Academies and Schools of Art in Latin America [1 ed.] 081537416X, 9780815374169

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Academies and Schools of Art in Latin America

This edited volume’s chief aim is to bring together, in an English-­language source, the principal histories and narratives of some of the most significant academies and national schools of art in South America, Mexico, and the Caribbean, from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries. The book highlights not only issues shared by Latin American academies of art but also those that differentiate them from their European counterparts. Authors examine issues including statutes, the influence of workshops and guilds, the importance of patronage, discourses of race and ethnicity in visual pedagogy, and European models versus the quest for national schools. It also offers first-­time English translations of many foundational documents from several significant academies and schools. This book will be of interest to scholars in art history, Latin American and Hispanic studies, and modern visual cultures. Oscar E. Vázquez is Professor of Art History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-­Champaign.

Routledge Research in Art History

Routledge Research in Art History is our home for the latest scholarship in the field of art history. The series publishes research monographs and edited collections, covering areas including art history, theory, and visual culture. These high-­level books focus on art and artists from around the world and from a multitude of time periods. By making these studies available to the worldwide academic community, the series aims to promote quality art history research. Portuguese Artists in London Shaping Identities in Post-­War Europe Leonor de Oliveira Form and Meaning in Avant-­Garde Collage and Montage Magda Dragu Mongol Court Dress, Identity Formation, and Global Exchange Eiren L. Shea The Embodied Imagination in Antebellum American Art and Culture Catherine Holochwost Mural Painting in Britain 1630–1730 Experiencing Histories Lydia Hamlett Academies and Schools of Art in Latin America Edited by Oscar E. Vázquez The Australian Art Field Practices, Policies, Institutions Edited by Tony Bennett, Deborah Stevenson, Fred Myers, and Tamara Winikoff Lower Niger Bronzes Philip M. Peek For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com/Routledge-­ Research-­in-­Art-­History/book-­series/RRAH

Academies and Schools of Art in Latin America Edited by Oscar E. Vázquez

First published 2020 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Taylor & Francis The right of Oscar E. Vázquez to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-­0-­815-3­7416-­9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-­1-­351-­18755-­8 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of Illustrations Permissionsviii Acknowledgmentsx List of Contributorsxi PART I

Introduction1 OSCAR E. VÁZQUEZ

PART II

The Academies and Schools15 1 Between Buenos Aires and Europe: Cosmopolitanism, Pensionnaires, and Arts Education in Late 19th Century Argentina

17

MARÍA ISABEL BALDASARRE

2 From “Academy” to “School”: Transformations in the Academy of Fine Arts in Rio de Janeiro (1816–1930)

33

ARTHUR VALLE

3 Visual Arts Education in Chile: Construction and Development of a State-­Led Artistic System (1849–1959)

51

PABLO BERRÍOS GONZÁLEZ AND NATALIA VARGAS MÁRQUEZ

4 Forming the National School of Fine Arts in Colombia: Local Desires and External Influences

65

OLGA ISABEL ACOSTA LUNA

5 The Coloniality of Aesthetics: Regulating Race and Buen Gusto in Cuba’s 19th-­Century Academy

81

PAUL NIELL

6 Art Academies and the Emergence of a Modern Arts System in Ecuador (1848–1925) TRINIDAD PÉREZ ARIAS

95

vi  Contents 7 Between Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians: Jerónimo Gil and the Founding of the San Carlos Academy in New Spain

111

EDUARDO BÁEZ MACÍAS

8 The First Decade of Peru’s National School of Fine Arts: Nationalism and Indigenismo in the “Patria Nueva”

129

LUIS EDUARDO WUFFARDEN

9 Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project in Education and Art

145

NANCY CARBAJAL

PART III

Appendices161

Argentina (Buenos Aires) Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts Regulations (1877) 163 Nationalization of the Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts (1905) 168

163



Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) Decree No. 983 of November 8, 1890 (Approval of the statutes for the National School of Fine Arts)  172

172



Chile (Santiago) Regulations [Reglamento] of the Academy of Painting, Santiago, January 4 of 1849 184 Government Decree 1025; August 30, 1858. Establishing a Fine Arts Section in the University Department of the National Institute  186

184



Colombia (Bogotá) On the Inauguration and Organization of the School of Fine Arts, Bogota (1886) 189

189



Cuba (Havana) Regulations of the Free Academy of Drawing and Painting with the Title of San Alejandro (1832) 191

191



Ecuador (Quito) José González Jiménez. “Informe de la Academia de Bellas Artes” (1873) 197

197



Mexico (Mexico City) Statutes of the Royal Academy of San Carlos of New Spain (1785) 199

199

Contents vii

Peru (Lima)

212 



Uruguay (Montevideo) Pedro Figari. “Proyecto de Ley” [Bill] (June 16, 1900) 217 Pedro Figari. Speech on the Creation of a Fine Arts School (June 16 1900) 223

217

PART IV

Bibliography227 Bibliography Introduction and General Bibliography  229 Argentina 232 Brazil 234 Chile 239 Colombia 241 Cuba 244 Ecuador 246 Mexico 249 Peru 251 Uruguay 253

229

Index255

Illustrations Permissions

Cover photo  Academia de Bellas Artes. “Copiando del yeso” (Copying from the plaster cast model). Published in Figarillo, “La Academia de Bellas Artes. Su Origen y su estado actual,” Caras y Caretas 4, no. 137 (18 May 1901): n.p. [29–36; photograph p. 34]. Argentina, Archivo General de la Nación, Departamento Documentos Fotográficos INV: 137.810. Chapter 1  Academia de Bellas Artes. “Clase de Señoritas, estudio del yeso,” mayo de 1901. Published: Figarillo, “La Academia de Bellas Artes. Su Origen y su estado actual,” Caras y Caretas 4, no. 137 (18 May 1901): 29–36; photograph p. 31. Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires. Departamento de Documentos Fotográficos. INV: 137804. Creative Commons 4.0 International Public License. Chapter 2  Thierry Frères (artists/ lithographer). “Académie Impériale des Beaux Arts de Rio de Janeiro ouverte à l’étude le 15 Novembre 1826.” In J[ean]-­B[aptiste] Debret, Voyage pittoresque et historique au Brésil. Volume 3. Paris: Firmin Didot Frères, 1839), plate 41. The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs; New York Public Library Digital Collections. Public Domain. Chapter 3  Emilio Jécquier, architect. Museo y Escuela de Bellas Artes (Palacio de Bellas Artes). “Fachada Principal.” Circa 1902. Archivo Fotográfico Dirección de Arquitectura; Patrimonio. Public Domain. Chapter 4  Eustacio Barreto, “Interior de una clase de dibujo de la Universidad Nacional-­Primer Primeo-­Grabado de Eustacio Barreto.” Wood engraving. Papel Periodico Illustrado 1, no. 15 (12 May 1882): 240. Public Domain. Chapter 5  Title page. Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro: fundada ycosteada por la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, a cargo de su Sección de Educación. Habana: Oficina del Gobierno Capitanía General, 1832. Hathi Trust Digital Library; Courtesy of the Cuban Heritage Collection, University of Miami Libraries. Public domain. Chapter 6  Photographer unknown. “Clase de Pintura.” Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes de Quito, 1908. Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, no. 8 (November 1909): 157. Public Domain.

16

32 50

64

80 94

Illustrations Permissions ix Chapter 7  Coat of arms of the Royal Academy of San Carlos, New Spain. Frontispiece, Estatutos de la Real Academia de San Carlos de Nueva España. Mexico: Nueva Mexicana de Don Felipe de Zuñiga y Ontiveros, 1785. Internet Archive; Getty research Institute. Public domain. Chapter 8  Photographer unknown. “Daniel Hernández y José Sabogal dirigiendo la clase de dibujo.” ca. 1920 [ENBA Lima]. Gelatin plate photograph on paper. 11.8 x 15. 8 cm. Colección Álvaro Suárez Vértiz. Photograph from ARCHI.mali. Chapter 9  Photographer unknown. “Montivedeo–Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios.” Photograph: 27 x 15 cm. In Gran Panorama Nacional: portofolio fotografías artísticas y pintorescas de la República Oriental del Urguay. Montevideo: Domaleche y Reyes, 1906, no page. Public Domain.

110

128

144

Acknowledgments

This has been a project born not only out of the love of academic drawing and painting but also out of a fascination with the complexities of 19th-­century arts training institutions. There are many individuals whose names do not appear as contributors to the book but who nonetheless played a vital role in the book’s early development. Among these, I wish to thank Professors Sonia Gomes Pereira and Ana Calvacanti at the Escola de Belas Artes and Museu João VI at the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. I also wish to express my thanks to the directors, researchers, staff, and colleagues at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art, where aspects of this project had their early inception while I was a Paul Mellon visiting senior fellow: in particular, Elizabeth Cropper, Therese O’Malley, Peter M. Lukehart, and Helen Tangires. Finally, the idea of a comparative work on artistic institutions and pedagogy that this volume offers also finds much of its inspiration in the publications and conferences directed by Tobias Teutenberg and Nino Bashvili on “Drawing Education: Worldwide,” hosted at the Munich Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte, and in which I had participated. Fabian Prieto-­Ñañez assisted in the earliest stages of translations of chapters. I am particularly thankful to Maria Dorofeeva for her work helping to translate chapters and portions of the appendix documents. I also wish to send a sincere thank you to Lilah Leopold for her organization work with the index and bibliographies. Funding for these assistantships was provided by the University of Illinois Campus Research Board, Office for the Vice Chancellor of Research.

Contributors

Olga Isabel Acosta Luna is Assistant Professor in the Department of the History of Art at the Universidad de los Andes Colombia (Bogotá). She earned her PhD in Art History from the Technical University of Dresden and a Master in History and Graphic design from the National University of Colombia. Her research has concentrated mainly on the colonial art of the New Kingdom of Granada and the historiography of art, and the relationship of audiences with exhibition spaces. In recent years, she has investigated the transits of colonial culture in stories and images of the 19th century. Since 2008 she has participated as curator in projects related to Colombian art. Her publications include the book Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada (2011); Among her recent publications are: “El redentor de los hijos del sol. El Inca Atahualpa como símbolo de la Independencia suramericana”, in 1810–1910–2010 (2016), “El Velázquez mexicano: Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez en Colombia”, in Discursos de la piel. Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez [1824–1904] (2017) and “Como partes de un todo. Apuntes sobre las funciones de una colección escultórica”, in Catálogo de Escultura del Museo Colonial (2018). She has been a visiting scholar at the Freie Universität Berlin (2013–2014) and Max Planck Institute for Art History- Bibliotheca Hertziana in Rome (2019). María Isabel Baldasarre currently serves as National Director of Museums of the Ministry of Culture; she is Professor of Art History in the MA program of Argentinian and Latin American History of Art at the Universidad Nacional de San Martín (Buenos Aires) and is a researcher in the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET). She received her BA and PhD in Art History from the Universidad de Buenos Aires. Baldasarre’s scholarly interests focus on art collecting and art markets, with particular emphasis on 19th-­and early 20th-­century European, Latin American, and Argentinean art. She has published and contributed to several books about art collecting and has served as academic coordinator of the catalogue raisonné of the National Museum of Fine Arts, Buenos Aires. Her articles have appeared in academic journals published in the United States, México, Brazil, and Italy. She has been a visiting professor at Universidad Autónoma de México, a visiting scholar at Getty Research Institute, Institut National d’Histoire de l’Art, Paris, and Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florence. Pablo Berríos González (PhD, University of Chile, Santiago) is an independent scholar and specialist in Latin American Studies. His research focuses on art history theory, modernity in Latin America, and the history of ideas. His interests are Postcolonial theory, Latin American theory, and cultural coloniality. He is the coauthor of several books, including Del Taller a las Aulas. La Institución Moderna del

xii  Contributors Arte en Chile (1797–1910) (2009), and La Construcción de lo Contemporáneo. La Institución Moderna del Arte en Chile (1910–1947) (2012). He has participated in international and national conferences in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Germany, and the United States. He is codirector of the research group “Estudios de arte” and is presently researching the history of professional art education in Chile (1948–1968). Nancy Carbajal has worked as a teacher, director of primary education, and professor of education. Her research has focused on theories of pedagogy and the history of education. She is the author of eight books on the pedagogy and history of education in Uruguay, including Pedro Figari: el presente de una utopía (2016); coauthored with María L. Battegazzore, Pedro Figari. Tradición y Utopía (2010); Jesualdo, un Educador Latinoamericano (2008); Agustín Ferreiro. Tradición y Vigencia de un Educador Uruguayo (1993); Aproximación a una Lectura de Piaget (1989); and Rescate de Alternativas Pedagógicas: Jesualdo, su Acercamiento a los Maestros de Santa Fe (in press). She is also a contributor to several volumes and catalogs on Pedro Figari, as well as on education history. Professor Carbajal won the 2005 prize in the Annual Education Science Contest, awarded by the National Council of Primary Education, for her work “Jesualdo, a Latin American educator.” Her project “Pedro Figari: validity of a transformative project” was also distinguished as a work of Cultural Artistic Promotion by the Ministry of Education and Culture in 2009. Her articles have been published in the Revista de la Educación del Pueblo, Educación Siglo 21, Voces, Siete sobre Siete, El País Cultural (supplement of the newspaper El País) of Montevideo, as well as cultural journals from Montevideo, the magazine of the Central University Marta Abreu of Las Villas de Cuba, and Bitácora Cultural of Buenos Aires, Argentina. She has served on the editorial board of the Revista de la Educación del Pueblo and Voces. Since 2012 she has been a member of the Board of Directors of the Uruguayan Society of the History of Education. Eduardo Báez Macías is a permanent senior researcher (Investigador Titular) at the Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) and Professor of the History of Art in the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters at that university. He is also a member of the Sistema Nacional de Investigadores, and in 2011 he obtained the National University Award in the area of Research in Art. Much of his research has focused on the early years of the San Carlos Academy, as evinced through many monographs and catalogs, including Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (Antigua Academia de San Carlos) 1781–1910 (2009); Guía del Archivo de la Antigua Academia de San Carlos 1781–1910 (2003); and Jerónimo Antonio Gil y su Traducción de Gerard Audran (2001). Several of his essays on the archives that originally formed part of the San Carlos Academy have also been published in the journal Anales of the Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas. His other research interests are manifest in publications on the Order of Discalced Carmelites, and which chronicle the unique elements of that order’s architecture in the Americas. Among these publications are Obras de Fray Andrés de San Miguel (2008); an edited analysis of the previously suppressed manuscript by fray Agustín de la Madre de Dios, Tesoro Escondido en el Monte Carmelo Mexicano (1986); and Arcángel San Miguel: su Patrocinio, la Ermita en el Santo Desierto de Cuajimalpa y el Santuario de Tlaxcala (1979). These later

Contributors xiii publications earned him Recognition of the Order of the Discalced Carmelites, an order which also appointed him an associate lay brother. His other fields of inquiry include 17th-­century architecture of hospitals, as well as the study of engraving, and military painting. Paul Niell is Associate Professor in the Department of Art History at the Florida State University in Tallahassee. He teaches courses in Spanish colonial art and architectural history and the material culture of the African diaspora in the Visual Cultures of the Americas area within the department. His research interests include Caribbean art and architectural history in the Spanish colonial period; he has over ten years of archival research and fieldwork on the islands of Cuba, Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico. His methodologies and theoretical applications are taken from heritage studies, cultural landscape studies, vernacular architectural history, and the study of identity. He has authored peer-­reviewed articles in the journals Cultural Landscapes: A Journal of Cultural Studies, the Bulletin of Latin American Research, The Latin Americanist, the Colonial Latin American Review, The Art Bulletin, and History Compass. He is coeditor, with Stacie G. Widdifield, of the volume Buen Gusto and Classicism in the Visual Cultures of Latin America, 1780–1910 (2013) and is the author of the monograph Urban Space as Heritage in Late Colonial Cuba: Classicism and Dissonance on the Plaza de Armas of Havana, 1754–1828 (2015). Most recently, Professor Niell contributed an essay to the edited volume Simón Bolívar: Travels and Transformations of a Cultural Icon (2016), which engages the role of racial ideology in shaping the deployment of Bolivarian imagery in early 19th-­century Cuba. Trinidad Pérez Arias is an Ecuadorian Art Historian who holds an MA in Modern Latin American Art from the University of Texas at Austin and a PhD in Latin American Cultural Studies from the Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar in Quito, Ecuador, where she is full-­time professor and researcher in the area of History. Presently, she is the coordinator of the postgraduate program of Museums and Historical Heritage (“Especialidad Superior de Museos y Patrimonio Histórico”) at the same university. Her research has focused on Ecuadorian modern art, mainly on early 20th-­century modernism, its links to international currents, and its relation to local debates. She has explored the emergence of Indigenismo, the development of art academies, and their relation to the emergence of a modern system of the arts. Her publications include “ ‘Modos de aprender y tecnologías de la creatividad’: El establecimiento de la formación artística académica en Quito: 1849–1930” in Academias y Arte en Quito (Pérez Arias and Ximena Carcelén, eds., 2017); “La Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes y el arte moderno en Quito a inicios del siglo XX,” in Alma Mía (Kennedy Troya, ed., 2014); “Nace el arte moderno: espacios y definiciones en disputa (1895–1925),” in Celebraciones centenarias y negociaciones por la nación ecuatoriana (Coronel and Prieto, eds., 2010); “Raza y modernidad en ‘Las floristas’ y ‘El sanjuanito’ de Camilo Egas,” Estudios ecuatorianos: un aporte a la discusión (Sosa-­Buchholz and Waters, eds., 2006); and “Exoticism, Alterity, and the Ecuadorean Elite: The Work of Camilo Egas,” in Images of Power: National Iconographies, Culture, and the State in Latin America (Rowe and Anderman, eds., 2005). She has been a contributor and participant to regional and international conferences, including the College Art Association (2014); she co-­organized the

xiv  Contributors Art History symposium of the IX Congreso Ecuatoriano de Historia (2015) and the “Coloquio Internacional Museos y Patrimonio Histórico” (2014), both at the Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar. She has also curated several arts exhibitions, the most recent being “Academias y Arte en Quito: 1849–1930,” held in 2017 at the Museo de Arte Colonial, Quito. Arthur Valle (PhD, Postgraduate Program in Visual Arts at the School of Fine Arts of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro) is a historian of art, and Professor at the Department of Arts of the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ). He participates in the Postgraduate Program in Heritage, Culture, and Society (PPGPACS-­ UFRRJ) as well as in the Professional Master’s Degree in History, UFRRJ. His main research themes are identity in the visual arts; political iconography; exhibition systems; transnational artistic exchanges; and art education. He has authored, coauthored, or edited ten books and dozens of individual articles and book chapters on topics ranging from collecting, arts exhibitions, and decorative arts to academies, pedagogy, and artistic reforms. Among his coauthored volumes are Modelos na Arte. 200 Anos da Escola de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro (2017) and O Ateliê do Artista (2017), while some of his individually authored book chapters and essays have appeared in titles such as RIHA, CAIANA; Arquitextos; AURA: Revista de História y Teoria del Arte; Arqueologia, Revista de História da Arte e Arqueologia. He serves on the editorial board of journals, among which are 19&20, RIHA, and Americanía: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos. Among his more recent projects is an investigation of persecution, iconoclasm, and reception of visual cultures related to Afro-­Brazilian religions. Natalia Vargas Márquez is a doctoral candidate in art history at the University of Minnesota. She earned advanced degrees in Latin American studies and art history at the Universidad de Chile, Santiago. Her research focuses on colonial Andean painting, in particular of indigenous painters. Her interests are in de-­colonialism, landscape theory, and the relationship between ideology and representation in a colonial context. She has participated in conferences in Spain, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and the United States. Her publications cover areas from colonial Latin American and baroque painting to professional art education in the 19th century in Chile. Oscar E. Vázquez is Professor of Art History with appointments to the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, the Center for Latin American Caribbean Studies, and the Latina/o Studies Department. His studies in 18th through early 20th-­century Spanish and Latin American visual cultures have examined the roles of collections, markets, and patronage systems, as well as academies, pedagogy, and state administrations in the production and historiography of art. His research and teaching interests range from contemporary graffiti and murals to the representation of national narratives in Mexico, Spain, and the Caribbean. He is author of Inventing the Art Collection. Patrons, Markets and the State in Nineteenth-­Century Spain (2001) and The End, Again. Degeneration and Visual Culture in Modern Spain (2017). Luis Eduardo Wuffarden is a historian and art critic. He studied liberal arts, with a concentration in history, at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (1973–1979). He was awarded a grant from the Ibero-­American Cooperation Institute–Riva-­Agüero

Contributors xv Institute (1989) for research in Spain. That same year he shared the CONCYTEC prize for research on Peruvian painting. He is a member of the Riva-­Agüero Institute, the Comité Académico of the Museum of Art of Lima, and an honorary member of the Institute of Museum and Artistic Research of the Ricardo Palma University. He has served on the Advisory Committee of the Contested Visions exhibition (2012, Los Angeles County Museum of Art) and contributed to Painting in Latin America, 1550–1820: From Conquest to Independence (Alcalá and Brown, eds., 2014). He is an editor of the Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon in Leipzig-­ Munich, Germany, and also works as an independent researcher and curator. As author and coauthor, he has published more than 20 books on the history of Peruvian colonial and republican art.

Part I

Introduction Oscar E. Vázquez

Academies and schools of art, since their foundations in the 16th through 18th centuries, were centers for the debate, control, dissemination, and legitimization of the theories, teaching, and practice of the “fine” and of “applied” arts in Europe. The proliferation of European academies and schools of art across the Western hemisphere over the last 300 years—almost a hundred in the mid-­18th century alone—indicates a radical, purposeful trend toward the institutionalization of artists’ training. That fact begs multiple questions: Why were such arts institutions needed? What functions did they serve? And how were they the same or different in the places where they arose? This collection of essays examines art institutions in the Spanish and Portuguese Americas that, on the surface, appear closely related and similarly structured in terms of pedagogy and curriculum. Their structures are strikingly similar, suggesting that institutions for arts pedagogy were created for analogous purposes, not only to underpin the project of nation building but also, as the following chapters will show, for the organization of the advancement of industry, the political needs of various power regimes, the idealism of patrons, and the competitive mercantile needs of artists. General histories of academies and schools of art have largely dealt with Europe, the United Kingdom, and the United States, such as those written by Carl Goldstein (1996), Anton Boschloo, editor (1986–1987), or Nikolas Pevsner (1940). More recent conferences have ventured to examine academies comparatively within a larger global context.1 For the colonies of the former Spanish and Portuguese empires of the Americas and the Caribbean, and the subsequent independent nations of Latin America, there are studies focusing on individual academies of art, especially the many publications for those in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires. But questions of how the diverse Latin American academies emerged from their colonial foundations and what their relationship is to each other are those that have not been explored. This volume takes up several of these issues from comparative perspectives for the first time. Beyond filling a large lacuna, a comparative study of academies of art in the nations comprising the geopolitical regions understood as Latin America is significant. The nations of these regions had the most significant number of schools that were born during and out of the colonial period, in comparison to other colonial-­imperial powers that also extended their pedagogical systems far and wide (the most significant being India under the British and northern Africa under the French).2 Indeed, the long colonial histories of Spain’s and Portugal’s empires point to a difference of several hundred years of varied religious and social educational systems (before the royal

2  Introduction academies and independent national academies of the late 18th and 19th centuries), in comparison to France’s and England’s colonial regimes. The extended length of Latin America’s colonial history—a problem manifest in debates across multiple fields and that touches upon dependency theories and structural issues of continuities of unequal developments and exchange3—produced differences that included the survival of certain characteristics of family-­based artisanal shops and structural elements of the guild system that would in the case of several countries be transformed into aspects of artistic training in later schools of art. The racial, ethnic, and class-­based differences of creole societies—in short, many of the elements that both tie and distinguish Latin America’s nations in general from other postcolonial nations—also led to differences among their academies and schools of art. One of this book’s chief aims is to highlight issues of importance common to many Latin American academies of art, while pointing to others that are specific to schools of individual countries. A second aim is to shed light on some of the similarities and differences in the genealogies and historical foundations of New World schools and academic institutions. It does so by examining and juxtaposing the number of scenarios of foundations of Latin American academies of art that form the individual case studies of this collection. Among the different academies and schools it is evident that several processes are repeated across the nations and continents: some academies or schools were born out of the impulses of artist ateliers; other academies were born from royal decrees; some arose out of the exigencies of economic patronage societies; some emerged within the meeting rooms of professional artists’ circles; still further, there are historical examples of schools whose origins point to two or more of these overlapping currents. Finally, the volume illuminates how various forms of documentation reveal the particular functions and political demands of academy patrons and creators. This book’s Appendices are the first to collect and translate several important foundational documents and decrees that record not only the authority, rules, and regulations of the schools but the actual practices that were intended to take place therein. In collecting such documents from the 18th through early 20th centuries, this book has been inspired by, and builds on, the continuing work of Dr. Mari Carmen Ramírez and her research group of the International Center for the Arts of the Americas (ICAA) at the Museum of Fine Arts Houston, which has gathered countless 20th-­ century and contemporary documents. This anthological volume has concentrated on an earlier period.4 Academies and Schools of Art in Latin America focuses on the late 18th through the early 20th centuries (with some forays into the later transformations of the institutions in question) because the late 18th and early 19th century is the period of the birth of the earliest of the Latin American academies (or their precursor patronage societies). In that period, royal and national institutions born of the Enlightenment’s taxonomic obsessions as well as administrative and economic reforms were implanted upon Spain’s American colonies during the reign of the Bourbons and were later adopted as useful tools in nation building and mercantile apparatuses. The late 19th and early 20th century, for its part, saw the appearance of several national schools arise in the period of high capitalism. This volume stops with the first quarter of the 20th century because the decades thereafter were markedly different, with the emergence of Mexico’s open-­­air schools and the mid-­century US government-­supported workshops in Puerto Rico and later by Havana’s School of Plastic Arts, which was part of the unfinished project of the

Introduction 3 Escuelas Nacionales de Arte. Even admitting the practical limitations of space, several national cases were regrettably left out due to a lack of documentation, because their schools were founded in much later periods, or because their historical narratives duplicated issues already covered by other institutions examined herein.6 Moreover, a larger (if not multi-­volume) project would have had to deal with many other types of arts education sites not discussed here, namely, an investigation of instruction in private ateliers, the comparative study of the teaching of the arts in technical schools, and an in-­depth study of workers’ unions or the associations and literary artistic patronage societies which offered art instruction and occasional exhibitions. Many of these latter associations, as several of the authors in this book point out, were crucial for the advancement of arts training in their respective countries. For example, the national schools of Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, and Ecuador all emerged from the foundations of various patronage or specialized societies. On both sides of the Atlantic, these types of organizations played strategic roles in the democratization of the arts. Because of these various origins, the terms “academies” or “schools” will be employed here in a broader organizational sense to indicate institutions for the training of artists at advanced levels. While many of the government initiatives for arts education occurred at the primary and secondary school levels, this volume touches on those general, public-­education grade school levels only when chapter authors mention specific national laws governing the organization and incorporation of arts training into wider educational policies and practices. For these reasons, those notable personages most strongly associated with European and US systems of common school pedagogy—namely Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, Hermann Krusi, Horace Mann—and the introduction of drawing into public schools, while certainly bearing upon the types of 19th-­century reforms that gave way to the incorporation of professional art training at more advanced levels, must await further comparative studies, beyond individual national histories, for the case of Latin America.7 One chapter in this volume has pointed the way, with the case study of Chile. 5

Brief Overview of Earlier Training Sites and Centers Workshops, guilds, and informal academies existed before the westward impulsion of royally sanctioned academies and state-­funded institutions of art. Artisan guilds have existed since antiquity, from whence their formal organizations are derived, and continued through what might be referred to as the golden age of their expansion during the late medieval and Renaissance periods. Their proliferation is partially explained by their service as necessary agencies for the training and efficient control of labor in the developing cities of Europe. These guild structures and some of the artisans would eventually be carried to the Americas during the age of global contact. Even before the arrival and founding of artisanal guilds in the New World, there were European-­styled artisanal schools. Among these training grounds in the Americas were the artisanal schools founded largely by Franciscan priests in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru (regions equivalent to present-­day Mexico and the Caribbean, and Ecuador, Chile and Peru). In the city of Quito, the Flemish Franciscan missionaries Pedro Gosseal (or Gocial) and Jodoco Ricke founded at the convent church of San Francisco and Colegio de San Andrés (1534 and 1556 respectively) schools and workshops to train artisans in varied skills, including painting, wrought iron, ceramic, carpentry, and gilding. The Spanish sculptor Diego de Robles and Spanish painter Luis

4  Introduction de Ribera also opened workshops in that city in the later part of the 16th century.8 The histories of such artisanal workshops in New Spain reveal appropriations of Aztec and other pre-­Hispanic cultural training sites and organizations by Franciscan missionaries. In Mexico City, the Franciscans began to train artisans in the newly founded College of Santa Cruz (Holy Cross) at the Church of Santiago Tlatelolco (1536). However, possibly the first European arts training site in the Americas was the monastery of San Jose de Naturales in Mexico City (1526). There, a Flemish lay brother from Ghent, named Pedro de Gante, operated a school of artes y oficios (arts and trades) where he trained Nahuatl-­speaking indigenous artisans in European formal pictorial techniques that included chiaroscuro and perspective.9 He probably made use of individuals already trained at the Aztec calmecac, that is, schools for priests and the nobility, as opposed to the training of telpochcalli, schools for Mexican young men, generally but not restricted to lower social rank.10 These very early workshops for training artisans were sponsored by the church and convents, and they have typically been examined by scholars either in anthropological terms or as colonial vehicles for control. The former mode is exemplified by case studies of Bernadino de Sahagún, the Franciscan missionary to New Spain, whose workshops helped produce the Codex Florentino (part of his Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España, 1577), and by his unofficial title as the “father of field anthropological research.” The production of visual culture as a mode of colonial control has been described by Serge Gruzinski as a battle of images between contact societies and in which art was as powerful a force as speech and writing.11 As might be surmised from these early examples, much of the production and training of artisans and image makers in the New World was handled by religious orders and by later cofradías (confraternities based on the veneration and care of images and materials of the cult of particular patron saints or deities). While the Council of Trent’s edicts of 1562 had underscored the Roman Catholic Church’s authority over the production and distribution of religious imagery, several later official documents, such as the 1680 Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (Recompilation of laws), unequivocally reiterated that even later cofradías could not be formed without royal sanction.12 Not surprisingly, it was the European guild system’s structure for arts training and production that was exported and implanted onto the colonies. Guilds (gremios) from Spain arrived shortly after the conquest of American territories and the establishment of colonial viceroyalties. Some of the earliest ordenanzas—that is, the decrees handed down by the viceroys or Reales Audiencias controlling guilds—are those for Guatemala (pertaining to blacksmiths and tailors, 1530), Peru (pertaining to metalsmiths, 1552, and tailors, 1557), and Mexico (pertaining to gilders and painters, 1557). The bibliography on these New World guilds and confraternities—beyond the scope of this volume—is extensive (I point readers to works by Verdi Webster, Quiroz, and Pérez Toledo, among a rich field of scholars).13 Nonetheless, there are a few points that are relevant for the later academies. The guild system organized the various skill levels of aprendíz (apprentice), oficial (journeyman), and maestro (master guilds person). However, in the colonies the positions of veedor (guild examiner) and alarife/alarife mayor (city official inspectors) would become increasingly important for the control of image making. While guild levels cannot be precisely mapped onto the academic hierarchies of student through master, it is clear that the academies and schools created a similar hierarchical ranking. It can be argued that the positions of veedor and

Introduction 5 alarife that oversaw the control and production of much of the imagery and architecture of the earlier colonial period were taken up by the progression of levels of testing and accreditation within academies and schools, as well as by state administrative bureaucrats of later periods. The early historiography of artisanal education in colonial Latin America has often focused on investigating the specific contributions of indigenous hands relative to European “masters” instructing native artisans on the iconographic (largely Catholic religious) themes or European visual vocabularies (such as perspective and chiaroscuro). This was to some degree a form of connoisseurship; a hunt for attributions of the native hand that led to a curious deciphering and reading of the hybrid combination of Native American producers incorporating indigenous techniques or subjects into European-­format paintings or architectural structures; a hybrid art form often termed, in the case of New Spain, tequitqui, or mestizo style in other regions such as Peru.14 Recently, the historical development of such terms and methods has been criticized as inherently racist, while conversely, in other cases such as early colonial Quito, the lack of systematic investigations into the documentation of guilds and workshops has led to a certain historical “leveling” effect in the identification of artisans and their works.15 The 16th century iconoclast wars of the protestant revolutions and the Council of Trent’s edicts concerning the proper representation of religious art affected both sides of the Atlantic. Repercussions were felt in both artisanal guild and general artistic training, as numerous scholars have shown. In addition to leading to iconoclasm and the suppression (extirpation) of various types of religious imagery, the trans-­Atlantic religious disputes contributed—at least in a few documented cases—to the splitting of the artisanal guilds along racial-­ethnic lines; the racial context of such events that would haunt the social structures of academies through the 19th century. The guilds of the 16th through 18th centuries were not academies. Yet they provided the later institutions and schools a foundation for transforming the roles of indigenous and mestizo artists, and they offer modern scholars a vantage point from which to analyze how their productions may or may not have played defining roles within later burgeoning monarchical academies, versus nation-­state institutions for the training of artists—in particular, the question of the inclusion and exclusion of the participation of sectors of the populace within arts trainings. Later academies argued over the admission within their ranks of women, indigenous, or black artists, even while we acknowledge that the latter concepts of racial differentiation varied across the diverse regions and the lengthy colonial period (New Spain, for example, created a complex caste system with dozens of socio-­racial categories). Yet, in Europe, there were, by and large, few if any indigenous populations that academicians felt needed to be considered. Ethnicity entered into some of those European discussions, as in the case of regional schools in Spain; but it is the role of black artists and the case of black models in France that is most akin to these issues of the cases of Latin America.16 The participatory role and production of those deemed indigenous by peninsulares (the term for Spaniards born in Spain, as opposed to creoles) are key factors that distinguish these arts institutions from most of their European counterparts. In the 18th century emerged the academies and schools of art as understood today. This attribution of their foundations to the 18th century owes a great deal to the Enlightenment ideals of that period; it was the century in which the observation, and the taxonomic and hierarchical (axiological) organization that was brought to bear

6  Introduction on the natural world, was then reflected onto the social sphere. The belief that art was the greatest representation of a civilized society meant that, in the age of enlightened despots, the promotion of the arts was more than simply noblesse oblige—as a requirement of status among the privileged—but rather an act through which the empowered class advanced their culture and society through patronage of the arts. This mandate for training in the arts can be read in the foundational documents of almost every official academy or school of art of the age; from 18th-­century academic statutes to the transcribed inaugural speeches by arts administrators and politicians of the following century, all refer in some fashion in their opening pages not only to the patronage of the monarch or society members but to the civilizing mission of the arts and the need for well-­trained artists to promote and advance the well-­being of the nation. The Mexico statutes referred to “Royal service and to the public good,” and Colombia’s School of Fine Arts was purposefully inaugurated on the nation’s independence day (see the Appendices).17 To recognize that academies and schools of art manifested state ideologies of nation building is not new. What is new in this volume is the study of how those power structures may have differed or overlapped among multiples nations. The comparison begins as we pay attention to the dual function by which Western European art academies come into being and which are a key element within their traditional historical narratives. Those narratives relate that the academies of art in the West were born by two general and intertwined impulses: one was the centralization of the monarchical state, and the other was the incorporation of economic societies composed of merchants and patrons that sought to train artists for the advancement of their own industries and trades. Education and prosperity were active themes in national dialogues and were cited often in relation to the economic advantages of empire.18 The two currents come together in art academy projects, both those founded with royal support and those that emerged from mercantilist ambitions and rivalries among guild members, groups of artists, and governmental administrators, be it for markets and/or political gains, or the production of national historical narratives. Deans-­Smith, Donahue-­Wallace, HernándezDurán, and Cardoso Denis have made this point for Mexico’s and Brazil’s academies.19 In this volume, Baldassare and Niell make related points for the cases of Argentina and Cuba. The 18th century was also the nascent age of modern capitalism with industrial revolutions across the West. The emerging stage of colonizing nations meant that what was needed were not simply guild artisans or family-­run businesses but rather designers and artists methodically trained through state-­developed regimens and curriculum, and which helped forge the visual representation of the modern nation. It is not surprising, therefore, that the industrialization of the 18th century dealt some of the fatal blows to the long-­standing guilds in Spain, Portugal, and their colonies. As several of the writers in this volume point out, Spanish administrators such as Pedro Rodríguez (Conde de Campomanes, 1723–1802) represent this pro-­market trend and a loosening, if not elimination, of guild restrictions. Campomanes was King Carlos III’s chief economic strategist for the Spanish Bourbon monarchy’s reforms, and his ideas were in keeping with a wider trend of intellectuals and economic reformists. In significant publications such as Discourse on the promotion of popular industry (1774) and Discourse on the popular education of artisans and their advancement (1775–1777), he characterized guilds as anti-­liberal and even a deterrent to the nation’s economic growth.20 It has been argued for the case of New Spain that these laissez faire policies did not mean the extinction of guilds, so much as a redistribution and re-­spatialization of labor. Thus, for instance, poor artisans were pushed to the peripheries of capital

Introduction 7 centers such as Mexico City, as the new “protectionist mentality” of corporate sectors redefined the character of guilds.21 Still, the official legislations abolishing guilds in Mexico, Guatemala, and elsewhere beginning in 1812 signaled that, and though briefly revived in several territories by Spain’s restoration government, the age of the guilds, for all intents and purposes, had ended and that the training of artists and artisans would never quite be the same. The state would increasingly intervene. Yet as authors in this volume, such as Pérez Arias and Acosta Luna, have argued for the cases of Ecuador and Colombia, the structures of family artistic workshops dating from earlier colonial period of the 18th century continued alongside of newer systems of trainings and professionalization, with artists simultaneously producing for workshops while being hired by the state to teach in an academy. The 19th century saw various types of reforms that reveal that a constant battle was waged among state administrators, private artists, and sectors vying for the privatization of university education. To a certain extent, the shift in Latin America toward increased state intervention was also a wider one witnessed across Western Europe, as demonstrated by the 1863 reforms of the French Académie that placed the authority over the École des Beaux-­Arts in the hands of a government that was increasingly overseeing the appointment of professors across all state teaching institutions.22 Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez in this volume show that parallel cases of increasing state intervention occurred in Chile as well. They show that there were three major stages in the transformations of higher arts education in Chile. The earliest instance in the first third of the 19th century was characterized by the appearance of arts organizations offering instruction and by a growing interest of the state in arts education; a second phase occurred from the late 19th century through the early 20th century, as teaching and artistic production moved into the university system; and a final phase occurred in the second third of the 20th century in which teaching of the arts in Chile’s universities became subsumed and administered by degree-­granting programs. While not all of the national examples examined in the various chapters of this volume follow the neat chronology of Chile’s case, many of the schools and academies of arts in Latin America do nonetheless share many similar historical structures and issues. No doubt financial concerns were a constant; paraphrasing the words of one administrator cited by Acosta Luna in her essay on Colombia but repeated across nations, academies of art were wasteful to a country that needed to be thinking more about infrastructure such as railways rather than the “nonsense” of painting in a country where artists would not find employment. Yet beyond the constant financial woes—which partially account for the repeated interruptions in annual exhibitions and pensioner travel funding, as well as frequent shifts in the dependencies, administrations, and even name changes signaling reformist concerns of many Latin American institutions explored in these essays—some prevalent shared issues among them are (1) concerns over perceived needs to expose national artists to European trends and works, through state funding and “prix-­de-­Rome” types of travel awards; (2) debates about the primacy of drawing (and engraving to a lesser extent) as a basis for all arts education; (3) the critical role and development of technical training in the (applied) arts; and (4) the incorporation and entrance of women, indigenous, or afro-­Latin American artists into professional arts training institutions. These socio-­structural issues permeate the histories of many of the Latin American academies and schools of arts, while overlapping with European trends (such as the 1863 reforms mentioned earlier). Yet other issues, such as the role of indigenous representation in the narratives of the nation, and the differing

8  Introduction perspectives on the constructions of ethnicity, as well as the sensitivity toward the connectedness to European cosmopolitan identities, differentiate many of the American nation’s academies, schools, and the development of their arts curriculums. The Need to Expose Latin American Artists to European Trends There was a concern for exposing artists in Latin American nations to European trends by financing their study and residency in European cities. These concerns intensified or dissipated according to political exigencies across the 19th century. Nonetheless, the goal was to establish a legacy by which native artists, now trained in the latest European methods, would return to their own South American, Central American, or Caribbean nations to become faculty that would, in turn, train a new generation of local-­born painters. From the early days of the academies, professional arts faculty had already been recruited to teach in Mexico, Brazil, and other countries. Mexico’s San Carlos Academy, founded under a colonial system under the patronage of the king of Spain, was initiated under the guidance of academicians brought from Spain; Brazil’s own institution received a royal order that mandated an official “mission” to seek French artists; and Ecuador’s, likewise, reached out to take advantage of and employ professional artists from Spain. The Spanish anarchist and botanist Ramón de la Sagra wrote in 1828 arguing the case for the importation of European artists: “Havana needs painters, and for educating them it is necessary to send disciples to the great schools, and especially those of Italy, privileged soil of the fine arts.”23 In turn, the seeking out of European artists, whether French (as in the case of Brazil) or Italian (for Argentina) or Spanish (for Ecuador, Mexico, and numerous others), was a boon for the Europeans because it opened up a new, lucrative market in an otherwise crowded, competitive field of academically trained professional artists, engravers, and architects on the continent. The question of the effects, consequences, and contributions of Latin American artists’ visits and training in Europe to the construction of modernisms and vanguards is, course, a long-­time ignored, central question in the historiography of cultural modernity, but is one that cannot be examined in any depth here. Latin American states also funded becarios (students with fellowships), to study in Europe, which played a significant role in the formation and development of the countries’ own academies. The incorporation of these paid travel and residences into official arts training contributed to the institutionalization of the cultural tradition of the Grand Tour that had helped educate scores of earlier generations of wealthy, mostly English and French, male youths. More surprising is that academicians maintained the pedagogical connections with Europe by instituting travel and pension awards to European centers long after the founding of the countries’ own art institutions. Of course, European centers such as Paris and Rome continued to be the artistic and cultural capitals of Europe well after the age of the Grand Tour, and they retained political and economic importance in the arts through the turn of the 20th century. Several of the chapters describe the importance of sending artists from Brazil and Ecuador (as Valle and Pérez Arias show in their chapters) to cities such as Paris, Rome, and Munich. Baldassare argues that the sites chosen for study and the strengthening of artistic relations between Argentina and its “homeland” were not simply the attraction of the revered cities but also the ethnic and cultural affinity that Argentina’s intellectuals and artist shared with their Italian counterparts. Buenos Aires understood itself as infinitely cosmopolitan and hence moved to create

Introduction 9 a system of travel fellowships that would tie it closely to those Western European countries regarded as contributing to its cultural identity, which included both Spain and Italy. The Primacy of Drawing A second prevalent debate found across the many academies and schools examined in this volume’s essays concerns the primacy of drawing (and to a lesser extent engraving) as a basis for all arts education. Admittedly, this is an age-­old concern that emerges from theoretical conferences of the French Académie concerning disegno and colore (two of the most important of academic concepts developing from Renaissance rhetorical theories and further advanced in 17th-­century debates involved in the larger dispute of the anciens and modernes). But the debates had moved well beyond earlier 16th-­and 17th-­century academic arguments over the origins of art and the intellectual project denoted by line drawing to one of a more practical nature in the late 18th but especially the 19th centuries.24 By the early 19th century, with the dissemination of various educational theories, such as those by Pestalozzi, who understood the connections between, and usefulness of, eye–hand coordination in general education, drawing would begin to appear within public school programs and be promoted as part of the status of civil and cultured society in the United Kingdom and Europe.25 While already part of the foundational precepts of the official academies in Mexico, Brazil, and Cuba in the early century, drawing ultimately came to be understood as a necessary tool and skill through its application in trades that would move the nation forward. From architecture and engineering, through mint, die, and medal making, to ornamental design and anatomical studies, all required skillful training in two-­ dimensional drawing. The creation of national schools of arts would therefore disseminate to multiple fields the training of the hand and eye through the practice of drawing. Various private patronage societies and artist associations may have engaged in the instruction, but it appeared most clearly in national schools, as Wuffarden shows in his chapter on Peru. Critical Role of Technical Crafts versus Fine Arts Schools Examples as far apart as Chile, Ecuador, and Uruguay also show the tensions inherent in and the repeated attempts and failures at the reconciliation of the training between the “fine” arts and trade “crafts.” Berríos González and Vargas Márquez, in their chapter on Chile, see the 1849 creation of a School of Arts and Crafts as fulfilling various earlier initiatives of founding an academy, but just as important as an attempt to consolidate the difference between fine and so-­called applied arts. Pérez Arias in her chapter on Ecuador argues that the constant “blurring and merger” of arts with crafts in the late 19th century, and the competition posed by technical crafts schools, represents a critical hurdle in the organization of permanent academies of fine arts in Ecuador. At stake in many of these contests between the “fine” and technical trade or “craft” arts was, as Berríos González and Vargas Márquez have further argued, the definition and separation of distinctive areas of production for the fine arts versus crafts. It was a division that defined the relationship between a fine arts institution’s pedagogical project, on the one hand, and the material development of the country, in terms of the country’s labor, on the other.

10  Introduction Although many arts and crafts in the late 19th century, and related trends such as jugendstil, liberty style, or modernismo, were imbued with the theoretical strains of aestheticism and symbolism, they carried with them a strong interest in industrial arts and crafts design, and a social message—influenced by Ruskin and others—concerning the incorporation of the arts into the environs of everyday citizens to better transform their lives. There is no better example of this than the pedagogic projects initiated and theorized by Pedro Figari in Uruguay in the first years of the 20th century.26 Carbajal, in her chapter on Uruguay, explains how Figari’s initiatives became foundational for that nation as stepping stones toward his much wider, ambitious project of eliminating the distinction between the so-­called fine arts and crafts teachings. His radical insight was to propose that the hierarchy that positioned one as elite and the other as manual was to continue forms of colonialism which relegated autochthonous, indigenous productions to minor roles within the nation’s history. Figari’s reforms, although initially ignored, would eventually have long-­lasting ramifications throughout the continent. On the Participation of Women, Afro-­Latin American, and Indigenous Artists in Arts Education Parallel with the late 19th-­century rise of technical schools and an increasing emphasis on industrial and crafts pedagogy, the role of women and artists of color became a subject of discussion and debate. Gender and race played into the discussions about art versus craft, in the way that crafts were represented as both a gendered and racialized inferior class of productions by defenders of the academies as “fine” arts institutions.27 A hierarchy of sophistication existed, it seemed, that could be seen not only in the objects being produced but also in the persons producing them. Women were admitted in 1873 to the Gutiérrez Academy in Bogota, one of Colombia’s early pre-­National School institutions. Mexico’s National School of Fine Arts would admit women by 1888. In the case of Brazil, opportunities for women were not available until 1881 with the inauguration of the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts in Rio de Janeiro and ten years later in the National School of Fine Arts, which was the same period that the Buenos Aires’ Society for the Promotion of the Arts in 1893 began to register women in its drawing courses. In this area—and the availability of private atelier training notwithstanding—Latin American academies were slightly ahead of many of their European counterparts: the École des Beaux-­Arts in Paris began officially admitting women in 1897. In countries such as Mexico, with an obviously different racial and ethnic makeup from South America and Europe, a limited number of spaces were reserved for “pure” New Spain “Indians” from the very beginnings of the academy. Some of these and later students attained high rank, such as the mestizo (mixed race) Pedro Ixtolinque Patiño (1774–1835), who rose, after Mexico’s independence, to become director of that country’s San Carlos Academy. In 1832 Cuba, one had to be at least 12 years of age and a “white person and . . . of good manners” to be admitted into the Free Academy of Drawing and Painting of San Alejandro (as stipulated by that society’s regulations). The abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888, and the reforms of 1890 in that country (following the declaration of the Republic a year earlier) likewise, meant a hoped-­for opening of doors for women and Afro-­Brazilian artists. However, as Valle has written in this volume and in regards to Brazil, many of those new opportunities also made apparent other political and economic obstacles that were faced by these

Introduction 11 artists in the Republic. In this regard, as Niell points out with respect to the early artistic society in Cuba, what was “honorific in the sense of class in an Atlantic urban society like Havana would have to account for an interrelated racism and genderism that used the fine arts to authorize its interests and agendas.” Conclusion This brief overview has highlighted some of the principal concerns in the scholarship of arts training in Latin America, in their trajectory from workshops to full-­fledged academies. “Art’s” own history does not emerge so smoothly, spontaneously nor untainted; but neither is it a purely ideological tool. It is by considering the symbolic values, rules, and administrative regulations in the production of art that the cultural battles of sponsoring and controlling institutions are revealed; in this way, we also begin to understand some of the deepest concerns of local players within their own socio-­historical context. The following chapters show the transformations of some of the earliest of these institutions (and private arts organizations) into national schools of art, within the complexity of their own nation’s idiosyncratic politics and social conditions. This volume opens the door to a topic that merits much more investigation. It initiates a discussion that I hope will lead to further comparative historical analysis of the arts pedagogy, and the training of artists in “fine” and “applied” arts across the geopolitical domain of Latin America.

