the reason given below, and also, perhaps, that one might watch the other, and prevent his either going to sleep or making signals to the enemy. Cf. Xen. Resp. Lac. xii. 2 φυλακάς γε μὴν ἐποίησε (Λυκοῦργος) μεθημερινὰς τὰς μὲν παρὰ τὰ ὅπλα εἴσω βλεπούσα:" οὐ γὰρ πολεμίων ἕνεκα ἀλλὰ φίλων αὗται καθίστανται,

οὕτως γὰρ ἂν πάντῃ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν βλέποιντο.

If the text is to be retained

174

COMMENTARY

βλέποιντο must be middle (the middle is ‘ found in late writers’ according to L. and S.), and ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν must mean, as Schoene says, ‘ ex loco

quem

occupant’.

He

compares

xxii, 2 τόπον, .. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον

ἀπ᾽

αὐτοῦ τῆς πόλεως ὁρώμενον, and XXvili. I καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον an’ αὐτῶν μέλλωσιν ὁρᾶσθαι οἱ προσιόντες, Otherwise, dm’ αὐτῶν may be altered to ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν,

and βλέποιντο to βλέποιτο. This may be taken as an instance of the impersonal passive which occurs several times in Aeneas, or πάντα may be written before (K. and R.) or instead of (Hercher) πάντῃ. ἅπερ ἤδη γεγονότα... δεδήλωται, The only reference to the capture of ἡμεροσκόποι is in vi. 6-7, where it is brought

in quite by the way.

Possibly Aeneas is referring to another part of his work. dumtaxat attigit quod ait se dixisse: nam illa verba sexti, day συλληφθῶσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων (Casaubon).

‘ Obiter

respicit capitis

ξ 12. χειμεριναῖς. ‘Correct writers use χειμέριος = wintry, stormy, χειμερινός (opp. to Sepuds) = in winter-time, .. . Later authors neglected this distinction’ (L. and S.). The Plataeans chose a stormy night {τηρήσαντες νύκτα χειμέριον) for their sally in the winter of 428-7 2.c.

(ἄλλην καὶ) ἄλλην.

This addition of Casaubon’s is clearly right: cf.

xxvi. 6 λίθους... βάλλειν ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην εἰς τὸ ἔξω μέρος τοῦ τείχους.

λίθος (feminine) is very rare in prose, except in the case of special kinds of stone (8. g. precious stones). ᾿ ἐρωτώντων τίνες εἶεν. Optative for indicative after a primary verb: cf. xxvii. 4.

προσπελάζοντες (cf. § 21),

πελάζω and its compounds are rare in

prose, but occur several times in Xenophon, προσπελάζω occurs in Plato, Symp. 206 d, but in a highly-coloured passage. πλησιάζω is the Attic equivalent.

818. of δέ τινες,

Rather loosely used, as there is no ot μέν τινες

preceding it; but the full ὁ μέν τις... ὁ δέ τις is common in Plato and

Xenophon, when the subject is to be left as vague as possible. προαισθάνεσθαι (ὅτι ἐνταῦθα) οὐ προσιτητέον ἐστὶ. A certain brilliant emendation

by Haupt

for M’s

προαισϑάνεσθαι

and

dv προσπη-

γαιον-ττ' magnum et... δυσίατον vulnus’ (Casaubon). The change is really very slight: ΠΡΟΟΙΤΉΤΕΟΝ for NPOCIIHFAION. For other cases of confusion between a and ε cf. xxiii. 6 ἐκπορευταῖον for -dov: xxix. 4 λιναῖοι for λίνεοι.

ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν σιγώμενον τόπον. σιγώμενον is one of the interesting passives found several times in Aeneas. See Introduction, p- Ixxii, and Kühner-Gerth, i, pp, 126-7.

For an attack on the wall just after the patrol had passed we may

CHAPTER

XXII,

δὲ 12-16

175

compare Thuc. iv. 135 (Brasidas’ attempt on Potidaea) προσελθὼν yap νυκτὸς καὶ κλίμακα προσθεὶς μέχρι μὲν τούτου ἔλαθεν" τοῦ γὰρ κώδωνος παρενεχθέντος οὕτως ἐς τὸ Suixevor, πρὶν ἐπανελθεῖν τὸν παραδιδόντα αὐτόν, ἡ πρόσθεσις ἐγένετο' ἔπειτα μέντοι εὐθὺς αἰσθομένων, πρὶν προσβῆναι, ἀπήγαγε πάλιν κατὰ τάχος τὴν στρατιάν.

§ 14. κύνα(ς) προσδεδέσθαι νυκτερεύοντας, For the employment of dogs for this purpose see Polyaen. ii, 25 ᾿Αγησίπολις... κύνας περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἠφίει πολλούς͵... ὅπως μηδεὶς αὐτομολοίη

τῶν

φυλαττόμενος

ὑπὸ

κυνῶν ἁλῶναι : and for tracking, Polyaen. iv. 2. 16 Φίλιππον...

καταδυομένων

τῶν βαρβάρων

πολλὰς ἐξήγαγεν

ἐς τὰ ἄλση

καὶ τοὺς θάμνους,

θηρευτικὰς

κύνας

al τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξιχνεύουσαι τοὺς πλείστους αὐτῶν ἐθήρευον :

cf. also Vegetius iv. 26 ‘Illud quoque usus invenit, ut acerrimos ac sagacissimos canes in turribus nutriant, qui adventum hostium odore praesentiant latratuque testentur’. They were also used for taking messages: cf. xxxi. 32. § 15. εὐπρόσοδα. Of places open to attack in Xen, Zell. vi. v. 24, &c. Thucydides uses εὐέφοδος in the same sense in vi. 66. 2, but not εὐπρόσοδος, τῇδε φύλακας καθιστάναι τοὺς τὰ πλεῖστα κεκτημένους. It is rather a curious idea to modern thinking, that the rich man is more likely to keep awake at his post than the poor man because he has a stake in the city. But the whole of Greek democracy was based on the principle of the responsibility of wealth; and incidentally it suggests how miserable the condition of the poorest classes must have been in the fourth century, if they were so indifferent to a change of government. In xxxviii. 5 it is of τὰ πλεῖστα κεκτημένοι καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει δυνάμεως μάλιστα μετέχοντες who are to be rebuked for misconduct in battle, rather than

the poor. ἀλλὰ μεμνημένους det προσέχειν. ἂν προσέχειν M, with a space of four or five letters after ἂν. 1 ἂν is to be kept, the space must be

filed up by writing ἄν rı δέῃ or the like; but it is simpler to alter to ἀεὶ. προσέχων is used absolutely (= ‘attentively’) in Dem, in Madiam, § 8. § 16, (dv) δὲ ταῖς πανδήμοις ἑορταῖς, See c. xvii, Haase’s insertion of ἐν, with a full stop after προσέχειν, is far the simplest remedy. Ifwe

begin

the

sentence

προσέχειν

δέ, a considerable

lacuna

must

be

allowed for. ὅσοι ἐν σώμασι μάλιστα ὕποπτοι τοῖς αὐτῶν καὶ ἄπιστοι. A phrase awkward both in order and in expression; if it is right, it must mean ‘those who are untrustworthy and most suspected by their own com-

176

COMMENTARY

rades’,

Here σῶμα has lost all reference to the physique of the troops,

and simply = στρατιώτης.

$17. περὶ yap τὰς ἑορτὰς, After this M has τοὺς τοιούτους καιροὺς, which has almost certainly crept in from the περὶ τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς two lines below. (See next note.) $ 18. περὶ τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς, Here M has περὶ τοῦ στοιχείου τοὺς καιρούς,

A corruption

very difficult

to

explain,

unless we

adopt

the

theory put forward in Appendix II (see p. 253). It appears that τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς, the marginal emendation of this mistake, was inserted in the text two lines higher up. ἐν ἄλλοις, ie, inc. xvii.

δηλοῦται,

The

tense is curious, but occurs elsewhere: cf. viii, 5

ὧδε μὲν viv παρωλείπεται,

§ 10. (δι) ὃ padA)ov deli) ἅμα τούτοις. ὁμαλὸν δὲ M. ‘Nihil mutandum. Sensus est: “Similis est cautio”: eine ähnliche Vorsichtsregel ist’ (Orelli), It does not seem wholly impossible to keep ὁμαλὸν in the sense ‘on the same footing with’, though there is no exact parallel, The word is used meaning ‘consistent’ (e.g. in Arist. Poe. 1454 4% 26), and of people Aesch. P.

V. gor

ὁμαλὸς γάμος.

‘in equal circumstances’, e. g.

But the

sense

is unsatisfactory

and

the Greek awkward. Prof, Murray has suggested δι’ & καλὸν [δὲ], AHAOYTAIAIOKAAON could easily have become AHAOYTAIOKAAON, and then OKAAON might become OMAAON, δέ being inserted to provide a connexion with the last sentence. The reading given in the text, 34° ὁ μᾶλλον δεῖ, is ἃ little closer to M, and the sense seems good enough.

For μᾶλλον (δεῖ) of something which had ‘better’ be done cf. § 25 μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτῆς κεκηρῶσθαι τὰ ἔσωθεν.

ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν καταπηδῶντες. ἀπαλλήλων M (= ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων) might be taken as meaning ‘jumping down off their comrades’ shoulders’, but in

view

of καταπηδᾶν

ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν

probably right. καὶ ἐν τυράννου ἀκροπόλει. Introduction, p, xxvi.

in xl, 1, Hertlein’s

correction

is

For the possible significance of this see

§ 20. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐζν Na)o ναυμαχίαν. emendation for M’s τὴν ἔξω ναυμαχίαν.

He

This is Casaubon’s clever rightly refers the incident

to a time immediately after the famous victory of Chabrias over Pollis

and

the Spartan

fleet off Naxos

in 376 B.c., which

not only saved

Athens from a blockade, but gave her back the undisputed command ofthe sea: cf, Xen. Zeil. v. iv. 61; Diod. xv. 34. 3 fl.; Plut. Phoc. 6; Polyaen, iii, 11. 2 and 11,

CHAPTER XXII, §§ 17-24

177

ὁ φρούραρχος Νικοκλῆς. “Nicocles hic non est, opinor, ille Salaminis in Cypro rex, Teucri ἀπόγονος, Euagorae filius, Isocrati decantatus, sed est dux aliquis, fortasse Atheniensium, qui praesidio urbem, cuius nomen auctor non indicat, tenere iussus fuerat’ (Casaubon). He is probably right in supposing that this is not the famous Nicocles (for we should have rather expected him to be introduced as ὁ Νικοκλῆς φρονραρχῶν) ; but this Nicocles would probably be on the Spartan and not the Athenian side, as he is defending a citadel against attack from without, This suits both the circumstances and the text much better than to read ἐν Κιτίῳ with K. and R., who suppose that the famous Nicocles is referred to, and that the battle mentioned is that fought off Cyprus in 386 between Evagoras, father of Nicocles, and the Persian admiral Glous (see xxxi. 35). § Δ]. ὑπόπτου ὄντος. A very slight alteration of M’s ὑποπτεύοντος, considerably improving the sense. § 22. Siadexrhp. The forms in -jp are of Ionic character. This word is peculiar to Aeneas, but ἀποδεκτήρ appears in Xenophon and Aristotle for ἀποδέκτης, the official who paid the dicasts at Athens, Fire-signals are also mentioned in xxvi. 12 ff. as a substitute for the general’s rounds. σάλπιγγι (ἢ) τοῖς δρομοκήρυξιν. See note on § 3. The dispatchrunners are in the ἀγορά with the στρατηγός, § 23.

κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους, i.e. ἐν ταῖς πανδήμοις ἑορταῖς (cf.

§ 18 περὶ τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούτ), at which times the guards are ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους διατελοῦντες (§ 19). διατελούντων. Sc. τῶν φυλάκων : οἵ, ἵν, 6; xt 15; xii. 3, &c, σημειωθῇ. Elsewhere σημειόω occurs first in Theophrastus, A Hellenistic word, used by Polybius and other late writers, § 24, δημιουργὸν χειροτέχνην. Can we keep both words as they are, without 7? It seems possible to take χειροτέχνην as a further definition of δημιουργὸν, ‘a workman who is an artisan’, If either word

is to

yés was

be

suspected

also the

towns. ἴσαι πᾶσιν.

as

a

gloss,

it is χειροτέχνην:

title of the magistrates in certain Peloponnesian

καὶ πᾶσιν (M) is just translatable if taken with ἴσως καὶ

κοινῶς, ‘fairly and impartially and so that everyone has But Prof. Murray’s suggestion ἴσαι for καὶ is much better. πρὸς κλεψύδραν χρὴ φυλάσσειν, See note on x, 26. 20

for δημιουρ-

N

his

turn’.

178

COMMENTARY

This is the first passage from which an excerpt is preserved in Julius Africanus (c. 48). See Appendix I, p. 242. ‘Veteres horologiis usos, quae aquis guttantibus horas dividebant, aeque noctium ac dierum, ex Plinii libro septimo et Cassiodori secundo notum est. Sed huiusmodi horologiorum posterius fuit inventum, quum usus clepsydrarum apud Graecos fuerit antiquissimus, Usi sunt clepsydris Graeci primo, deinde et Romani in foro, quod nemo ignorat, et in militia. De Graecis testatur hic locus Aeneae. Vegetius (mt viii): “in quattuor partes ad clepsydram sunt divisae vigiliae, ut non amplius quam tribus horis nocturnis necesse sit vigilare.” Caesar, libro v. (13) in descriptione Britanniae: “certis ex aqua mensuris breviores esse quam in continenti noctes videbamus.” Clepsydras intelligi nemo tam fungus est quin statim intelligat: etsi vocem Graecam Romanae civitatis princeps refugit ’ (Casaubon). Aristotle describes the construction of a κλεψύδρα in Prodi. xvi. g14> g ff. It was a hollow globe, somewhat flattened at the top, with a short neck (aidés) down which the water was poured. This might be closed by a πῶμα,

The

water ran through τρυπήματα at the

bottom into a vessel placed beneath. Probably those used in the law courts were not transparent, and the kind here mentioned could scarcely have

been so, if its inside was coated with wax;

but smaller

κλεψύδραι made of glass were used as day clocks, marked so as to divide the day into twelve equal parts. ταύτην δὲ συμβάλλειν διαδοχῇ μερίδος. Literally, ‘ You must make the κλεψύδρα correspond with the succession of a relief’, ie. it must run out in a time corresponding to the length of a watch. μερίς is here used of a division, or rather a section, of troops, for the more usual pépos: it is found of a faction of citizens in Plato and

Demosthenes. Schoene thinks these words are corrupt, and further supposes a lacuna after yivowro in the previous sentence. § 26. τῶν προγεγραμμένων. No definite number has been given, but in § 5a we have ἐγρηγορέναι ὡς πλείστους ἄμεινον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις,

827. ἐάν re...

στρατηγόν.

M

depend on σημεῖον or on σκυταλίδα;

has τῶν στρατηγῶν, which might but the order is difficult and the

plural awkward before παρὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. It is better to adopt K. and R.s suggestion τὸν στρατηγόν : χρή with acc. pers. and gen. rei, in the sense of δεῖ with dat. pers. and gen. rer, occurs several times in Homer, The alteration of ἐάν re περιοδείας to ἐν ταῖς περιοδείαις, suggested by K.

and R. and adopted by Hercher and Schoene, does not seem to help very much.

CHAPTER oxurakida.

XXII, §§ 26-29

179

‘ Σκυτάλην nemo ignorat significare lignum teres ; oxurakis

eiusmodi lignum est sed minus quam ordinaria scytala. In hoc ligno figura quaedam et signum exprimebatur, ut a ceteris distingueretur : simillima his fuerunt illa ξυλήφια βραχέα τελέως, ἔχοντα χαρακτῆρα, quorum

in Romana militia Polybius meminit libro vi’ [35. 7] (Casaubon). The Spartan general’s staff, on which dispatches were written, was called σκυτάλη, A bell was sometimes used for the purpose referred to here : cf. Thue. iv. 135 τοῦ κώδωνος παρενεχθέντος, and Pisthetaerus’ instructions

to Euripides in Ar. Birds 842 κωδωνοφορῶν περίτρεχε καὶ κάθευδ᾽ ἐκεῖ, ἢ 28. πάλιν ἀντιδιδόναι. This emendation of Sauppe’s should be accepted for M’s πάντ᾽ ἀντιδιδόναι, as ἀντιδιδόναι does not of itself mean to give back, but to give in exchange for something else: it is here used loosely, for nothing is received in exchange for the staff. τὴν σκυταλίδα, (ἵν᾽ αἴσϑηται. The iv’ is easily supplied after -ἰδα,

§ 29. ὃς δ᾽ ἂν, κτλ. The nature of this transaction appears to have been as follows, Ifa mercenary did not appear on duty his post was put up for auction, i.e. the officer in charge assigned it to whoever

would

give the best price (ὁπόσον ἂν εὑρίσκῃ), this price presumably

being a

premium in consideration of a permanent

πρόξενος

engagement.

The

(i.e. the εὔπορος who had engaged the mercenary—see c. xiii) of the mercenary afterwards paid the mercenary’s wages to his substitute, and on the next day the defaulter paid the fine due for neglect of duty. The procedure seems unnecessarily complicated; but apparently the state made something out of the transaction, viz. the price obtained by the sale of the post. Though mercenaries are not specially mentioned, they are obviously implied by the context; presumably it was easier to deal with defaulting citizens, as they could be punished according to the law of the city. It seems necessary to alter M’s ἐξ αὐτοῦ to ἐξ αὑτοῦ to give the sense ‘out of his own pocket’ (referring to the πρόξενον); but further change (8. g. ἐκ (τῶν) αὑτοῦ, Hercher) does not seem necessary. The alternative is lo omit ἐξ (Sauppe). Does αὐτὸν refer to the πρόξενος or the defaulter himself?

Probably

the latter; but if the defaulter did not appear, the

πρόξενος would probably have to pay the fine.

180

COMMENTARY XXIII

Secret sallies at night. δὲ

1-2.

§§ 3-5. § 6.

§§ 7-11.

Deserters, or lights in the city, are apt to betray your plans; also your dogs and cocks, unless they are prevented from makinga noise. Illustrations: the devices of the feigned sedition, and of the sail lowered over the wall. Do not be enticed to make a sally by beacons or the like.

Illustration: the scare of robbers enticed the fighting force out

of

a city, and enabled hostile mercenaries to enter.

§ 1. rather § 2. ex hac Plato,

ὅπως ph ἐξαυτομολήσῃ. more violent than usual: ἄφωνα ποιοῦντα τόνδε τὸν aut simili causa concitus οὐδὲν ζῷον λυπούμενον dda’

(Sc. res.) An omission of the see note on ii. 8. καιρόν. ‘Sic etiam equos vetat dolor. Adeo verum est, quod (Casaubon). Cf. also Jul. Afr.

c. 9), who records that the Parthians tied up tightly that the pain prevented their neighing.

subject hinnire dicebat (Κεστοί,

their horses’ tails so

ἀθρόον φθεγγόμεναι. ὄρθρου G6. M. The crowing of cocks at dawn would not betray anything to the enemy. It is necessary, therefore, either to insert πρὸ before ὄρθρου (with

Lange), or to emend

ὄρθρου.

ἀθρόον has been suggested to me as giving a good sense with a fairly slight change from the MS. reading. [S. A. H.] § 3. ἐποιήσαντο, sc. ἐπέξοδον,

Cf. § 1 ᾿Επεξόδους ποιούμενον,

στασιασμοῦ, κτλ, This shows very clearly how complete was the intelligence system between the προδόται and the πολέμιοι : cf. c. ix. § 4. (ἔλαθον ἐπεξγελθόντες, An excellent emendation by K. and R. ἀκάτειον. An ingenious emendation of Kirchhoff’s for M’s ἀγγεῖον,

on which Casaubon remarks ‘Magnum linteamen instar veli appellat ἀγγεῖον, sed vocum ἄγγος et ἀγγεῖον amplissima significatio est’. But it can hardly be made to mean a sail, though it is used in Xen. An. vr. iv. 23 of a leather sack. As for ἀκάτειον, the stages of corruption are easy: AKATEION . AKTEION . ATTEION (for confusion of T and T cf. προσπηγαιον for προσιτητέον in xxii, 13); and the word, an unusual technical term, would be very likely to get corrupted, Our knowledge of what an ἀκάτειον was at this time comes chiefly from Xen. Zeil. νι.

ii. 27, where we are told that Iphicrates, when he began his περίπλους, left behind his μεγάλα ἱστία, ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν πλέων᾽ καὶ τοῖς ἀκατίοις δέ, καὶ εἰ φορὸν πνεῦμα εἴη, ὀλίγα ἐχρῆτο. From this it appears that it was

a comparatively small sail which, sometimes at any rate, was used separately, without the big sails. But in Plut. Mor. rg ἃ (cf. 1094. d) ἀκάτιον ἀραμένους φεύγειν is said of persons desiring to depart quickly.

CHAPTER

XXIII,

§1—CHAPTER

XXIV,

δ:

181

§ 5. ἀντιδομὴν. ‘An opposed or substituted building’ (L. and S.), i.e. a retired wall to take the place of the part of the ordinary wall rendered useless for defence by the breach made in it. Cf. the μηνοειδὲς τεῖχος built at

Plataea

to

act as a second

line

of defence

(Thue. ii, 76. 3). ἀντιδομή is found only in this passage. § 6. ἐν τοῖς καιροῖς. For καιρός alone, meaning ‘a critical time’, cf. Xen. Cyr, πι. iii. 8 οἱ ἐν τῷ καιρῷ πόνοι. § 7. προετοιμάσαντες.. .. θόρυβον γενέσθαι, τὰς πύλας κλείεσθαι.

§ 8. γενομένου δὲ τούτου,

Cf.

xx,

4 κατεσκεύασαν

The δέ is resumptive.

ot συνεθέλοντες makes much better sense

than M’s συνελθόντεσ, and

is confirmed by xxviii. 5 τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τινῶν συνεθελόντων, and by xxix. 3, where M reads συνθελόντων. πολίτας (Casaubon) for M’s πολεμίουσ must be right. There is no question of an outside enemy, and enemies within the city are ἐναντίοι, not πολέμιοι,

$10.

ἵνα δῆθεν.

Giving the pretext they put forward to the people.

M has μηθὲν,

XXIV Passwords, §§

z-3.

Do not arrange passwords which may be confusing or unfamiliar

to

your troops.

§§ 4-14. §§ $$

14-15. § 16. 17-18.

The episode of Charidemus at Ilion: the city would

have been re-

captured by Athenodorus but for the confusion of the password. Passwords should be germane to the business in hand, Iphicrates used ἃ counter-word as well as a password. When your troops are dispersed, collect them by whistling, as the

Thebans did at the capture of the Cadmeia. § 19.

Both challenger ensure safety.

81. συνθήματα,

Aeneas

and

challenged

must

demand

the

password,

to

uses the word quite strictly of a ‘vocale

signum ’ or password, as opposed to σημεῖον, any kind of signal, and to παρασύνθημα (c. xxv), which was an inarticulate ‘ password’, either a sound or a gesture. But both earlier and later it was used loosely of any sort of signal, like σημεῖον : e.g, Polyb, i, 27. 10 συνθήματος ἀρθέντος ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αμίλκου νεώς ; i. 51. 1 ἀρθέντων τῶν συνθημάτων ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρας

τῆς ναναρχίδος : Ht. vüi. 7. 2 τὸ σύνθημά σφι ἔμελλε φανήσεσθαι παρὰ τῶν meputdedvrav:

Thuc, iv. 112,1

καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας ἰδὼν τὸ ξύνθημα.

There are several examples of συνθήματα in the historians besides those given here: e.g. at Mycale it was “Hey (Hdt. ix. 98. 3): at

182 Cunaxa

COMMENTARY it was

Ζεὺς Σωτὴρ

καὶ νίκη (Xen.

An.

1. viii.

16):

cf. also

Cyr. i. iii, 58 (Ζεὺς σύμμαχος καὶ ἡγεμών) : Polyaen. iii. 9. 21 (Ἑρμῆς φίλιον). For an excellent example of confusion arising from the use of a σύνθημα see Thuc. vii. 44 (the night attack on Epipolae). § 2. καὶ ἄλλοτε δὲ, Notice the favourite Xenophontic collocation of καὶ... δέ: cf. xxxi. 8 καὶ γενομένον δ᾽, κατὰ γλῶσσάν. ‘In ἃ dialect form’, as opposed to κατὰ τὸ κύριον (or κοινόν), ‘in the form generally current.’ (μᾶλλον) ἢ κοινόν. μᾶλλον was suggested by Haase; this seems better than inserting μὴ after ἢ (Meier). § 8. οἷον Χαριδήμῳ "Qpeiry. .. καταλαβόντι Ἴλιον. The date of this incident can be fixed, if not exactly, at any rate within narrow limits, by reference to Demosthenes’ speech against Aristocrates, $ 153 sqq., which gives a detailed account of the complicated operations going on in the Hellespont about 360 5.c. The subject of the speech is the prosecution of ἀγώγιμος ἔστω ἐξ ἀφέληται ἢ πόλις Charidemus,

Aristocrates for his proposal ἐάν τις ἀποκτείνῃ Χαρίδημον, ἁπάσης τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ouppayidos ἐὰν δέ τις τὸν ἀγόμενον ἢ ἰδιώτης, ἔκσπονδος farw, The facts were as follows. a native of Oreus in Euboea, and a well-known mer-

cenary captain, had been granted the franchise of Athens on the alleged ground that he had been instrumental in securing the return of the Chersonese into Athenian

hands, after the death of Cotys, king of

Thrace. Charidemus thereupon undertook, ifthe Athenians guaranteed him ἀσφάλεια, to recover Amphipolis from Philip: and the result was the proposal of Aristocrates. Demosthenes points out with great vehemence that Charidemus’ past behaviour to Athens warrants no proceeding of the sort, and attacks his treacherous conduct mercilessly throughout. In particular, he shows ($ 154) that his conduct before the death of Cotys, when he wrote a letter to Cephisodotus (commanding in the Hellespont 360-359) promising to recover the Chersonese

from

Cotys,

γίγνεται παρὰ

τοῦ Τιμοθέου

᾿Ασίαν, διὰ τὴν σύλληψιν

was

wholly

insincere:

τότε, dn’ ᾿Αμφιπόλεως

τὴν ᾿Αρταβάζῳ

συμβᾶσαν

ἐκεῖνος

ὡς ἀπόμισθος

ἀναχωρῶν, διαβὰς

τόθ᾽

εἰς

τὴν

ὑπ᾽ Αὐτοφραδάτου

μισθοῖ τὸ στράτευμα καὶ αὑτὸν τοῖς ᾿Αρταβάζου κηδεσταῖς, λαβὼν δὲ πίστεις καὶ

δούς, ὀλιγωρήσας τῶν ὅρκων καὶ παραβὰς αὐτούς, ἀφνλάκτων ὄντων ὡς ἂν πρὸς φίλον τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, καταλαμβάνει Σκῆψιν καὶ Κεβρῆνα καὶ “Ἴλιον αὐτῶν,

From this we ascertain the date. It was before the murder of Cotys by Pytho (§ 163), which was not later than 359 B.c., while Cephisodotus was still in command of the Athenian fleet (in the next year he was archon). On the other hand it took place after the arrest of

CHAPTER

XXIV,

§§ 2-5

183

Artabazus, who in 362 was fighting against Datames, satrap of Cappa-

docia (Diod. xv. gr. 2),

Ilion, we see, was in the hands of Arta-

bazus’ representatives, whom Charidemus shamelessly tricked; but after Artabazus’ release in 359, finding himself blockaded and without supplies, he applied to Athens for help βουλόμενος διὰ τῆς ὑποσχέσεως τοῦ κομιεῖσθαι Χερρόνησον ὑμῖν... τριήρων εὐπορήσας map’ ὑμῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἀποδρᾶναι ($ 156). We shall therefore probably be right in placing the capture of Hion about 360. After the murder of Cotys,

Charidemus supported his son Cersobleptes against Berisades and Amadocus, who were disputing his title to the throne. Berisades’ general was Athenodorus (see note on § 10). Notice that the major part of this interesting story, down to § 10, is wholly irrelevant to the matter in hand, which is the confusion of

passwords.

It is inserted simply on its own merits, in a manner that

is characteristic of Aeneas. περὶ τὴν Αἰολίδα, As Casaubon remarks, Ilion is, properly speaking, not in Aeolis, but in Phrygia: the meaning may be ‘ when he was commanding in the Aeolian district’. Cf. xviii. 8 περὶ ᾿Αχαΐαν, for a similarly vague expression, § 4. καὶ μάλιστα. . . ἐξεπορεύετο καὶ εἰσεπορεύετο. Notice the simple and pleonastic expression, characteristic of story-telling: cf. ὃ 5 μεθ᾽ ἵππον δὲ ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐξελθεῖν.

§ δ. οἰκειοῦται,

In Polyaenus’

account

(iii. 14) the slave

was

captured by Charidemus; but this difference is not of much importance. In the next sentence there is a more serious discrepancy, for Polyaenus states that Charidemus gave the man a horse himself, In any case the main point was to get the big gates opened on his return journey. κατὰ τὴν διάϑυσιν. There can be little doubt that διάδυσιν, Hertlein’s

correction of διάλυσιν (M), is right, but there is some doubt as to what διάδυσις

means here.

It has

been

taken

to mean

an

underground

passage, mainly on the strength of Diod. v. 36. 4 πλαγίας καὶ σκολιὰς

διαδύσεις... peraddoupyoivres,

But (a) 8. does not in itself suggest an

underground passage, but simply means a place where you can slip through: in Diodorus it is clear from the context that passages in mines are meant; (4) there is no other mention of underground

passages in this connexion: they would be troublesome to construct and would have no particular advantages. If διάδυσις and ἐκτομὰς πυλίς are both right, 8, must mean a small gate at the side of the big gate, But it is more probable that it is simply another name for the

184

COMMENTARY

ἐκτομὰς πυλίς (cf. xxviii. 2), which was a wicket gate cut out of one leaf ° of the big gate, large enough for a man

see from this passage, not much

to creep through, but, as we

larger: cf. Polyaen. ili. 14 of φύλακες,

ἵνα δέξαιντο τὸν ἵππον, πᾶσαν τὴν πύλην ἀνέῳξαν. In this case one phrase is probably a gloss on the other; and it is best to take 4 τὴν ἐκτομάδα

πυλίδα as the gloss, both on account of its position and because it is a better gloss on τὴν διάδυσιν than the latter would be on it. § 6. ἐγχειρίδια καὶ ὅπλα. ἐγχειρίδια are short daggers, which could be easily concealed. The word ὅπλα, used, as here, of some particular article and not of armour in general, seems to refer, not to spears, but

to the shield of the ὀπλέτης : cf, xxix. 4 ὅπλα κνημῖδες μάχαιραι τόξα τοξεύματα, and ΧΧΙΧ, 12 ὅπλα, περικεφαλαίας καὶ ἀσπίδας,

ἔπλεκον, where it

must refer to defensive armour. περικεφαλαίας xopupatas. This is the reading of M, and it can be

construed, though we do not know exactly to what sort of helmet it refers.

Xenophon

uses κορυφαία

of the head-stall of a bridle, and

κορυφιστής is used of a woman’s fillet, or the band round the edge of a cap. Here, περικεφαλαία is certainly the noun and xopudaia the adjec-

tive. Close-fitting caps of some particular design must be designated, In Plutarch we find ὁ κορυφαῖος πῖλος used of the pointed cap of the flamen, If it is objected that κορυφαία is likely to mean some tall or crested

helmet, unsuitable for concealment (though we have no means of proving it), it is a very simple emendation to read xpudaias, with Casaubon: the error would be natural after περικεφαλαίας. On the other hand, this will partially anticipate the next sentence, ἔκρυψε ra OMA d,

8 7, [ὡς] ἀπήγαγέν τε οὖν αὐτοὺς,

The insertion of ὡς is rather difficult

to account for, but it can hardly stand here; for, besides the fact that it causes a violent anacoluthon, a subordinate clause of this kind would

be unsuitable to the simple structure of the narrative. ἐσθῆτι, Not the usual Attic prose word for clothing, as Verrail points out (Zhe Bacchanis of Eurrpides, p. 369). Cf, however, μετρία ἐσθής in Thuc. i. 6. 4. διὰ τὸν ἵππον. ‘In eo omnes consentiunt, fatalem Troiae hunc equum fuisse, et causam praecipuam, cur a Charidemo caperetur. Et observant veteres, propter equos aut per equos ter captum fuisse Ilium : primo cepisse Herculem propter Laomedontis equas: iterum Agamemnonem dolo equi duratei usum: tertio nunc Charidemum.

Plutarchus initio Serfortd (c. 1) ἑάλω δὲ τὸ Ἴλιον ὑφ' "Hpaxdéous διὰ τὰς

CHAPTER

XXIV, δὴ 6-13

185

Λαομέδοντος ἵππους, καὶ ὑπ᾿ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος διὰ τοῦ δουρείου προσαγορευθέντος ἵππον, τρίτον δ' ὑπὸ Χαριδήμον, ταῖς πύλαις ἵππου τινὸς ἐμπεσόντος ἀποκλεῖσαι

ταχὺ τῶν ᾿Ιλιέων μὴ δυνηθέντων,

Epigramma vetus:

Carminis Iliaci libros consumpsit asellus : hoc fatum Troiae est, aut equus aut asinus.’

(Casaubon.) § 8. ξένας πράξεις, A slightly unusual use of the adjective, meaning ‘such as ξένοι usually do’, i.e. barbarous, in the modern sense of the term.

810.

᾿Αθηνόδωρος Ἵμβριος.

Almost beyond doubt the same com-

mander who is mentioned in Dem, contra Arist. (§§ 12 and 17), with Simon

and

Bianor,

Amadocus’

generals,

as

a

staunch

friend

to

Athens. In $ 12 he is expressly called γένει πολίτης, as opposed to Simon and Bianor, who are πολῖται γεγενημένοι. The second Aypothesis of this oration says that he was ᾿Αθηναῖος φύσει, ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν (Charidemus

being

only a θετὸς

wodisys).