Notes 1. Carl Goldstein, Teaching Art: Academies and Schools of Art From Vasari to Albers (Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Anton W. A. Boschloo, Elwin J. Hendrikse, Laetitia C. Smit, and Gert J. van der Sman, editors, Academies of Art: Between Renaissance and Romanticism (Hague: Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek [1986‑87]/SDU Uitgeverij, 1989); Nickolaus Pevsner, Academies of Art, Past and Present (Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; Macmillan, 1940); Nikolaus Pevsner, Academias de Arte: Pasado y Presente (Madrid: Cátedra, 1982); Symposium: “Academies of Art Outside of Europe,” The Clark Art Institute, Williamstown, Massachusetts (September 2019). 2. As representative studies of colonial arts pedagogy by these two nations, see Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Hamid Irbouh, Art in the Service of Colonialism: French Art Education in Morocco, 1912–1956 (London: Tauris Academic Studies; New York, NY: Distributed in the US by St. Martin’s Press, 2005); Ami Kantawala, “Art Education in Colonial India: Implementation and Imposition,” Studies in Art Education 53, no. 3 (2012): 208–222. 3. For an overview of some of the associated issues, see Jeremy Adelman, “Introduction: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History,” in Colonial Legacies: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History, edited by Jeremy Adelman (New York, NY: Routledge, 1999). 4. For a comparative approach to the general developments of education in Latin America, apart from the arts, see Olga Lucía Zuluaga Garcés and Gabriela Ossenbach Sauter, editors, Génesis y desarrollo de los sistemas educativos iberoamericanos, siglo XIX (Bogotá, DC, Colombia: Cooperativa Editorial Magisterio; Grupo Historia de la Práctica Pedagógica, 2004). 5. On Cuba, see John A. Loomis’s classic 1999 book Revolution of Forms: Cuba’s Forgotten Art Schools (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999); on Mexico, Laura González Matute, Escuelas De Pintura Al Aire Libre Y Centros Populares De Pintura, 1a ed., Serie Investigación Y Documentación De Las Artes Colección Artes Plásticas (Mexico, DF: INBA, Centro Nacional de Investigación, Documentación e Información de Artes

12  Introduction Plásticas, Dirección de Investigación y Documentación de las Artes, 1987). For the case of Puerto Rico workshops and state agency educational programs, see Miriam Colon-­Pizarro, Poetic Pragmatism: The Puerto Rican Division of Community Education (DIVEDCO) and the Politics of Cultural Production, 1949–1968, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 2011. 6. Among the particular nation’s schools and institutions of arts not attended to in this volume include Bolivia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela. 7. A published study of the effect of these thinkers in the context of South or Central America arts training has yet to be written. However, the work of Venezuelan educator and philosopher Simón Rodríguez (1759–1864), who seems to have developed ideas similar to, or possibly influenced by Pestalozzi, has been studied by Luis Camnitzer, Conceptualism in Latin American Art: Didactics of Liberation (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2007), chapter 5. For North America, see the foundational work by Arthur Efland, A History of Art Education: Intellectual and Social Currents in Teaching the Visual Arts (New York, NY: Teachers College Press, 1990), chapter 4; see also Foster Wygant, Schools of Art in American Culture, 1820–1970 (Cincinnati, OH: Interwood Press, 1993). 8. Leopoldo Castedo, Arte precolombino y colonial de la América Latina (Estella, Navarra: Salvat Editores, 1972), 104; Jesús Paniagua Pérez and Deborah L. Truhan, Oficios y actividad paragremial en la Real Audiencia de Quito (1557–1730) El corregimiento de Cuenca (León: Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones y Medios Audiovisuales, 2003); Sonia Fernández Rueda, “El Colegio de Caciques San Andrés: Conquista spiritual y transculturación,” Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia 22 (2005). http://hdl.handle. net/10644/1736. 9. Samuel Edgerton, Theaters of Conversion: Religious Architecture and Indian Artisans in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001), chapters 4 and 5. 10. Jeanette Favrot Peterson, The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco: Utopia and Empire in Sixteenth-­Century Mexico (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1993); Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Gremios y cofradías en la Nueva España (Tepotzotlán: Edo. de Mex., 1996); José Klor de Alva, The Work of Bernardino de Sahagún: Pioneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth-­Century Aztec Mexico (Albany, NY; Austin, TX: State University of New York Press; University of Texas Press, 1988); it was Pedro de Gante’s school that produced the famous 1539 feather-­art piece (plumería) titled The Mass of St. Gregory, probably intended as a gift for Pope Paul III. See Dona Pierce, “The Mass of San Gregorio,” in Painting a New World: Mexican Art and Life, 1521–1821, edited by Dona Pierce, Rogelio Ruiz Gomar, and Clara Bargellini (Denver, CO: Frederick and Jan Mayer Center for Pre-­Columbian and Spanish Colonial Art, Denver Art Museum, 2004), 95–102. 11. Klor de Alva, The Work of Bernardino Sahagún; Serge Gruzinski, La guerra de las imágenes: de Cristóbal Colón a “Blade runner” (1492–2019) (Mexico, DF: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994). 12. Carmen Mena-­Gracia, “Las Hermandades de Sevilla y su proyección americana; estudio comparativo de la cofradía de Nuestra Señora de los Angeles o “de los negritos” de Sevilla y de la cofradía de Santa Ana de Panamá,” in Estrategias de poder en América Latina, edited by Pilar García Jordán (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona Barcelona 2000), 134. 13. On these early colonial-­era training formations, see Susan Verdi Webster, Lettered Artists and the Languages of Empire: Painters and the Profession in Early Colonial Quito (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017); Francisco Quiroz Chueca and Gerardo Quiroz Chueca, Las Ordenanzas de gremios de Lima (s. XVI‑XVIII) (Lima: Artesdiseñográfico, 1986); Sonia Pérez Toledo, Los Hijos del Trabajos: Los artesanos de la ciudad de México, 1780–1853 (Iztapalapa: el Colegio de México, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1996). 14. Tequítqui is the Nahuatl language term meaning “tribute” (or one who pays tribute). The term was first used by Jose Moreno Villa (La escultura colonial mexicana, 1942) and most thoroughly employed and studied by Constantino Reyes Valerio, who termed it “Indo-­ Christian art” (Arte indocristiano: escultura del siglo XVI en México, Mexico, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1978). In their use, they referred to the low-­relief decorations on facades of early colonial Mexican churches and “posas” (small corner open

Introduction 13 chapels), which demonstrate a combination of both European Renaissance stylistic and thematic features, as well as indigenous glyphs and content. 15. For an analysis some of the issues, see Charlene Villaseñor Black, “Race and the Historiography of Colonial Art,” in Envisioning Other: Race, Color, and the Visual in Iberia and Latin America, edited by Pamela Anne Patton (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2016), 303– 323. The “leveling” effect of a lack of archival investigations is Verdi Webster’s description (Lettered Artists and the Languages of Empire, 17). 16. Daryle Williams, “Peculiar Circumstances of the Land: Artists and Models in Nineteenth-­ Century Brazilian Slave Society,” Art History 35, no. 4 (September 2012): 702–727; Laura Catelli, “Pintores criollos, pintura de castas y colonialismo interno: los discursos raciales de las agencias criollas en la Nueva España del periodo virreinal tardío,” Cuadernos del CILHA 13, no. 17 (2012). DOI:10.1111/j.1467–8365.2012.00914.x; Heloisa Pires Lima, “A presença negra no circuito da Academia Imperial de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro‑a década de 80 do século XIX,” M.A. Thesis, Universidades de São Paulo, 2000. 17. It is not surprising that the founding documents of many academies of art, including that of New Spain, emphasized education in design and art as advantageous for both industry and the nation. There is a slight difference, however, between, on the one hand, these 19th-­century documents and their increasing attention to industry, and on the other, documents from the previous century that highlight the glorification of the monarchy and the nation. For example, the proposal of Antonio Gil and Fernando Mangino, in 1781, to found an academy listed—in the obligatory way of the day—the honors and benefits that the academies have brought of art to nations and kings like those of Spain. But the proposal also emphasized the utility of the arts to the state. See "Project for the Establishment in Mexico of an Academy,” Decree of 12 September 1781, Royal Approval of 25 December 1783, all in David Marley, editor, Proyecto, estatutos, y demás documentos relacionados al establecimiento de la Real Academia de pintura, escultura y arquitectura denominada de San Carlos de Nueva España (1781–1802), facsímile edition (Mexico; Windsor: Creación y Producci6n Gráfica; Roston-­Bain, 1984). 18. Eduardo Báez Macías, "La Academia de San Carlos en la Nueva España como Instrumento de Cambio," in Las Academias de Arte, VII Coloquio del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas (Mexico, DF: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mexico, 1985), 37–38. 19. Susan Deans-­Smith, “ ‘A Natural and Voluntary Dependence’: The Royal Academy of San Carlos and the Cultural Politics of Art Education in Mexico City, 1786–1797,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 29, no. 3 (2010): 278–295; Niell Paul, “Founding the Academy of San Alejandro and the Politics of Taste in Late Colonial Havana, Cuba,” Colonial Latin American Review 21, no. 2 (August 2012): 293–318; Rafael Cardoso Denis, “Academicism, Imperialism and National Identity: The Case of Brazil’s Academia Imperial de Belas Artes,” in Art and the Academy in the Nineteenth Century, edited by Rafael Cardoso Denis and Colin Trodd (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 53–67; Kelly Donahue-­Wallace, Jerónimo Antonio Gil and the Idea of the Spanish Enlightenment (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2017); Ray Hernández-Durán, The Academy of San Carlos and Mexican Art History: Politics, History, and Art in Nineteenth-Century Mexico (New York: Routledge; Taylor-Francis, 2016). 20. Pedro Rodríguez (Conde de Campomanes), Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular (Madrid: Imprenta de D. Antonio de Sancha, 1774); Pedro Rodríguez (Conde de Campomanes), Discurso sobre la educación popular de los artesanos y su fomento, 5 volumes (Madrid: Imprenta de D. Antonio de Sancha, 1775–1777). On the relations between free trade and guilds in Latin America, see Enrique Gaviria Liévano, El liberalismo y la Insurrección de los artesanos contra el librecambio. Primeras manifestaciones socialistas en Colombia, 1st edition, Colección Estudios Historicos (Bogotá, DC, Colombia: Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano, 2002). 21. Pérez Toledo, Los Hijos del Trabajos, 2–4; Felipe Castro Gutiérrez, La extinción de la artesanía gremial (Mexico City, DF: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1986). www.historicas.unam.mx/publicaciones/publicadigi tal/libros/extincion/artesania.html; Sonia Peréz Toledo, Manuel Miño Grijalva, and René Amaro Peñaflores, editors, El mundo del trabajo urbano: trabajadores, cultura y prácticas laborales (Mexico City, DF: Colegio de México, Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, 2012); Carlos Illades, Hacia la república del trabajo: la organización artesanal en la Ciudad

14  Introduction de México, 1853–1876 (Mexico City, DF: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Iztapalapa: Porrúa, 2001). 22. Alain Bonnet, L’Enseignement des arts au XIXe siècle: La réforme de l’École des beaux-­ arts en 1863 et la fin du modèle académique (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2006), 163. See also, Alisa Luxenberg, “Originality and Freedom: The 1863 Reforms to the École des Beaux-­Arts and the Involvement of León Bonnat,” Nineteenth-­Century Art Worldwide 16, no. 2 (Autumn 2017). DOI: https://doi.org/10.29411/ncaw.2017.16.2.3 (accessed 1 June 2018). 23. Quoted and translated in Paul Niell, “Founding the Academy of San Alejandro and the Politics of Taste in Late Colonial Havana, Cuba,” Colonial Latin American Review 21, no. 2 (2012): 308. 24. On the increasing use and incorporation of drawing across diverse arts institutions and multiple disciplines, see the papers from the publications organized by the Zentralinstituts für Kunstgeschichte and Instituts für Kunstgeschichte der Ludwig-­Maximilians-­Universität, Munich: Maria Heilmann, Nino Nanobashvili, Ulrich Pfisterer, and Tobias Teutenberg, editors, LERNT ZEICHNEN! Techniken zwischen Kunst und Wissenschaft, 1525–1925 (Passau: Dietmar Klinger Verlag); and Nino Nanobashvili and Tobias Teutenberg, editors, Drawing Education: Worldwide! Continuities–Transfers–Mixtures (Heidelberg: Heidelberg University Press, 2019); electronic open access; http://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17885/heiup.457 25. For an examination of drawing within “cultured” society, see Ann Bermingham, Learning to Draw: Studies in the Cultural History of a Polite and Useful Art (New Haven, CT: Published for the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art by Yale University Press, 2000). 26. Joaquin Garcia Torres also was highly influential. On Torres García, see María Jesús García Puig, Joaquín Torres García y el universalismo constructivo: la enseñanza del arte en Uruguay (Madrid: Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, 1990); and Elisa Povedano Marrugat, “Arte Industrial y Renovación Pedagógica en España e Iberoamérica: Identidad y Vanguardia (1826–1950),” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, 2002, http://hdl.handle.net/10016/12528 27. Spain’s San Fernando Academy is one example of an early 19th-­century attempt to bring women (outside of those from nobility who were most frequently invited) into the training of academic life, though this experiment was abandoned by mid-­century. Estrella de Diego, La mujer y la pintura del XIX español (cuatrocientas olvidadas y algunas más) (Madrid: Cátedra, 1987). On the gendering of crafts in the late 19th century, see Deborah Leah Silverman, Art nouveau in fin-­de-­siècle France: Politics, Psychology, and Style (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989).

Part II

The Academies and Schools

1 Between Buenos Aires and Europe Cosmopolitanism, Pensionnaires, and Arts Education in Late 19th Century Argentina María Isabel Baldasarre Art Education in Buenos Aires in the Late 19th Century The National Academy of Fine Arts (ANBA) was created in Buenos Aires in 1905. The date is relatively recent if we compare it with other parallel institutions in Latin America. Buenos Aires was a remote and impoverished viceroyalty in the south of the continent. During the colonial period, there did not develop any institutional artistic tradition comparable to those in cities such as Mexico, Lima, or Rio de Janeiro. The transition from a colonial to an independent Argentine nation witnessed the creation of the first drawing schools and the establishment of a chair, with an eminently technical profile, in the newly founded University of Buenos Aires (1821).1 However, these initiatives had a precarious existence in the fractured institutions of those years. The establishment of more stable and lasting cultural institutions became a project carried out by the so-­called Generation of ’80, made up of the liberal and culturally enlightened oligarchic elite of the last decades of the century that assumed the leadership of shaping the nation-­state between 1880 and 1910. It was, therefore in the last quarter of the century that the most significant patronage societies emerged. The Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes (SEBA) was a key player in these endeavors of promoting the arts and offering arts training; as such, it was an important step in the formation of the National Academy. This private association, created in 1876 by a group of artists and amateurs, aimed at “fostering the development and advancement [in Argentina] of Drawing, Painting, Sculpture, Architecture and the other arts that emanate from them.”2 Local training was complemented with an emergent system of scholarships abroad, which allowed those who aspired to be professional artists, at least for a few, to come into contact with extant traditions and models of artistic life. Those European traditions, brought with them by students returning to their home country, had to be adapted to the local realities. Nevertheless, they were not only central as an approach to new aesthetics but would also have an impact on local training because many of the scholarship holders would occupy central positions within the country’s arts education. The aim of this chapter is to reconstruct the process of the institutionalization of art education that took place in Buenos Aires between the last quarter of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. I argue that private arts association initiatives were crucial for the development of a National Academy of Fine Arts and that this process allowed a greater number of young people to aspire to an artistic career. The pensioner system, and Europe as a model, would be at the center of their career-­building education.

18  María Isabel Baldasarre The Society’s minutes, cited by Ofelia Manzi, show that the Minister of Finance quickly approved the initiative and its organization, and the following year the Society was installed in a building on 360 Moreno Street, two blocks from the city’s political and religious heart, the Plaza de Mayo in the south-­central part of the city.3 The SEBA was founded and largely funded by its partner-­members, but it also received government subsidies that sought to alleviate the Society’s precarious finances. The school charged a modest monthly fee to its students, exclusively male at the time. However, it was conceived not solely as an elite or middle-­class training ground but also offered scholarships to low-­income students.4 The policy of distributing financial aid continued through the beginning of the century and to young women and men who wished to attend classes.5 Also, the students highlighted the fact that their professors worked for free and sold their paintings to maintain the institution. Raffles of works donated by artists and specific donations from patrons and benefactors also complemented the income, establishing, as Laura Malosetti Costa has written, a strategic but not subordinate relationship with the political power.6 Since its creation, members had conceived of the SEBA as the seed for the future flowering of a national academy. As such, two years later in 1878, the SEBA established a free academy of painting and drawing (copying from plaster casts and life models). Thus, the editorial in the only published issue of the Society’s official magazine El Arte en el Plata predicted that the Academy will come to be, and with it the first workshop, the great official school of tomorrow that will spring forth from Argentinian paint brushes, the torrents of inspiration that the world applauds in the likes of Murillo, Velázquez, Rubens and Van Dyck.7 Art exhibitions also contributed to the formation of the artistic environment. Among the first objectives in the Society statutes drawn in 1877 (see the Appendix) was the organization of an annual exhibition in which “a jury of artists [would] determine the merit of the exhibited works and distribute prizes accordingly.”8 From 1877 on, the institution organized exhibitions that, even if they were not regular, undoubtedly helped make available artistic productions in a city which only in the last years of the century would have its own public museum of art.9 In this sense, around 1887 the SEBA also pointed to the formation of an “official artistic gallery” with the aim of leveling “to a certain point, the difficulties which the first artists encountered in a commercial country” such as Argentina.10 We also know that it helped to show the works of its partners in private spaces, such as the bazaars and general stores that were then the main outlets where painters offered works for sale.11 The Society was the main place for the education of contemporary artists and amateurs interested in the fine arts in Argentina; there, they could take advantage of drawing from the life “natural” model, a practice that complemented the drawing of plaster casts.12 Life drawing was not easy in Argentina’s little-­professionalized environment. It was difficult to find enough trained models willing to pose without clothes, as manifest in newspaper ads looking for “young and well-­trained men who want to serve as a nude model.”13 Later, classes of painting, sculpture, architecture, ornamental plastic art, perspective, artistic anatomy, and art history would be added, offering “the same hospitality, lesson, and encouragement to the painter and the artisan, the sculptor and the worker.”14

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 19 By the beginning of the century, the school of the SEBA was already denominated, in the communications of its members, as the “Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative Arts.”15 By 1893, the classes “of young ladies” were registered, and by 1901 the school was actively encouraging the attendance of “girls of our distinguished society,” when it opened day classes “destined to those girls who, because of their social life, or because they live in isolated neighborhoods, cannot attend night classes.”16 As Georgina Gluzman points out, the classrooms of the SEBA were part of that “exponential growth of institutions dedicated to art education for women,” which, toward the last years of the century, included private academies and private classes with teachers. However, as this author concludes, even though the female presence grew every year, the total percentage did not represent more than 20% of the student body.17 On the other hand, at the beginning of the 20th century the institution was granted the possibility of issuing official diplomas with the aim of increasing the numbers of male and female graduates in drawing and sculpture to become teachers at national schools. Many girls benefited from this possibility, as teaching became one of the main work options open to women during these years. From the onset of its founding, the SEBA had changed locations across several sites in the center of Buenos Aires.18 Only in 1895 did it find a permanent location, on the second floor of the Bon Marché on Florida Street, one of the most elegant areas of the city, and close to the main art bazaars and stores of luxury goods. The Bon Marché was a building originally designed as a department store but which had also hosted various artists’ groups and workshops. The following year, the National Museum of Fine Arts opened its doors there. In this building, students and professors participated in important exhibitions, such as the 1903, 25th-­anniversary tribute to SEBA, which exhibited and offered for sale works by the small but thriving group of dedicated national artists.19 Photographs of the event show the male and female students of the SEBA taking advantage of the exhibition’s opening to rehearse their first poses and gestures of “artists” in their, as yet early, stage of professionalization.20 By 1904, and one year before its transformation into a national academy, the Society’s classes were being taught at night, except for the painting classes that were in the afternoon and the sculpture classes in the morning. The academy at the time had “more than 600 male students enrolled, and 100 female students,” divided by gender. The classes were “attended by young ladies and by young people of all social classes; with most of them who attend to acquire knowledge of painting or sculpture, applicable to industry.”21

Argentina Founds an Academy of Its Own The continuity of the SEBA school for 30 years, and the growth of its student population made the Society’s transformation into a national academy (ANBA) at the beginning of the century seem an almost “natural” consequence. The executive committee had promoted this academy project since at least 1900 and during the first months of 1905 as the school changed its name to the “National Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts,” and became a dependency of the Ministry of Justice and Public Education. The Minister Joaquín V. González (1863–1923), in an inauguration speech accentuated by positivist ideology, linked artistic production to the environment in Argentina. He argued that art had not prospered in the territory

20  María Isabel Baldasarre during colonial times because “a flower of such exquisite culture does not bloom in a hostile environment, or in a climate where freedom does not grow.”22 He was highly confident in the utility of the Academy, which he explained was to be found in the diversity of the social objectives of the student body. González then took up again the plan (designum) that had guided the SEBA in its first decade and affirmed that artistic education was beneficial in both professional and commercial terms. The academy must train both teachers (in charge of the dissemination of art) and technicians (who are concerned with its practical-­industrial benefits), as well as a select group of “creators, innovators, [who are] the bearers of the divine fire,” that is to say, the artists.23 However, the press decried the transfer of control of the Society’s teaching branch to the government, one writer calling it the process of a “megalomaniac suicide.” From an idealized notion of artistic activity, they predicted that the Society’s passage to a state-­sponsored Academy would create an institution without “personality” and one that would fall into “routine bureaucracy.”24 Beyond these complaints, critics and administrators felt the strong need for and believed that an official institution of art education was inevitable. Two central actors were placed in management positions of the artistic system at the end of the century. They were the painters Ernesto de la Cárcova (1866–1927) as director and Eduardo Sívori (1847–1918) as deputy director. These two artists had been partners of the SEBA and painters of social themes that were the preferred taste of the Generation of ’80. As happened with the installation of private art collections, where private initiative preceded and formed the basis for the constitution of public museums, the case of artistic training had a similar process.25 It started with an initial drive of interest by a group of artists who had “replaced the action[s] of the State [in pushing forth a plan], their interests having managed to take root, reaching a [certain point of] development” in the creation of an arts institution.26 However, it would be left to the state to take charge of the institution and see it to fruition. Located at 237 Tacuarí Street, the collective labor of the SEBA continued now as an independent school, maintaining the classic separation of the sexes through night classes of fine arts and applied arts for men and day courses for young ladies. The state’s institutionalization of the Academy undoubtedly imposed significant demands on the former SEBA teachers (even though the latter continued in a narrower capacity as a center for independent training and sociability of artists). For example, the correspondence between the authorities of the ANBA and Minister González reveals that seven assistant professors who provided free courses to the SEBA were let go because they were not able to be incorporated into the faculty of the Academy “where it is essential to raise the level of education.”27 In the years between 1908 and 1909, immediately after the ANBA’s nationalization, there were almost 500 regular students in attendance, while by 1910 this enrollment had almost doubled. In this new context, male students could choose between training in the decorative and industrial arts, or the fine arts, while women only had the latter option. According to the 1909 Education Census, the number of male students in the artistic section barely exceeded female attendance, allowing us to affirm that after the creation of the ANBA a parity was established between the sexes of those who wished to be artists and those desiring to be teachers,28 although the profile of the faculty would remain, for many years more, exclusively male. Regarding the students, the classrooms, keeping with their character since the formation of the Academy, enabled

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 21 the contact between different social classes by bringing together young people who reflected, as a newspaper said at the time, “the heterogeneity of our society.”29 Ernesto de la Cárcova headed the ANBA for three years, with two extended periods of leave in Europe between May 1905 and April 1906, and between May and the end of 1907.30 Even during those trips, he remained connected to his teaching duties by taking advantage of the opportunity to acquire tools for art education, as well as to visit representative institutions. At the beginning of 1908, he submitted his resignation as director and professor of the Academy. The main reason for his departure was that the institution came under the jurisdiction of the National Fine Arts Commission (CNBA) led by the physician and collector José Semprún. For de la Cárcova, the action of placing the Academy under the National Commission was detrimental to the educational interests . . . because a large part of the members lacked the necessary competence to deal with and resolve, in general, issues of a technical nature and that are always very difficult to appreciate for new fine arts amateurs.31 He refused to join the CNBA, embittered about the disassociation after dedicating 14 years of work in the classroom. At that point in 1908, Pío Collivadino (1869–1945) as director and Carlos Ripamonte (1874–1968) as vice chancellor became the newly appointed authorities. collivadino, a slightly younger painter than de la Cárcova, undoubtedly embodied a more dynamic and perhaps less elitist definition of an artist. Trained in Rome, he had extensive experience in the decorative and industrial arts as a set designer and mural painter.32 When he took charge as director of ANBA, Collivadino criticized the previous administration’s deficient teaching, which he felt needed to be improved. De la Cárcova and Collivadino were polar opposite personalities. De la Cárcova’s “tactfulness” and “proverbial courtesy” were now contrasted by the “energetic” Collivadino, who became a member of all the evaluation committees and juries but whose “arbitrary” decisions resulted in low grades and fails.33 Still, Collivadino undertook a series of reforms of the ANBA. As a first step, he introduced the requirement of an entrance course for those wishing admittance— bearing in mind that anyone could enter the ANBA as young as 14 years old—with the aim of distinguishing “those whose intellectual capacity or natural disposition, when revealed from the start, create a favorable impression for their future preparation.”34 The new director also stressed that the Academy should select those graduates most capable of becoming artists: The National Academy of Fine Arts, the financial support of which costs the nation a reasonable sum of pesos, cannot, it must not serve as an artist factory; its primary purpose must be that of being selective in order that true artists, if not geniuses, emerge from its heart, and who will, at the very least, leave in good standing the name of the nation’s premier artistic center.35 In this way, the institution began to differentiate with even greater precision the profiles of its graduates, between the “few” and “true” artists, and those craftsmen who would be useful to the industry. The new director justified the curricular reforms by giving additional weight to elementary arts education, decorative and industrial

22  María Isabel Baldasarre studies, and the training of teachers for national and normal (teacher’s) schools. To the curriculum’s traditional classes of drawing, painting, modeling, and sculpture, now were added preparatory architecture, graphic arts, and other applied arts classes.36 The additions allowed the school to diversify its offering of courses and incorporate, for example, etching among the compulsory subjects. In spite of some successful curriculum reforms, Collivadino’s lengthy leadership of the Academy (until 1935) was not free of conflicts. For example, there were student strikes in reaction to the increasingly strict evaluation guidelines and because of the replacement of professors who had supported them, as happened with the resignation of the landscape painter Fernando Fader (1882–1935) in 1919. On the other hand, the Academy continued to grow; its buildings located at 1500 Alsina Street were far too small for its student population. The press denounced that “the classrooms of the academy seem like rather small jail cells, dark, unventilated, unkempt, in which even the benches and lecterns, ancient and worn, reveal the poverty and abandonment in that unpleasant gloom.”37 However, in spite of these conditions, the numbers of applicants wanting to join the Academy classes did not wane and were around 100 per year, nor did it seem to affect the numbers of those passing their exams which for the year of 1912 was 450 male and female students. As such, by the end of the first decade of the century, the ANBA had positioned itself as the premier place for a formal education in the arts. From an early date, students had considered the possibility of adding travel to Europe as a necessary supplement to that training unavailable in Argentina, especially for those aspiring to be artists (rather than public school teachers). By then, it was essential to have direct contact with the “illustrious masters” and the great artistic traditions, something difficult to achieve in Buenos Aires, first because of the lack of public galleries and then because of the limited nature of a European artistic heritage in the country. Also, the European salons and competitions represented a place where Argentine artists might measure themselves and obtain through their participation the letters of legitimacy with which they could later return to their country of origin.

Argentine Pensionnaires in Europe Argentina’s first artistic scholars, financed by the province of Buenos Aires, traveled to Italy in the 1850s in order to train in the Florentine workshop of Antonio Ciseri (1821–1891). They were, according to Argentina’s first art historian and founder of the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes Eduardo Schiaffino (1858–1935), “sacrificial victims of the period’s disorganization,”38 by which he meant that that first generation of artists was unable to benefit from its European formation upon returning to Argentina because of the lack of a favorable, supportive environment. The later generation, the one that included Schiaffino and his friends and colleagues Sívori and de la Cárcova, assumed the task of formalizing that environment by the creation of some of the first principal arts institutions in the country: the Museum, the Academy, and the Commission of Fine Arts already mentioned. This later generation funded their European travels through, in some cases, grants obtained privately by their personal links with officials and politicians. In other cases, they traveled with the support provided by their families who were members of the elite class. Once returned to the country, most of them rejoined the SEBA as teachers.

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 23 Thus, Schiaffino himself was granted a scholarship—thanks to the Minister of Justice, Worship, and Public Instruction Eduardo Wilde—traveling to Europe in 1884, to study first in Venice with Egisto Lancerotto (1847–1916) and then in Paris with Raphaël Collin (1850–1916) and Puvis des Chavannes (1824–1898). Paris was also the destination of the pensionnaire Graciano Mendilaharzu (1857–1894), who settled in the city between 1873 and 1891 to study, among others, with Léon Bonnat (1833–1922). The sculptor Lucio Correa Morales (1852–1923) and painters Reinaldo Giudici (1853–1921) and Augusto Ballerini (1857–1902), also funded by state scholarships, opted for Italy.39 Ballerini was also sponsored by influential friends, as a “private pensionnaire” of two prominent members of the local elite.40 The travel studies of some of the members of this generation were financed by their own families. This was the case of the painter Ángel Della Valle (1852–1903), who traveled to Florence in 1875, the sculptor Francisco Cafferata (1861–1890), with the same destination two years later (between 1877–1885), and Eduardo Sívori, who left for Paris in 1883. The European experience of these artists was key to the subsequent development of formal arts education in Argentina. Giudici, Della Valle, and Correa Morales, upon their return, worked as teachers in their respective specialties at the SEBA. For his part, Sívori played a central role as president of the SEBA and, after that Society’s transformation into a national academy, as professor of painting. In certain cases, government officials interceded on behalf of those designated as awardees. For example, toward the end of the century, the future sculptor Dolores (Lola) Mora (1866–1936) applied for a grant to the national government to continue her painting studies in Rome. The grant, awarded in 1896 and renewed in 1900, was not a unanimous decision but led to intense discussions. The support of her mentor, then president of the nation, Julio A. Roca (1843–1914) was paramount in her finally obtaining the grant.41 Similarly, Collivadino had also obtained a controversial government scholarship in 1897 (and renewed in 1901) to help with his painting studies in Rome which, thanks to family support, he had already begun several years before. Receiving a scholarship did not guarantee the adequate support of the students. Many times the stipends arrived late, the institution suspended payments, or the studies extended more than the periods covered by the subsidy. Commonly, families, or informal jobs, collaborated in the student’s hard survival in the Old World. In this way, the landscape painter Martín Malharro (1865–1911), who traveled to Europe between 1895 and 1901 without a state pension, stood out for his prolific work as an illustrator from the covers of musical scores and the pages of Parisian periodicals. The formation of the National Fine Arts Commission (CNBA) in 1897 was key to standardizing these travel grants, the prizes for which at the century’s end were dominated almost entirely by music students. Presidential decrees created a series of competitions with the aim of “officially encouraging all those tendencies that are a civilizing force, a factor of wealth, and a national glory.”42 According to then president of the CNBA, Eduardo Schiaffino, it was a way to “repair . . . an injustice suffered by a good number of Argentine intellectuals who, when left to their own measures, had to carry out one of the noblest and most difficult conquests of collective work.”43 The institution established three scholarships in each of the main forms of media: painting, music, sculpture, and architecture. The candidates needed to be Argentinians between 18 and 35 years old, and the prize in each field was limited to four years, following the model set by the Prix de Rome of the French Academy. The restriction of four years was to avoid the possibility of establishing long-­term, permanent

24  María Isabel Baldasarre pensionnaires in Europe, given that longer terms had favored the creation of lasting connections, thereby posing the risk that the advanced students would never return to their country. The artists of the previous generation, namely the teachers of the SEBA, became the jurors in charge. The painting examinations (in the categories of figure, landscape, marine, and animal subjects) included chiaroscuro drawing from the life model, an oil painting (which could be done either en plein air or in the loggia), as well as knowledge of perspective and anatomy. The sculpture exam also consisted of the same theoretical notions, plus an académie (drawing from the life nude model), and a sculpted model. The juries’ directives specified the possible locations of residence available to pensionnaires during their first year in Europe. Among these were Berlin or Munich in Germany, Paris, London, and Rome, Florence or Naples in Italy; these were all places with already well-­established arts education systems. The cosmopolitanism of the Argentine people was one of the reasons that justified the regulation’s offer of a number of European cities. According to Schiaffino, it was [only] fair that Argentine students, who are descendants of Germans, French, English, Italians, etc., when going [abroad] to perfect their studies of art, do so in the main capitals of Europe, not only alongside the best teachers, but also where they would find an affinity of race and language.44 The wider selection of sites, of course, avoided their being forced to study only in Paris. During the first year the pensionnaire had to attend daily classes of four hours of drawing the nude model under the guidance of a well-­known teacher, dedicating the rest of the day to the study of other disciplines, including perspective, history of art, anatomy, aesthetics, all complemented with visits to museums. Nude drawing was still the basis of academic training and was a ruler against which to measure a future artist’s progress. At the end of the first year, the student’s progress would be evaluated by sending a copy “executed completely in front of a master work.” The second-­year exam required a chiaroscuro study from life and a painting “in which effects of a focused light have been resolved.”45 A picture of composition (generally understood as a historical or religious subject work) was requested as proof of the last two years of studies to which, in the case of figure painters, must be added “a composition executed in chiaroscuro in which there has been developed an episode of national history.”46 For their part, students of sculpture had to send, in addition to the academy drawings, photographs of the modeled academies and original decorative motifs (that is to say, relief studies in an ornamental style). In the following years of their study, they had to send a bronze head, a plaster figure (in the second year), and a sketch for a monument to an episode of national history that includes an allegorical figure (in the third year). In the final term, they were required to submit a marble copy of a bas-­relief and a plaster model of an original, life-­size statue (all reproductions were destined for the collection of copies owned by the Museo Nacional). The amount agreed upon for the scholarship was approximately 300 pesos (national currency) per month, a figure not insignificant for the national treasury and was approximately equivalent to a highly qualified job. For example, the 1903 pensionnaire Marcelino Barneche (then 25 years old) received a subsidy of 275 pesos per month to study landscape painting in Paris which represented almost three times what a skilled worker obtained monthly, five times what a mason was paid and eight times more than what a rural laborer received.47

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 25 Thus, after the formation of the CNBA in 1897, a new generation of artists was in the making and was beginning to take advantage of newly reorganized government-­ financed pensionnaire system to study painting and sculpture in Europe. The first group was made up of the sculptors Rogelio Yrurtia (1879–1950) and Arturo Dresco (1875–1961) (20 and 24 years old respectively), and the painters Carlos Ripamonte, Cesáreo Bernaldo de Quirós (1879–1968), and Arturo Méndez Texo. While Ripamonte and Quirós chose Rome as their destination, Dresco settled in Florence under the direction of sculptor Augusto Passaglia (1837–1918) while Méndez Texo and Yrurtia traveled to Paris. The freedom enjoyed by the pensionnaires was notorious. In general, the first step was to take a tour of various Italian cities before making a final choice of where to establish. For example, Quirós after becoming familiar with Genoa and Florence decided to settle in Rome but opted not to attend the classes of the Academy in that city given that the first class he took was “a waste of time.” He then chose to rent a studio and set a drawing routine between 6 and 10 in the morning, and painting between 2 and 6 o’clock in the afternoons. In the remaining time he carried out other studies, as was stipulated by the scholarship regulations, under the direction of the painter Cesare Maccari (1840– 1919), in addition to frequenting the life drawing class of the Circolo Internazionale Artistico, where he could also consult the library and obtain the good advice “from the many and renowned artists who frequent it.” During the holidays he planned trips through Venice and Naples to practice landscape painting, and finishing in Paris for a comparison with everything he had seen until then.48 Thus, Ripamonte took advantage of his Roman stay to fulfill the final obligations of his scholarship contract and certify his training. Among the works he completed were anatomy and perspective drawings, and for the copy of a “great master” work he chose to reproduce Diego de Velázquez’ portrait of Innocent X belonging to the Doria Gallery.49 It is noteworthy the way in which the students sought to win the European pension in order to free themselves from the routines of the first years of academic training. As predicted by Ripamonte when our School of Fine Arts offers the student a good knowledge base, and that student is subjected to challenging tests in the [pensionnaire’s] art competitions, it will be possible, without any danger, to allow them freedom of action in their studies, with the certainty that they will acquire a greater efficiency in their artistic personality.50 Italy certainly exercised a strong attraction as a primary destination for pensionnaires because of the quantities of available “art treasures.” However, even those who chose to settle there, such as Ripamonte, complained of the deficiencies in the Istituto di Belle Arti they attended and therefore sought guidance and instruction in the atelier of Maccari.51 Other pensionnaires, as was the case of Yrurtia, complained of similar difficulties in the Italian environment and decided to study in Paris in 1900: I could not find apart from their [Italian] antiquities—real jewels by the way— anything that excited me. I have found sadness in everything, a decay that I could only describe with another name, that of decadence. I do not think that I can currently make any gains here because the methods of study that they provide [are of little use], starting with their academies which,

26  María Isabel Baldasarre to tell you the truth, leave much to be desired. . . . Keeping in mind these impressions, therefore, and given the [more] humble status held in Rome of other Italian cities for studying art, I was felt obligated to make my way to Paris, in search of a better field for my studies.52 There, Yrurtia enrolled in the Académie Julien in the workshop of Jules Lefebvre (1836–1912), complementing it with anatomy and perspective free classes at the National Academy and thereby achieving one of his highest ambitions: to enter as an individual student in the workshop of Jules F. Coutan (1848–1939). Méndez Texo made a similar move of seeking private instruction, likewise enrolling himself in the Académie Julien but under the advice of the painter Marcel Baschet (1862–1941). His letters manifest that he was dazzled by the Universal Exposition of 1900 and showed signs of the impact of seeing the paintings of Rose Bonheur and William Bouguereau,53 while complaining with regret that “[Argentina’s] artistic culture is very deficient [because] it has not moved beyond Buenos Aires even though South Americans are endowed with an extremely superior artistic intuition.”54 In mid-­1903, an exhibition was organized in the major commercial gallery of Buenos Aires, the Witcomb Gallery, with the aim of showing the public works made abroad by current and former pensionnaires. In several cases, the exhibition displayed photographs of the paintings and sculptures that were still in Europe. It was necessary to justify the expenses in the public funds since—as we shall see below—critics cast suspicion upon the dedication of scholars to their studies and what they were doing in Europe. In July of the following year, a new pensionnaire competition was held to fill the vacancies left by the trained artists who had returned to Argentina. The time it took waiting for the turnover of new fellowship funds made it necessary to reduce the number of recipients. Thus, in 1904, they were between four and five with an average duration of four years of permanence abroad. In this occasion, the winners were Máximo Olano and Antonio Alice (figure), Ricardo García (landscape), and David Godoy and Víctor Juan Garino (sculpture).55 The European stays of the pensionnaires—according to the testimonies of officials involved in their supervision and specifically in the words of secretary of the CNBA Fernando Fusoni—did not always result in any practical benefit for Argentina. The reality was that almost half of the students who had received scholarships did not return to home. The so-­called cosmopolitanism of the Argentines was a double-­edged sword, according to Fusoni himself: We must not forget that because, in our cosmopolitan country, a large part of the citizens come from foreign parents, and that settling in the country of their family’s origin, there exists the real danger that the old trunk will reach out for its younger, scattered branches.56 The process of redesigning the pensionnaire competition was completed in 1909 with the creation of a scholarship board (Patronato de becados) that de la Cárcova managed after his resignation as director of the ANBA. One of the functions of this Board was to “ensure the efficiency of the expenditures” that the country made to “promote the progress of artistic and scientific culture.” In addition to supervising the students, de la Cárcova also had to fill the role of mentor and moral guide, “taking

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 27 care of their [individual] situations, not only concerning the progress of their studies . . . but also of their personal conduct, as representatives of our sociability.”57 De la Cárcova settled in Paris and together with his secretary Fusoni centralized the information of the more than 100 scholars who were studying at the time throughout Europe.58 In this way, the records of the Foreign Relations archive reveal that while architects and engineers opted for London, Munich, Berlin, or Zurich, violinists, harpers, singers, and musicians, in general, continued to choose Italy, while visual artists divided themselves between this last nation and the city of light, Paris. Among the scholarship holders who Ernesto de la Cárcova was in charge of in Europe were the sculptors Pedro Zonza Briano (1886–1941) and Gonzalo Leguizamón Pondal (1890–1944), and the painter Ceferino Carnacini (1888–1964), all of them in Rome; the sculptor Nicolás Lamanna (1888–1923) in Florence and the sculptors Luisa Isabel Isella (1886–1942) and Alberto Lagos (1885–1960) in Paris. For his part, the sculptor César Santiano (1886–1919) chose an unusual destination to work with Davide Calandra (1856–1915) in Turin. There is also a registry of other pensioners, such as Mario Pedro Arata or Carlos Granada, and about whose subsequent artistic careers we know little, but which allows us to conclude that the stay in Europe did not guarantee their future fame as artist. The correspondences among fellows, and which are found in the archives, again reveal that there was a certain laxity between the schedules and the tasks that occupied them in Europe. For example, Nicolás Lamanna spent his mornings practicing nature drawing at the International Academy, while the rest of the day he dedicated to his studies of modeling in the workshop, then to return at night to make sketches in the same Academy. As always, there were problems with the arrival of payments, and the complaints were made provoking for the scholarship holders situations of real despair, as happened to Lamanna, who had to ask for credit to feed himself.59 Despite the intentions of the Patronato to exercise more control over the life of the fellows and their overseas training, the press echoed the rumors that many of them had a life “of waste and idleness.”60 On the other hand, there were awardees who were not quite ready for the challenges to be faced in Europe, and de la Cárcova himself complained that despite the efforts to standardize the system, there were still many students who acquired scholarships not by individual merit but because of official favoritism.61 The press was ambivalent about the fate of the pensionnaires; some journalists claimed that the artists had been left to their own devices and that some had to survive working in a factory, as gardeners or stevedores in the Port of Marseille.62 It was a complex moment for the pensionnaires in Europe. If their European residencies were not terminated immediately with the start of the First World War, no doubt, that global conflict marked the return of many of them to Argentina. Indeed, it was in the middle of the armed conflict in 1916 that the Board of Trustees was finally shut down. Epilogue This essay has examined a panorama of the principal educational institutions for young, aspiring artists in Buenos Aires at the turn of the century. It has shown how art education ceased to be the domain of the few dilettantes and artists who met in the SEBA to talk and practice an emerging art but instead became—through a state-­ sponsored national academy—a more open place, responsive to the goals of hundreds

28  María Isabel Baldasarre of young men and women in search of training and a degree. They were institutional vehicles through which one could make a career, if not in the Fine Arts, at least in one of the professions associated with them, such as decoration, technical drawing, illustration, book design, or teaching. The diversity of disciplines taught at the Academy, and the fact that from its origin it was conceived as “School of Decorative and Industrial Arts,” refers to the degree of self-­awareness of its authorities regarding the restrictive nature not only of the artistic field but also of the transformation of arts education across the West at a time when increasing numbers of specialized crafts and industrial arts schools were opening. Further, the scarcity of local buyers of Argentine painting and sculpture made it very difficult to “live” solely from one’s art or to define oneself as a professional artist dedicated to full-­time practice. If, on the other hand, the candidate had the fortune of being one of the chosen few, awarded with a travel grant to become a pensionnaire, they could complement their education with what the Old World had to offer them, choosing from among any number of potential study sites, although most decided between the traditions of Italy or the modernity of Paris. The “artist’s life” in Europe was presented through the contemporary press as one much less regulated and more liberal than desired by Argentine officials who financed artists’ travels and study, and as such, they sought to control it. The European studies arrived at a time of transition, and in fact, their training methods, subjects, and styles were somewhere halfway between the traditional pillars of academic formation—namely, the study of the live nude model and copying of famed masters works—and the practice of painting en plein air landscapes, seascapes, or more expressive sculpture close to symbolism. The academic formation itself was now being transformed by new ways of being an artist. Argentinean artists, who felt geographically and symbolically marginal to the European centers of artistic activity, strove to take their place, not without stumbles, within these modern scenes. Many times, they dreamed of the possibilities of transforming their beloved Buenos Aires into an Atenas del Plata (Athens on the Plate River).63 But those returning with European training to the Argentine capital were confronted with the reality of a not-­so-­polished local art scene. Nonetheless, without that European training for an already highly cosmopolitan audience, the future of Argentina would have looked very different; especially given the fact that many awardees returned to take up roles as teachers or managers in the Academy in which they had made their first artistic steps.

Notes 1. María Lía Munilla Lacasa, “Siglo XIX: 1810–1870,” in Nueva historia Argentina: Arte, sociedad y política, edited by José Emilio Burucúa (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1999), 109. 2. Comisión provisoria (Provisional comission of the Society), editors, Proyecto de Reglamento de la Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes, (Buenos Aires: Imprenta y librería de J. Peuser, 1876), 5. 3. Ofelia Manzi, Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes (Buenos Aires: Atenas, n.d.), 5. 4. “Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes,” La Nación (15 March 1878): 2, col. 3; (30 July 1880): 2, col. 5. 5. “Concesión de becas,” La Nación (6 April 1900): 5, col. 1. 6. See Laura Malosetti Costa, Los primeros modernos: Arte y sociedad en Buenos Aires a fines del siglo XIX (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2001), 96–104. 7. “El Arte,” El Arte en el Plata (1 January 1878): 1–3.

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 29 8. Proyecto de Reglamento, 10. 9. The National Museum of Fine Arts was created by a presidential decree in 1895 and opened its doors the following year. See María Isabel Baldasarre, “From Universalist to National Art: Argentina’s Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires,” in Art Museums of Latin America: Structuring Representation, edited by Michele Greet and Gina McDaniel Tarver (New York, NY: Routledge, 2018), 17–30. 10. Letter of León Gallardo, President of SEBA, to Ernesto de la Cárcova, Buenos Aires, 28 July 1887. Colección Ernesto de la Cárcova, Fondo Documental, Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (hereon CEC, ANBA). 11. “Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires,” La Ilustración Sud-­Americana 2, no. 44 (16 October 1894): 472–473. 12. See the SEBA records which were reproduced in Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales 1878–1928 (Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales, 1928), 8. 13. “Modelos,” La Nación (4 July 1882): 2, col. 6. 14. Marco Avellaneda, En la Academia de Bellas Artes (Buenos Aires: Arnoldo Moen, Discurso pronunciado en la distribución de premios á los alumnos de la Academia de Bellas Artes, 27 de mayo de 1901), 10. 15. Letter of Arturo Méndez Texo to Sr. President of the National Fine Arts Committee, Eduardo Schiaffino (Paris, 31 May 1902). Archivo Schiaffino-­Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (hereon AS-­MNBA). 16. “Diversas: Notas Sociales,” La Nación (17 August 1901): 5, col. 6. 17. Georgina Gluzman, Trazos invisibles: Mujeres artistas en Buenos Aires (1890–1923) (Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2016), 69–76. 18. In 1879, the second exhibition of the SEBA was opened in a Buenos Aires location given by the Quesnel family, owners of a hardware and painting store on Cangallo Street between Florida and Maipú. In 1880, the academy was on 159 Suipacha Street, at the corner of Cuyo, while the following year it moved to a hall in the buildings of the Teatro Colón (in front of the Government House, at the corner of the Plaza de Mayo). In 1888, it moved once again to a store on 59 Lavalle (and Reconquista Street). Between 1890 and 1895 its address was 387 Lavalle Sreet. 19. Several of the exhibited works were acquired by local collectors who were not particularly interested in collecting Argentinian art. See “Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes–Los premiados,” La Nación (28 May 1903): 6, cols. 4–5. 20. “El Salón Nacional de Bellas Artes–El ‘Vernissage’,” La Nación: Suplemento Semanal Ilustrado 1, no. 37 (14 May 1903). The National Salon of Fine Arts, open to all living Argentine artists and foreigners living in the country, was instituted only in 1911. 21. Alberto B. Martínez, “La calle Florida,” in Manual del Viajero: Baedeker de la República Argentina, 2nd edition (Buenos Aires: Jacobo Peuser, 1904), 127. 22. “Discurso del S. E. el doctor Joaquín V. González: Ministro de Justicia e Instrucción Pública,” in Nacionalización de la Academia de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales (Buenos Aires: Taller Tipográfico de Barausse y Lacassie, 1905), 16. For a detailed analysis of this speech and transcript, see: Matías Zarlenga, “La nacionalización de la Academia de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires (1905–1907),” Revista Mexicana de Sociología 76, no. 3 (July‑September 2014): 383–411. 23. “Discurso del S. E. el doctor Joaquín V. González,” Nacionalización de la Academia, 23. 24. “Temas de arte: El error de ayer: Megalomanía suicida,” El Tiempo (27 January 1905), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 25. See María Isabel Baldasarre, Los dueños del arte: Coleccionismo y consumo cultural en Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 2006). 26. “Decreto declarando nacionalizada la Academia de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales,” (Buenos Aires, 19 April 1905). Reproduced in: Nacionalización de la Academia, 8. 27. Letter of Joaquín V. González, Minister of Justice and Public Instruction to Eduardo Sívori, Buenos Aires, 24 May 1905; and draft of letter by Eduardo Schiaffino to Joaquín V. González, Buenos Aires 2 June 1905. Archivo Mario A. Canale, Fundación Espigas, Buenos Aires.

30  María Isabel Baldasarre 28. Alberto B. Martínez, Censo General de Educación levantado el 23 de mayo de 1909 (Buenos Aires: Talleres de Publicaciones de la Oficina Meteorológica Argentina, 1910), Volume II, 169. 29. Acero, “Al pasar: Bellas Artes,” El Tiempo (20 March 1908): 1, cols. 3–4. 30. About de la Cárcova’s life-­long involvement with art education, see María Isabel Baldasarre, “La educación de los artistas,” in Ernesto de la Cárcova, curated by Laura Malosetti Costa (Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, 2016), 50–61. 31. Draft of letter by Ernesto de la Cárcova to the Minister of Justice and Public Instruction Dr. Juan A. Bibiloni, Buenos Aires, 8 January 1908, CEC, ANBA. 32. The best study of Collivadino and his years in charge of the ANBA is the work of Laura Malosetti Costa, Collivadino (Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 2006). 33. This conflict is reflected in the press, which generally defended the position of the students and professors and criticized the arbitrariness of Collivadino. As one example: “Lo de la Academia de Bellas Artes: Más sobre un mismo tema. . .,” Última hora (19 November 1908), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. For reconstruction of this conflict: Malosetti Costa, “La Academia,” in her Collivadino, 133–142. 34. Letter of Pío Collivadino to José R. Semprún, President of the CNBA, Buenos Aires, 23 September 1908, Archivo Mario A. Canale, Fundación Espigas. 35. “El incidente en la academia de Bellas Artes: Con el señor Collivadino,” El País (21 November 1908), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 36. Among the “complementary subjects” were practical geometry, perspective, artistic anatomy, and art history. See: “Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales,” in Reglamentos y programas generales (Buenos Aires: Imp. Luis M. Monteverde, 1910). 37. “Examen de fin de curso,” La Nación (6 December 1912): 18, col. 6. 38. Eduardo Schiaffino, La pintura y la escultura en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Edición del autor, 1933), 207. See also Malosetti Costa, Los primeros modernos, 63. 39. Correa Morales won a scholarship in 1874 to study at the Academy of Fine Arts in Florence, Italy, with the sculptor Urbano Lucchesi. He returned to the country in 1882. Giudici was awarded a scholarship by the Ministry of Public Instruction and settled in Venice in 1880 to study with Giacomo Favretto. He returned to Buenos Aires in 1886. Cf. Schiaffino, La pintura y la escultura, 271. 40. Cf. Schiaffino, La pintura y la escultura, 274 and 276. The prominent members of the local elite referred here were Leonardo Pereyra (one of the principal patrons alternating president of the SEBA) and Francisca Ocampo de Ocampo. 41. In 1896 Mora obtained a 100 gold pesos scholarship for two years to perfect her painting studies in Europe. Cf. Boletín oficial de la República Argentina 4, no. 985 (6 November 1896). In 1897 she attended the workshop of Francesco Paolo Michetti where she received her first lessons of sculpture and modeling with Constantino Barbella. Later she continued his studies of marble carving with Giulio Monteverde. 42. Boletín oficial de la República Argentina 5, no. 1191, Buenos Aires, 27 July 1897. 43. Copier of note and report CNBA, AS-­MNBA. Cf. Ministerio de Instrucción Pública de la Nación Argentina, Reglamento de los concursos de pintura, escultura y música para optar por las subvenciones de estudios en Europa (Buenos Ayres, 1899). 44. Eduardo Schiaffino, “Impresiones y comentarios: Los becados de arte en Europa,” La Nación (12 July 1909), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 45. Cf. Note copier, 23 June 1899, Meeting of the Painting Section of the CNBA signed Ángel Della Valle (President of Painting Section) and Eduardo Schiaffino (President of the CNBA), 20–21, AS-­MNBA. 46. The regulation clarified the student should focus “—purely from the plastic point of view— on these three elements: The individual action, the physiognomic expression and the pictorial effect inherent to the subject (in this composition, made far from any documentary source, it demands that the scene should not be located, nor its actors characterized).” Cf. Reglamento, 12–13. 47. Average wages for the following positions in 1903 were as follows: skilled worker (baker) $120 m/n; bricklayer: $57,50 m/n; low-­ranking police: $55 m/n; rural laborer: $33,00 m/n.

Between Buenos Aires and Europe 31 Roberto Cortés Conde, “Tendencias en la evolución de los salarios reales en Argentina, 1880–1910,” Económica 22, nos. 2–3 (December 1976): 131–159. 48. Letter of Césareo Bernaldo de Quirós to President of the CNBA, Eduardo Schiaffino, Rome, 13 April 1900, AS-­MNBA. 49. Letter from Ripamonte to Eduardo Schiaffino, Rome, 15 December 1900, AS-­MNBA. 50. Letter from Ripamonte to President of the CNBA, Eduardo Schiaffino, Rome, 15 February 1901, AS-­MNBA. 51. Letter of Carlos Ripamonte to President of the CNBA, Eduardo Schiaffino, Rome, 15 April 1900, AS-­MNBA. 52. Letter from Rogelio Yrurtia to Eduardo Schiaffino, Paris, 30 May 1900, AS-­MNBA. 53. Manuscript, “Impresiones de Arte,” AS-­MNBA. 54. Arturo Méndez Texo, “Semester Note to Mr. President of the CNBA Eduardo Schiaffino, Paris, 30 November 1901,” AS-­MNBA. 55. Many of these students are little known nowadays. That is why in some cases dates of birth and death are not included. 56. Fernando Fusoni, “Una Escuela Argentina en París,” El Monitor de la Educación Común 36, no. 457 (31 January 1911). Fusoni had participated on the Board of Directors of the SEBA. 57. Ministerio de Justicia e Instrucción Pública de la Nación Argentina, Organización del Patronato de Becados en Europa (Buenos Aires, 12 May 1909). Archivo del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto, Buenos Aires (hereon AMREC). 58. De la Cárcova had to supervise students of related disciplines such as painting, sculpture, or music, as well as those more alien to him, such as surveying, chemistry, and veterinary medicine. 59. Letter from Nicolás Lamanna to “Encargado del Patronato de Becados Argentinos en Europa, Fernando Fusoni,” Florence, 18 August 1914, AMREC. 60. “Pensionados argentinos: Quejas injustificadas,” La Razón (March 1910), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 61. “Los becados en Europa,” La Nación (1 May 1911), Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 62. Vizconde de Lazcano Tegui, “Los artistas argentinos en París: Lamentable situación en que se encuentran: Un exbecado jardinero,” Undated clipping [1915], Scrapbook, CEC, ANBA. 63. Atenas del Plata is an allusion to a “silver city” and also a reference to the Río de la Plata (River Plate) which gave name to the country, Argentina, from Latin argentum (silver).

2 From “Academy” to “School” Transformations in the Academy of Fine Arts in Rio de Janeiro (1816–1930) Arthur Valle The Academy of Fine Arts in Rio de Janeiro was officially inaugurated in 1826 following momentous events such as the transfer of the Portuguese Royal Court to Brazil in 1808 and the arrival in 1816 of a group of French artists called the “French Mission” in Brazilian art historiography. Throughout the 19th century, the pedagogy, structure, and aesthetic guidelines of Rio’s Academy underwent significant transformations, culminating in a huge reform that followed the proclamation of the Republic in November 1889. A decree enacted on November 8, 1890, renamed the academy as the “National School of Fine Arts,” approved new statutes, dismissed respected professors, and enabled a new generation of artists—trained mainly in Italy and France in the 1870s and 1880s—to assume control of Brazil’s leading art education institution. Beyond being simply a product of the new republic, the 1890 Reform was among the most significant initiatives that played a transformative role in Brazil’s arts pedagogy and national cultural programs; as such, it merits a closer examination than it has previously received. Accordingly, after presenting an overview of the Rio’s Academy history during the Empire, this chapter will focus on the 1890 Reform and on the comparison between the old Imperial “Academy” and the reformed Republican “School.” I will stress the changes involved in this institutional transformation but will also examine other questions, such as: How did the reform of the institution affect Brazil’s cultural exchanges with other nations and its practices of collecting art? To what extent did Rio’s Academy contribute to the symbolic integration of previously marginalized groups—such as women and Afro-­descendants—into a society eager for modernization according to Eurocentric models? And how did artists associated with the Academy contribute to the transformations of Brazilian visual identities?

The Origins of the Academy of Fine Arts in Rio de Janeiro The Academy of Fine Arts in Rio de Janeiro emerged in a period of tremendous changes in the political status of Brazil. Until the beginning of the 19th century, Brazil was under the colonial yoke of Portugal and remained mainly a lucrative source of raw materials, such as sugar and minerals, to the Lisbon metropolis; manufacturing activities were illegal and Brazilian intellectual and cultural autonomy was severely repressed. This scenario changed dramatically in January 1808 when the Portuguese court, led by the then Prince Regent Dom João VI (1767–1826), arrived in Rio, fleeing from the Napoleonic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula. The arrival of a court with some 15,000 persons transformed the social and cultural life of the city. As it was ill-­equipped to function as the center of one of Europe’s largest empires, Dom João VI

34  Arthur Valle soon took measures aiming to improve the situation: he opened ports to allied nations, gave greater liberties to industry activity and the press, and created the Bank of Brazil. As a consequence, Brazil’s political status was elevated in December 1815 becoming part of the newly “United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves.” Just a few months later, in March 1816, a group of French artists, architects, and master craftsmen arrived in Rio, searching for a new field of activity.1 The leader was Joachim Lebreton (1760–1819), the former secretary of the fine arts section of the Institut de France. After Napoleon’s definitive defeat in 1815, Lebreton’s position proved difficult. However, because of the strength of his reputation in the Parisian art world, he had the political capital to quickly assemble a group of artists and professionals who were in similar situations. This group included celebrated artists such as the history painter Jean-­Baptiste Debret (1768–1848), cousin and disciple of Jacques-­ Louis David; the landscape painter Nicolas-­Antoine Taunay (1755–1830), a former pensioner of the Académie royale de peinture; and Auguste Henri Victor Grandjean de Montigny (1776–1850), a disciple of the designer-­architects Charles Percier and Pierre Fontaine and a winner of the Prix de Rome. This group would be pivotal to the foundation of Rio’s Academy and comprised the core of the “French Mission” of 1816. The term “mission” deserves a brief comment. Popularized by the historian Afonso D’Escragnolle Taunay, it does not imply a simple mandate but above all a moral commitment. Under such a perspective, those involved in the “French Mission” are perceived almost as missionaries for the religion of the arts, in charge of expanding the “civilizing” process initiated by the Portuguese.2 Since the publication of Debret’s account in his Voyage pittoresque et historique au Brésil (1834–39), aspects of Brazilian art historiography have supported the thesis that the coming of the “French Mission” to Brazil was a deliberate initiative of the Portuguese court, whose Francophile wing had been commissioned to hire Parisian artists who were eager to emigrate after the fall of Napoleon. More recent studies, however, have analyzed documents preserved in archives, such as that in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon; these studies emphasize Lebreton’s leadership in the inception of the “French Mission” and, as such, have almost erased earlier views of the Portuguese participation in the initiative.3 Even more recently, the analysis of the correspondence of 18th-­century Portuguese diplomats such as Francisco José Maria de Brito and António de Araújo Azevedo, the Conde da Barca, suggests that both Lebreton’s agency and that of the Portuguese court must be acknowledged if we want to understand the episode.4 Proof of the Portuguese role in the project is the fact that, already on August 12, 1816, Dom João VI enacted a decree hiring the members of the “French Mission” and establishing the Royal School of Sciences, Arts, and Crafts.5 Despite Dom João’s support, however, the early years of Rio’s Academy were marked by impediments related to widespread political instability. To make things worse, in 1819, Lebreton died in Rio. Taking advantage of this misfortune, the Lisbon-­born painter Henrique José da Silva (1772–1834) got himself appointed director of the institution, but the French artists’ hostility to Silva—as well as his intrigues against the French—led to operational gridlock.6 In 1821, Dom João VI left Brazil, leaving behind his son Dom Pedro I (1798–1834) as ruler. Soon after, in November 1822, nationalistic pressures led Dom Pedro to declare Brazil’s independence from Portugal. The first Brazilian Emperor would abdicate and return to Portugal in 1831, but, meanwhile—and however fragile his authority might have been—he decreed the opening of a painting class in 1824 and inaugurated the Academy in 1826, in a building

From “Academy” to “School” 35 designed by Grandjean de Montigny (this chapter’s illustration). The official name of the institution became then the “Imperial Academy and School of Fine Arts,”7 suggesting that Dom João’s proposal of integrating fine arts, crafts, and sciences had been abandoned.8 Certainly, the creation of an institution exclusively devoted to the fine arts, rather than a wider array of artistic and scientific practices, was a much easier task to implement during Dom Pedro’s tumultuous reign.

The Affirmation of the Imperial Academy The Rio Academy would enter a less precarious phase of its existence in the 1830s. Indeed, the period between 1830 and 1889 was for Brazil, as well as for all Hispanic America, the continuation of the long birth of their respective nation-­states. This was a period during which the characteristic aspects of each country’s societies, governments, and cultures were forged.9 In 1831, the Academy’s statutes were reformed, and the institution’s name was changed again, this time dropping the prefix of “Imperial” and additional qualifier of “school” to now simply “Academy of Fine Arts,”10 a designation that would remain until the end of the Brazilian Empire. In 1834, the director Henrique José da Silva died, leading to the appointment of Félix-­Émile Taunay (1795–1881), son of Nicolas-­Antoine, as director of the Academy.11 In 1840, after a turbulent nine-­year regency, the son of Dom Pedro I assumed the throne, becoming Dom Pedro II (1825–1891). The second and last Brazilian Emperor would put an end to the rebellions led by provincial states demanding greater autonomy which had erupted since his father left the throne. The 1840s would also mark a change in the Brazilian economy: “coffee surpassed sugar as an export, signalling the start of a period of economic prosperity; and tariffs were more than doubled, paving the way for the first hesitant steps towards finding alternative imports and, as a consequence, incipient industrialisation.”12 Not by chance, it was from the 1840s that Rio’s Academy affirmed its position in the intellectual field of the Brazilian Empire. Félix-­Émile Taunay’s administration was crucial toward this aim. Two of his many initiatives need to be stressed here because they would reverberate well into the republican period. On the one hand, Taunay created in 1840 the General Exhibitions of Fine Arts, that is, art salons where works by Academy professors and students were exhibited alongside those by independent artists. The General Exhibitions remained the foremost Brazilian art exhibits well into the first decades of the 20th century.13 On the other hand, Taunay established in 1845 the so-­called Travel Prizes, resuming a routine of international trips aimed at artistic improvement and which had its origins in colonial times.14 It had also the benefit of reinforcing artistic connections between the Brazilian Academy and European art centers such as Rome and Paris.15 The Brazilian students’ stays in Europe were rigorously monitored by the Academy; more importantly, the winners of the Travel Prizes would often be re-­absorbed into the institution as professors. The Academy achieved unprecedented prestige during the reign of Dom Pedro II, “an Emperor who was said to have been born to the arts and letters.”16 In 1854, the polymath Manoel de Araújo Porto-­alegre (1806–1879), a disciple of Debret, was appointed director of the institution by the Emperor.17 In his brief administration (1854–57), Porto-­alegre strove to modernize the curricula and statutes of the Academy, to expand its art collections, and to stimulate the debates on Brazilian art, thus laying the foundations of a nationalistic project that would flourish in the final

36  Arthur Valle decades of the monarchy.18 The Academy endorsed his project, even proclaiming, in the 1879 General Exhibition, that Brazil already had a “Brazilian School” of arts, exhibiting under this rubric a collection of paintings by academicians.19 During Dom Pedro II’s reign, important commissions were executed by artists closely connected to the Academy. These commissions, which remain as paradigmatic works in Brazilian art history, are mainly history paintings that elevate crucial moments of the country’s historical formation to a semi-­mythical status.20 Many of the paintings’ themes dealt with the colonial period, such as those in the famous works by Victor Meirelles (1832–1903), a disciple of Porto-­alegre, depicting the First Mass in Brazil (1860; Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro) or the Battle of Guararapes (1872–1879; Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro), which recalls the expulsion of the Dutch that occupied the northeastern region of Brazil in the 17th century.21 More recent events in Brazilian history could also be represented, such as the ones connected to the Paraguayan War (1864–1870), which is the theme of the gigantic Battle of Avahy (1879; Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro) by Pedro Américo (1843–1905).22 But history painting was not the only genre to exalt Brazilianness, as manifest by the role played by landscape painting. Indeed, Ana Cavalcanti sees in Brazil “a close relationship between the two genres,” arguing that “[the] exuberance and beauty of the Brazilian natural landscape has always been a national pride. It is undeniable that many history paintings are situated in the open air and the nature is a “character” that participates in the composition.”23 But landscape paintings could also depict more sombre subjects. For example, an incipient environmental criticism appears in works by Félix-Émile Taunay such as View of a forest that is being reduced to coal (c.1843), which denounces the destruction of Rio’s forests.24 Still, Brazilianness was not constructed solely via historical narratives or landscape. Rather, also noteworthy was the so-­called Indianismo, a vast production of Indian-­ themed works with a Romantic flavor. Especially noticeable in the art of sculpture, Indianismo extolled indigenous types to the status of allegorical representations of the nation, as is well exemplified in the life-­size terracotta statue of Allegory of the Brazilian Empire (1872; Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro) by Francisco Manuel Chaves Pinheiro (1822–1884).25 Pinheiro’s sculpture shows an idealized Indian complete with the attributes of nationhood, including the Imperial coat of arms and Dom Pedro’s scepter. The “Indianist” production of the Academy’s professors and students was pivotal for the invention of a Brazilian identity apart from its Portuguese origins. This identity has maintained an extraordinary vitality even through today, paradoxically alongside of policies promoted by Brazilian governments that have resulted in the literal genocide of indigenous people and the epistemicide of their cultures.

The Academy’s Crisis in the 1880s It is not surprising that the institution’s situation became particularly unstable when the monarchy began to collapse, if we consider the close relationship between Rio’s Academy and the project of nationhood promoted by Dom Pedro II. The factors leading to the crisis in the last years of the monarchy were various: the eradication of

From “Academy” to “School” 37 slavery, the emergence of the military as a political power, and the strengthening of the republican movement.26 All these factors contributed to the monarchy’s loss of legitimacy among the leading sectors of Brazilian society. The weakening of monarchical power had direct repercussions on the field of the arts, and artists became increasingly dissatisfied with the narrowing of professional opportunities. For example, the government no longer ensured the concession of Travel Prizes. The latter were interrupted in 1878 due to the lack of a budget, and another contest did not take place until 1887, when there were two winners—the painter Oscar Pereira da Silva (1867–1939) and the architect João Ludovico Maria Berna (1862–1938)—who could not immediately go to Europe because of insufficient funds. To make matters worse, the General Exhibitions were practically canceled. The last one during the monarchy occurred in 1884, and after that date budget constraints and impediments in the Academy’s building prevented the organization of new exhibitions. Perhaps as a partial response, the 1880s were marked by an increase in the number of independent exhibitions and the emergence of private art galleries.27 These new venues, however, could not make up for the loss of the artists’ visibility due to the interruption of the General Exhibitions. In addition, there was mounting criticism aimed at the curricula and teaching methods of the Academy. For example, the traditional academic preference for historical, religious, or mythological themes was severely challenged by most art critics in the 1880s. They advocated, instead, the production of landscape painting made en plein air as more modern and able to capture Brazil’s unique natural wonders. The rise of landscape painting in the 1880s is a prominent theme in Brazilian art historiography, especially regarding a group of artists that gathered around the German painter Johann Georg Grimm (1846–1887).28 Grimm was hired as a temporary professor by the Academy in 1882, but the termination of his contract two years later sparked a secessionist episode in the institution. Upon leaving the Academy, Grimm was followed by many promising students, such as the marine painter Giovanni Battista Castagneto (1851–1900)29 and Antonio Parreiras (1860–1937), who later would become one of Brazil’s leading painters.30 However, the hiring of Grimm and the recognition of landscape painting by the Academy in the 1884 General Exhibition show well how the institution was sensitive to criticism and that it strove to renew itself.31 In effect, at least since 1887, figures such as professor and then director of the Academy Ernesto Gomes Moreira Maia argued for a new reform of the institution. Only with the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, however, would actions toward such reforms be taken.

The 1890 Reform On November 15, 1889, a military coup removed Dom Pedro II from his throne and established the Republic in Brazil. By that night, Pedro II was officially deposed, and a provisional government headed by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca (1827–1892) was installed, decreeing that Brazil had become a Federative Republic.32 With the proclamation begins a period of Brazilian history usually called the First Republic, which extends until 1930. Among the first measures taken by the provisional government were the separation of state and church and the granting of Brazilian citizenship to foreigners living in the country. Less remembered is the fact that only 15 days after the Republic’s

38  Arthur Valle proclamation a commission was appointed with the purpose of reforming the Academy’s statutes. The institution was, therefore, quickly being obliged to forego its deeply entrenched associations with Dom Pedro and reinvent itself. However, the reform itself was slow to be implemented because of a lack of consensus on how it was to proceed. The year 1890 was marked by diverse reform projects and demonstrations by Academy’s students who even abandoned the institution and established an independent studio because the impasses were not solved.33 Only in November 1890, new statutes for the Academy were approved by the Minister of Public Instruction Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães (1836–1891), a Positivist military officer who had an important role in deposing the monarch. Among other changes, the institution’s name was once again changed, this time to “National School of Fine Arts” (henceforth NSFA).34 The 1890 statutes were largely based on a project of reform drafted almost a year before by two artists, the sculptor Rodolpho Bernadelli (1852–1931) and the painter Rodolpho Amoêdo (1857–1941). Both won the Travel Prize and studied in Europe between the late 1870s and the mid-­1880s; while Bernadelli was mainly in Rome, Amoêdo settled in Paris. Bernadelli and Amoêdo would be appointed respectively director and deputy director of the institution and would be pivotal in the destiny of the newly reformed Academy.35 The project proposed by Bernadelli and Amoêdo was in tune with European intellectuals regarding how artistic teaching should be conducted within academic institutions. On the one hand, the last decades of the 19th century were marked by the increasing divergence of definitions over individuality and by market demands for originality and authenticity in artistic production; on the other hand, academic teaching was widely understood as characterized by a series of predefined principles and rules that inhibited students in the development of an authorial production. It is from this perspective that the reform of some of the main European academies must be understood. For example, the 1863 decree that reformed the Parisian École des Beaux-­ Arts aimed exactly at the development of the students’ originality, and similar guidelines oriented the 1873 reform of the Academia de San Lucca in Roma.36 When in Europe, Bernardelli and Amoêdo came into contact with such reformist arguments and strove to implement them in the context of the Rio’s Academy. In this sense, the change in the institution’s designation—from “Academy” to “School”—is telling. It was not a simple “label matter,” as mocked by avowed opponents of the institution such as the art critic Gonzaga Duque (1863–1911); rather, the change embodied the program of reformist artists.37 This was clearly expressed by Bernardelli in a report sent to the government in 1891, where he stated that, as a replacement of the Academy, the National School of Fine Arts was created, and its entire program can be summarized by the rejection of the pretentious and nefarious title of its predecessor. The Academy was the ritualistic contemplation of the past; it was the veneration of the inviolable canon of the Ancients’ conventions, which distracted the spirit of the artists from the teaching spectacle of Nature; the Academy was the tyrannical lesson of how the Ancients saw [understood by the use of classical artistic models], in counterpoint to the intuitive and natural teaching of how we see the world it was the academicism, in short, with all its humble ambitions of correcting how things are.38

From “Academy” to “School” 39 Bernardelli’s statement shows how, around 1890, the term “academicism” was fraught with negative connotations. It is understandable, thus, why many felt the “Academy” should be renamed and that “School” was a more fitting designation. At a deeper level, however, the renaming signaled an aesthetic renovation, at least as intended by Bernardelli. It pointed to a change from “how the Ancients saw”—that is, the artistic models offered by a classical tradition—to a constant aesthetic updating through the “teaching spectacle of Nature.” Moreover, Bernardelli’s report recalls many values that were deemed “modern” in Rio’s artistic field since at least the 1880s, such as the strength to abandon sclerotic artistic conventions or the moral commitment to the expression of Nature’s “truth,” as seen and felt by an individual artistic temperament.39 This recalls, in turn, Emile Zola’s famous motto according to which “a work of art is a corner of creation seen through a temperament.”40 If the production of the artists and their disciples that took over the NSFA cannot be reduced to a single stylistic tendency, being rather very eclectic, it is important to recognize that what art historiography conventionally called “Naturalism” was immensely influential in Brazilian art at the turn of the 20th century.41

Changes in the NSFA: Professors, Curricula, Travel Prizes, Art Collections In the turbulent context of the Republic’s first years, the 1890 Reform was implemented with great difficulties.42 Notwithstanding, some of its consequences were immediate. Already in November, the director Moreira Maia retired; and on December 27, professors associated with the monarchy, such as Victor Meirelles and João Maximiliano Mafra (1823–1908), were dismissed. A new generation of artists assumed their positions: Rodolpho Bernardelli was appointed professor of sculpture, Amoêdo and Henrique Bernadelli (1857–1936)—Rodolpho’s younger brother—took up the painting classes; the painter João Zeferino Da Costa (1840– 1915), a winner of the Travel Prize in the 1860s who supported the reformists, was appointed professor of the life model classes.43 Other changes would take longer to set in. Among them, it is worth mentioning the transfer of the NSFA to a more suitable building. Despite earlier efforts, it is only in 1908 that the School was transferred into a building designed by the Sevilla-­born architect Adolpho Morales de los Rios (1858–1928), who became NSFA’s professor in 1897.44 This edifice was located at the newly inaugurated Central Avenue, constructed during the huge urban reform of Rio’s downtown of the mid-­1900s. Four areas of art were officially taught in the NSFA: painting, sculpture, architecture, and engraving of medals and precious stones.45 Significant changes were made to courses taught in similar areas at the earlier Imperial Academy. The pedagogic reorientation of the NSFA was connected to a much larger educational reform, implemented between 1890 and 1891 by Benjamin Constant de Botelho.46 Two guiding principles of Constant’s reform were directly reflected in the teaching of art: (1) the importance attributed to intuition as a teaching method, referred by Bernardelli in his report quoted above; and (2) the systematization of teaching. With regard to this last principle, it is important to stress that “before the [1890] reform there was no rigorous ‘curriculum’ [in the Academy] considered as a set of organized and hierarchical studies, and few were the disciplines whose

40  Arthur Valle development was conditioned to a fixed length of time.”47 With the 1890 statutes, as Bernadelli himself summed up, the main element [that came to reign] in the didactic organization, and from which derives the effectiveness of any teaching, is systematization. As a theoretical framework, the division in series of knowledge was established, so that the student progresses from the most accessible to the most difficult contents regarding the development of his capacities.48 The loose organization of teaching was indeed one of the criticisms at the Academy, and the changes in this sense were probably the main improvement of the 1890 Reform. It would be maintained throughout the three other reforms of the NSFA’s statutes that occurred during the First Republic, in 1901, 1911, and 1915.49 In addition to the renewal of professors’ staff and curricula, the 1890 Reform had other repercussions. The General Exhibitions were reestablished with their own organization and calendar and became annual events.50 The Travel Prizes were also begun anew with significant improvements.51 The traditional prize for regular students of the institution was resumed and with increased regularity: between 1892 and 1930, the contests for the Travel Prizes took place more than once every two years. Further, a second Travel Prize was created in 1894 for the most noteworthy artist in the General Exhibitions.52 During the First Republic, 56 artists were awarded prizes by the NSFA—more than three times the number of artists sent to Europe by the Academy in an equivalent period of time. In the case of the prize for NSFA’s regular students, the places of studies in Europe were defined by the judging commission of each contest. For painters, for example, Paris was undoubtedly the city most frequently chosen (eight times), followed by Rome (two times) and Munich (two times). The preference for Paris was a tendency already evident during the Imperial era, but that city became the major training site for Brazilian artists only at the turn of the 20th century. In the 1890s, students were sent not only to Paris but also to Rome and Munich, apparently indicating a larger openness for styles and processes of diverse European “schools” of art. In the case of the artists that won the prize at the General Exhibitions, this openness was even greater since they were free to choose where to settle. As another result of the 1890 Reform, the art collections of the NSFA were expanded and diversified.53 An effort to rectify the alleged shortcomings of these collections had been made in the Empire’s final years as revealed by an 1888 report. In it, the current director Moreira Maia described the composition of the institution’s “painting collection,” asserting that it was “the first in South America.”54 Notwithstanding, claims for a further expansion of the collections continued to be made. The NSFA then implemented a more systematic policy of acquisitions, despite constant budgetary constraints. There was an effort to not only buy works by Brazilian artists that had gained recognition in the 1880s and 1890s, but also to update the collections of diverse Europeans “schools,” especially those from Italy, Spain and Portugal. Interest in Italian art would have benefited from the long-­standing relationship of the Bernardellis with artists from the peninsula. In this sense, the acquisitions of works by Filipppo Carcano (1840–1914), Giacomo Favretto (1849–1887) or Antonio Mancini (1852–1930) are noteworthy. Interest in Spanish art was smaller until the 1910s, when the Sevillian painter José Pinelo Llull (1861–1922) began to organize annual exhibitions of Spanish works in Rio and São Paulo. The NSFA grabbed the

From “Academy” to “School” 41 opportunity and acquired works by artists such as Joaquín Sorolla (1863–1923) and Pinelo Llull himself. But the greatest effort to acquire foreign works was related to Portuguese art. Attracted by the success of exhibitions such as the one by the famous painter José Malhoa (1855–1933) in Rio in 1906, many Portuguese artists searching for new markets organized a long series of shows in Brazil that lasted until the end of the 1920s.55 The NSFA took advantage of this tendency and formed an important collection of Portuguese art including works by the celebrated artists José Júlio de Souza Pinto (1856–1939), Columbano Bordallo Pinheiro (1857–1929), Carlos Reis (1863–1940), besides the aforementioned Malhoa.

Women and Afro-­Brazilian Artists in Rio’s Academy Certainly, one of the more significant effects of the 1890 Reform was the opening of the School to women and Afro-­Brazilian artists. During the whole period of the Empire, women wanting to become professional artists in Brazil were faced with the obstacle that there was no public institution that would welcome them. They were obliged to look for private teachers until 1881, when classes for women were inaugurated in the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts of Rio de Janeiro.56 Ten years later, with the proclamation of the Republic and the consequent opening of higher education for women, the NSFA also allowed the enrolment of female students. This did not mean, however, that women found an institution readily able to receive them. By 1896, for example, there was no exclusively female classes, which contradicted the provisions of the law and probably delayed the enrolment of women in classes such as the life model. The opening of the NSFA to women was nonetheless significant. During the Empire, the only channel for their artistic presence was the General Exhibitions, where, in fact, their participation was noteworthy.57 However, women’s production—strongly identified with still life, genre subjects, and techniques such as watercolor—was normally dismissed as “amateur” by the art critics. An exception to this rule was Abigail de Andrade (1864–1890) who, at the 1884 General Exhibition, had a very positive reception and was awarded a Gold Medal.58 With the possibility of attending the NSFA, however, women artists began to pursue more ambitious goals. For example, Julieta de França (1870–1951), was the first NSFA sculpture student to obtain the Travel Prize in 1900. This was an unprecedented distinction, although it must be remembered that Julieta’s career was greatly impaired by the conflictual relationship that she, still as a NSFA pensioner, established with Rodolpho Bernardelli.59 In the 20th century, other artists such as the medal engraver Dinorah Carolina de Azevedo, the sculptress Margarida Lopes de Almeida, and the painter Angelina Agostini also won the Travel Prize. Particularly notable was the professional trajectory of Georgina de Albuquerque (1885–1962), who began her artistic formation at the NSFA and pursued further training in Paris, where she moved in the mid-­1900s with her husband Lucilio de Albuquerque (1877–1939), who had been awarded the Travel Prize in 1906. Georgina developed a successful career independently of her husband, standing out in many genres—including history painting—and becoming a teacher and director of the NSFA.60 Regarding black artists, it is necessary to stress that, despite the transformations that Brazil underwent since the inception of the Rio’s Academy, one crucial aspect barely changed: the division between free men and slaves. After the arrival of the

42  Arthur Valle Portuguese court, “the slave regime remained intact, if not strengthened” and if Europeans continued to arrive in Brazilian ports, “incomparably more numerous were African slaves—around 750,000 between 1808 and 1831,”61 who constantly introduced the ways of life from diverse African regions into the day-­to-­day life of Brazilians. In the 1830s, when coffee became the main export product, a further increase in the importation of slaves was demanded, despite the pressure to the contrary exerted by countries such as England. The importation of slave labor would continue until 1850, when Brazil finally yielded to British pressure and officially halted trafficking. As a result, the final decades of the monarchy were marked by successive abolitionist measures, until the official abolition of slavery in 1888. While legally conferring freedom to Africans and their descendants, the abolition was not enough to integrate them into the broader structure of Brazilian society. On the contrary, since the final decades of the monarchy, Dom Pedro II promoted a policy of branqueamento—namely, the “whitening” of the population through the recruitment of European immigrants and consequent selective breeding.62 The pseudoscientific assumption was that blacks would be absorbed and disappear through this strategy of eugenics. In such an unfavorable social context, it is not surprising to find, in the words of José Roberto Teixeira Leite, that the biographic accounts of black artists who worked in a country that did not understand and barely tolerated them are full of angst and failure, ending, with astonishing and undisturbed regularity, in the most sordid misery, disease, madness, premature death, alcoholism, or self-­destruction.63 Nevertheless, the role played by Rio’s Academy regarding black artists was noteworthy. The Academy gave blacks and mulattoes such authority and legitimacy that it would not be excessive to assert that the institution acted as . . . a vehicle of social ascension capable of offering the status of intellectual workers to men recently removed from slavery, in a society where the division of labour was particularly segregationist.64 Several Afro-­Brazilian artists who studied at the Rio’s Academy achieved prominence beginning in the 1870s, such as Estevão Silva (1844–1891), who was awarded in 1879 a Silver Medal for his superb still-­lifes, or Antonio Pinto Bandeira (1863– 1896), who stood out for his en plein air landscapes.65 The fact that Estevão Silva refused to accept the Academy’s medal and that Pinto Bandeira opted for a genre that in the 1880s defied academic hierarchies shows well the challenging character of such Afro-­Brazilian artists in a context marked by slavery’s injustices. After the 1890 Reform, the NSFA would continue to function as a platform for the social ascension of black artists. Some of them, such as the painters Raphael Frederico (1865–1934) or Arthur Timotheo da Costa (1882–1922), even won the Travel Prize, in 1893 and 1907 respectively. The challenge, and ambivalence, of representing blackness as a form of cultural identity is revealed in self-­representations by Afro-­Brazilian artists of the period. In this sense, the work of Arthur Timótheo is paradigmatic.66 On the one hand, a series of early portraits—including an impressive self-­portrait dated 1908—placed its black subjects on proud display. On the other, Timótheo’s later portraits, however, tone

From “Academy” to “School” 43 down the representation of ethnicity. In a self-­portrait probably from the late 1910s, the black painter depicts himself with a very fair skin. As Rafael Cardoso has argued, “it is certainly tempting to interpret this as evidence that black people had to act as white as possible in order to get ahead [in Brazil]—erase traces of ethnicity and make themselves over in the dominant group’s image.”67 This social aporia still survives in Brazil today and seems summarized by the tragic fate of Arthur Timótheo who—whether related to this racial repression or not—ended his days in a psychiatric hospital. This aporia is also the reason why, during the First Republic, Afro-­Brazilian heritage could not be appropriated as symbols of Brazilian identity, which I will discuss in the final section of this chapter. On the contrary, during that earlier period Afro-­ Brazilian cultural manifestations, such as within religion, were literally criminalized or treated as a social pathology.68 In short, it can be argued that while the 1890 Reform opened certain doors to women and Afro-­Brazilian artists, it also laid bare the many other obstacles toward inclusivity in the Republic.

Visual Identities in Brazilian Republican Arts The deposition of Dom Pedro II implied not only a political rupture, but also the crisis of the entire Imperial imagery. Dom Pedro’s image was the axis of the Brazilian political system and the very embodiment of the monarchical concept: in short, his body was inseparable from the political unity that he presided over. Soon after the Republic’s proclamation, therefore, a question that emerged for the artists—especially that connected to the NSFA—was how to fabricate images capable of filling the void left by the fall of the Emperor and the imagery associated with him. At first, flags, coins and stamps played a decisive role in the visual identity of the Brazilian republic. The Republican flag, designed by Décio Villares (1851–1931), an Academy student, was officially adopted by decree on 19 November 1889.69 It retained the aspect of the Imperial flag—a green background, a yellow rhombus and a blue disc—only excluding the Imperial emblems70 and adding a white band with the motto “Order and Progress,” much identified with Positivism. More innovative regarding Imperial imagery was the depiction of the Republic as a female personification,71 similar to the well-­known “Marianne” so very popular after the 1848 Revolution in France.72 The Brazilian “Marianne” appeared in the press even before the Republic’s proclamation and is shown on one side of the first Republican coins, as well as in works by Villares and others artists. Soon, however, the artists connected to the NSFA began to search for new ways to embody the Brazilian republican identity in the arts. In painting and sculpture, for example, an alternative to the Indian as symbol of the nation was found in the peasant type.73 This solution derived from a long-­lasting trend in European arts which became stronger in the 1870s, following the growing popularity of Naturalism.74 In Brazil, one of the artists who explored peasant types was José Ferraz de Almeida Júnior (1850– 1899),75 a distinguished student of the Academy who studied in Europe with the direct support of Dom Pedro II. But NSFA professors and students, such as Modesto Brocos y Gómez (1852–1936) or Carlos Chambelland (1884–1950), also actively supported this kind of peasant imagery, which was perpetuated well into the 20th century. For some other artists around the NSFA, the matrix of Brazilian artistic styles would be found in decorative ornaments inspired by the flora, fauna or cultural manifestations

44  Arthur Valle considered as “genuinely” Brazilian. At least two proposals reached a national scale and deserve to be briefly referred to here. The first was the so-­called “Neocolonial” style, which sought inspiration in architectonic solutions and ornamentation of buildings constructed before Brazilian Independence.76 The origin of the style dates back to the teaching of historian Ernesto Araújo Viana (1851–1920) in the NSFA, in the early 20th century,77 and it was consecrated in Rio in the 1920s under the patronage of José Marianno Filho (1881–1946), who was director of the School between 1926 and 1927.78 The second proposal was designated as “Neomarajoara,” in reference to an Amazon indigenous culture remembered nowadays as Marajoara.79 “Neomarajoara” supporters also proposed a revision of the past in search of Brazilianess’ roots, appropriating decorative repertoires created by Pre-­Columbian Indigenous cultures. The origins of the tendency can equally be found in the NSFA, in works by Eliseu Visconti (1866–1944) and Theodoro Braga (1872–1953)80—both Travel Prize winners—and at the General Exhibitions.81 By the end of the 1920s, new economic and political conditions began to be outlined in Brazil. The crisis of the coffee economy drove the demand for a more consistent investment in industrialization and the questioning of the oligarchical political model. In 1930, a coup d’état brought to power the politician Getúlio Vargas (1882–1954) and ended the First Republic. In the field of the arts, the hegemony of the Academy in Rio was again challenged, this time by modernist trends that were very strongly based in the city of São Paulo, especially since 1922.82 Here, I will not discuss the ascension of these new trends, but rather stress that, although the importance of the NSFA gradually diminished from the 1930s, the institution never ceased to have a relative importance. The production of Rio’s Academy was (and still is) relevant not only for its intrinsic qualities but also for the dialogue—usually controversial—that it established with modernist trends. It is for these reasons that we, as art historians, need to continually revisit the development of Rio’s Academy and expand the studies of that institution.

Notes 1. Lilia Moritz Schwarcz, O Sol do Brasil: Nicolas-­Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas franceses na corte de d. João (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2008), 175–214. 2. Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, “A Missão Artística de 1816,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 74, no. 1 (1912): 3–202. 3. Elaine Dias, “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a Corte Portuguesa na Europa– O nascimento da Missão Artística de 1816,” Anais do Museu Paulista 14, no. 2 (2006): 301–313. 4. Patricia D. Telles, O Cavaleiro Brito e o Conde da Barca: Dois diplomatas portugueses e a missão francesa de 1816 ao Brasil (Lisboa: Documenta, 2017). 5. Decreto de 12 de agosto de 1816, Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo Nacional, codex 62, Volume 2, 30–31. https://goo.gl/5B389e 6. On Henrique José da Silva, see Sonia Gomes Pereira, “A revisão historiográfica da arte do século XIX e os eventos comemorativos dos 200 anos da chegada de D. João ao Brasil: O exemplo de Henrique José da Silva,” in Anais do XXVIII Colóquio do Comitê Brasileiro de História da Arte, edited by Roberto Luís Torres Conduru and Vera Beatriz Cordeiro Siqueira (Rio de Janeiro: Comitê Brasileiro de História da Arte, 2009), 237–245. 7. Theodoro Jozé Biancardi, Estatutos da Imperial Academia e Escola das Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo Nacional, Box 6283, Packet 82. Transcribed online by Alberto Cipiniuk. www.dezenovevinte.net/documentos/estatutos_1820.htm

From “Academy” to “School” 45 8. On the Academy’s transformations between the 1816 decree and the 1826 statutes, see Monica Cauhi Wanderley, “História da Academia‑diferentes nomes, propostas e decretos,” Dezenovevinte 6, no. 2 (2011). https://goo.gl/rsJAxB 9. José Murilo de Carvalho, “As Marcas do Período,” in História do Brasil Nação: 1808– 2010, Volume 2: A Construção nacional 1830–1899, edited by Jose Murilo de Carvalho and Lilia Moritz Schwarcz (Rio de Janeiro; Madrid: Objectiva; MAPFRE, 2012). 10. José Lino Coutinho, “Plano de Reforma ano regime e estúdio da Academia da Belas Artes,” Decreto de 30 de Dezembro de 1831: Dá estatutos á Academia das Bellas Artes. https:// goo.gl/HLfWcH 11. On F.-­E. Taunay as director of the Academy, see Elaine Dias, Paisagem e academia: Félix-­ Émile Taunay e o Brasil (1824–1851) (Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2009). 12. Rafael Cardoso Denis, “Academicism, Imperialism and National Identity: The Case of Brazil's Academia Imperial de Belas Artes,” in Art and the Academy in the Nineteenth Century, edited by Rafael Cardoso Denis and Colin Trod (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 57. 13. On the General Exhibitions, see Angela Ancora da Luz, Uma breve história dos Salões de Arte—da Europa ao Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Caligrama, 2005), 61–100. 14. Quirino Campofiorito, História da Pintura Brasileira no Século XIX, Volume 2 (Rio de Janeiro: Pinakotheque, 1983), 27–33. 15. On the Academy’s Travel Prizes, see Ana Cavalcanti,“Les Artistes Brasiliens et “Les Prix de Voyage en Europe” a la Fin du XIXe Siécle: Vision d’Ensemble et Etude Approfondie sur le Peintre Eliseu D’Angelo Visconti (1866–1944),” Ph.D. Dissertation, Université de Paris I, 1999. 16. Carvalho, “As Marcas do Período,” 28. 17. On Porto-­alegre, see Letícia Squeff, O Brasil nas letras de um pintor: Manuel de Araújo Porto-­Alegre 1806–187 (Campinas: Editora da Unicampa, 2004). 18. Decreto No. 1603—de 14 de Maio de 1855: Dá novos estatutos á Academia das Bellas Artes. https://goo.gl/ScS9H9 19. Catálogo das obras expostas na Academia das Belas Artes em 15 março de 1879 (Rio de Janeiro: Tipografia de Pereira Braga, 1879), 28–39. https://goo.gl/mLHE2z. On the “Brazilian School,” see Leticia Squeff, Uma galeria para o Império: a Coleção Escola Brasileira e as origens do Museu Nacional de Belas Artes (São Paolo: Edusp–Fapesep, 2012). 20. On Brazilian history painting, see Maraliz C. V. Christo, “A pintura de história no Brasil do século XIX: Panorama introdutório,” Arbor 185 (2009): 1147–1168. 21. On the First Mass in Brazil, see Rafael Cardoso, A arte brasileira em 25 quadros (1790– 1930) (Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2008), 54–56; On the Battle of Guararapes, see Jorge Coli, “A Batalha de Guararapes de Victor Meirelles e suas relações com a pintura internacional,” Thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Campinas, Departamento de Historia, 1997. 22. The Paraguayan War was a conflict fought from 1864 to 1870 between Paraguay and the so-­called “Triple Alliance,” formed by Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. On the Battle of Avahy, see Jorge Coli, “O sentido da batalha: ‘Avahy’ de Pedro Américo,” Projeto Historia 24 (June 2012), 113–127. 23. Ana Cavalcanti, Pintura de paisagem, modernidade e o meio artístico carioca no final do século XIX, Research Report (Relatorio final) (Rio de Janeiro: EBA-­UFRJ, 2003), 5. 24. Claudia Valladão de Mattos, “Paisagem, Monumento e Crítica Ambiental na Obra de Félix-­Émile Taunay,” Dezenovevinte 5, no. 2 (2010). https://goo.gl/TyK6hb 25. Alberto Chillon, “Sculpture and Indianism(s) in 19th Century Brazil,” Dezenovevinte 10, no. 1, (2015). https://goo.gl/QavWds. On Chaves Pinheiro and his allegory of the Empire, see Fátima Alfredo, “Francisco Manuel Chaves Pinheiro e sua contribuição à imaginária carioca oitocentista,” Dezenovevinte 5, no. 2 (2010). https://goo.gl/miTJJa 26. Carvalho, “A Vida Política,” História do Brasil Nação, Volume 2, 117. 27. Cavalcanti, Pintura de paisagem, 18–20. 28. On Grimm and his group, see Carlos Roberto Maciel Levy, O Grupo Grimm: paisagismo brasileiro no século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Pinakotheke, 1980). 29. On Castagneto, see Carlos Roberto Maciel Levy, Giovanni Battista Castagneto: 1851– 1900, o pintor do mar (Rio de Janeiro: Pinakotheke, 1982).

46  Arthur Valle 30. On Parreiras, see Carlos Roberto Maciel Levy, Antônio Parreiras: pintor de paisagem, gênero e história (1860–1937) (Rio de Janeiro: Pinakotheke, 1981). 31. Camila Dazzi, “Pôr em prática a reforma da antiga Academia”: a concepção e a implementação da reforma que instituiu a Escola Nacional de Belas Artes em 1890,” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 2011, 109–119. In regard to the renovation of the institution, see Cavalcanti, Pintura de paisagem, 16–18. 32. Hebe Mattos, “A vida política,” in História do Brasil Nação: 1808–2010, Volume 3: A Abertura para o Mundo 1889–1930, edited by Lilia Moritz Schwarcz (Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2012). 33. On the projects for the Academy’s reform and the conflicts in 1890, see: Dazzi, “Pôr em prática a reforma da antiga Academia”, 89–160; Mirian Seraphim, “1890-o primeiro ano da república agita o meio artístico brasileiro e marca a carreira de Eliseu Visconti,” Oitocentos: Arte Brasileira do Império à Primeira República, edited by Ana Cavalcanti, Camila Dazzi, and Arthur Valle (Rio de Janeiro: EBA-UFRJ, 2008), 257–272. 34. Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães, Decreto n. 983—De 08 de Novembro de 1890, Approva os estatutos para a Escola Nacional de Bellas-­Artes. https://goo.gl/73VHVR 35. On Bernardellis’s administration, which lasted from 1890 until 1915, see Maria do Carmo Couto da Silva, “Rodolfo Bernardelli, escultor moderno: análise da produção artística e de sua atuação entre a Monarquia e a República,” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2011, 309–340. 36. Monique Segré, L'Art comme institution: L'École des Beaux-­Arts, 19 e-­20e siècle (Cachan: Editions de l’École Normale Supérieure de Cachan, 1993); Fausto Vagnetti, La Regia Accademia di Belle Arti di Roma (Florence: F. de Monnier, 1943), 30–37. 37. Luis Gonzaga Duque, “O aranheiro da escola,” in Contemporâneos (Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Benedicto de Souza, 1929), 216–225. 38. João Barbalho Uchôa Cavalcanti, Relatório apresentado ao Presidente da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil pelo Dr. João Barbalho Uchôa Cavalcanti, Ministro de Estado dos Negócios da Instrução Pública, Correio e Telégrafos em maio de 1891 (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1891), 13 (Anexo H). https://goo.gl/kyWvTn 39. Dazzi, “Pôr em prática a reforma da antiga Academia,” 29–34. 40. “Une œuvre d’art est un coin de la création vu à travers un temperament.” Émile Zola, “Les Réalistes du Salon,” in Mon salon: Augmenté d'une dédicace et d'un appendice (Paris: Librairie Centrale, 1866), 56. 41. On “Naturalism” and Zola’s centrality regarding the tendency, see Gabriel P. Weisberg et al., Illusions of Reality: Naturalist Painting, Photography, Theatre and Cinema, 1875– 1918 (Exhibition catalogue) (Brussels: Mercatorfonds, 2010), 18–29. For a discussion of “Naturalism” in relation to Luso-­Brazilian art, see: Arthur Valle, “Transnational Dialogues in the Images of ‘A Ilustração,’ 1884–1892,” RIHA Journal 115 (January 2015). https:// goo.gl/PYimMa 42. Dazzi, “Pôr em prática a reforma da antiga Academia,” 223–238, 247–254. 43. For the changes in the Academy’s staff, see Cavalcanti, Relatório apresentado ao Presidente da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil. . ., 12–13. 44. Donato Mello Junior, “O edifício do Museu Nacional de Belas Artes,” Boletim Museu Nacional de Belas Artes (May 1983‑April 1984): 29–50. 45. Decreto no. 983, 1890, Title 1, Article no. 1. 46. Camila Dazzi, “ ‘Pai e construtor da arte brasileira’: A Academia das Belas Artes na reforma da educação promovida por Benjamin Constant em 1890/1891,” Revista Digital do LAV 10 (2013): 19–37. 47. Ibid., 22. 48. Cavalcanti, Relatório apresentado ao Presidente da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil. . ., 18. 49. “Decreto n. 3.987, de 13 de abril de 1901. Aprova o regulamento para a Escola Nacional de Belas Artes,” Coleção das leis da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro 2 (1902): 455–485. Reproduced online DezenoveVinte. https://goo.gl/mgnevS (accessed 29 June 2019); “Decreto n. 8.964‑De 14 de Setembro de 1911. Approva o regulamento para a Escola Nacional de Bellas Artes,” Diário Oficial da União, Seção 1 (29 September 1911): 11949. https://goo.gl/NWb2Hv; “Decreto n. 11.749‑De 13 de Outubro

From “Academy” to “School” 47 de 1915. Reorganiza a Escola Nacional de Bellas Artes,” Diário Oficial da União, Seção 1 (16 October 1915): 10971. https://goo.gl/R6AeYF 50. Regimento das Exposições Geraes de Bellas Artes (Rio de Janeiro, 1895). https://goo.gl/ U7fqyn 51. Arthur Valle, “Os concursos para o Prêmio de Viagem em pintura da ENBA/RJ entre 1892 e 1930: Visão geral,” in IX Seminário do Museu D. João VI: pesquisa sobre os acervos do Museu D. João VI e do Museu Nacional de Belas Artes (Rio de Janeiro: EBA‑UFRJ, 2019), 36–50. 52. Each Travel Prize had specific criteria; for example, while the prize for NSFA’s regular students lasted for five years, the one in the General Exhibitions lasted for only two. 53. Maria do Carmo Couto da Silva, “A aquisição de obras para a galeria da Escola Nacional de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro,” in VIII EHA‑Encontro de História da Arte–Historia de Arte e Curadoria (Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2012), 433–434; Camila Dazzi, “As obras adquiridas pela Escola Nacional de Belas Artes nos anos após a reforma de 1890, hoje pertencentes ao Museu Nacional de Belas Artes,” in História da Arte: Coleções, Arquivos e Narrativas (Bragança Paulista: Editora Urutau, 2016). 54. Ernesto Gomes Moreira Maia, Relatório do ano de 1888 apresentado à Assembléia Geral legislativa na 4a sessão da 20a legislatura em maio de 1889 (Rio de Janeiro), Anexo C, 2. https://goo.gl/GjRA4Y 55. Arthur Valle, “Considerações sobre o Acervo de Pintura Portuguesa da Pinacoteca da Escola Nacional de Belas Artes,” Dezenovevinte 7, no. 1 (2012). https://goo.gl/xnsZMz 56. Ana Paula Cavalcanti Simioni, Profissão Artista: Pintoras e Escultoras Acadêmicas Brasileiras (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo: FAPESP, 2008), 121–126. On the Lyceum, see Alba Carneiro Bielinski, “O Liceu de Artes e Ofícios—sua história de 1856 a 1906,” Dezenovevinte 4, no. 1 (2009). https://goo.gl/J8xEQi 57. Cavalcanti Simioni, Profissão Artista, 305–311. 58. On Abigail de Andrade, see Cláudia de Oliveira, “Cultura, história e gênero: a pintora Abigail de Andrade e a geracão artística carioca de 1880,” Dezenovevinte 6, no. 3 (2011). https://goo.gl/L9pabe 59. On Julieta de França and her conflicts with Bernardelli, see Ana Paula Cavalcanti Simioni, “Souvenir de ma carrière artistique: Uma autobiografia de Julieta de França, escultora acadêmica brasileira,” Anais do Museu Paulista 15, no. 1 (2007): 249–287. 60. On Georgina, see Cavalcanti Simioni, Profissão Artista, 272–298. 61. Alberto da Costa e Silva, “As Marcas do Período,” in História do Brasil Nação, Volume 1, edited by Lilia Moritz Schwarcz (Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2012), 30. 62. Lilia Moritz Schwarcz, O espetáculo das raças: Cientistas, instituições e questão racial no Brasil 1870–1930 (São Paulo: Companhia das letras, 1993). 63. José Roberto Teixeira Leite, “Seis pintores negros do Oitocentos na Pincoteca do Estado,” Pintores Negros do século XIX (Exhibition catalogue) (São Paulo: Itaú Cultural, 1993), unnumbered. 64. Luiz Marques, “O século XIX, o advento da Academia de Belas Artes e o novo estatuto do artista negro,” in A mão afro-­brasileira: Significado da contribuição artística e histórica (São Paulo: TENENGE, Técnica Nacional de Engenharia, 1988), 136. 65. Leticia Squeff, “Um maldito na Academia: Estevão Silva‑algumas notas sobre os caminhos da modernidade no Rio de Janeiro de fins do século XIX,” in Cultura e poder entre o Império e a República: estudos sobre os imaginários brasileiros (1822–1930), edited by Ana Wilma Peres and Beatriz D. Barel (São Paulo: Alameda, 2018), 201–221. 66. On this topic, see Rafael Cardoso, “The Problem of Race in Brazilian Painting, c. 1850– 1920,” Art History 38, no. 3 (2015): 502–505. 67. Ibid., 503. 68. On the reception of Afro-­Brazilian religious art during the First Republic, see Arthur Valle, “Arte sacra afrobrasileira na imprensa: Alguns registros pioneiros, 1904–1932,” Dezenovevinte 13, no. 1 (2018). https://goo.gl/1gg7mY 69. José Murilo de Carvalho, A formação das almas: O Imaginário da República no Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1990), 109–121. 70. The cross, the armillary sphere, the crown, and the branches of coffee and tobacco. 71. Carvalho, A formação das almas, 75–96.

48  Arthur Valle 72. Maurice Agulhon, Marianne au combat: L'imagerie et la symbolique républicaines de 1789 à 1880 (Paris: Flammarion, 1979). 73. Arthur Valle, “Imagens do Camponês na Pintura Brasileira: O Sertanejo de Carlos Chambelland,” Esboços 19 (2008): 77–94. 74. Richard Brettell and Caroline Brettell, Les peintres et le paysan au XIXe Siècle (Geneve: Skira, 1983). 75. Fernanda Pitta, Um povo pacato ‘e bucólico’: costume e história na pintura de Almeida Júnior, Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. 76. On the “Neocolonial,” see Carlos Kessel, Arquitetura Neocolonial no Brasil: entre o pastiche e a modernidade (Rio de Janeiro: Jauá, 2008). 77. Ibid., 67–77. 78. On Marianno Filho, see Wilson Ricardo Mignorance, “Leituras de José Marianno Filho sobre a arte, a arquitetura e a cidade do século XIX no Brasil,” Dezenovevinte 8, no. 1 (2013). https://goo.gl/K7FMKm 79. For a recent survey on the “Neomarajoara,” see Anna Maria Alves Linhares, Um grego agora nu: índios marajoara e identidade nacional brasileira, Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal do Pará, 2015. 80. On Braga’s promotion of the “Neomarajoara,” see Linhares, Um grego agora nu, 84–105. 81. On the presence of “Neomarajoara” in the General Exhibitions, see Arthur Valle, “Nativismo e identidade visual brasileira nos artigos de Karl-­August Herborth para O Jornal, 1926–1927,” Caiana 7 (2015): 55–68; Marcele Linhares Viana, Arte Decorativa na Escola Nacional de Belas Artes–Inserção, conquista de espaço e ocupação (1930–1950), Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 2015, 246–272. 82. On this topic, see Aracy Amaral, Artes Plásticas na Semana de 22 (São Paulo: Editora 34 Ltda., 1970).

3 Visual Arts Education in Chile Construction and Development of a State-­Led Artistic System (1849–1959) Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez Introduction Since the second half of the 19th century, the presence and activities of the state have shaped the formation of the modern artistic system in Chile. From the creation of higher education institutions to the establishment of competitions and the awarding of prizes, a large part of the institutional framework of the arts—its production, circulation, and preservation—was determined by the legislation that tried to generate a specific social space for the arts. This legislation played a central role in the different stages of modernization of the cultural field; that legislation helped create a social division of labor by differentiating practices, conceptual frameworks, and the type of organization that regulated them with regard to the arts, its learning apparatuses, and its social distribution. In this way, a distinction was made between levels of art education: a higher level aimed at the production of professional artists, and a social one focused on the construction of a national imaginary with diverse characteristics. In this respect, since the 19th century, higher education in the visual arts in Chile was restricted only to professional training in the field; however, it also claimed to ensure the modernization of society by generating spaces that made reception and circulation of artistic production possible. Fine arts education in Chile between 1849 and 1959 developed from a productive specialization that generated a specific social space for the arts, in which the state played a decisive role in founding institutions that make up the nation’s modern art system. From the early autonomous institutions to the centralization that occurred at the University of Chile, and then beyond to private universities beginning in 1954, these various stages in the establishment of Chilean institutions of higher arts education resulted in the diversification of artistic practices through the dissemination of teaching and pedagogical apparatuses, however, always within the framework of the university system. This chapter argues that we can identify three distinct phases, or stages in the institutionalization of the country’s higher arts education systems, and that these can be best understood within this university framework.1 The first phase (1849–1858) includes the dispersed appearance of different formative instances of artistic activities that begins to delimit a social space of specific artistic production, and one that is generated as much by civil society as by the state. During the second phase (1858–1936), the state becomes the key player in the field of higher art education, by organizing— under the sponsorship and structure of the University of Chile—the teaching, circulation, and preservation of artistic production. The final phase (1936–1959) addressed

52  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez in this chapter examines the organization of the arts as a university discipline and its entanglement with the three separate agencies that defined the 20th-­century Chilean university: teaching through the granting of academic degrees, research, and outreach.

The Emergence of the Fine Arts During the First Phase of Institutionalization (1849–1858) The early institutionalization of the fine arts in Chile was a state initiative, characterized primarily by a series of operations related to the modernization project of the mid-­19th century. Within this project, the state and the ruling class had political and economic intentions to distance the country from its colonial condition, which had consequences for nation building and for the design of a “modern imaginary.” Thus, the emergence of the fine arts in Chile must be understood within the historical context of the modernizing shock brought on by the establishment of the Republic (1810) and the rise of an ideology that sought to generate an identity of an independent, modern state. However, there were measures before this shock that paved the way for the institutional and conceptual emergence of the fine arts in Chile. The Royal University of San Felipe, founded in 1738, displaced conventual universities.2 The creation of this university led to the advances in the organization of higher education in the country, which differed from the learning offered in workshops, guilds, or trade associations, that is, all the spaces of special relevance to arts education. Manuel de Salas, educator and member of the first congress of the new Chilean Republic, initiated a series of actions to create a technically-­oriented institution of higher education in this climate of Enlightenment thought around 1795. Through his inexhaustible efforts, Manuel de Salas created the “Royal Academy of San Luis” in 1797, an institution that included a School of Arithmetic, Geometry, and Drawing. The practice and teaching of drawing became institutionalized within this Academy, ending the guilds’ monopoly over the teaching of drawing during the colonial era. Despite that, the efforts represented by the creation of the San Luis Royal Academy do not necessarily mean that that institution had fine arts teaching as a primary objective. A similar case was the organization of the drawing course at the National Institute, which, after the independence, absorbed the San Luis Royal Academy, the Caroline Student Residence, and the docent section of the San Felipe Royal University. Such was also the case with drawing courses taught in private schools, or at the School of Line Drawing of the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulcher, founded in 1843. Along with these programs that began establishing initiatives related to higher education, we must take into account three interconnected factors that would be fundamental to the standardization of higher arts education in Chile. First, the gradual establishment of drawing courses in educational institutions; second, the growing need of the ruling classes to generate a visual repertoire accompanying the political processes that, in turn, would foster a climate for the social valorization of the fine arts; and third, the arrival in Chile of the numerous European artists, especially painters, who were attracted by the various commissions available in the nascent republics of South America. The French painter Raymond Monvoisin (1790–1870), a key figure in South American art history, managed to bring together the educational and the applied fields in the fine arts. In Paris, Monvoisin met Mariano Egaña (1793–1846, editor of the Chilean constitution) and Pedro Palazuelos (1800–1851, lawyer and member of the

Visual Arts Education in Chile 53 national elite), who extended him an invitation to settle in Chile and take charge of the projects of a painting academy. After a highly productive journey to Argentina, Monvoisin arrived in Santiago de Chile in 1843, drawing the attention of the capital’s elites through his exhibition at the Chamber of Deputies, in the former building of the Royal University of San Felipe. The arrival of Monvoisin in Chile serves as an example of the timely insertion of the concept of the artist, and by extension of art, from a professional perspective. That is to say, the conception that artists have a specific type of practice that is distinct from other social forms of production and that they contribute to the establishment of the Republic and, therefore, to the creation of a national imaginary. And yet Monvoisin failed to establish a painting academy due to disagreements with the government, and because of increased commissions from patrons of the ruling class. As such, he moved to Lima in 1845. In the same year that Monvoisin left Chile, the government granted a scholarship to the painter Antonio Gana to further his education in Paris with the condition that he would, upon his return, take charge of the establishment of an academy of painting. However, that project was cut short by his untimely death during his return trip to Chile in 1846. The desire for an institution of higher artistic education materialized two years later, first, with the creation a salon of painting in October 1848. This painting salon was the direct antecedent of the National Museum of Fine Arts of Santiago which, through its foundation, paved the way for the arrival of another European painter to finally inaugurate the Painting Academy of Santiago. Italian-­born Alejandro Cicarelli (1811–1879) arrived in Chile after working for the Imperial court of Brazil. Cicarelli came to Santiago with specific instructions to establish what would be the first institution of professional arts training, the Painting Academy (1849), under a “modern” or “civilizing” paradigm, which also inspired the creation of various educational institutions in the emerging Chilean republic. Ciccarelli’s contract with the Chilean government stipulated that the Italian painter was to meet the pedagogical obligations of the Chilean state, and particularly, with an emphasis on the need to train artists in history painting following the neoclassical training methods already established during earlier periods, while encouraging the most promising young artists to travel to Europe to finish their studies and to make copies of European arts masterpieces.3 Perhaps the most telling document of the relationship between Ciccarelli’s ambitions and the Academy of Painting’s concept of fine arts in Chile is his inaugural address, which serves as one of the cornerstones of Chilean art history.4 In his speech, Ciccarelli, following the customs of the time, examined the development of the arts in connection with the history of civilizations, privileging painting as the noblest of the fine arts, and referring to classical Greek art as the pinnacle of the relationship between environment, culture, and development. His speech is relevant not only because it reveals the neoclassical aspirations of Ciccarelli himself, and in turn, of the Painting Academy, but also because it pairs the institution’s civilizing initiatives with the general development of the fine arts, an idea that marks this first stage of the development of professional arts education in Chile. Along with the foundation of the Painting Academy in Santiago, the cultural policies of the conservative government had as one of its main goals the creation of institutions and an educational system that would support various fields of production. The strengthening of primary and technical education also affected arts education which,

54  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez after the creation of the Academy of Painting in 1849, witnessed a series of openings of new institutions inaugurated within months of each other: the School of Arts and Crafts (October 1849), the architecture class at the National Institute (November 1849), and the School of Ornamental Sculpture (May 1854). The creation of the School of Arts and Crafts in 1849 consolidated, in part, a series of proposals initiated by the earlier Academy of San Luis, but above all, it kept separated the fine arts from applied arts, that is, the distinction between arts and trades. The template of distinct areas of production that detached the fine arts from the crafts was evident in the establishment of the aforementioned institution. An important part of this division is visible in the inaugural address of the School, which established a direct relationship between the new institution’s pedagogical project and the practical-­ material development of the country, as a nation of “workers.”5 The relationship of the School’s arts pedagogy to the country’s material progress contrasts with Ciccarelli’s Academy mentioned address above, in which the fine arts occupy a spiritual and moral place in the development of the people. Both institutions would concern themselves with different areas of the nation’s productive expansion in the cultural fields, however, each with a pronounced difference between the understanding of the fine arts and the other areas of the nation’s material production. Another example of this division, and perhaps one that complicates the strict separation between the fine and applied arts, is the aforementioned class of architecture in the National Institute. In this case, once again, “necessity” served as the justification for the establishment of this architecture course, which in the beginning had three units. The course emphasized the practical aspects of architecture, and left aside the relationship with the fine arts. It is symptomatic that the class would later become part of the College of Mathematics of the University of Chile, and not the College of Humanities, as would be the case with the painting and sculpture classes. In the case of the School of Ornamental Sculpture, the artisanal character of sculptural techniques was highlighted. Initially, the School was associated with the drawing classes offered by the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulcher, an institution dedicated mainly to the education of artisans, and focused, as perhaps its name suggests, on the ornamental character of religious wood sculpture in particular, a privileged format in colonial-­era Chile. This physical and intellectual distance between the teaching of painting, sculpture, and architecture during the first stage of the institutionalization of the fine arts in Chile is revealing. Despite the initial project’s focus on the creation of a joint educational system for all the arts of disegno, as proposed by the Polish-­Chilean educator and scientist Ignacio Domeyko (1802–1889), the material needs of the existing productive industry in the country instigated the separation among these disciplines according to their economic areas, while increasing the distance between fine and applied arts.6 The aforementioned discourse concerning these relations during the initial stage of the institutionalization of fine arts in Chile will change with the second phase, through the establishment of the university system and the conceptual consolidation of the fine arts as a productive area in and of itself, together with the creation of an exhibition system supported by the new educational institutions.