We

cannot, however, doubt

that

Aeneas had some good reason for calling him an Imbrian, being an exact contemporary. If he was not a native of Imbros he may have

lived there most of his life, and perhaps commanded

Imbrian mer-

cenaries, For further references to him see Isoc. viii, § 24 ; Plut, Por. 18; Polyaen. v. 21.

§ 11. καὶ αὐτὸς [β]ἀγχίνως πάλιν ἀν(θ)υποπτεύσας, ie. it was a shrewd counterstroke to Charidemus’ shrewd device of the ambush.

πτεύσας, Casaubon’s reading for M’s4v be accepted.

The

ἀνθυπο-

ὑποπτεύσασ, is undoubtedly to

word is found in Thuc.

iii. 43. 3 in the passive:

ὁ yap διδοὺς φανερῶς τι ἀγαθὸν ἀνθυποπτεύεται ἀφανῶς πῃ πλέον ἕξειν,

οὐ τὰς ἐνεδρευομένας ὁδοὺς, Another of Aeneas’s curious passives. ἐνεδρεύεσθαι means generally either ‘to be caught in an ambush’ of the enemy, or ‘to lie in ambush’, as often in Xenophon ; but here of the roads, == ὑπ᾿ ἐνεδρῶν κατεχομένας. Cf. Introduction, p. 1xxii. 8.12. ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ. Presumably, therefore, they reached the city quickly enough to slip in when Charidemus was entering μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, This would cause considerable confusion. $18. τοῖς μὲν... Διόσκουροι,

Charidemus’ password was Διόσκουροι.

This had been betrayed to Athenodorus, but his soldiers gave instead of it Τυνδαρίδαι, this being the name they were accustomed touse. The story is not a very apt illustration of the danger of issuing such passwords, since Charidemus, who

originally issued the

password, so far

from being injured, was actually saved by the confusion resulting from

186 the two ὀνόματα,

COMMENTARY the mistake in this case being made not by his own

men but by the enemy.

But Aeneas’s object is simply to give an

example of the way in which such mistakes are made. § 14. ὡς μάλιστα ἀδελφὰ ταῖς μελλούσαις πράξεσι γίνεσθαι. This metaphorical use οὗ ἀδελφός is very common in Plato, usually with the genitive (occasionally dative}: e.g. Symp. 210 Ὁ; cf. Soph. 0. C. 1262. § 15. ἐπὶ... ἄγραν,

Here, as Casaubon remarks, used not of hunting,

but of a foray: cf. § 4 ἐπὶ λείαν,

The word is used to mark the point

of Ἄρτεμις "Ayporepa,

“Ἄρτεμιν ᾿Αγροτέραν. many parts of Greece;

Artemis was worshipped as the huntress in the Spartans sacrificed to her before battle:

Xen. Hell. w. ii, 20 σφαγιασάμενοι ol Λακεδαιμόνιοι νομίζεται, τὴν χίμαιραν, ἡγοῦντο ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους,

τῇ ᾿Αγρουτέρᾳ,

ὥσπερ

ἐπὶ δὲ κλοπήν τινα πράξεων. A curiously unnatural expression for ‘an enterprise involving stealth’: πρᾶξίν τινα κλοπῆς would be considerably simpler. $ 16. ᾿Ιφικράτης This is the only direct reference to the famous Athenian general, but in all matters concerning discipline and organization it is not improbable that Aeneas owed a good deal to him. For

some account of his methods and importance in the history of Greek warfare see Introduction, p. xxxf.; for his development of tactics cf. Diod. xv. 44; Xen. Hell. vi. ii. 27 sqq.; Polyaen. iii. 9. ἐξαυτομολοῖτο. See note on § 11, $ 18. προενθυμεῖν. See Introduction, p. Ixxil. καὶ ἐν Θήβαις ὅτε τὴν Καδμείαν καταλαβόντες ἐσκεδάσθησαν, This must refer to the recapture of the Cadmeia from the Spartans by. Phillidas and Melon in 379. The Spartans had occupied it treacherously in 382: Phoebidas stole in at the invitation of Leontiades, one of the polemarchs, in the middle of a hot summer’s day when the

streets were deserted (Xen. Hell. v. ii. 29). sion here referred to (vuxrös),

This cannot be the occa-

The very exciling story of its recapture by the exiles from Athens, disguised as ἑταῖραι, on the night of the Aphrodisia at the end of the polemarchs’ year of office, is told in detail in Xen, Zell. v. iv. 1-12; Piut. Fe?, 12,13.

Thereis a slight difficulty, however, in καταλαβόντες,

for in § 11 of the Xen. passage we are told that the ἀκρόπολις was not taken by storm, but surrendered on terms, on the day afterwards. The confusion which Aeneas refers to must have taken place during the previous night, when the victorious assailants were trying to collect the members of their own party (Xen. |. c. $ 8, g: the prison was

CHAPTER XXIV, $ 14—CHAPTER XXV,§2 broken open, the prisoners armed,

and

assembled

proclamation was then made to the Thebans

187

at the Ampheion;

to come

forth as the

tyrants were slain; οἱ δὲ πολῖται, ἕως μὲν νὺξ ἦν͵ ἀπιστοῦντες ἡσυχίαν εἶχον" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἡμέρα τ᾽ ἦν καὶ φανερὸν ἦν τὸ γεγενημένον, ταχὺ δὴ καὶ οἱ ὁπλῖται καὶ of

ἱππεῖς σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐξεβοήηθουνῚὴ : cf. Plut. Pel. 12, which states that the Spartans still held the Cadmeia: τὸν ὄχλον dvaywpotvra πανταχόθεν πολὺν φοβηθέντες

ἡσύχαζον, αὐτὴν

τὴν

Καδμείαν κατέχοντες.

We

must

therefore

translate loosely, ‘at the time when the Cadmeia was retaken’, unless we. suppose that Aeneas was misinformed. In any case he is only interested in his illustration of the whistling. He refers again to this incident in xxxi, 34. § 10. τὰ δὲ συνθήματα, κτλ, Casaubon professes despair here, but he himself has supplied the clue to ὁ yap περίοδος καὶ πολέμιος ἀνερωτῶν, which follows in M, by his brilliant restoration ὡς yap περίοδος καὶ πολέμιος ἂν ἐρωτῴη, which gives exactly the sense required. He quotes a good parallel from Onasander (xxvi. 1), recommending the use of a παρασύνθημα for the same purpose: ἕνα μὴ μόνον γενομένης ποτὲ ταραχῆς πιστεύσωσι τῷ λεγομένῳ συνθήματι (τοῦτο γὰρ δύνανται καὶ πολέμιοι καταλαβέσϑαι πολλάκις ἀκούοντες), ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ παρασυνθήματι.

XXV Signs fo accompany the password, $$

1-2.

§§ 2-4.

These are used to facilitate recognition, and should be as distinctive as possible. On dark nights they may take the form of some inarticulate sound; in a good light, some gesture will serve.

§ 1. παρασυνθήματι. παρασύνθημα

μὴ

διὰ φωνῆς

Casaubon Ἀεγέσθω,

quotes ἀλλὰ

διὰ

Onasander, σώματος

xxvi.

γινέσθω,

χειρὸς ἢ ὅπλων συγκρούσει ἢ ἐγκλίσει δορατίον ἢ παραφορᾷ ξίφους, writers on tactics, e.g. Philo, call them ὑποσυνθήματα,

x

τὸ

δὲ

ἢ νεύματι

Other

ὃ 2. καὶ φωνεῖν τι ἄλλο ἢ ᾿καὶ ψόφον ἐμφανίσαι, This is Hertlein’s emendation for M’s φωνεῖν τε μᾶλλον, which can hardly bear the sense required, ‘utter some further sound’: cf ἄλλο προσυγκείμενον φωνῆσαι immediately below. TIAAAOH is a likely correction of TIMAAAON, Schoene reads καὶ φωνεῖν τι, μᾶλλον (δὲν καὶ ψόφον ἐμφανίσαι, ‘utter some

sound, or, better, simply make an audible signal’. But the insertion of δέ is distinctly more difficult than the other change. φωνεῖν would include any sound made with the human organs of speech, such as a cough or whistle (Arist. de Anima ii. 420° 5 ἡ φωνὴ ψόφος ris ἐστιν ἐμψύχον. Cf. Soph. Ant. 1206 φωνὴ κωκυμάτων). ψόφον would refer to

188

COMMENTARY

such sounds as the ὅπλων σύγκρονσις mentioned by Onasander (vide supra). ἐν δὲ τοῖς φαεινοῖς χρόνοις, Not ‘in the day time’, when such precautions would hardly be necessary, but ‘on clear or moonlight nights’, as Opposed to ἐν ταῖς σκοτειναῖς νυξὶν above. XXVI Rounds, § 1. & a. § 3. § 4. δὲ 5,6. § 7. §§ 7-10.

Two companies from the market-place should be appointed for this duty. The first rounds must go before they have dinner. No lanterns to be carried, or at any rate only those which will throw light downwards, and not upwards. Rounds on horseback are convenient in winter. Rounds upon the wall may throw down stones. Iftreachery is feared, rounds should not be on the wall, but below it. When the army is disheartened, rounds should be frequent, but defaulting patrols tactfully treated: the men must be encouraged rather than bullied: rounds should signalize their approach

loudly, and the general should make them in person ; but if the § 11.

§§ 19-14.

army is over-confident, be very strict, Generals should choose different and unexpected rounds.

times

for their

If the governor does not choose to go the rounds in person, he may substitute a system of lamp-signalling.

Another illuminating and sensible chapter: §§ 7-11 display considerable psychological insight, and a real talent for command. See Introduction, p. Xxxiii. § 1, Περιοδεύειν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις πρῶτον δὲ, κτλ. Cf. xxii. I νυκτοφυλακεῖσθαι ἐν μὲν τοῖς κινδύνοις, an equally abrupt beginning. By punctuating thus, we avoid having to transpose δὲ. δύο. Sc, λόχους περιοδεύειν, It seems have seen, the size of the λόχος was

a large number; but as we variable: see note on i. 5.

Probably small sections went out during each watch.

ἐναλλὰξ ἀλλήλοις,

‘Gegen einander’ (K. and R.): but we can

hardly get this out of the Greek, nor is it the sense required: ἐναλλάξ = vicissim: ‘quae alternis vicibus ad muros accedent’ (Casaubon). as... διαγνῶναι, ὡς used for ὥστε, See Introduction, p. xxiv. § 2. ἀδείπνους. Cf. xx. 1,

ἀπὸ

Seimvoy ὄντες,

A

certain conjecture

by

Casaubon for M’s

οτιοδειπνουοντοῦ.

§ 8. ἄνευ Ἀαμπτῆρος. So as not to give notice of their approach to the men on the wall. 85. ἐὰν δὲ... ἔχειν δὲ, κτλ, The original construction is forgotten,

and the sentence

CHAPTER

XXVI, §§ 1-11

resumed

a δέ:

with

cf. xxiii.

189

8 γενομένου

δὲ τούτου.

The rounds on the wall would keep a look-out outside the city. § 6. ϑιὰ τὰ προγεγραμμένα. See xxii. 13. § 7. ἐν ὑποψίᾳ... χρὴ [δὲ], κτλ. The only way to keep δὲ would be to join ἐν ὑπ, ὄντων ἀλλήλοις with the preceding sentence, placing a colon after it. This would give satisfactory grammar, but the sense would not be right. The only thing to do, therefore, is to bracket δὲ, following K. and R., unless Schoene is right in supposing that the space of three letters left in M before χρὴ represents a lacuna.

μάχῃ λειφϑέν. ληφθέν (Μὴ will hardly stand. λείπεσθαι is often used with the genitive in the sense ‘to come off worse than another’, and so an absolute use is developed: cf. Aesch. Pers. 344 μή σοι δοκοῦμεν

τῇδε λειφθῆναι μάχῃ ; Notice the great variety of expression: μάχῃ λειφθέν͵ διὰ τὸ... ἀποβαλεῖν, ἐκ τραυμάτων, συμμάχων ἀποστάσε. This can hardly be unintentional. § 8. κάματον. A ‘poetical’ word, which occurs, however, in

Hippocrates.

πρὸς θεραπείαν τε καὶ ἀνάληψιν αὐτῶν τραπέσθαι.

These periphrases

with verbal nouns are a feature of Aeneas’s style.

τραπέσθαι πρός (εὶς,

éni), ‘ to have recourse to’, is common in the historians.

§ 10. αὐτὸν τὸν στρατηγὸν. Notice that the whole of the responsibility is to be thrown upon the general at these critical times, while everything is to be done to spare the men. On the significance of this point in leadership see Introduction, p, xxix. μετὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀπολέκτων ἀνδρῶν. I.e. the δύο λόχοι of § 1 are to be replaced by the general's own bodyguard (i. 4). ἐπισπερχεστέρως. The discipline of the army will be sufficiently safeguarded by increased strictness when it is inclined to be over-confident, An excellent observation; it might seem to conflict with xxü. 26 ἐλάχιστά τε καὶ ἐλαχίστους τῶν ἀνθρώπων

ὀχλεῖν : but there

the

writer is speaking of times when no attack is anticipated. ἐπισπερχῶς is found in Xen. Cyr. rv. i. 3, and the verb ἐπισπέρχω in Thuc. iv. 12; but it is a highly coloured word for prose. § 11. ἐφοδεύειν, The technical word used by Xenophon for the general’s rounds: cf. Zell. u. iv. 24. ἰδίᾳ λαμβάνοντα, Sc. τὴν ὥραν. It does not seem necessary to alter

to ἀεὶ διαλλάσσοντα, as Schoene does, following Haupt and Hercher. προϊδόντες. Used instead of προειδότες (which K. and R. read), of ‘ foreseeing” in the sense of being able to foretell.

.

190

COMMENTARY

§ 12. ἀποδέχονται δέ τινες, κτλ.

The way in which this is introduced

seems to indicate that the plan was not favoured by Aeneas himself. τὸν πολίταρχον. The ‘governor of the city’ has not been mentioned before, but he must be the same as the στρατηγὸς ὁ τοῦ ὅλον ἡγεμών of xxii. 2. See note on i. 3. πολίταρχος is ἅπαξ λεγόμενον,

but the form

πολιτάρχης occurs

on

a

Macedonian inscription of 117 8.6. (Ditt2 700, init. and ®). 818. Aaparipals] εἶναι προσυγκείμενον. Hercher’s λαμπτῆρα for M’s λαμπτῆρας is the simplest alteration. It does not seem necessary to cut out the καὶ before πρὸς ὃν: it puts a little more emphasis on the clause which follows:

‘a lantern signal may be pre-arranged . . ., that is, one

which all patrols must answer,’ § 14. Polyaenus (1. 40. 3) records a similar expedient

used

by

Alcibiades during the Peloponnesian war: ᾿Αλκιβιάδης Λακεδαιμονίων πολιορκούντων ras ᾿Αθήνας βουλόμενος τοὺς φύλακας τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς καὶ τῶν σκελῶν τῶν ἄχρι θαλάσσης ἀγρύπνους περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν κατασκενάσαι προηγόρευσεν, ὡς αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως νύκτωρ τρὶς ἀνασχήσοι σὸν λαμπτῆρα" ὃς δ᾽ ἂν μὴ ἀντανάσχῃ, ὡς φυλακὴν ἐκλιπὼν κολασθήσεται. It

is difficult to see exactly what occasion is here referred to: Alcibiades was not at Athens in the last days of the war. The ascription to him may be a mistake.

XXVII Prevention of panics. §§

1-2. § 3. § 4. §§ 4-6.

Have special signals to reassure the rest of the army. Order all to remain in their places and raise a paean. Incase of real danger, blow an alarm on a bugle. To prevent a panic after a defeat, order all troops to remain by their

δὲ 7-10. § τὰν §§ 12-13. § 14. § 15.

Euphratas’ drastic methods. The proclamation about the escaped horse. Have men on the watch for disturbances. Create panics in the enemy's camp by driving cattle in among them. Do not let the night sentries be relieved till they have searched the neighbourhood for hostile troops.

arms at night,

This chapter throws a very interesting light on the Greek temperament. From the space devoted to panics, it seems that the Greek soldier was particularly liable to them, especially by night. Even the Spartans, as we see here, were not exempt when encamped in a

CHAPTER

XXVI, § 12--CHAPTER XXVII, § 3 191

barbarous district.

Perhaps this accounts for the very small amount

of night-manceuvring in Greek warfare (cf. Thuc. vii. 44. 1). Discipline and nerves were unable to stand the strain. Greek soldiers, if inexperienced or disheartened, were particularly subject to the influence of natural phenomena. Cf., for instance, Thuc. vi. 70. 1; vii. 79. 3: in the first case the Syracusans, in the second the Athenians, were alarmed by a thunderstorm, Their naturally vivid imagination attached an ominous meaning to the slightest incident when their nerves were strained. See also Polyaen. ii. 3. 4 (of Epaminondas). Iphicrates raised a panic in his army artificially, in order to decide who should be made ταξίαρχοι and χιλίαρχοι (Polyaen. iii. 9. 10), Indeed, a large part of this general's admirable training consisted in seasoning the nerves of his troops by every possible device. § 1. ἢ στρατόπεδα. Panics would be more frequent in open undefended camps. πάνεια. The form πάνειον is found only in Aeneas, and was apparently not in common use in Greece at this time, as Aeneas remarks upon its origin. It was probably a technical term used by the soldiers of the Peloponnese. We find it later in the form πανικόν in Polybius, Diodorus, ἄς. καὶ μάλιστα ᾿Αρκαδικόν. For different views on the significance of this remark see Introduction, p. xvi. For a disquisition on the origin

of panics see Polyaen. i. 2: Pan was the tutelary deity of Arcadia. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν τινες, κτλ. The sentence, loosely constructed, takes a new beginning here, which necessitates the clumsy insertion of αὐτά : the writer seems to have forgotten the first part of his sentence: for we should have expected αὐτούς, in agreement with 6opüßovs. § 2. προσυγκεῖσθαι, κτλ, This sentence has caused a good deal of difficulty, M

reads

προσυγκεῖσθαι

τοῖς

ἐν τῇ πόλει

σημεῖα

8

Ἰδόντεσ

γνώσονται"

γνώσονται δὲ ὅτι ἔστιν πάνειον ἔστω δὲ αἰσθήσονται πνρός τι προσυγκείμενον. αἰσθήσονται may have stood originally where the second γνώσονται is in M: it may then have been wrongly transferred lower down, and γνώσονται supplied to complete the construction. In this case, the passage can be rendered quite straightforward simply by restoring

αἰσθήσονται to its proper place and altering δ᾽ to 4. εὐκατόπτου. A decided improvement on M’s ἐκκατόπτον, though the word appears elsewhere only in Julius Africanus and Cyrillus of Alexandria. But Aeneas has several similar compound adjectives, § 8. ἄριστον δὲ προπαρηγγέλθαι, κτλ. An almost identical expedient

192

COMMENTARY

is recorded in Polyaen. iv. 3. 26 of Alexander:

ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσε τῷ

σαλπιγκτῇ ὑποσημῆναι σημεῖον ἀφοβίας, τοῖς δὲ πρωτοστάταις τῶν πεζῶν θέσθαι

τὰ ὅπλα πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν, καὶ τοῦτο φράζειν τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτούς,

καὶ δὴ πάντες

ἐφεξῆς τοῦτο ποιήσαντες ἔμαθον τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ φόβον. κατὰ χώραν... ἠρεμεῖν. ἀναβοᾶν παιᾶνα.

To

To avoid a stampede was all-important.

let the others know

for alarm. λέγειν ὅτι εἴη. Irregular sequence: cf. see Introduction, p. Ixxviii. § 4. τῇ σάλπιγγι σημαίνειν. Presumably not to be sounded unless real danger was call to arms, τὸ πολεμιζκ)όν (Schoene)

that there was no cause

§ 4 ἔστω γνωστὸν ὅτι εἴη, and implying that the bugle was expected: it was a definite should be read for M’s τὸ

πολέμιον : it is the technical term for ‘the alarm’.

ἔστω γνωστὸν ὅτι εἴη, καὶ

νυκτὸς

δὲ

καὶ

See note on § 3 above. πάνυ.

cai... δέ is a very favourite

idiom

in

Xenophon. § δ. ὥστε οὖν, κτλ, With the inversion of the usual order of the clauses, the transition of ὥστε from a consecutive to a final conjunction is here seen completed. The development is especially noticeable in Thucydides and Xenophon (see Kühner-Gerth, ii, pp. 504f.), but the inversion is very unusual.

§ 7. Eddpdras δέ, κτλ.

Nothing further is known of Euphratas, but

if he was a Spartan harmost in Thrace, the event here described must have occurred before 371 2. c., as all Spartan harmosts were recalled

after Leuctra, ἠδύναντο. It does not seem necessary to alter to the singular.

For

the form with 7 augment see Kühner-Blass, ii, p. 9. § 9. οὐδένα ᾧετο ἂν ἀμνημονήσειν. Cf. xl. 3 οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ᾧετο μάλιστα πολεμιωτάτους ἔσεσθαι. Whether ἄν can stand with the future infinitive

depends on the view taken of such passages as Thue. ii. 80. 8; v. 82. 6; vi. 66.1. (See Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, § 208.) These two passages give some support to the suspected cases in Thucydides. Richards (Xenophon and Others, pp. 277-90) quotes a number of instances.

θανατηφόρον. A highly coloured poetical word, which seems out of place here; but there are other evidences that what seemed highly coloured in literary language was sometimes part of the common speech of the people. See Introduction, p. xlviii ff. The word occurs in Critias’s speech against Theramenes in Xenophon, Zell. ı1. iii. 32 πᾶσαι μεταβολαὶ πολιτειῶν θανατηφόροι,

CHAPTER

XXVII, §§ 4-14

193

τινὰ, ‘Fortasse scriptoris animo obversatur σώματα᾽ (Schoene). This explanation renders it unnecessary to alter to rwés (Casaubon). § 11. ἐπαύθη δὲ καὶ τοιῷδε τρόπῳ. An expedient resembling this in all respects, except that an ass and not a horse was the subject of the proclamation, is recorded both by Xenophon (Arad. m1. ii, 20) of Clearchus, and by Polyaenus (iii. 9. 4) of Iphicrates. It is possible that such an occurrence happened twice, but more likely that Polyaenus is wrong : all ingenious expedients tended to centre round Iphicrates’ name. Two points of detail are worth noticing:

(i) That Aeneas cannot be quoting direct from the Anaéasis, or he would hardly make the mistake of ἵππος for ὄνος.

It may have come

down to him by oral tradition from someone who took part in the expedition, (ii) That in Polyaenus’ account exactly the same gap occurs at the end of the proclamation. In Xenophon the sentence ends ὅτι λήψεται μισθὸν τάλαντον.

τὸν μηνύσαντα τὸν ἀφ εθ]έντα (τὸν) ἵππον δι᾽ ὃν καὶ θορυβηθῆναι, So Casaubon, emending with the help of Xenophon and Polyaenus. M has τὸν ἀφεθέντα ἵππον διώκειν, words which make sense in themselves, but have no construction in the context. They may represent a clumsy attempt to patch up some unintelligible corruption, caused by the fact that the sentence is left unfinished.

δὲ ὃν καὶ θορυβηϑῆναι is probably an explanation added by Aeneas himself, to lay increased emphasis on the point of his story.

Both

Xenophon and Polyaenus have merely τὸν ἀφέντα τὸν ὄνον ἐς τὰ ὅπλα. § 12. ἄνδρας ot προσέξουσιν. A very good correction by Haase of M’s ἀν dpa cot προσέξωσιν, the corruption being easily explained by the confusion of A and A. It is hardly necessary to supply ὁ or τις before παρὼν below, as changes of number are so frequent in Aeneas: cf, xxii. 2 προειρῆσθαι δὲ τοῖς προφύλαξιν. .. . ἐὰν δὲ ἐλθὼν καταλάβῃ, κτὰ,

§ 18. τοῦ δὲ ἄλλου πλήθους, κτλ. The troops not actually on duty will be divided as usual into ‘messes’. συσσίτιον here must be distinguished from the συσσιτίαι of x. 5: the latter refer to social clubs,

the former

to military divisions,

In Sparta and Crete the whole

citizen body was divided into permanent συσσίτια, consisting in Sparta of about fifteen members each {φειδίτια or φιλίτια), For the advantages of this system see Xen. Resp. Lac. v and vii. 8 14.

αὐτὸν δὲ θορυβεῖν,

κτλ,

M is here in considerable

confusion

over terminations (see critical notes). νοστοσ, which stands in M for νυκτὸς, has been marked as corrupt by the scribe. 22

ο

194

COMMENTARY

‘Quod ad rem attinet, propositae hic rationi turbandi exercitus hostium simile fuit stratagema Hannibalis, quo dictatorem Fabium Maximum

delusit, bobus dimissis quibus ad cornua fasciculos sarmen-

torum alligaverat’ (Casaubon). See Polyb. iii. 93; Livy xxm. xvi. 5 ff. Polyaenus (i. 46) mentions a somewhat similar device used by Agis. δαμάλεις τὰς ἀγελαίας, ἀγελαῖος seems to be the ordinary term to describe animals kept for breeding purposes: cf. Xen. de Re Ey. v. 8 ai ἀγελαῖαι τῶν ἵππων. It is found in a curious sense in comedy, where ἀγελαῖαι ἰσχάδες is used of dried figs (see Kock,

i, p. 357, no. 374 of

Eupolis). $15. μὴ τοὺς φύλακας εὐθὺ ἀφιέναι. It is easier to substitute μὴ for M's χρὴ than to insert μὴ before εὐθὺ, πρὶν ἢ. Cf. xxviii. 4. Only once or twice in Attic, e.g. Thuc. v. 61. 1 (where it is emended by Haase to δή). “ πρὶν ἢ ist besonders dem alten und neuen Ionismus eigen, bei den Attikern aber sehr selten... S. Elmsley ad Eur. Med. 179.’ (Kühner-Gerth, ii, p. 445,

foot-note 2.) οὕτω.

‘Then, and not till then’:

cf, xv. 3; xvi 7, &c.

XXVIII Gate-keeping. §§

1-2.

Keep

§ 3. § 4.

Supplies must be Gates should not anchor in front Illustrations : (a)

§§ 5-7.

all gates closed,

except

one wicket,

brought in under escort. be opened early in the day, and boats should not of them. Python at Clazomenae. (δ) Iphiades at Parion.

Gates in most fortified cities were protected by flanking towers: at Tiryns, Mycenae, Messene, and Megalopolis the main entrance could only be reached by a road exposing the enemy’s unprotected right side to attack from a bastion built for the purpose.

§ 1. Προνοεῖσθαι. In xvii, 1 and xxx. 1 we find the active προνοεῖν, Both forms occur in Xenophon; the Attic writers prefer the deponent. Here we may take προνοεῖσθαι either as middle or as passive. δυσπροσοδώτατον. Of a military position in Thuc. v. 65. 1 καταλαβόντες χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν καὶ δυσπρόσοδον.

So εὐπρόσοδος : οἵ, xxii. 15 ἡ δ᾽ ἂν

τῆς πόλεως εὐπρόσοδα καὶ εὐεπίθετα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἦ, KTA.

ἐπὶ πλεῖστον dm’ αὐτῶν, ὁρώμενον : also xxii. IT.

8 2. ἐκτομάδα.

Cf. xxii. 2 καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ τῆς πόλεως

Sc. ἀνεῷχθαι, ‘and there only the wicket should be

CHAPTER XXVII, ὃ 15—CHAPTER XXVIII, § 3. 195 open.’

It is unnecessary to insert εἶναι (K. and R.).

gate cf. note on xxiv. 5. voepds. An unusual word.

For the wicket

νοερώτερον appears in one MS. of Plato,

Alc. i. 133€ (where Burnet reads θειότερον), and the word occurs later with the meaning ‘intellectual’. Here it means nothing more than φρόνιμος καὶ ἀγχίνους inv. τ, where the ideal πυλωμρός is described. Like the ideal πυλωρός Of Jolanthe, he must be ‘an intellectual chap’.

§ 3. ἰπᾶσανλ.

Restored from J. Afr.c. 49, where we find πᾶν, which,

though just possible, is very difficult Greek. Possibly the following letters, AEAN, account for the omission; the sense certainly requires it,

ταῦτα δὲ χρὴ.

‘Dieser Gebrauch des δέ (sc. 2 apodosz) ist besonders

der Homerischen Sprache eigen, wo er überall begegnet ; aber auch bei den nachherigen Schriftstellern, Dichtern wie Prosaikern, findet er sich, und zwar ziemlich

oft bei Herodot, seltener bei den Attikern

(hier vielfach von den Herausgebern

ohne Not

in δή verwandelt).

(Kühner-Gerth, ii, p. 276.) The use commends itself as natural so long as there is an implied antithesis between protasis and apodosis, and so is especially common after negative conditions, e.g. the familiar

el δέ κε μὴ δώωσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἔλωμαι (/7. i. 137). The passages where it occurs in Xenophon may be explained in this way: e.g. Cyr. v.v. 213 Heil, 1v.i.33. In fell. v1. ill. 6 ef δὲ dpa ἐκ θεῶν πεπρωμένον ἐστὶ πολέμους ἐν ἀνθρώποις γίγνεσθαι, ἡμᾶς δὲ χρὴ ἄρχεσθαι μὲν αὐτοῦ ὡς σχολαίτατα,

κτλ. it has a distinctly adversative force.

If 8 is kept in this present

passage, it is to be explained in the same way; the necessity is admitted reluctantly: ‘If you must bring in supplies of corn, &c., still they must only be brought in by the nearest gate.’ But it is perhaps a harder case to justify than any of those quoted above,

κο[ι]μίζειν .. . εἰσκομισθείη. NM has simply κοιμίζειν καὶ ἐὰν τάχιστα καὶ ῥᾷστα εἰσκομισθείη, C supplies the correction κομίζειν, but the last part gives no sense, If there were nothing else to guide us, we might rest content with defying palaeographical probabilities and reading καὶ (otrws) [εἰὰν, κτλ. But a reference to the parallel passage in J. Afr. c. 49 makes it almost certain that the omission was much bigger, and contained the words προεξιόντος στρατεύματος, or something

them.

In this case, the least addition we can make

equivalent to

without doing

further violence to the text is καὶ (προεξιόντος στρατεύματος"

οὕτω de ἂν,

κτλ. But in view of M’s proclivities, it is possible that the omission of a whole line is the key to the problem. The reading in the text is an

attempt to restore something like what was in the lost line. Appendix IT, p. 255. j

O2

See

196

COMMENTARY 4. dwpocxéwrws.

Occurs in the active sense (as here) in Dem.

Steph. Trier., p. 1232, $ τῷ τῶν μὲν τοίνυν ἰδιωτῶν τοὺς μετὰ τοῦ παθεῖν

μανθάνοντας ἀπροσκέπτους ὀνομάζομεν : in the passive sense (‘ unforeseen ἢ in Xen, Aesp. Lac. xiii.

οὐδὲν yap ἀπρόσκεπτόν ἐστι.

κρὶν ἢ ἐξερευνῆσαι. Cf. xxvii. 15. μηδὲ πλοῖα, κτλ. Another of the casual references to shipping which make it certain that the author had a coast town primarily in view. See Introduction, p. xxvi. For the same precaution cf. x. 8 rdre πλοῖα mpoloKrapyıryyerdar ὀρμίζεσθαι καθ᾽ ἃς πύλας ἐν τοῖς ἐχομένοις ῥηθήσεται.

ἀμφοτέρων πυλῶν. Not two gates, but the two wings of the gate. ἐπὶ τεχνασμάτων. So in Xen. Zeil, vi, iv. 7 the mysterious disappearance of the armour from the temple of Heracles in Thebes before Leuctra was considered by the less pious spirits to be a τέχνασμα

τῶν προεστηκότων.

The word is not found in the best Attic prose.

For this use of ἐπί cf. Hdt. vii. 150. 3 ἵνα ἐπὶ προφάσιος ἡσυχίην ἄγωσι -ττ

‘supported by’ or ‘resting upon’ a pretext.

It is akin to, but not

quite the same as, the use of ἐπί which immediately follows, ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἔργου πολλὰ παραπλησίως πραχθέντα, where the idea of purpose is more

prominent:

‘many

means

directed

to

one end.’

Cf. iv. 7 ἕνα ἐπὶ

παραδείγματος καὶ μαρτυρίου καθαροῦ παραλέγηται.

8 δ. Πύϑων μὲν ὁ Κλαζομένιος. The date of this incident is unknown. It is possible that this Python may be the man mentioned by Demosthenes as the murderer of Cotys in 359; for this signal service he and his brother Heracleides received Athenian citizenship. (Dem. contra Aristocratem,$ 119.) He is there mentioned as a native of Aenus in Thrace, but this in itself would not be a very serious difficulty, for Athenodorus, who was ᾿Αθηναῖος φύσει, is called Ἴμβριος by Aeneas (see

note on xxiv. 10). καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τινῶν συνεθϑελόντων. Aristotle (Pol. 1303> 9) records the interesting fact about Clazomenae that its natural situation tended to split the inhabitants into factions: στασιάζουσι δὲ ἐνίοτε ai πόλεις καὶ διὰ τοὺς τόπους, ὅταν μὴ εὐφνῶς ἔχῃ ἢ χώρα πρὸς τὰ μίαν εἶναι πόλιν, οἷον ἐν KAufapevais of ἐπὶ Χυτῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν νήσῳ, καὶ Κολοφώνιοι καὶ Νοτιεῖς.

Κλαζομενὰς (μενουσῶνν, κτλ. ‘Quod toties diximus hic quoque repetere

cogimur:

librarios

veteres illum

quasi communem

locum

fraudis

habuisse, cum in dictionibus coniunctis eaedem aut similes syllabae reperiebantur. Nam verborum eiusmodi alterum fere omittebant, sive totum, sive ex parte. Accidit hoc isti quoque loco, ubi post vocem

Κλαζομενὰς affinis dictio est omissa’ (Casaubon). § 6. Ἰφιάδης τε ᾿Αβυδηνὸς κατὰ ᾿Ελλήσποντον καταλαμβάνων Πάριον, κτλ.

CHAPTER

XXVIII, §§ 4-7

197

The date of the capture of Parion is not exactly known, but we have a clue in the references to Iphiades by Demosthenes and Aristotle. From Ar. Pol. 13064 26 ff. we learn that he was leader of a ἑταιρία or political club at Abydos: ἐν δὲ τῇ εἰρήνῃ διὰ τὴν ἀπιστίαν τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους (ἰ, 6. between the ὀλίγοι and the dnpos) ἐγχειρίζουσι τὴν φυλακὴν στρατιώταις καὶ ἄρχοντι μεσιδίῳ, ὃς ἐνίοτε γίνεται κύριος ἀμφοτέρων, ὅπερ

συνέβη... ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ ἐπὶ τῶν ἑταιριῶν ὧν ἦν μία ἡ ᾿Ιφιάδου,

Presumably,

therefore, he became master of Abydos. In Dem. contra Arist. δ ı77 we find that his son was given as a hostage to Athens for the loyalty of Sestos, but that Charidemus

refused

to hand him over to Atheno-

dorus as agreed. Abydos was persistently hostile to Athens: (ibid. 8 158) ᾿Αβύδου τῆς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ὑμῖν ἐχθρᾶς καὶ ὅθεν ἦσαν of Σηστὸν καταλαβόντες.

From these fragments we may with some reason conclude that the capture of Parion by Iphiades took place during the years 362-359

Iphiades was obviously acting against Athens, perhaps in conjunction with Cotys: and in these years Athens lost all the ground she had gained in the Hellespontine district during Timotheus’ command, 365-363 8.c. See Ditt.? 187 for a decree of the Cnidians making

this Iphiades their πρόξενος : date c. 360 B.c. (Schoene). § 7. ἃς ἔδει ἐν καιρῷ τινι ὑφαφθῆναι. So Dionysius burns the gates at Rhegium, ἀπροσδοκήτως νυκτὸς ἐπιφανείς (Diod. xiv. 90. 5). Δοκεῖ δέ μοι συναγαγόντι, κτλ. M reads δοκεῖ δέ μοι συναγαγόντα δηλωτέον ἵνα δὴ φυλάσσησθε

καὶ ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα, ἵνα τις μηδὲν εὐήθως

ἀποδέχηται.ς. Probably συναγαγόντε should be written for συναγαγόντα. For the rest, the repeated ἵνα looks suspicious. What we want. instead of the first Ze, is an infinitive after δοκεῖ, and a word to introduce a clause as object of δηλωτέον, I suggest reading εἶναι ἃ: once this was corrupted to ἵνα, the further corruption δὴ φυλάσσησθε for δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι would follow naturally. If the hypothesis put forward in App. Il is accepted, εἶναι 4 and iva will have occupied similar positions in two consecutive lines of some MS. in the line of descent (see p. 253). This would increase the likelihood of the corruption suggested.

198

COMMENTARY XXIX

Smuggling of arms. §§

1-2.

48. 3-10,

The sentinel at the gates must keep a sharp look-out on all goods coming into the city. Illustration : capture of a city during a festival by means of smuggled

§§ 11-12, § 1a.

Osiers used for making secretly shields and helmets. Boats lying off the town must be inspected and searched : remember

arms.

Sicyon,

The στρατήγημα recorded in this chapter is perhaps the best and most vivid piece of narrative in the book, Aeneas himself may even have been the hero of the episode. § 1. φορημάτων. “Bene vertit Casaubonus “instrumenta quae res vehendas capiunt ”—scilicet haec vox omnia comprehendit, quibus aliquid importari potest, cistas, baiulorum iuga et id genus alia’

(Orelli), ἐν ofs .. . (ἐνῇ, ᾧ) ἐνίοις. of ἃ common

mistake:

M has ενοισάντι κρυῴαιον ἐνίοις, an example

K. and

R.’s emendation

ἐν οἷς ἄν τι κρυφαῖον

(ἐνῇ, ᾧ) ἐνίαις is satisfactory. πόλις καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις. For the omission of the first article cf i. 7 ἡγεμὼν δὲ καὶ ὁ ἐπιμελητὴς αὐτῶν ἔστω : but in this case the insertion of ἡ after ἤδη would be a simple remedy. ᾧ 2. ἀφροντίστως. A Xenophontic word: cf. Symp. vi. 6; Cyr. 1 vi. 42 μηδέποτ᾽ οὖν ἀφροντίστως ἔχε. The verb ἀφροντιστεῖν also occurs in some MSS. of An. v. iv. 20 ἀφροντιστήσαντες tis... τάξεως (v1. ἀμελήσαντες).

τὸν πυλωρὸν.

Cf. ν. τ:

he is to be φρόνιμος καὶ ἀγχίνους

ὑπονοεῖν μὴ δυνάμενος del τι τῶν εἰσκομιζομένων.

ἔστιν δέ οἱ προσεκτέον,

καὶ μὴ

(See note ad loc.)

For this form of the dative οἵ, iv. 8 ὅτε οἱ ἐκ

Μεγάρων οἱ ἐπιχειροῖεν, § 8. ἐξοίσω... γεγενημένα. πάθος : xxiii,

dative

Cf. xvii, 2 παράδειγμα δὲ ἐξοίσω γενόμενον

7 πρᾶξις δὲ καὶ ἥδ᾽ ἐξοισθήσεται.

meaning

‘on

the

occasion

of’

cf.

For the use of ἐπί with

Hdt.

iif,

170

οὐκ

ὅσιον

ποιεῦμαι ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι ἐξαγορεύειν τοὔνομα: Xen. An. vi. iii. 5 ἐπὶ διαβάσει χαράδρας τρέπονται αὐτούς : and Zeil, ut. ii. 4.

ἐν ἑορτῇ πανδήμῳ. Cf. c. xvii. § 4. τοῖς προενδημήσασι ξένοις. Foreigners living in the town, as opposed to mercenaries specially introduced. Aeneas is the first writer we know of to use προενδημεῖν, though ἐνδημεῖν occurs in Lysias and Plutarch,

CHAPTER

XXIX, §§ 1-5

199

ἐπὶτὸ μέλλον. The position of these words in M (after fevas) is unsatisfactory. If intended to go with προενδημήσασι they would more naturally precede ξένοις : and it is improbable that the ξένοι came to live in the city originally for this purpose. The sense requires that ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον should follow συνεργοῖς, ‘those who were to help in the projected enterprise’, and there is reason to think that this was its original position in the text, J. Afr. c. go giving προδόταις ὡς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἡμῖν συμπράττουσιν.

See Appendix II, p. 254 f., for an explanation of the

mistake. θώρακες λίνεοι. Linen cuirasses are mentioned in the catalogue of the ships in /2. ii. (529, Ajax, son of Oileus, is λινοθώρηξ : 830, Amphios),

and in Hdt. iii. 47. 2 (Amasis’ present to the Spartans).

The Persians

wore linen θώρακες (Xen. Cyr. vi. iv. 2 τὸν λινοῦν θώρακα, ὃς ἐπιχώριος ἦν αὐτοῖς). A jerkin of leather or linen was part of the equipment of the πελτασταὶ and ψιλοί.

στολίδια. ἅπαξ λεγόμενον, but undoubtedly meaning the same as σπολάς, a leather jerkin (cf. Arist. Birds, 933, &c.); σπολάς is merely the Aeolic form for στολάς, the name being ‘adopted with the thing

from some Aeolian tribe’ (L. and S.). ὅπλα. ‘Graeci ὅπλα cum dicunt absolute, clypeos et scuta intellegunt’ (Casaubon). Shields are certainly meant here, as they come in the list of defensive armour: the offensive weapons begin with μάχαιραι, This is borne out strongly by xxiv. 6 ἐγχειρίδια καὶ ὅπλα καὶ περικεφαλαίας (where spears would be difficult to conceal), and by § 12 of this chapter ὅπλα... ἔπλεκον, where wicker shields are referred to.

μάχαιραι. The same presumably as ἐγχειρίδια, small dirks or daggers, which could be concealed about the person. The Homeric heroes used μάχαιραι not primarily for fighting, but for domestic use, e.g. sacrificing, cutting meat, extracting arrows. They had an edge for cutting as well as a point for stabbing. The curved sabres of the Persians and Egyptians were also called μάχαιραι, in contrast to the straight Greek ξίφος : cf. Xen. de Re Eg. xii, 11.

ἐν κιβωτοῖς. It is a nice question whether we should read κιβωτοῖς {fem.) with M, and take ἅπερ ἀνοίξαντες below as a loose expression, “opening the cargo’ instead of ‘opening the baskets’; or read (with Hercher) ἅσπερ for ἅπερ; or alter κιβωτοῖς to κιβωτίοις, with J. Afr. As κιβωτός certainly occurs in § 8, it seems best on the whole to keep the MS. reading. § δ. of ἐλλιμενισταὶ, The same as the λιμενοφύλακες of ὃ 12. The former was an ordinary term for customs-officials. Demosthenes

200

COMMENTARY

(contra Phorm. § 34 (p. 917)) mentions the ἐλλιμενισταί at Byzantium. Their duty at Athens was to make an inventory of the ship’s cargo (ἀπογραφῆ), and to exact the payment of the πεντηκοστή͵ or two per cent. duty on all imports and exports (cf. Dem. ibid. § 7 (p. 909)). Here their duty is to open the cases at once to see that there is no contraband of war, and then to seal them until an inventory arrives which enables them to estimate the customs duties. Meanwhile, they are placed ὅπον ἔδει, i. 6, probably in a state warehouse near the market-place, § 6. ἡμιυφάντοις, Why ‘half-woven’ it is difficult to say, unless they would excite less suspicion in this state. πᾶλχται, Light leather shields of Thracian origin, without a rim {irus), and of various shapes:

cf. Smith, Diez. Ani. s.v. Pelfa.

It was

the use of this shield, instead of the heavier ὅπλον, that gave the peltasts their name. μικρὰ dowiSia. Probably small round shields like those of Argos

(2 ft. 6 in. to 3 ft. in diameter) or Macedonia (only 20 inches). εὐογκότερα. εὔογκος is found meaning both ‘ bulky’ and in bulk’ or ‘ portable’, according as weight is desirable or article specified. Here it is naturally the latter; cf. xzxi. εὐογκοτάτη γίνηται ἡ ἐπιστολή : Plut. de Sollertia Animalium 969

Ὁ

‘moderate not in the 23 ἵν᾽ ὡς © τὰ εὔογκα

τῶν ἀναθημάτων.

σαργάναις. σαργάναις is the reading of the apographa in Aesch. Suppl. 788, where ἀρτάναις (M) is generally read. Hesychius explains it as δεσμοὶ καὶ πλέγματα.

Certainly it came later to mean, as here, a

plaited wicker basket, like σπυρίς, σπυρίδιον : cf. Kock, C. A. F. ii,

pp. 458, 461 (nos. 14 and 21 of Timocles).

St. Paul was let down

over the wall at Damascus in a σαργάνη (2 Cor. xi. 33). § 7. ἐν σικυοῖς πέποσι. σικυός was a generic term applied to several kinds of gourd-fruit, such as cucumbers, melons, pumpkins: cf. Ar. Ach. 320; Peace 1001. σικυοὶ πέπονες (or simply

Some kinds were eaten unripe, others, called mémoves), σικνοὶ σπερματίαι, OF σικύαι, were not

eaten till ripe. Melons or pumpkins would suit the purpose here very well. ΄ 8 8. ἕκαστος ὃν ἔδει τηρήσαντες καιρόν, ... πρῶτον μὲν τὸ φόρημα ἐλύθη. A good example of anacoluthon, For other examples see Intro-

duction, p. Ixxvii.

The change of number is quite intelligible: οἵ, the

Latin ‘suam quisque servantes occasionem ',

τὸ φόρημα ἐλύθη.

J. Afr., transcribing all these devices with the

minutest attention to detail, is unconsciously humorous phrase: καὶ πρῶτον μὲν λυθήζτω) τὸ φόρημα διὰ τὸν ἡγεμόνα,

in his para-

CHAPTER

XXIX, δὲ 6-12

nor

ἐξεζῦλισσον. The weapons must have been worked into the wickerwork when plaited, if it really had to be unwound before they could be taken out. πρὸς τὰς λήψεις.

For this rather curious use of the plural in a sense

where the verbal force is very strong (= πρὸς τὸ λαμβάνεσθαι τῶν δοράτων)

we have

two excellent

parallels in Ar. de Part, An.

ῥύγχος... γλαφυρὸν πρὸς ... τὰς λήψεις τῶν ζῳδαρίων and

662>

7 τὸ

687 Ὁ τὸ al

καμπαὶ τῶν δακτύλων καλῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς τὰς λήψεις καὶ πιέσεις, § 9. ἐπορσύνετος An Ionic word, elsewhere confined to Herodotus and Xenophon among prose authors.

§ 10. ἐπὶ πύργους Introduction, p.Ixzv.

ὥρμησαν καταλαβεῖν, For this infinitive see Here it is really epexegetic, and does not depend

directly on ὥρμησαν. καὶ ἄλλους. At present the leader was the only man admitted from outside.

ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα καὶ τὰς ἐναντίας οἰκίας. small problem

in authorities,

We are here confronted by a

as J. Afr.

c. 50

reads

here

τὰς πολέμον

οἰκείας : apparently his tradition read τὰς (τῶν) πολεμίων οἰκίας, not, however, seem worth while to depart

from

good sense, by reading ras (τῶν) ἐναντίων οἰκίας, see Appendix I, p. 248 f.)

$ 11. olovov.

ood»

M.

It does

M, which gives a very

(For a fuller discussion

This correction by Schoene is simpler

than Sauppe’s (πλῆθος) οἱσυίων, although the latter is sound in that it supplies a reason for the corruption—the omission of TTAH@OC after ὍΠΛΑ : οὗ xxviii. 5, ἄς, $ 12. ὄχανα περιετίθεσαν σκύτινα καὶ ξύλινα [[περιτίθημε can mean ‘ affix to the rim’, it exactly expresses the position of the ὄχανον on the Greek ἀσπίς, which is admirably illustrated by the warrior on a Greek vase depicted in Smith’s Dichonary of Antiquities, s.v. Chipeus: * A band of metal, wood, or leather (σκύτινα καὶ ξύλινα) was placed across the inside from rim to rim, like the diameter of a circle, to which were affixed a number of small iron bars, crossing each other somewhat in the form of the letter X, which met

the arm below the inner bend of

the elbow joint, and served to steady the orb.’ This apparatus, which is said to have been invented by the Carians (Hdt. i, 171. 4), was termed ὄχανον or ὀχάνη.

Around

the

inner

edge

of the

shield

ran

a

leather thong (πόρπαξ) fixed by nails at certain distances so that it formed a succession of loops, which the soldier could grasp with his hand. τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν προσορμιζομένων πλοίων, Cf. x. 8.

202

COMMENTARY

(ἀγδιασκέπτως is supplied by J. Afr. 49: M has διασκέπτωσ, same sense could be got by reading δεῖ ἀσκέπτως (K, and R.).

The

τοὺς λιμενοφύλακάς τε καὶ dwoorohdas. For λιμενοφύλακες see note on ὃ 5. “’AnoordAovs vocabant triremium vel aliarum navium emissionem: unde amagrokeis dicti of ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκπομπῆς τῶν τριήρων

ἀποδεδειγμένοι, inquit Harpocration’ (Casaubon). At Athens they were a board of ten commissioners chosen without distinction of tribe and appointed by decree of the people,’ and their business was to see that the ships left properly equipped. See Demos. de Corona, ὃ 107. In Demos. contra Euerg. εἰ Mnes. § 26 (p. 1146) we find them coupled with of τῶν νεωρίων ἐπιμεληταί as a board to which admiralty disputes were referred; in Aeschines, de Falsa Leg. ὃ 77, they are mentioned contemptuously with ἐξετασταί, ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς, J. Afr. corrects M’s reading εἰδέναι ἀυτοῖσ, ὅτι καὶ Σικυώνιοι, κτλ. For the bearing of this passage on the question

of the authorship

of the book see Introduction, pp. xxivf.

The harbour of Sicyon was captured by Pammenes 369 ».c. (Polyaen v. 16, 3).

the Theban

in

XXX The importation of arms, ‘Weapons must supervision,

not be exposed

for sale

indiscriminately,

but under

public

ὃ Δ. παραιρεῖσϑαι. Cf. x. 9 ξένους τοὺς ἀφικνουμένους τὰ ὅπλα ἐμφανῆ καὶ πρόχειρα φέρειν, καὶ εὐθὺ αὐτῶν παρ(αιρ)εῖσθαι.

ταῖς συνοικίαις. *Lodging-houses’ let to several tenants (Lat. insulae). Cf. Thue. iii. 74. 2. In [Xen.] Resp, Ash, i. 17 the allies who come to Athens for the decision of suits are said to live in συνοικίαι : and the investment of money in such houses at Athens was a profitable form of speculation. (Dem. pro Phormione, § 6 (p. 946); contra Steph, a. § 28 (p. rr10).) In this case, merchants coming into the city were probably allowed to expose their wares for sale at the place where they lodged. σωράκους. Casaubon’s emendation for M’s συρακουσ. The word is found in Ar. Frag. 248 (Kock) κακῶν τοσούτων ξυνελέγη μοι σώρακος, ““Σώρακος" ἀγγεῖον, εἰς ὃ σῦκα ἐμβάλλεται" (Hesychius), according to which

it may mean either basket or box (probably connected with σωρός, ‘a heap’). It also appears in 7. G. ır. i. 61, 1. 36 σώρακοι τοξευμάτων. 1 See Böckh, Urkunden über das Seewesen des Attischen Staates (=vol. iii of Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener), p. 466,

CHAPTER κιβώτια.

XXX, $ 2-CHAPTER

XXXI, §2

203

Cf. note on xxix, 4.

ἀλλὰ πλὴν δείγματος, κτλ.

Casaubon, taking δείγματος in the sense

of bazaar, from the famous ἄλλῃ πλὴν δείγματος"

Δεῖγμα in the Piraeus, read ὅπου ἂν τύχῃ

ὅσον Ö ἄλλῃ πλῆθος ἐκτίθοιτό τις, εἶναι δημόσια κρίνειν,

‘must not be left for the night in any other place but the bazaar; any quantity displayed elsewhere to be adjudged forfeit to the state’. But (i) there is little evidence for the use of δεῖγμα in this sense anywhere but at Athens; (ii) the alterations involved are rather numerous. If deiypa is taken in its ordinary sense of ‘sample ’, the insertion of (mpiv) before ἐκτίθοιτό τις (Herm. Schoene) is the only alteration necessary; εἶναι here = ἐξεῖναι.

AXXI Secref messages. Eighteen different methods of sending these, some of them ciphers, are described in detail. From the enthusiasm and care with which this chapter is written, it might be thought that Aeneas had made a special study of this branch of ingenuity. It is probable, however, as suggested in the Introduction, that a list of recognized devices was handed down to him, though he no doubt made additions. The device of the ἀστράγαλος (§§ 16-19) it is hard not to think ‘his own invention ’, Casaubon has a discursive note at the beginning of this chapter. See

also

Suidas,

s.v.

συνθηματικῶς

γράφειν:

Polyb.

vil.

17.

4-5:

Frontinus, üi, 1.4,

ὃ 2. βυβλίον ἢ ἄλλο τι ypdp{pya.

The simplest emendation of M’s

δράμα is γράμμα (Meineke). Meier’s suggestion, δρᾶμα ἢ ἄλλο τι βιβλίον, though amusing, can hardly be accepted. γράμμα in the singular for ‘a written document’ is not common, but it occurs in Plat. Ale. i. 124 a, and Xen, Afem. iv. ii. 24, of the Delphic inscription γνῶϑι σαντόν : in Thuc. v. 29. 3 for an article in a treaty, and in late writers generally ’ for anything written.

The

form βυβλίον, which

occurs in M, should

be kept: the word is used strictly for the strip of papyrus on which the letter is written, and only for this. Cf. & 4, 8. ἐπιστιξζομένων γραμμάτων (ἢ τοῦ πρώτου oriyov). The addition of the

words in brackets is clearly necessary to give the right sense : see below τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πρώτου στίχον.

We may notice as an example of the

carelessness of Aeneas’s style that ἢ δεντέρον ἢ τρίτου is replaced below by καὶ δευτέρου καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὡσαύτως.

τῷ πεμπομένῳ, ‘the man to whom the letter was sent’.

This use of

204

COMMENTARY

the passive can not be paralleled, but it must be right, since it occurs time after time in this chapter, For Aeneas’s peculiarly free use of the passive voice see Introduction, p. lxxii. § 8. dmonpawdpevoy .. . βούϊλ]λῃ. This reading is a combination of emendations by Kirchhoff, R. Schoene, and Herm. Schoene. M has ἐπισημαινομενον γράμματα δὲ dre ἐμφανῆ ὥσπερ ἐν βούλλη. It is difficult to

separate γράμματα from ἐπισ., thus leaving the latter without an object : otherwise we might keep somewhat nearer M by writing ἐπισημαινόμενον"

γράμματα δὲ ὧδε ἐμφανὴ ὅσαπερ ἂν βούλῃ Hug inserts)—'in this way just as many conspicuous ’, ἐπιστιγμαῦς διὰ πολλοῦ. “With dots at γραμμαῖς παραμήκεσιν. ‘With strokes

(understanding ἔσται, which letters as you wish will be long intervals.’ of unusual length.’

example, OPNIC TT ETOMENOCEAITIENOIKIAN γραμμαῖς, referring to the actual

So, for

conceals ὄπλα.

strokes forming the letters, is exactly

what is wanted here. Casaubon, however, took γραμμαί as ‘ virgulae longiusculae, ad latus literarum subtiliter ductae’. § 4. (ἢ) πεμπέσϑω ἀνὴρ. A very harsh asyndeton as it stands in M: and ἢ can easily be supplied after ἐπιστολή, For this device we may compare Ovid, Ars Am. iii. 621-4:

Conscia cum possit scriptas portare tabellas quas tegat in tepido fascia lata sinu: cum possit sura chartas celare ligatas et vincto blandas sub pede ferre notas. τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος... αὐτοῦ, This clumsy repetition has been previously noticed as characteristic of Aeneas; cf. x. 21, &c. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πηλοὺς καὶ τὰ ὕδατα, The plurals are noticeable: cf. xxvi. 4 ἐν... τοῖς ψύχεσιν καὶ πηλοῖς καὶ μήκεσι τῶν νυκτῶν.

κασσίτερον (ἐλγηλασμένον λεπτὸν, ° Vetustissimum est inventum tenues e plumbo albo .,. laminas procudere in usum scriptionis: quas postea in formam cylindri volvebant, ut alia librorum volumina’ (Casaubon). He quotes Paus. iv. xxvi. 8 (κασσίτερον ἐληλασμένον ἐς τὸ λεπτότατον) : Suidas, s, v. ἔλασμός : Dio xlvi. 36. 4: Frontinus iii, 13. 7

{‘litteras plumbo scriptas’). § 4a. (ἀντ)επιστείλας (K. and R.), ‘after writing an answer’, gives a satisfactory sense. M’s ἀποστείλας is probably due merely to the ἀποστελλέτω immediately above, and would be a pointless repetition, J. Aff.’s ἀνταποστείλας (c. 51) points the way to the right reading, as often. (See Appendix I.)

CHAPTER XXXI, § 3-8

205

δ. εἰδήσει, This form of the future of οἶδα is not common, but is found in Homer, Herodotus, Aristotle, and later Greek : perhaps it has an Ionic origin, but it occurs in Isocr. i, § 44.

§ 6. ἐπιστολὴν ἔχων φύλλοις γεγραμμένην, ‘Scripsere veteres in variis foliis, praesertim vero palmae: sed folia, de quibus loquitur Aeneas, malvacea fortasse fuerunt.

Nam

istis veteres et ad curanda

ulcera sunt usi, et ad scribendum. Medici inter μαλακτικά folia malvae sylvestris ponunt. De scriptione etiam certum est. Helvius Cinna in epigrammate [Baehrens, Z. P. R., p. 324]:

Levis in aridulo malvae descripta libello Prusiaca vexi munera

navicula’

(Casaubon.)

For sores on the legs see Ar. Knighis 906-7: AA.

ἐγὼ δὲ κυλίέχνιόν γέ σοι καὶ φάρμακον δίδωμι

τάν τοῖσιν ἀντικνημίοις ἑλκύδρια περιαλείφειν.

Some editors insert (ἐν) before φύλλοις, or read (ἐγ)γεγραμμένην : but it is hardly necessary. ἃ 7. ἐν τοῖς τῶν γυναικῶν ὠσὶν ἐχούσαις ... μολιβδίνοις. This can be made to construe with the alteration of ἐνειλημένοις to ἐνειλημένην͵

which may easily have been corrupted by the two datives following. © ἐνειλημένην will agree with αὐτήν (understood), object of ἐχούσαις : indeed αὐτήν could easily be inserted before ἀντ᾽ ἐνωτίων, and would be quite in Aeneas’s way, but it hardly seems necessary. It seems at first necessary to alter ἐχούσαις to ἔχουσιν (K. and R.) or ἐχουσῶν (Ca.}— unless ladies’ ears are of the feminine gender: but perhaps it can stand as one of Aeneas’s violent κατὰ σύνεσιν constructions (cf. x. 2; x. 6; xviii. 18). Casaubon says of this passage: ‘Oedipum ista desiderant’:

but

it is not

quite

so

bad

as

that,

and

K.

and

R.’s

Oacpots ... λεπτοὺς μολιβδίνους (followed by Hercher) is rather a wild alteration.

§ 8. εἰς προνομὴν. A technical military term for a foraging expedition, first used by Xen. (Zell. 1.i. 33; ı1. iv. 25 προνομὰς ποιεῖσθαι), but not elsewhere, apparently, with the genitive. ὑπὸ τὰ πτερύγια. The πτέρυγες or πτερύγια were the leather skirts attached to the bottom of the cuirass to protect the wearer's loins: cf. Xen. de Re Eg. xii. 4 περὶ δὲ τὸ ἦτρον καὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τὰ κύκλῳ αἱ πτέρυγες τοιαῦται καὶ τοσαῦται ἔστωσαν ὥστε στέγειν τὰ μέλη.

[ἐν] must be omitted before ᾧ : there is no sense in saying that the man’s instructions were conveyed in the letter.

206

COMMENTARY

καὶ γενομένου δ᾽,

καὶ... δέ is a favourite Xenophontic idiom:

cf.

xxiv. 2; xxx. 5.

ὑπηρέτησεν δὲ ἱππεὺς ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφῷ. A rather curious parenthesis. Perhaps he assisted him to fall from his horse without injury, or pretended to try to save him from capture ; or, if the second man was not in the plot, he may really have tried to rescue his comrade, ἀδελφός probably means simply ‘a brother trooper’. It is frequently used metaphorically in Plato and the tragedians. § 9. ἐνέρραψεν. Casaubon’s emendation for M’s ἐνέγραψεν is supported by § 32: otherwise M's reading would stand. καὶ οἷς ἔφερεν. καὶ πρόσέφερεν M. ‘ Desideratur mentio sociorum proditionis’ (Schoene). Various conjectures have been made, but the simplest way out of the difficulty is to read ols ἔφερεν (cf. the next sentence).

προδιδόντι may have led to the substitution of mpoo for ols

in M. $ Ob.

τεχνικῶς

δὲ δοκεῖ φωρᾶσαι.

Cf. xviii. II προνοητικῶς δὴ δοκεῖ

ποιηθῆναι πρὸς τὸ τὸν χαλκέα μηδὲν ὑποπτεῦσαι.

ἀναντιλέκτως.

This

adverb

occurs

in

Strabo

and

Lucian;

the

adjective in Cic, Epp. ad 0. F. ii. 8. 1, and in two of the Hibeh papyri (Grenfell and Hunt, i, no. 94, Il. ı and

14; no. 95, 1. 13:

date 258--

256 B.C.). 810. ὁπόσην re βούλει. Casaubon’s reading ὁπόσῃ ἂν βούλει, besides being doubtful grammar, makes poor sense. The point is that the size of the κύστις must be regulated to suit the length of the letter, and a λήκυθος procured to fit the κύστις,

Schoene compares Philo, Afech. v,

p. 102, 40-7 (ed, Thévenot), φυσήσαντα

καὶ

ἀποδήσαντα.

M

is again

much

confused

over

terminations. Here it has φυσήσασ καὶ ἀποδήσασ, and below in § 11 ἔξελε for ἐξελεῖν and συμπιέσαντασ for συμπιέσαντα, in ὃ 12 φυσῆσασ again, and afterwards éua\joavra. Probably the accusative singular and the

infinitive should be restored throughout the passage, though Hercher has preferred to keep the nominatives and restore imperatives. μέλανι κατακόλλῳ, That ‘ mixed with glue’ is the meaning of the otherwise unknown adjective κατάκολλος seems probable from a comparison of Pliny, Nas, Hist, xxxv, § 43 ‘Atramentum ... tectorium glutino admixto. This was generally used for staining water, but here presumably to resist the action of the oil, Pliny adds that ink mixed with vinegar is especially hard to wash out. § 18. ἐξεράσας. This verb, originally meaning to ‘evacuate’ or ‘vomit’, is generally used with a comic turn by Aristophanes, e.g.

CHAPTER

ΧΧΧΙ,

§ 9-14

207

Ach. 341; Wasps 993. But the phrase ἐξέρα τὸ ὕδωρ in Demosthenes, and its use here, show that later on it came to be used simply as a synonym for ἐκχέω. $ 14. ἐπέτηξεν. One of the cases where external evidence helps us to the right reading. Without ἐπέτηξαν in J. Afr. c. 53, M’s ἐπέθηκεν might never have been suspected. The story is taken from Hdt. vii. 239. 3 (Demaratus’s letter, 482 8.c.), but the wording of the original is not followed very closely. The passage in Herodotus runs as follows: ὁ δὲ μηχανᾶται τοιάδε" δελτίον δίπτυχον λαβὼν τὸν κηρὸν αὐτοῦ ἐξέκνησε καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ τοῦ δελτίου ἔγραψε τὴν βασιλέος γνώμην, ποιήσας δὲ ταῦτα ὀπίσω ἐπέτηξε τὸν κηρὸν ἐπὶ τὰ γράμματα. Cf. Justin, ii, 10. 13 fl.;

Polyaen. ii, 20; Aul. Gell. xvii. 9. ı6f.

λέγεται... ἐᾶν ξηρανϑῆναι,

Pliny (N.Z. xxvi, § 62) describes a

somewhat similar means of communication used by lovers : ‘Tithymalum nostri herbam lactariam vocant, alii lactucam caprinam ; narrantque lacte eius inscripto corpore, cum inaruerit, si cinis inspargatur, apparere literas, et ita quidam adulteras alloqui maluere quam codicillis.’ Cf. Ovid, Ars Am. iii. 625-30: Caverit haec custos: pro charta conscia tergum praebeat, inque suo corpore verba ferat. tuta quoque est, fallitque oculos e lacte recenti littera: carbonis pulvere tange, leges.

fallet et humiduli quae fiet acumine lini, et feret occultas pura tabella notas. Casaubon quotes Philo in a similar connexion : γράφονται ἐπιστολαὶ εἰς καυσίαν καινὸν ἢ εἰς τὸν χρῶτα, κηκῖδος

καὶ

ὕδατι

Apayeions’

ξηρανθέντα

δὲ γράμματα

ἄδηλα γίγνεται.

θλασθείσης,

χαλκοῦ

δὲ

ἄνθους τριφθέντος (ὥσπερ ἐν ὕδατι τὸ μέλαν) καὶ ἐν τούτῳ σπόγγου βραχέντος, ὅταν ἀποσπογγισθῇ τούτῳ, φανερὰ γίγνεται. He

adds:

‘ Auctor

est Cedrenus in Constantino

Duca, Nicolaum

quendam ad Thomam Logothetam literas occultas scripsisse in nigro linteamine; quod aqua lavandum abstergendumque fuit, ut literae possent videri.

οὗτος, inquit, ἐν ὀθόνῃ μελαίνῃ γράμματα γράψας ἀπεστάλκει

τῷ λογοθέτῃ Θωμᾷ" καὶ τῆς ὀθόνης ῥνφθείσης δι᾿ ὕδατος, φανερὰ τὰ γράμματα γέγονεν." πυξίον.

That boxwood was in common

use for writing-tablets we

see also from Pollux (tv. ii, §18), who quotes Aristophanes: καὶ πυξίον, καὶ πυξίδιον παρὰ ᾿Ἀριστοφάνει (cf. Kock, Frag. 845-6).

408

COMMENTARY

§ 15. γράφοιτο δ᾽ ἂν καὶ εἰς πινάκιον ἡρωϊκὸν ἅπερ ἂν PovAp. Most editors since Casaubon have doubted ἡρωϊκὸν, and suggested γραφικὸν (Cas.), ζωγραφικὸν (Meier), ἱερατικὸν (K. and R.), ἄς. Miss Jane Harrison has been kind enough to supply the following note on this point : ‘Nothing

is better established

than

the πινάκια ἡρωῖκά.

The

local

museums of Greece are full of them. The stock type is the ἱππεύς either standing alone, or with his double the snake, altar worshippers, &c. Of course it is only the sculptured tablets that have survived, but painted ones must have existed in thousands. We have one or two, but no horsemen; and they are painted with white slip’ (cf. λευκόν below). As to the φωσφόρος I do not know of any instance in these types of a horseman bearing a torch, but nothing is more likely ; (i) A torch was an offering to a heroine or hero (Prog. to Gh. Rel., 3rd ed, p. 347, fig. 101), as an underworld darkness divinity ;

(ii) Heroes tended to be identified with she heroes, the Dioscuri, who were essentially φωσφόροι,

Heroes began as chthonic, but the more they were Olympianized and Ouranianized, the more they would become φωσφόροι : the Dioscuri

followed, they end have no Roscher,

or rather led the way, in this matter. Beginning as snakes, as stars. Still the fact remains that, so far as I know, we instance of an actual votive torch-bearing horseman. See Lex. der gr. u. rim. Mythologie, s. v. Heros (Heros als Reiter,

2557 ff., figs. 3, 4, 5);

Proleg. pp.