The University Statute of Fine Arts (1858–1936) On August 30, 1858, by decree number 1,025 of the Ministry of Justice, Worship (Church Affairs), and Public Instruction, the government of Chile decided to bring

Visual Arts Education in Chile 55 together the National Institute and the Painting Academy of Santiago, the class of architecture and the School of Ornamental Sculpture under the name of the “University Section of Fine Arts.”7 This new university unit fell under the direction of the University Delegate and the supervision of the University Council and the Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy and Humanities. Under this structure, the state apparatus pushed the fine arts toward an unusual centralization on the national stage. Although the formative units that made up this new Section of Fine Arts had originally been created with a relatively autonomous framework (with the exception of architecture that had its own rules and directors), the centralizing organization signified a substantive change when fine arts were brought de facto into the Chilean university. Thus, teaching passed from separate Academies or Schools to now classes of painting, sculpture and architecture subsumed in this new university organization of which the Section of Fine Art was a part, but without rejecting the regulations by which each area had been governed. An interesting point in Decree number 1,025, Article 6, concerns the contests and prizes that would be awarded to the best works created every semester by the students of each class. For these purposes, a commission was constituted by the President of the University, and the Dean of the College of Philosophy and Humanities, who also had to invite “the most accredited artists of this capital,” to confer the first, second, and third place medals. In turn, the works considered most pertinent by the commission would be sent to the National Exhibition. If a student won the first place in these contests three consecutive times, and maintained the conditions of the award, he would be credited with a pension of ten pesos per month. The University Delegate would provide “an account to the Government whenever a student should be suspended from the fiscal pension because he does not live up to the conditions necessary to continue enjoying it.”8 We emphasize this issue concerning the awards and prize monies because it was only at the moment of the formation of the Fine Arts Section within the University Department of the National Institute that the concept of fine arts production became linked in the country to specialized teaching, semi-­annual competitions and exhibitions that resulted in the acquisitions of the works by the state. Over the years, these actions will lead to the creation of the Museum of Painting that would later become the National Museum of Fine Arts. In this sense, the establishment of the fine arts as a form of differentiation of productive activities means, beforehand, a professionalization that is a product of the increasing division of labor happening at all levels of Chilean society. Considering this factor as one of the essential axes by which the higher education differentiated production spaces, we can understand how, months after the installation of the Fine Arts Section on January 7, 1859, the sculpture course was divided into two subsections: that of statues, and of the ornamental.9 In regard to the first section of sculpture, teaching was established as a practice oriented toward artistic autonomy, while for the second subsection, had a more utilitarian function uniting it with architectural practice. We emphasize that the entrance of the fine arts into the field of higher education in the 19th century sets up a situation that requires further clarification. Due to the organization of the University of Chile since its founding in 1842, as a corporation of academic faculties dedicated to research, the institution did not include training at a college level. Rather, the entry of the fine arts into the university system should be understood as a recharacterization of teaching art at a higher level, in the sense that university training was presented as

56  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez the final educational step in the professionalization of the artists. Viewed from this perspective, the goal of a professionalizing, higher artistic education was prompted by the need to generate a productive space that would allow artists to be trained in Chile. The desire to train artists within the country by local teachers is a key part of the formation of these early arts institutions, which in their origin—such as the case of the Painting Academy of Santiago, the Class of Architecture and the School of Ornamental Sculpture—imported professionals who established a particular dynamic of translating European fine arts into the country. The goal of the importation of European teachers was, from a certain point of view, the formation of a class of Chilean professional artists trained under this specific pedagogic model. However, that generation of trained local artists would not appear until the last third of the 19th century when three Chileans would teach and direct their own respective classes in the Fine Arts Section: Cosme San Martín in Painting (1886), Nicanor Plaza in Sculpture (1872), and Manuel Aldunate in Architecture (1872). Despite the accomplishments of the Fine Arts Section, its status in the University was tenuous. In part, this was due to the aforementioned university organization that would change with the Secondary and University Instruction Law in 1879. From this regulation, the University of Chile´s mission changed from being an institution dedicated to research, to being a teaching university. However, that change did not immediately affect the Section of Fine Arts. On the contrary, the Section continued its complex system of operation in place since the 1860s, with intermittent closings and openings of classes due to the lack of teachers or students. The most consistently held class was that of painting, which did not record any closures since the founding of the Painting Academy in 1849. In spite of these discrepancies, the state had created a well-­defined art education apparatus that had an impact on the creation of the country’s modern arts institution. Most significant at this moment was the redirection of Chile’s modern art institution to center on teaching, a focus that spread to and complemented the development of other institutions. Equally important was the formation of European-­styled scholarship systems— namely, of prizes that were assigned on the bases of competitions that took place every semester at the Section of Fine Arts, the organization of the National Museum of Fine Arts (1887), and the creation of the Steering Commission of Fine Arts (1886), the latter a body that directed the activity of museums and organized the annual salons of painting through the early 20th century. All these developments help us trace the links between several people and the Fine Arts Section, either as teachers or as students. It should be noted that the Fine Arts Section emerged at a time of critical discussions in Chile about the place of fine arts in the production process, and in particular, its role in pedagogical institutions. At the time of the establishment of the Section, the notion of fine arts referred to ideas of taste and style, which defined both the practical and theoretical components of fine arts teaching. Various criticisms of Ciccarelli’s model had existed since the early 1850s. Still, the Academy remained in the University’s Section several years after the departure of Ciccarelli, and despite criticisms of the initial teaching model of the Academy of Painting, the importance of copying “masterpieces,” and of sending outstanding students to Europe continued. Possibly one of the most significant changes that came from the establishment of the Section was that all its teachers participated in the evaluation of all the fine arts competitions; for example, the professor of sculpture served on the

Visual Arts Education in Chile 57 jury for the chair of painting and architecture, and the latter’s professor served on the sculpture jury. This may seem like a minor detail, however, it meant that the various disciplines had material connections that allowed interdisciplinary exchange and dialogue among the artists, as was the case with Nicanor Plaza, the outstanding national sculptor and future director of the School of Fine Arts, who took drawing and sculpture classes in the University Section. Since the end of the 1850s, Chile went through an economic boom that impacted the cultural and artistic spheres. Once the University Section of Fine Arts was consolidated, it became evident how its participants benefited from the plethora of national exhibitions. The national exhibitions mixed arts and industry, with a strong nationalist fervor, and they continued into the final decades of the century that saw the War of the Pacific (1879–1884) and the invasion of Peru and Bolivia. In these nationalist displays, art would supply an imaginary axis to justify these military milestones. Moreover, the pedagogical approach that the Section adopted, which privileged historical painting, would serve as the perfect vehicle for representing the ideals of the Chilean government. The most significant change of the 1880s was the creation of the Academy of Wood Engraving, by the German engraver Otto Lebbe. Initially, the Academy was not part of the University Section; however, it joined the institution in 1895. The School of Fine Arts, by 1902 and after several fluctuations and momentary closures of professorships, had a curriculum that included classes in painting, drawing, sculpture, architecture, printmaking, anatomy, and aesthetics and art history. The entrenchment of the distance between the fine and the applied arts in the new School of Fine Arts, supported by the recent gallery and various national exhibitions, led to the necessity of establishing a Section of Industry Applied Arts, which would serve as a response to the technical and utilitarian expectations of the School of Fine Arts. However, this forced separation of the two fields was not without its problems. We can see some of the difficulties manifest in the repeated closures, openings, renamings and administrative reorganizations of units within the varied institutions. In 1906, the Section of Industry Applied Arts was created under the charge of Manuel Rodríguez Mendoza, the assistant director of the School. The following year, this Section was separated from the school, was renamed the School of Decorative Arts, and was moved to another location where it was made to operate as a night school. In 1909, following the death of Rodríguez Mendoza, the Decorative Arts School closed but opened again the following year as the Section of Industry Applied Arts, within the School of Fine Arts. It should be noted that during this time, following the resignation of the sculptor Virginio Arias as the director of the School in 1911, there was a period of instability, when seven directors changed over a ten-­year span. Furthermore, this confusion translated into the regulations and in each Section’s respective plans of study: the one produced in 1904 was first replaced in 1910, and again in 1914. In this latter year, a new ordinance consolidated the structure of the School of Fine Arts, creating two sections: Pure Art, and Applied Industrial Art.10 This conflictive scenario would not be immediately resolved and, in fact, the School of Fine Arts’ development would be exacerbated by the country’s problems. This situation was also a product of the special statute linked to the University’s complex network with its distinct governments. It is also worth noting the existence of the Permanent Fine Arts Commission, a parastatal body made up of personalities from the

58  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez cultural realm and that was putting pressure as much on the School as on the general arts field.11 Under the dictatorship of General Carlos Ibañez del Campo (1927–1931), the educational structure was oriented toward being more productive in the development of society. Toward that end, the government created the Superintendency of Education, which had oversight and control of the various educational institutions in the country. Its structure included various committees, called General Teaching Directorates, one of which focused on arts education. For Ibáñez’s nationalist project, the fine arts represented an opportunity to create a modernizing program of taste, with a marked nationalist bias and emphasis on improving industrial production. These ambitions were made manifest in the Rules of the School of Fine Arts of 1928.12 Despite these attempts to redirect artistic education in the country, it was decided to close the Pure Art’s Section of the School of Fine Arts.13 The school used the next year’s budget to send 26 people, including teachers and students, to Europe to improve their work and to learn techniques and procedures of the applied arts, in order to rejoin that section of the School at a later date. However, the process was cut short once again as a result of yet another reorganization of the School of Fine Arts at the University of Chile in 1929, and that now put together the School of Fine Arts, the School of Applied Arts, the Conservatory National of Music, as well as the Institute of Educational Cinematography, and the Department of Artistic Extension.14 This new institutional structure within the University also incorporated faculty from the School of Music, and Cinema, thereby implying a new notion regarding the relevant field of the arts, one that included not only the traditional “fine arts” but extended closer to what is understood today in Chile as the “arts.” Two years later the university’s situation changed again, largely as a result of economic transformations caused by the world crisis of 1929. The Organic Statute for University Education modified the university’s mission in the country; the university should have an impact on all aspects of national development.

The Fine Arts as a University Discipline (1936–1959) The third phase of the institutionalization of fine arts training in Chile was set into play with the Organic Statute of University Teaching of 1931, which had the main goal of standardizing the university’s mission into three areas: research, teaching, and outreach.15 These areas, although originally intended for the University of Chile, came to permeate the entire university system, including that of art education. The new statute, furthermore, proclaimed that all the schools of the University of Chile had to grant academic degrees at the Bachelor and Doctoral levels, or other specific degrees related to the exercise of professions, such as medicine or law. Beginning with this statute, the University of Chile began reformulating all of its program curricula so that they would concur with the newly established norms. For the School of Fine Arts, this did not occur until 1936 with the establishment of the Reglamento for the Schools of Fine Arts, and that of Applied Arts.16 One of the specifications emerging from these new rules that transformed the panorama of the fine arts was the awarding—for the first time ever—of the Bachelor of Fine Arts as an academic degree in artistic training. This degree was crucial for the development of the fine arts in Chile because for the first time the professional status of the

Visual Arts Education in Chile 59 arts was recognized in the context of the university. None of the previous regulations featured a procedure that allowed students to graduate according to a specific plan of study, but now the decision of when to end training was left to the individual students and instructors. To that end, the Reglamento of 1936 created the Degree Cycle, in which the students had to study and pass a series of subjects: aesthetics and general history of art, History of Literature, Music History, as well as two years of workshop practice in their area of specialization. Upon the satisfactory completion of the Degree Cycle, the student was presented with a report of their artistic (technical, aesthetic, or historical) performance and, upon the instructors’ approval, the examination for the degree was conducted. This examination included an exhibition of an original work of theirs and an oral examination. After successfully passing these final stages, the University President would bestow the academic degree upon the student. This structure of activities for obtaining the Bachelor’s degree focused as much on the general knowledge of the artistic discipline (memory and oral examination), as on the productive capacities of each candidate (exhibition and original work production), which helped circumscribe the social space of the fine arts into a specific type of discourse. Likewise, the Regulations of the School of Applied Arts of 1936 included, for the first time in its history, the awarding of formal titles. To this end, there were two courses with different objectives, methodologies and separate subjects: one for the training of the makers and the other for the training of the professors of Applied Arts. The Regulation also included the certification of proficiency as a craftsman upon the completion of the first cycle of education, which lasted two years. The different levels of the School of Applied Arts training was intended to improve the productive conditions in the country’s industrial sector by providing them with specific techniques and procedures for the different extant fields. These procedures were applied across various levels; from secondary education in various industrial establishments, to workers who already participated in evening classes. Thus, the 1936 regulations for the schools of Fine Arts in the University laid the groundwork for an understanding of both the fine and the applied arts that would be modified on multiple occasions throughout the years, according to the needs of the expanding model of the University of Chile. There were major transformations in the school’s mission and objectives’ beginning with the 1940 Regulations within the School of Applied Arts. These changes were the result of the increasing industrialization taking place in the country. For these purposes, the School arranged the creation of new workshops focused on the industry and professional practices in different companies of the industrial sector. This increasingly specific definition of University arts education played a key role in shaping arts education in 1948, when the School of Fine Arts was abolished and two new units in the University of Chile were established: the School of Sciences and Musical Arts and the School of Sciences and Fine Arts.17 This division presupposed the limiting of spaces of cultural production in a university responding to the increasingly diverse needs of the social sphere. It will be recalled that the Organic Statute of the University Teaching of 1931 demanded three areas of development—research, teaching, and outreach—with each of these being controlled by the faculties of their respective schools. In order for the University to carry out this tripartite mission, the Schools formed new productive spaces with new faculties, as evidenced by the division of the College of Fine Arts.

60  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez The School of Sciences and Fine Arts, included the School of Fine Arts, the Museum of Contemporary Art (founded in 1947), and the Museum of American Popular Art (1944), thus forming a single unit dedicated exclusively to the teaching of fine arts, and the spaces associated with these fields.18 To this end, in 1945 the University decided to create the Extension of the Institute of Fine Arts, an organization linked to both the schools and the Rectory, but that nonetheless, was headed by academicians of the Fine Arts. Its mission was to manage exhibitions in the Museum of Contemporary Art and the Museum of American Popular Art, as well as to coordinate activities at the National Museum of Fine Arts. Its other activities included the establishment of institutional relations with foreign entities, organization of the Official Art Salons, reception of foreign committees, organization of seminars and conferences, and publication of monographs on Chilean artists. From the organization of the fine arts at the University of Chile, we may glean that there was a delineation as to what the fine arts meant in the social sphere. If we consider the university an entity of the state, we must recognize that its impact on Chilean society and its artistic sphere was of such a magnitude that it almost unilaterally established the way in which fine or plastic arts are produced, circulated and consumed in Chilean society. However, this monopoly by the state of university and fine arts education was not without certain resistance. We mention this situation because the mid-­century saw the emergence in private universities of alternative, decentralized apparatuses for the teaching the arts. A first instance is the founding in 1954 of the Austral University of Chile in Valdivia, a city 850 kilometers south of Santiago; that university counted among its original schools one dedicated to the fine arts.19 The University of Chile in Santiago presided over Austral’s studio program (as well as those of all other private universities), the bestowal of academic degrees, structuring of the exams, and the university’s program development. Although Austral University’s arts program, for various reasons, closed in 1963, it represented a serious challenge to the centrality of the State University system in the teaching of the arts. A second attempt to decentralize university fine arts education occurred at the Catholic University of Santiago. Founded in 1888, it was the first private university in the country and, by the 1950s, had a large academic structure with a complex system of schools and research institutes, making it the second most important university in the nation. This campus implemented two projects for university art education. The first originated around 1949, but did move much beyond the parameters of an informal school teaching certain pictorial methods, primarily in watercolor and oil. The second project emerged under the sponsorship of the School of Architecture. Beginning in 1953, the program implemented a series of curriculum changes which emphasized architectural practice and teaching, and moving from the École des Beaux-­Arts model (upon which it was founded in 1923), to one with modernist characteristics. The architect Sergio Larraín García-­Moreno emerged as a central figure in this paradigmatic change, by becoming the dean of the Faculty of Architecture in 1953, and introducing the modern language of architecture into the country. As a result of the renewal of the School of Architecture curriculum, dean Larraín saw the need to establish a School of Fine Arts within Architecture. In 1958 Larrain constituted the Commission on Reform and Curricular Action (Comisión de Reforma y Confección de Plan de Estudios) for the creation of this unit in fine arts education.20 The Commission was formed by Larrain; the architects Alberto Piwonka and Mario

Visual Arts Education in Chile 61 Valdivieso; the painters Nemesio Antúnez, Pablo Burchard Aguayo, and Mario Carreño; and the writer José Ricardo Morales. Roberto Matta and Joseph Albers also participated in this initiative. They held regular sessions throughout 1958 until they declared the opening of the School of Fine Arts the following year, with Mario Valdivieso as its first director. The opening of the Catholic University School of Fine Arts and its high level of productivity, even through today, was the definitive rupture of the state’s monopoly on arts education that had been exercised through the University of Chile. Since then, art in higher education has become increasingly diversified in its teaching methods and training objectives, but has remained irredeemably subject to the university. This is partially because the university system, as we have seen, has traditionally been considered the social space for the training of artists in Chile; a construct that continues even into our own day.

Conclusion This chapter has examined the development of fine arts in Chile in the sphere of higher education, in order to highlight the peculiar case of Chile. This peculiarity lies in the state’s leadership role in creating several institutions that delimited boundaries of a specific social space for the fine arts, and that originated in the new educational institutions that guided this process. The relationship among artistic practice, institutionalism, and the delimitation of social space is, therefore, one of the crucial indicators of the historical processes by which the fine arts were established in Chile. Likewise, this triangulation emerged at the time when the state began to push for the nation’s modernization via actions based on a model of the civilizing role of the arts, and that helped transform part of the material and symbolic conditions inherited from the colonial era. The social function of the state was to establish art education under its domain. This task was not limited to the education of the artists; it also included the establishment of the first productive stage of the Chilean artistic institution: the academies, schools, and colleges became progressively transformed into the links within the state-­sponsored national art network. The emergence of specific institutions of higher education ultimately did not compromise this particular phenomenon since these institutions represent an internal alternative to the model and not a challenge. Higher education in the arts in Chile between 1849 and 1959 was a state mono­ poly, as well as the producer and the effect of the national modernization project that functioned through the implementation of fine arts education and the constant differentiation of the arts from the other material and symbolic forms of production. The inauguration, development, and implementation of this plan that took almost a century became increasingly more complex from other positions and other objectives, a situation that, in general, continues into the present.

Notes 1. Earlier version of sections of this chapter were previously published in the following works, which give a more exhaustive analysis of the history of higher arts education in Chile, and how this process engaged with the artistic medium in general: Pablo Berríos, Eva Cancino, Claudio Guerrero, et al., Del taller a las aulas (Santiago: Estudios de Arte, Departamento de Teoría de las Artes, Universidad de Chile, 2009); Pablo Berríos, Eva Cancino, and Kaliuska Santibáñez, La construcción de lo contemporáneo (Santiago: Estudios de Arte,

62  Pablo Berríos González and Natalia Vargas Márquez Departamento de Teoría de las Artes, Universidad de Chile, 2012); and Pablo Berrios and Eva Cancino, Un tiempo sin fisuras (Santiago: Estudios de Arte, 2018). 2. Mario Cárdenas, Rolando Mellafe, and Antonia Rebolledo, Historia de la Universidad de Chile (Santiago: Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile, 1992), 27–28. 3. “Contrato del director de la Academia de Pintura Alejandro Ciccarelli,” 18 June 1848, Volume 84, no. 75, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 4. Alejandro Ciccarelli, Discurso pronunciado en la inauguración de Academia de Pintura por su director D. Alejandro Ciccarelli (Santiago: Imprenta Chilena, 1849), 5–23. This speech has been widely published and analyzed by several scholars, some of them include Gaspar Galaz and Milan Ivelic, Historia de la pintura en Chile: Desde la colonia hasta 1981 (Valparaíso: Ediciones Universitarias de Valparaíso, 1981); Eguenio Pereira Salas, Estudios sobre la Historia del Arte en Chile Republicano (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1992); Antonio Romera, Historia de la pintura chilena (Santiago: Zig-Zag, 1968). 5. Julio Jarrier, “Discurso pronunciado a la apertura de la Escuela de Artes I Oficios, por su director don Julio Jarriez, el día 17 de septiembre de 1849,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile (Santiago: Imprenta del Pácifico) 6 (1849): 118–127. DOI:10.5354/0717–8883.2010.1819 6. Ignacio Domeyko, “Ciencia, Literatura i Bellas Artes: relación que entre ellas existe,”Anales de la Universidad de Chile 29, no. 1 (1867): 3–23. DOI:10.5354/0717-­8883.2010.27175 7. Decreto, “Instituto Nacional–Sección Bellas Artes,” Volume 92, no. 39, Decretos 1858– 1861, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo de Ministerio de Educación. 8. Decreto no. 1,025; Instituto Nacional–Sección Bellas Artes, Volume 92, no. 39, Decretos 1858–1861: Articulo; Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo de Ministerio de Educación, Archivo Nacional, Santiago. 9. Rafael Sotomayor, “Escuela de Escultura,” Boletín de las leyes, órdenes y decretos del Gobierno 27, no. 1 (January 1859): 11–12. 10. “Reglamento Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 10 September 1914, Volume 3209, no. 9702, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 11. “Restablecimiento de la Comisión Permanente de Bellas Artes,” 5 January 1911, Volume 2751, no. 226, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 12. Carlos Ibañez and Carlos Isamitt, “Reglamento y plan de estudios para la Academia de la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 27 January 1928, Volume 5128, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 13. Carlos Ibañez, and Pablo Ramírez, “Organización de la Dirección General de Educación Artística,” 31 December 1928, Volume 5267, no. 6140, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 14. Carlos Ibañez, and Pablo Ramírez, “Organización de la Facultad de Bellas Artes,” 31 December 1929, Volume 5488, no. 6348, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Ministerio de Educación. 15. Carlos Ibañez, et al., Estatuto Orgánico de la Enseñanza Universitaria (Santiago: Prensas de la Universidad de Chile, 1935). 16. Universidad de Chile, Reglamento de la Escuela de Artes Aplicadas (Santiago: Prensas de la Universidad de Chile, 1936). 17. “Separación Facultad de Bellas Artes en dos: Una correspondiente a Ciencias y Artes Musicales y otra a Ciencias y Artes Plásticas,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile. Boletín del Consejo Universitario 18, no. 1 (1948): 43–47. 18. In 1954, for motives that remain unclear, the School was renamed the Faculty of Fine Arts, but without any modifications to its structure. 19. Eduardo Morales Miranda, La nueva Universidad Austral de Chile: Discurso pronunciado en el Salón de Honor de la Universidad de Chile (Santiago: Imprenta Editorial del Pacífico, 1957), 6–7. 20. María Elena Farías, Patricia Novoa, and Ignacio Villegas, 1959–2009: 50 años Escuela de Arte, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (Santiago: Escuela de Arte de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2011), 128.

4 Forming the National School of Fine Arts in Colombia Local Desires and External Influences Olga Isabel Acosta Luna*

In recent years, the historiography of art in Colombia has been concerned with rigorously exploring the processes that took place within the framework of academic arts education in the country; it has also sought a better understanding of the varied events that surrounded the founding in 1886 of an official institution in Bogotá, dedicated to the teaching of the arts.1 In a parallel vein, the historiography of artistic practices during the colonial period has recently concerned itself with questions about the role of the artist from a sociological perspective. This newer focus has given way to closer examinations of the processes of production, rather than the emergence of geniuses isolated from the social process of the colonial years.2 Paradoxically, these two historiographical areas have found few points of convergence that have allowed them to be understood as related and part of the same conducive processes. Thus, this chapter seeks to propose a link between these two historiographies. This is necessary when analyzing the network of conditions that led to the formation of the National School of Fine Arts in 1886; an institutional formation that was as much the result of the strengthening of public education during the 19th century, as it was one of private initiatives aimed at resolving state inefficiency. These historical currents reveal the lack of a clear, sustained policy concerning the role of artists in the nascent republican society of Colombia. It also manifests the individual and group endeavors made by actors throughout the 19th century in their struggle toward socio-­economic emancipation from the colonial trade guilds. The founding of the School of Fine Arts in Colombia had followed a path laid down since 1826, and that led from colonial workshops to a system of state public education and policies, and eventually to the rise of university crafts education through the latter’s incorporation into an independent National School of Arts and Crafts. As such this chapter will touch upon some of the processes and “instrucciones” (regulations) in the colonial workshops from the late 18th century, through the independent spaces and practices developed by local and foreign players at the end of the 19th century in Colombia. However, its main focus will be on the painters, for whom the idea concerning the creation of an academic space for the arts was strengthened by and materialized in the founding of a National School in 1886.

1886: The Early Project and Foundation of the National School of Fine Arts On Tuesday morning of July 20, 1886, commemoration day of Colombia’s Independence from Spain (1819), the cloisters of the colonial Jesuit building, Colegio de San

66  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna Bartolomé in Bogotá, awoke to tricolor flags and streamers. The reason behind such pageantry was nothing less than the long-­awaited opening of the National School of Fine Arts, an institution that despite having been already in operation for two months had not yet publicly and officially commemorated its foundation. To this end, the School invited high-­ranking regional and national dignitaries, such as president-­elect José María Campo Serrano, as well as diplomatic representatives, ecclesiastic bodies, and numerous other individuals.3 The main protagonist of this celebration was Alberto Urdaneta (1845–1887), the first rector of the School and a local personality who stood out for putting into action the new cultural dynamics that had begun to take hold in the still-­monastic climate of late 19th-­century Bogotá. As obituaries written after his sudden death on November 29, 1887 testify, Urdaneta managed to consolidate and institutionalize the teaching of fine arts in Colombia.4 This military man was known primarily as a painter, sketch artist and caricaturist, and although he was interested in taking charge of the family farming businesses, he favored drawing and painting, for which he underwent periods of training. He was trained first in Bogotá, primarily with the local painter José Celestino Figueroa, then around 1865 in Paris under the tutelage of Paul Césaire Gariot in 1880, and during his second stay in the French capital, in the studio of Jean-­Louis-­Ernest Meissonier.5 Besides that, Urdaneta’s enthusiasm led him to venture the founding of various local and international literary and illustrated newspapers, the Papel Periódico Ilustrado (1881–1888) being the most recognized and influential.6 His work at this newspaper, along with the foundation and directorship of the School, would be his final projects. As William Vásquez and Miguel Huertas have well noted, Urdaneta wanted a School that would provide specialized education in the liberal arts, represented by the media and areas that constituted it since its inception: namely, architecture, sculpture, painting, drawing, gouache, engraving, ornamentation, physical anatomy, and lectures on perspective and music.7 Whether because of his training with French teachers, such as Gariot and Meissonier, or because of his political interest in the transformations of the young Republic, Urdaneta promoted a school based on the French academic model that understood artistic production as an intellectual and autonomous endeavor, as opposed to artisanal production as a manual servile labor.8 However, the founding of a School that granted the professional status to the Fine Arts was not just a personal whim on the part of Urdaneta; rather, it was a project through which he sought to raise the standards of production of painters, sculptors, engravers, architects and musicians. It was also a project whose results would take decades to achieve. Urdaneta’s project won the support of the conservative government of Rafael Núñez (president, 1880–1892) who promoted “Regeneration”9 (the political strategies to fortify the power of a centralized state and restore the status of the Catholic Church, strengthening, among other things, its influence in the education system of the society). For this reason, it is not strange, that in his inaugural speech, Urdaneta refers to the foundation of the School as a “profound and transcendental transformation” that could be understood as “social and political regeneration” for the young Republic, and as a patriotic project that sought to generate “fruits of civilization.”10 Urdaneta’s ideas were not fully articulated in his brief presentation. However, Enrique Álvarez Bonilla—then Secretary of Public Education—in his speech equated the creative thinking of the School with the struggles for independence of the liberating armies commanded by Simón Bolívar. He implied that the spirit that drove these heroic actions, in

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 67 both cases, resulted in freedom. Hence the importance of celebrating the inauguration on July 20, Independence Day, was its celebration of civilization, and its homage to the liberating heroes and their beliefs.11 The celebratory tribute was paradoxical because the School’s creation led to the weakening of official, free university education in arts and crafts. Vásquez has shown that the state opted for a model of arts education that promoted civilization and spiritual progress, over one that focused on the teaching of technical and industrial knowledge.12 Curiously, unlike other schools in Latin America, the attempts to combine these two currents (of, one the one hand, the Fine Arts, and on the other, the industrial and technical) were largely unsuccessful and the two currents remained separate for the case of Colombia. Even though Urdaneta had in mind the French academic model, his design was subservient to the local process that separated the traditions of industrial from the liberal arts. This separation of the types of arts and their education in Colombia was intensely driven by both liberal and conservative governments, but was also a result of the slow, underlying changes in the understanding of the medium of painting and its practice during the 19th century.

A Way Forward: The National School Between Fine Arts and Arts and Crafts One of these “libertarian heroes” was Francisco de Paula Santander (1792–1840). Santander—the founder in 1821 of the government Ministry of Public Education that Álvarez represented at the School’s inauguration—was the primary architect of the curriculum, which was being undercut by the Regenerationist government. We’ll remember that in the 1820s, in the throes of the republican program of the Gran Colombia (1819–1831) was the government’s attempt to create “new men,” builders of free society; an urgent need to modernize education that was tied to the Church and aimed at small sector of the public. For that reason, education should cease to be a privilege and become a right for all, especially given Colombia’s precarious economic situation after its independence from Spain. Gran Colombia did not have professionals trained to meet the challenges demanded by the young republic. Santander, therefore, proposed that energies should be most productively focused on the development of official, free public education. Likewise, the plan should lead to a process of secularization, not only in terms of knowledge and pedagogy, but also in regard to buildings previously owned by the Church—that is, the 1861 program of disentailment (desamortización) that suppressed certain religious communities, confiscating their properties—should be converted into centers of learning centers.13 From the beginning, this path toward public education had become a battleground for different factions of society and the state. Thus, the curriculum proposed the creation of educational centers at the primary and university levels in the different provinces of the Republic, for which new schools, colleges and a university were created. But what were the available educational paths for public arts education that in 1886 would converge to form the National School in Bogotá? The steps taken shortly before its foundation, suggest a timid official interest in promoting the creation of spaces for education dedicated specifically to arts and crafts where drawing instruction was key, something that Urdaneta himself promoted tirelessly.14 Yet, projects related to training in the fine or liberal arts would not receive any official endorsement until 1873. Nevertheless, we

68  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna find that an older idea that had gained strength since the 1820s—after José Celestino Mutis’ Botanical Expedition to the Viceroyalty of New Granada (1783–1816)—tied the promotion of fine arts to the natural sciences. This linking of the arts and sciences was proposed for the new universities of the Republic, and that these should be centers for the advancement of the arts. These centers also included public libraries, natural history exhibitions or botanical gardens, among others. In this way, the drawing and geometry were placed within the General School of Applied Sciences, an entity dependent on the Museum of Bogotá founded in 1823, and known as the National Museum today.15 In contrast, in the 1850s, the spaces for teaching drawing were expanded throughout the state’s established schools of arts and crafts, and in some of the national schools.16 More will be said later about these initiatives leading to the 1873 founding of the Escuela Nacional. By the 1870s separate schools of art had begun to be founded by the government. It was the liberal governments that took the decisive fundamental step by founding the National University of the United States of Colombia in 1867 and with it the creation of a separate School of Arts and Crafts, along with schools dedicated to Law, Medicine, Natural Sciences, Engineering, and Literature and Philosophy.17 However, two events caused a setback for arts education in Bogotá: it was ruled that the School of Sciences at the University (formerly the National Institute of Sciences and Arts, created in 1866), would take charge of the Painting Gallery—founded two years earlier with local painter Ramón Torres Méndez (1809–1885) as the head of its collection of colonial painting containing works that had survived the processes of desamortización18—and the School of Arts and Crafts in Bogotá was closed a decade later by the Law 26 of 1876. Thus, the fate of Bogotá’s art schools stood in contrast to its peer institution in Medellin (Escuela de Artes y Oficios, created in 1874), that survived due largely to its productive relationship with industry, commerce, government and education of local elites.19 The criticism was not long in coming after the 1876 closure of Bogotá’s School of Arts and Crafts. Within a year, the regional press cried out for the need of a teaching system that would train popular craftsmen and provide them with methodical practical knowledge.20 The Revista Municipal decried the closure stating that, in a country where “ignorance and misery constitute the only positive inheritance for most social classes,” the founding of schools of arts and crafts and “the methodological study of the principles that each art assumes and of the rules that govern each trade,” would allow [the nation] to break its old habits, fuel progress and promote wellbeing.21 The Congress of the United States of Colombia responded by issuing Law 23 of July 26, 1884, ordering an increase in the number of National University schools (from four to nine), and among which would be counted the School of Fine Arts, and another of Arts and Crafts, as separate, but affiliated institutions. However, these orders were not immediately followed. In fact, it would be two years later that the National Institute of Artisans, completely disconnected from the University, would open its doors in 1886, the same year of the inauguration of the National School of Fine Arts. The founding of the Institute of Artisans was an attempt to appease the discontent among the artisans, a social group that had publicly expressed its displeasure with the government.22 It also was a move that simultaneously kept neatly separate the government and university relations between the fine arts and the crafts trade training.

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 69

Was Painting the First Liberal Art in Colombia? Although the process that led to the institutionalization of academic education of the Fine Arts in Colombia was being linked to public instruction of arts and crafts and the teaching of drawing, it nonetheless placed the medium of painting, and painters as primary leaders. Already during the colonial period, some steps were taken in this direction of developing the art of painting and its practice as an independent trade; in Bogotá, this move was built especially around the figure of Gregorio Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos (1638–1711). However, before proceeding with this, it is important to understand the significance of being a painter during the colonial period. Recent historiography has established more clearly the status of painters and their modes of operating in the colonial society of New Granada. Today we know that there were no special regulations for the painter’s trade, in the way that occurred in New Spain as early as 1557; there does not seem to have been a painter’s guild in New Granada until after 1777, when an Instrucción general para los gremios was issued.23 This document was a set of general regulations guiding the guilds and, as Laura Vargas Murcia has noted, does not even mention the painter’s guild; that trade guild does not appear until the general guilds’ later Regulations of 1789.24 In this way, understanding the situation of painters in Colombia of the colonial period is often related more to the history of labor than to the history of art, and for a longer period than that of other countries. For example, today we know the importance that taxes, such as the alcabala, had in the Hispanic world, and especially in defining the liberal and industrial arts. The alcabala was a royal tax imposed by the Spanish crown, and beginning in 1785 Carlos III exempted all those who exercised the trades of drawing, painting, sculpture and architecture, by reason that these were liberal professions.25 However, because the painters of New Granada did not have separate official regulations, it was believed that the painters themselves should regulate their trade and thereby be required to pay the alcabala. Thus, it is not strange that the mandate by Carlos III concerning the Royal Treasury collecting taxes from artists continued through later years.26 Only at the very end of the 18th century is there some clarification concerning the regulation of the painting trade, and even of the definition of painting; before then, as Sebastián Covarrubias wrote in 1611, a painting was defined basically as “that which has been painted.”27 Thus, a painter in New Granada could be the one who polished, braised or gilded altarpieces, furniture, sculpture, or even the one who painted on different mediums, such as cotton, wood, linen or tortoiseshell.28 A similar process of clarification of terms appears to have happened with regard to the education in the crafts trade. Since only the very late regulations exist, the few extant documents informing us of how painters were trained inside of workshops are the notarial documents, like contracts and apprenticeship papers.29 As in the rest of Spanish America, the education in trades in general emanated from the medieval hierarchical base, with the master as the highest authority, and beneath him, in descending order, the journeyman and the apprentice. Within the various extant models of artisanal trade for the colonial Americas, it is worth emphasizing the importance of family tradition, where the father passed on his profession to his children as officials and apprentices. Such is the case of the Figueroa family of painters—Baltasar, his son Gaspar, and grandson Baltasar—and the Acero de la Cruz brothers, all active in 17th century Santa Fé de Bogotá.

70  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna The historiography of art in Colombia is a long way from explaining clearly the transition in the training of painters from that in the artisanal guilds to that of academies. Recent historiography continues to recognize Mutis’ Botanical Expedition begun in 1783 as a catalyst for changes and the introduction of enlightened ideas. The artists associated with this expedition, played an important role in the dissemination of knowledge through the practice of drawing and new dynamics in the observation of nature. Despite this, the 19th century shows the survival of the independent trade union governing the practice of painting; family hierarchies within the education and production of painters did not disappear in the 19th century. Perhaps the clearest case is that of a second Figueroa family, and may have been linked to the earlier 17th-­ century family of the same name. That second Figueroa family, according to sources, played a key role in the training of painters in the early years of the 19th century prior to the creation of the School of Fine Arts.30 The master painter in that family would have been Pedro José Figueroa (c. 1770–1836), who was trained at the end of the 18th century under Pablo Antonio García del Campo, a painter crucial to the Mutis Botanical Expedition. According to Carmen Ortega, Figueroa opened a studio where he had as apprentices the painters Luis García Hevia (1816–1887), José Manuel Groot (1800–1878), as well as his own sons José Miguel (c. 1815–1874), José Santos and José Celestino Figueroa (c. 1812–1870).31 Other painters also exemplify the continuity of the traditional artisanal family model through the 19th century. Among these were José María Espinosa (1796–1883) and his daughters Lucía and Emilia; Narciso Garay and his son Epifanio (1849–1903); Ramón Torres Méndez and his children Amalia and Adelaida; and Francisco Torres Medina who was in charge of the lectures on perspective in the newly founded School of Fine Arts.32

Teaching of Painting: Between Official Aims and Private Initiatives We have seen how the Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes emerged from a period in the 1870s of separate schools of arts and crafts and an institution of fine arts. However, there were many attempts and initiatives for the creation of a national school before 1873. It is understandable, given the State’s ineffectiveness in creating and maintaining official training spaces for the arts, that the training of painting before 1873 had taken place, aside from the family artisanal model described above, either through private classes, or courses that appeared briefly and were part of earlier initiatives that sought to create an academy or school of art. After 1816 and the conclusion of the Royal Botanical Expedition to New Granada, some of the painters and artists associated with that scientific expedition became the masters of a new generation of painters. This generation, unlike the previous one steeped in a colonial pictorial tradition, would base the training of new painters on drawing. Among the painters of this new generation was Pedro José Figueroa who, according to Carmen Ortega, founded the Mutis Academy around 1820, and in which his sons José Celestino and José Miguel were professors of drawing.33 Another significant organization that helped to bring the emphasis of painting onto drawing was the Society of Drawing and Painting, an association that functioned barely three years between 1846 and 1849, and was directed by Ramón Torres Méndez and Luis García Hevia. It should be noted that, according to the testimony of one of its students, José María Samper, the teaching methods there were outdated and, while lacking in the training of perspective, geometric and linear drawing, was limited

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 71 to purely empirical learning, that is, one based on copying of other works.34 We also know that Torres Méndez, in addition to his own prolific artistic production, continued to work as a teacher who focused his students’ training on drawing; between 1867 and 1873, he was a professor of drawing at the School of Natural Sciences at the National University.35 The most significant, and final push for the creation of an official program of fine arts education via the Escuela Nacional in Colombia came June 4, 1873 with the official endorsement of law 98 by the Colombian congress. The law decreed the creation of “an institute for the promotion of painting, engraving, music, architecture and sculpture, which in homage to the memory of the old national painter Gregorio Vásquez Arce y Ceballos, will be called the Academia Vásquez.”36 The driving force behind this project was José Rafael de Pombo y Rebolledo (1833–1912), who through the senator of Antioquia, Abraham García, and with a favorable report from the senator Sergio Arboleda, obtained the approval before the congress.37 Pombo y Rebolledo worked as a writer, diplomat, poet, collector and cultural agent; he was a fundamental figure in the development of cultural networks in young Colombia. After living seventeen years in New York, where he arrived as part of the Colombian delegation to the United States, Pombo returned to Bogotá. Since his arrival, he led the initiative to form an ambitious national institute of arts through which he sought to provide the country with five schools of painting, printmaking, music, architecture and sculpture, as well as a national library, an archive and an art museum. Furthermore, he argued that the school should hire up to five foreign artists as instructors. It was hoped that, with their initial presence, a program of training of national apprentices would ensure the future of fines arts teaching in the country; these young students receiving such training would, in turn, become the future teachers of yet another generation.38 Pombo’s proposal was not far off from the one that Urdaneta would realize a decade later in 1886. Pombo had specific models in mind as a basis for the creation of the National School of Fine Arts. For one, we know that the strategy of employing international artists as a means of jump-­starting an arts institution had already been used at the San Carlos Academy in Mexico, where in the late 18th century—as Báez Macías demonstrates in his chapter in this volume—Spanish artists were brought in to organize and instruct, or again in 1846 foreign masters of painting, sculpture, architecture and engraving, including Spaniards Pelegrín Clavé and Manuel Vilar and the Italian Javier Cavallari, among others, were hired. In turn, they trained several young Mexicans who later became the masters of the national academy.39 I argue that it was precisely through the close relationship of the Colombian poet Pombo with the Mexican painter Felipe Santiago Guitiérrez (1824–1906) that the project for a national arts school (presented by Pombo) arose. In his Treatise on drawing and painting (1895), Gutiérrez looked nostalgically back to his years of teaching in Mexico’s academy and described it as a time of splendor, a greatness that he felt had markedly declined at the end of the 19th century.40 Justifiably, it was Gutiérrez, whom Pombo invited to be the first director of the Vásquez Academy of Painting. From New York, on August 2, 1873, Gutiérrez reported in his diary about his pending departure to Bogotá; this was in response to the invitation made by his friend Pombo to lead the National Painting Academy Gregorio Vasquez, that was about to open in the capital of the United States of Colombia.41 Despite receiving a festive and grandiose welcome and having the official endorsement, the promises made to create and the desires for the long-­awaited institution of the National Painting Academy

72  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna Gregorio Vásquez were never fulfilled. Whether because of a lack of funds, lack of interest, or disorganization, the project never moved beyond the official decree.42 Instead, Pombo along with José María Espinosa, José Manuel Groot, Ramón Torres Méndez, José Miguel Figueroa, Máximo Merizalde (c. 1818–c. 1880) and Alberto Urdaneta, among others, and as partial compensation for the generosity of the Mexican artists, created on November 20, 1873 the Gutiérrez Academy for the instruction of young men in painting and drawing.43 Despite the breach of contract on the part of Colombian government administrators, Gutiérrez did not hesitate to accept the request for his services as a portraitist and teacher. Two months later, Gutiérrez invited “The ladies to register for the new Academy that will open in these days at the house of Mrs. Rosario Suárez Valenzuela.”44 This is how the first female institution for drawing and painting in Colombia was inaugurated, at a time when women continued to be subordinated into roles mostly as wives and mothers. Even though the Gutiérrez Academy—sometimes referred to as the Vásquez Academy—proved successful, Pombo and his allies did not stop demanding official government support during the years of Gutiérrez’s first visit (1873–1875). According to Pombo, the withdrawal of the liberal government, in spite of its initial support, was due to perceptions that an academy represented to certain academicians a waste for a country “that had to think about the northern railroad and not about the painting and music nonsense”; moreover, they considered it unnecessary “to produce painters when no one would employ them.”45 Finally, on January 5, 1881, during the first term of president Rafael Núñez, and the second visit of Gutiérrez to Bogotá, the government transformed that Academy (keeping the same name of Gutiérrez, and which had been private and functioning free-­of-­charge since 1873), into an official Academy. This school ran until it was incorporated into the painting section of the National School of Fine Arts in 1886.46 As I previously noted, Pombo proposed a model based on his previous experience at the San Carlos Academy in Mexico where he could have known Gutiérrez. Furthermore, during Gutiérrez’s first visit to Colombia, the local press according to Pombo, wanted to promote a concept of art based on the primacy of painting, with Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos as its main representative, and Gutiérrez himself as master portraitist. Pombo thus publicly advocated for painting as the art of imitating a perfected nature, a gift that Gutiérrez possessed after being trained in the academies of Mexico and Europe, and whose genius was compared with that of Diego Velázquez and José de Ribera. To the training and experiences of the Mexican school were added that of the Spanish school, which Pombo described as “the most natural and true of all”; to this would later be incorporated Urdaneta’s ideology.47 Thus, through this eclectic amalgam, the project to form the National School began to take shape.

Inputs for the Formation of Liberal Thought in Painting As I have been arguing until now, there are several precedents that explain the founding of the National School of Fine Art in 1886, as well as its later development. It is worth noting the leadership role that painters played in the process, not only in the teaching and professional preparation of painter artists, but also in the shaping of a critical discourse about painting, whose origins are found in the 18th century. Fittingly, the ideology that formed around the construction of memory of the colonial artists in different parts of Spanish America was fundamental in this process.48 In the

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 73 Colombian case, this occurred with the Santafé-­born painter Gregorio Vásquez de Arce, recognized as the master painter of the colonial period in the New Kingdom of Granada.49 Vásquez’s fame was manifest in at least a couple of ways in the National School. For one, the School in 1886 was housed on the ground floor of the Jesuit building, where there existed the painting classes of the old Gutiérrez Academy which, as already explained, was born from the initiative to found the Academy Vásquez in 1873.50 Further, about four months after the inauguration of the new National School on December 1, Urdaneta opened in the same building, the first annual exhibition in which Vásquez’s work was the central focus.51 By including a multitude of paintings attributed to this colonial painter, the exhibition sought to “pay a tribute of admiration and gratitude to the father of the Arts in Colombia, the great Gregorio Vásquez Arce y Ceballos.”52 Moreover, the exhibition sought to recognize his universal genius by exhibiting his production in the same space along with other foreign works that existed in Bogotá at that time.53 This effort to build a visual historical link to the foundational figure of Vásquez Arce has already been outlined in the project of the establishment of the National Gallery beginning with its founding in 1864 and continued through its development in 1873, under the charge of Ramón Torres Méndez.54 Urdaneta noted in his inaugural speech that Vásquez was to the Americas what “Michelangelo was for the world.”55 This was not the first time that Vásquez was compared to a renowned genius of Western painting. By 1886, the Santafé painter had already been compared with Apelles, Rafael Sanzio, and the students of the great 18th century Anton Rafael Mengs. These types of comparisons continued though the first decades of the 20th century, when he was equated with the Sevillan painter Diego Velázquez.

The Painters of 19th Century and the Search for Greatness By the mid-­19th century Colombian painters evoked Vásquez’s genius as emblematic of and in worthy recognition of their craft, as well as the struggle in the creation of an official training space for painting and, comprehensively, the other arts that formed the School in 1886. In this way, some of Vásquez’s works became part of a newer developing canon within regional histories of painting that had been left outside of traditional academic canons. This is demonstrated by the fame that the canvas, Flight to Egypt at the Church of Saint Augustín in Bogotá acquired in the 19th century, which was copied by different painters, including Torres Méndez and Groot.56 At the same time, biographies are influential as a form of writing on the arts, such as the publication Noticia biográfica de Gregorio Vásquez Arce i Ceballos: pintor granadino del siglo XVII (1859) by José Manuel Groot (1800–1878).57 This work by Groot made possible the construction of the idealized figure of Vásquez, rising above the instability of the training of his time. His Noticia biográfica was emulated by other biographies of contemporary painters, such as those of José María Espinosa and Torres Méndez, whose greatness was explained as the result of a solitary and self-­taught education. Their case is one that, until then and in the context of the processes of colonial trade apprenticeship and training, had not been seen. These biographies elevated the two artists into extraordinary examples of a new type of national artistic genius. It is worthwhile in this context to briefly call attention to the artist’s signature as a fundamental component of painting since the beginning of the 19th century. It is well

74  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna known that artist’s signature became increasingly prevalent on works of art alongside of, and as a sign of the growing prestige of artists in developing Western markets from the Renaissance onward. However, in Colombia’s case, after the creation of the School, the artist’s signature became imposed on the work of the artists. Espinosa, Torres Méndez, García Hevia, and the Figueroa brothers signed several of their works in different ways, on the reverse or on the front and often with clear indication of date. As I have shown elsewhere, since the alcabala at the end of the 18th century did not regulate the work of the painters, there does not seem to be a taxation-­based reason for this decided implementation. Thus, the reason lies in and is perhaps part of a common and more complex process related to the professionalization and visibility of a free and dignified profession in the civilized nations. That it should have happened in postcolonial Colombia suggests not only the much later development of markets in that country but also the important role played by the academy and National School in this process there. Thus, the signature speaks to us of the recognition by certain painters as a sign of the modern artist and individual creator, a condition that is publicly expressed through the signature of their works, but also through its appearance in the press and in exhibitions that were slowly being inserted into Bogotá’s daily life, and for which the creation of a School of Fine Arts was fundamental.

Epilogue Here we have sought to extend the reflection on the context of the origins of the School of Fine Arts to one examining the transition in the forms of work of artists, especially in the medium of painting, between the colonial regime and the formation of a national state. As I wanted to demonstrate, the dynamics of production were regulated during the colonial regime more by a tradition of know-­how than by following some general regulations that would arrive only at the end of the 18th century in case of New Granada. Although the local historiography has not investigated carefully the forms of production at the beginning of the 18th century, it is assumed that the situation did not change suddenly. On the contrary, its transformation appears to be a gradual result of different changes related to the search for the ways to strengthen public education and the weakening of the model of familial apprenticeships. What contributed to the shifts from the familial apprenticeships to public education was professional training offered through private artists instruction, as well as the creation of spaces of display, but especially public painting exhibitions. The School ignored the colonial tradition of polychrome sculpture, as well as its main medium—wood—relegating it to the category of a religious and devotional genre, subjected to the impulses and transformations of the devotion.58 In this way, it was classical sculpture in marble, considered the most noble of materials, and its commemorative function, that became the School’s educational model of sculpture from 1886 on.59 For these last reasons, in contrast, I sought to highlight the importance of painting and painters as the vehicles through which the state consolidated academic arts education in Colombia. Through various forms of production (that encompass genres such as portrait), local artists of the 19th century reflected on the foundations and meaning of the art of painting and the role it should play in a nascent nation state. Likewise, essential in this process was the configuration through biographical writings and exhibitions of Creole geniuses, such as Gregorio Vásquez de Arce

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 75 y Ceballos as role models for the artists of the second half of the 19th century to follow, not only because of their characteristics as painters, but also as social models that applauded Spanish influence. This was added to the yearnings and projects of characters, such as Pombo and Urdaneta, who saw in other foreign models of academic education, such as the Mexican or the French ones, new ways to crystallize an academic institution dedicated to the training of local artists. Models that in their majority distinguished the notion of the National School of Fine Art that later hosted the Faculty of Arts at the National University of Colombia, that is, a diverse academic space that brought together in one place architecture, sculpture, painting, graphic arts, and music.

Notes * I wish to give special thanks to María Isabel Telléz and Lina Maria Méndez as research instructors and for their assistance in the collection of documents for this essay. 1. William Vásquez, “Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes de Colombia 1866–1899,” M.A. Thesis, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2008; and William Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes de Colombia 1826–1886: de las artes y oficios a las bellas artes,” Cuadernos de Música, Artes Visuales y Artes Escénicas 9, no. 1 (January– June 2014): 35–67; Miguel Huertas Sánchez, Del costumbrismo a la Academia: Hacia la creación de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (Bogotá: Museo Nacional, 2014); Beatriz González Aranda y Verónica Uribe Hanabergh, Manual de arte del siglo XIX en Colombia (Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, Ediciones Uniandes, 2013), 297–322. 2. Jesús Paniagua Pérez, “La enseñanza de oficios mecánicos en Nueva Granada en vísperas de la Independencia,” Trocadero 24 (2012): 105–124; Laura Liliana Vargas Murcia, Del Pincel al papel: fuentes para el estudio de la pintura en el Nuevo Reino de Granada (1552–1813) (Bogotá: ICANH, 2012); and Laura Liliana Vargas Murcia, “Del arte de pintores” in Museo Colonial, Catálogo de pintura Museo Colonial (Bogotá: Museo Colonial, 2016), 67–83. 3. Alberto Urdaneta, “Escuela de Bellas Artes en Colombia,” Papel Periódico Ilustrado 97 (6 August 1886): 5–7. 4. José Caicedo Rojas, “Alberto Urdaneta,” Papel Periódico Ilustrado 114–116 (29 April 1888): 279–286. 5. According to Caicedo Rojas, Urdaneta entered into his contract with Gariot with the help of his friend, Chilean painter Manuel Antonio Caro Olavarría. Ibid., 280–282. 6. Ibid., 282–283. 7. Vásquez, Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 14; and Huertas, Del Costumbrismo a la Academia, 33–38. 8. Huertas, Del Costumbrismo a la Academia, 33–34. 9. Urdaneta, “Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 6. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 58. 13. Alberto Echeverry S., Santander y la Instrucción pública (1819–1840) (Bogotá: Foro Nacional por Colombia, Universidad de Antioquia, 1989); Meri L. Clark, “Conflictos entre el Estado y las elites locales sobre la educación colombiana durante las décadas de 1820 y 1830,” Historia Crítica 34 (December 2007): 32–61; Miguel Ángel Pardo,“El plan de estudios del General Santander (1826): Un importante intento por hacer de la educación una fuerza productiva,” Revista Historia de la Educación Colombiana 1 (1998): 55–65. 14. Alberto Urdaneta, “Apertura del Curso de Dibujo Natural en la Universidad Nacional,” Anales de la Universidad Nacional de los Estados Unidos de Colombia 3, no. 18 (June 1870), Reprinted in Fajardo de Rueda, “Documentos para la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes 1870–1886,” in La Universidad Nacional en el siglo XIX: Documentos para su historia: Escuela de Artes y Oficios: Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, edited by Estela Restrepo Zea (Bogota: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas; La Silueta Ediciones Ltda., 2004), 22–24.