351-354;

Rouse,

Greek

Votive

Offerings (references in index s, vv. Horses and Torch). ἱματισμὸν. A word of late form, found in Theophrastus Polybius. καὶ ἄλλῳ χρώματι.

White was, no doubt, the usual colour, but the

message written with black ink would colour except black. ὡς εὐξάμενον. ‘As if you were paying clever emendation of M’s ὡς εὐξόμενοσ, and we want. Vows were paid to heroes on all from

illness

and

or childbirth,

rescue

from

show

through against any

a vow.’ This is Meier's supplies exactly the sense sorts of occasions, recovery

shipwreck,

&c.

Giving

the

tablet to another person to put up would lessen the chance of detection.

M’s

ὡς

εὐξόμενοσ,

taken

with

eis

ὁ ἂν

τύχῃ

ἱερόν,

will

give

a

certain sense, referring to the man ‘sent to put it up near the city in whatever temple he might chance to go to for the purpose of prayer’;

but the other is much better. It is possible, however,

that what

Aeneas

wrote

1 A mixture used for coating pottery, &c.

was

something

CHAPTER

XXXI, δὲ 15-17

209

like εὐξάμενον ἐν νόσῳ. ὃν δὲ, κτλ. This would give excellent sense and would help to account for the repetition of or in M. $16. πασῶν δὲ ἀδηλοτάτη πέμψις, πραγματωδεστάτη δέ, We now come to the climax of ingenuity. ‘Duodecimum hic modum proponit Aeneas, haud dubie a semet inventum: quem ex eo describit Iulius Africanus c. lii, et appellat τρόπον πανουργότερον. Et est revera subtile inventum, quod praxeos operationem magis quam verborum explica-

tionem desideret”

(Casaubon).

The description, however, is now

clear enough, if a little long-winded ; much light has been thrown on it by Haase’s brilliant conjecture that behind the most desperate corruption of all (§ 18, q.v.) lies the name of the author himself?

μοι.

The dative of the agent, instead of ὑπό with the genitive, is

very rare in Greek except with the perfect or pluperfect passive, and the verbal adjective. In fact, Kiihner-Gerth (i, p. 422) gives only three references, all in Homer (//. xviii. 103 ; viii. 244; v. 465).

80 ἀγραμμάτων.

Herm. Schoene’s brilliant correction of διὰ γραμ-

μάτων (M). ‘ Without writing’ exactly fits the sense. For dypdypara cf. Plato, Politic. 295 a τὸν νόμον θήσει, καὶ ἐν γράμμασιν ἀποδιδοὺς καὶ ἐν

ἀγραμμάτοις, 8 17. ἀστράγαλον. The ἀστράγαλος had only four flat sides, marked with pips, the other two being rounded ; so the twenty-four letters of the alphabet naturally fall into four groups of six (ἐξ εἰς ἑκάστην πλευρὰν τοῦ dorpaydAov).

The κύβος, on the other hand, was

cubical, and

marked

on all six sides. $ 17, 18. ἔστω δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα τοῦ ἀστραγάλου (τὰ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα στοιχεῖα" διαμνημόνευε) δέ, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξῃ τὸ ἄλφα, καὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα ἅπερ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πλευρᾷ γέγραπται. See Appendix I, p- 251, and Appendix II, p. 256. M has ἔστω δὲ τὰ rpum. τοῦ ἀστραγάλον δ, which makes in itself no sense, and gives no construction for ἀφ᾽ fx... γέγραπται. We can restore a certain amount from J. Afr. (c. 52), who

has

ἔστω δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα

στοιχεῖα'

διαμνημόνευε

δέ, κτλ.

This is, as far as it goes, just what we want, but it is worth noticing that if we insert the words τὰ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα before στοιχεῖα we

have good reason to suppose that a whole line of thirty-eight letters has dropped out, which is prima facie easier to explain than a shorter omission (see Appendix II, loc. cit.). After this had happened, a scribe, thinking that a numeral was wanted, may have altered the δέ at the beginning of the next line to 3. 1 The authors of the Loeb edition refer for a diagram H. Diels, Antike Technik! (1920), 74-5 [5. A, H.] aan P

and explanation to

210

COMMENTARY

The rest of the sentence should be translated as follows: “and be careful to remember, starting from the side, whichever it is, on which A comes first, also the letters which follow on each side in turn ᾿,

i,e. when you have once fixed on your ‘alpha ’ side, remember that H will be the first letter on the second side, and so forth, The scheme is:

1st side, AB nr A E Z

and side. H © I K A M

side, # the third

ard side. N = oO TI PC

καὶ must be taken as ‘also’, not as

‘and remember from which side

the

‘and’.

on

the

fourth

4th side, TY > X Ώ We

cannot

translate

Alpha begins, and the letters

that follow on each side’. Had Aeneas meant that, he would have written διαμνημόνενε δὲ ἀπὸ τίνος πλευρᾶς ἄρχει τὸ ἄλφα, or the like,

§ 18. λίνῳ διείρειν,

Literally,

‘draw

through

with

a thread’,

Casaubon’s emendation for M’s διαιρεῖν is unquestionably right. The word εἴρω and its compounds are Ionic in origin. It does not seem necessary to alter λίνῳ to λίνον (K. and R.). Both M and J. Afr. have Nive,

ἐὰν (O)&Anls) AINEIAN δηλοῦν,

Till Haase came to the rescue with

his brilliant divination that the author’s name was concealed under the unintelligible ἐλήηδινη πλὶ of M, the passage had been regarded as desperate. J. Afr. gives no help whatever, his διαιροῦνται δὲ apparently being simply a mistake, perhaps intended for διεέρονται. But if we

write M in capitals, with the exception that the @ and the ς of θέλῃς are omitted, the letters are nearly the same: EAHAINHAAI for SEAHC AINEIAN. For this reason the accusative case is better than the nominative, as it accounts more easily for the change to AL. διέρσει, Casaubon’s restoration for M’s διαιρέσει, is certainly right. παρελθὼν (rapa) τὰ ἐχόμενα τούτου [wapalypdppata. παρελθὼν ra ex. τούτων παραγράμματα M.

τοῦτον for τούτων (cf. below) was suggested

by Hercher. As for παραγράμματα, Herm. Schoene suggests ‘ fortasse significat quae pro litteris sunt’. But it does not seem a very natural formation, and everywhere else throughout this passage we have simply γράμμα (cf. especially ὃ 22). The simplest way is to write γράμματα here, and insert the mapa before ra ἐχόμενα.

ὅπου (τὸ) el ἐστιν, εἰ ἐστὶ is Haase’s correction for ἔνεστιν (M); (rs) was added by K. and R. εἶ was the original name for the letter later called epsilon:

ἀντιγράφων.

cf. Plato, Crai. 426c and 437 a.

The word is here used in the unusual sense of ‘copy’,

CHAPTER but

need

not

be

altered.

XXXI, § 18-23 The

noun

ἀντίγραφον,

211 a copy, is quite

common in the orators. ~ ὥσπερ ἄρτι ANNE ἐθῶμεϑα [ὄνομα]. The most satisfactory solution of M’s difficulties is to suppose that the word was not finished, and confused the scribe.

M

has

ὥσπερ

ap τἰαιμῖθα ὄνομα, which

is a very

easy corruption from our text, haplography, accounting for the disappearance of the first syllables of ἐθέμεθα : ὄνομα is quite translatable if we wish to keep it, but more probably it has been inserted by someone who saw that a proper name was wanted to complete the

sense. § 19. ἔσται, .. πεμπομένη. Unusual Greek ; but it exactly expresses the author’s meaning, which is; “there will be a ball of thread wrapped round the die and sent with it.’ ἐργασθεὶς εἴη.

Cf. xviii. 10 fv... ἐργασθείς, ibid. § 11

δεήσεται. This clear use of the middle impersonally is confirmed by J. Afr. c. 52. ἡ ἔξερσις. Various conjectures have been made for M’s ἐξίεσισ, but as we have accepted δίερσις and ἔνερσις, there seems no difficulty in coining the word ἔξερσις for the reverse procedure, though it is unknown elsewhere. ἐνέρσει. This word occurs in Thuc, i. 6. 3 χρυσῶν τεττίγων ἐνέρσει κρωβύλον ἀναδούμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν.

διαφέρει, κτλ.

Rather ἃ superfluous remark.

This and the following

sentence are amusingly natve.

§ 20. εὐτρεπέστερον,

first suggested

Schoene, is a very-slight

by Hercher,

and adopted

by

alteration from M’s εὐπρεπέστερον, and gives

a much better sense. The point of the suggestion is not that it would look better, but that it would be less clumsy to manipulate. ὡς σπιθαμ(ιδαίου. “ σπιθαμή : the space one can embrace between the thumb and little finger, a span; as a fixed measure, about 7}

inches’ (L. and 5.). ὥσπερ τὸ αὐτὸ γράμμα dis ἐφεξῆς γράφεσθαι, i. €. ὥσπερ ὅτε συμβαίνει, «th, Understood so, the passage does not need the alteration of ὥσπερ to ὥστε, made by Hercher. § 28. ds εὐογκοτάτη. For εὔογκος in the sense of ‘ portable’ cf. xxix. 6, and note ad loc,

rou χιτῶνος. τοῦ χιτῶνος M. ‘In articulo iure offendit Hercher ’ (Schoene). Schoene’s conjecture πλυτοῦ (or νεοπλύτου, Herm. Schoene) is very ingenious, but perhaps it is sufficient to read rov (indefinite). P2

Δ12

COMMENTARY

ἀποπτύξαντες τοῦ χιτωνίσκου. For the partitive gen. see Introduction, p.Ixxvi. It will be noticed that this sentence has no main verb ; Schoene marks a lacuna, but perhaps the sentence can be allowed to stand as a piece of careless writing. J. Afr.has avoided the anacoluthon by writing ἀνύποπτον ἐποίουν τὴν κομιδήν.

§ 24. οἱ γοῦν περὶ Ἴλιον ἄνθρωποι, κτλ.

This

passage is doubly

interesting, both for the custom it commemorates, and from the fact that it gives us a /erminus ad quem for the date of Aeneas’s book: for Timaeus says that the practice ceased after the Phocian war (ended 346 8. c.), while Aeneas expressly mentions it as still going on.

The whole story is given by Tzetzes, on Lycophron 1141: φθορὰ δὲ καὶ λιμὸς μετὰ τρίτον Eros ἔσχε τὴν Λοκρίδα διὰ τὴν εἰς ΚασσάνSpar ἀθεμιτομιξίαν τοῦ Αἴαντος. ἜἜχρησε δ᾽ ὁ θεός, ἱλάσκεσθαι ᾿Αθηνᾶν τὴν ἐν Ἰλίῳ ἐπ᾽ ἔτη χίλια, δύο παρθένους πέμποντας ἐπὶ κλήρῳ καὶ λαχήσει, πεμπο-

μένας δὲ αὐτὰς mpoimavrärres οἱ Τρῶες, εἰ κατέσχον, ἀνήρουν,

καὶ καίοντες

ἀκάρποις καὶ ἀγρίοις ξύλοις τὰ ὀστᾶ αὐτῶν, ἀπὸ Tpdpavos, ὄρους τῆς Τροίας, τὴν σποδὸν εἰς θάλασσαν ἔρριπτον, καὶ πάλιν οἱ Λοκροὶ ἑτέρας ἀπέστελλον. εἰ δέ

tives ἐκφύγοιεν, ἀνελθοῦσαι λάθρα els τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἱερόν, ἱέρειαι ἐγένοντο" ἔσαιρον

γὰρ

αὐτό, καὶ

ἔρραινον'

τῇ

δὲ θεῷ οὗ προσήρχοντο, οὔτε τοῦ ἱεροῦ

ἐξήρχοντο, εἰ μὴ νύκτωρ. ἦσαν δὲ κεκαρμέναι, μονοχίτωνες, καὶ ἀνυπόδητοι. πρῶται δὲ τῶν Λοκρίδων παρθένων Περίβοια καὶ Κλεοπάτρα ἀφίκοντο. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὰς παρθένους, εἶτα τὰ βρέφη ἐνιαύσια μετὰ τῶν τροφῶν αὐτῶν ἔπεμπον οἱ Λοκροί, χιλίων δ᾽ ἐτῶν παρελθόντων μετὰ τὸν Φωκικὸν πόλεμον ἐπαύσαντο τῆς τοιαύτης θυσίας, ὥς φησι Τίμαιος ὁ Σικελός' μέμνηται δὲ τῆς ἱστορίας καὶ ὁ Κυρηναῖος Καλλίμαχος. Cf. Plut. de Sera Num. Vindicta, 551 ἃ καὶ μὴν οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ἀφ᾽ οὗ Λοκροὶ πέμποντες

εἰς Τροίαν πέπαυνται τὰς παρθένους,

αἱ καὶ ἀναμπέχονοι γυμνοῖς ποσὶν Hite δοῦλαι ἠοῖαι σαίρεσκον ᾿Αθηναίης περὶ βωμόν, νόσφι κρηδέμνοιο, καὶ εἰ βαρὺ γῆρας ἱκάνοι, διὰ τὴν Αἴαντος ἀκολασίαν.

“Puto verum esse quod dixit Timaeus de tempore, quo immane institutum, mitescentibus in dies magis magisque hominum ingeniis, omitti coepit’ (Casaubon). It is indeed extraordinary that in civilized Hellas such a barbarous practice should have survived for so long: it shows what an enormous influence the darker side of Greek religion could still exercise on social morality. But Tzetzes’ interesting remark that after a time they sent babes a year old with their nurses instead of the maidens probably indicates a growing feeling of disgust at the practice. It is hard to see why the Trojans

CHAPTER

XXXI,

§& 24, 25

213

were so anxious to keep the maidens out; it can hardly have been from humanitarian motives, as if they caught them outside the gates they slew them and burnt their bones, while if the ὀλέγοι (probably the temple authorities) succeeded in getting them in they at least escaped with their lives, though their duties were hardly enviable. It looks as if they were regarded as an ἄγος, or pollution, which had to be shunned at all costs. So if you could catch them outside your gates, the best thing was to kill them;

but once they were in, that was

too horrible,

and so in this case they were carefully marked off and set apart as iepat. As Casaubon notes, the thousand years must have been liberally interpreted; for no traditional date puts the end of the Trojan war so early as 1346 B.c. For the whole story we may compare the tribute of Athenian youths and maidens to Minos, which Theseus brought to an end by

slaying the Minotaur. περὶ Ἴλιον.

There is a point in saying the men ‘round Ilion’, as

it is clear from Tzetzes’ account (mpoüravrörrer) that the inhabitants went out to meet the maidens, and tried to prevent their entrance into the city itself.

av’ ἔτη πολλὰ. Xenophon:

e.g.

This use of ἀνά is common in Ionic prose and Cyr. vit. i, 23.

See Introduction,

p. Ixxiv, and

Kühner-Gerth, i, p. 474.

§ 26. παρὰ δὲ τοῖς παλαιοτέροις. Cf. xi, 12 πάλαζο

ὁἐν Λακεδαίμονι (of

the Partheniae conspiracy); xxxvii. 6 παλαιὸν δέ re λέγεται (of Amasis at Barca). The date of the incident is 479 ».c. The story is taken, with slight alterations, from Hdt. viii. 128 ὅκως βυβλίον γράψειε ἢ Τιμόξεινος ἐθέλων παρὰ ᾿Αρτάβαζον πέμψαι ἢ ᾿Αρτάβαζος παρὰ Τιμύξεινον, τοξεύματος wapa' τὰς γλυφίδας περιειλίξαντες καὶ πτερώσαντες τὸ βυβλίον ἐτόξευον ἐς συγκείμενον χωρίον. ἐπάϊστος δὲ ἐγένετο ὁ Τιμόξεινος προδιδοὺς τὴν Ποτεί-

aa‘

τοξεύων γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αρτάβαζος ἐς τὸ συγκείμενον, ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χωρίου τούτου

βΒιίλλει ἀνδρὸς Ποτειδαιήτεω τὸν ὦμον, τὸν δὲ βληθέντα περιέδραμε ὅμιλος, οἷα

φιλέει γίνεσθαι ἐν πολέμῳ, οἱ αὐτίκα

τὸ τόξευμα λαβόντες,

ὡς ἔμαθον τὸ

βυβλίον, ἔφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς' παρῆν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Παλληναίων συμμαχίη. The alterations which Aeneas makes are, as usual, worth

remark. Besides the corrupt passage, which will be discussed later, the chief are: (i) The addition of ὁ μὲν τῆς πόλεώς τι χωρίον, ὁ δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, for greater clearness. 1 wept Valckenaer (ex Aenea),

214

COMMENTARY

(ii) καταφανής for the unfamiliar ἐπάϊστος. (ili) The addition διὰ πνεῦμα καὶ φαύλην πτέρωσιν : Aeneas, interested

in technical matters, gives (or invents) the exact reason why the arrow missed its mark. (Compare the insertion of διὰ ras φράξεις τῶν ἁμαξῶν

in ii. 6.) (iv) ὄχλος for the less familiar ὅμελος, (v) The story is rounded off with καὶ οὕτως καταφανὴς ἐγένετο ἡ πρᾶξις,

as Aeneas § 29, where § 26. εἰς « «afro δὲ it seems

has no further interest in what happened afterwards (cf. 4 δεῖ ποιεῖν replaces Herodotus’ ἀπόστασιν), ὅπερ ἐτόξευον, eth. ἐτόξευον ὅ τι ἄντι ἤθελον ἀλλήλοις ἐμφανίσαι τοῦ τοξεύματος, κτλ. M. To account satisfactorily for af&ro

to be necessary

to

suppose

that

a considerable lacuna

represented by the space of three letters after ἐμφανίσαι in M:

is

for

the arguments in favour of the conjectural restoration given in the text see Appendix II, p. 256 f. περὶ τὰς yAupidas. Herodotus (loc. cit.) has παρὰ τὰς yAupidas, but we should perhaps read περὶ, παρὰ being very likely a confusion resulting from the occurrence of παρὰ (twice) immediately above. The explanation of M’s πύλασ γλυφὰσ is difficult to see. The scribe would very likely be unfamiliar with γλυφίδας, a technical term,

and possibly copied TAY#AC, for which someone else suggested OYAAC, as the nearest word he knew. The proper meaning of γλυφίδες seems to be not the notch which fitted on the string (this hardly accounts for the plural which is always used), but, as Schweighäuser suggested, the grooves into which the feathers were fitted. It would probably be difficult to adjust the feathers securely when the βυβλίον was already tied round the end, and this may account for the φαύλη πτέρωσις of § 27. Casaubon quotes some good parallels: (i) Plut. Cimon 12 (οἱ Χῖοι)... τοξεύοντες ὑπὲρ τὰ τείχη βιβλίδια προσκείμενα τοῖς ὀϊστοῖς ἐξήγγελλον τοῖς Φασηλίταις, (ii) Polyaen, ii, 29. 1 Κλεώνυμος, Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς, Τροιζῆνα πολιορκῶν κατὰ πολλὰ μέρη τῆς πόλεως ὀξυβελεῖς περιστήσας ἐκέλενσεν ἀφιέναι τοῖς βέλεσιν ἐπιγράψας “ἥκω τὴν πόλιν ἐλευθερώσων " (277 B.C.).

(iii) Bell. Hisp. 13. 3 ‘idemque temporis glans missa est inscripta : quo die ad oppidum capiendum accederent, se scutum esse positurum.’ K. and R. add Caesar, Bell, Gall, v. 48. 5. § 27. πρὸζς by) βληθέντα, K. and R.’s emendation of mpofdndévra(M)., The

passage

in

Herodotus

has

τὸν δὲ BAnOévra, but if Aeneas

this, the corruption is difficult to explain.

wrote

CHAPTER

XXXI,

$$ 26-31

15

§ 28. Ἱστιαῖος δὲ βουλόμενος τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρᾳ σημῆναι.

Another illus-

tration from Herodotus, this time the historic device of Histiaeus recorded in Hdt. v. 35. 3 ὁ yap Ἱστιαῖος βουλόμενος τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ σημῆναι ἀποστῆναι ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἀσφαλέως σημῆναι ὥστε φυλασσομένων τῶν ὁδῶν, ὁ δὲ τῶν δούλων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποξυρῆσας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔστιξε καὶ ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας, ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν τάχιστα, ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Μίλητον ἐντειλάμενος αὐτῷ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκηται ἐς Μίλητον, κελεύειν ᾿Αρισταγόρην ξυρήσαντά

μιν τὰς τρίχας κατιδέσθαι ἐς τὴν κεφαλήν᾽

τὰ δὲ στίγματα ἐσήμαινε,

ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, ἀπόστασιν (499 B.C.).

Here we may notice that: (i) Aeneas makes no reference

whatever to the contents

of the

message, but only to the method of its transmission. Hence mistake to insert ἀποστῆναι after σημῆναι, as Casaubon does. down we have & δεῖ ποιεῖν for Herodotus’ ἀπόστασιν.

it is a Lower

(ii) are is substituted for the unfamiliar ὥστε. (ii) καὶ οὐκ εὔπορον (ὃν) γράμματα λαθεῖν φέροντα is added to explain φυλασσομένων τῶν ὁδῶν. (iv) ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας is changed to ἐπέσχεν ἕως ἀνέφυσαν αἱ

τρίχες. This explains M’s omission at the beginning of the next sentence of ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν, which must be supplied from Herodotus. (v) ἐπιστείλας is substituted for the Ionic ἐντειλάμενος.

(vi) κατιδεῖν is substituted for the less familiar κατιδέσθαι (Tonic and poetical). The story is also related by Polyaen. (i. 24), who gives the actual στίγματα a3: “Ἱστιαῖος ᾿Αρισταγόρᾳ' ᾿Ιωνίαν ἀπόστησον. Cf. Aul. Gell. Noctes Ait, xvii. 9. 19 ff.

§ 81. Διονύσιος καλός, κτὰ, M has left out the dots between the capitals, which Casaubon supplied, καὶ τόδε ἄλλο, which occurs before ἀντὶ in M, was restored by Hug (following Hercher) to its right place before Ἡρακλείδας. Διονύσιος καλός is difficult to translate in English, as at all costs it must be rendered by two words. Perhaps ‘Dear Dionysius’ represents the spirit of the expression better than ‘handsome Dionysius’ or ‘ Dionysius is fair’. Similarly, ‘ wanted’ seems to be the only single word in English which will give the equivalent of the Greek 3rd person imperative. [ἀντὶ τῶν φωνηέντων... τί δαὶ] This has been taken to describe a device somehow different from that dealt with in the previous sentences (in this case καὶ τόδε ἄλλο would

be retained

where

it is in M);

but

since the vowel-dots between the letters of the two inscriptions are omitted in M, these words are most probably a note added by someone

216

COMMENTARY

to draw attention to the omission : “something ought to be put in place of the vowels.’ εἴς τινα τόπον τῷ πεμπομένῳ (γνωστὸν τιθέναι τὸν φέροντα, τῷ δὲ πεμπομένῳν δῆλον γίνεσθαι, κτὰ, As this stands in M, without the words enclosed in brackets, it makes no sense.

Casaubon’s insertion

of (ὡς δῆλον) after δῆλον is very ingenious, but δῆλον is not quite the right word to go with τόπον : γνωστόν ΟΥ̓προσυγκείμενον seems to be wanted;

and further, some

reference

to the carrier of the letter is

required, to account for ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου below. Probably the lacuna is much larger. The words suggested by Schoene (see critical note) give the sense that is wanted, but his insertion seems rather longer than is necessary. The cause of the corruption was in all probability the repeated πεμπομένῳ, and it is much easier to explain it

the words inserted are such as would line of some MS. κατ᾽ Ἥπειρον,

have filled exactly one whole

See further in Appendix II, p. 257. ‘Maiuscula littera: ut dicat Aeneas,

in Epiro id

plurimum fieri solitum, ubi sunt Molossi canes, obeundis hoc genus ministeriis idonei, et aliis, qui minores sunt, et corpore et viribus

tutiores.’

(Casaubon.)

For other uses of dogs in warfare see note

on xxii, 14. Casaubon further expresses surprise that no mention is made by Aeneas of doves as letter-carriers. Doves were used for this

purpose at the siege of Mutina: Frontinus iii. 13. 8 Idem (Hirtius) columbis, quas inclusas ante tenebris et fame

adfecerat, epistolas seta

ad collum religabat easque a propinquo, in quantum poterat, moenibus loco emittebat. § 82. ἀπαγαγόντες... μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν. Hug deletes νυκτὸς ἢ before μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν, and inserts νυκτὸς after ἀπαγαγόντες, comparing J. Afr.c. 53 περὶ τὸν αὐχένα ἐνέβαλον τοῦ ἱμάντος ἔσωθεν ἐπιστολὴν

μεθ᾽ taken

ἡμέραν, κτλ. with

But it is doubtful

ἐνέβαλον,

Boivin

reads

whether ἐνέβαλον...

νυκτὸς τοῦτον

ἀφῆκαν

νυκτὸς in J. Afr. is to be ἐπιστολήν, (elra) νυκτὸς

τοῦτον ἀφῆκαν (4) μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν. And there is quite a good point in νυκτὸς ἢ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν : the dog would find its way home as well by night as by day, and it would be safer to send it by night if there was risk of its

being seen by the enemy. Θεσσαλ[ον)ικόν. cence

of the

New

[8. A. H.]

M gives θεσσαλονικόν, which looks like a reminisTestament.

Cf. καθολικὴν for καθολκήν in x. 12.

K. and R. are probably right in restoring Θεσσαλικύν. § 98. ᾿Αστυάνακτι δὴ τυράννῳ Aapydxov. Nothing further is known of this incident or of its victim, but there is no reason against assigning to it a more or less contemporary date. See Introduction, p. xii,

CHAPTER

XXXI,

& 32-35

217

Lampsacus was one of the most important towns in Mysia, and the chief seat of the worship of Priapus. The death of Julius Caesar, with Artemidorus’s message unopened (“ What touches us ourself shall be last serv’d’), cannot fail to occur to everyone as a parallel. κ περὶ τοὺς δακτύλους. Rather a vivid variation of phrase for the ordinary ἐν ταῖς χερσί: perhaps while doing his other business he twiddled it “round his fingers’. § 84. καὶ ἐν Θήβαις ἡ Καδμεία κατελήφθη. This refers to. the recapture of the Cadmeia from the Spartans by the Theban patriots in 379 B.c.: see note on xxiv, 18. The incident referred to here is related with much detail in Plut. Pelop. 10: "Hee γάρ τις ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν παρὰ ᾿Αρχίου τοῦ ἱεροφάντον πρὸς ᾿Αρχίαν τὸν ὁμώνυμον, ξένον

ὄντα

καὶ φίλον,

ἐπιστολὴν

κομέζων

οὐ

κενὴν

ἔχουσαν

οὐδὲ

πεπλασμένην ὑπόνοιαν, ἀλλὰ σαφῶς ἕκαστα περὶ τῶν πρασσομένων φάσκουσαν, ὡς ὕστερον ἐπεγνώσθη. τότε δὲ μεθύοντι τῷ ᾿Αρχίᾳ προσαχθεὶς ὁ γραμματοφύρος καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπιδούς “ Ὁ ταύτην ” ἔφη “ πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς ἀναγνῶναι" περὶ σπουδαίων γάρ τινων γεγράφθαι." καὶ ὁ ᾿Αρχίας μειδιάσας “ Οὐκοῦν εἰς αὔριον " ἔφη “ τὰ σπονδεῖα."

καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν δεξάμενος ὑπὸ τὸ

προσκεφάλαιον ὑπέθηκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν τῷ Φιλλίδᾳ περὶ ὧν ἐτύγχανον διαλεγόμενοι προσεῖχεν. & μὲν οὖν λόγος οὗτος ἐν παροιμίας τάξει περιφερόμενος μέχρι νῦν διασώζεται παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι.

Cf. also Corn. Nepos, ‚Pelop. iii. τῆς τε Λέσβου ἐν Μυτιλήνῃ, κτὰ. The reference is unknown. 8 35. Γλοῦς δὲ βασιλέως ναύαρχος. Casaubon’s emendation

for

M’s πλοῦς is certain, Glous,

or

Glös,

son

of Tamos,

satrap

of Ionia

in the time of

the younger Cyrus, was a distinguished officer. He was among the most trusted lieutenants of Cyrus on the expedition of the 10,000 (Xen. An. 1. v. 7), and brought the news of that prince’s death to the Greek officers after the battle of Cunaxa (ibid. u.i. 3). He commanded the Persian fleet against Evagoras in the Cyprian war (ended ¢. 380) (Diod. xv. 3. 2), but determined to revolt from the king soon after this, because the latter had thrown his father-in-law Tiribazus

into prison on the accusations of Orontes (ibid. 8. 5; 9. 3), and appealed to Egypt and Sparta for help: the latter accepted his invitation, But he was dispatched before further harm could be done (ibid. 18.

1 δολοφονηθεὶς

ὑπό τινων ob συνετέλεσε τὴν προαίρεσιν).

His

death should probably be placed in 379 8. ς.} The date of the interview 1 See Paully-Wissowa, s.v,

[S.A.H.]

218

COMMENTARY

related here is uncertain; perhaps it may have been to justify his conduct just before his murder; or perhaps it was to bear some communication

of state

from

his father-in-law, who

was

at first in

command of the Persian fleet. ἐπεὶ ody οἷόνre ἦν. The nature of the incident is well illustrated by Xen. Hell. 11.1. 8 τούτῳ

δὲ τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ Κῦρος

ἀπέκτεινεν

Αὐτοβοισάκην

καὶ Μιτραῖον͵ υἱεῖς ὄντας τῆς Δαρειαίον ἀδελφῆς, ὅτε αὐτῷ ἀπαντῶντες διὰ τῆς κόρης τὰς χεῖρας, ὃ ποιοῦσι βασιλεῖ μόνον ἢ δὲ κόρη ἐστὶ ἢ χειρίς, ἐν 5 τὴν χεῖρα ἔχων οὐδὲν ἂν δύναιτο ποιῆσαι. Cf. ill, 10 διειρκάτες τὰς χεῖρας διὰ τῶν κανδύων. It was intended

caution against assassination.

οὐ διέωσαν μακρότερον Cyr. viii. as a pre-

At the same time it is difficult to see

how, if a man had to hide his hands

in his sleeves, memoranda even

between his fingers would be of much use. Aeneas is obviously struck with the device, but it cannot be said to give any valuable information

on the subject in hand. τὰ διαστήματα τῆς χειρὸς τῶν δακτύλων must refer to the whole length of the sides of the fingers ; but it is a curious phrase to use.

wept... πονητέον.

ποιητέον Νῖ,

Herm. Schoene’s clever emendation

πονητέον renders it unnecessary to alter περὶ τὴν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιμέλειαν, as most previous editors have done.

XXXII Contrivances for repelling assaults, §§

1-2.

Pull down sails hoisted by the enemy, stifle them with fumes, erect

δὲ 3-6.

Against battering-rams hang out stuffed sacks, &c, ; catch their noses in a noose, or break them off with rocks.

wooden towers and wicker-work screens,

$ 7. §§ 8-10.

§§ 11-193.

Prepare a counter-ram. Impede heavy siege-engines by digging mines into which they will

sink, and build breastworks, &c., to intercept the missiles from them. The enemy’s attempts to get through the wall should be met by lighting fires, digging trenches, and building retired walls.

With this chapter the actual conduct of siege operations is reached, and from here till the end the subject is the more strictly technical one of πολιορκητικη,

It is significant that this section should form such a

small part of the whole work ; and the simple devices here mentioned, which mark little advance on the siegecraft of the Peloponnesian war,

show that this particular branch of warfare was slow to develop in mainland Greece till the time of Alexander,

For details, the reader is

referred to the notes on the chapters following.

CHAPTER

XXXII,

§1

᾿

219

In this part of the book Casaubon’s edition is of particular value in supplying parallels and illustrations gathered from his wide reading of the military writers of antiquity. He remarks: ‘ Poteramus de posterius inventis multa huc afferre, eximia et scitu non minus utilia quam iucunda: omnes enim Graecorum libellos de machinis bellicis, quos hactenus nancisci potuimus, diligenter excussimus : verum id esset commentarios uberes ac prolixos scribere, non, quod opellae huius titulus pollicetur, breves notas.’ His commentary is nevertheless a very full one. Vegetius (de Re Militari iv. 12-30) gives a detailed account of siege defences, which contains much information similar to that here given, § 1. πρῶτον μὲν ἱστία ὑπεραιρόμενα, κτλ.

εἰσ τὰ ὑπεραιρόμενα M.

Some

editors have inserted ἱστία lower down (a noun must be supplied with xpi), Tetaining εἰς τὰ ὑπεραιρόμενα here; but no one has succeeded in making satisfactory sense of the passage. It is possible to get a good sense by accepting Schoene’s ἱστία for M’s εἰσ τὰ, and altering xaraτετάσθαι to κατασπᾶσθαι: then, with the necessary corrections ἱστῶν for toriwy, προσαχθέντ᾽ &{v) ὑπεραίροζι)το for προσαχθέντα νπεραιρατο, and ὑπ᾽

ὀνευόντων

(‘by

men

working

windlasses’)

for

ὑπονεόντων

(Herm.

Schoene), the meaning will be that the defenders are to throw lassos round (τισιν ἀδιατμήτοις περιβληθέντα) sails raised above the walls by the besiegers, e.g. to cover their movements, and haul them down (xara-

σπᾶσθαι) with windlasses. Such a feat would not be more remarkable than some others described in connexion with ancient sieges,

[S. A. H.] ἐκ πύργων. This seems to be the first place where siege-towers are specifically mentioned, though it is very likely that the μηχαναί mentioned in Thue. ii. 58 as having been used at Potidaea included movable erections of this kind. They were common in Sicily: cf.

Diod. xiii. 54. 7 (Hannibal at Selinus) and xiv. 51. 1 (Dionysius at Motye). Their use was greatly developed by Philip and Alexander.

Philip's towers at the siege of Perinthus were over 120 feet high (Diod. xvi. 74. 3). They stood on a base (ἐσχάριον) : between the uprights (ὀρθοστάται) were loopholes (θυρίδεε), They were divided into stories by στέγη, which if continued outside the tower formed platforms. They ran on four wheels (cf. ὃ 8 of this chapter). Dionysius’ towers at Motye (397 Β. 6.) were six stories high (Diod. xiv. 51. 1), and afterwards they are said to have reached the height of twenty stories. Smaller towers, möpyos φορητοί, were also used:

pieces and carried with the army on the march.

these could be taken to

See also Veg. iv. 17.

220

COMMENTARY

ἰστ(Ἰῶν, Casaubon’s emendation for M’s Ἱστίων, is certainly right: ‘ De malis navium testis Procopius in prima Gothicarum rerum historia . . . εἰς τὸν λιμένα, inquil, τῶν νηῶν ὁρμισαμένων, τοὺς ἱστοὺς ξυνέβαινε τῶν ἐπάλξεων καθυπερτέρους εἶναι,

αὐτίκα οὖν τοὺς λέμβους τῶν νηῶν ἅπαντας τοξυτῶν ἔμπλη-

σάμενος ἀπεκρέμασεν ἄκρων ἱστῶν. Sev δὴ κατὰ κορυφὴν βαλλόμενοι οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς δέος τε ἀμήχανον ἦλθον, καὶ Πάνορμον εὐθὺς ὁμολογίᾳ Βελεσαρίῳ

παρέδοσαν There is also an ingenious device of Timotheus’ at Torone (364 8.c.), mentioned in Polyaen. iii. 10, 15, in which masts were employed, with sickles and barbs attached to their extremities, to slash

in pieces the sand-baskets used to strengthen the defences of the city.

[καπνὸν πολὺν ὑφάπτειν),

This looks like a gloss on the rare word

ὑποθυμιᾶν, properly ‘fumigate ’. ὡς μέγιστον πῦρ ποιοῦντα. Orelli and K, and R, retain M’s πνέοντα, taking it in the sense ‘durch Anblasen’, of blowing a fire up with the bellows. But there is no parallel to the use of πνέω in this sense: sup πνεῖν would naturally mean to breathe out fire, like the Chimaera. It is better to accept Hercher’s suggestion ποιοῦντα, especially as we have the phrase ὡς μέγιστον τὸ πῦρ ποιεῖν used in a similar connexion in xxrii. 4.

§ 2. ἐκ φορμῶν πληρουμένων ψάμμου. Sandbags, or rather sandbaskets, were already in Greece, as at the present day, a recognized method of fortification : cf. Hdt. viii. 71. 2, where the Greeks use them as materials for their wall to check the Persian advance across the Isthmus of Corinth, and the passage of Polyaenus quoted above ($ 1). ἴσχοι δ᾽ ἂν... ταρσοὶ. An easy example of the σχῆμα Πινδαρικόν, καλάμων ταρσοὶ, Ci. Hdt. ἢ, 179 ταρσοὺς καλάμων διαστοιβάζοντες ἔδειμαν... τῆς τάφρου τὰ χείλεα.

ὀρϑίων καὶ πλαγίων συντιθεμένων. ‘ Kreuzweise’ (Orelli): also called φορμηδόν: Thuc, ii. 75. 2 ξύλα... hopunddy ἀντὶ τοίχων τιθέντες : cf. ibid. iv. 48. 4. $ 8. χείλη. ‘Battlements’. Cf. iii. 6 and note ad loc. κριῷ καὶ τοῖς ὁμοτρόποις τούτῳ, The word κριός used of a batteringram

is first found in Xenophon, but the ἐμβολή used at the siege of

Plataea (Thuc. ii. 76. 4) was obviously a similar engine. σάκκους ἀχύρων... ἀγγεῖα ἐρίων,

The soft materials used for this

purpose were afterwards technically known as μαλάγματα,

Casaubon

quotes Vegetius iv. 23: ' Adversum arietes etiam vel falces sunt piura remedia. Aliquanti centones et culcitas funibus chalant et illis

opponunt locis, qua caedit aries, ut impetus machinae materia molliore fractus non destruat murum.’

Cf. also Diod. xvii. 43. 1; Appian, Zeil,

CHAPTER

XXXII,

Mithr. 74. Hard substances Polyaen, vi. 3. § 4. χρὴ βρόχῳ τὸ προ[σ]Ἰίσχον * Alii laqueis captos arietes per obliquum trahunt et cum ipsis of the Plataeans mentioned in μηχανὰς...

ἃς βρόχους...

were

§ 2-7

221

also used, as δοκοὶ μολίβδου in

ἀναλαμβάνεσθαι, Cf. Vegetius iv. 23: multitudinem hominum de muro in testudinibus evertunt,’ The device Thuc. ii. 76. 4 was of a similar kind:

περιβάλλοντες

ἀνέκλων of Πλαταιῆς.

The

manceuvre would be a comparatively easy one, as the ram was slung from a wooden frame, and if its end was caught up its balance would be destroyed. § δ. λίθος ἁμαξοπληϑὴς. This picturesque adjective is probably one drawn from the common speech of the day : unfortunately there is no single word in English which will render it adequately. The word also occurs in Eur. Phoentssae 1158 λᾶαν ἐμβαλὼν κάρᾳ ἁμαξοπληθῆ.

The

usual prose word is ἁμαξιαῖος : cf. Xen. Hell, τι. iv. 27 τὰ ζεύγη ἐκέλευσε πάντα ἁμαξιαίους λίθους ἄγειν.

τὸν]

τρύπανον.

‘Videtur

χειροπληθής is found in Xen. An. it iti. 17.

duo

machinarum

arietem et terebram’ (Casaubon).

He

quotes

genera

confundere,

Polyaen. vi. 3 (τοὺς

κριοὺς καὶ τὰ rpvnava) to prove that they were two different instruments. But it is clear that Aeneas is here speaking of τὸ τρύπανον as the nose of the ram.

Perhaps

there were two

kinds of κριοί, one with a blunt

nose, for battering, another with a sharp point for disintegrating walls loosely built with rubble or small stones, mpodora are not elsewhere mentioned, but they ἀπὸ τῶν προωστῶν. are obviously the same as the κεραῖαι ἐπικεκλιμέναι καὶ ὑπερτείνουσαι ὑπὲρ

τοῦ τείχους mentioned by Thue. (ii. 76. 4): from these the beams were suspended by ἁλύσεις μακραὶ σιδηραῖ, the place of which in Aeneas’s description is taken by καρκίνοι, The suggestion of letting down a plumb line, however, appears to be the author’s own : a characteristic

piece of ingenuity, though it seems rather superfluous. errs on the side of undue elaboration.

§ 7. ὅταν γνῷς ἡ (μέλλειν προσάγεσθαι.

Aeneas often

ὅτ᾽ dv γνῶσ ἢ προσάγεσθαι M.

Various emendations have been suggested, but the simplest way is to assume that the verb μέλλει has merely dropped out, τὰ διακόπτοντα supplying the subject. ἀντίκριον. ‘Meminit Philo, et vocat κριὸν τὸν ἀντικατασκευασθέντα The word is not found elsewhere. (Casaubon). The exact point of the manoeuvre with the counter-ram is difficult to see, as apparently you assist the enemy by breaking down your own wall. The loss of a ram or two would matter little to him at

222 this

COMMENTARY price.

As Aeneas says nothing about the construction

ἀντίκριος, it is to be assumed that it would be of the same

of the

pattern as

the κριός.

διορύξαντα.... μέχρι τοῦ ἄλλου μέρους τῶν πλίνθων.

ἄλλος is used here

in the same sense as ἕτερος, of the further side of the wall. The words remind us of the ordinary construction of Greek walls, which consisted

of two faces of masonry or brickwork, while the interior was filled up with rubble and loose material thrown in.

Cf. Thuc. i. 93. 5, where

the exception {ἐντὸς δὲ οὔτε χάλιξ οὔτε πηλὸς ἦν) proves the rule.

kat... γινέτω. γίνεται M. But why should the counter-ram necessarily be ‘much stronger’? It is difficult to see, unless the suddenness of the blow is referred to. The portion of the wall driven outwards with the blow would increase the pressure, but diminish the impetus. Hertlein’s τὸν ἀντίκριον γενέσθαι gives a better sense; but ὁ dvrixpios ywérw gives the same meaning with a less serious alteration of the text. $ 8. πρὸς δὲ τὰ μεγάλα μηχανήματα. From the cursory way in which Aeneas mentions these, it looks

as if he did not know

much

about

them. The tone is just that which we should expect in a man describing things he knows only by hearsay: the remedies suggested would occur to any man of average intelligence, There is therefore

no reason to follow Hug in regarding §§ 8-10 as an interpolation because mention is made of catapults, which seem to have been used only in Sicily in Aeneas’s day. (See Introduction, p. xxxvii.) καταπέλται, ‘Sic MAB; corrigendum erit καταπάλται quae forma sola in inscriptionibus reperitur et apud antiquiores auctores in anti-

quissimis codicibus esse solet”’ (Schoene). ‘Catapultam cape, non quomodo posteriora saecula, et Caesar ipse, pro machina petraria, sed pro ea, quae tela graviora et iacula atque hastas mitteret. Haec prima notio et prima forma catapultae ’ (Casaubon). He refers to their use by Dionysius of Syracuse (397 B.c.): Diod. xiv. 50. 4 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς γῆς τοῖς ὀξυβελέσι καταπέλταις of Συρακόσιοι χρώμενοι συχνοὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἀνήρουν" καὶ γὰρ κατάπληξιν εἶχε μεγάλην τοῦτο τὸ βέλος διὰ τὸ πρώτως εὑρεθῆναι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρόν,

were ὀξυβελεῖς, ji, e,, as Casaubon

These catapults

says, made to fire arrows;

machines

to fire stones (λιθοβόλοι) are not heard of in Greek warfare till the time of Alexander. Cf. Diod. xx. 48. 1 κατασκενάζειν, . . καταπέλτας ὀξυβελεῖς καὶ λιθοβόλους παντοίους.

Philo and Hero give elaborate accounts of their construction, but as

these refer to machines of a considerably later date, it is beyond our

CHAPTER XXXII, $ 811

223

Province to quote them here. See K. and R. Gricchische Kriegsschrifisteller, i, pp. 187-99. In fourth-century inscriptions we are given some details as to their component parts: J. Ο. πὸ i. 61, 1. 37 σώρακοι καταπαλτῶν δύο. 7. G. αὶ. it. 807, δ 1]. 129-33 πλαίσια καταπαλτῶν τῶν ἐξ "Eperpias ἕνδεκα" σωλῆνες κυταπαλτῶν τεσσαρακαίδεκα᾽

βάσεις καταπαλτῶν ἑπτά.

σωλήν was ἃ grooved board which held the arrow. πλαίσιον was the frame: βάσις the stand. ὀροφίνας. ἅπαξ λεγόμενον.

πυρφόρα τοξεύματα. Latin malleoli or falarıcae: cf. Veg. iv. 18. κατὰ τὰς mpocaywyas. A slight extension of the normal use, to signify the place where

the attacks are made.

So in Polyb, x. 1. 6

προσαγωγή is used of a place for ships to putin, Compare the use of ἀναβάσεις in xxii. 19 and 20, ‘ways up on to the wall’. δύνωσιν. Chiefly Ionic and poetic. Vegetius iv. 20 mentions this device as successful at the siege of Rhodes: ‘Sed cum Rhodiorum civitas oppugnaretur ab hostibus et turris ambulatoria supra murorum altitudinem ac turrium omnium pararetur, mechanici ingenio inventum est tale remedium. Per noctem sub fundamenta

muri

cuniculum

fodit et illum

locum, ad quem

die

postero turris fuerat promovenda, nullo hostium sentiente egesta terra cavavit intrinsecus, et, cum

rotis suis moles

fuisset impulsa atque ad

locum, qui subtercavatus fuerat, pervenisset, tanto ponderi solo cedente subsedit nec iungi muris aut moveri ulterius potuit.’ The Plataeans frustrated the Spartan χῶμα in a similar way, by mining underneath so

that the earth fell in (Thuc. ii. 76. 2). § 9. ἐρυμνὰ παραπετάσματα, γυμνὰ (M) cannot be right. Th. Mommsen suggests πυκνὰ, but ἐρυμνὰ, ‘strong’, is nearer the MS. The word is generally applied to strong places ; but its use here seems fairly natural. ἱστία. Note the use of sails again. A seaport town is constantly kept in view. ἅπερ σχήσει... . συλλεγήσεται,... μηδὲν ἔσται. Notice the awkward change of subject. Χαμαιπετὲς. A word of poetical colour, common in the tragedians, and found in Plato and Polybius. $10. öwepnerj. A Hellenistic word, used in Polybius, Diodorus, and Strabo. $11. χελώνη. Any shelter protecting besiegers was called χελώνη. Thibron in Xen, Zell. ut. i. 7 is mentioned as having used one during

224

COMMENTARY

the siege of Larisa Aegyptia in 399, in an attempt to cut off its water supply. Diod. (xii. 28. 3) says that Pericles employed χελῶναι

at the siege of Samos in 440.

They were generally structures made

of a framework of planks which

fireproof materials.

ran on wheels, covered with hides or

There were various kinds designed to protect

men engaged on different kinds of work (cf. L. and 5S. s, v.). § 12, τὸ διόρυγμα... τὸ πέσημα. The habit of forming

verbal

nouns in -μα, originally an Tonic trait especially favoured by the poets, became very common in all varieties of Hellenistic Greek.

dvracipew rexifoyra. By building an ἀντιδομή (cf. xxiii. 5; xxxiii. 4). So the Plataeans built crescent-shaped walls to form a second line of defence:

Thuc. ii. 76. 3 ἐκ τοῦ ἐντὸς μηνοειδὲς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῳωκοδόμουν,

ὅπως, εἶ τὸ μέγα τεῖχος ἁλίσκοιτο, τοῦτ᾽ ἀντέχοι, τειχίον τειχίσαε OCCUTS iN xxxvii. 2, and Meineke inserts (reıxiov) here. It could easily have dropped out before reyi{ovra, but the alteration does not seem necessary. wpörepor ἢ πεσεῖν τὸ τεῖχος ἢ διορύσσεσθαι. ἢ διορύσσεται M. Most editors have kept διορύσσεται and altered the second ἢ to 9, ‘ where it

is being dug through’, But throughout the passage there are two possibilities in view: the wall may be e/Aer knocked down (καταβαλεῖν, πέσημα, πεσεῖν) or dug through (διορύξαι, διόρυγμα, διορύσσεσϑαι). [5. A. H.]

XAXITI Methods of setting on fire. § x. § a. § 3. § 4.

Pitch, tow, and sulphur, ignited by burning brushwood, are useful for burning shelters. Pieces of wood with inflammable materials affixed to them should be dropped on machines. Wooden towers or battlements should be protected from fire. If gates catch fire, increase the blaze, and meanwhile make defences inside.

For the burning of hostile engines see Diodorus xiv. 51. 2 (Motye), and 108. 4 (Rhegium). § 1. πίσσαν. .. στυππεῖον. .. θεῖον. These were in antiquity the recognized materials for making a blaze. Others, for the further discomfiture of the enemy, recommend hot sand, boiling oil, or molten lead. Cf. Polyaen. vi. 3 ol δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν μόλιβδον τηκτὸν ἐν χαλκείοις προωθοῦντες κατέχεον, ὑφ' οὗ συνέβαινε τὴν χελώνην διαλύεσθαι,

§ 2. ξύλα οἷον dwepla), μεγέϑει δὲ πολλῷ

μείζω.

ὕπερα, μεγέθη is

CHAPTER

XXXII, $ 12—CHAPTER

XXXIV

225

Gronovius’s clever emendation of M’s ὑπερμεγέθη, but the dative μεγέθει (K. and R.) is certainly easier.

[καὶ μείζω].

These words make no sense where they stand, and

have probably crept in from the μείζω in the line above. See Appendix I], p. 253 f οἷον κεραυνός, τὸ γραφόμενον, ‘Acerrimum profecto veteris militiae instrumentum ; cuius figuram quod ait esse similem fulminis, id in eo consistebat, quod ligna illa instar pistillorum erant, quasi fulminum

trunci, unde passim σκευασίας πυρός tanquam radii e fulmine emicabant’ (Gronovius). γράφω is used of any form of pictorial representation, Thunderbolts often figured on the coins of antiquity. τὸ γραφόμενον can perhaps stand as a sort of adverbial accusative, on

the analogy of the common τὸ λεγόμενον,

$ 3. ξύλινοι péc(ojuves.

Μόύσσνν (not μόσυν) is an Asiatic word, prob-

ably introduced by Xenophon into military parlance: cf, Anad. v. iv, 26. Herodotus twice mentions the Μοσσύνοικοι (iii. 94 ; vii, 78) as neighbours of the Tibareni, Macrones, and

Moschi.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus

(Ant. Rom. τ, xxvi ($ 70)) gives further information:

olkoto:.. . ἐπὶ

ξυλίνοις, ὡσπερὰν πύργοις, ὑψηλοῖς σταυρώμασι, μόσσυνας αὐτὰ καλοῦντες, Κι and R.’s suggestion μόσυνες ἢ τοῦ τείχεος ξύλινόν τε would certainly

make the sentence run more smoothly, especially as ξύλινοι is superfluous with péo(ojuves. In any case ξύλινον must be supplied with τοῦ τείχους ri. πίλους,

2; 75.1.

Here meaning felt rugs or the like: cf, Hdt. iv. 23.43

73.

Seealso Polyaen. vi. 3 ἔνιοι δὲ πρὸς τὸν καταχεόμενον μόλιβδον

πίλους τοῖς μηχανήμασιν ἐπιθέντες χοῦν καὶ πηλὸν τετριχωμένον προσῇγον.

πρὸς τὴν τάξιν,

Perhaps this can mean ‘on the side facing the line

(sc. of the enemy)’, though it is certainly difficult. is not at all convincing. § 4. ἐὰν δὲ ἐμπρησθῶσιν πύλαι,

dvredecun(s)

K.and R.’s ἔπαλξιν

Cf. Diod. xiv, go. 5 ff.

An excellent suggestion by Schoene for M’s ἄν rı den.

The word is not elsewhere found, but the noun ἀντιδομή (also ἅπαξ

λεγόμενον) occurs in xXxill. 5; required here.

and the verb gives exactly the sense

ἐκ τῶν ἐγγύτατα οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντα,

Cf. Thuc. ii, 75. 4.

AXXIV Materials for quenching fire. Vinegar and birdlime are the best.

Shelter the faces of the men engaged in

putting out the flames, 1859

0

226

COMMENTARY

§ 1. πει(ζρῶννγται ἐμπιμπράϊμε]ναι.

There is a lacuna and a sign of

corruption in M (see critical notes),

The restoration adopted in the

text (Lange) is the simplest, ἰσχυρᾷ σκενασίᾳ πζυὺρός,

M

has ἰσχυραὶ σκενασίαι πρὸς τὸ πῦρ, which

makes no sense. It is simplest to suppose that πρὸς was ἃ corruption of πυρός, and that τὸ πῦρ was afterwards added to patch up the sense.

The restoration is due to Hercher and Schoene. ὄξει. ‘Aceti vim praecipuam esse ad restinguendum incendium et pueri sciunt’ (Casaubon). Cf. Polyaen. vi. 3 (see below); Theophr. de Igne, § 25, 59. μᾶλλον δὲ ἰξῷ mpoadeiderv.

μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ προαλείφειν M.

It is possible

simply to omit τὸ and translate: ‘ Better still, anoint it beforehand

{with vinegar),’ with the emphasis on wpoadcipew.

This seems to be

supported by J. Aff. c. 38 ef δὲ σὺ προγνῷς τὰ μέλλοντα καίεσθαι, χρῖσον ἔξωθεν ὄξος, καὶ τούτοις ov πρόεισι πῦρ τ and by Polyaen vi. 3 (which looks

almost like a quotation from Aeneas) σβεστήριον γὰρ πυρὸς μάλιστα ὅξος εἶναι δοκεῖ' τούτου πῦρ

ἄριστον δὲ ἅπτεται-ττκαὶ

κώλυμα πυρὸς ἐπαλειφόμενον ἄξος--- ἥκιστα γὰρ σπόγγος ὕδατος πλήρης προσαρτώμενος. But in

favour of Meineke’s suggestion ite (dird/me) it may be said: (a) Philo

(Mech. v. 99. 26; cf. also go. 17) mentions birdlime as a substance for protecting things against fire; cf. Theophr. de Jene,§61; Xxxili,§94.

Pliny, M #7.

(δ) προαλείφειν, χρῖσον, ἐπαλειφόμενον would all be much

more appropriate to birdlime than to vinegar. (ὦ Aeneas’s μᾶλλον δέ and Polyaenus’ ἄριστον δὲ κώλυμα, followed in each case by τούτου (τούτοις), seem to point to the mention of some substance other than vinegar, which has been mentioned already. It is probable, therefore, that the word ἱξός should be restored in all three passages.

XXXV How to make a good blaze.

μάνναν λιβανωτοῦ, Pliny, M. ἢ. vocamus ’,

ἐν ἀγγείοις.

Pounded gum of frankincense.

xii, ὃ 62 ‘Micas

Casaubon quotes

(sc. turis) concussu elisas mannam

Not much is to be made out of M’s ἐναντίων : possibly

ἐναντίοις may have been written, to be construed with προσφέρειν ; but

Caspar Orelli’s emendation makes good sense and is not a violent alteration.

CHAPTER

XXXIV, § 1—CHAPTER

ΧΧΧΝῚ,ξ

1 227

XXXVI How to resist scaling-ladders. § 1.

Push away the ladder or the men on it with a pitchfork.

§ 2.

Or place over the wali a frame which will give way when touches it,

the ladder

There is an excellent account of a surprise by night at Phlius by means of scaling-ladders in Xen. Hell. vu. ii. 5-9 (367 ».c.). The whole passage should be read as an example of how Aeneas’s precepts might be put into practice. The following points are especially worth notice: x, The plan is suggested to the Arcadians and Eleans by Phliasian exiles, 2. The use of scaling-ladders, 3. The citizens’ attention is diverted by φρυκτοὶ πολέμιοι (see note on vii. 4).

4. The number of ἡμεροφύλακες on the wall is given (cf. c. vi).

One

had been left from each watch of five, and there were ten so left: i.e.

there were fifty in all. the

walls.

[Were

One was surprised asleep; the rest jump from the

ἀναβάσεις

κλεισταί,

as

Aeneas

recommends

(xxii. 19)?] 5. The assailants begin come

out

and

by seizing the acropolis; afterwards they

fight the citizens in front of the gates (τῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν

φερουσῶν πυλῶν), but are driven back, and their pursuers follow them inside (συνεισπίπτουσιν : cf. xxxix. 5).

6. The enemy retire to the walls and towers, and a fight ensues round the scaling-ladders, 7. Meanwhile the Arcadians and Argives outside dig through the wall of the acropolis, 8, The inhabitants set light to the sheaves of corn they find lying about under the walls (δράγματα

ἃ ἔτυχεν ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀκροπόλεως τεθερι-

σμένα) (cf. ς, xxiii), This completes the rout of the surprise party, some of whom jump off the towers in their fright. $1. Ταῖς δὲ τῶν κλιμάκων προσϑέσεσιν ἀντιοῦσθαι. For the abrupt beginning, without ὧδε, cf. xxii. 1; xxvi.

Philip at Perinthus (Diod. was made to use one at height of walls made their ξύλῳ Sixpg. The use became proverbial:

1.

Ladders

were

used

by

xvi. 75. 3), and an unsuccessful attempt Potidaea (Thuc. iv. 135). But the great use difficult. of pitchforks for this purpose apparently

cf. Ar. Peace 637 δικροῖς ἐώθουν τὴν θεὸν κεκράγμασιν. 92

228

COMMENTARY

ἐὰν δὲ ἀρτία f τῷ τείχει ἡ κλῖμαξ, ἐὰν δὲ ἄρ τι ἄνη τω τε ὄχει M. It is easy to see the sense required: it must be either ‘si scalae 1am

firmiter muris sint aptatae’ (Casaubon), or ‘wenn die Leiter genau mit der Höhe abschneidend angelegt wird’ (K. and R.). The latter gives a better antithesis to ἐὰν μὲν ὑπερέχῃ. ἀρτία ἦ τῷ τείχει (Meineke),

‘exactly fitted to (i.e. level with) the wall’, is the simplest restoration. τὰ δὲ Ömepßaivorra,

govra:

Se. σώματα.

Cf. i. 3 τὰ τειχήρη καὶ πολιτοφυλακή-

iv. 5 τὰ ἀποστελλόμενα.

§ 23. οἷον θύραν ἐκ σανίδων.

This contrivance must have been placed

horizontally on the edge of the wall, so as to project over it. When the ladder touched it the frame ran back on a roller, so that the ladder

was bound to fall, and would very likely be broken. ὑποπροτιθέναι,. This compound is not elsewhere found; it exactly expresses the action of pushing the frame outwards so that the ladder would lean against it. There is no need to alter to προὐποτιθέναι, a word used a few lines lower down in a different sense.

XAXVIT Discovery and prevention of mines, § 1-4.

§ 5. §§ 6-7. δὶ 8-9.

Dig a deep trench, and, if possible, build a wall in it; or, where the mine meets the trench, light a fire to suffocate the enemy; or let in a swarm of bees or wasps.

Or, if you know their whereabouts, countermine and engage them. Illustration: discovery of Amasis’ mines at Barca. When you are mining yourself, two carts tied together by the poles make a good shelter.

Mining is mentioned by Herodotus as employed by the Persians at

Soli (v. 115} and Miletus (vi. 18); also by Amasis at Barca (iv. 200, See below, § 6).

Cf. also Veg. iv. 24.

§ 1. ds βαθυτάτην ἐκτὸς χρὴ τὴν τάφρον ὀρύσσεσθαι,

Ci. Veg. iv. 5

Fossae autem ante urbes latissimae altissimaeque faciendae sunt, ut nec facile possint coaequari replerique ab obsidentibus et, cum aquis

coeperint

redundare,

ab

adversario

cuniculum

continuari

minime

patiantur. Nam duplici modo opus subterraneum peragi, earum altitudine et inundatione, prohibetur, ‘Idem praeceptum apud Philonem, clarius expressum ... πρὸς ras μεταλλεύσεις ὀρυκτέον ἐστὶν ava μέσον τοῦ τείχους καὶ τοῦ προτειχίσματος ἱκανὴν τάφρον, ἡλίκον ἐστὶ τὸ βάθος τῶν θεμελίων, 4

4

I

‘

r

4

,

Li

#

3

4

4

Li

*~

i

CHAPTER

XXXVI,

$2—CHAPTER XXXVII, ὃ 6 229

τὸ κατὰ yas’ ἵνα φανεροὶ γινόμενοι οἱ ὑπορύττοντες ῥᾳδίως διαφθαρῶσι, καὶ μηκέτι

τῷ τείχει πλησιάζωσι᾽ (Casaubon),

This is a general precaution against

mines, if their exact whereabouts is unknown.

countermining (ἀνθυπορύσσειν) is best (§ 5). § 2. κομίσαι. So Hercher for M’s κομίσαντα,

may account for M’s reading.

If they can be located,

The ἂν δὲ following

The alternative is to mark a lacuna

after κομέσαντα (Schoene).

ὃ 8. ταύτῃ ἐπιβάλλοντα ξύλα, κτλ. The Ambraciots drove the Romans from their mines in 189 8.6. in a somewhat similar way: cf. Polyb. xxi, 28. 11 ff; Livy xxxviii. 7; Polyaen. vi. 17.

πορεύσηται. The aorist middle is not elsewhere found uncompounded, but ἐμπορευσάμενος occurs in Plato, ZY,

313 d.

ᾧ 4. σφῆκας καὶ μελίσσας. “Ὁ sollertiam hominum prorsus admirandam in sua salute, aliena pernicie procuranda! Parum erat, quod equos,

asinos,

canes,

feles,

tauros,

sues,

camelos,

elephantos, ipsos

denique leones, sibi militare saepe compulerunt: nisi ipsas etiam apiculas condocefacerent in hostes pro se pugnare’ (Casaubon). ᾧ δ. ἂν γνωσθῇ. ἀγνωσσειν (M) probably arose from a confusion with ἀνθυπορύσσειν in the next line. ἂν γνωσθῇ is preferable to ἂν γνωστὸν 7, Caspar Orelli’s other suggestion. ἐν τῷ ὀρύγματι μαχόμενον. As at Ambracia: Polyaen. vi. 17 καὶ δὴ γενομένου ψόφον ὑπὸ γῆς ἀπαντήσαντες ἀπεμάχοντο ταῖς σαρίσαις : cf. Polyb. xxi, 28. 11 ἐμάχοντο ταῖς σαρίσαις ὑπὸ γῆν. $ Θ. παλαιὸν δέ τι λέγεται. Cf. xi. 125 xxxi. 25.

“Apaow Βαρκαίους πολιορκοῦντας] [ἐπεὶ] ἐπιχειρεῖζν) ὀρύσσειν, Meier’s correction for ἐπεὶ ἐπεχείρει (M).

ἐπεὶ may have crept in by dittography,

and have caused the alteration of ἐπιχειρεῖν to ἐπεχείρει. This story is found in Hdt, iv. 200. Aeneas, as is his wont, makes

slight alterations in the language. follows: τὰ μέν νυν ὀρύγματα περιφέρων αὐτὴν ἐντὸς μὲν δὴ ἄλλα ἔσκε κωφὰ χαλκὸς τῆς ἀσπίδος.

In Herodotus the passage runs as

ἀνὴρ χαλκεὺς ἀνεῦρε ἐπιχάλκῳ ἀσπίδι, ὧδε ἐπιφρασθείς" τοῦ τείχεος προσῖσχε πρὸς τὸ δάπεδον τῆς πόλιος, τὰ πρὸς τὰ προσῖσχε, κατὰ δὲ τὰ ὀρυσσόμενα ἠχέεσκε ὃ ἀντορύσσοντες δ᾽ ἂν ταύτῃ οἱ Βαρκαῖοι ἔκτεινον τῶν

Περσέων τοὺς γεωρυχέοντας,

Some

of Aeneas’s

alterations are characteristic:

the insertion of

λάθῃ 4 φθάσῃ, ἐνθυμήσας for the archaic ἐπιφρασθείς, and the curious periphrasis ἀσπίδος χάλκωμα for ἐπιχάλκῳ ἀσπίδι, The use of these nouns

in -pa is, as has already been remarked, a characteristic of Hellenistic speech,

230

COMMENTARY

In the same way the Ambraciots used λεπτὰ χαλκώματα underground

to discover the whereabouts of the Roman mines (Polyaen. vi. 17). The

date of the siege of Barca is 512 2.c.

by the Persians, says Herodotus,

It was

undertaken

at the instigation of Pheretime,

to

avenge the death of her son Arcesilaus, who had been murdered at Barca.

The town was finally taken by fraud after force had failed (iv. 201). ἐνθυμήσας.

The

active form is peculiar to Aeneas: cf. xxiv. 18

προενθυμεῖν δὲ τῶν κυνῶν.

πρὺς τὸ δάπεδον, Wesseling was certainly right in restoring this from Herodotus in place of M’s προσ τάδε. The word is mainly confined to poetry, but it is found again in Xen. Cyr. vin. viii. 16 τῶν κλινῶν τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ ταπίδων τιθέασιν, ὅπως μὴ ἀντερείδῃ τὸ δάπεδον.

We

may conclude that it was familiar to Aeneas, as otherwise he would probably have altered it in transcribing.

ἢ 7. ὅϑεν καὶ viv, xxX.

As elsewhere, Aeneas emphasizes the point

which is important for his immediate purpose. § 8. καὶ οἷς μὲν... δεδήλωται. M is very corrupt here (see critical notes), but it is not difficult to see light. προσἧκεν is probably a mistake for προσήκει after the μέν : there is no point in using the imperfect. For the rest, it is a characteristic of M to insert καί when in doubt, or to substitute it for some other word, especially the definite article, ¢. g. καί for τά in xxv. 2; βρόχον καὶ for βρόχον ἔχοντα in xviii. 9; καί inserted in xxxviii, 3. So we need have little hesitation in following Hercher, and reading

τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων τεχνάσματα ἀντιούμενον.

αἀντιώμεθα May

possibly have arisen from the preceding τεχνάσματα,

§ 8. χρὴ Bio ἁμαξῶν, κτλ.

No one has yet tried to explain in detail

the construction of this shelter. Yet it is by no means easy to see the exact meaning the words bear. Does he mean a covered-in shelter, or simply a screen behind which the miners are to work? Certainly the words ὑπὸ τούτῳ τῷ φράγματι seem to suggest the former.

The first requisite to understanding the passage is to get as clear an idea as possible of what the ordinary country cart was like. Fortunately, a very interesting paper by Miss H. L. Lorimer in (AS, xxiii on the country cart in ancient Greece (illustrated from vases and terra cottas) leaves little doubt on the main points, The ἅμαξα was a two-wheeled (not four-wheeled) vehicle of a very primitive description,

in which the central shaft was prolonged

to form the pole (suyds).

This is important in view of the words ὅπως μετεωρισϑῶσιν of ῥυμοὶ εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ vevovres, The pole apparently remained horizontal in the

country cart, though in the chariot it was made to curve sharply

CHAPTER

XXXVII,

§§ 7-9

231

upwards from the front of the car. A light wicker-work carriage was usually built on to the frame. The result was a vehicle something like that depicted in Fig. 6.

Fis. 7.