76  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna 15. Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 39; see also Sofía Stella Arango Restrepo, “Comienzos de la enseñanza académica de las artes plásticas en Colombia,” Historia y Sociedad 21 (July‑December 2011): 145–170. 16. Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 39–40. 17. Ibid., 41. 18. Juliana Lesmes Alvarado, “La Galería Nacional de Pintura (1864–1873): Coleccionismo, patrimonio y apreciación artística en tiempos de desamortización,” MA thesis; History of Art, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, 2018, 56. 19. Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 44. Alberto Mayor Mora, et al., Las escuelas de Artes y Oficios en Colombia 1860–1960, Volume 1: El poder regenerador de la cruz (Bogotá: Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2013). The relation with industry seems also to have been the reason for the survivability of the Escuela de Artes y Oficios de Santander, created in 1888 in Bucaramanga. 20. Revista Municipal (Zipaquirá) 1, no. 9 (20 December 1877): 9, quoted in Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 38. 21. Ibid., 8. 22. Vásquez, “Antecedentes de la Escuela Nacional,” 44–45 and 57. 23. Marta Fajardo de Rueda, “Instrucción general para los gremios Santafé, 1777,” Ensayos: Historia y Teoría del Arte no. 1 (1995): 188–215; and Vargas Murcia, Del Pincel al papel, 41. 24. Vargas Murcia, Del Pincel al papel, 41, 374–380; Archivo General de la Nación (AGN); Sección Colonia, Fondo Policía, “Reglamento de los gremios de la plebe para moralizarlos,” (Santafé, 1789–1790), Volume 3, folios 552r‑559. 25. Vargas Murcia, “Del arte de pintores,” 67–83, acá 71. 26. Ibid. 27. Sebastián de Cobarruvias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, impresor del Rey N.S., 1611), 589. 28. Vargas Murcia, Del Pincel al papel, 36–37. 29. Vargas Murcia, “Del arte de pintores,” 74–76. 30. Lina Maria Méndez Castañeda, “El retrato de sor Maria de Santa Teresa por José Miguel de Figueroa: Detalles de una pintura entre lo sagrado y lo profano,” 5th year captstone thesis (Trabajo de grado de Historia del arte), Universidad de los Andes, 2017. 31. Carmen Ortega Ricaurte, Diccionario de artistas en Colombia (Bogotá: Tercer Mundo, 1965), 131; Instituto Caro y Cuervo y Departamento de Historia del Arte de la Universidad de los Andes, Exposición temporal: Estado del Arte: Pintura en tiempos de Desamortización (Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 24 August–1 December, 2017), Guía de Estudio No. 14, 2017. We are currently working with the Caro y Cuervo Institute and the “Semillero” for the Investigation and compilation of images and related texts in order to contribute to the knowledge of painters active between 1840 and 1880 in Santafé. 32. Urdaneta, “Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 6. 33. Ortega Ricaurte, Diccionario de artistas, 128–129. 34. Lesmes Alvarado, “La Galería Nacional de Pintura,” 58. Lesmes Alvarado, in turn, cites José María Samper, Historia de un alma: Memorias Íntimas y de Historia Contemporánea, 1834 a 1881 (Medellín: Bedout, 1971), 382–383. 35. Lesmes Alvarado, “La Galería Nacional de Pintura,” 56–57. See also Efraín Sánchez Cabra, Ramón Torres Méndez: pintor de la Nueva Granada, 1809–1885 (Bogotá: Fondo Cultural Cafetero, 1987). 36. “Ley 98 de 1873,” Diario Oficial (Bogotá) 9, no. 2880 (16 June 1873): 565. 37. Mario Germán Romero, Epistolario de Ángel y Rufino José Cuervo con Rafael Pombo (Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1974), 89. 38. “Ley 98 de 1873,” Diario Oficial 9, no. 2880 (16 June 1873): 565. 39. Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez, Tratado del dibujo y la pintura con un apéndice de los diversos caracteres de las escuelas antigua y moderna [1895] (México: Aguas Profundas, 2006), 184–186. 40. Ibid. 41. Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez, Impresiones de viaje: Viaje de Felipe S. Gutiérrez por México, los Estados Unidos, Europa y Sud-­América (México: Tipografía Literaria de Filomeno Mata, 1883), 561–563. Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, “Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez y los comienzos de

The National School of Fine Arts in Colombia 77 la Academia en Colombia,” in Museo Nacional de Colombia, Diego, Frida y otros revolucionarios (Bogotá: Museo Nacional de Colombia, 2009), 70–97; and Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, “El ´Velázquez mexicano´: Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez en Colombia,” in Museo Nacional de Arte, Discursos de la piel: Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez (1824–1904) (Ciudad de México: MUNAL, 2017), 132–141. 42. Acosta Luna, “Felipe Santiago-­Gutiérrez y los comienzos de la Academia,” 70–97. 43. Acosta Luna, “Felipe Santiago-­Gutiérrez y los comienzos de la Academia,” 89; and Acosta Luna, “El ´Velázquez mexicano´,” 2017, 135; “Memorial sobre la Academia Vásquez,” La América (20 November 1873): 545. 44. Brief announcement of the opening of the academy to women, No Author/Title in La América (22 January 1874): 613. 45. Beatriz Helena Robledo, Rafael Pombo ese desconocido: Antología (Bogotá: Lumen, 2014), 7. Pombo’s words characterizing his perceptions of the lack of government support are found in a notebook with the title Libro de memoranda de todas clases, of 1875, (Archivo Pombo, Academia Colombiana de la Lengua, Bogotá). 46. “Decreto Número 65 de 1881 (28 de Enero),” Diario Oficial (3 February 1881): 4934– 4935. Pantaléon Mendoza [1909] led the painting section and then, beginning in 1881, along with Epifanio Garay, was a subdirector of the Academy. Alberto Urdaneta, “Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 6. 47. Florencio, “Venida de Felipe Gutiérrez,” La América (11 August 1873): 433. 48. It is possible to see similarities of processes among Vásquez in Colombia, Miguel de Santiago in Ecuador, and with Antonio Francisco Lisboa “Aleijadinho” in Brazil. For information on Miguel de Santiago see Ángel Justo Estebaranz, “Leyendas de un artista: A propósito del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago,” Anales del Museo de América 17 (2009): 8–17; on Aleijadinho see Jens Baumgarten and André Tavares, “Le baroque colonisateur: principales orientations théoriques dans la production historiographique,” Perspective: Actualité en histoire de l’art 2 (2013): 288–307. http://perspective.revues.org/5538 49. The bibliography on Vásquez is abundant. Among some of the titles are José Manuel Groot, Noticia biográfica de Gregorio Vásquez Arce i Ceballos: pintor granadino del siglo XVII, con la descripción de algunos cuadros suyos en que más se da a conocer el mérito del artista (Bogotá: Imprenta Francisco Tórres Amaya, 1859); Roberto Pizano Restrepo, Gregorio Vazquez de Arce y Ceballoz pintor de la ciudad de Santa Fe de Bogotá cabeça y corte del Nuevo Reyno de Granada (París: Camilo Bloch editor, 1926); Jorge Luis Arango, et al., Gregorio Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos, su vida, su obra, su vigencia (Santa Fe de Bogotá: Editorial Menorah, 1963); Francisco Gil Tovar, Gregorio Vásquez Ceballos (Bogotá: Plaza y Janes, Colección Popular Ilustrada, 1976); Marta Traba, Historia abierta del arte colombiano (Bogotá: Colcultura, 1984), 9–36; Constanza Toquica, editor, El Oficio del pintor: Nuevas miradas a la obra de Gregorio Vásquez (Bogotá: Museo de Arte Colonial, 2008); Armando Montoya López y Alba Cecilia Gutiérrez Gómez, Vásquez Ceballos y la crítica de arte en Colombia (Medellín: Editorial Universidad de Antioquia, 2008); Yobenj Aucardo Chicagana-­Bayona and Juan Camilo Rojas Gómez, “El príncipe del arte nacional: Gregorio Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos interpretado por el siglo XIX,” Historia Crítica 52 (January–April 2014): 205–230; Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, “Gregorio Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos: Reflexiones sobre la construcción de un mito,” in América: cultura visual y relaciones artísticas, edited by Rafael López Guzmán, Yolanda Guasch Marí, and Guadalupe Romero Sánchez (Granada: Editorial Universidad de Granada, 2015), 3–12; and “¿En el Museo o en la Iglesia? En busca de un discurso propio para el arte colonial neogranadino, 1920–1942,” H-­ART (January–June 2017): 46–67. 50. Urdaneta, “Escuela de Bellas Artes,” 7. 51. Alberto Urdaneta, Guía de la primera exposición anual organizada bajo la dirección del rector de dicha escuela, General Alberto Urdaneta (Bogotá, Colombia: Escuela de Bellas Artes de Colombia e Imprenta de vapor de Zalamea Hs., 1886). 52. Lázaro María Girón, “Primera Exposición anual,” Papel Periódico Ilustrado 5, no. 113 (1 April 1887): 275. 53. Urdaneta, Guía de la primera exposición anual, 6–8. 54. Lesmes Alvarado, La Galería Nacional de Pintura. 55. Speech referenced in Vásquez, Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 12.

78  Olga Isabel Acosta Luna 56. Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, “ ‘La Huida a Egipto me parece la mejor obra de Vásquez:’ Alexander von Humboldt y el paisaje en la obra de Gregorio Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos,” in Naturaleza y paisaje: Memorias del IX Encuentro Internacional sobre Barroco, Buenos Aires, 14–17 November 2017, edited by Paola Maurizio and María Cecilia Avegno (La Paz: Fundación Visión Cultural, 2019), 309–318. 57. José Manuel Groot, “Noticia Biográfica de Gregorio Vásquez Ceballos, pintor granadino del siglo XVII,” en: Historia y cuadros de costumbres: Biblioteca Popular de Cultura Colombiana (Bogotá: Editorial ABC, 1951), 19–89. 58. Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, “Como partes de un todo: apuntes sobre las funciones de una colección escultórica,” in Museo Colonial, Catálogo Museo Colonial–Volumen II. Escultura (Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura, 2017), 45–65. 59. Carolina Vanegas Carrasco, “Escultores en tiempos de guerra: practica y enseñanza de la escultura en Colombia a fines del siglo XIX,” in VII Jornadas de Historia del Arte– El sistema de las artes (Valparaíso: Universidade Federal de Sao Paulo, Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile, Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez de Chile y el Centro de Restauración y Estudios Artísticos CREA, 2014), 49–58, 50–51; and Vásquez, Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 40–41.

5 The Coloniality of Aesthetics Regulating Race and Buen Gusto in Cuba’s 19th-­Century Academy Paul Niell

On the 11th of January, 1819, Spanish royal officials and members of the elite public oversaw the opening of an “academy of natural drawing” at the Convent of St. Augustine in the city of Havana, Cuba. The crowd gathered in the convent’s refectory, which had been prepared and adorned for the occasion. The Memorias de la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana (herein Memorias), the journal published by the city’s Royal Economic Society of the Friends of the Country (founded in 1793), extolled the new school, proclaiming: All the sciences and arts receive help from drawing and painting. [The new school] facilitates the intelligence of that which is written, presents models of how much is desired, and reminds us of the history of the heroes of the most remote century. . . . The first examination of the students, which took place on April 25, was authorized by the same gentlemen [members of the SEAP], assisted by City’s council members, officials, and top-­ranking people. They were all satisfied with the progress and application of the youth and this establishment has been received by the public, lover of the fine arts, with such appreciation that exceeding the limited number of applicants set at the beginning, the academy will open next year with sixty more disciples.1 The author of this passage stressed the essential place of drawing in the production of the “fine arts” and a commitment to the education of the youth through the academy as a matter of public responsibility. The text alludes to the existence of a public sphere in Havana and its ownership of an illustrious Western history.2 The event thereby served to visualize and perform the city’s ruling hierarchy while celebrating a nascent public life. This late colonial public sphere in the Spanish American city had been nourished by reformist Spanish administrators, elite clergy, and the founding of Economic Society of Havana in 1791, an organization committed to the study of the economic improvement of the city and consisting of professionals, clergy, and the landed elite.3 This new academy of drawing would assist the Havana ilustrados (enlightened, learned citizens) in bringing the colonial city closer to the paradigm of reason, Western civilization, and the cultivation of good taste propagated and enacted by the broader Hispanic Enlightenment. The academy’s existence reflected the assimilation in Havana of reform efforts that had resulted in the Royal Academy of San Fernando of Madrid established in 1752 along with San Carlos in Valencia (1768), San Luis in Zaragoza (1793), and San Carlos in Mexico City (1783). The latter had been the first

82  Paul Niell royally-­sanctioned academy in the Spanish Americas and—as examined in greater depth by Báez Macías in this volume—was the result of the arrival of Spanish printmaker Jerónimo Antonio Gil to Mexico City in 1778 to take charge of the Royal Mint. In Havana, the Memorias de la Sociedad of 1817 indicate that Jean-­Baptiste Vermay (1786–1833), the French expatriate artist who had arrived in the city in 1815, had presented himself to the Economic Society about putting the new school under his auspices.4 Following this move by the artist, a council of the Real Consulado (Royal Consulate) decided to establish such a school of drawing and painting on the artist’s behalf. The Society then provided Vermay 500 pesos, presumably as start-­up funds, acknowledging his offer of free instruction to four children from poor families.5 The notion of aesthetic reform was bound to a variety of interrelated colonial transformations across multiple fields in 19th-­century Havana. These included artistic aesthetic practices, economic growth, and the 18th-­and early 19th-­century agricultural expansion made possible by the “second slavery” in Cuba.6 In addition, the appropriation of the aesthetics of the fine arts academy and Neoclassicism at this moment became a structural part of the consolidation of social classes in the Caribbean city. The rise of Havana’s ilustrados of Creole and peninsular elite generated a new cultural hegemony over the lower classes, including free people of African descent who dominated the visual arts on the island. Albert Boime’s notion of an academy as a “pedagogic and honorific institution,” through which the French bourgeoisie amassed symbolic and cultural capital provides a useful way of thinking about San Alejandro, albeit from a Eurocentric perspective. Such class perspectives as they pertain to fine arts academies in Europe must be translated into the colonial milieu of the 19th-­ century Spanish Caribbean.7 What was honorific in the sense of class in an Atlantic urban society like Havana would have to account for an interrelated racism and genderism that used the fine arts to authorize its interests and agendas. A number of scholars in history and art history have examined the foundation, structure, and cultural politics of the Royal Academy of San Fernando in Madrid and that of San Carlos in Mexico City.8 By contrast, the Havana academy requires more attention in order to grasp, on the one hand, its relation to these other academies in the Spanish world in terms of pedagogical practices and aesthetic values of buen gusto (good taste) and, on the other, the particular place of San Alejandro in the capitalist society of racial slavery and cultural politics of Havana in the 19th century.9 In the present chapter, I first examine the 1832 Reglamento to glean insights into pedagogy and aesthetic discourses and how they manifest the concerns of the Havana elite over the reformation of institutions as vehicles of the city’s alignment with narratives of Western achievement and the consumption and performance of good taste.10 There frequently appear topics on the fine arts and racial whitening in chapters and the same volumes, sometimes back-­to-­back, of the Reglamento and other publications. As such, racial and aesthetic improvement in early 19th-­century Havana may have been perceived as equal components of a larger agenda of progress and modernity in general. I argue that these reforms and practices were wholly integrated as part of a colonial matrix of power that worked to manage and control artistic practices, a dynamic that I am calling the coloniality of aesthetics.11 My interest is in what Western aesthetics do in colonial situations as a dynamic of artistic and sensory management. In this sense, I am interested in the darker side of aesthetics, not the artistic beauty that they confer but the social ugliness that they conceal or aestheticize.

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 83

Organization and Pedagogical Practice at San Alejandro The Havana of the early 19th century was a burgeoning Atlantic world port and a colonial administrative center. Spain’s fleet system and its annual rendezvous in the city’s great harbor historically nourished the Havana’s buoyant economy. The development of large-­scale, export-­oriented sugar production in Cuba, underway by the first decades of the 19th century, generated new wealth and changed Cuban demographics in a number of significant ways. The Spanish Crown, first, decreed the Cédula de Gracias in 1815 in which it invited immigration from Catholic countries with which Spain was at peace to settle in the Spanish empire with inducements of land and naturalization. Secondly, Spain lifted the centuries-­old asiento, a regulation on the transatlantic slave trade and slave imports, in order to allow Cuban planters unfettered access to enslaved labor. In the visual arts and trades of religious painting and sculpture, portraiture, architectural ornamentation, and carpentry, typically civil, ecclesiastical, and private patrons sponsored the production of these arts for their own purposes. This production seems to have been largely the purview of workshops, although we know very little about the existence and operation of guilds in the city of Havana. Scholars have indicated that free and perhaps enslaved people of African descent dominated the production of such visual arts, so associated with the trades and lower echelons of society. Sibylle Fischer, for example, has referred to the “popular painters” of this era as largely African descended and operating in a post-­Haitian Revolution Atlantic world that would have important implications for their lives and work.12 As such, the opening of a drawing school to be directed by an academic master from Europe would have represented a very new form of artistic instruction, conception, and ultimately production in the city with social ramifications for race and class.13 From the Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro of 1832, we can gain a sense of the organization of the school over a decade after its initial opening and how its designers envisioned the discipline expected of the fine arts to be imparted to its students by a regulated pedagogy. While the existence of academy statutes is mentioned in the Society’s Memorias of 1836–1837, that document has yet to be located by the present author.14 The Reglamento of 1832 identifies Domingo del Monte as secretary and Tomás Agustin Cervantes as the academy curator with the Royal Economic Society of the Friends of the Country as its founder and financier, the school being placed under the Education Section of the Society. This document also gives the first usage of the name “San Alejandro” that I have seen in records consulted, specifying that the academy was named for Alejandro Ramírez (1777–1821), former intendant of the army, general superintendent of the royal Hacienda, and director of the Royal Patriotic Society (another name for the Economic Society), who founded the academy and installed it in the Convent of St. Augustine on January 11, 1818.15 The Society gave the Education Section the responsibility of the academy’s staffing and the expectations of its students under article 23 of its royal statutes. In what follows, I recount and analyze the Reglamento document in detail to establish the organization and operation of San Alejandro in its early days and to allow scholars to compare its practices with that of other such schools in the Americas. Through spatial and temporal tactics, the academy aimed to advance a strategy of instilling discipline into its students by emphasizing the importance of the academy as an educational setting and by establishing penalties for lapses in dedication.

84  Paul Niell In terms of the academy’s staff, the school would be under the immediate inspection of two curatorial members, one principal and the other auxiliary, chosen by the Education Section. These posts required the qualities of honesty, zeal, and prudence. There would be a professor of the academy with the title of “director” named by the Section, a person of good conduct to direct the teaching of students. The director would see that the students acquired the essentials of drawing, which are given as correction, good taste, elegance, character, expression, and perspective, and of painting, as chiaroscuro and coloring. Provisions were made for absences and illnesses of the director with an alternate individual being chosen upon recommendation of the associate curator. The Society would employ a portero (custodian) to ensure that the needful things of the academy, such as pictures, furniture, and other equipment were looked after. An accurate inventory would be formed of all the academy’s stocks, in terms of models, tables, and utensils, which would be renewed every two years. This inventory would be signed by the director and portero, endorsed by the principal curator, with an authorized copy passed to the Society’s accounting office.16 The teaching of students included the stipulation that as of 1832, the academy would consist of 120 students divided into two established sections separated by two salones (halls): one section addressing principles and flat imitations of pencil and washing, and the other, the imitation of plaster figures and natural objects, in paint or pencil drawing al fulmino (with directed lighting). Instruction would proceed every afternoon of the year, except holidays, with at least four students working for an hour and a half. Student work would be subject to examination and exhibition annually on the Sunday closest to July 14th, in order for it to coincide with the general meeting of the Society. The drawings and paintings of the students would be left up for public view for three days. Prizes would consist of gold and silver pens with their corresponding inscription and a certificate from the Education Section. Qualified professors, the president of the Section, the secretary and curators would verify the works as passable three days prior to the public exam.17 The Academy of San Alejandro mandated one principal curator and a substitute. The Reglamento describes in paternalistic terms the principal curator who should wield his authority as “a diligent father of a family,” ensuring good customs, focus, and a decent demeanor of employees and students, taking note of defects and punishing transgressions. It would be up to this principal curator to apply the cédulas de entrada (entry cards) to ensure that students have the necessary qualities according to articles 1 and 2 of chapter IV of the Reglamento and to prevent imposters pretending to be students from entering the academy. The principal curator was to be respected and obeyed, receiving a portion of the same news or reports given to the director. The curator would endorse the receipt or bill of the salaries or wages of the academy’s employees as well as those of the necessary expenses for supplies, cleaning, and repair of the salons. He would also be involved in the public examinations arranged with his intervention and agreement; and, he would need to concur on the appointment of qualifying professors on acts of qualification and examination.18 Of the director, he should consider the academy under his direction to which he would attend daily at the pre-­arranged hours. He would carry a libro de entrada (admissions book) to monitor students with the day of their presentation specified, as well as their age, the name of their fathers, and the confirmation of admission by the curador. Students not displaying an entry card would be dismissed from the academy, the director annotating their departure in his book. His charge was “managing the

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 85 teaching of the students” in the most appropriate way in the principles of art, placing the students in secondary classes as well as coordinating, numbering, and putting the plaster models in their respective places. The director was the arbiter of the Reglamento in all its parts, which was to be obeyed and respected by the pupils. In agreement with the associate curator, the director would propose to the Education Section of the Society all the necessary improvements to the academy, manifesting the need and proposing the means of repair. If the director were to be absent or become ill, the associate curator was to arrange for a substitute director.19 A student of the academy had to be at least twelve years of age, to be classified racially as white, and to be someone of good manners and surely male, although gender is not specified. An applicant would be presented to the principal associate curator with proof of baptism to valorize their claimed identities, and the curator would thereby dispatch an entry card to the student if that student met the requirements of the Reglamento. This measure would, therefore, ensure that only students assigned by the racial category of white had access to and from the academy. Formerly admitted by the director alone, the student would be required to possess several items upon entry to the academy: a chair, a frame, a portfolio (cartera) with the inscription of his name and surname, a pen, a short-­feather, an elastic eraser and paper. These items would always be in the student’s possession, with the chair and frame being gifted to the academy at the end of the student’s term of study. Students would occupy the place to which the director assigned them in one of the two salons, and they should carry out their exercises in the principles of art and upon the model numbered and appointed to them, without ever varying from their position or touching other models in the academy.20 In light of ongoing economic reform and industrializing production in Spain and the American colonies, it would seem that the artistic practices of the academy embraced values of time and spatial discipline as essential to the school’s success. Reformers estimated that such disciplinary practices, including the control of movement and the sensorial character of the teaching spaces, would cause students to internalize the order of the state and its new doctrine of fiscal responsibility.21 Students, for example, would not be able to enter until the appointed time, nor, according to the Reglamento, stop even for a moment at the main entrance or cloisters of the convent of St. Augustine, but rather, they were required to proceed directly to their respective salons. The behavior students should adopt was spoken of in terms of the silence and respect “owed a monastic establishment.” To guard such behavior, students were repeatedly instructed to heed the warnings, advice, and corrections of academy staff, and that they themselves should seek to be models of order and moderation. Nor was smoking or any action that would “offend the decency” of the place permitted. Yet, in order to dismiss a pupil of the academy, there would need to be justifiable cause as found in the Reglamento, which would never be done by the director without agreement of the associate curator and neither without convictions on the student’s incorrigibility.22 The emphasis on proper comportment extended to the staff as well. The portero of the academy, appointed by the Education Section, needed to be a person of good manners, honesty, and prudence. Answering to the associate curator and director, he was in charge, among other duties, of all the inventories of the academy, the opening of doors of the salons at the designated hour, of the cleanliness of the salons, and of keeping the director informed of students’ attendance. In the interest of regulation, order, and discipline, the Reglamento of 1832 would be printed and a copy affixed to

86  Paul Niell each of the rooms of the academy so that they would always be in sight such that their articles could be fulfilled and that no one could claim ignorance of these regulations.23 These strict regulations on academic artistic practice set forth in the Reglamento of San Alejandro in its early days, therefore, convey telling things about the late colonial reconfiguration of visual art production in Havana. First, the academy represents an explicit form of colonial exclusion in the requirement that all students be racially white and of “good customs,” which speaks to social nuances within the white classes and suggests a certain degree of affluence. Secondly, students would undergo a systematic instruction in drawing that set the academy apart from the workshop system that prevailed in Spanish American cities such as Havana. The time and space discipline of academic pedagogy would, in theory, improve the taste of the students and impart principles of academic refinement and correction that would lift the visual arts of Havana above the repetition of local and foreign models. In this way, the academy represented a space apart from the colonial workshop in which academic principles would be established and nourished among a select group of Havana’s colonial society and regulated by multiple administrators charged with enforcing such discipline. Reformers believed that civilization itself was at stake, a concept vital to how cultural hierarchy was reconceptualized in Havana and for which we must turn to the Economic Society Memorias for elaboration.

Taste and the Discourse of Civilization The disciplinary practices set up by the Reglamento of 1832 concerning the instruction of students at the academy were co-­constituted by a more abstract discourse in 19th-­century Havana on the city’s rising tide of progress measured, in part, through its adherence to a historically manufactured paradigm of Western civilization. Here, I refer to what decolonial theory has called Occidentalism, the early modern emergence of a sense of “the West” in Europe and its colonies abroad. Walter Mignolo, for example, frames the notion of being and becoming Western not as an ontological unfolding as in the work of Hegel, but as an ontology constructed in and through a rhetoric of the West as civilization.24 The notion of “civilization” was widely invoked in 19th-­ century Latin America, historian Christopher Conway has argued, as a counter to perceived “barbarism.”25 A dual sense of selfhood emerged in Spain’s remaining colony of Cuba among the ilustrados of the Economic Society, one that stressed a belonging to Western civilization and thereby being elevated from and possessing authority over “barbarous” people, ideas, and practices in the colonial city and territory. The Memorias de la Sociedad became a 19th-­century site for the discussion of the academy of San Alejandro, good taste, manners, and wide-­ranging items on the subject of Western civilization, including the history of Western art. Its subscription fees were prohibitive, meaning that Havana’s “enlightened” elite comprised its audience. We have come to see early Latin American newspapers and society memoires as constituting the elite society that could afford to consume them on a regular basis.26 The Economic Society Memorias in Havana from the 18-­teens to early 1860s frequently couched the academy of San Alejandro in heroic terms, as valorizing Havana’s ascendancy to a relatively undefined European standard of taste, perfection, and correct dispositions and practices. This discourse thereby informed and shaped the Occidentalism of 19th-­century Havana that played a role in constituting a sense of “being Western” among its subscribers and as a dynamic of local identity formation. These

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 87 textual discourses would shape views of the fine arts themselves as they began to appear in the academy’s production, in public examinations, sculptures, in redesigned urban spaces, and in the production and consumption of certain printed books, particularly those pertaining to ancient, Egypt Greece, and Rome. Such knowledge conferred prestige upon its recipients and bestowed forms of symbolic and cultural capital upon its artists and patrons.27 The Economic Society’s Memorias of the early to mid-­19th century, whether directly engaging the academy or not, is peppered with discussions of the arts of antiquity. For example, in 1823, an article appears on the “state of the arts in Greece,” in which the “progress of the arts” is talked about as belonging to different stages or grades of civilization, propelled by discovery and invention.28 A counter-­tradition for such progress was located in Asia, as the author contends, “[it is] not, then, in the history of the Eastern nations that the march of the human spirit must be studied.”29 The history of such nations was murky and their extant monuments lacking. By contrast, the Greeks had provided many resources that have instructed “us” (the “we” of the Western world, including Havana) on the developing state of Greek art in successive centuries. In other words, Western society should align itself with the discernable progression of Greek art, a notion perhaps inspired by Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717–1768) in his early art historical construction of Greek art as belonging to evolving periods in the late 18th century. The issue of civilization follows quickly in the article with the notion that from the point at which Greek culture emerged from barbarism until the time when Greek history ended, a consistent order and thread of knowledge can be traced, understood, and applied. The author holds out Greece as the paradigm of perfection, taste, simplicity, and proportions, among “other nations,” including Egypt and those of Asia. It was Greece that had begun “to come out of barbarism and to civilize.”30 The Memorias of 1838–1839 framed the fine arts explicitly in social, as well as civilizing terms. The author suggested that the efforts of modern times to impart the kind of value that the fine arts enjoyed in the centuries that have shone the brightest, affirms that their development marks the state of society. They are, it is to say, the mirror of life; they have a great influence on the customs of the people and their decline or advancement is marked in history with characters of blood.31 Greece again is given as the foundation for good taste, the Romans having copied the Greeks. The cultural authority of the Mediterranean ancients is martialed by the author to valorize the fine arts themselves, thought to be critical to even the political fabric. The author writes, The fine arts which are supposed to form the basis of the enlightenment of the people under one aspect, are neglected under another and are considered powerless in the current state of the societies to make them enter as necessary into the political order of the nations.32 A vital intervention in society’s social, political, and economic regression for not having the fine arts was the forming of schools for the promotion of taste, collecting models, and teaching principles. These ideas cohered with the broader Spanish Enlightenment agenda of public education and the improvement of arts and industries, fostered by such figures as economist and Spanish minister Pedro Rodríguez,

88  Paul Niell Count of Campomanes (1723–1802), who wrote treatises examining the role of artisanal industries. The implicit, yet occasionally spoken, goal of drawing and painting curriculum was supplying students with the skills necessary to achieve the paragon of academic practice: the production of a history painting. While the Society’s Memorias of 1845 indicates a healthy and vibrant Academy of Drawing and Painting of San Alejandro, an issue published three years later shows that, at least in certain subject areas, the San Alejandro Academy had not yet risen to a higher profile.33 “The state of this academy, according to its elements, although it does not present all those that are indispensable to complete the instruction that a painter of history needs, are enough to constitute useful men in society.”34 The author goes on to complain that some of the academy’s better plaster casts had been destroyed. Yet, the school had acquired various oil paintings of such quality that students could now take more advanced classes in the subject. By 1849, the Memorias informs us that Joseph Leclerc de Baumé (s. 1843–1852), “an accredited professor,” had taken over as the academy’s director with Frederico Mialhe (director, 1852–1858) as his assistant, leading the interested youth with talent and intelligence. The academy had been developing a hall adjacent to the classrooms with numerous paintings, indeed, “a veritable museum of paintings . . . the society aspiring to match it to those of the great capitals of Europe.”35 The author remarks that most incredible of all is how such a room had been established in a “decent way” with such few resources at the Society’s disposal. The Memorias then gives a list of the exhibited student work of that year, student names, identity of works, and the quality of the prizes. San Alejandro’s development of a painting curriculum seemed to trace a particular narrative line concerning the rise of Havana’s level of civilization. By 1859, that achievement was being trumpeted loudly and naturalized in Cuba. The Memorias of that year as they pertain to the academy open with, the contemplation of the splendid nature of Cuba must have always created aficionados of painting, that enchanting means of reproducing the wonders of the Universe; but the delay in which the population found itself, made the fine arts almost useless, and for nothing fruitful, until the nineteenth century.36 Some sculptors of the past, supplying churches with images of saints, were usually people of color, often being the only representatives of the arts of imitation. As for painting, the author continues, its true representative is the “singular portraitist or rare painter, or Mexican or someone passing through for Mexico, who has visited us.”37 The author’s inscription of Cuba as geographically provincial within the Spanish empire and as ridden with personas de color (persons of color) practicing the arts exposes a two-­fold insecurity and threat to civilization that the Economic Society hoped San Alejandro would reverse.

The Coloniality of Aesthetics San Alejandro came to be seen by the Economic Society as an instrument of 19th-­ century progress, a means of helping Havana to join the forefront of Western modernity. However, one must consider carefully how this rhetoric tethered to the aesthetics of buen gusto functioned to hide something, in this case, what I will call the coloniality of aesthetics. Decolonial theory, using Aníbal Quijano’s idea of “coloniality,”

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 89 has presented a revised view of modernity as a rhetoric of persuasion that conceals its darker side beneath, the logic of coloniality.38 In this view, there is effectively no modernity, no narrative of progress, and in fact, no Western civilization without coloniality, a structure of management and control that emerges after 1492 and with European colonial expansion across the world. Coloniality’s twin pillars of racism and patriarchy evolved and conditioned the idea of the West in ways that transcend actual colonial administrations and continue to the present day. I propose that for Havana, we can constructively re-­evaluate the rhetoric and practice associated with the academy of San Alejandro and the fine arts through such a decolonial lens. Returning to the founding of San Alejandro, we will recall that the school opened as “popular painters” in Havana, many of African descent, dominated the production of the city’s visual arts. The new academy introduced a rigorous education in drawing, which is described in the Reglamento of 1832. Those regulations of the academy, it will also be remembered, stipulated that students would need to be at least twelve years of age, to be racially considered white, and to be someone of good manners. That race is given in the very rules governing the academy is instructive, a fact that Sibylle Fischer has likewise noted.39 Fischer points out that in a post-­Haitian Revolution age, the elite of Cuba faced a dilemma in their reliance on increasing the population of Africans and of African descent to provide the necessary labor for an export-­oriented sugar economy. This effort generated anxiety for the elite as it simultaneously erected social conditions that some believed could lead to slave rebellion. The dreaded fate of French colonists in St. Domingue (today’s Haiti) on an island that at the time of the rebellion was comprised of a vast majority of enslaved Africans, made Cuban white elites nervous in the opening decades of the 19th century as they witnessed the population of African descent increase substantially between 1791 and 1828.40 In the early 19th century, not only did Spain encourage white immigration with the Cédula de Gracias, the Havana elite founded the Junta de Población Blanca (Council of the White Population) in 1817 to take censuses and study additional ways of increasing the white population of the island. Anxieties grew so acute that historian Matt Childs contends that by the late 18-­teens, the category of “Indian” had essentially disappeared from official documents. He suggests that this change was not because of warfare or any plague, but rather that for the politics of racial slavery, the Indian had essentially been collapsed into the category of white.41 The telling essay “The Arts are in the Hands of the People of Color,” by Cuban professor José Antonio Saco, appeared in 1831. Saco in this brief denouncement, which forms part of the larger work La vagancia en Cuba (Vagrancy in Cuba), condemns people of African descent and their participation in the arts. He writes, “among the enormous evils that this [African] race has brought to our land is that they have alienated our white population from the arts. In this deplorable situation,” he continues, “no white Cuban could be expected to devote himself to the arts, because the mere fact of embracing them was taken to mean that he renounced the privileges of his class.”42 In this passage, Saco crafts an exclusionary line between the landscapes of white and black in Cuba. As the members of Havana’s elite generated a discourse on Havana’s progress and tastefulness via the Economic Society’s Memorias and the academy of San Alejandro taught new artistic practices to white students, these entities generated a realm of cultural production that elevated whiteness as associated with taste and refinement and created a framework to consign blackness to degeneracy.

90  Paul Niell The sequence of Economic Society Memorias throughout the 1830s–1850s juxtaposed reports on the advancement of the fine arts in Havana via the Academy of San Alejandro with reports on the state of la población blanca (the white population). In the Memorias of 1845, a brief overview of the drawing exam is followed immediately by an account of the strides that the society had made to increase the island’s white population, in this case, by seeing the arrival of one hundred colonists from the Bourdeaux region of France.43 If we imagine a hypothetical reader of the Memorias, a member of the Economic Society perhaps, it would be hard to imagine this semi-­ regular text not conflating the progress of the fine arts with that of racial whitening. The history of the Academy of Drawing and Painting of San Alejandro in Havana presents a rich area for further research. The institution absorbed and interpreted the major 19th-­and early 20th-­century international trends in the visual arts; its history spans the Cuban colonial and national eras. The duration of the San Alejandro’s colonial history, from 1818 to 1898, is the longest in the history of the Spanish empire. Its succession of directors, students, pedagogical practices, patrons, and reactions to the colonial and national politics surrounding it, all require work to gain a better picture of this important American art academy and its complex institutional and social history.

Notes 1. “Todas las ciencias y las artes reciben auxilios del dibujo y pintura: Facilita esta la inteligencia de lo escrito, presenta modelos de cuanto se desea, y recuerda à los amantes de la historia los héroes del siglo mas remoto . . . Verificóse el primer exámen de los alumnos el 25 de abril autorizado por los mismos Sres. asistido de los comisarios del Excmo: Ayuntamiento, gefes y personas del primer órden: Quedaron todos satisfechos del adelanto y aplicacion de los jóvenes y ha sido recibido este establecimiento del público amante de las bellas artes, con tanto aprecio, que excediendo el número de los aspirantes al que se fijó al principio, se abrirá el año próximo la academia con 60 discípulos mas.” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de la Habana 2, nos. 25–30 (1819): 20–21. 2. The inauguration of the academy, like religious and civil occasions, came with ceremonial pomp and fanfare. The Spanish governor and captain general of Havana attended the opening along with the intendant Alejandro Ramírez; the director and censor of the Royal Consulate, Juan Bernardo O’Gavan; and the secretaries of the Economic Society of Havana. The year 1819 saw three Spanish governors and captain generals of Havana in sequence, José Cienfuegos, Juan María Echeverri, and Juan Manuel de Cagigal y Niño. From the documentation of the drawing academy’s inauguration in Havana, it is difficult to ascertain which of these three men was reigning at that precise moment. 3. For sources on the Royal Economic Society of the Friends of the Country of Havana, see Robert J. Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World (1763–1821) (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1958), 178–198. 4. The Society appointed a French expatriate artist to lead the new drawing academy, Jean Baptiste-­Vermay (1786–1833), who had come to Havana by way of New Orleans after the collapse of the Napoleonic empire in 1815. He was an artist, given by the Memorias of 1817 as “professor of drawing of the school of Paris” that had trained with the legendary Jacques-­Louis David (1748–1825) and exhibited in the Parisian Salon of 1808. By coopting the talents of a French academic master with a prestigious artistic pedigree, the Society aimed to cultivate buen gusto (good taste) in the visual arts of Havana. “Profesor de dibujo de la escuela de Paris,” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de la Habana 1, no. 12 (1817): 426. 5. Ibid. For sources on Jean-­Baptiste Vermay (b. Tournai, d. Havana), see J. de la Luz de León, Jean-­Baptiste Vermay, peintre français, fondateur de l’Académie de Saint-­Alexandre de La

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 91 Havane, 1786–1833 (Paris: Editions de la Revue de l’América Latine, 1927); Sabine Faivre d’Arcier, Vermay, mensajero de las luces (Havana: Imagen Contemporánea, 2004); Jorge Rigol, Apuntes sobre la pintura y el grabado en Cuba: de los orígenes a 1927 (Havana: Editorial Pueblo y Educación, 1971), 90–107. 6. For a succinct definition of the “second slavery,” see Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, “Introduction, the Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-­ Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 31, no. 2 (2008): 91–100. 7. See Albert Boime, “The Cultural Politics of the Art Academy,” The Eighteenth Century 35, no. 3 (Autumn 1994): 203–222. 8. For the Royal Academy of San Fernando in Madrid, see Claude Bédat, La Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando (1744–1808): Contribución al estudio de las influencias estilísticas y de la mentalidad artística en la España del siglo XVIII (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, 1989); for the Royal Academy of San Carlos in Mexico City, see Eduardo Báez-­Macías’s chapter and the bibliography in this volume, but particularly also: Báez-­Macías, Historia de la escuela nacional de bellas artes (antigua academia) (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma de México, 2013); Thomas A. Brown, La Academia de San Carlos de la Nueva España, 2 volumes (Mexico City, DF: Secretaría de Educación Pública, 1976); Jean Charlot, Mexico Art and the Academy of San Carlos, 1785–1915 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1968); and Susan Deans-­Smith, “ ‘A Natural and Voluntary Dependence’: The Royal Academy of San Carlos and the Cultural Politics of Art Education in Mexico City, 1786–1797,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 29, no. 3 (July 2010): 278–295. 9. For sources on the Academy of Drawing and Painting of San Alejandro of Havana, see Luz de León, Jean-­Baptiste Vermay; Guy Pérez Cisneros, Características de la evolución de la pintura en Cuba (Miami, FL: Editorial Cubana, 1959); Martha de Castro, El arte en Cuba (Miami, FL: Ediciones Universal, 1970); Rigol, Apuntes; Adelaida de Juan, Pintura y grabado coloniales cubanos (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1974); and Faivre d’Arcier, Vermay. I have authored three examinations of the academy, the first of which was “Founding the Academy of San Alejandro and the Politics of Taste in Late Colonial Havana, Cuba,” Colonial Latin American Review 21, no. 2 (2012): 293–318, in which I opened questions on the relationship between academic aesthetics, artistic practices, colonial exclusion, and racial dynamics in 19th-­century Havana. This essay was inspired, in part, by the work of Sibylle Fischer on art production and race in Havana in the book Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Culture of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). I continued this line of inquiry within the broader scope of my work on Neoclassicism and the monument to Havana’s founding in Urban Space as Heritage in Late Colonial Cuba: Classicism and Dissonance on the Plaza de Armas of Havana, 1754–1828 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2015), 95–96. Most recently, I grappled with these dynamics briefly in an exhibition catalogue essay, “The Cuban Academy of San Alejandro and the Atlantic World,” in Cuban Art in the 20th Century: Cultural Identity and the International Avant Garde, edited by Ally Palladino-­Craig and Jean Young (Tallahassee, FL: Museum of Fine Arts, Florida State University, 2016), 16–31. In the present essay, I aim to extend these earlier examinations by more directly applying the decolonial concept of “coloniality” to the issue of aesthetics surrounding the academy and what I argue is its intimate relationship to racialized class dynamics in 19th-­century Havana. This essay also focuses on pedagogical practices at San Alejandro as given in the 1832 regulations and the discourses of Western civilization put forth in the Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, neither of which have been the subject of my previous publications. 10. Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro: fundada y costeada por la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, a cargo de su Sección de Educación (Habana: Oficina del Gobierno y Capitanía General, 1832). Cuban Heritage Collection, University of Miami Libraries. These reglamentos contain five chapters and are eleven pages in length. 11. By “colonial matrix of power,” I refer to decolonial theory, specifically the work of Aníbal Quijano in such works as “Coloniaity and Modernity/Rationality,” Cultural Studies 21, nos. 2–3 (March‑May 2007): 168–178. Decolonial theorists refer to the “modern/colonial” world in mounting the argument that the notion of modernity acts as a rhetoric of

92  Paul Niell persuasion that masks the logic of coloniality beneath it. Modernity and coloniality are, therefore, conceived as two sides of the same coin. See Walter Mignolo, Local Histories/ Global Designs: Coloniality, Subaltern Knowledges, and Border Thinking (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3–45; Mabel Moraña, Enrique Dussel, and Carlos A. Jáuregui, Coloniality at Large: Latin America and the Postcolonial Debate (Durham, NC; London: Duke University Press, 2008), 1–22; and Walter Mignolo, The Darker Side of Western Modernity: Global Futures, Decolonial Options (Durham, NC; London: Duke University Press, 2011), 1–24. In the study of colonial Latin American art and architectural history, we need to consider aesthetics as a persuasive, sensorial means of valorizing the logic of coloniality that these forms were arguably devised to conceal. 12. See Syblle Fischer, Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Culture of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). 13. Something of the visual environment of Havana in the late 18th and early 19th centuries can be gleaned from the website, Digital Aponte, which presents imagery and text of the period leading up the foiled slave rebellion in 1812 of José Antonio Aponte, a free man of color, carpenter, and artist. See Digital Aponte. http://aponte.hosting.nyu.edu 14. Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, Volume 3 (November 1836‑April 1837): 95. 15. Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro, article 1, chapter 1, p. 3. 16. Ibid., articles 4–12, chapter 1, pp. 4–6. 17. Ibid., articles 1–13, chapter 4, pp. 8–10. 18. Ibid., articles 1–5, chapter 2, pp. 6–7. 19. Ibid., articles 1–7, chapter 3, pp. 7–8. 20. Ibid., articles 1–13, chapter 4, pp. 8–10. 21. Michel Foucault describes the disciplinary practices of state power in Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1995). David Howes and Constance Classen, examine the culturally constructed nature of the human senses in Ways of Sensing: Understanding the Senses in Society (New York, NY: Routledge, 2014). 22. Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro, articles 4–13, chapter 4, pp. 8–10. 23. Ibid., articles 1–9, chapter 5, pp. 10–11. 24. See Mignolo, The Darker Side of Western Modernity. 25. See Christopher Conway, Nineteenth-­Century Spanish America: A Cultural History (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015). 26. Benedict Anderson advances the importance of newspapers to the constitution of “imagined communities” of people who through the readership of printed publications began to imagine themselves as essentially the same. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). Art historian Kelly Donahue-­Wallace has framed the Gazeta de México as an “efficacious” site for the promotion of taste and the consumption of tasteful items for purchase, a process that she suggests informed a sense of Mexico City’s hombres del buen gusto (men of good taste). See Kelly Donahue-­Wallace, “A Taste for Art in Late Colonial New Spain,” in Buen Gusto and Classicism in the Visual Cultures of Latin America, 1780–1910, edited by Paul B. Niell and Stacie G. Widdifield (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2013), 93–113. 27. See Boime, “The Cultural Politics of the Art Academy.” 28. See “Estado de las Artes en Grecia,” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana nos. 41–48 (1823): 242–244. 29. “No es, pues, en la historia de las naciones orientales que se debe estudiar la marcha del espíritu humano.” Ibid., 242. 30. “. . . a salir de la barbarie y a civilizarse.” Ibid., 244. 31. “su desarrollo marca el estado de la sociedad. Son, se dice el espejo de la vida, tienen una grande influencia en las costumbres de los pueblos y su decadencia o adelanto está señalado en la historia con caracteres de sangre,” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana 7 (October 1838‑March 1839): 138.

The Coloniality of Aesthetics 93 32. “Las bellas artes que se supone forman la base de la ilustración de los pueblos bajo un aspecto, se desatienden bajo otro y se consideran impotentes en el estado actual de las sociedades para hacerlas entrar como necesarias en el orden político de las naciones.” Ibid., 139. 33. At a public examination, some 80 drawings—with a wide range of student names—were displayed with reproductions of all sorts: profiles, half-­faces, heads, half-­bodies, and plaster bust imitations. The works were placed in their corresponding frames and put on display in one of the Academy’s salons to show the advancement of the students. 34. “El estado de esta academia, según sus elementos, si bien no presenta todos los que son indispensables para completar la instrucción que necesita un pintor de historia, son bastantes para constituir hombres útiles en la Sociedad.” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana 5, no. 1 (1848): 23. 35. “un verdadero Museo de pinturas, sin que la Sociedad aspire a igualarlo a las de las grandes capitales de Europa,” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana 1, no. 3 (1849): 40. 36. “La contemplación de la espléndida naturaleza de Cuba debió crear siempre aficionados a la pintura, ese medio encantador de reproducir las maravillas del universo; pero el atraso en que se encontraba la población, hacia casi inútiles, por nada fructuosas las bellas artes, hasta entrado el siglo XIX.” “Academia de dibujo de San Alejandro,” Chapter X of “Apuntes para la historia de las letras en la isla de Cuba,” Anales y Memorias de la Real Junta de Fomento y de la Real Sociedad Económica ser. 4, no. 3 (1959): 71 Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana 3, no. 4 (1859): 71. 37. “un singular retratista o raro pintor que, o mejicano o de paso para Mejico, nos visitaba.” Ibid. 38. See Quijano, “Coloniality and Modernity/Rationality,” 168–178. 39. See Fischer, Modernity Disavowed. 40. For the historical context within which the Spanish Crown and the Havana elite embarked on these social and economic transformations, see Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, Fifth edition (Oxford; London: Oxford University Press, 2014). 41. Matt D. Childs, The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle Against Atlantic Slavery (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 56–57. 42. See José Antonio Saco, “The Arts are in the Hands of the People of Color,” in Memorias sobre la vagancia en la isla de Cuba (Santiago de Cuba: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1974. Originally published in Havana: Imprenta del Gobierno, Capitanía General y Real Hacienda, por S. M., 1831), 58–59. 43. “Población blanca,” Memorias de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana 3, no. 20 (1845): 294.

6 Art Academies and the Emergence of a Modern Arts System in Ecuador (1848–1925) Trinidad Pérez Arias

On April 12, 1871, the painter Juan Manosalvas signed a contract to study in Rome under a government scholarship. The agreement detailed the state’s financial obligations with the artist while he resided in Italy for two years and to his family left at home. Manosalvas was required to attend “schools and academies” of painting, and at the end of each year send a “copy of a picture by one of the most celebrated artists, through which his progress might be judged.” In addition, upon his return, he had to work where the government appointed him.1 All the artists that were awarded government grants to Europe during the 19th century signed very similar contracts. This requirement points to a moment when the goal of establishing a system of art education was focused on an academic model and, through it, the promotion of art as a modern concept and system. Art was identified as one chief element through which nation state building ideals of civilization and progress could be promoted and achieved. The establishment of academies of art was accompanied by public art exhibitions, by public statements where art was identified with modern values, and by the production of texts that elaborated on ways of advancing the production of art that could be identified with modernity. The establishment of formal art education was, thus, part of the makeup of a nascent modern system of the arts, a project in which converged intellectual, political, institutional, and economic factors.2 In this chapter, I explore how formal art education was established in Quito during the period from the second half of the 19th century, when academic training was inaugurated, to about 1925 when it was severely questioned. I want to look into the emergence of the modern system of the arts in Ecuador. At times, art schools emerge as the most visible aspect of the system, while in other instances, the whole field of art seems to revolve around them. When I talk of “formal art education” or academic training, I am referring to the introduction of the educational model of the fine arts academy or “academie de beaux arts,” and the concept of art that it promoted. The development of formal art education in Ecuador, as in other Latin American republics, was determined by several socio-­political and intellectual conditions; foremost among these was the construction of new republics as modern states, one in which the arts would be a sort of lighthouse of civilization and progress. Individuals moved by these ideas, nonetheless, believed that direction of the arts was the responsibility of the state and, thus, actively demanded so. Yet, once the government took charge of arts institutions, artists became subjects of a new bureaucratic logic. In this chapter, I discuss when and how these art schools were established, but also the negotiations and tensions that arose in the process. I aim to explore the role that the installation of art academies had on the configuration of the art field and, as such,

96  Trinidad Pérez Arias wish to respond to the following questions: What pedagogical methods, materials and techniques were introduced? What were the consequences of the bureaucratic demands of directing an art school on the figure of the artist and his art production? What were the processes through which this managerial practice evolved into a professional one? How did the new model of art training contributed to install a new art concept and practice? Finally, what were some of the ways through which these processes in the cultural field contributed to the project of nation state building? There is considerable modern scholarship examining the academic tradition of art education; this chapter, however, offers another interpretation that locates academic arts education within a nascent art field.3 In Ecuador, as in other Latin American countries, the development of academic art education can be related to national state building. Since art was identified with civilization, progress, and other modern values, art education was seen as the means to acquire them. Thus, liberal governments, but also conservative ones who identified themselves with the ideals of the Enlightenment, favored the creation of art academies. Academies became a state project whenever a strong government (of whichever political leanings) came into power. While the academic model of art education was slowly being introduced, other forms of art training prevailed; for example, those offered in art workshops that carried on with the colonial-­era guild organization, or those found in some of the new arts and crafts schools that were established throughout the country since the 1870s. This article focuses only on the academies that were established in Quito. This chapter is organized in two sections, one that discusses the difficult process of establishing art academies during the second half of the 19th century, a period of conflictive perspectives. A second part is focused on the successful case of the National School of Fine Arts installed in Quito in 1904, and the effects it had in invigorating the art field. But the paper also explores the reasons that led to the weakening of this impetus at this climatic moment.

The First Academy in Quito In Ecuador, it is in the mid-­19th century when the first art schools based on an academic model were established. In 1852 the School of Painting Miguel de Santiago was created by a society of “lettered” citizens linked to the arts and to the ideals of democracy. Less than a decade later, in 1860, the first official academy was created, the Drawing Academy, which functioned until 1862. Finally, in 1872 another government-­run school was established, now called the National Academy of Fine Arts, and which lasted until 1876. These were short-­lived institutions, preceded and followed by even more transitory ones. The classic historians of Ecuadorian art have made important observations in relation to these early institutions, though the precise data remains confusing.4 They all agree on the three art academies mentioned above; but they introduce other names and dates. Though the review of primary sources certainly clarifies the panorama, the image that we get is that of a complex process through which art lessons are consolidated into and named as art schools, or where art academies publish their regulations, but never open. In the following paragraphs I shall elaborate on these developments. The establishment of art academies, as an Enlightenment project, was also on the horizon of 18th century learned Ecuadorians. In 1792 Eugenio de Santa Cruz y

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 97 Espejo (1747–1795) stated the need to create academies of painting and sculpture to guarantee the continuation of the extant talent of the notable artists of the earlier colonial period.5 Once Ecuador had declared its final independence from Spain in 1822 and became a Republic in 1830, it began a process of state cultural institution building. In 1835 President Vicente Rocafuerte (1835–1839) signed a decree that legislated public education in the country, and which favored the development of specialized education, namely, the training in the fine arts and music.6 This initiative mapped out the future development of fine arts academies and music conservatories in Ecuador. Yet, it would still take some time for the first, true fine arts academies to appear. A second moment in this direction occurred during the liberal governments that followed the March 1845 Revolution (1845–1859), when a series of cultural policies that allowed for the advancement of institutions in the cultural field were established and executed. News about art lessons and instructors appear in official documents since 1847; a decree dated March 1st, obligating the government to pay the salaries of art teachers, indicates that a school of sculpture had been established at the Convent of Saint Dominic in Quito.7 According to several authors, in 1849 an institution named Lyceum Miguel de Santiago was established.8 However, it may have been no more than drawing lessons given by the French artist-­traveler Ernest Charton in an inadequate location, the Colisseum of Quito.9 The tenuous nature of these schools may have been the context for the eventual establishment in 1852 of a more formal institution, the Democratic School of Painting Miguel de Santiago. It may well be considered the first art academy in Ecuador for the activities that organized. The Democratic School of Painting Miguel de Santiago was created by a civil society of the same name, together with sister societies that would promote painting, music and literature. Though no regulations have been found, the school shows signs of having functioned as an academy since it organized several art exhibitions that placed the students’ works in the public sphere to be evaluated and discussed. In fact, in the first exhibition, members of the societies acted as jurors and commentators.10 The exhibitions helped to not only promote student work but also, eventually, build their reputation and awaken the interest of mentors. That was the case, for example, of Luis Cadena (1830–1889), who after winning one of the awards, received support from a private benefactor to study painting in Chile between 1853 and 1856.11 Some members of the board of directors of the Democratic School of Painting Miguel de Santiago gave speeches at the inauguration of the 1852 arts exhibition. Most identified the exhibited works with freedom, democracy, and other republican values. Javier Endara found that the pictorial works and literary essays presented at the exhibition of 1852, demonstrated that democracy had “an immense significance because it leads the course of the people in the race towards its scientific, artistic and political progress.” He insisted on the high value the arts deserved because they exercise “the moral and political existence of Ecuador.”12 The speeches made clear reference to the Marcista Revolution of March 1845, through which Liberals wanted to restore the democratic order. Many authors have recognized that these societies built a strong link between art and politics. However they differ in the interpretation of this relationship. For those that have studied the process from the standpoint of a modernist’s narrative, it corrupted the autonomous character of art. That is the case of José Gabriel Navarro

98  Trinidad Pérez Arias (1881–1965) who was of the opinion that the School Miguel de Santiago “was more than an artistic society, a political one.” Art historian Kennedy Troya agreed that it “was founded for political, rather than academic reasons.”13 Reading from a political culture stance, Galaxis Borja González identifies a direct link between the so-­called “democratic societies” and the liberal political project of the marcistas governments (those administrations following the March 1845 revolution) particularly of José María Urvina (president 1851–1856) and Francisco Robles (president 1856–1859).14 It is clear that the members of these societies understood the arts as integral to social and political practices. As I argued in a previous work, for intellectuals and artists of the 19th century, the artistic and political spheres intersected with each other.15 For example, the musician and painter Juan Agustín Guerrero (1818–1880), who served as a vice president of the Miguel de Santiago Democratic School, was also an active politician. While he participated in both the Society and the School of Miguel de Santiago, he also joined the Municipal Council of Quito, and later became a senator in Congress.16 Guerrero’s career path shows, however, that at times political service may have been a way to defend what they thought was the legitimate place of art and culture in modern society. While in the mid 1850s he may be identified with the Democratic Society Miguel de Santiago and thus to liberal politics, by the 1870s he served as director of the Conservatory of Music created by the conservative president García Moreno. When the president was assassinated, Guerrero kept struggling to get the conservatory restored.17 Finally, the marcist governments contributed to the structuring of a modern system of the arts with yet another element. In 1854, under Urvina’s government, the Congress issued a decree through which three scholarships were to be created for artists to study art in Italy, allocating a pension of six thousand pesos for travel and extended stay in Europe.18 As we shall see, these grants were executed in the following decades.19 There was a significant, further institutionalization of the arts under Gabriel García Moreno’s leadership. As Senator, as a member of “Provisional Government” (1859– 1860) and, during his two presidencies (1861–1865 and 1869–1875), García Moreno worked in favor of the creation of an educational system that would include the arts. The process of consolidation of artistic training under his regime can be related to his project of building a modern national state. One of the devices for such a complex project was the creation of modern institutions in different fields and spheres of knowledge. Education played a determining role in the definition of this program, leading up to training and professionalization. It was understood that artistic activity should achieve this goal based on systematic academic education. For that reason, there was an insistence on permanently establishing a fine arts academy. In 1860, during the “Provisional Government” a Drawing Academy was created. It was also known as “Academia Ecuatoriana.” The historian Tobar Donoso claims that it was the first public art academy in the country.20 The painter Luis Cadena, upon his return from Italy, where he had been studying under a government grant, was appointed that academy’s first director (from December 1860 to December 1862), a post he was obligated to take up by the conditions of the scholarship contract.21 During the second presidential period of García Moreno, the National Academy of Fine Arts was founded in 1872. This academy was actually the product of a merger of two initiatives: the School of Sculpture, and the School or Academy of Fine Arts.22 In mid-­April of that year, El Nacional published the rules of a School of

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 99 Sculpture, also stating that the Spanish sculptor José González y Jiménez had been hired to direct it, starting May 1, 1872.23 Curiously, the same paper reported a few days later that an Academy of Fine Arts has been inaugurated on May 2.24 Cheryl Hartup has discussed thoroughly the confusing circumstances of the creation of the Academy of Fine Arts and believes that the Academy of Fine Arts and the School of Sculpture were one and the same.25 In fact, the year-­end report of the National Academy of Fine Arts shows González y Jiménez as its director, indicating that the School of Sculpture was now part of the National Academy of Fine Arts.26 His tenure as director was an uneasy one due to tense relations with the Conservatory of Music (with which the Academy shared its physical space), as well as with the Ministry of Public Education that governed both institutions. From the review of official documents, it seems that the problems stemmed, from González’s point of view, from the government’s incapacity to comply with his requirements of personnel, materials and equipment. From the other side, the government officials indicated that he was not keeping with the schedule. Whatever the difficulties, González y Jiménez remained in his position until November 15, 1873, when Juan Manosalvas became the new director.27 Manosalvas (c.1837–1906) had also earned a scholarship to study in Italy between 1871 and 1873, and, as in the previous case of the painter Luis Cadena, with the condition that he return to direct the Academy. Upon assuming that office, he implemented a reorganization plan, which according to his reports incorporated the lessons learned in Europe.28 Although Manosalvas had a contract for five years, shortly after García Moreno’s assassination in 1875, he was dismissed.29 Through various documents written in the following months—including the printed quarrels among artists and administrators following Moreno’s assassination and particularly Manosalvas’ report defending his own position—we can get an idea of how precarious artists’ positions were at these new state institutions; in short, it shows how far from being institutionalized was this new form of education. Many questions arise, one of them being how related were these difficulties to the social expectations about what an art academy could offer, in contrast, for instance, to the prestige that the workshops still held? One can think of what the patrons, be it the Church, the state, or private sponsors, expected of young artists who had with them a certificate from an academy but without much experience, in contrast with the guaranteed works produced in a workshop. Some of those documents help us answer some of these questions: On the one hand, Manosalvas report allows us to see the level of formalization that the academy directors’ contracts had, yet, at the same time, they did not necessarily guarantee stability; neither the academy contracts, nor the goodwill of the directors were sufficient to allow either parties to successfully accomplish their goals. In a letter addressed to the Governor of the Province of Pichincha, on November 24, 1875, Manosalvas filed a complaint reminding the government of its contractual obligations toward him: Let me respectfully explain to you that over the last two years I have been exercising this job by the virtue of a contract signed by the Supreme Government on April 12, 1871, and whose article 5 obligates me to occupy the position in this capital, with preference over any other job and for the time of five years, in the teaching of drawing and painting.