We

have

now to attempt

to

nature of our materials in mind.

construe

the

sentence, keeping

the

Obviously the poles of two carts are

to be tied together: no other meaning can reasonably be attached to εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ δῆσαι. But what do the words that follow mean: συμπετάσαντα κατὰ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τῆς ἁμάξηοῦ Neither Casaubon’s translation,

232

COMMENTARY

‘ utrumque (temonem) in partem alteram plaustri sui porrigens’, nor K.and R.’s ‘indem man sie nach derselben Seite des Wagens hin ausstreckt’, seems to convey any clear meaning. The first thing to do is to ascertain, if possible, the meaning

of cupmerdvvys.

As

the

word only occurs here, there are no parallels to help us; but it seems that the idea is the same as that of πύλαι πεπταμέναι in Homer, ‘ folding doors opened wide’,

The natural way to translate κατὰ τὸ ἕτερον. μέρος

τῆς ἁμάξης is ‘at the other (or ‘ further ἢ) ἐπα ofeach cart’,

Which is the

other end? Obviously, if you have been talking of the poles it must be the back of the cart. The procedure must then be this. Place two carts front to front, like closed doors. ‘Then, leaning heavily on the backs of the carts, cause them to tilt up gradually like doors opening, until the poles are raised high in the air and meet together. This proceeding might well be called ‘ spreading them out together at

(i.e. from) the further ends’,

We now have the carts in a position

something like that of Fig. 7. Then, and not till then (otras), we can bind them together, and add other woodwork besides the poles. The simplest way would probably be to lay poles or planks along the dotted line in the diagram, and then cover these with osiers and daub them with clay. But if more standing room was needed, it is possible

to suppose that poles were run up parallel to the ῥβυμοί, and fastened together at the top. Thus workmen would be entirely screened from missiles by a roofed-in shelter, οὕτως ἐπισυνδεῖν, N gives ὅπωσ, but J. Afr. gives the correct reading, οὕτως, ‘when they are in this position ’. ῥίπους (M). The second declension form is rare and late, but sisros

(neuter) is found in some MSS. in Hdt. ii. 96. 4.

The usual form is ῥέψ.

AXXVITITI Reserves ; vartous useful precautions, § 1.

When assaults are being made divide your fighting force into three

§ a. § 3.

reliefs, Keep the general’s bodyguard in reserve for emergencies. Tie up dogs.

δὲ 4-5,

Encourage the men while fighting, and do not find fault ; reprimand only prominent citizens,

§§ 6-8,

Stones down

thrown in

by

baskets;

day

should be picked up at night by men

have

nets

or

rope-ladders

ready

for

let their

ascent,

There are some

shrewd injunctions in this chapter, especially in

δὲ 4-5. $1. μηχανήμασιν ἢ καὶ σώμασι,

Cf, xxxii. 1.

CHAPTER XXXVIIL, ἐδ 1-6 SiarerdyGat .. . τρία μέρη.

233

Cf. Xen. Mag. Ey. ii. 6 πλείω ἴσα μέρη

παρέχοιεν ἂν διαιρεῖν.

§ 2. ἐπιλελεγμένους.

These

are the ἐπίλεκτοι forming the general’s

bodyguard mentioned in i, 4 and xvi. 7. Below (§ 8), if the text is correct, we have πονουμένῳ.

the active

movéow: but both are in common use in the fourth cent. The deponent is the earlier form, τὸ γὰρ ἐπιὸν, nth. ‘Aperte Aeneas Thucydidem imitatur, apud quem (v. 9. 8) Brasidas subsidium disponens, post pugnam inchoatam superventurum, ait: ἐλπὶς yap μάλιστα ἐπιὸν ὕστερον δεινότερον τοῖς πολεμίοις

αὐτοὺς οὕτω φοβηθῆναι' τὸ γὰρ καὶ μαχομένου᾽ τοῦ παρόντος

(Casaubon). For Aeneas’s debt to Thucydides in general see Introduction, p, lxxxi. A later form of δεσμεύειν : cf., however, Introduction, § 8. δεσμεῖν. p. lxiv, foot-note 2.

ἢ 4. τῶν δὲ δεζόγμενον.

A certain correction by Casaubon of M’sräv

δεδεμένων,

ὀργῇ δὲ μηθένα τῶν τυχόντων ἀνθρώπων. There does not seem to be any need to insert a verb here, as is generally done: a word with the sense rebuke can easily be understood from παραινεῖν in the preceding sentence. Casaubon inserts μετιέναι, which might certainly have fallen μετιέναι in the sense of κολάζειν is fairly common in out after μηθένα. tragedy, and occurs in Thuc. iv. 62. 3 τιμωρίαις μετιόντες τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας,

μάλιστα μετέχοντας.

§ δ. δυνάμεως Χόντας τῇ πόλει,

Cf. xxii. 15 τῶν μεγίστων μετέ-

The rich, as usual in Aeneas, have to suffer.

ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα,

Cf. xxviii. 7.

παρεῖναι may stand as aorist infinitive active of παρίημι, in the sense Hercher reads ποιεῖν, K, and R. παραινεῖν : “ neutrum verum pass over.

videtur ’ (Schoene). ἐν τοῖς ᾿Ακούσμασι γέγραπται,

For a discussion of what the volume

Casaubon

of ᾿Ακούσματα probably contained see Introduction, p. xiii.

has a long note to prove that they were ‘historiae auditae’ or anecdotes; but such a sense is not very suitable in the present context, unless the majority of anecdotes took the form of recounting the battle-speeches of generals of distinction. ὃ 6. χερμάδια,

‘A large stone, a boulder, such

missiles by the heroes of the Iliad’ (1,, and S.).

The

have

been

form

was

xeppds.

These

stones

otherwise, it is unlikely that Aeneas directions for recovering them.

cannot

would

have

used for

as were

given

common very

later

plentiful;

such

careful

234

COMMENTARY

§ 7. ἐν κοφίνοις.

The question suggests itself why the men should

be lowered in baskets, instead of using the rope-ladders provided for their ascent. This has caused Hercher such discomfort that he has reconstructed the whole passage on the supposition that the men go down as well as come up by the netsand ladders. The explanation may be a very simple one: a ride down in the basket provided for hauling up the stones might be more comfortable than descent by a boar-net.

οὕτως δὲ ἄνδρας.

If M’s reading is to be kept, οὕτως must refer to

what follows, which is unusual in Aeneas; the shape of the sentence, too, is rather awkward. There is hardly ground, however, for altering

the text. δικτύων συείων ἢ ἐλαφείων. M is here very corrupt, giving δακτυλίων ἵστων mabıev. Orelli’s correction δικτύων σνείων ἢ ἐλαφείων is confirmed by a comparison with xi. 6, where M has κατεκρέμασε δίκτυα ἐλάφεια καὶ σύεια, ὡσεὶ ξηράναι (1.6. ξηρᾶναι) θέλων, καὶ ἄλλῃ σύεια ἔξω τοὺς κάλονς ἔχοντα.

There, as Orelli saw, σύεια has taken the place of ἱστία : here ἵστων has replaced σνείων. $ 8. καὶ ἅτινα ἂν βούλησθε. This seems the easiest correction of M’s καὶ ἄν τινα βούλησθε.

The

insertion of ἄλλα (Orelli) is not

very

satisfactory, but something must be added to complete the sense.

An

alternative would be to suppose that some infinitive had dropped out after βούλησθε (Schoene suggests ἐκπέμπειν), but its disappearance from

such a conspicuous place is difficult to explain.

XXXIX Ruses. §§ ı-2. $5 3-4. § 5.

§§ 6-7.

Entice the enemy to pursue into the city, where trenches are dug to trap them, Have a portcullis ready to check them if necessary. Arrange a rendezvous for your own men.

Another plan is to lasso a too adventurous enemy from the walls.

§L προ[σ]άγειν τῶν πολεμίων. M reads προσάγειν, but J. Afr. c. 56 gives προάγειν, which is no doubt right. προάγειν is exactly the right word to use of enticing troops into a dangerous position, while προσάγειν in military parlance is generally used of bringing up forces or engines to the attack. The confusion of προς and προ is common in M. For the use of the partitive genitive cf. iii, 6; xxii. 25, &c. § 2. φθείρεσθαι ἔσω τῆς πόλεως" ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ δ᾽, Casaubon’s punctuation is here much the easiest. To punctuate after φθείρεσθαι

CHAP. XXXVIIL 57—CHAP. XXXIX,$4

485

involves the transposition of δέ, as it is impossible that it should stand as late as eighth word in the sentence, ἐν ταῖς διόδοις καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ὀρύγμασι πυλῶν χώραις. The meaning is clear: ‘in the streets and spaces near the gate where the trenches are’; but the Greek is exceedingly awkward. The reading in the

text is that of M, with the exception of πρὸς τοῖς (Casaubon) for πρω τοισ : it is translatable if we take the words «ei, . . χώραις, so to speak, in one

breath, ‘the spaces of the gates close by the trenches’, Most editors have gone much further afield in emendation, without producing any convincing result. § 8. dew. Editors have adopted J. Afr.’s κατέχειν (c. 56 a), imagining that the object is to imprison those who enter. But the fact that “ more’ are running in is a reason not so much for wishing to imprison them as for wishing to stop them, since it would be dangerous to admit too many.

Cf. § 4 ἡ πύλη...

rods πολεμίους σχήσει μὴ εἰσιέναι.

In the latter passage σχήσει means ‘will prevent’, and in the present passage ἔχειν may be retained and understood in a similar sense; or if any alteration is made, ἴσχειν (Orelli) or σχεῖν should be

read. (S.A. H.] ἡτοιμάσθαι ἄν(ω)θεν ἀπὸ τοῦ μεσοπύλου wAn(v) ξύλων, de porta

cataracta agi,

Cataractarum

antiquissimum

‘Non dubito est

inventum

Graecorum, ut nomen arguit, quo etiam Livius est usus (xxvii. 28). Vegetius ita describit (iv. 4) ubi docet quomodo caveatur, ne portae subiectis ignibus exurantur: “ Sed amplius prodest, quod invenit antiquitas, ut ante portam addatur propugnaculum, in cuius ingressu ponitur cataracta, quae anulis ferreis ac funibus pendet, ut, si hostes intraverint,

demissa

eadem

extinguantur

inclusi.”

Fores cataractae,

quas vult Aeneas constare e lignis sive tabulis crassissimis, tollenonibus similibusve machinis attollebantur et deiciebantur... ut apud Appianum, libro ᾿Εμφυλίων iv [c. 78] de Xanthiorum urbe loquentem ; ubi habes memorabile exemplum eius utilitatis, quam affert cataracta : duo enim Romanorum millia intercipiuntur ac miserrime pereunt ’ (Casaubon), ὃ 4. ἡ πύλη φερομένη Biap(Oepet.

M reads here ἡ rokupepopery διαφέρει,

The clever restoration is due to Caspar Orelli. J. Afr. is interesting here, as he reads (c. 56a) τινας ἢ πολλοὺς φερομένους διαφθείρει, an apparent attempt to emend M’s reading. For the bearing of this and similar passages on the history of the text see Appendix I, pp. 247 ff. ἅμα 82... βαλλόντων. If δὲ is kept, βαλλόντων must be imperative, not present participle. τῶν ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει, however, can still be kept as

an example of the vague partitive genitive of which Aeneas is so fond.

2.36

COMMENTARY

It does not seem necessary either to read of ἐπὶ τῷ r. (with K. and R., following J. Afr. c. 56 a) or to insert τινὲς (Meineke). Cf. xl, 1 φυλασσόντων (rar) ὑπαρχόντων ἀνθρώπων.

$ δ. μεθ᾽ ὅπλων καὶ μετὰ θορύβων,

Cf. xxxviii. 4 μετὰ γὰρ ὅπλων καὶ

θορύβου τῶν [καὶ] ἀνθρώπων τρεχόντων κατὰ τὴν πόλιν.

ᾧ 6, ἤδη δὲ τοῖς θρασυνομένοις, κελ, This device of fishing for men might perhaps be condemned as ‘antirealer Theoretismus’, if we had not the writer's authority to prove that it had actually been put into practice. It is difficult to see how a long rope hanging over the wall could be concealed by day, or how it could be used at all at night, unless the enemy deliberately put his head inside it. Chains instead of rope at the lower end would only increase the difficulty. The Tyrians employed grappling-irons {κόρακες καὶ σιδηραῖ χεῖρες) for the same purpose at the siege of Tyre (Diod. xvii. 44. 4). ἢ 7. ἔστω δὲ ὁ μὲν βρόχος ὅπλου... τὸ δ' dAdo... σχοίνου. It looks as if some antithesis were intended between the ὅπλον and the σχοῖνος, ὅπλον is used especially of ship’s tackle, probably the strongest rope obtainable: σχοῖνος is properly rush-rope. ὡς loxupordrou, ‘ Ut vincti agitationem, nitentis evadere et abrumpere

laqueum, sufferre valeat’ (Casaubon), ὅλος δὲ ἔσω κατακρέμαται. M’s ὅλως is hardly translatable, and the alteration is slight. κηλωνείοις, A certain emendation for M’s αλωνίοισ.

The κηλώνειον (Latin /olleno) was originally a rustic machine for drawing water from wells.

Herodotus mentions its use in Babylonia

(i. 193. 1) 6 σῖτος... χερσΐ re καὶ κηλωνηίοισι dpddpevos.

Vegetius (iv, 21) thus describes a military κηλώνειον ; ‘ Tollenno cui in summo conectitur eo In ὑπὸ ergo

dicitur, quotiens una trabes in terram praealta defigitur, vertice alia transversa trabes longior dimensa medietate libramento, ut, si unum caput depresseris, aliud erigatur. capite cratibus sive tabulatis contexitur machina, in qua

pauci conlocantur armati; tunc per funes adtracto depressoque alio capite elevati inponuntur in murum.’ οἱ ἔσωθεν κηλωνείοις χρῶνται καθιέντες,

‘Quid demittunt?

puto, in corbibus, qui vim vi repellant’ (Casaubon).

Milites,

But it need

only mean that they let the rope down with a run. ai yap ἁλύσεις πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα πραγματῶδες, The connexion of this sentence with the last is very hard to see, unless Aeneas has forgotten or reconsidered his recommendation that the bottom two cubits should be made of chain, It would follow far better after τὸ 2

CHAPTER XXXIX, § 5-CHAPTER XL,$1

237

ἄλλο, ὅθεν ἕλκουσι, σχοίνου : ‘the hauling-end should be made of rope: for chains are awkward things for purposes of hauling and heavy to handle’, which makes excellent sense. There is, however, no other

obvious instance where a whole sentence has got out of place in this work, though on several occasions the order might be improved {e. g. xvi, 19: cf, note ad loc.) Hug suspected the passage, with some reason, as the instructions apparently contradict those already given. But Aeneas is rather fond of correcting his own suggestions with an after-thought: cf. xxii. 13 ; xxxi. 20.

δυσμεταχείριστον. The word is used of nets which are awkward to handle in Xen. Cyan. ii. 5.

XL Garrison of a city. § 1.

Ifyou have not sufficient men to man the walls, increase their height

§§ 2-3.

at the places most open to attack. Dionysius held a city by marrying the slaves to their masters’ wives, sisters, and daughters,

$§ 4-5. 88. 6-7. § 8.

At Sinope women were armed and marched round the walls. To increase the apparent strength of rounds on the wall, make the first rank carry their spears on the left shoulder, the second on the right. Other instructions will be found in my Preparations for Defence; now discuss naval arrangements,

1 shall

$1. xp... οἰκοδομεῖν ὕψει, It does not seem necessary to replace ὕψει by J. Afr.’s ὑψηλὰ or by ὕψη (Meineke), though it is rather an unusual dative. καταπηδᾶν ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν, Cf. xxii, 19 ἐὰν μὴ θέλωσιν ap’ ὑψηλῶν (ἀπαλλήλων M) καταπηδῶντες κινδυνεύειν καὶ μήτε λαθεῖν μήτε φθάσαι.

πάλιν ἀπίωσι, Caspar Orelli’s suggestion is accepted by most editors for the corrupt πᾶσιν ἅπασι of M. Schoene objects to it on the ground that ‘expectatur παραμένωσι

vel ἀποκλεισθῶσι vel διαφθαρῶσι vel

simile quid’; but there does not seem to be anything to prevent their getting down by the same way as they got up. παρὰ δὲ... φυλασσόντων (τῶν) ὑπαρχόντων ἀνθρώπων. Here again φυλασσόντων must be imperative, not present participle; and if τῶν is inserted, (rav) ὑπαρχόντων ἀνθρώπων can be taken as another example of the vague partitive genitive: cf. xxxix. 4 and note ad loc. It is unnecessary either to read οἱ ὑπάρχοντες ἄνθρωποι (Hercher, following

J. Afr. c. 57), or to insert ἐκ (Ca) or τινες (K. and R.).

238

COMMENTARY

§ 2. Διονύσιος δὲ, κτλ.

Nothing is known of the date of this inci-

dent or the name of the city:

presumably it is Dionysius I who

referred to, as he has been mentioned before (x. 31).

is

The anecdote

is typical of his character. § 8. ἐπιμελητὰς μὲν οὖν τινας κατέλιπεν οὖς ἐνεδέχετο, In place of κατέλιπεν M has μετόλίγων, A principal verb is clearly needed, and most editors have inserted one, retaining per’ ὀλίγων [ἐπέστησε Ca; κατέστησε He; κατέλιπε Schoene), But μετόλίγων may itself represent

a verb, which was miswritten owing to the presence of ὑπ᾽ ὀλίγων above. (See Appendix II, p. 254.) In this case κατέλιπεν is the nearest to the text. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν wero μάλιστα πολεμιωτάτους ἔσεσθαι. For ἄν with the future infinitive (also in juxtaposition to dero) cf. xxvil. g οὐδένα gero ἂν ἀμνημονήσειν, and note ad loc.

§ 4. Σινωπεῖς δὲ πρὸς Δαταμᾶν πολεμοῦντες, κτλ. The date of this incident is probably about 370 8, c.: see Polyaen. vii. 21. 2 and 5. Datames, or Datamas, was a Carian, satrap of Cappadocia. He

made himself independent of Artaxerxes, conquered Paphlagonia, and laid siege to Sinope. He was afterwards joined by Ariobarzanes, the revolted satrap of Dascylium; but Autophradates of Lydia remained loyal to the king (Nepos, Dar. iv—viii), He was assassinated in 362 8. Ὁ, On the citizens of Sinope Datames played a very mean trick (Polyaen. loc. cit. § 2): alter borrowing their engines on the pretext of besieging Sesamus (or perhaps Sestus), he turned them against Sinope itself. From Polyaenus (§ 5) we also Jearn that he relinquished the siege at

the command of the king. τῶν γυναικῶν τὰ ἐπιεικέστατα σώματα μορφώσαντες, κτλ.

The change

to μεταμορφώσαντες is One very easy to make after σώματα : but it is not

necessary if we take μορφώσαντες closely with ὡς ἐς ἄνδρας μάλιστα; ‘disguising and arming them to look like men’. J. Aff. (c. 57) has διαμορφοῦν, which does not support either reading. He also adds γερόντων καὶ παιδαρίων.

κάδους.

* Wer denkt nicht hierbei an jenes Barbierbecken, welches

als “den Helm des Mambrin”

und trug?’ (K. and R.).

der unsterbliche Don Quixote erbeutete

1. Afr.’s κλάδους (no doubt a mistake) is an

interesting variant. § δ. πόρρωθεν γὰρ κατάδηλος βάλλουσα γυνή. This particular means of distinction between the sexes is perhaps one of the few that still hold,„good to-day.

§ 6. ἐὰν δὲ θέλῃς... περιόδους πλείους φαίνεσθαι,

This is what the

CHAPTER

XL, δῇ 2-6

239

military writers called φαντασία πλήθους. Polyaenus gives several examples, e. g. Iphicrates used to make two soldiers sleep on one bed

if he had a larger force than the enemy {φαντασία ὀλιγότητος), and one sleep on two beds if he was outnumbered (Polyaen. iii. 9. 19); Agesilaus deceived Aeropus, King of Macedonia, as to the number of his cavalry by putting his infantry in front and mixing with his cavalry behind men on donkeys, mules, and old baggage horses (Polyaen. ii. 1.17; cf also Xen. Mag. Eg, v. 2).

Charles Graux thought that the method described in the text could not possibly achieve the desired effect, and that considerable emendation was necessary, a view with which Schoene agrees. The device, like others mentioned by Aeneas, is certainly more ingenious than serviceablz, but it might be of some use at a sufficient distance and at

certain angles.

If two consecutive ranks, or two men marching one

behind the other, carry their spears the one on the left shoulder, the other on the right, anyone standing approximately in their line of march, in front of or behind them, will see apparently in a line double the number of spears that he would ordinarily see, and might think that two men abreast were four or that men in single file were two abreast. In the following diagrams $ represents a man marching in

the direction of the arrow, | the spear on the left or right shoulder as the case may be: I. περίοδοι ἐπὶ δύο περιόντες

Ih

If

'

ι

t

1

-——.

4} yt 8 ty

ὁ dle εἰ

στίχος

ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριστερᾷ due £

στίχος

ἐπὶ τῷ

ἀριστερῷ

opp

exovres

Te

ἃ δό

para

ὁ ἕτερος στίχος ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ

veud φανοῦνται eis τέσσαρας II. τρεῖς περίοδοι

|

N 1 ~ -= 6 πρῶτος ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ Sup ἔχων τὸ δόρυ Ι ji !

Pl

ay

ey

1δι-ας- ὁ ἕτερος ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ τῷnsἀριστερῷ5,

it .

1

vv φανοῦνται εἰς δύο

{It would not matter on which shoulder the third man carried his spear.)

240

COMMENTARY

§ 7. ἐὰν δὲ τρία περιζῦωσι, Sc. σώματα. [καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι κατὰ ταυτά] This makes no sense here.

It might be

transposed to § 6, after τὸν & ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ, where it would be appropriate if the patrol consisted of more than four men; but it is

probably an addition made

by someone who did not understand the

text.

καὶ οὕτω φανοῦνται εἰς δύο.

M has εἷς δύο, which would give an

equivalent sense; but εἰς ὄνο, ‘two abreast’, seems to be wanted to parallel καὶ οὕτω φανοῦνται els τέσσαρας in §6, and is given by J. Afr. (c. 58}.

ἢ 8. Ναυτικοῦ δὲ στρατεύματος δύο εἰσὶ στόλοι. that the treatise should break off here.

It is disappointing

Some information as to the

naval forces of a small city in the fourth century would have been of the greatest value.

APPENDIX

I

fulus Africanus, A number of extracts from Aeneas’s book, taken from ἃ manuscript

centuries

older than

M, are

included

in the Keoroi (Girdles)

of

Sextus Julius Africanus, a Christian chronographer of the early third century a.D., who was probably born in Jerusalem, although Suidas

calls him

a Libyan

The

Κεστοί is described

by

Suidas

(5. v,

᾿Αφρικανός) as οἱονεὶ φυσικά, ἔχοντα ἐκ λόγων τε καὶ ἐπαοιδῶν Kal γραπτῶν τινῶν χαρακτήρων ἰάσεις τε καὶ ἀλλοίων ἐνεργειῶν. Psellus (p. xiv in

Thevenot's

Ves, Math.)

says of it ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἐν τοῖς Κεστοῖς αὐτοῦ

1 The identity of Sex, Africanus, author of the Κεστοί, with Julius Africanus, author of the Χρονογραφίαι or Πενταβίβλιον χρονολογικόν (a history of the world from the creation to A.D, 221, surviving only in excerpts preserved by other writers), has been called in question (e.g. by Joseph Scaliger in Animady. tn

Chron. Eusebis), but is supported by the unanimous finally proved by a newly

found

papyrus

testimony of antiquity, and

containing a fragment

of the Keoroi

(Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyrs, III, no. 412, pp. 36-41). This papyrus, which is proved by a document on the back to date fram a. Ὁ. ¢. 275, only half a century after the date to which

twenty-seven lines which

the Xporoypagias

are carried down, contains

the author says were included in some MSS. of

Odyssey XI, and has the following inscription at the end :— Ἰουλίου Αφρικανοῖ KEgTOS i

(See also H. Gelzer, Sex. Jul. Africanus und die bysant. Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Iulius Africanus.)

{S.A.H.]

Chronographic, and

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

241

τερατολογεῖ. It was a long work (in twenty-four books, according to Suidas), dealing with all sorts of subjects: the surviving excerpts contain passages concerning military matters, natural history, agriculture, and literary criticism. As much of the text as survives is to be found in Thévenot’s Veleres Mathematict, pp. 275-316, with notes by Boivin, pp. 339-60. Of the large number of MSS. the two oldest and most

reliable

are codex

Barberinus-Vaticanus

ii. 97 (P?)

and codex Escorialensis gr. Y. iii. τὰ (E). These are the two chiefly used for the text of the excerpts from Aeneas printed in Schoene’s edition. That given below is the same as Schoene’s, except that a few readings of the later MSS. (codd. rec.), which are noted by Schoene in the apparatus criticus, are incorporated in the text. J have followed Hercher and Schoene in giving the MSS. tradition without emendation, merely selecting the best reading when there is any variation. A few suggestions, however, are mentioned in the apparatus eriticus.

IULII

AFRICANI

KESTON

CAPITA

EX

AENEA

EXCERPTA SIGLA E = cod. Escorial. gr. T. iii. 11

Pt = cod. Barberinus ii. 97, iam Barb, graec. 276 (in bibl. Vaticana)

38.

Πῶς πῦρ δυνάμεθα

σβέσαι

(cf. Aen. xxxiv).

᾽Εὰν ἡμῶν ol πολέμιοι πυρὶ κατασκεναστῷ τεῖχος ἤ τι ἕτερον

ἐμπρήσουσι, πῶς σβέσαι δυνάμεθα; σβέσομεν αὐτὸ συντόμως καταχέοντες ὄξος. τοὺς δὲ σβεννῦντας ἀπὸ τῶν ὑψηλοτέρων δεῖ 8 περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἔχειν ἐρύματι, ἵνα ἧσσον ὀχλοῦνται προσαΐσσούσης

αὐτοῖς

τῆς

φλογός.

εἰ δὲ

σὺ

προγνῷς

τὰ

μέλλοντα

καίεσθαι, χρῖσον ἔξωθεν ὄξος, καὶ τούτοις οὐ πρόεισι πῦρ.

45.

Πῶς

ἡμεῖς ἐμπρήσωμεν; (cf. Aen, xxxiii.r).

᾿Ἐμπρήσωμεν

ἡμεῖς καθ᾽ ἡμῶν

ἐρχόμενον

μάγγανον

ἵνα οὖν

τὸ ἢ πύργον πολέμιον οὕτως" ἐπισχεῖν δεῖ πίσσαν καὶ θεῖον ἐπιβάλλειν, ἔπειτα φλογώσαντα φάκελλον ἐπαφεῖναι σχοινίῳ ἐφ᾽ πρόσεισι codd. rec. 7 ö£os] ‘fortasse ἱξῷ ᾿ Schoene cod. Μοπᾶς, 195 (manus τες.) : ἐπαφθῆναι ceteri codd. R 2959

11 ἐπαφεῖναι

242

JULIUS AFRICANUS

ὅπερ θέλομεν. τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα προτεινομένων τόπων ἐπιβάλλεται τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις.

46.

Πρὸς

καιομένας

πύλας

ab ὧν ἱστάμεθα

(cf. Aen. xxxili. 4).

Ἐὰν ἐμπρησθῶσιν αἱ πύλαι, δεῖ προσφέρεσθαι ξύλον καὶ ἐμβάλλονται ὡς μέγιστον τὸ πῦρ ποιεῖν, μέχρις οὗ ταφρεύσει τὰ ἔσωθεν. καὶ ἐάν re δὲ ἑνὶ ἐκ τῶν σοι ὑπαρχόντων οἴκοι μἾ

Ν᾿

F

~

%

Eu

t

5

F

καθαίρεις.

48. Περὶ κλεψύδρας (cf. Aen. xxii. 24-5). Κλεψύδρα πάνυ χρήσιμον τὸ κτῆμα πρὸς τοὺς νύκτωρ φυλάσσοντας, μακροτέρων ἢ βραχνυτέρων νυκτῶν γινομένων" αὕτη δὲ συμβάλλεται οὕτως, χρὴ κεκηρῶσθαι αὐτῆς τὰ ἔσωθεν καὶ μακροτέρων

γινομένων

τῶν

νυκτῶν

ἀφαιρεῖσθαι

τοῦ κηροῦ, ἵνα

πλέον ὕδωρ χωρῇ, βραχυτέρων δὲ προσπλάσσεσθαι, ἵνα ἔλασσον δέχηται. τὴν δὲ ταύτης dm ἀκριβῶς δεῖ πνεῖσθαι, δι ἧς τὸ τῆς προθεσμίας ὕδωρ ἐκρεῖ.

49. Ἔν

Io

TS

Πυλωρικόν (cf. Aen. xxvili. 1-4; xxix. 12). φόβῳ

μενούσης

πόλεως

τάδε

δεῖ

προνοεῖσθαι,

πύλας

τὰς μὲν ἄλλας κεκλεῖσθαι, μίαν δὲ ἀνεῷχθαι, δι’ ἧς ἂν δυσπροσοδώτατον ἦ τῆς πόλεως ὁρᾶσθαι οἱ προϊόντες:

καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον an’ αὐτῶν μέλλουσιν καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πύλῃ δεῖ ἐκτομάδα, ἵνα

20

σώματα μὲν ἀνθρώπων di αὐτῆς εἰσὶν ἐν καθ᾽ ἕν" οὕτως γὰρ ἂν ἥκιστα τὶς λανθάνει, καὶ di αὐτῆς εἰσιὼν αὐτόμολις ἢ κατάσκοπος, ἐάνπερ ὃ πυλωρὸς ἦ νοηρός.

καὶ ἁμαξῶν

πᾶν δὲ ἀνύεσθαι ὑποζυγίων

καὶ ἄλλων ἀγωγίμων ἀποτρέπω.

ἕνεκεν

εἰ δέ τι τούτων

ἀναγκαίως δεήσει di ἁμαξῶν εἰσκομίζεσθαι σίτου ἢ οἴνου 7 25 ἐλαίου ἣ τῶν τοιούτων τι σωμάτων πλήθει ταῦτα εἰσκομίζεσθαι

δεῖ προεξιόντος στρατεύματος. τὸ δὲ ὅλον πρᾶγμα πύλας πρωΐ μὴ ἀνοίγεσθαι, ὀψίτερόν τε μηθένα ἔξω ἀφίεσθαι, πρὶν ἂν ἐξερευνήσῃ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν. ἔτι τε μήτε πλοῖα κατ᾽ αὐτὰς ὁρμίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ ἀποτέρων' χρὴ γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ἐλλιμενιστὰς προσορμιζομένων πλοίων νυκτὸς ἢ ἡμέρας περὶ τούτων ἀδιασκέπτως ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμβαίνοντα ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀγώγιμα, ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι τούτων καταμελήσαντες τὰ μεγάλα ἀσφάλησαν. Β ἐμβάλλονται codd. rec, 7 καθαίρειν cod, Par. 2441 18 δυσπροσοδώτατον codd. quidam rec. ; δυσπροσοδότατον codd. plerique 18 ἢ codd. quidam rec. : ἡ codd. plerique 30 ἐλλιμενιστὰς cod. Par. 2437: ἐνλιμέναις τὰς ceteri codd. $1 μὴ ἀδιασκέττως cod. Par. suppl. gr. 26

20

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

243

50. Ὅπλων λάθρᾳ εἰσκομιδή (cf. Aen. xxix. 1-10). Περὶ τῆς τῶν ὅπλων λάθρᾳ εἰσκομιδῆς ἥτις ἐστὶν αὕτη ἐκτέθηται τοῖς μὲν παλαιοῖς πολλάκις πεπραγμένη, ἡμῖν δὲ παράδειγμα γινομένη πρὸς τὸ πράττειν ἣ θέλομεν, καὶ μὴ 5 πάσχειν ὡς εἰδότες. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐστὶν ἑορτὴ πάνδημος, τοῖς

ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκεῖσε προενδημοῦσι ξένοις καὶ προδόταις μέλλον

ἡμῖν

συμπράττουσιν

εἰσκομίζεσθαι

ὡς εἰς τὸ

δεῖ θώρακας

λινέους

καὶ στολίδας καὶ περικεφαλαίας ὅπλα κνημίδας μαχαίρας τοξότοξεύματα ἐν κιβωτίοις ὡς φορταγωγοῖς κατεσκευασμένα, ὡς το ἱμάτιον ἐνόντων καὶ ἄλλων ἀγωγίμων. ἀνοίξαντες καὶ ἰδόντες ὡς ἱμάτια μόνον

εἰσάγεσθαι

καὶ τιθέναι

πρὸ

ἅπερ οἱ ἐνλιμενισταὶ τιμήσονται" εἰ ταῦτα

τῆς ἀγορᾶς.

ἐν

δὲ ταρσοῖς

καὶ

ῥιπτοῖς καὶ ἱστοῖς ἡμιυφαντιαίοις δοράτια καὶ ἀκόντια ἐνειλημένα,

ἐν δὲ ἄγεσιν ἀχύρων πέλται καὶ μικρὰ ἀσπιδίσκια

κεκρυμμένα.

1g καὶ τὰ τούτων εὐογκότερα ἐν σπαργάναις ἀσταφίδων καὶ σύκων πληρέσι, ἐγχειρίδια δὲ ἐν ἀμβιβορεῦσι πυρῶν καὶ ἰσχάδων καὶ ἐλαιῶν. τὸν δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἡγεμόνα φρυγάνων ἐν ἐμφορήματι. καὶ ἡ μὲν μὴ ἐγνώσθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει νυκτὸς γινομένης ἀθροίζεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιθησομένους δὴ καιρῷ ἐν ᾧ ola0 νοῦνται οἱ πολῖται. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν λυθῆ τὸ φόρημα διὰ τὸν ἡγεμόνα, ἔπειτα τοὺς ἄλλους τὰ ἄλλα λύσαντας δεῖ λαμβάνειν, καὶ τοὺς ἀμφιφορέας συντρίβειν διὰ τὸ συντόμως ἐπαίρειν ἀπὸ σημειοῦται ἕκαστον προσηκόντως ὁπλίζεσθαι. καὶ τούτων τινὰς ἔχεσθαι, πύργων τε καὶ τῶν τοῦ τείχους πυλῶν" καὶ πύργων μὲν 25 διὰ τὸ διὰ σκάλης

ἑτέρους

ἀναδέχεσθαι,

πυλῶν

δὲ διὰ τὸ

εἰσδέ-

χεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους εἴς τε τὰ ἀρχαῖα καὶ τὰς πολέμου οἰκείας εἰστρέχειν. εἰ δὲ πρὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας γνωσθεῖεν, τοῦ ἔργου δεῖ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τούτου ἔχεσθαι καθῶς προεδηλώθη" οὐ γὰρ ἄλλως εὖ βουλεύσῃ. ,

30

51.

Περὶ κρυφίας ἐπιστολῶν εἰσπομπῆς (cf. Aen, xxxi. 4-5).

Τοῖς κεχρημένοις προδόταις ἀναγκαῖον εἰδέναι πῶς ἐπιστολὰς δεῖ αὐτοὺς εἰσπέμπειν. ἀπόστελλε γοῦν οὕτως. πεμπέσθω ἀνὴρ ἐν τῷ

φανερῷ φανερῶν

δ εἰ μὲν codd. τες, : ἡ μὲν

ἐπιστολήν τινα περὶ ἄλλων πραγμάτων. EP!

8 στολίδα E

18 ἐναμφιβορεῦσι Ῥὶ 20 λυϑήζτω) τὸ φ. Schoene Par. 441: εἰστρέχει ceteri codd. R2

11 εἶτ' αὐτὰ Schoene

27 εἰστρέχειν cod.

244

JULIUS AFRICANUS

τοῦ δὲ πορεύεσθαι μέλλοντος κρυφαίως αὐτοῦ els τὸ τῶν ὑποδημάτων πέλμα ἐντεθήτω εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ βιβλίον καὶ καταραπτέσθω" πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πηλοὺς καὶ τὰ ὕδατα εἰς κασσίτερον ἡλασμένον γραφέσθω πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἀφανίζεσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ὑδάτων τὰ γράμματα. ἀφικομένον δὲ πρὸς ὃν δεῖ καὶ ἀναπαυομένου νυκτὸς ἀναλνυέτω 5 τὰς ῥαφὰς τῶν ὑποδημάτων καὶ ἐξελὼν ἀναγνοὺς τὰ ἄλλα γράψας λάθρᾳ ἀποστελλέτω τὸν ἄνδρα, ἀνταποστείλας καὶ δούς τε φέρειν φανερῶς" οὕτως γὰρ οὔτε ἄλλος οὔτε ὁ φέρων εἰδήσει.

52.

Ἕτερον ἄλλο πανουργότερον (cf. Aen. ΧΧΧΙ.

17-19).

10

᾿Αστράγαλον εὐμεγέθη δεῖ σε τρυπῆσαι τρυπήματα κὃ ἐξ ὧν εἰς ἑκάστην πλευρὰν τοῦ ἀστραγάλου' ἔστω δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα στοιχεῖα. διαμνημόνενε δὲ ad’ ἧς ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξηται τὸ ἄλφα, καὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα ἅπερ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πλευρᾷ γέγραπται. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὅταν τινὰ θέλῃς ἐν αὐτῷ τίθεσθαι, λίνῳ δῆσαι. διαιροῦνται 15 δὲ δηλοῦν ἐν τῇ τοῦ λίνου διαιρέσει, ἀρξάμενος ἐκ τῆς πλευρᾶς τοῦ ἀστραγάλου, ἐν ἦ τὸ ἄλφα ἐστί, παρελθὼν τὰ ἐχόμενα τοῦ ἰῶτα γράμματα, ὅταν ἔλθης εἰς πλευρὰν οὗ τὸ ἰῶτα γράμμα ἐστί, διήρον καὶ πάλιν παρεὶς τὰ ἐχόμενα, ὅπου εἶναι συμβαίνει διήρον, καὶ οὕτως τὰ τοῦ λόγον ἀντιγράφειεν ἄριστα τρυπήματα, δεήσεται 20 δὲ τὸν ἀναγινώσκοντα ἀναγράφεσθαι εἰς δέλτα τὸν δηλούμενα γράμματα ἐκ τῶν τρυπημάτων, ἀνάπαλιν γινομένης τῆς ἐξισώσεως ἐνάρξει.

53.

Ἕτερα

περὶ

τούτον

παρὰ

τῶν

παλαιῶν

πραχθέντα (cf. Aen. xxxi. 31-2, 23, 14, 33, 24).

a5

Ἐπέμφθη γράμματά ποτε πολλάκις κατήπειρον οὕτως χρησαμένων αὐτῶν. κυνὶ δεσμὼν τεθεικότες περὶ τὸν αὐχένα ἐνέβαλον τοῦ ἱμάντος ἔσωθεν ἐπιστολὴν νυκτὸς τοῦτον ἀφῆκαν μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν πρὸς

ὃν ἐξ ἀνάγκης

τοῦτο @erraddy.

τατον μακροὺς γένηται,

εἰς

τὸν

ἤμελλεν

ἥξειν,

ὅθεν

ἀπηνέχθη.

ἔστι

δὲ

ἄλλοι τινὲς εἰς βιβλίον γράψαντες ὡς λεπτό- 30

στίχους ἐπὶ

καὶ λεπτὰ τοῦ

ὥμου

τοῦ

γράμματα, χιτωνίσκου

ἵνα

εὐογκότατα

ὑποθέντες

καὶ

ἀποπτύξαντες, ἀνύποπτον ἐποίουν τὴν κομιδὴν τῆς ἐπιστολῆς. ἄλλοι πάλιν ἐν τῷ τῆς δέλτου ξύλῳ γράψαντες κηρὸν ἐπέτηξαν καὶ ἄλλα εἰς τὸν κηρὸν ἔγραψαν. εἶτα ὅτε ἦλθες παρ᾽ ὃν δὴ τὸν 35 5 δεῖ codd, τες, : 54 EP! Boivin

31 μικροὺσ P!

28 (εἶτα Y νυκτὸς τοῦτον ἀφῆκαν (ἢ) μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

245

κηρὸν ἐκκινήσας καὶ ἀναγνοὺς ὁμοιοτρόπως ἀνταπέστειλεν. δὲ τὰς παραγινομένας εὐθὺς ἀνοίγειν παραινῶ.

ἐγὼ

διότι τὰ εἰσπεμπό-

μενα μετὰ ἐπιβουλῆς πάνυ χαλεπὸν φυλάξαι.

54. δ

Ὑπορυσσόντων γνῶσις καὶ κώλυσις (cf. Aen. xxxvii. 1-5).

Δεῖ τοὺς ὑπορύσσοντας ὧδε κωλύειν. ἐὰν δοκῇ ὑπορύσσεσθαι, ὡς βαθὺ χρὴ τὴν ἐκτὸς τάφρον ὀρύσσεσθαι, ὅπως εἰς τὴν τάφρον τὸ ὑπόρυγμα ἀφίκηται καὶ ὑπορύσσοντες ὀφθῶσιν, ἐὰν δέ σοι ὑπάρχῃ καὶ τειχίον τειχίσαι els αὐτὴν ὡς ἰσχυροτάτων καὶ μεγι-

10 στοτάτων. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ὑπάρχῃ κόμιζε. ἐὰν δὲ τὰ ὑπορύγματα

τειχίσαι λίθοις, ξυλοφευκτὸν τῇ τάφρῳ προσπέσῃ, ἐμβάλ-

λοντας φορυτὸν ἔμπρησον καὶ τὰ ἄλλα κατασκέπασον, ὅπως ὁ καπνὸς εἰς τὸ διόρυγμα πορεύσηται καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖ τοὺς ἐν τῷ ὀρύγματι ὄντας" συμβαίνει γὰρ πολλοὺς ὑπὸ καπνοῦ ἀπολέσθαι. 15 λυμανεῖ δὲ τοὺς τορύσσον τὰς σφῆκας καὶ μελίσσας ἀφεὶς εἰς τὸ

διόρυγμα.

χρὴ δὲ καθ᾽ ὃν ἂν ὀρύσσουσι τόπον ἀντορύσσειν καὶ

ὑπαντᾶν.

55.

Περὶ τοῦ τοὺς ὑπορύσσοντας

μὴ βλάπτε-

σθαι (cf. Aen. xxxvii. 8-9). 20

Τοῖς

ὑπορύσσειν

ἰσχυρώτατον,

μέλλουσιν

οὕτως

ἂν

γένοιτο

περίφραγμα

χρὴ δύο ἁμαξῶν τοὺς ῥυμοὺς εἰς ταὐτὸ συνδῆσαι,

συμπετάσαντα κατὰ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τῆς ἁμάξης, ὅπως μετεωρισθῶσιν

οἱ ῥυμοὶ

εἰς ταὐτὸ

νεύοντες.

ἔπειτα

οὕτως

ἐπισυνδεῖν

ἄλλα ξύλα ἴ ῥυμοῖς καὶ ἄλλα περιφράγματα ἐπάνω, τὰ δὲ πηλῷ 28 καλύψαι. εἴη οὖν τούτους προσάγειν ὅπου βούλει τοὺς τροχοὺς καὶ ἐπάγειν, ὑπὸ δὲ τούτῳ τῷ φράγματι τοὺς ὑπορύασοντας εἶναι.

56.

Δολίευμα (cf. Aen. xxxix. 1-2).

Tots πολιορκουμένους οὕτως δεῖ δολιεύεσθαι ἐν ταῖς πύλαις 30 εἰς τὸ ἔσω μᾶλλον μέρος ὀρύξαντας τάφρον ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν πάροδον λιπεῖν καὶ προάγειν τῶν πολεμίων, ὥστε τινὰς συνδραμεῖν

εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

χρὴ γοῦν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν παρὰ τὰς λελημένας

παρόδους εἰστρέχειν.

τοὺς δὲ τῶν πολεμίων συντρέχοντας

εἶκός

ἐστιν ἐμπεσεῖν προειδότας τὴν τάφρον κεκρυμμένης αὐτῆς οὔσης. 16 τορύσσον τὰς] ὑπορύσσοντας Schoene μένας E

38 καὶ om, Pt

32 λελυ-

246

JULIUS

56a. Ἄλλο πολεμίων

δι οὗπερ ὅσους ἂν θέλωμεν τῶν κατάσχωμεν (cf. Aen. xxxix. 3-4).

Τῶν

εἰσερχομένων

AFRICANUS

πολεμίων

ὅσους

κατέχειν

βουληθῶμεν,

οὕτως ἂν ποιήσωμεν. ἐάσωμεν εἰσιέναι ὅσους ἂν ἡμῖν ἐστὶν εὐχερὲς κτεῖναι' προετοιμάσθω δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ μεσοπύλου ἕως τῶν πυλῶν ὧς παχυτάτη ὡς καὶ σεσιδηρῶσθαι αὐτὴν ἢ ὅταν οὐ βούλῃ ὑπολαβεῖν τοὺς εἰστρέχοντας πολεμίους σχῆ. ταύτην ἄφες ὀρθὴν καὶ αὕτη τέ τινας ἢ πολλοὺς φερομένους διαφθείρει καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους μὴ εἰσιέναι" ἅμα δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει βαλλέτωσαν πρὸ ταῖς πύλαις πολεμίους.

57.

5

Io

Πῶς δι’ ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων μεγάλης πόλεως φυλακὴ γενήσεται (cf. Aen. xl. 1, 4-5). Ἐὰν ἡ πόλις μεγάλη

ἦ, καὶ μὴ ἱκανοὶ ὦσιν ol ἐν τῇ

πόλει

ἄνθρωποι περιίστασθαι καὶ κυκλοῦν τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς δὲ ὑπάρχουσι θέλης

αὐτὴν

διαφυλάξαι, δεῖ τῆς

πόλεως

ὅσα

ἂν ἡ εὐπρόσοδα

I5

οἰκοδομεῖν» ὑψηλὰ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ὡς ἐάν τινες τῶν πολεμίων

βίᾳ ἢ λάθρᾳ ἀναβῶσιν ἐν ἀπειρίᾳ γινόμενοι μὴ δύνωνται καταπηδᾶν.

παρὰ δὲ τὰ οἰκοδομημένα ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν φυλασσόντων

οἱ ὑπάρχοντες ἄνθρωποι, ἵνα τοὺς καταπηδῶντας ἀπὸ τῶν ὑψηλῶν διαφθείρωσιν. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ γυναίων ἐνόντων καὶ γερόντων καὶ παιδαρίων, τούτων ἐπιεικέστατα σώματα διαμορφοῦν καὶ ὁπλίζειν ὡς εἰς ἄνδρας μάλιστα.

ἀντὶ δὲ ὅπλων διδόναι τούς τε κλάδους

καὶ τὰ τούτοις ὁμότροπα δόντες χαλκώματα περιάγειν τοῦ τείχους, βάλλειν δὲ ἢ καὶ ἀκοντίζειν μηδαμῶς ἐᾶν" κατάδηλον γὰρ γύναιον πόρρωθεν μᾶλλον.

58.

Περι

μ

πολλοὺς

τοῦ

al

30

στρατιώτας

φαίνεσθαι

Fa

ὀλίγους +

,

#5

ὄντας ¥

(cf. Aen. xl. 6-7).

"Edy ἐπὶ τῷ τείχει ἢ χάρακι βούλῃ τοὺς περιόδους πλείω τῶν ὄντων φαίνεσθαι, χρὴ περιιέναι ἐπὶ δύο, ἔχοντας τὰ δόρατα τὸν πρῶτον στίχον ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριστερῷ ὥμῳ, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ" 3° καὶ οὕτως φανοῦνται εἰς τέσσαρας. ἐὰν δὲ τρία περιΐωσι, τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ Guw ἔχειν τὸ δόρυ, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριστερῷ, καὶ οὕτω φανοῦνται εἰς δύο. 4 ἐστὶν om. P! 7 ov om, ΡῚ 19 οἱ om. E 20 καὶ ante σαιδαρίων om,E 22S83övaı non est apud Aeneam 28 τοὺς rolyove P! = 81 wep foe, codd, rec. : περιῶσι EP}

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

247

On a general consideration it is obvious that Julius has followed his original very closely, more closely, for instance, than Aeneas follows Herodotus or Thucydides. At the same time it is by no means a word for word copy. i, The order of words is often changed: E. g. compare Aen. xxviii. 1 with J. Afr. 49: Aen, προνοεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ rade ἐν φόβῳ οὔσης πόλεως, J. Afr. ἐν φόβῳ μενούσης (i, 6. μὲν οὔσης) πόλεως τάδε δεῖ προνοεῖσθαι.

ii. The person is often changed: E. g. compare Aen, xxxiv with J. Afr. 38: J. Afr. uses rst or 2nd person, Aen. uses 3rd person throughout.

iii, The form of expression is often changed: E. g. compare Aen. xxviii. 3 with J. Afr. 49: Aen. ἐπισφα(λέςς, ‘it is dangerous’. J. Afr. ἀποτρέπω, ‘I disapprove’. iv. The proper names occurring in historical anecdotes are generally omitted : E. g. compare Aen, xxix, ı2 with J. Afr. 49, where Σικυώνιοι is omitted; the instances given of unopened letters in xxxi. 33 and

34 are replaced

by ἐγὼ δὲ τὰς mapaywopevas

εὐθὺς ἀνοίγειν

παραινῶ,

In subject-matter, on the other hand, the original is followed with

absolute fidelity. xxix. 3-10):

This has amusing results in J. Afr. 50 (= Aen.

for in transcribing the vivid account of the conveyance

of arms into a town, he puts the whole passage word for word into a direction instead of a narration: εἰσκομίζεσθαι δεῖ θώρακας λινέους, xrh., rising to the climax τὸν δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἡγεμόνα φρυγάνων ἐν [ἐμ)φορήματι ++

καὶ πρῶτον μὲν λυθήζτω) τὸ φόρημα διὰ τὸν ἡγεμόνα.

evidently caught his fancy as much

The incident had

as it does that of the modern

reader. We must now deal more closely with the very numerous differences

between the tradition of M and the MSS, of Julius, MSS. in themselves are not worth (Hercher and Schoene) have given us The passages where M and J. Afr. classes, 4. Those in which M is right or

wrong,

The different

examining, as previous editors the best available text. differ may be divided into three nearly right, and J. Afr. clearly

248

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

B. Those in which the difference gives little or no help, either because M and J. Afr, have equally good readings, or because they are equally corrupt, or because they differ too widely. C. Those in which M is clearly wrong, and J. Afr. gives

either (a) a reading which is almost certainly right, or (4) a useful clue for emending M. Class 4. These need not detain uslong, as they are not important for our purpose. Many of the mistakes in J. Afr. are rank absurdities: 6, g. ἀρχαῖα for ἀρχεῖα (50); μεγιστοτάτων for μεγίστων (54); for ξύλων φορυτόν (54) ; σπαργάναις for σαργάναις (50).

ξυλοφευκτόν

Class B. This is fortunately a small one. Sometimes in the case of a small discrepancy (e. g, xxxvii, ı δοκῇς (M), dorf (J. Afr. 54); ibid. § 3 ἐπιβάλλοντες (M), ἐμβάλλοντας (J. Afr. 54);

xxix.

4 κιβωτοῖς (M),

κιβωτίοις (J. Afr. 50)) it is difficult to decide on the right reading ; and sometimes M and ]. Afr, are so unaccountably different that little can be got by comparing them. In xxxi, 18, for instance, M reads μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, érdv τινα θέλῃς ἐν αὐτοῖσ τίθεσθαι Adyov, Alva διαιρεῖν. ἐὰν ελήδινη αλὶ δηλοῦν ἐν τῇ διαιρέσει τοῦ λίνον, κτλ, : J. Aff. 52 has μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὅταν τινὰ θέλῃς ἐν αὐτῷ τίθεσθαι, λίνῳ δῆσαι. διαιροῦνται δὲ δηλοῦν ἐν τῇ τοῦ λίνου διαιρέσει.

Here M preserves a betier tradition, and from it Haase was enabled to

make his brilliant conjecture ἐὰν θέλῃς Αἰνείας δηλοῦν: but a comparison of M and J. Afr. does nothing whatever to assist this, Another case where little result is obtained from comparison is xxxvil. 5. M reads χρὴ δὲ ayrwooew καθ dy τινα τρόπον ὀρύσσουσιν ἀνθὑπορύσσειν καὶ ἀντιοῦσθαι, J, Afr. 54 has χρὴ δὲ καθ᾿ ὃν ἂν ὄὀρύσσουσι τόπον ἀντορύσσειν καὶ ὑπαντᾶν. Here, accepting Orelli’s emendation ἂν

γνωσθῇ for ἀγνωσσειν, we can suppose that the » of ἂν dropped out or was altered to y before the y of γνωσθῇ, and so the subjunctive was

altered to an infinitive form: but we get no help whatever from J. Afr. as regards this word, though a few words after we can with confidence

substitute his τόπον for M’s τρόπον, Either he was not following his original closely, or the MS. he used already differed considerably from M, A third case, which seems to support the latter view, and where in consequence we cannot emend from J, Afr. with certainty, is xxix. ro, Here M reads ἐπὶ ra ἀρχεῖα καὶ τὰς ἐναντίας οἰκίας, J. Afr. 50 has εἴς re τὰ ἀρχαῖα καὶ τὰς πολέμον οἰκείας,

Here M makes quite good sense, and

J. Afr. has an absurd mistake: at the same time, it seems likely that J. Afr.’s tradition at some time read ras {τῶν δὴ πολεμίων οἰκίας, Ought

JULIUS

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249

we to emend M accordingly, or does J. Afr.’s MS. follow here a different and inferior tradition? Taken in conjunction with the other two examples, the latter supposition appears more probable, But it is a very nice point.

For at the same time, there are several passages

where M and J. Afr. agree and are both clearly wrong: e.g. in xxzi. 18 (J. Afr. 52) both give διαιρέσει for the rare word διέρσει, Casaubon’s emendation ; and in xxviii. 4 (J. Afr. 49) both read ἐξερευνήσῃ, which is very difficult to keep with the passive verbs ἀνοίγεσθαι and ἀφίεσθαι. Again in xxix. 6 (J. Afr. 50) both give ἱστοῖς, where ἱστίοις, ‘sails’, is required for the sense. And in xl. 7 (J. Afr. 58), one of the most difficult passages in the whole book, both give exactly the same words: ἐὰν δὲ τρία mepidai,' τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ ὥμῳ ἔχειν τὸ δόρυ, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ ἀριστερῷ,

Sometimes it seems possible to trace two stages of corruption, of which M gives the first, and J. Afr. the second: e.g. in xxxi, 19 M Teads ἀνάπαλιν δὲ γίνεται ἡ ἐξίεσισ τῇ ἐνέρξει. J. Afr. 52 has ἀνάπαλιν γινομένης τῆς ἐξισώσεως Eväpfeı, The right reading must be ἡ ἔξερσις τῇ

ἐνέρσει.

It is little wonder that such strange words were mistaken:

it

looks as if &£epoıs became first ἐξίεσις and then ἐξίσωσις, and ἐνάρξει seems like a desperate attempt to make a Greek word out of ἐνέρξει.

Three other instances of this are worth quoting : a. In xxxvii. 9 M reads ξύλα καὶ ριπούσ (1,6. pinous), which is right; J. Afr. 55 has ξύλα i ῥυμοῖς, ἵ ῥυμοῖς seems to be a further corruption of ἐπὶ pupois, itself written by mistake for καὶ ῥίπους by Julius? (unless it was found by him in a MS, of a different tradition from M). 5. Immediately below, M reads τοῦτο καὶ προσαγαγεῖν . . . τοὺς τροχοὺς καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν. J. Afr, has τούτους προσάγειν... robs τροχοὺς καὶ ἐπάγειν. Probably τοῦτο καὶ ırporayayeiv . . . τοῖς τροχοῖς καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν is right: and

whether Julius himself was attempting to correct the reading found in M, or whether his MS. had already done so, his reading represents the second stage of the corruption, and M the first, c. In xxxix. 4 M reads durq re τινασ ἡ πολυφερομενη διαφέρει, J. Afr. 56a

has αὕτη τέ τινας ἢ πολλοὺς φερομένους διαφθείρει,

αὐτή τέ τινας ἡ

πύλη φερομένη διαφθερεῖ is right. J. Afr,’s διαφθείρει improves M; on the other hand, a deliberate attempt seems to have been made to correct ἡ πολυφερομενη, giving indeed a passable sense, but carrying us very far from the original. There is one interesting passage in which J. Afr, seems at first sight 1SoEand

Pl.

The later MSS. of J. Afr. give the correct reading περιέωσι,

2 ῥυμοῖ are mentioned directly above.

250

JULIUS

AFRICANUS

to have the right reading, but is probably in reality further from original,

the

In xxxi. 18 M reads παρελθὼν ra ἐχόμενα τούτων παραγράμματα :

J. Afr. 52 has παρελθὼν τὰ ἐχόμενα τοῦ ἰῶτα γράμματα,

Since iota is the

next letter in the word which is being spelt (Αἰνείαν), τοῦ tara looks like a promising suggestion ; but the context shows that ra ἐχόμενα τοῦ fara

γράμματα could, in this passage, mean only ‘the letters next after iota’, whereas we want the meaning ‘the letters next after alpha’, i.e. the letters immediately preceding iota. τοῦ ἰῶτα is probably a corruption of τούτου, which is no doubt the right reading where M has τούτων.

Class Ο, We now come to the cases where a comparison of J. Afr. with M gives a satisfactory result, ie. where J, Afr. either gives the right reading or, more often, supplies a clue to it. I. Cases where J. Afr. ts almost certainly right: (i) προσπλάσσεσθαι for M’s προπελάσσεσθαι (xxii, 25 = J. Afr. 48).

(ii) πλήθει for M’s πάθη (xxvili, 3 = J. Afr. 49). (iii) ἰδεῖν αὐτοὺς for M’s εἰδέναι ἀντοῖσ (xxix, 12 = J. Afr. 49). (iv) ἐπέτηξεν (-av J. Afr.) for M’s ἐπέθηκεν (xxxi. 14 = J. Afr. 53). (νὴ ἰσχυροτάτων for M’s Ἰσχυροτάτην (xxxvil. 2 = J. Alr. 54).

(vi} λίθοις for M’s λίθους (xxxvii. 2 = J. Aff. 54). (vii) τόπον for M's τρόπον (xxxvii. 5 = J. Afr. 54). (vili} προάγειν for M’s προσάγειν (xxxix.

1 = J. Afr. 56).

Il. Cases where J. Afr. supplies a clue to the right reading : a. Single words. (i) In xxxi. 4a M reads ἀποστείλας, which is otiose ; J. Aff. 51 has ἀνταποστείλας : probably ἀντεπιστείλας is the right reading, the mistake being due to ἀποστελλέτω immediately above, (ii) In xxxi, 14 M reads ἐκκνίσασ : J. Afr. 53 has ἐκκινήσας, the sense of which suggests the true reading ἐκκνήσας. (iii) In xxxi, 32 M reads ἐγέγραπτο: J. Afr. 53 has ἐνέβαλον, supplying the clue to the original ἐνέρραπτο. (iv) In xxxi. 32 M reads θεσσαλονικόν : J. Afr. 53 has Θετταλόν: the correct reading is probably Θεσσαλικόν, ὦ, Order of words.

In xxix,

4 M reads τοῖς προενδημήσασι

ξένοις ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον καὶ

πολιτῶν τοῖς ἀνόπλοις τε καὶ συνεργοῖς ἐσομένοις : J. Afr. 50 has τοῖς . προενδημοῦσι ξένοις καὶ προδόταις ὡς els τὸ μέλλον ἡμῖν συμπράτ-

JULIUS τουσιν.

συνεργοῖς.

This

AFRICANUS

251

seems to indicate that ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον should follow

(See also Appendix II, p. 254 f.)

ce. Filling in omissions in M. {i) In xxviii, 3

M reads ταῦτα δὲ χρὴ κατὰ τὰς ἐγγυτάτασ πύλας κοιμί-

av καὶ ἐὰν τάχιστα καὶ ῥᾷιστα εἰσκομισθεΐη : J. Afr. 49 has κομίζεσθαι δεῖ προεξιόντος στρατεύματος. There is clearly a M, and J. Aft. indicates how. it should be filled up, though be sure of the exact words. Perhaps it was something

ταῦτα εἰσlacuna in we cannot like ταῦτα

δὲ χρὴ κατὰ τὰς ἐγγυτάτας πύλας κομίζειν καὶ (προεξιόντος τῶν πυλῶν στρατεύματος" οὕτω δ)ὲ ἂν τάχιστα καὶ ῥᾷστα εἰσκομισθείης (See also

Appendix II, p. 255 f.)

(ii) In xxxi.

17-18

M

reads

ἀστράγαλον

εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα, ἐξ εἰς ἑκάστην πλευρὰν τοῦ τρνπήματα τοῦ ἀστραγάλον ὃ ἀφὴσ ἂν πλευρᾶς J. Afr. 52 has ἀστράγαλον εὐμεγέθη δεῖ σε ὧν εἰς ἑκάστην πλευρὰν τοῦ ἀστραγάλου" ἔστω

εὐμεγέθη τρυπῆσαι

ἀστραγάλον' ἔστω δὲ τὰ ἄρξῃ τὸ ἄλφα, κτλ. τρυπῆσαι τρυπήματα κὃ ἐξ δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα στοιχεῖα.

διαμνημόνενε δὲ ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξηται τὸ ἄλφα, κτὰ,

J. Afr. has the absurd ἐξ ὧν for ἕξ, but supplies τρνπήματα after

τρυπῆσαι, and in the next sentence στοιχεῖα, which is the clue to

M’s unintelligible 8.

(See Appendix II, p. 256.)

One thing is clear from this examination, that the text of Aeneas must have been already very corrupt when it came into Julius’s hands, M representing on the whole a much better tradition, In some of the most corrupt passages it looks as if someone, perhaps Julius himself, had done his best to emend, but with such

limited skill that he has

sometimes made matters worse. We should perhaps consider ourselves fortunate that J. Aff. is of as much use as he is.

APPENDIX

II

The Text of Aeneas and Stichometry) It may easily happen that, in copying a MS,, the scribe’s eye, led perhaps by his finger, strays from the letters he ought to be copying to another group of letters appearing in the same or nearly the same longitudinal position in the line above or below that which he is 1 The substance of this Appendix is contained in an article by Mr. Hunter entitled | genes Tacticus and Stichometry, published in C. Q. vii, pp. 256-64.

(S.A.

H.

252

TEXT

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AND

STICHOMETRY

engaged upon. The likelihood of this will be increased when the same or similar groups of letters appear in about the same position in consecutive lines, but the mistake may very well occur even when the letters are quite dissimilar. The result is likely to be that he copies the letters to which his eye

has strayed instead of, or as

well

as, those which he ought to be copying. At this point one or other of two things may happen: {1} he may quickly get back on to the right line, and go on copying there; (2) he may stay on the wrong line, and go on copying there. Ifthe former happens, we shall have what we may call vertical contamination between the two lines, resulting in a bad reading, but without any considerable addition or omission, If the latter happens, we shall have either a dittography a line long (if his eye travelled upwards), or an omission a line long {if his eye travelled downwards); the omission is more likely than the dittography, since he could not easily copy ἃ whole line twice without noticing what he was doing. A corruption having arisen in any of these ways, further damage may be caused by attempts to remedy it. The objects of this Appendix are: (1) To show that there is, in several passages, strong evidence that vertical contamination has taken place in the copying either of M itself or (more probably) of some earlier MS. in the line of descent; and, further, that in each case

the contamination presupposes a line

of approximately the same length (35-40 letters). From this it will follow that some MS. in the line of descent (and one which was afterwards used as copy by a scribe with a demonstrably wandering eye) was written in lines of this length. (2) With this dafum, to attempt the reconstruction of some patently corrupt passages, on the hypothesis that a whole line or its equivalent

has been omitted by the scribe of the wandering eye. The following are the passages in which contamination between lines seerns to have taken place (in each case I give the reading of Μ, ἃ statement

why

it is unsatisfactory, what

reading before the contamination how it may have taken place): ?

took

I suggest

was the

place, and an explanation

1 In the division of the text into lines the pointof contamination, or the beginning of the lacuna, has been placed near the end ofa line. There is, however, nothing to prove that the mistake occurred at or near the end ofa line, It may have happened anywhere, although the end is a rather more likely place, since on the completion of a line the scribe’s eye has to travel across and down the page

TEXT

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253

(x) In xxii. 17 M has περὶ yap τὰς ἑορτὰς τοὺς τοιούτου; καιροὺς μάλιστα of βουλόμενοί τι vewrepitew ἐγχειροῦσιν. ὅσα δὲ πάθεα γέγονε περὶ τοῦ στοιχείον τοὺς καιροὺς ἐν

ἄλλοις δηλοῦται.

.

.

In this, rots τοιούτους καιροὺς makes no sense where it stands; περὶ τοῦ oratyelay τοὺς καιροὺς is plain nonsense.

and

1 suggest that the reading was I

περὶ yap τὰς ἑορτὰς

2

μάλιστα

3 4

ροῦσιν, ὅσα δὲ mäßea! γέγονε περὶ τοὺς τοιούστοὺς καιροὺς ἐν ἄλλοις δηλοῦται.

Explanation,

οἱ

βουλόμενοί

τε

νεωτερίζειν

ἐγχει-

(35 letters)

The scribe, when he reached the end of |. 3, let his

eye wander to the end of I. 2, and took in ΧΕΙ after TOI, thus The correction of this, writing TOYCTOIXEIOYTOYCKAIPOYC. τοὺς τοιούτους καιροὺς, was then made in the margin, but afterwards mistaken for an omission, and copied into the text above after ἑορτὰς,

(2) In xxviii. 7 M has δοκεῖ δέ por συναγαγόντα ? δηλωτέον ἵνα δὴ φυλάσσησθε καὶ ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ὅκαστα, ἵνα τις μηδὲν εὐήθως ἀποδέχηται, δοκεῖ lacks an infinitive, and ἵνα δὴ φυλάσσησθε makes no sense in the context.

What

is wanted is another indirect

question, parallel

to

ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα, and containing a verb which can go with the latter clause as well. I suggest that the reading was 1

δοκεῖ δέ μοι auvayaydıra? δηλωτέον εἶναι ἃ

ἃ

δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι καὶ ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἕκαστα, ἵνα

3.

τις μηδὲν εὐήθως ἀποδέχηται.

(38 letters)

Explanation, The scribe’s eye strayed from the end of |. 1 to the end of 1. 2, with the result that he copied INA instead of EINAIA. Given this corruption, the alteration of δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι to δὴ φυλάσσησϑε

follows easily. (3) In xxxiii. 2 M has παρεσκευάσϑω ξύλα οἷδν ὑπερμεγέθη" δὲ πολλῷ μείζω" καὶ εἰς μὲν τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ ξυλοῦ κροῦσαι σιδήρια ὀξέα καὶ μείζω, to the beginning of the next.

It should be remarked thata number of the emen-

dations suggested are due to previous scholars, who, however, have not usually

given an explanation of the corruption. lie. πάθη. 3 συναγαγόντι Casaubon,

3 ὕπερα (Pestles) Gronov;

(S, A, H.]

μεγέθει K. and R.

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STICHOMETRY

In this, καὶ μείζω at the end is very difficult to make sense of: in any case the spikes cannot be bigger than the pieces of wood. I suggest that the reading was I

παρεσκευά-

2 3

σθω ξύλα οἷδν ὑπερμεγέθη δὲ πολλῷ μείζω" καὶ εἰς μὲν τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ ξύλου κροῦσαι σιδήρια ὀξέα,

Explanation,

(38 letters)

The scribe’s eye, as he was finishing }. 3, was caught

by ΜΕΙΖΩΚΑΙ at the end of !, 2, and he wrote the words in after ὀξέα, perhaps unconsciously transposing their order so as to make some sort of sense.