100  Trinidad Pérez Arias The letter continues by pointing out that his studies in “foreign countries” were “long and painful” because he had to leave his home and family, but that he undertook that journey because I was not only moved by the love of art which I have cultivated, but by the desire to contribute in any way possible to the advancement of it in this country. . . . My stay in Rome and the absolute devotion with which I dedicated myself to my duties broke my health to the point of putting my life in danger. He adds that while the contract did not permit him accepting any “other means of subsistence,” he further reminded the Government of its “duty to keep me in employment during that time, if my conduct and dedication matched the trust with which I was honored.”30 Manosalvas’ complaint offers insights into the precarious living conditions of artists, at least of those who thought they could depend on the state art education institutions. With the phrase “other means of subsistence” Manosalvas may have been referring to commissions from the church, provincial governments, or local contracts to carry out public works. The latter appears to have been the case with José González Jiménez, who had several commissions for public sculptures while in Ecuador. Perhaps the problems González had with the government may have stemmed from this conflictive situation. The establishment of academic art education as the definitive mode of training in Ecuador may have faced another obstacle, namely, the competition academicians faced from family-­run art workshops that continued to thrive throughout the 19th century. Although guilds had been, for all intents and purposes, abolished throughout much of South America in the early 19th century, these family workshops operated in a similar fashion by maintaining collective and unionized production forms with a master who trained and transmitted the knowledge acquired over time to younger apprenticed workers. The Salas family workshop, probably established by Antonio Salas (1784– 1860), was the most famous and active in Quito. Masters of the late colonial painting tradition trained Salas, but throughout his career he moved fluidly between religious and secular commissions.31 Several of his children had already participated in the training offered by the first academies, and one of them, Rafael Salas (c.1824–1906), studied in Italy on a government scholarship.32 In 1876, in the middle of the crisis in the educational institutions caused by the assassination of García Moreno (who had helped promote those institutions), Manosalvas was dismissed from his post as director and Rafael Salas was entrusted with the custody of the tools and materials of the Academy of Fine Arts. This makes us assume that he had been appointed director since this was a responsibility generally assumed by those with such authority. This situation created tensions with a group of artists that used the institution’s facilities as they defended free and open access to the materials that the Academy of Fine Arts, as a state-­funded public institution guaranteed, and they viewed Salas appointment as a serious conflict of interest.33 A third element that may have threatened the permanent organization of the art academies was the competition posed by the arts and crafts schools established since 1872.34 It was under García Moreno’s presidency that the first such institution was created. Yet, in 1883, perhaps in an attempt to restore the Fine Arts Academy, the government of President Jose María Plácido Caamaño (1883–1884) incorporated it

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 101 into the School of Arts and Crafts. This merger shows that, at the time, the lines between these two types of educational institutions committed to different objects of study and with diverse social purposes, may have been blurred.36 Years later, some essayists and artists would insist that though manual workers and artists may share certain aptitudes and capacities, they were devoted to very different goals; thus, their training should be offered in different spaces.37 This merger shows a critical moment in this process of redefinitions of “fine” arts versus trade “crafts.” Perhaps that is why the definitive reestablishment of a Fine Arts Academy would still take more than two decades. The organization of professional artistic training through various schools and academies during the second half of the 19th century, despite the instability of the periodic closure of those institutions, laid the foundations for a new, truly modern system of the arts in Ecuador. Modern, in the first place, because the regulations on which they were based produced an administrative structure that guaranteed some sort of continuity.38 Second, because the regulations and administration had a domino effect that created a more dynamic and complex art scene in which various elements would be articulated and be dependent on each other: public exhibitions, art criticism, and the acquisition of the works produced.39 Finally, it is through the articulation of these different elements that a modern system of the arts began to take form; one in which there were spaces for training, others in which art circulated, and still others in which it was validated. In addition, this system was to reflect not only art concepts, but also to articulate notions of progress, civilization and modernity, in the end, a project of nation state building. 35

The National School of Fine Arts of 1904 The long-­held wish by 19th-­century Ecuadorian intellectuals to have an institution for formal academic arts training was finally realized only in 1904 with the definitive establishment of the National School of Fine Arts in Quito. The first liberal governments emerging from the 1895 revolution had resumed the project of establishing a state-­funded arts education system. The new School of Fine Arts was inaugurated on May 24, 1904: The liberal state’s financial support had been matched previously only by García Moreno’s support given to the National Academy thirty years earlier. The state’s backing assured that the project embraced modern and national values state building that went beyond partisan ideologies. Indeed, according to Salgado and Corbalán, the “efforts to build a national culture that would support the idea of nation and country” inspired the foundation and initial development of a School of Fine Arts.40 In other words, the academy established the bases of modern artistic activity in relation to the values of progress and civilization with which the liberal state and the whole society should have identified.41 But the school went beyond that; it would become the driving force moving the art scene for at least the next twenty years.42 The School had three directors up through 1925. The first one was Pedro Pablo Traversari (1874–1956), who as director of the Conservatory, was commissioned by the Ministry of Public Education to organize the new art academy.43 The Spanish lithographer Víctor Puig took up the director’s position between 1905 and 1911.44 In August of 1911, José Gabriel Navarro became the third director and remained in office until 1925.45 During his tenure, Puig produced an educational plan, ordered working tools

102  Trinidad Pérez Arias from Europe, and hired European as well as Ecuadorian professors trained in Europe. It seems that he accomplished what González Jiménez and Manosalvas never could because of the lack of governmental support. Further, he set up a lithography workshop, for which he bought a German lithographic steam press and hired two Catalan technicians, the brothers Miguel and Juan Castells. He also imported plaster cast copies of European masterpieces.46 Additionally, Puig created a program of national and foreign scholarships, introduced student year-­end exhibitions, and initiated the publication of the Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes (1905–1909); all of these actions helped give greater public attention to the institution. The publication of Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes was made possible because of the establishment of the lithographic workshop. The first issue of the magazine included lithographs of the works by students and professors. In turn, its last edition was richly illustrated with high-­quality photographs that presented the workshops and groups of professors and students. The magazine reveals several of the editors’ objectives, and showed through texts and images the pedagogical methods used, namely: observation from nature, copying of historical works of European and Ecuadorian artist, through the study of plaster casts. While it sought to reinforce the techniques of naturalism, it also helped students locate themselves within a universal and national cannon of art. The journal drew attention to figures from within these traditions. The front cover from the second issue (October 1905) is a detail of a lithograph by Joaquín Pinto (1842–1906) that reproduces a self-­portrait of the 17th-­century Quito-­based painter, Miguel de Santiago.47 As a painter himself, but also as a teacher, it seems that Pinto desired to situate Miguel de Santiago at the center of a lengthy, local art tradition to which he invited other contemporary Ecuadorian artists to acknowledge.48 José Gabriel Navarro was also the first art historian in Ecuador; from the 1920s until the 1960s he produced a large corpus of publications, particularly on colonial art. After graduating from law school at Universidad Central del Ecuador, he became involved with the School of Fine Arts, first as a student during the first decade of the century and later, from 1911 to around 1925, as its director. Undoubtedly, the pedagogical methods he introduced contributed to changing the educational path of an entire generation of young people trained at the School of Fine Arts. Through the reorganization of the teaching staff, the restructuring of the scholarship program, and the transformation of the curriculum, Navarro immersed and connected his students with diverse modern art trends: impressionism, expressionism, and Spanish modernism. Navarro’s reorganization of the teaching staff included the hiring of foreign professors; among them were the French painter Paul Alfred Bar and the Italian sculptor Luigi Casadio, whom his students recognized as their most important promoters. The new subject of decorative painting, taught by Professor Bar, took the students outside of the classroom, introduced them to open-­air painting, to the use of a light-­colored palette, and to the loose impressionists’ brushwork, thus taking the students beyond the mimetic idea of art toward freer, more experimental forms of creation. Some of these innovations can be observed in the paintings of three of the young painters who acquired some attention through participation in the artists competitions during the 1910s: Camilo Egas (1889–1962), Víctor Mideros (1888–1969), and José Abraham Moscoso (c.1890–1936). Some of their paintings exhibit not only the luminous color palette, which they would have learned from Bar, but also the formal freedom to delineate shapes through color and brushwork, and clouds that look like cotton; the flattening of space through the use of two-­dimensional planes of color had a definite

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 103 modern character. The National School of Fine Arts, under the direction of Navarro, helped facilitate, through the introduction of new teaching methods, the formal and intellectual stimuli that allowed the students to become modern artists. Navarro also hired Luigi Casadio. He seems to have been a generous teacher who encouraged his students to renew local sculpture traditions, previously anchored either in colonial religious imagery or in public sculpture of a more conventional and commercial character. The diversity of styles of his disciples most eloquently testifies to Casadio’s pedagogical scope. Although few sculptures can be attributed to Casadio, each one of his students—among them Luis Mideros (1898–1970, brother of Víctor), América Salazar (1909–1999), and Jaime Andrade Moscoso (1913–1990)—developed their own sculptural language. In the late 1910s and early 1920s, the young Luis Mideros produced works largely symbolist in character in plaster, stone, and marble with a great subtlety and sensitivity to texture and modeling. Salazar tended toward neoclassical sculpture, focusing on the representation of women and children. Of these three artists, Andrade was undoubtedly the most innovative and would become one of the most important Ecuadorian sculptors of the 20th century. He was keen to recognize the role and encouragement he received from Casadio during his own formative years at the School of Fine Arts. Navarro’s directorship was supported by the person who had been the first appointed director of the School of Fine Arts, Pedro Pablo Traversari. During the 1910s they shared many projects; the most significant one was the establishing of the General Administration of Fine Arts (Dirección General de Bellas Artes), a government office created in 1913 under the auspices of the Ministry of Public Education. One of its goals was to support the extant cultural institutions of the School of Fine Arts, the Conservatory of Music, and the Sucre Theatre. But it had a second objective: to create a national museum, a gallery of fine arts and a national dramatic theater. It is clear that the plan was to articulate an integral cultural system.49 Although many of the proposed objectives of the General Administration of Fine Arts were never realized, an early first action that was carried out to fruition was the creation of a state-­funded Annual Exhibition of Fine Arts. The first one was held in 1913 and they continued through the next decade. As was the case in many other countries, the annual exhibitions became an important public platform for contemporary artistic production in Ecuador. Artists who participated in the first exhibition included students and professors of the School of Fine Arts, as well as students who held scholarships for study in Europe. Although its organization followed that of the traditional fine arts media categories (painting, sculpture, architecture), the exhibition also included a salon of “graphic and complementary arts” featuring engraving, lithography, photography, and caricature.50 The exhibition succeeded in bringing art into the public space and it produced much public opinion; the press had invited the public to attend, question the adequateness of the exhibition spaces, comment on the awards, and even to discuss the general public’s ability to evaluate the works. The early art criticism that defined the values of art of the modern nation developed within this context. The young artists who had studied at the National School of Fine Arts reinvigorated the art scene with the modern character of their works. From the onset the annual exhibition published its regulations. They signal the organizers’ intention to standardize the exhibition, and of their conviction that the “arts” had formal rules. The organizers demanded originality from the exhibited works and, over time, admissions and awards juries were incorporated into the

104  Trinidad Pérez Arias process. The judges of these juries were well integrated in the art world, whether as school directors, professors, theorists, or practicing artists. The success of the annual exhibition had a ripple effect and the shows quickly multiplied. In 1917, an extraordinary year, four exhibitions were held between the months of June and October. That year, the Annual Exhibition of Fine Arts awarded a monetary prize for the first time as a result of the legacy left to the Municipality of Quito by the benefactor Mariano Aguilera for the art competition (later dubbed the “Salon Mariano Aguilera”).51 As in previous years, the National School of Fine Arts set up an exhibition of the students’ works; yet in extraordinary manner this year, and for the first time, the School called for special public competitions to select its new professors for the Chair of Painting and the Chair of Modern Decorative Composition. The participants were allowed one work created specifically for the event. Camilo Egas, whose El Sanjuanito (private collection, Quito) was unfinished at the time of submission, was selected for the post.52 The jury’s detailed report published in the press allows us to discern the artistic values sought by the committee; it should be an original work. This seems to have meant, in the first place, that it should be unique, but, in addition, represent a “national subject.” Furthermore, the jurors recognized as meritorious that the work had a modern character, expressed through the decorative visual language, the bold color scheme, the horizontal composition, and the emphasis on the flatness of the surface.53 The dynamism, to which the art scene in Quito had arrived by the middle of the 1910s, began to lose momentum by the end of the decade. Several factors could have contributed to it; once the Mariano Aguilera award was introduced, at first as a prize in the Annual Exhibition, and at other times as a completely different contest, tensions arose. While the Annual Exhibition was carefully organized, the Mariano Aguilera award was introduced with no clear plan. Although the Aguilera contest’s monetary prize offered an advantage over the annual show, it simultaneously became an apple of discord. Other tensions arose when yet other actors entered the art scene. For example, Revista Caricatura began publishing in 1918. As an independent platform of public opinion (its editors were mostly the young artists who had studied at the School of Fine Arts) it began questioning the political and cultural establishment, including the traditional arts education offered by the School of Fine Arts. These events show that a moment in the process of the establishment of academic art education was coming to an end. Though this questioning would have an effect on art production, since it was one factor that led to the development of avant-­garde movements, it did not bring about an end to the art academies. The National School of Fine Arts would continue to operate, at times under greater pressure of students, and later it would be integrated into the university system.

Conclusion This article has covered some of the trajectories of artistic education within the fine arts academies established in Quito since the mid-­19th century until the 1920s, with particular attention to the establishment of a National School of Fine Art in 1904. What were its achievements? It can be asserted that by the end of the 1910s a formalized type of art education was well established. Those who studied at the art schools acquired a number of techniques related to this academic training, which allowed them to be recognized first as artists, and later as “modern” artists. A second consequence was that the art schools themselves articulated other activities that energized

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 105 the art fields; that was the case, for example, of the National School of Fine Arts that became the driving force of a thriving art scene at the mid-­1910s. It was in this dynamic atmosphere that the young artists that had just completed their training, circulated their works for evaluation in a new exhibition arena. Although it may seem paradoxical, it was academic education that facilitated the emergence of modern art. It can also be asserted that it was not only art education that developed through the installation of the art academies, but it was an integral modern system of the arts, in which different elements were articulated to produce, at a certain moment in time, a dynamic art scene. This was possible because the arts were thought of as integral to a project of national state building. Their identification with the ideas progress, civilization and modernity served, at times, to convince certain political leaders of the importance of supporting the institutionalization of the arts. By the end of the period analyzed in this paper, some changes in art production had also occurred, which can be identified in part as a consequence of the process of modernization of the art system. By the second half of the 1910s the young artists who had studied at the National School of Fine Arts were able to combine the academic techniques learned there, the new languages of modern art that were circulating worldwide, and local subject matter. That is the case, for example, of the paintings that Camilo Egas produced during the 1910s and early 1920s. The chapter has also intended to show that not everybody agreed on how the process of modernization of the art system should take place; even perhaps, that some may not have agreed at all with advancing it. Indeed, it was a process where individual and collective interests collided.

Archives and Repositories AEBA:

Archive of the School of Fine Arts, Faculty of Arts of the Central University of Ecuador, Quito AHMRE: Historical Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Quito ANH: Ecuador’s National Archive of History, Quito ABAEP: Library and Archive Aurelio Espinosa Pólit, Quito BMC: Library of the Ministry of Culture of Ecuador, Quito

Notes 1. “Contrato” [Contract Celebrated between Francisco Javier León and Juan Manosalvas on 12 April 1871], in Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León (Imprenta Nacional, 1871), 12. 2. Here I follow Larry Shiner’s concept of “modern system of the arts” in which he sees art as a social and cultural system that results in the articulation of cultural, political, and economic factors. See, La invención del arte: una historia cultural (Barcelona, Paidós, 2004). 3. Dawn Ades has observed how in some Latin American cities the installation of academic art education coincided with the emergence of modern art, transforming the original purposes of this type of institutions. (Dawn Ades, Art in Latin America: The Modern Era, 1820–1980 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989)). I am following here Laura Malosseti Costa’s understanding of the early structuring of a modern art scene in Buenos Aires. (Los primeros modernos: arte y sociedad en Buenos Aires a fines del siglo XIX, (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2017)). 4. Tobar Donoso, García Moreno y la Instrucción Pública (Quito, Ed. Ecuatoriana, 1940); José Gabriel Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador del XVI al XIX (Quito: Dinediciones,

106  Trinidad Pérez Arias 1991); José María Vargas, “El arte en el siglo XIX,” Cultura, Revista del Banco Central del Ecuador 19 (May‑August 1984): 385–390. An important review of the scholarship on the topic was Alexandra Kennedy-­Troya, “Del taller a la Academia: Educación artística en el siglo XIX en Ecuador,” Procesos: Revista ecuatoriana de Historia 2 (1992): 119–134. This paper has been reprinted recently in Alexandra Kennedy-­Troya, Elites y la nación en obras: visualidades y arquitectura del Ecuador 1840–1930 (Cuenca: Universidad de Cuenca y CCE, 2016), 145–164. 5. Eugenio Espejo, “Historia literaria y económica: Se continúa el discurso dirigido a la Ciudad de Quito a efecto de establecer una Sociedad Patriótica,” Primicias de la Cultura de Quito no. 6 (15 de marzo de 1792): 44. 6. The 1835 Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador explicitly declared the attribution of Congress to promote and foster public education and the progress of sciences and the arts and to establish a museum of painting (Constitución de la República del Ecuador, 1835). Thus, the “Organic Decree of Public Education” was formulated and entrusted its execution to an organization called “General Direction of Studies.” (Donoso, García Moreno, 13, 20–21). In 1838 that decree was replaced by the improved “Regulatory Decree of Public Education,” which would govern for the next fifteen years (Donoso, García Moreno, 14). 7. Decree No. 17, of Manuel Bustamante (Quito, 1 March 1847), ANH: Sección General: Volume 123, Box 33, Libro de Copiadores de Oficios; José Fernández Salvador, Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores (Quito: Oficina de Joaquín Terán, 1847), 11. 8. Donoso, García Moreno; Kennedy, “Del taller a la Academia,” 119–134; Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador; Vargas, “El arte en el siglo XIX,” 385–390. 9. Oficio del señor Francisco Maya, presidente de la Sociedad Escuela Miguel de Santiago al Gobernador de Pichincha, January 9, 1850. ANHE: Libro copiador de oficios, folio 55, Volume 1, Caja 337, República del Ecuador, Fondo Especial. 10. The first exhibition took place three months after the school’s inauguration, on 6 March 1852, and the second in January of 1857. Sociedades Demoráticas de Ilustración, Discursos pronunciados en la sesión pública de exhibición efectuada el 6 de marzo de 1852 por los miembros de las Sociedades Democráticas de Ilustración, de Miguel de Santiago y Filarmónica, en el séptimo aniversario del seis de marzo de 1845 (Quito: Imprenta F. Bermeo, 1852), 3. 11. Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador, 190. 12. Speeches reproduced in: Sociedades Democráticas de Ilustración, Discursos pronunciados, 3. 13. José Gabriel Navarro, Las artes plásticas ecuatorianas (Montevideo: Imprenta “El Siglo Ilustrado,” 1938), 179; Kennedy Troya, “Del Taller a la Academia,” 125. 14. Galaxis Borja González, “ ‘Sois libres, sois iguales, sois hermanos,’ Sociedades democráticas en Quito de mediados del siglo XIX,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte Lateinamerikas / Anuario de Historia de América Latina 53, no. 1 (2016): 185–210. 15. I discuss the concept of the lettered city as a space in which the different disciplines and modes of knowledge were not separated, as they would be in the modern world, in Trinidad Pérez Arias, “Modos de aprender y tecnologías de la creatividad: el establecimiento de la formación artística académica en Quito: 1849–1930,” in Academias y arte en Quito: 1849–1930: Museo de Arte Colonial, abril-­julio del 2017, edited by Trinidad Pérez and Ximena Carcelén (Quito: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana Benjamín Carrión, 2017), 25–26. On the concept of lettered city see: Ángel Rama, La ciudad letrada (Montevideo: Arca, 1998); and Julio Ramos, Desencuentros de la modernidad en América Latina: literatura y política en el siglo XIX (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1989). If one follows Pierre Bourdieu, at this period of time if the autonomy of art was sought, the artists did it through their political liaisons (“The Field of Cultural Production: The Economic World Reversed,” The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, edited and introduction by Randal Johnson (New York, NY: Columbia University, 1996), 29–73. 16. Borja González, “ ‘Sois libres,” 194. 17. See Wilson Hallo, Imágenes del Ecuador del siglo XIX: Juan Agustín Guerrero, 1818– 1880 (Quito y Madrid: Fundación Hallo y Espasa-­Calpe, 1981).

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 107 8. Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador, 234. 1 19. Luis Cadena and Juan Manosalvas (1837–1906) were the first to receive these grants. Both artists studied at the Academy of San Lucas in Rome, Cadena between 1857 and 1859 and Manosalvas between 1871 and 1873. A third scholarship was awarded during García Moreno's second government. Rafael Salas traveled to Rome and Paris between 1873 and 1875 “Progresos en la pintura,” El Nacional 26 (4 June 1860), 3; “Contract between Francisco Javier León and Juan Manosalvas,” in Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León (Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1871), 12; Oficio (no number), Cónsul del Ecuador en Roma: 26 October 1871, Comunicaciones recibidas del Consulados del Ecuador en Italia, 1852–1919 (Quito: AHMRE), n.p. “Contrato” [entre Francisco Javier León (Ministro del Interior e Instrucción Pública) y Rafael Salas], El Nacional 273 (14 May 1873): 2; Francisco Javier León y Rafael Salas, “Contrato . . . con el profesor de pintura Rafael Salas, abril 8 de 1873,” in Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León dirigida al Congreso Constitucional del Ecuador en 1873 (Quito: Imprenta Nacional), n.p. See also Navarro, La pintura, 206; Hartup, “Artists and the New Nation,” 48 (footnote 108). 20. “Academia de Dibujo: Reglamento Interior de la Academia de Dibujo que la preside el profesor Luis Cadena,” El Nacional 35 (6 February 1861): 3–4. Donoso, García Moreno, 392. For further discussion about the art academies created by García Moreno, see Cheryl Hartup’s analysis of the creation of the art academies under García Moreno, and Cadena’s relation to the president, in her M.A. thesis “Artists and the New Nation,” 35, 40 footnote 87, 48 footnote 111. 21. “Academia de Dibujo,” 3–4. See also, “Exhibición,” El Nacional, (22 April 1862): 4; Benjamín Pereira Gamba, “Academia Nacional. Distribución de Premios: Sesión extraordinaria del 28 de setiembre de 1862,” El Nacional (5 November 1862): 1; “Progresos en la pintura,” El Nacional 26 (4 June 1860): 3. 22. “Oficio de la Gobernación de la Provincia de Pichincha al Ministerio de Hacienda,” El Nacional 146 (8 March 1872): 3. 23. Unumbered communication of the Cónsul del Ecuador in París, Comunicaciones recibidas del Consulado del Ecuador en París, 1840–1883 (Quito: AHMRE, 16 October 1871), n.p. The contract was reproduced in the report to the nation in 1873: V. Gabriac and José González y Jiménez, “Contrato de José González Jiménez,” in Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León, dirigida al Congreso Nacional del Ecuador (Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1873), n.p. “Programa de la Escuela de Escultura”; “Reglamento de la Escuela de Escultura,” El Nacional (Quito) 160 (17 April 1872): 1. Tobar Donoso reproduces the regulations (Donoso, García Moreno, 396–397). 24. “Public Instruction,” El Nacional (Quito) 164 (29 April 1872): 1; “Oficio de la Gobernación de la Provincia de Pichincha al Ministro de Interior e Instrucción Pública,” El Nacional (Quito) 168 (10 May 1872): 1. 25. Hartup, “Artists and the New Nation,” 50. 26. Oficio de la Gobernación de la Provincia de Pichincha al Ministro de Interior e Instrucción Pública, “Instrucción Pública,” El Nacional (Quito) 234 (9 December 1872): 1. 27. José González Jiménez, “Oficio del Director de la Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes al Ministro del Interior,” Quito, 31 July 1873 (Quito: ANH: Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, Caja 36, Carpeta 2). Pablo Bustamante, Gobernador de la Provincia de Pichincha; Ministerio del Interior e Instrucción Pública, “Copia de oficio No. 65, e Inventario de la Academia de Bellas Artes,” Quito, 20 November 1873 (Quito: ANH: Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, Caja 35, Carpeta 4 and 2). Juan Manosalvas al Ministro del Interior e Instrucción Pública, Quito, 25 November 1873 (Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, Caja 36, Carpeta 2). 28. Juan Manosalvas, Comunicación al Ministro del Interior (Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 11 December 1873, Caja 36, Carpeta 2). 29. García Moreno was killed on 6 August 1875. Manosalvas was dismissed in November. 30. Communication of Juan Manosalvas to the Governor of the Provincia of Pichincha (Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 24 November 1875, Caja 36, Carpeta 2). 31. For the information obtained from the testament of Antonio Salas, see Ximena Escudero, Exposición pictórica: Los Salas, una dinastía de pintores (Quito: Banco de los Andes, 1989),

108  Trinidad Pérez Arias José María Vargas, Antonio Salas y los Generales de la Independencia (Quito: Editorial Santo Domingo, 1975), 5. The Salas workshop was visited by travelers and described, even visually, in some of their chronicles. 32. Navarro says that in 1849 when the Liceo de Pintura Miguel de Santiago was founded and Rafael Salas was a student at that institution, he was 25 years old. According to this calculation, he would have been born in 1824 (Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador, 1991), 231. The date of his death appears in “Rafael Salas,” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 4 (21 October 1906): 57. 33. Communication of Pablo Bustamante, Governor of the Province of Pichincha, to the Minister of Interior (Quito: ANE, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 22 de noviembre de 1875, Caja 37, Carpeta 4); Communication of Juan Manosalvas to the Governor of the Province of Pichincha (Quito: ANE, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 24 November 1875, Caja 36, Carpeta 2). 34. In 1888 the congress decreed the establishment of schools of arts and crafts in Cuenca and Riobamba, the same school that would be in charge of the municipalities and the teaching and direction “in charge of the Salesian Fathers, or of any other religious analogous institute” (“Decreto de El Congreso de la República del Ecuador, 11 de agosto de 1888.” El Nacional (Quito) (18 August 1888)). The decree of 1892 also stipulated that education be free, that the schools be financed by the municipalities of each province, and that the support last three years. In addition to the established offices, they would give moral and religious instruction, Castilian grammar, cosmography, bookkeeping, line drawing, among others, Decreto of 1892, Anales de la Universidad de Quito vol. 6 (Quito: Imp. de la Universidad, 1892). 35. Navarro, La pintura en el Ecuador, 234. The School of Arts and Crafts of the Catholic Protectorate was founded in 1872 following the model of the Catholic Protectorate of Westchester, based in New York. Its first rector was an American priest, Father Conald. For more information about the School of Arts and Crafts of the Catholic Protectorate, created in 1872, see my article “Una historia de encuentros artísticos entre el Ecuador y los Estados Unidos,” in Ecuador y Estados Unidos, tres siglos de Amistad, edited by Carlos Espinosa (Quito: Embajada de los Estados Unidos, 2007), 64–81. 36. Once the art academy closed in 1876, both Manosalvas and Rafael Salas sporadically taught at the School of Arts and Crafts: in 1897 Manosalvas taught a course on line and life drawing, as well as ornamental drawing, and Rafael Salas taught arts and sculpture in 1899. (Oficio 119, 3 May 1897, Volume 1416, Caja 841; Oficio 306, 7 November 1899, (Quito: ANH: Volume 1418, Caja 842, del Ministerio de Instrucción Pública, Justicia y Beneficencia al Ministro de Hacienda). 37. Juan León Mera, “Conceptos sobre las artes” [1894], reprinted in Teoría del arte en el Ecuador 31 (Quito: Banco Central del Ecuador y Corporación Editora Nacional, 1987), 291–321; Povedano, Tomás [Discurso pronunciado en la Universidad Literaria de la Provincia del Azuay], La Escuela de pintura de Cuenca: su primera exposición de dibujo, julio 30 de 1893, Cuenca, Imprenta de la Universidad del Azuay, 5–19, 1893; Pablo Herrera, “Las bellas artes en el Ecuador,” Revista de la Universidad del Azuay (Cuenca) 1, no. 3 (1890): 101–104; 1, no. 6 (1890): 223–225; 2, no. 17 (1891): 148–149. 38. Nikolaus Pevsner argues that the creation and operation of fine art academies based on guidelines is what distinguishes them from the informal educational institutions, which may have coexisted with them. Nikolaus Pevsner, Las academias de arte: Pasado y Presente (Madrid: Cátedra, 1982). 39. In 1894 the intellectual and literati Juan León Mera spoke of several features that ought to develop in order to create adequate conditions for a modern artistic practice. Mera, “Conceptos sobre las artes” [1894], reprinted in Teoría del arte en el Ecuador 31 (Quito: Banco Central del Ecuador y Corporación Editora Nacional, 1987), 291–321. 40. Mireya Salgado and Carmen Corbalán de Celis, “La Escuela de Bellas Artes en el Quito de inicios del siglo XX: liberalismo, nación y exclusión,” Revista del Instituto de la Ciudad 1, no. 2 (2013): 136. 41. Many references and allusions to the role of art and science, as essential, civilizing elements in the progress of the nation, are found in the inaugural address given by the Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Public Education Rafael Orrantia (Rafael Orrantia, Discurso

A Modern Arts System in Ecuador 109 pronunciado por su autor en la velada que se celebró en el Teatro Sucre con motivo de la inauguración de la Escuela de Bellas Artes la noche del 24 de mayo de 1904 (Quito, Imprenta Nacional, 1904). For a more detailed discussion of the speech, see my article “La Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes y el arte moderno en Quito a inicios del siglo XX,” in Alma mía simbolismo y modernidad, Ecuador 1900–1930, edited by Alexandra Kennedy Troya and Rodrigo Gutiérrez Viñuales (Quito: Distrito Metropolitano, 2013), 114–122. 42. In spite of having suffered moments of economic and institutional crisis, the National School of Fine Arts only seemingly disappeared in later decades, first as a result of its annexation by the Central University in the 1940s and later at the end of the 1960s, due to its transformation into the College of Arts and the Faculty of Arts. David Jaramillo López, “Las dos Facultades de Artes: Antecedentes y un breve relato de los primeros momentos de la Facultad de Artes de la Universidad Central del Ecuador a 50 años de su fundación, 1967–2017,” in Academias y arte en Quito: 1849–1930, edited by Trinidad Pérez y Ximena Carcelén (Quito: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, 2017), 65–87. 43. Oficio 36 (August 1905), Libro copiador de oficios de la Escuela de Bellas Artes: 1905– 1913, f. 27 (Quito: AEBA). 44. Oficio no. 42, del 17 July 1905, Libro copiador de oficios de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, 1905–1913 (Quito: AEBA). 45. Oficio 36, 4 November 1911. Office 1, 21 August 1911: J. G. Navarro to the Ministry of Public Education, 21 August 1911, Libro copiador de oficios de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, 1905–1913 (Quito: AEBA), 197–198. 46. During the first years of the institution’s operation, Victor Puig, the director of the school ordered plaster casts of the great masterpieces of European sculpture, which arrived in 1908 “reduced to fragments.” “Crónica,” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 3, no. 6 (25 June 1908), 111. See also, Oficio 109 de Víctor Puig to the Ministry of Public Education (9 March 1908), Libro copiador de oficios de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, 1905–1913. 47. See the cover and “Nuestros grabados: Miguel de Santiago,” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 2 (15 October 1905), cover and 27. 48. For an analysis of how a narrative of “colonial art” was constructed at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, see Carmen Fernández-­Salvador “Historia del arte colonial quiteño: un aporte historiográfico,” in Arte colonial quiteño: renovado enfoque y nuevos actores, edited by Carmen Fernández-­Salvador y Alfredo Costales Samaniego (Quito: FONSAL, 2007), 9–122; and “La invención del arte colonial en la era del progreso: crítica, exposiciones y esfera pública en Quito durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX,” Procesos: revista ecuatoriana de historia no. 48 (July–December 2018): 49–76. 49. The General Administration of Fine Arts was created by an executive decree on January 16, 1913 as a section attached to the Ministry of Public Education. Pedro P. Traversari, “Informe del Sr. Director General de Bellas Artes,” in Informe Anual que Luis N. Dillon, Ministro de Instrucción Pública, Correos & Telégrafos presenta a la Nación en 1913, Volume 1, edited by Luis N. Dillon (Quito: Tipografía de la Escuela de Artes y Oficios, 1913), 743–748. 50. Pedro P. Traversari, Reglamento de la VI Exposición Anual de Bellas Artes (Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1918), n.p. 51. Aguilera died in 1916, leaving a legacy that was to be used to pay for the Annual Exhibition of Fine Arts money prizes (“Informaciones: Premio Mariano Aguilera,” El Comercio (9 June 1917), 4. However, by 1918, the municipality decided to organize its own event to offer the economic prize. Eventually it will become the Mariano Aguilera Salon, which is still standing today under the name “Nuevo Mariano.” 52. The next year, Egas presented El sanjuanito, Las Sahumeriantes (c. 1918) and Las Floristas (1916) to compete for the 1918 Mariano Aguilera Prize, and was awarded the gold medal. 53. Pedro P. Traversari, Rafael Pino y Roca, J.G. Navarro, Luigi Casadio, A. Bar, Juan León Mera I., “El concurso de pintura: informe del jurado,” El Comercio (26 June 1917), 1.

7 Between Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians Jerónimo Gil and the Founding of the San Carlos Academy in New Spain* Eduardo Báez Macías A new vision of an academy emerged in Spain with the rise of the Bourbon dynasty, in the beginning of the 18th century. Although there had been attempts as early as 1726, king Philip V laid the true groundwork in 1740 when he called many architects and artists to Madrid to create and decorate the new Royal Palace. This new palace building was designed to demonstrate to the world the greatness of the Spanish monarchy and to heal the wounds caused by the 1734 catastrophic fire and loss of the older Habsburg dynasty palace and much of its rich art collection. Italian born architect Juan Bautista Sachetti was placed in charge of the construction of the new palace, and Domenico Olivieri was commissioned to create an ambitious sculptural program. Olivieri, a Carrara-­born sculptor, had the idea of taking advantage of the presence of so many great artists working on the palace building project in order to establish a fine arts academy.1 In 1744, Olivieri—who himself had run a private academy between 1741 and 1744—presented the project to the monarch Ferdinand VI who, after eight years of deliberation, gave his final approval by Royal Decree in 1752, thereby establishing the San Fernando Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Madrid. The San Carlos Academy of Valencia was subsequently erected during the reign of Carlos III in 1768, and was followed by the creation of the academy in Mexico City of the viceroyalty of New Spain in 1783. Between 1776 and 1787 Fernando José Mangino was the Superintendent of the Royal Mint, the site of the drawing school that would become the Academy. The general scholarship on that art institution, perhaps because of Mangino’s position, has considered him to be largely responsible for the foundation of the Academy. However, in reality he took over the project from the engraver Jerónimo Antonio Gil (1731– 1798), and put it in hands of Viceroy Martín de Mayoraga.2 Indeed, the documents show that it was Gil who was the true motivating force behind the founding of that institution. Those documents reveal the engraver recalling Mangino’s bitter opposition to his project. Mangino, who moved in the monarch’s circles by virtue of his class privilege, distrusted the engraver who, in turn, had no protection other than his artistic talent. It was only when Mangino noticed that the Academy project had the support and approval of the king, that Mangino changed his attitude and became its advocate.3 It is to Jerónimo Antonio Gil, more than anyone else after the king, that can be attributed the founding and material development of the Academy of San Carlos of New Spain. Gil experienced the reverberations of the struggles between artists that made up the Academy of San Fernando in Madrid, and the aristocratic elite that

112  Eduardo Báez Macías surrounded Carlos III. While it is true that the king maintained his alliance with this aristocracy in Madrid, granting them in the academy statutes of 1752 a greater influence in that institution, in the case of Mexico, Gil was presented with an opportunity to promote an Academy whose orientation would depend on the talents of his academicians rather than on solely the influence of the nobility (given that the later had much less weight and presence in the colony than in the peninsula). His being offered an appointment as a senior engraver of the Royal Mint was an opportunity Gil did not pass up. In Madrid he would have had to compete with engravers of the stature of Manuel Salvador Carmona, Tomas Prieto, and Blas Ametller, while in New Spain he found no rivals. Secure in his position, he was able to start his drawing school and channel his energies toward the creation of an academy, a project with which he had already started to familiarize himself because he had brought with him the statutes of the San Fernando Academy. The foundation of the first academy in America was, in his eyes, an enterprise that was reserved for him. That he believed this project to be his personal undertaking is demonstrated by his attempt to manipulate the appointments of the first professors. Although his overly ambitious aims to place only his choice of academicians in key positions failed, he did manage to at least block those coming from Spain that he disliked, until the arrival of the Valencians Rafael Ximeno y Planes (1759–1820/25) and Manuel Tolsá (1757– 1816), with whom he established a meaningful friendship. Further, no one on the Provisional Board at the time of the Academy’s founding, was as active as Gil. He never missed a meeting and suggested the necessary books to be sent from Madrid, and the first collections of essential casts for the drawing classes. In defending the founding of the academy, he was able to win over painters who had continued to work under artisanal guild regulations. In the same way, he able to convince the first professors, including those arriving from Spain, who initially opposed the teaching schedules he established for classes, of the validity of his project. In the end, and as reward for his tenacity and merits, he obtained from the king an exceptional recognition, that of the appointment of Director General for life. While scholars such as Susan Deans-­Smith and Kelly Donahue-­Wallace have examined the complex relations among patrons and artists, the latter examining in particular Jerónimo Antonio Gil as the San Carlos Academy’s first director, I wish to focus on the significance of Gil as an able administrator who managed to walk through a veritable minefield of issues that would have exploded on any number of occasions, thereby destroying the creation of an academy of fine arts in Mexico.4 In this chapter, therefore I reexamine and re-­contextualize the role of the engraver Gil as the actor who, I argue, kept alive the idea and brought to fruition the San Carlos Academy.

The San Carlos Academy of New Spain The king’s decision to fund an academy in New Spain was justified by various reasons. First, there was the fact that mining in New Spain had resulted in an economic boom and there was a need for the minting of new coins and of founding other similar institutions (like the one in Peru), in order to stimulate commerce in large cities of the colonies, in accordance with the administrative reforms carried out by Spain’s king Carlos III. Second, the influence of European Enlightenment thought had also arrived in the Americas and encountered a fertile ground in educated circles, such as the one headed by the scientist and historian priest José Antonio Alzate, as well

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 113 as those among the Jesuits, who would subsequently be expelled from the Americas. The dissemination of the writings of other enlightenment-­era authors, such as Pedro Rodriguez de Campomanes, the Spanish statesmen who, during the age of administrative reforms of the Bourbons, published Discurso sobre el fomento de la industria popular (1774) and Discurso sobre la educación popular de los artesanos y su fomento (1775). Beyond the issue of state administrative needs within the larger context of enlightenment-­era Bourbon reforms and the nation state, the question of the development of an arts academy in New Spain at this time should also consider the competitive nature of arts education between Madrid and Mexico City. In particular, the development and promotion of the idea of an academy that had to be negotiated among numerous agents between the two nations. Did the promise of academically trained teachers and painters from New Spain pose any threat of competition in education? Numerous artists in New Spain established studios which they used to satisfy the working demands of patrons in the most important cities of the viceroyalty of New Spain. The church was the institution that traditionally had kept alive the demand for painting and sculpture, while the guilds of sculptors, much like that of painters, satisfied the demand of its principal market; the guilds, thus, further helped maintain a balanced relationship between production and demand. The group of painters centered around Miguel Cabrera (1695–1768) and José de Ibarra (1685–1756) in 1754 to organize themselves as an academy, which would be the first officially sanctioned arts institution in Latin America. The group also included artists working for the wealthy elite; artists such as Miguel de Herrera, Juan Patricio, Morlete Ruiz, Francisco Martínez, Francisco Antonio Vallejo and José Alcíbar. Despite the prestigious status of the academy organizers, and in spite of the meticulous protocol that was followed before the notary public—formal procedures were drawn up and an emissary was sent to Spain with the mission to obtain Carlos III’s approval—this early attempt to form an academy failed. One reason is that all of this occurred barely two years after the founding of the San Fernando Academy in Madrid; the artists had been (perhaps too) confident that an academy project for New Spain would have similar positive results as in Europe. But we know another reason why this chapter of the story was cut short here: Carlos III refused to even receive the emissary. The naivety (or enthusiasm) of the artists in New Spain blinded them to the fact that the absolutism of the monarch could not accept anything that had not originated directly from his court and sovereign will, and especially if that idea had germinated in the colonies. There is an event that underscores the nature of the monarch’s power relations with New Spain’s administrators. When in 1782, the Board of the Academy in Mexico had its first meetings to lay the foundation of that future institution, the scholar philosopher Juan Benito Díaz de Gamarra chose to present a pamphlet eulogizing the “Academy,” and which was intended to help persuade the king. Board members, fearful of the predictable reaction of the monarch, rejected Díaz de Gamarra’s writing and explained to the author that this was merely a provisional board without the power to move the pamphlet forward.5 Painters and image-­makers understood the benefits of academies for the artistic production within the realm of the Spanish empire, and yet they also realized that nothing could be accomplished without royal support. One figure who understood this perhaps better than most was Jerónimo Antonio Gil.

114  Eduardo Báez Macías

The Master Engraver Gil and the Early Drawing School at the Royal Mint Carlos III proceeded cautiously. A first step towards the founding of an academy in New Spain was opening a School of Drawing in the Royal Mint, situated in Mexico City. Although the minting of coins had been in production for some years, it was felt that the aesthetic quality of their front and back reliefs could be improved if their design and casting were entrusted to a trained academician. It is important to remember that during these years, the king had sent his finest engravers, namely Alfonso Cruzado (active 1754–1791) and Manual Salvador Carmona (1734–1820) to hone their skills in Paris, with the aim of having them teach engraving upon their return to Spain. Francisco Casanova (1734–1778) was appointed master engraver of the Casa de la Moneda (Royal Mint) and among the first academically trained artists to arrive in Mexico. However, he was unable to continue in that position due to the loss of his vision. He was replaced by Alejo Bernabé Madero (1706–1775), about whose training there exist very few records. In 1778, the king appointed Jerónimo Antonio Gil, a native of Zamora, Spain, who studied at the Royal San Fernando Academy. Gil’s appointment went into effect on March 15, 1778, and it seems that he enjoyed the favor of the king, who was himself an engraving aficionado and was said to have practiced it with sufficient skill.6 The king entrusted Gil with special assignments, starting with sounding the depths of interest in Mexico for the reception of a fine arts academy. The engraver demonstrated his skill not only as a worthy artist, but also as a competent and energetic director. After a few years, he was appointed Inspector of weights and measures (Fiel y Fieltura) in the Mexican mint, which was not an academic position, but rather one that allowed the engraver to be within the king’s confidence, considering that all the silver used in the minting process was controlled by this office of the Inspector. Yet his adversaries criticized Gil’s appointments to multiple posts and enterprises that included, in addition to the Inspector’s position, Master Engraver and Director of the San Carlos Academy, all of which brought him a considerable income.7 Jerónimo Antonio Gil completed worthy paintings while a student at the San Fernando Academy, but he finally dedicated himself to studying wood and metal engraving under the master Tomás Francisco Prieto (1716–1782) during a period which fortuitously coincided with the emergence of the group of artists headed by the engraver Carmona and supported by Carlos III. Carmona helped raise the status of the art of engraving to higher levels in a century that saw the zenith of the reproductive print. Carmona’s skill is evidenced by his numerous engravings and drawings to various books, such as his contributions to the great edition of Don Quixote in 1780, published at the Royal Printing Press in Madrid, and led by Joaquín Ibarra. A large part of Gil’s work was as an engraver in Mexico. Mexico’s San Carlos Academy alone has preserved 74 of his pieces that include plaster molds and the cast medals, apart from those preserved in other coin collections.8 Gil worked on striking medals starting in 1778, the year of his arrival to New Spain, and notable is the quantity of these he produced in 1788 alone, following the death of Carlos III and the ascension of his son Carlos IV to the throne, when several societies commissioned work from him. Among the most beautiful medals he produced were those of 1784 celebrating the births of the infantes Carlos and Philip, and the ones that he minted in 1778 upon request of the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence in Madrid. These medals,

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 115 unfortunately, ended up in the hands of an English privateer who captured the ship carrying them en route to Spain.9 The medal that is most important for our case is the one that commemorated the Academy’s foundation; however, it is only known through Gil’s drawings and never seems to have been minted. Another lesser known fact of Gil’s professional career was his skill as a foundry medal caster; a skill attested to by the dies that he produced and which contributed to the growth of the collection of font types for the royal printing press. Many famous volumes published at the Spanish printing presses are indebted to this illustrious engraver’s drawing and casting skills.

The Vicissitudes of the Academy’s Foundation We have seen some of the early career of Gil as an artist; now let us examine his role as director. Gil’s grand objective was to fulfill Carlos III’s project of establishing an academy of fine arts. The first step involved opening a school of drawing in the site where it was most needed, that is, the Casa de Moneda. This was a sound first step because drawing was emphasized as the foundation for the education of all artists—be they practitioners of painting, sculpture, architecture, or engraving—and because it also contributed to the formation of better artisans. The first group of students to be educated in the confined spaces of the Casa de Moneda, then in the northern wing of the viceroy’s Palace, was made up of Gil’s two sons, Bernardo and Gabriel, who came with their father from Spain. Already working in the Casa de Moneda by the time of their arrival, was another Spaniard José Esteve, and the officials Lorenzo Benavides, the artist-­engraver (and later member of the Malaspina scientific expedition) Tomás Suria, as well as Ignacio Bacerot. Confirmation that this school of drawing was understood to be a stepping stone to the foundation of an official academy is provided by the fact that when Gil disembarked in Veracruz, his 24 cases of luggage contained not only his personal items, along with materials and instruments of his office, but also a series of books that went beyond the needs of the simple engraver or drawing teacher; books such as Vesalius’s Anatomy, Ripa’s Iconogrpahy, Palomino’s Museo Pictórico, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, as well as various other books, more appropriate for a wider humanist education.10 Gil also brought with him from Spain the statutes of the San Fernando Academy, to use as prototypes for the development and structuring of the Mexican Academy. In 1781, he began working on the project and realized there were two issues that he needed to anticipate in order to have a clear path toward royal approval. First, he needed to create an academic structure that would preserve the absolute authority of the king to guide and direct the academy. The second was devising a way of financing the institution without overburdening the royal finances. The first question was resolved simply by copying the organization of the San Fernando Academy as laid out in its 1785 statutes. The stewardship of the Academy would be reserved for the monarch who, in the statutes, was given the title of “Protector” (patron) and who was supported by a board of advisors and chaplains (all members of the aristocracy). The Governing Board, therefore, was the highest authority after the king. It was formed by representatives of the wealthiest state agencies, such as the Mining board, Consular board, members of the nobility, and the dean and the mayor of Mexico City. The councilors included the viceroy of New Spain who served also as the academy’s vice-­protector (the sovereign was its chief protector

116  Eduardo Báez Macías by law and jurisdiction). The position of vice-­protector was a position Mangino desired, but one which he finally had to give up and settle instead for the less prestigious appointment of the president of the Government Board. The other members of the board were the honorary academicians who were drawn from the nobility. Significantly, the director general was the only art expert who attended the meetings. These representatives, without being experts in art, and with their own socio-­political hierarchy, endowed the institution with respectability and imposed a social order on all of its students. Part of the politico-­administrative apparatus of the academy—and perhaps the most significant element justifying its very existence—was its pedagogic mission. The administrative structure of Mexico’s academy was the same as Madrid’s: the director general was head, followed by the directors of the individual sections of painting, sculpture, architecture, and engraving (in Mexico the later was given an equal status among other directors), as well as a professor of mathematics, and finally by the honorary and assistant academicians. This structure was the institution’s life, its essence; this was the real academy. In general, artists were disallowed participation in the proceedings of Mexico’s Academy, in contrast to what had happened during the formation of the statutes of the San Fernando Academy in Madrid. Well-­known artists who had earned the titles of academicians of merit, along with their directors, deputies, and even with supernumerary academicians of the lower class, met in ordinary reunions, but they discussed only artistic concerns of which they were familiar. The councilors, who could attend these meetings, were forbidden from giving their opinion on these so-­called faculty matters but could deviously interrupt them, if they discovered any irregularity within them.11 In the last decade of the century there arose in the San Fernando Academy conflicts between those within the monarch’s circle and the artists that were called upon to teach in the Academy’s classrooms regarding how the institution should be run. The conflicts between these groups delayed by several years the passing of the formal founding of the San Carlos Academy by the Preparatory Board in charge of the academy’s foundation. In New Spain such a conflict between the king’s advisory board and academicians could never have occurred. This was due not only to Mexico’s predicament as a colony, but also to the absence of highly influential artists of the stature of Anton Rafael Mengs and Domenico Olivieri, who in Spain could have favorably swayed the will of the monarch. Nonetheless, and in anticipation of the possibility of such a challenge to authority occurring in New Spain, Carlos III sent a special warning and “Instruction” to the viceroy about dealing with certain privileges held by San Fernando Academy academicians but directed toward the case of Mexico: His Majesty [has stated] and it is his wish on these and other similar points, that there does not have to be in his San Carlos [Academy] of New Spain any person there, let alone any of the professors, that you need listen to, nor tolerate that they dare to interpret or circumvent the laws that have deigned to be dictated in the Statutes.12 The second issue of concern was how to sustain the future Academy, given that the Spanish government was not disposed to investing more of its resources in the colonies, and besides that, being a project created by the monarchy for the benefit of the

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 117 subjects, it was the colony that should bear the costs. Following the logic of enlightened despotism, the king appeared as the prince, who acts for the benefit of his vassals, but without, of course, yielding any of his power. In consideration of the histories of other institutions, and now with the combined political and economic powers of Ramón Posada, the magistrate of the Royal Treasury, the superintendent José Mangino, along with Gil’s enthusiasm and administrative talents, the right ingredients were in place for finding full support for the future arts institution in Mexico. For resources they turned to the representative bodies that would receive the greatest benefits from the Academy’s founding, namely, the Board of the Casa de Moneda (Royal Mint), the Royal Consulate, and the town hall administrators. Carlos III, once he became convinced of the economic advantages that his support of an Academy as an act of good government would bring, and convinced—according to the reports by Ramón Posada, the magistrate of his Royal Treasury—of the loyalty of his subjects in the colonies, told his minister José de Gálvez to communicate the Royal Order for the Academy’s founding to the viceroy of New Spain: By the Royal Order of 25 of December of last year 1783. It has served H.M. to approve building and establishing in this city a Royal Academy of the three noble arts of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture with the title of San Carlos of New Spain, under his immediate royal patronage. . .13 The following paragraphs to this was an explanatory statement recounting the reasons for the academy’s establishment and the background of José Mangino’s project. The document was sent to the court by way of the viceroy Martin de Mayorga, and with the meetings held in 1782 and 1783 by the Preparatory Board, headed by the viceroy with the assistance of Mangino and numerous officials.14 The first meeting of the Preparatory Board took place on June 20, 1782; however, the formalities of such a classist and protocol-­driven society threatened to bring the proceedings to a complete halt because these eminent figures discovered, when preparing to take their seats, that there was no assigned hierarchy of seating and this detail of pure etiquette was sufficient for the meeting to be postponed by several days. In any case, the true intention of the board members was merely to fulfill their roles as courtiers and to ingratiate themselves with the sovereign because most of them, with the exception of Gil, understood little about art. The main points of the Royal Order, apart from being a panegyric to the king, were focused on how to structure the teaching and ensure maintenance of the Academy. To sustain the institution, the monarch made an offer to yield 9,000 pesos per year from the royal treasury, starting on January 1, 1784, and 4,000 more from the incomes of the properties of suppressed religious orders (producto de temporalidades) stated in the Royal Provision of December 1783. In case of default of these sources of income, the funds were to be drawn from accounts of vacant, unfilled positions throughout the viceroyalty. It is remarkable that the financial contribution to the San Carlos Academy made by the king from his own income equaled the official funds allocated to Madrid’s academy. After the royal contribution, the next highest donation of 5,000 pesos per year came from the Mining board, followed by that of the Consular board with 3,000 pesos per year, and then contributions from Mexico City and several other towns.15

118  Eduardo Báez Macías The attitude of the church was surprising. The letters sent to the archbishop of Mexico, to the bishops and town councils of Puebla, Valladolid, Durango, Antequera, and Guadalajara, as well as to the abbot of the Collegiate of Guadalupe invited them to contribute toward the foundation of the Academy. And yet the extant surviving archived responses to such requests suggest that the Church invariably declined to assist, consistently making claims that its income was already heavily taxed.16 In reality, the clergy’s resistance was driven largely by its view and fear of this academic institution as one born out of both Enlightenment thought that had begun to transform the world and that had the support of a sovereign who had dared to expel the powerful Society of Jesus from his domain.