(4) In xl. 2-3 M has ἦν δὲ peifov? ἢ ὥστε ὑπ᾽ ὀλίγων φυλάσσεσθαι,

ἐπιμελητὰς μὲν οὖν τινασ

μετόλίγων obs ἐνεδέχετο, τῶν δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μέγιστα δυναμένονσα ὃ οἰκέτασ ἡ συνῴκισεν τῶν δεσποτῶν τὰς θυγατέρας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ ἀδελφάς.

A verb is clearly wanted to govern ἐπιμελητὰς : most editors have

inserted one ® after ἐνεδέχετο, but no explanation of the omission is forthcoming.

ὧι

ἃ

Ὁ

bf

I suggest that the reading was ἦν δὲ μείζων ἢ ὥστε ὑπ᾽ ὀλίγων φυλάσσεσθαι. ἐπιμελητὰς μὲν οὖν τινασ κατέλιπεν obs ἐνεδέχετο, τῶν δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μέγιστα ἂνEd F ~ En ναμένουσ ἢ οἰκέτασ * συνῴκισεν τῶν δεσποτῶν τὰς θυγατέρας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ adeddas.

Explanation, YTIOAITQN

(39 letters)

On coming to the end of |. 2, the scribe looked at at the end of |. τ, and instead of KATEAITTEN

wrote

something like ΚΑΤΟΛΙΓΩΝ, which was afterwards altered to METOAIT QN,

to improve the sense.

(5) To these passages may be added one other, in which a transposition in M gives some indication of the length of the line. In xxix. 4 M has πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς προενδημήσασι ξένοις ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον καὶ πολιτῶν τοῖς ἀνόπλοις τε καὶ συνεργοῖς ἐσομένοις εἰσεκομίσθησαν θώρακες, κτλ.

Here, there is at first sight nothing to excite suspicion.

In J. Afr.

50, however, we read τοῖς ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκεῖσε προενδημοῦσι ξένοις καὶ προδόταις 1 ὕπερα ( pestles) Gronov; μεγέθει K. and R. 2 sc.

πόλιξ,

ὃ δυναμέναν K, and R. 4 οἰκέταις K. and R. δ e.g. ἐπέστησε Casaubon ; κατέλιπε Schoene,

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255

ὡς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἡμῖν ovpnpdrrovow εἰσκομίζεσθαι δεῖ θώρακας, xrd., which,

although the resemblance to M is not very close, seems to imply that the MS. of Aeneas used by Julius had the words so arranged that ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον had to be taken, not with προενδημήσασι, but with συνεργοῖς ἐσομένοις, with which it makes a better sense.

I suggest that the reading at one time was I 3.

πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς προενδημήσασι ξένοις ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον καὶ πολιτῶν τοῖς ἀνόπλοις τε καὶ συνεργοῖς (36 letters)

3

ἐσομένοις εἰσεκομίσθησαν θώρακες, xrd.

Explanation.

ἐπὶ τὸ μέλλον was left out from its proper position at

the end of |. 2, inserted in the margin, and afterwards taken into the

text at the end of the previous line. We now come to the corrupt passages where a whole line or its

equivalent seems to have been lost,

I have in each case suggested a

line to fill the lacuna, and, although the likelihood of the words being

exactly right is necessarily small, there is at any rate reason to think that the length, as well as the sense, of the insertions is approximately

correct.! (1) In xxviii. 3 M has καὶ ἐάν τι δέῃ εἰσενέγκασθαι wirov ἣ ἐλαίου ἢ οἴνου ἐν τάχει ἣ τῶν ὁμοτρόπων τούτοις, ἁμάξαις ἣ σωμάτων πάθη, ταῦτα

δὲ χρὴ

κατὰ τὰς ἐγγυτάτασ

πύλας

κοιμίζειν " καὶ ἐὰν τάχιστα καὶ ῥᾷιστα εἰσκομισθείη.

Correcting πάθη and

κοιμίζειν, and taking δὲ as apodotic, we can

understand this as far as κο[εϊμέζειν: but no obvious emendation or transposition can make sense of καὶ ἐὰν... εἰσκομισθείη. Hercher

marks a lacuna, and it is clear that something has been lost.

It should

be noticed that in J. Afr. 49 we have ταῦτα εἰσκομίζεσθαι δεῖ προεξιόντος στρατεύματος.

I suggest that the latter part of the passage ran as follows : I 2 8 4

ταῦτα δὲ χρὴ κατὰ τὰς ἐγγυτάτασ πύλας κοιμίζειν " καὶ προεξιόντος τῶν πυλῶν στρατεύματος" οὕτω d-* € ἂν τάχιστα καὶ ῥᾷιστα εἰσκομισθείη.

(36 letters)

This insertion of 36 letters accounts for the reading καὶ ἐὰν in M, 1 These insertions are printed in the text of this edition. 3 πλήθει Casaubon, following J. Afr. 49. 3 κομίζειν Casaubon, following C.

4 The division of δέ between the two lines might be accounted for on the supposition that οὕτω δὲ dv had already been misread as οὕτω δ᾽ ἐάν.

256 TEXT OF AENEAS AND STICHOMETRY and is of the nature indicated by Julius’s προεξιόντος στρατεύματος : the form, too, of the sentence οὕτω δὲ ἂν, κτὰ, is very much

in Aeneas’s

manner. (2) Next we come to the desperately corrupt passage in which Aeneas describes his ‘most secret but most troublesome’ method of sending messages. In xxxi. 17-18 M has ἀστράγαλον εὐμεγέθη τρυπῆσας 1 εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα, ἐξ εἷς ἑκάστην πλευρὰν τοῦ ἀστραγάλον" ἔστω δὲ τὰ τρυπήματα τοῦ ἀστραγάλον ὃ ἀφὴσ ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξη τὸ ἄλφα καὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα ἅπερ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πλευρᾷ γέγραπται,

In this, (i) we are not told what the τρυπήματα are to be, i.e. ἔστω lacks a complement: (ii) makes no sense, either as a numeral or as δέ: (iii) since καὶ must clearly be also, not and, τὰ ἐχόμενα lacks a verb

to go with it. As regards (i), the τρυπήματα are obviously to represent the twenty-four letters of the alphabet, and J. Afr. 52 has ἔστω δὲ ra

τρυπήματα στοιχεῖα : as regards (iii), we should observe that J. Afr. has διαμνημόνευνε δὲ ad’ ἧς ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξηται τὸ ἄλφα, κτλ.

For the latter part of the passage, I suggest I 2 3

ἔστω δὲ τὰ τρνπήματα τοῦ ἀστραγάλον τὰ εἴκοσε καὶ τέτταρα στοιχεῖα' διαμνημόνενε δέ, ἀφὴσ ἂν πλευρᾶς ἄρξῃ τὸ ἄλφα, καὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα

4

ἅπερ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πλευρᾷ γέγραπται,

(38 letters)

Without |. 2, we have the exact reading of M (with the exception of δέ for 8).

The insertion fits the sense, and accords with the indications

given by Julius, in whose version the numeral before στοιχεῖα should probably be restored (τὰ «8 orotyeia).? (3) Our next passage is the one in which Aeneas quotes from Herodotus (viii. 128) the description of the communication between Timoxenus and Artabazus by notes attached toarrows. In xxxi. 25-6 M has Ποτίδαιαν yap θέλων προδοῦναι Τιμόξενος ᾿Αρταβάζῳ προσυνέθεντο ἀλλήλοις & μὲν τῆς πόλεώς τι χωρίον, ὃ δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδον, εἰσύπερ ἐτόξευον 6 τι ἄντι * ἤθελον ἀλλήλοις ἐμφανίσαι * alero δὲ τοῦ τοξεύματος περὶ τὰς πύλασ γλυφὰσ " ἐλίξαντεσ τὸ βιβλίον, κτὰ, It is fairly easy to correct ὅ τὸ ἄντε and πύλασ' γλνφὰσ, but afero δὲ still

remains to be dealt with,

The best emendation is Hermann Schoene’s

U χρυπῆσαι τρυπήματα Hercher, following J. Afr. 5a. 2 Possibly the feeling that a numeral was lacking in the text of Aeneas led to

the writing of δ for δέ, 3 πᾶν 6 τι Herm,

(S.A. H.}j

Schoene,

4 After ἐμφανίσαι there is in M a short space (about three letters), which may or may not be meant to indicate a lacuna.

δ rds γλυφίδας Casaubon,

TEXT

OF

AENEAS

AND

STICHOMETRY

(ἐτεχυλάζετο δὲ (de), and ὧδε may easily have dropped out after δὲ, how did ἐτεχνάζετο come to be mutilated?

257 But

Notice that Herodotus (loc.

cit.) has ὅκως βυβλίον γράψειε ἢ Τιμόξεινος ἐθέλων mapa ᾿Αρτάβαζον πέμψαι ἣ

"Apräßafos παρὰ Τιμόξεινον, and that in M represent ἢ Tidtewos Τιμόξεινον,

. . . παρὰ

we have

᾿Αρτάβαζον

..

only ἀλλήλοις

. 4 ᾿Αρτάβαζος

to παρὰ

For the latter part of the passage, I suggest 1 2 3 4 δ᾽

εἰσόπερ ἐτόξευον ὅ τι Avrı! ἤθελον ἀλλήλοις ἐμφανίσαι, ἢ ᾿Αρταβάζῳ Τιμόξενος 4 Τιμοξένῳ ᾿Αρτάβαζον᾽ éreχνάζετο δὲ Ske τοῦ τοξεύματος περὶ τὰς πύλασ γλυφὰσ 3 ἐλίξαντεσ τὸ βιβλίον, Krk,

(39 letters)

Ifl. 3 and ὧδε in ]. 4 are omitted we have the reading of M, with the exception of χνάζετο for afro: this alteration may be accounted for by the fact that &{ere is a Greek word, while χνάζετο is a vox μέλε, In this way the mutilation of the word is accounted for, and the inser-

tion agrees well with the words in Herodotus. (4) In xxxi. 31 (the passage describing the writing of secret messages with consonants only, dots being placed for the vowels) M has καὶ τάδε τὰ πεμπόμενα γράμματα εἴς τινα τόπον τῷ πεμπομένῳ δῆλον γίνεσθαι ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου eis τὴν πόλιν... ὅτι ἥκει αὐτῷ γράμμωτα καὶ κεῖται ἐν

τῷ πορρηθέντι5 τόπῳ.

Here, (i) a verb {τιθέναι or the like) is lacking to govern γράμματα:

(ii) a phrase meaning ‘ known to’ or ‘ prearranged with the recipient’ is wanted to go with εἴς τινα τόπον, since δῆλον must clearly be taken with γίνεσθαι : (iii) ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, κτλ. seems to imply the previous mention of a third person, evidently the messenger who placed the letter in the agreed place.‘ For the first part of the sentence I suggest I 2 3 4. 5.

καὶ τάδε τὰ πεμπόμενα γράμματα εἷς τινα τόπον τῷ πεμπομένῳ γνωστὸν τιθέναι τὸν φέροντα, τῷ δὲ πεμπομένῳ δῆλον γίνεσθαι ἔλθόντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, κτλ.

(31 letters)

This gives good sense and smooth grammar:

for γνωστόν cf. xviii,

20 λίθους ἐτίθει εἰς τόπον γνωστὸν τοῖς πολεμίοις, In this case, too, we have an obvious reason for the omission of the line, since πεμπομένῳ

will have appeared in the same position in two consecutive lines. 1 zäv ὅ τι Herm, Schoene.

2 τὰς γλυφίδας Casaubon.

3 πζ(ρ)ορρηθέντι Casaubon. 4 We might, however, read rou ἀνθρώπου, i.e. ‘a man’ instead of ‘the man’.

aes

8

AND

TO INTRODUCTION COMMENTARY

INDEX

I.

GREEK

[The references are to the pages of this edition.) A

ἀγαθίς lili; 167 ἄγγος liv

ἄγρα Wiii ἀγρεύω lv

ἀδιάτμητος Ixi

deipa Ixiv ἀζήμιος Ixxiii

ἄθροισις lviii

καὶ as ending of 3rd sing. weak aor.

opt. act. Ixx αἱμασιά 106 f.

ἀκάτειον 180 ᾿Ακούσματα xiii; 233

ἀκροβολίζομαι lix

ἀκροβολισμός viii ἀκρολοφία Ix ἄκρυπτος ἵν

ἀλλά in apodosis 102 ἅμα as adverb of place Ixxiii; 142; 17 duate: see ‘Carts’ ἁμαξήλατος Ixi

ἁμαξοπληθής iv; 221 ἄν with fut. info. Ixxix; 192; 238; with opt. (in place of fut.) 149; omitted in general relative clauses 119; 128

ἀνά in time expressions Ixxiv ; 213 ἀναγγέλλω lix ἀναίρω liv ἀναντιλέκτως Ixi; 206 ἀνάπαλιν lix

ἀνηκουστέω liX ἀνθυπορύσσω Ixi ἄνιππος ἵνὶ

ἀνολκή 132 ἀνταποστέλλω Ixi ἀντεπιστέλλω Ixi ἀντηχέω lv

(ὠντιδέμω) Ixti ἀντιδομή ἰχὶϊ ; 181

ἀντικαταλαμβάνω Ixi ἀντίκριος Ixüi ; 221 ἔ. ἀντιόομαι liv ἀντιπαιανίζω Ixi ἀντιπροθυμέομαι Ixii ἀντιπρόσωπος ἰν]ϊ ἀντιστασιώτης ἵν

ἀντορύσσω Ἰνὶ ἀξιόχρεος Ixiv

ἀπελίσσω ἰχὶ ἀποκινέω Ixi; 130 ἀπόλεκτος lix ἀποπτύσσω Ixii ἀποστολεύς 202 ἄπριστος Ἰχὶ ἄρμενα liv; 165 -άρχης as noun-ending Ixix ἀστράγαλος 209

ἄστυ distinguished from πόλις 103 ἀσυνήθης liv αὐτός, Aeneas’s frequent use of 133; 138; 170

αὐτουργός

ἵν;

161

ἀφυλάκτως Ixxili;

158

B βαλανάγρα lv; 159f. βαλανοδόκη Ixii

βάλανος : see ‘ Bolt” βάσις 148 βοήθησις lv

βρωτός ἵν γίνομαι xviii

γινώσκω Ixviii γλυφίς liv; 214

γύργαθος 162

Δ

δάμαλις {Π| δάπεδον liv; 230 δέ in apodosis 195

5.2

260 δεῖγμα 203 δεῖσθαι used

INDEX L impersonally

Ixxiii;

211:

δεσμέω Ixiv δηλωτικῶς Ivi διαδεκτήμ Ixii

διάδυσις lx ; 183 f. διαπληρόω Ixii διαπορεύομαι lix δίερσις Ivi Stevpive li

διλοχία Ix διόρυγμα viii

δύλωμα liv

dive Ixiv δύσγνωστος lv

δυσμνημόνευτος lvii

δυσπμόσοδος lix δυσπροσπόριστος Ixii δυσστρατοπέδευτος Ixii E

ἐγκαταρράπτω lvii

ταὶ substituted for τῇ Ixvi

τεισαν substituted for -ecay in 3rd plur. plupf. act. Ixvi

εἰσαφίημι ha εἰσπορεύομαι lv ἑκάστοϑι liv ἑκατοστύς lvi

ἐκβοηθέω lix ἐκδέω liv

ἐκκνάω Ivi ἐκκοιτία lx ἐκπορεύομαι lv ἐκσπογγίζω ki ἐκτομάς Ixü

ἐκφερομυθέω Ἰχὶ ; Lxxii ἐκφέρω 109 Δλλιμενιστὴς 199 f. ἐμπαρασκευάζω, Wi ἐν with verbs in place of εἰς Ixxiy ἐνεδρεύομαι (pass.) Ixxii évedpeurixds Ἰχὶ ἐνειλέω li

ἐνράπτω lv ἐντέλλομαι lix

ἐξαιρετός ἵνὶ

ἐπαφίημε Wii

ἐπέξοδος lix ἐπιβουλῶν (?) βίβλος xiii ἐπισημασία Ιχ ἐπισκόπησις kit ἐπισπερχεστέρως Iii; 189 ἐπιστιγμή Ixii ἐπιστίζω ἵν]

ἔρυμα lix ἔσωθεν liv

δυσμεταχείριστος lix

ἐνθυμέω lxxii ; 230

ἐξεράω 206f. ἐξερευνάω lv ἕξερσις Ixii ; 211 ἐξοπλισία Wvii

ἐπισυνδέω li

δυσεπίθετος Ixii

ἕνεκεν Ixviii ἕνερσις Iviii

ἐξαυτομολέομαι (pass.) Lxxii ἐξελίσσω ἵν

ἐπιφάνεια Ix

δυσδιάβατος Ixi δυσεπίβολος Ixi

ἐνείρω liv

GREEK

ἕτερος,

*‘wrong’

Ho

ἑτοιμασία lv

εὐαπαλλάκτως Ivii εὐείσβολος Ixi

εὐκάτοπτος Ixi

εὐμνημόνευτος Ivii

εὔογκος ἵν ; 200

εὐπρόσοδος lix ἔφεδρος lili; 146 H

ἤδη introducing a historical illustration lxxiit;

113

ἡμεροσκοπεῖον Ix; 118 ff, ἡμεροσκοπέω Ixii ἡμιύφαντος kkii ἠρεμέω lix; 128

Θ θανατηφόρος liv ; 192 θερμαστίον bxii θεσμοφόρια 116 « substituted for εἰ Ixvi ἱεροποιία lvii ἱματισμός vii; 208 ἱππάσιμος lvi

ἰσομεγέθης Wii κάθετος ivii

καϑολκή Ix; 132 καθυπνόω Ivi

nai... δέ Ixxv κόματος liv κατάκολλος Ixii; καταλείφω lvi

καταλευκόω Ixil

206

INDEX

I.

GREEK

261

sarakıumayo Ixiv «aranndao lvii

ὁμηρεύομαι (mid. ) Ixxii

καταρράπτω ἵν κατασκεπάζω lvi κατασκέπτομαι ἱνὶ

rin mai Ixil ς in indirect questions 171

ὅπλον 199

ὅστις 167

κατασύρω vi

οὐθείς Ixvüif. οὗτος as unemphatic demonstrative

κέντημα ἵν κηρόω lvi κλεῖσις lix κλείω Ixiv

149

ὄχανον liv; 201 ὀχλέω lv

κλεψύδρα τ78 κλωστός lili κλώψ lv Koswn διάλεκτος xvii ff, κοιτάζομαι liv

ὀχνρότης Ix π

πάλος liv πάμπαν lix; 151 πάνειον xvi; [ΧΙ]; πανσυδίῃ ἣν

κρυφαίως lv

191

κτύπος lix

παρακελεύω Ἰχχίϊ παραλέγω Ixi

λαμπτήρ liv

παραμήκης vi παρασκευάζω Ixxüi παρασκεύασμα ἰνὶϊ Παρασκεναστικὴ βίβλος xii f.

λάφυρα liv

λεηλατέω lv

λεηλάτησις Ixii λίθος (n) Ixiv; 174 λιμενοφύλαξ Ix; 199 λοχίζω lvi λόχος, strength of 104; 147 M

-pa, verbal nouns ending in Ixiii μάννα ly ματαίως liv

παρασκευαστικός lvii παρασύνθημα Ix; τ87,

παρατήρησις 1x πεδινός ἵνὶ πελάζω 174 πέλμα ἵν πεμπόμενος, ὁ, “the man

a

περικεφαλαία Ix

μάχαιρα 199

μάχομαι : fut. μαχέσομαι (?) Ixiv; 152 μεσόπυλον Ixüi

μέχρις Ixviii f. μηθείς Ἰχνὶϊ f. μορφόω lvii μόσσυν lvii ; 225 μοχλός : see ‘Bar’

περιοδεία Ix; 188 ff. περιοδεύω lvii περίοδος (6) Ixüi πέσημα liv πιεζέω Ixiv ; 165

πισσαλοιφέω Ixii ποδώκης ix; 119 πολεμικόν, τό bil Πολιορκητικὴ βίβλος : author’s name xf.; author’s provenance xvi fl.; author's identity ix f.; xvi fi; xxiv ff, ; date of composition xi f. ;

Ν

ναός Ixiv νεόδαρτος liii νεοκμής Ixi νεωλκία Ivii; 156 γοερός lix; 195 γυκτοφυλακέω ἵν! ; badii;

170

Ξ

historical historical xxxviii ff.; diction li

background xviii ff. ; sources xxxiv ff.; MSS. treatment of text xlii 8; ff; interest of subject-

matter xxxi £

ξενοκρατέομαι Ixii; baxii ξενοτροφεῖσθαι (impers. pass.) Ixxiii

moXirapxos lx; 190 πολιτοφυλακέω Ixti

o

πολιτοφυλακία Ixii πολυπλήθεια ly

οἶδα : fut, εἰδήσω 205 οἰνόομαι liv

to whom

letter is sent’ Ixxii; 203f. πέμψις lix

πολνωρέω lvii πονέω ; aor. infin. πονέσαι Ixiv

262

INDEX

Ποριστικὴ βίβλος xiii

GREEK u

πορσύνω liv: 201 ποτίζω Ivi πότιμος Ἰνὶ] πρατήριον ly πρὶν ἢ xxiv; πρίσμα ly

I.

ῥίνη ἵν

194

.

P

βίπος Ix; 232 ρυμάρχης Ixii ; Ixix ρυμη IX ; βωμαλέος ἵν! Σ

{πριστηρ) Ix προ confused with πρὸς 116; 154

σαργάνη 200 ει, σημπίνω : Bor. ἐσήμανα lex

προαπαγγέλλω Ixi προασποπληρόω [ΧΙ]

σιγάομαι (pass.} Lxxii; 174, “σις, verbal nouns ending in Ixiii

npoahehao lxi

σημειόω vi;

προασφίημι lyi

177

σκηνοποιία lx

προδιατάσσομαι [πὶ

oxneow

170 f.

προεμβάλλω Ἱν]}

σκυταλίς ἵν ; 179

προενεδρεύω |xi προενείρω Ixi προενθυμέω [xxii

oo OF tr Ixvii orate lix, στελεά lili; 164 f.

προενδημέω Ixi

προεξερευνάω

.

σπόνδυλος Ixiv

lv

στελεόν ji

"

προερευνάωῳ |vii

στολίδιον Ixil ; 199

προκαθίζω Ἰχὶ προκατασκευάζω lyi

Στγρατοπεδεντικὴ βιβλὸος xiii στρατοπεδευτικός Ixi

προναέω lxxii

σ ὕμβολον [31

προετοιμάζω ἱνὶ

στρατοπεδεία lvii

mpokAnpéw Ixii

συμβάλλομαι (pass. ?) 165 f.

προνοητικῶς lyii προνομή lvii; 205 προπαραγγέλλω |Xi προπεριελίσσω Ixii προπορεύομαι lyii

Tuppioyolxiv; 147 συμπερίειμι lvii συμπετάννυμι Ixii συμπροδίδωμι Ixi συμπροσάγω Ixil

προσαγωγή ly

(συναιτέομαι) Ixii;

προς confused with πρὸ 116; 154

Tporaicow liy προσαλίζω Ixil

συμπτῶμα lix

συναρχίαι \vii; 116 συνδιάγω lvii .

προσδέω ivi

συνειστρέχω Ixil

προσπελάζω lix προσπλάσσωῳ Ἰνὶ προστάτης τοῦ δήμον at Argos I 38

συνημερεύω 119 σύνθημα 181 fl. συνίστωρ lix

προσεπιδέω |vi

προσύγκειμαι Ixi προσυντίθεμαι Ixi πρόσφατος, -ws Ixi; 111;

προτάσσω iv προὐὔποτίθημι lvi

mpopépe liv

προφύλαξ 172

προφυλάσσω 172 προώστης ki; 221 πυθμὴν lix πυλωρὸς liv

πυρσευτῆς Ixii πυρσεύω |v πυρσός liv

πυρφόρος lix πυρῴδης lix

"

150

I 57

συνεκῴφορά Ix

σύννους Ivi συνυπάρχω lvili συριγμός lvii σύσσημον ix;

113 ff.

σωλη 2 νοειδής Ixi σώματα, ‘troops *ΜΝ Ixxix;

σώρακος 202

t Τακτικὴ βίβλος (?) xiv ταλαπείριος lili; 131

τειχοποιία lx

τέχνασμα liv τυφλόω lytii

| ὑπερδέξιος lit ὑπερπετῆς Ixi

Y

103;

176

INDEX

1.

GREEK

ὑπερπύττω ἵνῚ

x

ὑποθυμιάω |vi ὑποπροτίθημι ᾿ἰχὶϊ. 228 ὑπόρυγμα Ἰχὶ

ὑπορύσσω lvi ᾧ

223

¥

chbeyyos lix

ψάμμος

ἔγγω liv

φυλακεῖον Ix}

χαμαιπετῆς ix; χεῖλος 112

χελώνη wii; 223 f. χερμάδιον lil χρεωφειλέτης Ixi

φαεινός liii φάκελλος lix

pages lvii; 109

x substituted for « Ixvi χειμερμινός 174

ὑποτοξεύω Ixil

φλογόω Ivi φορμορραφίς Ixil; φυρταγωγός Ixi

263

161

Ψψαμμώδης Ἱνὶ 164

ὡς with infin. in indirect statement xxiv ; ὥστε as final conjunction 192

I,

ENGLISH

[Zhe references are to the pages of this edition.) A

Abdera 148

Accusative: internal acc. used pleonastically Ixxv; acc. ‘of space over which’ Ιχχν Active used where Attic uses middle Ixxii Adverbs,

peculiarities

in

use

of

Ixxiii; formed from participles Ixiii; 148; comparative advbs. in -as lxiv; 124 Aelian, ascription of Πολιορκητικὴ βίβλος tox

Aeneas (the name) xiv ff.

Aeneas (author of Πολιορκητικὴ βίβλον), references to in ancient authors xf; corpus militare of

xiiff. ; his method of fire-signalling quoted by Polybius 121 ff. Aeneas of Corinth xiv Aeneas of Stymphalus (χοροδιδάσκαλος in Pindar) xiv; xxvii Aeneas of Stymphalus (general of Arcadian league) xiv Aeneas of Stymphalus (father of Thrasybulus the Iamid) ix; xiv ; xxii; xxv3 xxvii Aeneas of Troy xiv Aeneas (father of Thrasybulus) xiv ; xxvii Allies, precautions concerning 142ff. Amasis 229 Anacoluthon Ixxvii ; 139; 200 Apollonia Pontica 169 Arcadia xviii ff. Arcadian mercenaries xxxii f. Argos xix;

137f.;

1568,

Aristagoras 215 Arrows used to carry messages 214 Art, school of, at Sicyon xxv Artabazus 213 f.

Artemis (Ἄρτεμις "Ayporépa) 186 Assaults, contrivances for repelling 218 ff. Astyanax of Lampsacus 216 Asyndeton

170

Athenodorus of Imbros 185

Attic Greek, essential characteristics of xliv f.; xlixf, B Bar (μοχλό:), use of in securing gates 158 f.; method of sawing through 168; prevention of tam-

pering with 168 f.

Barca 153; 229f. Bees, use of in war 229 Birdlime, use of as a

fire-proof

material 226 Blockade-running 132 Bolt (βάλανος), use of in securing gates 158f.; shape of 159 f.; devices employed to withdraw 158 ff; prevention

of tampering

with 168 ἢ, Bolt-socket (βαλανοδόκη) Ixüi Cc

Cadmeia at Thebes 186 f.; 217

Carts: form of Greek carts 230f. ; use of to make shelters 230 ff. Cases, peculiarities in use of Ixxv f. ; change of Ixxvii; 138f.

Catapults 222 f.

Chabrias 148 Chalcedon 142 f.

Chalcis 113 ἔς Chares 141

Charidemus 182 f. Chariots, use of in war 153 Chios 136 Clazomenae 196 Clearchus 1403 143f. Comparison, different degrees coupled together Ixxiii

of,

Conjunctions, peculiarities in use of luxiv f. Constructio ad sensum 167 Corcyra 141 Cyrene 153

Cyzicus 143 D Datamas 238 Dative of agent 209

INDEX

II.

238 (?)

Dogs, use of in war 175; use of as letter-carriers 216

E Education, facilities cities 131 f.

for

Epaminondas xxi; xxiv;

in

Greek

Fire-signalling 120 ff.

Future infinitive with ἄν Ixxix ; 192

158 f.;

devices employed to open 158 ff.

Gender, change of lxxvii Genitive, partitive Ixxvi; gen. absolute with noun omitted Ixxvi;

gen. absolute instead of participle 107

Glous {Persian admiral) 217 f. Grammar of Aeneas Ixxi ff.

L

Lampsacus 217

Leaves, use of as writing-material

205

Lelantine war, supposed reference to 113 ἢ, Leucon, tyrant of Bosporus xii; 117 Lock: see ‘Bolt’ Locris xi; 212 ἢ.

Martial law, method of proclaiming 128 ff. Masts, use of in sieges 220 Meetings, regulations concerning 128 Megalopolis xx; xxiv Megara 116 f. Mercenaries, maintenance of 144 f.; precautions regarding 133; 142f. Middle voice, Aeneas’s use of Ixxii Military science in Greece xxvii ff.

H Heracleia Pontica 139 f. Heraea (festival at Argos) 156 f.

Mines 228 ff. Mood, change of Ixxviii

Heraea (city) 163 Herodotus, Aeneas’s method when

Naval warfare xvi;

quoting 107 f.; 213f.; 215; 229 Histiaeus 215 I

Ilion xi; 182f.; 212f. Imperative, forms of lxix f.; used

or in-

Indicative following infinitive Ixxvili Infinitive, Aeneas's free use oflxxv; 1613 171: 201 Invisible ink 207

Ionic forms in Aeneas Ixiv

N Naxos 176 Neuter with

152

125

plur. verb

Ixxviii f. ;

Nicocles 177

Tamidae xiv after indirect statement direct command Ixxviti Importation of arms 202 f.

of 240,

M Mantineia xix ; xxiii; xxiv

G

in agreement

identity

foot-note 1; his Keorof xli f.; 240 f.; use of in emending text of Aeneas 247 ff.

Laconica 106

quenching

Garrisoning a city 237 ff. Gate-keeping 194 ff. Gates, method of fastening

J

Key (βαλανάγρα) lv; 159 £.

fire 224 f.; materials for making

for

Africanus,

Koiné xlvii ff.

F Festivals, precautions at 155 ff. Fire: methods of setting articles on materials

Julius

K

106

Epirus 216 Euboea 113 f. Euphratas of Sparta 192 Euphron of Sicyon ix; xxii f.

226; 225f.

265

Iphiades of Abydos 197 Iphicrates xxx f. ; 186

Diction of Aeneas lii ff, Dioetas of Achaea 163 Dionysius I 133f.;

ENGLISH

Nouns, uncontracted forms of xvi; proper names in -eds with nom. plur. -eis Ixx Number, change of Ixxvii ; 193

ο Optative, forms of 111; combined with 1443

subjunctive lxxviii; 102; 147; used instead of indic.

after primary verb Ixxviii; 174; 192 (dis)

266

INDEX

II.

Order of words Ixxix

Orthography of Aeneas Ixiv ff. Outposts (ἡμεροσκοπεῖα) 118 ff.

Siege-towers 219 Signs to accompany the password {(παρασυνθήματα)

187 f.

Sinope 238 Smuggling of arms 198 fl. Socrates and military science xxviii

p

Panics 190 ff. Parion 197 Partheniae, revolt of 141

Sparta xix; xxiv;

Stichometry,

Participle, omission of Ixxv

Passive, Aeneas’s free use of Lxxii; impersonal] Ixxiii; 145 ; 170

Passwords (συνθήματα) 181 fl. Periphrasis, frequency of in Aeneas xi

Pisistratus 116 f. Plataea 107 f.

ENGLISH

-

Plots, frustration of 136 ff.

Poetic diction in Hellenistic Greek

xlviii ff. Poisoning of wells 126

141

use of in emending

text of Aeneas 251 ff.

Style of Aeneas Ixxix ff. Stymphalus xxxiii Subject, omission of Ixxvi

Subjunctive combined with opt. Ixxviii ; in final relative clause (?) 119 Syntax of Aeneas Ixxi ff. T Tegea xix; xxtii; xxiv

Thebans xx; xxi; 106; 1071.

Poliorcetics in Greece xxxi Polybius on fire-signalling 121 ff. Portcullis, use of 235 Potidaea 213 f.

Thebes 186 f.; 217 Thucydides, Aeneas’s method when quoting 107 f.; reminiscences of

Prepositions, peculiarities in use of

Timoxenus 213 f.

Ixxiv

Professionalism

in the art of war

xxXX

Prophets, control of 130

Python of Clazomenae 196 R Recognition-signs (σύσσημα) 113 fi. Relief expeditions 146 ff. Reserves 232 ἢ, Rounds {περιοδεῖαι) 188 ff. Ruses 234 ff.

5 Sall ac method of making in secrecy 180 ἢ. Sand-baskets, use of in sieges 220

Scaling-ladders, method of resisting 227 f, Schema Pindaricum 220

Scouting 118 ff. Sea, references to xxvi Second person, Aeneas’s infrequent use of 126;

149

Secret messages 203 ff,

Ship-houses, construction of 137 Sicyon ix; xxi ff.; xxivff.; 202 Siegecraft in Greece xxxi; Aeneas’s treatise on: see Πολιορκητικὴ BiBios

233

Tin, use of as writing-material 204 Torch-bearing horseman on votive tablet 208 Torch races τς Treachery, precautions against 128 ff.; 136 ff.; 158ff. Triballi 148

Two phrases used to express one idea Ixxxi Vv Variation of construction Ixxvii f.

Variation of phrase Ixxviüi

Verbal nouns lxxxif. ; 224 Verbs, peculiarities in use of Ixxii f. ;

compounded

with

two

preposi-

tions Ixiii Vinegar, use of for quenching 226 Votive tablets 208

fire

WwW Wasps, use of in war 229

Watches, arrangement of 169 ff. Wealthy

class,

Aeneas’s

attitude

towards xxxili ; 233 x Xenophon’s contribution to military science xxix f.; his diction I ff.