The Appointment of Professors and the Beginnings of Instruction One of the more difficult tasks of the academic project outlined by Gil was knowing which talents would be in charge of what aspects of teaching the fine arts in the school and making sure they taught in accordance with the classical taste that then prevailed in the metropolis. In this task, the artist-­engraver Gil was authorized to decide alone, without the intervention of the viceroy, Mangino, or any other figure. Starting July 4, 1782, in one of his first acts before the Preparatory Board, Gil suggested contracting the following famous academicians in Spain: Mariano Salvador Maella (1739–1819) for painting, Isidro Carnicero (1736–1804) for sculpture, and Juan de Villanueva (1739–1811) for architecture. Gil’s suggestions can be interpreted as driven more by ambition and the need to be impressive by composing a list of famous names, rather than the pragmatism of simply finding qualified teachers. In the case that the selected academicians would not accept, Gil proposed the candidacy of Augustín Esteve (1753–1830) for painting, Ildefonso Alfonso Bergaz (1744–1812) for sculpture, and Antonio Machuca for architecture. However, Gil’s nominations were somewhat misconceived because all the artists that he proposed were politically and economically well-­established at the Madrid court. For instance, Maella was the king’s court painter, as well as the director of the Royal Tapestry Factory, while the architect Juan de Villanueva was in the full swing of a promising career and soon to be charged with works, such as the building for the Museum of Natural Sciences, which would become the Prado Museum. Gil wanted to bring in his son-­in-­law Fernando Selma (1752–1810) to teach the engraving; however, as Selma was preparing embarkation to New Spain, the king ordered him to remain in the peninsula, probably to have him work on publications for the Royal Press. While Gil’s petition circulated within the court bureaucracy, the engraver wasted no time to hire artists already in New Spain, and who would take charge of teaching the drawing classes: Francisco Clapera (1746–1810), José Alcíbar (c. 1730–1803), Rafael Gutiérrez, Andrés López y Juan Sáenz, Mariano Vázquez, Manuel Serna, and Francisco Vallejo. For architectural drawing, Gil hired José Damián Ortiz de Castro (1750–1793) and the military engineer Miguel Constansó (1741–1814). In all rightfullness, these were the first painting and architecture professors; yet they were treated with ingratitude because their requests to be awarded the status of honorary academicians, even after they had been teaching for some time, was denied. Only the architect Ortiz de Castro, who worked alongside Manuel Tolsá, obtained this rank.17 A short time later, when strong disagreements had arisen between Gil as director and the artists who had arrived from Spain, Gil expressed his greater satisfaction with

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 119 the artists from the colony over those from the peninsula. Among the best painters of this first group was the Mexican Francisco Antonio Vallejo (1722–1785), who was hired to teach the first painting classes at the Academy; unfortunately, he died only two months after his appointment. By the Royal Order of December 25, 1783, the provisional School of Drawing formally became the Royal Academy of the Three Noble Arts of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture of San Carlos of New Spain. While the statutes to guide it were in the process of being drafted, it continued to be governed by the Preparatory Board, headed by viceroy Matías de Gálvez, the brother of the powerful minister José de Gálvez. The king gave his approval one year later on November 18, and it was these 1784 statutes that definitely ran the institution (see the Appendix in this volume).18 The inauguration ceremony took place on November 4, 1785, with all the splendor and solemnity of late baroque viceregal festivities, and with a procession that included the archbishop of Mexico, the magistrates of the law courts, the ecclesiastical and secular councils, military officials, leaders of religious orders, and members of the nobility. A mass took place at the metropolitan cathedral, and from there a procession marched to the viceregal government palace where numerous speeches were read by officials and academy students. At the conclusion of the ceremony, copies of the statutes were distributed and musical scores were played.19 All of the ceremonial served the purpose of more than simply applauding the fact that New Spain finally had an academy of its own but rather, and just as importantly, was a vehicle through which the populace witnessed and participated in the performance of power between the sovereign and the inhabitants of New Spain: in short, of a monarch patron bestowing his munificence upon his subjects.

The Academy Building Another serious concern of the Preparatory Board, and for Jerónimo Antonio Gil in particular, was finding enough space where to conduct the classes. The drawing classes at the Casa de Moneda served the first few students. However, their numbers increased rapidly as soon as the project for an academy—offering residents of New Spain an opportunity to acquire cost-­free preparation in some trades—became widely known and had been approved by the viceroy Martin de Mayoraga. As such, the small spaces that the Casa de Moneda provided for instruction in the northern part of the viceregal palace soon proved insufficient for academy classes. In the Royal Order of November 18, 1784, the king commanded his viceroy that, while the Academy had funds to erect a building in keeping with its importance, the Academy be situated “in the College of San Pedro and San Pablo or in some other sequestered religious institutions in that city that was not already occupied.”20 To a certain extent, the history of the San Fernando Academy was being repeated here by the Mexican academy’s relocation (the Madrid academy had moved from the building housing the royal bakery at the Plaza Mayor into its own building on the Alcalá street); in parallel fashion, Mexico’s academy administrators, on the decision of the Governing Board, bought with 30,000 pesos in the Academy’s possession, a piece of land on “the beautiful San Andrés street.”21 With the acquisition of this plot of land, the Governing Boarded rushed to provide an account to the king, attaching to their report a provisional plan that would be finalized by the San Fernando Academy. For the final plan, superintendent Mangino

120  Eduardo Báez Macías insisted on there being included, aside from the rooms for teaching, a chapel and a place to house students sent from Spain by the monarch. The Governing Board insisted that “the bust of his Majesty should be placed on the main façade of the aforementioned factory, which the Academy wants to be made specifically from Carrara marble.”22 The execution of the bust ought to have been entrusted to a sculptor from the San Fernando Academy, since the sculptors in New Spain generally only worked with wood and gilding technique, and none of them could work in marble, as the superintendent surely wanted. The cost of the building project that the architect Antonio González Velázquez presented was too high; it was a sum over eight hundred and eighty-­five thousand pesos, which the Academy could not pay. Even though the Academy was well endowed, it was just beginning to capitalize on its profits. The Board asked the architect for a new, less costly project, one which González Velázquez delivered and that would cost over two hundred and ninety-­two thousand pesos; however, even that sum was considered excessive. The Board’s solution was to ask González Velázquez to present yet another, less costly, project in which only part of the façade and the main offices, the classrooms, and the meeting room would be built, leaving the remainder of the building for the time when enough resources for its completion could be located. By an agreement of December 13, 1787, the Governing Board sent the accepted plan of the building along with González Velázquez to the Madrid court. The Board never received a response. Carlos III died a year later on December 14, 1788, and his successor Carlos IV, a much less competent monarch in contrast to his father, lost interest in the project of an academy in New Spain. Even while awaiting a response from the Spanish crown, the Governing Board moved to sell the plot of land called “Nilpantongo” and debated moving the academy to the larger building owned then by the Hospital of San Andrés; a decision not made until February 28, 1791. That building was formerly the site of the Amor de Dios Hospital, founded in 1540 by Fray Juan de Zumárraga, and in which were cared those afflicted with bubas (buboes, a generic term for the symptoms of various diseases but most often referring to the bubonic plague). An examination conducted by the military engineer Miguel Constansó and the architect González Velázquez revealed that repairs were necessary before the Academy could take control of the building for the rent of 13,000 pesos a year. As for the land that was called Nilpantongo, it was sold to the Mining Board that took it over to build its own palace on its premises. Endowed with resources, statutes, and now with a newly refurbished building, the Academy began teaching its classes.

The First Professors Gil demonstrated great ingenuity in attempting to bring artists such as Maella, Carnicero, and Villanueva to New Spain. For a Spaniard in pursuit of fortune, territories like Mexico or Peru were very attractive. But of course, for artists residing in Spain, with a good client base among the aristocracy, nobility, and the king—who gave those artists commissions and privileges, assuring them a good living standard—this was not the case. Furthermore, Carlos III had his own, very ambitious programs for the embellishment of Madrid and which, in accordance with regal performance at court, demanded the presence of its finest artists. The teaching of drawing was Gil’s most immediate task; he hired Francisco Clapera and José Alcíbar to teach life drawing, Rafael Gutiérrez and Andrés López to teach figure

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 121 drawing (from statues and copies), and Juan Sáenz, Mariano Vázquez, Manuel Serna y Manuel García for basic drawing. Among these artists, Alcíbar and Andrés López were the most prestigious, although the best painter at the time—by which I mean a much ignored and undeservedly less-­ revered artist—was Francisco Vallejo (1722–1785). Vallejo had just begun working at the School and it is evident that he was present at the first award ceremony that was held on August 22, 1782, when the institution had not yet received the royal approval to become an academy and use the name of “San Carlos.” Vallejo participated in the first awards ceremony of 1782 and donated for teaching the paintings of a Virgin of Guadalupe (location unknown) and Saint Jerome attributed to Alonso Cano. However, his participation in the Academy was very brief, as he was already afflicted by illnesses, from which he died in 1785, just when the institution was becoming a true Academy. Gil filled the position in sculpture with Santiago Sandoval, who later worked an assistant to Manuel Tolsá, and for the instruction in the principles of architecture, he invited the military engineer Miguel Constansó as the only architect. In 1786, a year after the beginning of the classes at the Academy, the first Spanish professors sent over by the king from the San Fernando Academy to cover the particular areas in each branch of the arts arrived in New Spain. The list of these professors angered Gil because none of the names he himself had suggested were included. Antonio Velázquez, who would take up the directorship of the architecture, was part of this group of artists. Other included, Manuel José Arias Centurión, who was the director of sculpture while, in painting, Ginés Andrés de Aguirre and Cosme de Acuña served as director and assistant director respectively. Yet this group of peninsular professors—with the exception of Antonio González Velázquez, who exercised strict control over architecture and completed works of high value, such as in the convent of the Holy Desert of the Barefoot Carmelites of Tenancingo—were largely unsuccessful in terms of long-­lasting institutional effect. The cases of Arias Centurión, Cosme de Acuña, and Ginés Andrés de Aguirre demonstrate how artists were largely marginalized for various factors. The most pitiful case of these three was that of the sculptor Centurión. He was probably the disciple of Juan Pascual de Mena (1707–1784) in Madrid and who may have helped work on the latter’s Fountain of Neptune (c. 1784) in the Plaza de Cánovas del Castillo in that city. In Mexico City, his work left almost no trace and was apparently not discussed in contemporary publications, but his personal misfortunes were sufficiently documented: two years after his arrival to Mexico, he began to lose his mind and had to be admitted to a hospital.23 Cosme de Acuña (c. 1758-­c. 1814), who arrived as the second director of painting, also offers an example of the maladjustment that some peninsular inhabitants suffered after moving to America. Little more than two years after his arrival in 1786, Acuña was already trying to return to Spain. Using different pretexts, he sought permission from the authorities, arguing that he had pressing family problems in Spain. The Governing Board, however, was unwilling to let him go, stating that his time should be spent attending to students, rather than to personal matters. He finally obtained permission after he alleged, based on a medical certificate, that he was losing his eyesight. The Board applied sanctions to him for his noncompliance as a director of painting by forcing him to pay the expenses of his return trip to Spain out of his own pocket. Acuña had better luck upon his return to Madrid. There he took charge of the first students traveling from the Mexican Academy to Spain, with the purposing of perfecting their artistic skills and in an attempt to establish a Mexican School in Madrid.

122  Eduardo Báez Macías The Mexican school in the peninsula failed, either because the students were poorly prepared, or because of the events precipitating the wars of independence in Mexico.24 Ginés Andrés de Aguirre (c. 1727–c. 1800), who came as the first director of painting, was equally unfortunate. His is a moving case, because although a very good painter in Spain, once he moved to Mexico, he was marginalized and became frustrated.25 He worked in Madrid with Salvador Maella, whose career was in full swing when Aguirre accepted the position in New Spain. It was at an inopportune moment; the relationship between Aguirre and Gil became increasingly querulous. Gil, who was dissatisfied with the painter, constantly reproached him even for having moved to the colony at so an advanced age of 59 years old. Although Aguirre retained his appointment, he was overshadowed by the arrival of Valencian painter Ximeno y Planes and was eventually forgotten, dying at the age of 73 in 1800. Very few, if any of Aguirre’s works remain in Mexico: among these, two excellent academic anatomical studies in the collection of prints and drawings at the Academy of San Carlos, a painting that is recorded in the inventory and the testament of Jerónimo Antonio Gil, and an oil painting that, according to the art historian Manuel Revilla, was in the private collection of J. Antonio Gutiérrez.26 There is another document in the Archives of the San Carlos Academy revealing that the artist requested to create frescoes for the vault of the Baptistery of the Metropolitan Shrine.27 That project, unfortunately, was never realized, perhaps because of the cost of fresco painting, or perhaps because of a lack of interest. The position of director of engraving had remained vacant after Fernando Selma— Gil’s son-­in-­law and one of the most important artists at the moment—had been retained in the employment of the king in Spain. The Valencian engraver José Joaquín Fabregat (1748–1807) came to New Spain in his place, embarking from Cádiz to Mexico in February 1788, in the company of his wife, youngest son, and nephew. The family arrived in Veracruz in April and Fabregat entered the Academy in May, and at a moment when relations between the director general Gil and the peninsular professors—who had accused him of ill temperament and despotic treatment—had already become embittered. The dispute between the director and the peninsular artists may be understandable. The peninsular professors had come to Mexico with the idea that outside of their teaching hours at the Academy, they would have time to attend to their personal commissions. They said that life in the colony was more expensive than in the peninsula and required additional income to supplement their salary. This issue had been brought up in Preparatory Board meetings; however, Gil, seeing that students’ progress was less than what he had expected, imposed further obligations upon the professors. The teachers were now expected to work full time with students, rotating duties in the morning, afternoon, and evening. Nor did Gil permit the students to attend classes at their teacher’s residence, out of suspicion that the teachers might use their students for their personal work. With the exception of Velázquez, Gil was absolutely clear about his feelings regarding the other professors: “We have three directors who do not serve the Academy for reasons other than to claim six thousand pesos of their salary.”28

Epilogue The failure of the first directors of painting and sculpture obliged the authorities to hire new professors. This time, however, the positions were filled through competitions

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 123 that were organized at the San Fernando Academy, leading to successful results. Rafael Ximeno y Planes was the only candidate who presented himself for the competition for the position of the director of painting in 1793 at the San Carlos Academy in New Spain, and obtained favorable votes from the jury.29 By the following year he was in Mexico, where he produced both easel paintings as well as contributed to the revival of fresco painting (which Aguirre had been unable to achieve). Ximeno y Planes’ artistic production can be grouped into religious themes and portraits, but it is the portraits, and two in particular, that are of interest to us here: that of the director Jerónimo Antonio Gil and the sculptor Manuel Tolsá. Ximeno y Planes, in the portraits of his fellow academicians Gil and Tolsá, applied the qualities that earned him his appointment as an honorary academician in Spain. These qualities included the elegance and continence of the subjects that he portrayed, careful composition, the fine, velvety finish of the fabrics, the delicate brushwork, and precision of color. In the case of the portrait of Jerónimo Antonio Gil (c. 1800; Mexico, Museo Nacional de Arte), the painter discovered the elegance and energetic character that were already well known. Gil holds a medal in his left hand and a metal die, befitting his office as an engraver, while his right hand rests upon a copy of the statutes of the San Carlos Academy. Engravers burins are on the table immediately in front of a classical head, while in the middle ground a hand press can be seen. In the representation of Tolsá (c. 1790–1800; Mexico, Museo Nacional de Arte), it is the gaze that dominates, while the sculptor’s arm is supported, significantly, by classical bust. Both portraits were painted with care that captures the delicacy of lace and filigree. The political events of 1810, and the beginnings of the Mexican War of Independence with Spain, prevented Ximeno y Planes from leaving the legacy of a national school of painting. Although he survived until 1825, the critical conditions and the poverty of the Academy in the aftermath of that war resulted in his career passing largely unnoticed. Out of all the students who passed through his classroom, only the portraitist José María Vázquez stands out as Ximeno y Planes’ replacement as director of the Academy.30 A sculptor and architect, Manuel Tolsá would become the director of sculpture, replacing the unfortunate Arias Centurión.31 However, his contribution to the academy went beyond his position as director. On his trip to America, Tolsá brought a rich collection of plaster casts of antique statutes from the collections of the Academy of San Fernando, which were requested from the king by Jerónimo Antonio Gil. Further, while already in Mexico, he presented certain plans for a competition initiated in 1797 by the Royal Mining Court for a building of its own. While other architects participated, including Esteban González, it was Tolsá who won the award. Thus, it can be said that Tolsá is the author of two of the most emblematic works not only in Mexico City but of neoclassicism in Latin America: the Mining Palace and the equestrian Monument to king Carlos IV, popularly known as El Caballito (literally, the “Little Horse”), which today stands in front of that same palace. Tolsá’s death in December of 1816 announced the end of the first flowering in the history of the Academy of San Carlos. Gil, Velázquez, and Fabregat were dead. Only Rafael Ximeno survived in precarious working conditions. The War of Independence was stagnating, and as the government had spent all of its resources on the conflict, the institution entered into a period of lethargy and a moribund state. There was a lack of materials with which to work, an absence of professors, the authorities were indifferent, and the students wandered the neglected and silent courtyards.

124  Eduardo Báez Macías The institution erected by Carlos III as a necessary attribute of his Enlightened vision of the Spanish Empire saw an initial flowering, only to collapse, forced by the historical circumstances, and enter into a period of decadence. It would rise again, but only decades later, to take the leadership of the fine arts in an independent Mexico. Although Gil had died years earlier in 1798, the Academy then was already a promising institution for the teaching of fine arts in the Viceroyalty; it would be acquiring the same stature of academies in Spain. This chapter has argued that he was the key figure in a tumultuous process of the institution building of the late 18th century.

Notes * Parts of this essay appeared in sections of the previously published Eduardo Báez Macías, Jerónimo Antonio Gil y Su Traducción Gerard Audrán (Mexico, DF: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, UNAM, 2001. 1. On the history of the San Fernando Academy, see: Claude Bedat, La Real Academia de Bellas Arte de San Fernando (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, 1989); Andrés Ubeda de los Cobos, “Pintura, mentalidad e ideología en la Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando de Madrid,” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad Complutense, Madrid, 1988. 2. Although it was Mangino who wrote up the academies’ initial project: Proyecto para el establecimiento en México de una Academia de las tres nobles Artes Pintura, Escultura y Arquitectura (México, 1781). Eduardo Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (Antigua Academia de San Carlos), 1781–1910 (Mexico, DF: Escuela Nacional de Artes Plásticas, UNAM, 2009), 21–36. 3. Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 24–25. 4. Susan Deans-­Smith, “ ‘A Natural and Voluntary Dependence’: The Royal Academy of San Carlos and the Cultural Politics of Art Education in Mexico, 1786–1797,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 29, no. 3 (2010): 278–2010; Kelly Donahue-­Wallace, Jerónimo Antonio Gil and the Idea of the Spanish Enlightenment (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2017). 5. Juan Benito Díaz de Gamarra y Dávalos, Academias de geometría, que se han de tener públicamente en el muy ilustre colegio de San Francisco de Sales, de los padres de la congregación del oratorio de San Felipe Neri, en la villa de San Miguel el Grande. Dedicadas a la real junta preparatoria para el establecimiento en Mexico de una academia de las tres nobles artes de pintura, escultura, y arquitectura, por el P. Dr. D. Juan Benito Díaz de Gamarra y Dávalos, presbytero secular de dicha congregacion, comisario de Santo Oficio, y rector del mismo colegio (Mexico: Imprenta de D. Felipe de Zúñiga y Ontiveros, 1782). 6. On these engravers, and Gil’s appointment, leading to the foundation of the academy, see Eduardo Báez Macías, Jerónimo Antonio Gil y Su Traducción Gerard Audrán (Mexico, DF: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, UNAM, 2001), 14; Donahue-­Wallace, Jerónimo Antonio Gil, 174–177. 7. In the inventory of his will, discovered after his death in 1798, we may note that he lived in comfort; he possessed jewels, works of art, books, various good-­quality items of clothing, and two carriages with their own horses, not to mention other trifles. The value of his hereditary assets was 35,000 pesos in after-­tax incomes and testament expenses. Ironically, his wife, who lived in Spain, inherited the vast majority of his financial assets and, in spite of all appeals and arguments, refused to return with them to America. Testament of 31 October 1792, Archivo General–Casa de Moneda, Volume 188, folios 74–79. See this author’s, Jerónimo Antonio Gil, 33. 8. See Elizabeth Fuentes Rojas, “Gerónimo Gil y sus contemporáneos (1784–1805),” in Catálago Razonados de los Acervos Artísticos de la Academia de San Carlos, Volume 1 (Mexico, DF: UNAM, 1998). 9. These coins, commissioned by the Royal Academy of National and Public Law in Madrid, were initiated in Spain. However, Gil, unable to postpone his departure for America,

Peninsulares and Mexican Academicians 125 completed them in Mexico City. The commission consisted of 18 gold, 160 silver, and 200 copper medals. Gil minted them and were sent to Spain in 1781, this time in the warships “Our Lady of Loreto” and “Santo Domingo.” Apud. Mexico, General Archive of the Nation (herein AGN); Ramo Casa de Moneda, Volume 35, folios. 308, 389–391; Báez Macías, Jeronimo Antonio Gil, 45–46. 10. AGN, Mexico; Casa de Moneda, Volume 389, folios. 27, 41; Báez Macías, Jerónimo Antonio Gil, 15. 11. Reales Estatutos de 1784. [Real Orden de Carlos III de fecha 18 de noviembre de 1784 que funda, erige y dota la Real Academia de San Carlos de Nueva España y establece las reglas y Estatutos para su gobierno], Estatuto 4, artículo 2. Ms. Archivo de la Antigua Academia de San, Carlos, Mexico City (hereon AAASC). Reproduced in Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, between 288 and 289. 12. “Instrucción reservada” sent by order of the king via Minister José Gálvez to the viceroy of New Spain. San Lorenzo, 18 de noviembre de 1784. Instrucción reservada de 1784. [Dada en San Lorenzo el Real en 18 de noviembre de 1784 que remite, de orden del rey don José de Gálvez al virrey de Nueva España]. Paragraph 14. Ms. AAASC. Reproduced in Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, quote also on p. 31. 13. This was the royal decree founding the academy by elevating the status of the Provisional School of Fine Arts (1781–1783) to that of Royal Academy. [Real Orden que aprueba, erige y establece la Real Academia de las tres Nobles Artes de Pintura, Escultura y Arquitectura con el título de San Carlos de Nueva España. Dada el 25 de diciembre de 1783], 1784, AAASC doc. 21. Complete text published in Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (Appendix 3), 277–278; also facsímile in Proyecto, estatutos, y demás documentos relacionados al establecimiento de la Real Academia de pintura, escultura y arquitectura denominada de San Carlos de Nueva España (1781–1802), editor David Marley (Mexico; Windsor: Roston-­Bain, 1984), document III. 14. Mangino participated in the meeting in his capacity as the Superintendant of the Royal Mint, while other participants included the mayor and the alderman of Mexico City, the oldest Prior and Consul of the Royal Tribunal of the Consulate, the General Administrator and the Royal Director of the Mining Board, the Marshall of Castile, Marquis of Ciria, Marquis of San Miguel de Aguayo, Doctor José Ignacio Bartolache as the secretary, and Jeronimo Antonio Gil, as the general director. Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 37–38. 15. Mexico City contributed 1000 pesos per year, followed by Veracruz with 200, Querétaro with 100, San Miguel el Grande with 50, and, finally, Orizaba and Córdoba with 15 each. These later contributions added another 9,380 to the royal endowment. Moreover, in response to the appeal of Viceroy Mayoraga, the noble and wealthy made contributions that reached the total of 13,525 pesos. Additionally, the Academy received another 600 pesos from the revenue, produced by the capital ceded from tobacco profit. AAASC, Documents 20, 25, 29, 31. 16. Ibid. 17. AAASC, Doc. 149. 18. Matías de Gálvez, named viceroy in October of 1872, never saw the Royal Order of 18 November 1785 authorizing the Academy statutes because he had died just weeks before on 3 November. 19. The illustrious doctor José Ignacio Bartolache read a speech composed by Don Joaquín Velázquez de León. A student of geometry gave another speech and proceeded to distribute the prizes that the viceroy had intended for the 30 young men, whose works were exhibited on the premises. In another room, five students were at labor on their works of painting, sculpture, engraving, and architecture drawing—all in view of the guests. Diego Angulo Iniguez, La Academia de Bellas Artes de México y sus pinturas españolas (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 1935), 15. 20. Reales Estatutos de 1874, 6. 21. The land belonged to the heir of a Juan Velázquez de la Cadena, Instituto de Ingeniería, 200 años del Palacio de Minería: Su Historia a partir de sus fuentes documentales (Mexico, DF: Facultad de lngeniería, UNAM, 2013), 69–70. 22. Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 237–238.

126  Eduardo Báez Macías 3. He died and was buried on 5 December 1788 at the Betlemitas Hospital. AAASC, 319–328. 2 24. Concepción García Saiz and Carmen Rodríguez Tembleque, “Historia de un intento fallido: la Academia madrileña para pensionados mexicanos,” Cuadernos de Arte colonial (Museo de América, Madrid) no. 2 (1987): 5–17. 25. Camón Aznar refers to him in praiseworthy terms, recognizing the attributes of a good painter “color-­driven painter of high stature, master of drawing above the mere correctness, with knowledge of composition . . . a painter of panache and casticismo [purity of Spanish tradition].” José Camón Aznar, José Luis Morales y Marín, and Enrique Valdivieso González, Arte Español Español del Siglo XVIII: Summa Artis, Historia General del Arte, Volume 27 (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1984), 66. 26. Cited in Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 66. 27. AAASC, Doc. 672. 28. Báez Macías, Jerónimo Antonio Gil, 24; AAASC Doc. 281. 29. Born in 1759, he studied at the Academy of San Carlos in Valencia and then went on to the San Fernando Academy, where he earned the Rome prize. In 1786 he was approved as an Honorary Academician. He was a disciple of Francisco Bayeu and Antonio Rafael Mengs. The vast majority of works that he left in Spain were drawings, many of the etchings in books including Madama Gómez, Don Quixote (in the editions of Ibarra y Sancha), The Illustrious Spaniards, Father Mariana’s The History of Spain Written, and others are by his hand. AGN Historia, Volume 291, folio 151. 30. Miguel Mata y Reyes was another good local painter. However, the artist who showed exceptional talent was José Luis Rodríguez Alconedo, whose self-­portrait in pastel alone would be sufficient to place him among the great artists of his time. The life of this artist, painter, and silversmith was full of misfortune: Rodríguez Alconedo was denounced before the Inquisition, subjected to a trial, exiled to Spain for his liberal ideas, and, finally captured and shot, while fighting in the ranks of the army of José María Morelos. Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, 71. 31. He was born in Enguera, Valencia, in 1757. Tolsá trained as a sculptor with José Puchol at the Valencian Academy and with Pascual Mena in Madrid, where he arrived in 1784. After working at the Madrid court, he obtained the degree of the Academician of Merit in 1789. Regarding Manuel Tolsá, see Ivan Denisovich Alcántar Teran and Marta Cristina Soriano Váldez, “La construcción del Real Colegio de Minería 1797–1813,” in Instituto de Ingeniería, 200 años del Palacio de Minería: Su Historia a partir de sus fuentes documentales (Mexico, DF: Facultad de lngeniería, UNAM, 2013), 103–113.

8 The First Decade of Peru’s National School of Fine Arts Nationalism and Indigenismo in the “Patria Nueva”* Luis Eduardo Wuffarden Created by the September 1918 decree of José Pardo y Barreda’s second presidency (1915–1919), the National School of Fine Arts of Peru (ENBA) was, perhaps, the government’s last important civil, political project in the development of Peruvian education. Its official opening, in April of the following year, came to fill a wide gap in the educational institutions of the state. This explains the expectations of the Lima contemporary press, which perceived in this event the official response of “a public desire that goes back many years.”1 The birth of the institution is linked to the founding figure of Daniel Hernández (1856–1932), a veteran academic painter repatriated from Europe after many years of absence and who was tasked with organizing and directing the Academy. It soon became known that the ENBA’s regulations were based directly on those that governed the École des Beaux-­Arts in Paris. Everything suggested that the Peruvian School’s ultimate purpose would be to replicate locally the artistic tendencies developed in Old World academies. However, during its first years of activity, the ENBA became a dynamic center, attentive to the contemporary situations in Peru and whose privileged link with the state decisively promoted the emergence of an art that was simultaneously national and modern. That crucial turn toward an institution that was not simply replicative but sensitive to national concerns was the result of a set of historical circumstances. Historically there were two periods of civilismos, referring to the civilista party and politics dominated by non-military figures: the first during the 1870s and a second “civilism” in the early years of the new century, which has been called by Jorge Basadre the “aristocratic republic,” because of the clear predominance of a socio-­economic elite in government.2 That civilista tendency, however, was broken in the wake of the ideology of a “Patria Nueva” (“New Homeland”) embodied by the 1919 coup d’état of Augusto Bernardino Leguía (who himself had been a former civilista). Leguía, in order to ensure his electoral triumph, put an end to the so-­called “aristocratic republic” and established instead an authoritarian and reformist regime, which adopted as its banner the modernizing, if not vague, ideal of the “Patria Nueva” (New Homeland). It is precisely in that year of 1919 that the ENBA opens its doors. Therefore, it is an institution forged by the former “aristocratic republic” of civilistas, which sought to replicate Parisian academicism locally, but which suddenly acquires a nationalist and modern look thanks to this important political change. Thus, supporters of the Patria Nueva —the term now defining the political project of the Oncenio, that is, Leguía’s eleven years of rule until 1930—knew how to implement the ENBA in favor of their own, different vision of the nation. On an international level, this project coincided with the diverse currents of ideological and social renewal that emerged forcefully at the end of the First World War.

130  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden The growing surge of nationalism crossed several continents and had come to be a constant in politics and in culture, both in Europe and in America, during the hectic interwar period. In Peru, the ENBA would be a leading mediating vehicle for the development of nationalism increasingly linked to varying definitions of indigenism. This chapter, therefore, will examine the battles during the first years of ENBA’s founding— coinciding with the government’s development of the political project of a Patria Nueva—and of the School’s exhibitions of works struggling with new definitions of “Peruvianness.” While indigenismo has been studied, the role of the ENBA within and as a parallel development related to government-­oriented projects of national identity needs further examination. It is significant, therefore, that in his inaugural speech at the opening of the ENBA, the painter Hernández—having just returned from Europe—made mention more than once of the nation and the national, alongside of concepts related to the freedom necessary for the development of individuals within a center of artistic studies. In the international context of the growing belligerence of modernism, Hernández chose to place the ENBA in an equidistant position from the “rigorousness” of traditional art schools, and vanguard pedagogic currents whose intransigence would have given rise to the excesses of what Hernández called “bolsheviks of art.” Through this pejorative title, he disavowed a large segment of artists and vanguard movements: “This dangerous and active phalanx that determines the most lamentable decadence that is further encouraged by a certain press hungry for novelties, has finally produced true anarchy.”3 For this reason, he advocated in his native Peru for the creation of a school that is “open to all [stylistic and thematic] tendencies, provided that they are healthy and sincere.” From this collective effort we would have to wait for the emergence of our own artistic manifestations, because “since the epoque of the Incas we have not had our own national art.”4 It is not fortuitous that, shortly after the opening speeches, there would have been presented five canvases executed by Hernández during the months following his return from Europe. Together with several portraits of the local elite, Hernández unveiled two heroic effigies of the liberators, José de San Martín and Simón Bolívar. These images, unveiled precisely on the eve of the celebrations of the first Centenary of the Independence, would lay the foundations for the modern iconography of both these characters.5 The canvases’ vast dimensions and their rushed time of delivery forced the artist to adopt a freer stylistic approach as compared to his European artistic production. The patriotic images by Hernández’s hand had become part of the most important state buildings and were widely reproduced by the illustrated press of the period. They soon became effectively incorporated into the social imaginary. In this way, the director of the ENBA situated himself in Lima’s artistic scene as a kind of undeclared official painter, whose internationally recognized talent, in the following years, would be enhanced and put to the service of the ambitious program of public works undertaken by Leguía’s regime. However 1919 will also be a decisive year for the irruption of other more definitively nationalist concerns. Only three months after the opening of the ENBA, the young provincial painter José Sabogal (1888–1956) returned from Argentina and took the Lima scene by surprise when he presented his first exhibition in the spaces of the Casa Brandes (which sold musical items but also periodically displayed art), exhibiting there the productions of his crucial stay in Cuzco, the ancient Inca capital. In his set of canvasses—exhibited under a suggestive title of Impresiones del

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 131 Ccoscco—the Creole themes alternated with the indigenous ones, invested with a chromatic and testimonial intensity unheard of for this genre. In addition to engaging with the regionalist painting in the north of Argentina, Sabogal also met Luis E. Valcárcel and other indigenista intellectuals in Cuzco. In 1916, after exhibiting in Buenos Aires and in Jujuy, art critic Teófilo Castillo (1857–1922) enthusiastically announced to his Lima readers the definitively local and modern character that he perceived in this “new national painter that emerged on the Argentine horizon.”6 Three years later, and right before Sabogal’s first exhibition at Casa Brandes, Castillo would not hesitate to describe him as the “strongest” among the young painters in the country, for his [ability to capture a] “strong racial substance, deep character, [and for his] rich palette.”7 It is likely that the recent inauguration of the ENBA, along with the unanimous success of his personal exhibition, motivated Sabogal to permanently relocate to Lima. In the interim, he resumed teaching, which had until then been his primary means of earning a livelihood. With high hopes, on April 3, 1920, Sabogal accepted his appointment at the ENBA as an assistant professor of painting, a position to which the enthusiastic and supportive critic Teófilo Castillo had also desired. Castillo, resentful of his failed attempt at an appointment, finally resigned himself to self-­exile in Tucumán. His last exhibition and farewell column closed a chapter of Lima’s artistic life, in which he had fought relentlessly for the professionalization of painting. One of his central points was, precisely, the need for the opening of an academy, the very institution that ostensibly marginalized him from its teaching staff. The public complaints about Castillo’s departure that followed were almost as numerous as the applause from his detractors, all the while the institution’s development gathered momentum at an inexorable pace. The first courses and exhibitions during the eight months after the ENBA’s foundation were focused exclusively on life drawing. Both Hernández and Manuel Piqueras Cotolí (1885–1937), a Spanish professor of sculpture who recently arrived from Rome, devoted themselves fully to this task, before the anticipated appointment of the assistant professor of painting. Undoubtedly due to president-­elect Leguía’s coup d’état in July 1919, the convocation ending the first school year was held in private and, apparently, without the participation of any outside officials or government representatives.8 In contrast, the first exhibition of drawing, inaugurated in January of 1920, would have an immediate, large public response. There was also a broad consensus that the 150 studies included in the inaugural exhibition were the best proof of the early advances of students and demonstrated, on the whole, significant and encouraging results.9 In effect, the exhibition showcased the full potential of that founding class, which included not only the beginning students but also the active novice artists. Several of the latter were already known as self-­taught painters, or as illustrators and caricaturists for the Lima press that was booming at the time. A significant percentage of the aspiring young artists came from the provincial middle classes and, in one way or another, these artists identified with the desire for intellectual renewal that characterized the so-­called Centennial Generation. The high percentage of women in the student body—“ladies who enthusiastically attend the classes at the School” (unusual for this period in Peru)—had works exhibited in a separate room. Included among the female students were Julia Codesido, Elena Izcue, Ana Justus, and Isabel Morales Macedo.10

132  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden What drew the most attention to the exhibited works, however, were the noticeable differences produced in the local drawing practices that, undoubtedly, were a partial result of the d’apres nature method introduced by Hernández. A newspaper reporter proposed to compare the drawings presented months earlier as part of the entrance exam, with those that were exhibited, with the aim of highlighting the differences suggestive of the fruit of the first academic year’s labor. The commentator affirmed that “The works of eight months ago . . . are of a polished, mannered, old-­fashioned technique that is at the same time defective,” adding that they have “a grainy, lithography-­ like quality and their detail subordinates the psychology and expressive quality.”11 In contrast, these same artists, under the correct guidance of the old master, would have managed to place themselves “in the true stage of modern drawing,” dispensing with the superfluous details to capture the essentials of nature. This allowed him to conclude that while “keeping their personalities honest, the students of the School of Fine Arts work to arrive at the faithful and sincere interpretations of the model’s soul.”12 On the advancement in perfecting their drawing skills, several students from the inaugural class stood out. One well known case is that of José Alcántara La Torre (1893–1978), a self-­educated artist from Trujillo, known widely for his work as a caricaturist and illustrator for the weekly Variedades, beginning around 1914. Other emerging talents were Alejandro González Trujillo, Emilio Goyburu, Raúl Pro, and Carlos Quízpez Asín y Jorge Vinatea Reinoso, who were already working in varying degrees as graphic artists in journalism.13 Perhaps for this reason, artists in other medium faced with the great difficulty of finding employment began to simultaneously offer painting and sculpture courses beginning in the 1920s. The following year, the results obtained from the first year’s courses in painting, sculpture, and drawing were presented in the first official exhibition of 1921.14 According to the established guidelines, the initial painting course included drawing from still lifes, landscape studies, and plaster casts, “with backgrounds of different colors,” in preparation for learning to draw the nude that was reserved for a later stage. The sculpture section, for its part, presented “reliefs of heads and figures in motion.”15 From the earliest days of the ENBA, the studies of life models had already begun to alternate representations of Spanish “manolas” (Spanish women in folkloric, traditional dress of mantillas, headcombs, and hand-­held fans), with the first indigenous types, probably introduced by Sabogal. Among the canvases that drew attention is one signed by Julia Codesido showing a corner of the patio of the ENBA, a work that—in the words of one chronicler that manifests the period’s bias—“reveals in its author a strong colorist temperament; the brushwork is broad, robust, virile; it seems incredible that a woman had so much energy in its expression.”16 For his part, the reviewer of that inaugural 1920 exhibition, writing under a pseudonym, made a detailed account of the activities carried out during the first eighteen months of the school’s activity, noting that the undeniable progress made during that period marked a turning point for the local art scene. Thus, the School came to fulfill that long-­standing desire in what previous artistic societies in the country had been unable to achieve; those earlier societies had demonstrated a concern only over “a decorative and elegant [stylistic] character, without usefulness or efficiency of action within the field of development.”17 This was due to the lack of instructors, which made the study of drawing “deficient and unsuccessful.” The main shortcoming was that “the students were encouraged to pursue bonitismo [superfluous ‘prettiness’] and not

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 133 the conscious interpretation of the shape and color of the model.” All of this changed radically with the foundation of the ENBA, an institution that was given authority in its field, a move that was recognized by all as “decisive and unquestionable.” That the School took seriously its authoritative position is revealed by its firm criticism of a decision taken by the Minister of Education shortly after the founding of the ENBA to grant a European pensioner stipend to Carlos Quízpez Asín; the School officials complained that the Ministry had not consulted the School, thereby “seriously injuring the aspirations of its members [iniciados].”18 In this sense, the inaugural exhibition displayed both the achievements and the limitations of a young school. And if the public assessment of the exhibition was generally positive, there was no lack of dissenting voices. The loudest came from the leftist journalist Ladislao F. Meza (1893–1925), the author of an extensive report on the salon that was replete with critical remarks and various objections.19 He declared himself to be speaking in the capacity of “deacon of the religion of Art” and as a “reaction against the servility in the social environment, of intellectual mediatismo [sic], of distressing artistic sterility.”20 One of his major reproaches concerning the displayed drawings was aimed against the conservative teaching system implemented by Hernández that manifested a marked “fear of the nude” judging by the scarcity of these, as well as by the show of incomplete anatomical fragments, by way of sketches of human body parts. This he felt was the consequence “of the retrograde, inaléptic [sic, non-analeptic?] religion that still reigns there.” The few full nudes exhibited there “show a lack of audacity, intention, life, of anatomical study, and of that artistic understanding that the master, when he is good and laborious, knows how to impart to his student, while respecting their individuality.”21 When judging the 120 works exhibited in the painting section, the anonymous author clearly discerns “the influence of the painter from Cajamarca, Sabogal, who . . . is a member of the School of Fine Arts.” He deems that even the best students of painting—he mentions Julia Codesido, Belisario Garay, Bernardo Rivero and Jorge Vinatea Reinoso—must have “copied” the young teacher. The author claims that this is “why they say” of Sabogal: his paintings, [are of] brightly colored backgrounds of luminous green, and of fine brush strokes outlining each figure. Those who have contemplated the paintings of Sabogal, exhibited lately in the Casa Brandes, and those that are in the exhibition at the School of Fine Arts, need not have the talent of [Francisco José de] Caldas [famed 18th century intellectual, writer and scientist] to know where the roots lie, even if is not very much to our liking.22 The most remarkable case of what might be called the Sabogal lineage, in the above reviewer’s opinion, is that of Bernardo Rivero (1889–1965), a painter who by then had been notably active for more than a decade in the Lima art scene. Ladislao Meza’s categorical opinion of Rivero was that, after being widely accepted “for his seascapes, sunsets, for his visions of peasants, for his paintings of domestic dramas and popular subjects,” he was the last of the academy’s [true] exponents. “His personality has disappeared.” He concludes by asking himself: Is it possible that the individualistic spirit of Rivero expressed in his hundred and thirty paintings has been destroyed by the discipline of academism that has failed

134  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden to keep what was good, destroy what was wrong, and give [its future students] that which was missing? Has Rivero ignored the wise advice that when you have the strength of character, it is completely useless to search for it in a crowd, on a school campus, or within the rigidity of the methods created by the inept, by the [overly] disciplined, by those incapable of forging the rules for a new school or for a great revolution? For this reason, his long reference to the case of Rivero concludes with the hope that these severe critical lines would serve the artist “to break with the cult of the school and to always be what he has been until now.”23 Meza’s opinion regarding the sculpture section was no less critical, going as far as to assert that this media discipline does not exist within the School in the strict sense: Thirty six imperfect works represent the efforts of the sculptors and their students; they give the impression that in that School of Fine Arts there is much that is rotting. Because, speaking truthfully, the exhibited busts are a barbarism. They reveal that there has been no teacher, nor spiritual guide, or a creative force within the students. Everything is nothing more than a set of heads, arms, sprains, necks, hands, which are outside of all rules and without artistic taste.24 He was referring, of course, to the first works of the students of Manuel Piqueras Cotolí, which he considered the weakest of the group, because in his opinion none of the pieces would have deserved even being considered “to be within the rules of the caricature of sculpture.”25 The gravitating influence that Meza attributed to Sabogal among the students of painting does not seem to have been one held by general consensus. In fact, his point of view contrasts clearly with the contemporary opinion of others, such as the critic Carlos Solari. When announcing the second exhibition of the Cajamarca painter Sabogal in Lima, which opened in July 1921, and viewing the works presented there, Solari felt that the artists’ works had benefited from the ENBA director’s advice, discerning in his most recent production “an elegant stylization that is joyfully reminiscent of Daniel Hernández.”26 This prompted an immediate and energetic response from Sabogal, who sent an open letter to the critic, in which he made absolutely clear his complete artistic independence. He then argued that he had arrived fully professionally trained at the School and that, as an assistant professor of painting, his function was to transmit his knowledge of the profession, concluding that “the influence of the Academy is, therefore, the other way around: I have given a lot of that which is mine and he who gives cannot receive.”27 Nonetheless, the relationship between the two painters was harmonious and, in fact, Hernández not only allowed but explicitly promoted the emergence of an art of “national” character. At this time, both artists shared in their own way a certain Hispanic affinity in their choice of styles and themes, a circumstance that undoubtedly facilitated a common ground for their work. Sabogal still clearly privileged criollo (Creole) and Hispanic themes in his work, and his pictorial nationalism could be linked to the taste preferences of the traditionalist intelligentsia of the late 19th century. For example, his solo exhibition of 1921, presented in the midst of the celebrations for the Centennial of Independence, was dominated by the images of tapadas (veiled women of Lima), manolas, and colonial casonas (mansions), leaving the motif

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 135 of the mountains in the background. Hernández’s works of these years parallel the interests of contemporary writers, such as José Gálvez, for whom he was designing the book cover for his classic Una Lima que se va (published that same year); that cover is an evocative image of an uninhabited and shadowy colonial hall.28 Gálvez was rightly the main reviewer of the Sabogal’s exhibition at the Spanish Casino and, perhaps, was the first to describe Sabogal as a “nationalist and a nationalist painter” and the creator of the most “effective Peruvianism,” understood always as synonymous with “criollismo.”29 Thus, by the first years of the 1920s, there was a general, if only loose, consensus on the visual representation of a Peruvian national identity among the academicians and ENBA teachers such as Sabogal and Hernández; both, albeit with slight differences, were presenting themes of Peru in terms of a criollismo (peruanismo) that was dependent on Hispanic colonial motifs. That Hispanic current of tapadas from Lima and Hispanic “manolas” was still clearly evident in a majority of studies presented in the ENBA annual salons in 1922 and 1924. Hernández presented themes that paralleled the traditional regional “types,” such as the Arlesian and Breton peasants, found in the French Academy exhibitions. Hernández’s student Jorge Vinatea Reinoso (1900–1931) himself was alternating in his first life studies between European and local indigenous types. For example, his Frutera indígena [Vendedora de naranjas], painted around 1923, contrasts with previous works in the same genre, such as the Campesina arlesiana (1923) or Mujer del mantón (the later exhibited in the first ENBA salon competition of 1921.)30 By then, the indigenous and even Afro-­descendant models advocated by Sabogal and Piqueras were beginning to prevail, suggesting a shift in subject preferences. Indeed, by the beginning of 1923, and before the resumption of the Salon that had begun late the previous year, there was consensus among journalists about the increasing number of works representing local types that, when taken as a common subject of study, gave an account of Peru’s ethnic diversity. The typification of these subjects meant they were easily distinguished through their “different clothing”; that is, “from the decorative dress of the inhabitants of the Andes, to the polychromy of the outfits that the traditional ‘huachafitas’ [kitschy middle class] wear.”31 Equally striking was Varayoc (Chieftain mayor), by the Cuzco sculptor Amadeo de la Torre, that presided over the patio of the ENBA. This character, “a symbol of the inhabitants of our mountains,” seated on an “Incan” stone throne, bore the emblematic staff of indigenous ancestral authority. Discernible in these types of representations were the shared ideals and emerging talent of a younger generation of artists and that allowed many to see contemporary art teaching as an effective tool of the state, destined, in the words of one critic, to “raise and dignify the national spirit.”32 It was President Leguía himself who was one of the earliest to intuit the potential of art education as a tool. Demonstrating his acute political insight from the onset, the president did not hesitate to grant the ENBA a leading role in the ambitious modernization project of creating a “Patria Nueva” (New Homeland). This is revealed, above all, through his repeated personal participation in the closing ceremonies, which became annual events starting in January of 1922. That first salon allowed Hernández to put on display the results of his larger goals and pedagogical methods he had followed until then. Students were required to have above all, in his words, “the perception of the form, [in order] to produce it using the most concrete and simplified means.” Their studies had to “interpret the expression, life, and character” of their models. In his opinion, the measured procedures involving greater attention to large

136  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden shapes over smaller details would be the most appropriate means toward achieving that “healthy modernism” he sought to instill among his students. Hernández pointed out that the application of these concepts in the painting studios could be accomplished, since there was already a shared concern for “effects by means of bright and fresh tones.” He never ceased mentioning that his work was “effectively seconded by the young José Sabogal, whose works of rich color are appreciated by many.”33 President Leguía, for his part, focused his speech for the closing of the salon of 1922 on the artistic legacy of the country, although in an unusually broad ranging manner. For example, he eulogized “the notable aesthetic vocation manifested by our aborigines [sic] and that converts some regions, such as Huamanga, Cuzco and Arequipa, into incubators of ideas for artists.” There is also a surprising allusion to colonial painting—locally disdained until then—when affirming that “with patriotic satisfaction, I have heard from the lips of distinguished travelers the praise of our pictorial essence that, by the personality that it shows, has become deserving of the name of the legendary capital of the Incas.” After recalling the great names of Peruvian art academism, including Hernández, Leguía did not hesitate to offer his “most determined support” to the ENBA director and faculty, fueled by the conviction that “when the national soul stands out in artistic relief, it is the duty of public authorities to contribute to their development and perfection.”34 ENBA’s dedication to creating images that give shape to a “national soul” was reflected in numerous works shown during this period and marked the beginning of conflicting differences in the leadership of students. In fact, both Sabogal and Piqueras Cotolí aspired to educate their students and instill in them a sense for national themes, but with different aesthetic approaches. Piqueras Cotolí was in the early stages of developing his “neoperuvian” style, that had a definitive historicist bent advocating for the study of the Peruvian artistic past. His interest in colonial Baroque architecture was matched by his constant exploration of the pre-­conquest decorative themes that blended into an architectural language he understood as a metaphor for mestizaje. Sabogal, in contrast, divided his interests between the evocation of Peru’s colonial heritage and the contemporary indigenous world, understood as a corpus of traditions frozen in time. For the painter, the criollo and the Andean were two slopes of Peruvianness whose richness lay, precisely, in their individual, separate characters. There were obvious differences between their two positions which contributed, no doubt, to nurturing a mild rivalry born during this period and that would embroil both teachers and even some of their followers in subsequent years.35 It is symptomatic that the two figures that contributed the most to the modern aesthetic rescue of Pre-­Columbian art—namely, Elena Izcue (1889–1970) and Alejandro González Trujillo (Apu-­Rímak, 1900–1985)—were the early disciples of Piqueras Cotolí. At least since 1919, on the advice of her teacher, Elena Izcue began to systematically copy the ornamental motifs of the Pre-­Columbian collection preserved at the National Museum, a task that would serve as the basis for both her teaching of drawing and the teaching of contemporary design.36 In contrast, Sabogal during that period demonstrated little interest in Inca art. He did, however, undertake a couple of crucial trips that allowed him to give definitive direction to his art and that he would impart to his students. At the end of 1922, Sabogal, now newly wed to the writer María Wiesse, embarked with her to Mexico. There, he encountered the early muralism emerging from the heat of the revolution, and there he also became familiar with the techniques of wood engraving, a medium essential to his purposes.37 Two years

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 137 later, in December of 1924, he went to Cuzco with Camilo Blas from Cajamarca, his outstanding student at the ENBA, and together they embarked on a tour of the Andean south that undoubtedly marks the starting point of the indigenismo movement in the strictest sense. Meanwhile, the government had already undertaken an important set of public works dedicated to the Centennial of the Battle of Ayacucho (1824), which gave Sabogal and the ENBA unprecedented public visibility. The most significant project was the Salón Ayacucho in the Governor’s Palace, designed to receive foreign delegations arriving on the occasion of the celebration. It was an ephemeral piece of architecture in a “neoperuvian” style designed by Piqueras Cotolí, and which had to be erected with extreme urgency because of the fast-­approaching, important date of the Centennial. The same was true for the pictorial decoration of the entire salon, which was completed in a very short time by Hernández and Sabogal together with a select group of students. It was a real challenge for the institution, but also an excellent opportunity for Leguía to demonstrate to foreign visitors the high level of skill achieved in a short time by the ENBA. The paintings in the salon must have been completed shortly before December 9, 1924. They consisted of a set of compositions embedded in the walls, inside the custom-­made masonry moldings. This generated a harmonious dialogue between the architecture and its otherwise variegated, pictorial, and sculptural decoration that was perfectly integrated into the whole. The sequence of canvases comprised anecdotal scenes, allegories, and key episodes from the Peruvian past. Certainly, time constraints forced the technical solution that consisted of paintings in the manner of “sargas,” that is, on large, unprepared canvases generally for wall decorations. The resultant images often suggest tapestries, in keeping with the palatial atmosphere of the salon itself. Several of the images display prominently the inscription “Workshops of the National School of Fine Arts,” in order to credit their origin and at the same time to suggest the collective nature of this ambitious iconographic program. Although it is not known who proposed the themes addressed in the program, their organization within the salon is interesting. Hernández was charged with the decoration of the front wall, where he placed Paso de los Libertadores por los Ande, with a stage-­like spatial illusionism and trompe l’oeil effect, following the canons inherited from the “grand tradition.” In contrast, Sabogal resumed his, by then much celebrated, Creole themes with some 18th-­century scenes of Lima. Among the students chosen to help in the decoration, there was a clear predominance of the followers of Piqueras Cotolí, a situation determined no doubt by his authorship of the architectural project, but perhaps also by Sabogal’s absence during his recent trip to Mexico. Among Piqueras Cotolí’s students, Vinatea Reinoso stood out with a pair of canvases that completely departed from his contemporary compositions. These were two anecdotal scenes of the colonial past, and in which the young painter achieved a sinuous line and an emphasis on decorative qualities that he would never again repeat. In contrast, Elena Izcue, Alejandro González Trujillo, and Wenceslao Hinostroza evoked the Inca past with unusual pastoral Andean landscapes. Among Sabogal’s disciples, the only one selected for contributing to the Salón Ayacucho decoration was Camilo Blas who, in turn, was the only one who dealt with scenes of contemporary indigenous life. His Cashua, danza tradicional, and the Procesión de Cuaresma—a composition based on the notes that he took on a recent trip to Cajamarca—foreshadowed, in more than one sense, the imminent eruption of indigenismo. In this way, the salon of

138  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden Ayacucho constituted at the time quite the complete panorama of the diverse alternatives that the pictorial nationalism offered within the ENBA and its vast possibilities to construct a modern image of the country in the immediate future. The significance of the historical role assigned to this institution is made manifest by the fact that as early as 1922—when the school’s third year was coming to an end—a Monografía histórica y documentada de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes was published. The historical monograph offered a detailed, balanced account of the institution’s achievements up to that point.38 Apart from the extensive biographical notes dedicated to the director and the teachers, the book included a detailed list of the different classes of graduates that had passed through its doors. In addition, it had abundant graphic material and highlighted the School’s new facade, which was still under construction. The facade’s structural elements of colonial inspiration are superimposed with an abundance of ornamental sculptural reliefs based on pre-­Inca motifs. This imposing new face of the institution constituted not only a true manifesto of the “neoperuvian” architectural style, largely devised by Piqueras Cotolí, but also seemed to point out the inexorable nationalist course that the School had to follow in the time of deep political and social redefinition. Adding to this unquestionable official triumph, Piqueras two students, Vinatea Reinoso e Ismael Pozo, won the first gold medals in painting and sculpture in the School’s inaugural graduating class of 1924. As the cartoonist for the journal Mundial, Vinatea soon became recognized unquestionably as the most talented graduate in painting from the School. He was awarded by Hernández himself “for having favorably evolved in [his] painting,” receiving a medal in May of 1924. The writer Luis Alberto Sánchez then drew a skilled portrait of Vinatea, evoking his daily work in the loft of the Mundial building, where the modest illustrator and now an award-­winning painter “quickly draws doodles, ornaments pages, disfigures noses, relentlessly.” When commenting on the more than 20 canvases accumulated in Vinatea’s workshop, Sánchez saw in them an original personality and above all a painter of “indigenous types.” Given the promising set of works, the chronicler advised Vinatea not to travel to Paris, which was a traditional goal of local artists. Instead, he proposed that he should “travel through our mountains”, a trip that would prefigure an artistic career as brilliant as it was brief, and one generally linked to the exaltation of the landscape and the visual description and construction of Andean types.39 The immediate consequence of the award granted to Vinatea was the inclusion of a special room dedicated to his impressive compositions in the following annual exhibition, inaugurated in January 1925.40 This exhibition was regarded as the most remarkable artists’ event of the year, and there was a broad consensus that the recipient was truly worthy of the medal. The following year, Vinatea presented a solo exhibition at the Philharmonic Society, with canvases of criollo and mountain subjects. His Procesión del Señor de los Milagros, an ambitious composition for its spatial complexity and its panoramic breath, represented the culmination of the production from his “criollista”-­themed period. From then on, the careful compositions of indigenous themes set in Cuzco, Puno, and Arequipa were in a certain way a harmonious synthesis of the technical teachings of Hernández with those of Piqueras Cotolí. Unintentionally, Vinatea stood out as a solid counterpoint to the doctrinal indigenismo promoted at the time by Sabogal. Indeed, during his initial journey to the Inca capital in begun at the end of 1924, Sabogal had begun a pictorial trend that centered on the restoration and status of the

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 139 representation of the Indian as a fundamental component of the nation. Upon returning to Lima, Sabogal took with him approximately thirty paintings representative of this trend, seeking to link his work with the vibrant ideology of the moment. After affiliating himself with the “Resurgimiento”—the group defending the indigenous people in Lima—he established a long relationship with the key Peruvian journalist and political philosopher José Carlos Mariátegui and his magazine Amauta (1926–1930), the magazine in which vanguard intellectual thought came together with the promotion of social justice and indigenous cultural traditions.41 Sabogal not only devised the “incaísta” logotype, but also proposed the very name of the publication, in which he would present several of his first studies on popular arts. In turn, Mariátegui published extensive graphic displays on the pages of Amauta, with the purpose of disseminating the recent pictorial production of Sabogal. Mariátegui, when commenting on the relevance of Sabogal’s work to the country’s socio-­political reality, did not hesitate to describe him as “the first [truly] Peruvian painter.”42 Although the local media reproduced and commented favorably upon Sabogal’s first indigenist series, it was not completely exhibited in any of the salons in Lima. Apparently, the author preferred to focus on disseminating his redefined artistic ideology among the students of the ENBA and promoting his most notable followers, with the aim of generating a true artistic group movement. This was the case of Camilo Blas, who was returning from Cuzco and the Andean south, where he would remain for a longer period than his teacher. Blas had worked on a considerable number of paintings focused on indigenous themes, and in which can be discerned an affinity with the aesthetic orientation of his teacher, but also his own definite personal style. His greatest contribution was, of course, his scenes of mestizo life, which are far removed thematically from the “cultural purity” defended by the orthodoxy of an early indigenismo. Shortly after the opening of his first exhibition, in July 1927, Sabogal dedicated to Blas an extensive, consecrating, and profusely illustrated essay in the pages of Amauta.43 In more than one sense, Sabogal’s public praise of Camilo Blas sought to counter the growing success of Vinatea Reinoso and the general perception of him as the most talented of all ENBA graduates. In regard to international reputations and the rivalry over whose images would best define the national character, it seems that Piqueras Cotolí would take the lead. His rising stature is partially due to the success of Elena Izcue in Paris, following the publication of her didactic notebooks El arte peruano en la Escuela (1926 and 1929), as well as the official consecration of the neo-­Peruvian architectural style at the 1929 Ibero-­American Exposition in Seville.44 Piqueras had traveled to that city to take charge of the works of the Peruvian pavilion, which he designed—a pavilion that was unanimously and immediately admired.45 The sculptures by Ismael Pozo (1898–1959) and Piqueras Cotolí decorated the entire building exterior, while the interior exhibited a selection of paintings that was, perhaps, the first international group presentation of works by artists associated with the ENBA. While the heroic effigy of Pizarro a caballo (1928) ratified the position of Daniel Hernández as a history painter, indigenous themes almost completely dominated his other works. Sabogal’s contribution to that international fair was a painting series, conceived as a set of narrative friezes, intended as the main decoration of the Peruvian mining room of the country’s pavilion. These large pieces contained allegorical scenes of the Inca past, clearly inspired by the formal language of colonial keros (ceremonial vessels with ceramic-­paste Incan motifs), and which sought to offer an alternative position concerning Peruvian identity

140  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden within the dominant historicist arena that was the architectural space of the international pavilion. Meanwhile, President Leguía’s government undertook its last great project of urban ornamentation in Lima, in which the teachers and the students of the ENBA played a leading role (although not as official organizers). The project, commissioned in 1926, was the Parque de la Reserva, dedicated in 1929 in a large area of Lima’s Santa Beatriz residential district. Conceived by French architect Claude Sahut (1883–1932) and the engineer-­critic Alberto Jochamowitz (1881–1974), the project’s design combined gardens, fountains, and roundabout elements evocative of a colonial style and a mixture of classical allegories and references to indigenous and pre-­Columbian Peru.46 These later references are reflected in the Fuente Incaica, modeled by Daniel Vázquez Paz, and in the sculptures and decorative friezes by Daniel Casafranca (both students of Piqueras Cotolí), but above all in Huaca yunca by José Sabogal, a building located in the center of the park, which was inspired by the sobriety of pre-­Hispanic mud huts, typical of the coast of Peru. In a way, Sabogal’s proposal suggested a counterpoint not only against the decorative but also, and above all, against the marked Hispanic colonial component of the neo-­Peruvian style, created in the ENBA by Piqueras Cotolí. In the second half of the decade, the salons of graduates continued to realize the progress made by the earlier founding class, but at the same time they highlighted the fragility of Peru’s local art environment. Most of the graduates, in fact, stayed in Lima to work at the workshops of the ENBA while taking complimentary courses. Evidently, it was an institutional strategy designed to provide certain graduates with a respectful living given the scarcity of artist job opportunities. Undoubtedly, that situation was the first public petition presented by the students of the ENBA to president Leguía at the end of 1927, demanding economic support from the state, be it in the form of job opportunities, monetary prizes, advanced scholarships or travel stipends.47 Shortly after, the director of the ENBA would publicly support their request, because “our young artists do not have financial help, and are in so much need of support [that without these], their creative talents will develop very slowly.”48 In regard to travel stipends, Hernández was opposed to sending pensioners to Europe and was particularly emphatic in stating that “for the development of national art, it is advisable that the students periodically take trips to the different places in [this] country, which is so abundant in resources and artistic subjects.” Following this line of argument, he concluded that the duty of the institution in charge was to be “a perpetual mother and a cultivator of Peruvian art in its broadest manifestations.” He made clear, that “the boys who have not left the country” have done more for the country “than those pilgrims that the state maintains in the old continent, without any control.”49 Although there was little doubt about the emergence of a national art, the ENBA’s situation was more complicated and tenuous at this point; it was becoming clear that the state support was insufficient. In the last of the annual exhibitions, the absence of Piqueras Cotolí was noticeable, given the secondary role assigned to sculpture, but especially after the successful presentation in early 1927 of the models for the decoration of the Parque de la Reserva. All of this was not conducive to an expansion in pictorial arts production, as witnessed by the fact that the granting of the gold medals was declared void in the following years. In fact, in 1927 and 1928 only honorable mentions were awarded.50 Only at the exhibition of 1929, was a first-­place medal awarded again, this time to Alejandro González Trujillo, Piqueras’s former student, for a work on an indigenist subject that was far removed, however, from Sabogal’s

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 141 standards. This was also the last annual salón of the ENBA inaugurated by president Leguía, in early 1930, a few months before the coup that put an end to the Oncenio and his presidency.51 Undoubtedly, the first major global financial crisis of modern capitalism, unleashed in 1929 after the collapse of the New York Stock Exchange, was the end of a decade marked by a certain optimism and the consolidation of nationalist positions that sought to align more closely Peru’s identity with the indigenous. This new scenario precipitated a set of changes in all the spheres of society, economy, and culture. This fatal dynamic would drag down several political regimes, Augusto B. Leguía’s among them. The regime’s overthrow effected not only the successful authoritarian and modernizing model of the “Patria Nueva” but also an institution such as the ENBA that, henceforth, would not be subject to state support or have a comparable public presence. The great Lima graphic press, which was the fundamental means of production and dissemination of images, was also unable to survive. However, the premature death of José Carlos Mariátegui in 1930, and the closing of the journal Amauta that same year, deprived indigenismo from the continued ideological sustenance that allowed intellectuals to link with wider social currents and transcend the strictly artistic sphere. Although many of the tense, internal conflicts were diffused when Manuel Piqueras Cotolí stepped down from the ENBA’s leadership after his return from Europe, thereby reinforcing Sabogal’s hegemony at the School, that institution had already entered into a period characterized by a progressive hermitization and insularism that would lead inexorably to an entirely different historical moment.

Notes * An earlier version of this essay appeared as “La primera década: nacionalismo e indigenismo bajo la ‘Patria Nueva’,” in Escuela Nacional de Superior Autónoma de ellas Artes del Perú, Centenario: 1918–2018 (Lima: ENBA, 2018), 46–91. 1. “Inauguración de la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Variedades: Revista semanal ilustrada (Lima) (herein Variedades) 15, no. 581 (19 April 1919): 323; “Inauguración de la Escuela de Bellas Artes: Detalles de la ceremonia official,” La Prensa (Lima) (16 April 1919; Morning Edition): 3. 2. Jorge Basadre, Elecciones y Centralismo en el Perú (Lima: Universidad del Pacífico, 1980). In regard to “civilista” governments, there were, in fact, two periods of “civilismos,” that is, of politics dominated by non-­military figures: the first covers the period 1872–1876 embodied by Manuel Pardo y Lavalle, who was the first civilian society opposed to the caudillismo (military dictatorships) that had dominated Peruvian politics since independence; the second ran from 1895 to 1919, when the government of José Pardo y Barreda, son of the founder Manuel, ended. 3. “Inauguración de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes,” El Comercio (Lima), (16 April 1919; Morning Edition): 1–2. 4. Ibid. 5. Teófilo Castillo, “Una visita a la Escuela de Bellas Artes: Las obras de Hernández,” Variedades 15, no. 582 (26 April 1919): 345–347; see also Juan Guillermo Samanez’s comments regarding the works by Hernandez, in La Prensa (26 April 1919): 2. 6. Teófilo Castillo, “Notas de arte,” Variedades 12, no. 446 (16 September 1916): 1215. 7. For his “abundante sustancia racial, carácter hondo, rica paleta,” see Teófilo Castillo, “De arte: Palos y palmas,” Variedades 15, no. 592 (5 July 1919): 545. 8. “En la escuela de Bellas Artes,” Variedades 16, no. 619 (10 January 1920): 5. 9. See, for example, “En la Escuela de Bellas Artes. Los trabajos ejecutados por los alumnos durante el año,” Variedades 16, n° 622, (31 January 1920): [82]. 10. Ibid.

142  Luis Eduardo Wuffarden 1. Ibid. 1 12. Ibid. 13. In 1920 Alcantátara exhibited alongside of Carlos Quízpez Asín, Emilio Goyburu, and Carlos Morey in the Salón-­Estudio of the photographer Luis Ugarte, who introduced an unusual note of modernity into the nation’s artistic environment. See Myriam María Wiesse, “Morey, Quízpez Asín, Goyburu,” Variedades 16, no. 619 (10 January 1920): 20–21. 14. This event took place in 1920. In regard to this event, see Escuela de Bellas Artes, Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes Perú: Primera exposición oficial de los trabajos ejecutados por las alumnas y alumnos durante el año 1919 (Lima: ENBA, 1920). 15. Harahuec, “La Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Mundial (Lima) 2, no. 36 (1 January 1921): 22–23. 16. “La Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Variedades 17, no. 668 (18 December 1920): 263–264. 17. Harahuec, “La Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Mundial no. 36 (1 de January 1921): 22. 18. Ibid. 19. Ladislao F. Meza, “El salón de la Escuela de Bellas Artes de 1920,” El Tiempo (January 1921). 20. Ibid. Mediatism is the philosophical explanation that knowledge of objects is reached (mediated) only through representations outside of those objects. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 26. Don Quijote [Carlos Solari], “Notas de arte: La próxima exposición Sabogal,” El Comercio (8 July 1921; Afternoon Edition): 1. 27. Don Quijote [Carlos Solari], “Notas de Arte: Una carta de José Sabogal,” El Comercio (16 July 1921): 1 2. 28. José Gálvez Berrenechea, Una Lima que se va (Lima: Editorial Eurforion, 1921). 29. José Gálvez Berrenechea, “La obra de Sabogal,” Mundial 2, no. 63 (8 July 1921): 12–13. 30. Luis E. Wuffarden, editor, Vinatea Reinoso: 1911–1931 (Lima: Telefónica del Perú, 1997): 20–21; cat. 1, 10, 11. 31. Urashima Carlos Ríos Pagaza, “En la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Variedades no. 780 (10 February 1923): 339–343. 32. Clovis Luis Varela y Orbegoso, “La hora actual. En la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” La Crónica, Or El Comercio (25 January 1923): 6. 33. “En la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Segunda exposición official: La ceremonia de ayer,” El Comercio (22 January 1922): 2. 34. Ibid. 35. See Natalia Majluf y Luis E. Wuffarden, “ ‘Lo indio’: pasado y presente,” in Sabogal, edited by Natalia Majluf and Luis E. Wuffarden (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 2013), 66–75; Luis E. Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotolí. Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” in Manuel Piqueras Cotolí (1885–1937), edited by Luis E. Wuffarden (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 2003), 23–61. 36. See Natalia Majluf and Luis E. Wuffarden, “El arte peruano en la escuela,” in Elena Izcue. El arte precolombino en la vida moderna, edited by Natalia Majluf and Luis E. Wuffarden (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 1999), 73–81. 37. Majluf and Wuffarden, “Lo indio: pasado y presente,” 42–51. 38. Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, Monografía histórica y documentada de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes desde su fundación hasta el presente (Lima: C.F. Southwell,1922). 39. On the artistic path of Vinatea Reinoso, see Luis Eduardo Wuffarden and Natalia Majluf, “Vinatea Reinoso y el horizonte indigenista,” in Vinatea Reinoso (1900–1931), edited by Luis Eduardo Wuffarden (Lima: Patronato de Telefónica, 1997), 46–52. 40. See Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Exposición oficial del año 1924: Pintura, escultura, dibujo (Lima: ENBA, 1925); Majluf and Wuffarden, “Vinatea Reinoso y el horizonte indigenista,” 30–31. The following year Vinatea exhibited in the salon of the School a second solo exhibition that was well received. See Don Quijote Carlos Solari, “Notas de Arte: La exposición Vinatea Reinoso,” El Comercio (10 August 1926): 8; Ramiro Pérez

Peru’s National School of Fine Arts 143 Reinoso, “La exposición anual en la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Mundial 6, no. 295 (5 February 1926); Ramiro Pérez Reinoso, “Vinatea Reinoso,” Amauta no. 1 (September 1926): 31. 41. For example, Casiado Rado, “Estatutos del Grupo “Resurgimiento’,” Amauta 5 (1927): 2. 42. José Carlos Mariátegui, “José Sabogal,” Amauta 2, no. 6 (February 1927): 9–12. 43. José Sabogal, “Arte peruano: Camilo Blas,” Amauta 1, no. 3 (November 1926): 21–24. 44. In regard to the development of Elena Izcue, see Natalia Majluf and Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, editors, Elena Izcue: El arte precolombino en la vida moderna (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 1999). 45. On Piqueras’ contributions, see José García Bryce, “La arquitectura de Manuel Piqueras Cotolí,” in Manuel Piqueras Cotolí (1885–1937), edited by Luis E. Wuffarden (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 2003), 119–133. 46. The Parque de la Reserva was inaugurated in January 1929. See, on this subject, Inauguración del Parque de la Reserva (Lima: Ministerio del Fomento, 1929); Don Quijote Carlos Solari, “El Parque de la Reserva,” Mundial 8, no. 453 (22 February 1929): 23–45. 47. R.H. M., “El memorial de los alumnos de Bellas Artes,” La Crónica (1 January 1928): 17. 48. Antenor Escudero, “La apreciable labor de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Es necesario prestar apoyo económico efectivo a los nuevos y entusiastas artistas nacionales,” La Crónica (8 January 1928): 15. 49. Ibid. 50. Arístides Vallejo—a well-­known illustrator for La Crónica— obtained an honorable mention, while the following year a similar situation occurred. On the annual exhibition of 1927, see Antenor Escudero, “La apreciable labor de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Es necesario prestar apoyo económico efectivo a los nuevos y entusiastas artistas nacionales,” La Crónica (8 de January 1928): 15; In regard to 1928, Leonor Vinatea Cantuarias received another honorable mention for her skill in portrait painting, along with a large group of students, among them Consuelo Cisneros y Leonor Salaverry. EGO, “Exposición de la Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Variedades no. 1091 (26 January 1929): 32–34. 51. EGO, “Exposición de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes,” Variedades no. 1142 (22 January 1930): 6–8.

9 Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project in Education and Art* Nancy Carbajal

Introduction The last years of the nineteenth and the beginning of the next century found Uruguayan Pedro Figari (1861–1938) working as a lawyer, a political party candidate, and as a journalist. In 1900, already foreshadowing the many vicissitudes in his career and public life, Figari began drafting and updating what would become one of the most original doctrines of public arts education in Uruguay. The bill for the creation of a National School of Fine Arts that he presented to Uruguay’s House of Representatives on June 16, 1900, set a milestone in the history of art education in that country. He was an impassioned promoter of art. His avant-­garde project aimed to transform arts education by challenging the older, traditional programs and by incorporating a comprehensive plan that included a wider range of the arts and of sources beyond classical models. However, the proposals for which he fought so intensely received little support at that time. In fact, they were discarded and forgotten for many years.1 When in 1917 he saw that his reformist projects were yet again defeated by the interests of what he felt was an outdated, hegemonic system, he abandoned the cause, went into self-­exile, leaving his country to devote his full attention to painting, a vocation he had postponed for decades. Despite the initial failure of his bill for the creation of a national school, Figari strengthened his convictions and transformed his main ideas into a larger educational project concerning the necessary reform of the Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios (hereinafter ENDAYO), which had existed since the last decades of the 19th century. But his official relationship with arts education was inaugurated with the presentation of his significant bill of 1900 for the creation of a School of Fine Arts. It is this document, therefore, that will be examined in this chapter, and within the context of several other related proposals by Figari. It was the outstanding Uruguayan philosopher Arturo Ardao who in 1965 was the first to publish an in-­depth study of Figari’s publications on art education, gathered together in the collection Education and Art. Publications prior to that date mention only his activities as Director of the Council of the School of Arts and Crafts. The few studies on Figari as an educator, after Ardao’s essay and editing of Education and Art, are by Anastasía (1994) who, as Director of the Universidad del Trabajo (UTU), accessed the existing documentation in that institution, and Sanguinetti’s 2002 essay analyzing the pedagogical foundations that guided Figari’s work in arts education. This chapter centers its analysis on Pedro Figari’s innovative arts education programs and, in particular, on the pedagogical principles upon which they are based.

146  Nancy Carbajal It expands upon aspects of my work that previously examined some of Figari’s pedagogic proposals.2 Scholars agree about the multifaceted character of Figari’s personality. An examination of the magnitude of his work—in both quality and quantity—provokes admiration and amazement. In addition to his role as an educator, he was a nationally and internationally acclaimed painter, a lawyer, politician, a brilliant journalist, novelist, poet, as well as an essayist on themes of philosophy, art, and aesthetics. Those far-­reaching career paths and interests were not the product of any fickleness or inconstancy of will but rather of the cultivation and realization of particular ideals concerning the progressive evolution of humans, and in particular of the humans of “our” America (nuestra América). He was the creator of a pedagogical doctrine that introduced original approaches to education in the industrial arts and foreshadowed the precepts of the New School movement of education reform. For the ideas he proposed, which are generally accepted today, Figari deserves a privileged place in the ranks of educational sciences and particularly in the history of art education in Uruguay.

Art Education in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries in Uruguay Spain’s and Portugal’s colonization in the 15th and 16th centuries, and Spain’s creation of the viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata in the 18th century, covering the region that would become Uruguay, left few foundations for the development of centers of arts training.3 What did appear were works inspired by landscapes and local inhabitants, dating from before the late colonial period through the country’s independence from Spain in 1825 and the early 19th century, and which were created largely by European painters passing through Uruguay. The last quarter of the 19th century was a period of relative political and social stability in the country. Among the increasing numbers of immigrants, especially Spaniards and Italians, were artisans who formed workshops. Other artists in Uruguay traveled to study fine art in European academies, in some cases enjoying government scholarships. The absence of systematic teaching centers meant that private training by artists—especially of individual classes to the young elite—played a significant role in the artistic development of Montevideo. Population increases brought a marked urban growth and with it new buildings that required architects and artisans skillful in ironwork, carpentry, and decoration of facades, among other trades. Societies that taught these skills began to appear. Among the most significant of these was the Sociedad Ciencias y Artes founded in 1876, which promoted various fields, including industrial art, through its program targeting contractors and architects, and through a journal of the Society’s name. In 1879 the Industrial League was founded with the purpose of strengthening training in the industrial arts field. That same year the Armory workshops (Maestranza), belonging to the national army, were transformed into the National School of Arts and Crafts (ENDAYO) and began to board delinquent and troubled minors and train them in various industrial trades. Within a decade, the first courses of architecture in the Faculty of Mathematics at the University would be offered (1887). In Montevideo, the Circulo Fomento de Bellas Artes (Circle for the Promotion of the Fine Arts) was founded in 1905 and inaugurated in the building of the Uruguayan Industrial Union (predecessor of the nation’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry).

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 147 Because of its connection with industry and commerce, and in somewhat misleading fashion to its name, the Círculo began to teach applied arts classes (rather than “fine arts”; although several years later the Circle dedicated itself specifically to training in painting and sculpture). It is in this climate of the development of industrial and applied arts training that, in 1900, Figari as congressional representative in the national parliament of Uruguay presented a bill for the creation of a School of Fine Arts. Figari observed that the brilliance of “[our] young Uruguayan intellectuals is well-­known” and they offer much hope. Yet he was adamant about the fact that neither the National Museum nor the private sector had done much to champion the cause of the fine arts, particularly of painting and sculpture. He argued that the state should intervene “by opening a new path to the nation’s intellectuals and supporting [the creation of] beautiful works, as is done by all countries that have taken the lead in general progress.” Further, he condemned the pensionnaire system for making the prize of European trips more important than the educational results of teaching the proper technical and manual skills at home, calling the whole scheme “absurd.”4 The sending of students to study abroad was felt to be already a costly expense for the national economy, and the fact that on their return, in general, artists did not fulfill the expected requirements furthered antagonisms. In his bill Figari then points out that the promotion of the fine arts would generate new, small industries because most require the participation of artists. His idea about art education—namely, the desire for increased and more careful teaching of technical skills in industrial arts—was at odds with the state’s official vision, as is manifest in his arguments and theoretical position he laid out while director of ENDAYO. Much later, in a 1932 letter addressed to one of his grandchildren, he recalled an anecdote that reveals his position placing him at odds with that of the state, and which merits quoting almost in full: When President of the Republic José Batlle y Ordóñez arrived to begin his second presidency [1911–1915], he immediately offered me the task of organizing the country’s artistic cultural projects.5 He told me that while in Europe he had frequently thought about me as the right person to carry out that important job. I thanked him, saying that I appreciated his offer very much, but knowing that he had his own ideas about what should be done, I [responded that] I could be of service to him, only when we agreed, at least in the essentials, otherwise [I would have to say] no, because I could not go against my convictions in fulfilling this task. He then asked me to send him a memorandum on the issue, which I sent two days later, [in the form of a] very short brief. . . . Batlle who had been seduced by the monstrous-­idea of the Galería Víctor-­Manuel in Milán, and in order to construct a similar-­sized edifice in the Plaza de la Independencia, formalized a plan. I then said: How could you take seriously such an absurd idea? He changed the conversation by asking me: Let’s see the memorandum. Previously, I had insisted about what the significance of such a building in “la coqueta del Plata” [Montivideo] might be. I read him my memorandum, which briefly proposed something along the lines of the Escuela de Artes y Oficios, which I would later direct. Batlle told me: “No; what I want is to create academies like those in Paris, of painting, sculpture, music, recital [poetry/ theater], etc., to train artists. I’ve even

148  Nancy Carbajal thought of building a neighborhood; I’ve had my eyes on the one in Los Aliados where artists can stay.” I was stupefied and replied: How can you justify that? You are a Democrat, a socialist, almost an anarchist, and you intend to import here the lavish cultures of the Old World when, even there, they are considered the cause of the ‘cancer’ of the intellectual proletariat. I believe that here, illiterate as we are as producers, the results will be doubly deplorable, etc., etc. . . . Look, Don Pepe [Batlle], to show you the inopportuneness of your plan of founding academies, let us assume that they do work and that they have produced wonders. But we already have one hundred Velázquezs, one hundred Beethovens, one hundred Rodins, and one hundred Shakespeares. And what do we do with them, and what do poor disadvantaged people do here? I added that the result is not going to be more geniuses. When we offer a school for ‘geniuses’, there will not be a fool in the country who will not rush to get enrolled [in such an academy], and we will see legions of misunderstood, grumbling, bad-­tempered geniuses, with voluminous untidy hair, their strong pipes and slanted Calabrian-­styled hats (calabreses terciados). This [plan] cannot possibly go forward! This argument impressed Batlle; he told me to wait, that he would think about it. I am still awaiting his decision, but have a clear conscience that I offered a good service to the country.6 Batlle’s resolution never came to fruition, but Figari’s narrative is one more example of the lack of political support that he faced in promoting his projects. Figari’s Trajectory Figari spent his childhood and youth in Montevideo when its society was debating deep-­seated political and philosophical issues in the sphere of education. The debates initiated in the public elementary schools reached university levels and culminated in the reform of 1885 that incorporated and showed the influences of positivism. The new orientations toward scientific and positivist currents caused controversies across educational institutions. It was in this climate of changes in pedagogy across multiple levels that Figari studied law and received his doctorate from the University of the Republic in 1886. It was the prevailing philosophical atmosphere of Spencerian positivism marking his education that, no doubt, instilled in him an interest in pedagogy and that led to his concerns linking art and education.7 It is possible that his becoming a lawyer in 1889 for the Public Defender’s Office (Defensoría de Pobres en lo Civil y lo Criminal) influenced his ideas because that post allowed him to become directly acquainted with the problems of the most depressed sectors of society, as he called them.8 Already in the Agrarian Law project (1885), which he presented as a graduation thesis, Figari sketched some ideas that would later be central to his educational proposals. Although the subject of his thesis referred to the legality and regulation of state lands, he also reflected on the importance of education as one of the essential factors for the development of an economically depressed countryside. He affirmed that the nation required a reorganization of its territories because its leaders were opposed to “the increase and development of the population, and consequently, to education, work and other resources towards progress and national welfare.”9 The statement affirms that, for Figari, a nation’s development

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 149 went hand in hand with the development of its population. But his views of pedagogy and the industrial arts were also centered around a particular ethos of labor. He argued that it was necessary to exploit all of nature’s productive forces, so that the work of intellectuals and campesinos (rural laborers) might benefit all humankind. He argued that the advanced means of industrial art would allow for the multiplication of products and that the best fruits would be achieved through the noble and fecund resource of labor.10 If Figari’s legal career allowed him to take an early interest in pedagogy and the social politics of education, he kept private, almost to the point of secrecy, his deep interest in painting. (Indeed, it wasn’t until his dramatic departure from public activities when he was 60 years old that he decided to dedicate himself to his artistic vocation in Buenos Aires.) The drawings and pictures from his youth have been interpreted dismissively as the products of a dilettante by a society that could not conceive of him as other than a professional lawyer and a renowned politician.11 At a very young age, Figari took painting classes with Goffredo Sommavilla (1850– 1944), one of the Italian painters in Montevideo dedicated to teaching art, especially to the women of high society, including Maria de Castro Caravia, Figari’s wife. The academic realist style that characterized the work of Sommavilla was one generally cultivated by the painters of that period, including the renowned Uruguayan painter Juan Manuel Blanes (1830–1901). Some of the works of Figari’s youth, such as Self-­portrait with wife (1890), reveal the stylistic affinities with his masters. His artistic education was furthered by an extended trip to Europe he took with his wife after his university graduation in 1886. They visited France, England, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Germany, Austria, and Italy. During their stay in Venice, they studied painting in the workshop of Virgilio Ripari (1843–1902), an outstanding artist who painted their portrait. Upon their return, Figari took up in 1889 his position in the Public Defender’s Office and became increasingly interested in party politics. Shortly after, he founded and codirected a newspaper of the liberal faction of the Colorado Party called El Deber, while also joining the Freemasons. Even while carrying out his work as a lawyer and political party activist, he promoted new aesthetic currents and activities in the important cultural institute of the Ateneo de Montevideo. However, evidently buried beneath the greater weight of his political, professional duties, his ideas concerning arts pedagogy would not strongly manifest themselves until ten years later in the proposal of 1900 for a National School of Fine Arts, presented in (and rejected by) Uruguay’s House of Representatives. Presentation (1900) and Report (1903) for the Creation of a School of Fine Arts In the context of his growing concerns over arts education, Figari, as a representative in parliament, presented on June 16, 1900, a bill for the creation of a National School of Fine Arts (see Appendix). This document was his first public proposal of an educational reform plan. It also represents the first official initiative to integrate artistic training in the national education system. Although Figari’s was the first comprehensive initiative of an art school’s creation, there had been a couple of earlier attempts by others which he acknowledged. One was from a few years before, when Senator Juan Lindolfo Cuestas (later President of the Republic, 1897–1899) presented a similar bill, but it was not approved. Shortly

150  Nancy Carbajal after, the Uruguayan ambassador to Italy Daniel Muñoz also introduced to the Ministry of Foreign Relations an initiative with the same purpose; it also failed.12 In the proposal of 1900 for the creation of a school, Figari explained his ideas on the formation and social function of the artist, based on his view of the values society placed on other categories of art: There is a mistake when one thinks that a School of Fine Arts produces only great painting and sculpture. That [view] remains [only] for the select few; but there are also produced a thousand variations apart from sculpture and great painting: [there is] stage design, decoration, with its infinite varieties and its multiple, incalculable applications to industry; lithography, carving, engraving, wood working, illustration, wood sculpture, photography, etc., etc.13 The proposal of 1900 advanced his idea of creating specialized workshops, an idea he fulfilled later during his leadership of the ENDAYO. The project outlined in the 1900 document was sent to a committee, but it was not discussed again until the following term, when Figari was reelected as a representative of parliament. Insistent on promoting his project, he wrote a new report in 1903 (although, it too was never approved).14 The moral and social need—that led him to reiterate in his reform plans at ENDAYO several of his previous proposals—was grounded on the belief that the exclusion of art from education is typical of colonial policies, while the promotion of art education is a characteristic of free and advanced nations: I do not know . . . what would be said in more advanced nations if the idea of supporting [smaller industries of arts and crafts manufactures] were to be questioned, but I am certain that it would not produce an edifying judgement. Apart from the material value of artworks, it is an educational school of feeling and is a very appreciable force of sociability and culture [author’s added emphasis].15 At the beginning of that 1903 report he explained the significance that the creation of a School of Fine Arts has for the development of national culture and industry: “As public sentiment is educated in . . . aesthetic notions, [so too] will the development of industry and the spirit of sociability be strengthened” (author’s emphasis).16 The report also underscored the need of adding a new teaching center to the already existing faculty, especially one that would extend art education to industry. The report strongly criticized the old School of Arts and Crafts for its archaic organization and program that did not adequately encourage applied arts.17 Years later, he republished this report as an appendix in the booklet Plan general de organización de la enseñanza industrial encomendado por el Gobierno de la República Oriental del Uruguay al doctor Pedro Figari, Montevideo, 8 de marzo de 1917. In this same work he added a second appendix, in which he stated: “It has been a long time that I´ve been fighting for the necessity of practical industrial teaching. . . [but this] issue was forgotten as soon as I left the House of Representatives.”18 The 1910 Reorganization Plan and the Influence of Arts and Crafts Pedagogy As has been argued, his 1900 proposal for the creation of a School of Fine Arts was an innovative vision for arts education in the country. Yet they faced continual resistance.

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 151 Nonetheless, his pedagogical ideas were given new life and adapted to industrial, technical education in 1910, when he accepted the offer by then President of the Republic Claudio Williman to join the Council of the ENDAYO. No sooner had he entered ENDAYO´s Council than he presented a plan for the reorganization of the School: 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios. Proyecto de Programa y Reglamento Superior General para la Transformación de la Escuela Nacional de Arte y Oficios en “Escuela Pública de Arte Industrial.”19 This proposal to transform the National School of Arts and Crafts into a Public School of Industrial Art was the first systematic attempt at the national level to integrate art into industry. His project for the reorganization of the School provoked an agitated debate in the Council and was publicized in the press. The controversy was waged largely between the newspaper El Día—founded and directed by ex-­president José Batlle, who still held considerable governmental influence (he would be president again in 1911) and who argued against the project—and the paper La Razón, which published Figari’s responses.20 In the 1910 reorganization plan, he laid out his innovative pedagogic concerns about the question of “industrial art.” For one, he believed it advantageous to change the name of the institution to “Public School of Industrial Art,” in order to avoid any potential confusion with the school’s previous name, which had been linked to a correctional center for juvenile offenders. The air of authoritarian discipline and marginal status of simple, manual workers that characterized the earlier school was to be dismissed and replaced by one on training conscientious workers and laboring artists: Artistic teaching, in all of the far-­reaching consequences of this modern achievement, is, it may be said, simply the most direct, most useful, and the most effective. It is a comprehensive method that encompasses all others. Academic organizations, outdated, always complicated, slow and excessively formalistic, give greater importance to the school and its facilities than to the student, thus ignoring the institution’s own foundations and aims. They are not practical even when they add manual exercises and large workshops to their program. The manual side, the student’s skill of mechanical faculties, must be a means, not the end objective, of the school; a means for externalizing ideas and concepts even in the simplest and most rudimentary forms of production. The school must try to develop the faculties of the student, teaching him to reason, to compare, to judge for himself, to organize, relate, harmonize, customize, and adapt within his temperament and personality.21 Figari’s knowledge of transformations that had occurred in Europe and the United States led him to challenge the dominant, conservative arts tradition from a critical position yet committed to national and regional identities. Figari was interested in arts and crafts and cited the work of the English art critic John Ruskin (1819–1900)— along with printer/lithographer Louis Prang (1824–1909), who promoted similar ideas in the United States—in his project to reorganize the ENDAYO.22 His ideas also foresaw the New School movement that in the 1920s arrived in Uruguay and had great influence among teachers. The innovative techniques and principles of the New School movement were integrated over time into the programs of the primary schools. Some of Figari’s ideas later entered the corpus of elementary education—student-­centered learning, respect of the student’s personality, and promotion of their interests, aptitudes, and creative expressiveness—in order that their work be the result of personal reaffirmation and not as a binding restraint.

152  Nancy Carbajal In the initial stages of his 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, Figari referred to the Svensk hemslödj (“hemsljod of the Swedes”), a method practiced in the Nääs School of Crafts in Sweden and much of whose pedagogy revolves around the concept of the worker-­craftsman.23 Within the framework of the Nääs school, hemslödj refers to the teaching techniques applied by Otto Solomon (1849–1907).24 Svensk hemslödj more generally refers to the production of traditional manual techniques and forms and the promotion and sale of decorative arts products and everyday articles. The word slod (or sloyd) comes from an old Scandinavian word derived from the adjective slodj, which means skillful. Figari’s 1910 reorganization plan also referred to the etymology of the word “artisan”—the Latin, artesanus, and from it arts, artis, arte—from which he derives his sense of the artisan-­worker (obrero-­ artesano).25 The rational goal of the school, he added in his later “Plan general de organización de la enseñanza industrial” (1917), is to train competent artisans with criteria that will guide them to work thinking and to think working.26 In that 1917 organization plan, he gave a rather lengthy list of teaching criteria for developing the skills and the perception of artist-­workers.27 Figari tried to democratize the artistic culture by bringing it closer to all social classes in all the cycles of public education that until then was reserved only for the elite who had access to higher education. Comprehensive Education: Study and Work In 1915 the President of the Republic Feliciano Viera appointed Figari Director of the ENDAYO, a position through which he energetically began to transform the School’s old teaching methods and apply ideas that he had begun to develop a few years earlier. Some of these were published in the report What was and what is the School of Arts (Lo que era y lo que es la escuela de Artes) of 1917 and included renovating and bringing more light into the building, increasing the number of workshops, eschewing the curricular program based on surveillance and punishment, eliminating (ahead of his time for Uruguay) the boarding school program, adopting a coed system, and doubling the school’s population.28 Along with the proposed reforms, Figari devoted himself to formulating his pedagogical project of a comprehensive education. The result was Educación integral, written in 1918 and published a year later with his son Juan Carlos and in which he grounds many of the ideas he tried to put into practice.29 Comprehensive education is a concept that he conceived of as the backbone of all learning from—in an age-­old binary—the articulation of practice in relation to theory. For him, “industrial art” included the interaction of both of these facets in a process that placed productive labor as a chief value. He considered that ordinary speech gave the term “industrial” a purely technical meaning, while in his view “it means productivity, aptitude to wield a practical, original, creative, executive, fecund and ordering ingenuity, which presupposes a holistic educational instruction.”30 A passage from his 1919 “Educación integral” reveals his own perspective as a creator and his vision of how “practice” in the School should be approached: Thus, . . . at the same time that drawing is proclaimed as a language because it is the graphic expression of a subjective state, students are taught to copy, but usually in a servile way that completely excludes the aforementioned concept of drawing; further, when nature is copied or “interpreted,” it is done in a passive

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 153 way of contemplation, and thus excludes the expression of one’s own concept. If instead, one teaches [students] to observe freely, each one will express their own personal concept, which is what matters [most], rather than the unconditional geometric reproduction, if not simple parotting, of the object. If drawing, as in writing, were approached frankly as a means of expression, then it would not be an exceptional skill, but something as common as language. However, this resource [teaching of drawing]—so essential to a productive culture, and so useful for developing formal activities in general, and for ordering the mental processes by observation—remains in that former way [by servile copying] unnatural, and infertile, as a useless adornment. That false approach dilutes individuality, instead of accentuating it, and disconnects us more and more from the environment.31 He felt that pedagogical advances were difficult to put into play because of the resistance to what many saw as the vice of routine habits and the distance between theory and practice—hence his concern over the need for teacher training. However, the ENDAYO Council majority—composed largely of representatives of the industrial sector that considered Figari’s projects a threat to their own commercial interests—did not support the proposed changes to the School’s curriculum.32 The conflict between the conservative proponents of a tradition-­based academic system (Batlle) and those arguing for a greater representation and role of the industrial arts (Figari) intensified. In less than two years, in the midst of obstacles and the lack of government support, Figari resigned the Director’s position, this time definitively and as a total break from ENDAYO. In one of the passages with which he closes “Educación integral,” he argued that “Industrial education should be the basis of public instruction.”33 Given the continual rejection of his projects, the word “conclusions”— with which he ends both the section and that essay on comprehensive education— implies a much deeper symbolic sense of endings, that of a definitive closure of a stage in his career. The Relationship Between His Aesthetic and Educational Ideas During his first tenure at ENDAYO (having been named to the post in May of 1910), he faced the Council’s repeated rejection of his initiatives. As such, he resigned in December of that year. During the next two years, as we said, he gave himself to the theoretical reworking of his conceptions. As a result of this reflection, he published in 1912 Arte, estética, ideal, a work that, as he stated in the preface, had been conceived as a simple pamphlet to develop some themes on aesthetics but that ended up becoming an essay of general philosophy.34 This philosophical reflection significantly enriched aspects of his pedagogical conceptions, as can be seen in his later work, which will be discussed shortly.35 At the base of the relation between aesthetics and education is his concept of art, a relation discussed in texts such as his “Plan general de la organización de la enseñanza” (1917): Art is not an objective or concrete entity, as the theorists generally believe, but merely “ingenuity in action,” . . . It has to preside over all the orders of productive activity, and thus, it is more appreciable the more conscious and skillful the producer, the artist, has [allowed] himself to be revealed. It is a selection process.

154  Nancy Carbajal The error [of assuming] that only sumptuous (that is, the “fine arts”) is art, or the fact that “that art” is the [only] exclusive aesthetic expression, is an illusion that gradually begins to vanish the more informed consciousness becomes, and the more so-­called “minor” arts are integrated into the artistic field that is considered superior.36 “Art” for Figari, as he argued in his earlier Arte, estética, ideal (1912), is a “judgement of the intelligent faculties for relating the [human] organism to the external world.”37 He sees it as an effective application of inventiveness to natural ends. Nonetheless, he reiterates that art is a means, and not an end. As such, he saw arts training as intimately linked to work, industry, and productivity. Not only should technical skills be taught, but he also pointed to the social function of training productive workers for a fair, economic-­social organization. The interaction of science and art, he wrote in a later work, is what allows human beings to survive and improve: art is offered to us as an organic action of the mental faculties fulfilling its natural mission, which is to live as an organic structure, improving it, adjusting it to its natural environment; and just as art,—which is intelligence in action,—is the only and the best means that could and can be used by the organism to survive and improve[;] science, which is knowledge, conscience, wisdom, is what best allows us to carry out this structural, organic work.38 Stubbornly, with repeated insistence, Figari criticized the academicism and snobbery of the servile imitation of European art, while rejecting techniques that had nothing new to say. He broadened his idea of artistic renewal, seeking greater creative and more authentic expression of the particular, local indigenous roots: When speaking of autochthonous art, it is understood that such a thing does not and cannot mean, especially in our days, an exclusively national culture or region, but rather, the study of the environment, the product of observation and of the experimentation made in it. [It is] the assimilation of everything known, previously selected through consciousness [original emphasis], . . . but taking into account the environment’s own autonomous criteria.39 In the designs of handicrafts, he promoted seeking inspiration in natural forms and was largely influenced by English arts and crafts. Figari recreated these ideas by boldly taking students out of the classroom and sending them into the freedom of nature to detail flora and fauna elements and to look for local raw materials to work with. For nature painting, he also visited the Montevideo Zoo.40 Figari’s research was also ahead of his time in his country in borrowing from pre-­ Hispanic designs as a motivation for the workshop projects. Thus, in 1916 and 1917, during his second tenure at the ENDAYO, he organized excursions to Argentina with students and teachers to visit the Museum of Natural History of La Plata and the Ethnographic Museum of Buenos Aires with the purpose of studying pre-­Hispanic objects that could serve as inspiration for making tools in his workshops. Unlike Mexico and Peru with their strong indigenous and mestizo component, the pre-­Hispanic cultures of Uruguay were almost unknown in the arts milieu until the late 20th century.41 Moreover, those explorations of cultural and regional themes were far from a shared

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 155 vision of what the fine arts in Uruguay at the beginning of the last century might or should have been. Through this activity he attempted to relate the practical utility of indigenous objects with those produced by contemporary industrial manufacture and made with a decorative criterion. Figari wrote: Pottery . . . was a pre-­Columbian industry in these lands, and today, throughout our country no one makes, to my knowledge, a pot, or a pitcher. It is precisely these basic and most useful of industries, that should be practiced above all in order to prepare [artistic] evolutionary developments.42 As María Bategazzore notes: “When Figari talks about his work, he scrupulously adheres to the concept of an emotional, evocative art. However, because of the nativist currents” in which he immersed himself in Buenos Aires, “he saw another potential through painting, [and that was] the exploration and communication of a regional identity.”43 Because of that interest, he produced hundreds of paintings that attempt to represent with vibrant colors and brushwork the music and dances of the black populations in the Rio de la Plata region and that offer interesting, contrasting representations to those of the starched life of high Uruguayan society—a contrast that Luis Camnitzer has spoken of in terms of racial stereotyping.44 Yet it is clear that his notion of the primitive is a complex one that moves curiously and (and not without certain problems) between race and an ideal of humanity; in the words of Rocca, Figari searches among these themes for “a matrix of primitive values.”45 In Figari’s world, the largely urban black population contrasts with the solitude of the gauchos existences in the immensity of the countryside. The ideal of the primitive also animates, but with a different tone, his series of “Troglodytes” in his pictorial and literary works. In the novel Historia Kiria (1930), the only monument that the residents of a village honor is that of the tribe’s founding couple who are represented with primitive features, characteristics that can also be detected in the drawings illustrating his El arquitecto. Ensayo poético, con acotaciones gráficas (1928). In chapter IV of the latter work, entitled “America,” he took up in poetic fashion some themes about the region of Latin America, in particular of “rioplatina”46 as he referred to it, which he also tackled in other literary and pictorial creations. In the call for participation in the 1925 American Congress in Buenos Aires, Figari synthesized his Latin Americanism with the mission he gives to art. In his lecture at this conference, organized at the Instituto Popular de Conferencias of the newspaper La Prensa, he proposed holding a congress to deal with the common themes of all the peoples of the continent; among those themes he gave pride of place to is art education. As we have already mentioned, for Figari art is an essential part of his concept of integral education.47 He spoke of his conception about art and its mission: I understand that always, and particularly at the present time in America, all the arts—that is, all the forms of inventiveness—should be encouraged and to flourish simultaneously and as much as possible: the investigative, governmental, industrial, pedagogical, experimental [forms of creativity], etc., the same as poetic and literary, pictorial, musical, sculptural, and architectural art. All that is life, real life, effective life, holistic life.48

156  Nancy Carbajal Synthesis of a Defeat: Reports from the Faculty of Architecture and the Fine Arts Circle The High Council on Industrial Education (Consejo Superior de Enseñanza Industrial), created in 1917, requested that year from two bodies, that of the Faculty of Architecture and the Circle of Fine Arts Development (Círculo Fomento de Bellas Artes), assessments of Figari’s performance at the Escuela de Artes. The report created by the Faculty of Architecture stated that Figari’s tendency to orient industrial art toward an autochthonous sense revealed an effort to move away from the reproduction of generally accepted classic styles. Further, they criticized: The orientation given to teaching in that School reveals a vigorous effort of getting out of the general reproduction of classical styles. . . . [W]e could not help but applaud that intention, given that routine and blind copying are harmful because they oppose the free expansion of progress. [However] in order not to fall into this defect, an equally pernicious direction has been taken, which is to look for inspirations in the distant epochs of our civilization. This tendency towards an art that cannot be described as modern, because it has its roots in primitive epochs, can only be considered ephemeral because it is an isolated manifestation that, in order to be viable and harmonize our lives with the objects around it, would require the complete transformation of the environment, the total change of our way of life, and the return to almost prehistoric times. It is not making new art—autochthonous art—it is making ancient art.49 The Faculty’s report summarizes and gives advice on the direction that industrial arts education should take, including the need to pay more attention to the theoretical: If we want to train artisans capable of responding reasonably to their craft, it is necessary to teach them the scientific knowledge that will allow them to solve the cases they will find in their practice. Empirical or routine solutions narrow ideas and must be replaced by scientific and reasoned study, the only one that leads to the true quality of work.50 They considered that the “good artisan should be able to understand well, in order to interpret a drawing by the architect.”51 Ultimately, the commission members acknowledged Figari’s efforts to renew the School but stated that they did not agree with the general direction nor, in particular, that of providing the country with a regional art, establishing dogmatic categories and elitist values. For its part, the Circle of Fine Arts Development stated that art education should not discount American art, adding that they found an “exoticness” in Figari’s concepts: “we find more roots and affinities in the colonial past, full of things that are true art, and which comprise the roots of our history and soul, rather than in those pre-­Columbian elements that are absolutely unrelated to us.”52 The Circle issued opinions by both minority and majority commissions. The majority stressed that everything done in the School should be based “on the good side of classical teachings, the study of accepted and correct styles, and on the knowledge of the artistic past and the history of art.”53 In short, the reports were unfavorable to Figari.

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 157 However, the architect Carlos Herrera Mac Lean presented a report representing his Circle’s minority commission in agreement with the innovations and direction of Figari’s project. The minority opinion stated “we find that the work of the School, it’s purpose, as a trial, as a logical form of production, has the main characteristics that, in our opinion, the work of industrial art should have.”54 Still, overall, these documents summarize the general incomprehension and resistance that Figari met in the struggle for innovative change and the democratization of public education. The innovative pedagogical proposals that Figari made at ENDAYO did not move forward and, as we have already pointed out, were forgotten for many years. Against Wind, Tides, and Forgetting In 1921, faced with the impossibility of moving his pedagogic project forward, he resolved himself to go to Buenos Aires and devote himself to his long-­stifled desires to paint. It was on the neighboring shore of Argentina that he first received wide recognition. The appreciation for his work strengthened and grew in Paris, where he settled in 1925, was able to give his full attention to painting, and on occasion ventured into literature. He returned to Uruguay in 1934, where he died four years later. It was only at the end of his life that he began to be recognized as a painter in his own country where, in 1930, he received the Grand Prize of the Centennial Hall during the commemoration of the first Constitution of the Republic. In spite of the success of his paintings, his pedagogical initiatives remained largely unrecognized until 1965 when Arturo Ardao published the compilation of Figari’s work, Education and Art, with small circulation. His legacy, however, has not been appreciated equally across different fields. In fact, Figari’s foundational role has yet to be fully acknowledged and ample credit given in regard to the history of the National School of Fine Arts.55 On the other hand, in the year 2017, on the centennial anniversary of the start of Figari’s directorship of the ENDAYO, the Figari Museum carried out several activities to review his career. Pablo Thiago Rocca, Director of the Museum, points out that Pedro Figari has acquired in the last decades a singular esteem not just by way of what pertains to his artworks, which allow the most complete appreciation of his legacy, [but] by virtue of the currency of his philosophical and educational ideas.56 A recent publication by Romano and Moreno corroborates Rocca’s statement: The title Figari: the present of a utopia follows a common thread that crosses the different articles [on Figari] that try to shed light on the personality and multifaceted work of the author, and in particular on the articulation between his ideas (aesthetic, philosophical, pedagogical) and his utopia of social transformation.57 Against all odds (contra viento y marea), borrowing the phrase he used in his correspondences, Figari won a place of honor in the history and sciences of education. Today in Uruguay, scholars are invited to examine his legacy; it is a legacy, never closed, and one that interpolates, discusses, and imposes a dialogue between the arts pedagogy of our times and his.

158  Nancy Carbajal

Notes * Earlier version of parts of this essay appeared in sections previously published in: Nancy Carbajal, “Educación y trabajo: El proyecto transformador de Figari,” in María L. Battegazzore and Nancy Carbajal, Pedro Figari, tradición y Utopía (Montevideo: Psicolibros, 2010), 131–218. 1. Museo Pedro Figari (Montevideo) is the processing of researching and gathering for future publication of a collection of Figari’s correspondences. However, other abundant documentation regarding Figari’s pedagogy and art is found in the following archives and libraries in Montevideo: The Escuela de Educación Técnico Profesional de la Universidad del Trabajo; Archivo Pedro Figari in the Archives of the Museo Histórico Nacional; Archivo de la Biblioteca Nacional; the Archivoteca of the Museo Juan Manuel Blanes; personal correspondences and artifacts are also in the private of the Luis del Castillo de Figari. 2. Battegazzore and Carbajal, Pedro Figari, tradición y Utopía, 2010. 3. An in-­depth study of the history of arts training during the colonial and early independence periods is still needed for the case of Uruguay. 4. “Eso de mandar pensionados a perfeccionar conocimientos que no han podido adquirir en el país, de mandarlos a hacer palotes, es absurdo” (“The [idea of] sending of pensioners [abroad] to perfect the knowledge that they have not been able to acquire in the country, to send them to make brushstrokes [palotes], is absurd.”) Pedro Figari, “Discurso sobre la creación de una escuela de Bellas Artes,” Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Representantes, Volume 161 (Session of 16 January 1900), 189–192. Reprinted in Pedro Figari, Educación y arte (Montevideo: Biblioteca Artigas, 1965), 3–10, quote p. 7. 5. José Batlle y Ordóñez (1856–1929) renowned director of the Partido Colorado. He was twice president of the Republic: 1904–1907 and 1911–1915. 6. Fragment of Figari’s letter to his grandson Jorge Faget Figari, dated 18 August 1932. Cited by Luis Anastasía and Walter Rela, Figari: Lucha continua (Montevideo: Academia–Uruguaya de Letras, 1994), 158–159. 7. In addition to “Principes de psychologie” by Herbert Spencer, essential text in the library of positivists of the time, Figari mentions works by E. Haekel, Hegel, Th. Ribot, William James, H. Bergson, and F. Le Dantec, among others. The mention of James and Bergson shows that he was very up to date on new ideas in the field of psychology. Basically Spencer's pedagogical ideas nurtured the first educational reforms and inspired many of Figari’s proposals. See, “El pedagogo Figari: Fuentes de su pensamiento,” in Pedro Figari: el presente de una utopía, edited by Antonio Romano and Inés Moreno (Montevideo: Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, 2016), 163–182. 8. In his report on the creation of a “School of Fine Arts” (1903) he stated that its benefits “will flow back for the good of the needy classes.” (Educación y arte, 10). 9. Pedro Figari, Ley agraria (Montevideo: tipografía de La Nación, 1885), 21. 10. Ibid., 20. 11. Nelson Di Maggio has written in this regard: “He would work on Sundays, when he went to the environs of Montevideo. . . . This last subject comes back frequently in those [works] signed P. Merlin or P. Weber. He used these pseudonyms in order to hide from the society of the time, which criticized easily, the artistic inclinations of serious lawyer. He made small sketches [of these subjects] that he knew how to imitate [well] for unwelcomed eyes.” Nelson DiMaggio, “Pedro Figari,” in Pedro Figari, 1861–1938 [Pavillon des Arts exhibition catalog] (Paris: Paris-­Musées; Unione latine; AFAA, 1992), 28. Peluffo has also spoken of his pictorial activities before his work at Bellas Artes as the “playful diversions of a busy doctor.” Gabriel Peluffo, Historia de la Pintura Uruguaya, Volume 6 (Montevideo: Ediciones de Banda Oriental, 1988), 100. 12. Figari, “Discurso sobre la creación de una escuela de Bellas Artes,” (1900), in Figari, Educación y arte, 3. 13. Ibid., 6–7. 14. Figari, “Informe sobre creación de una escuela de Bellas Artes” (1903), in Pedro Figari, Appendix 2, Plan general de organización de la Enseñanza Industrial (1917), 82–87, in Figari, Educación y arte, 10–15. 15. Figari, “Discurso sobre la creación de una escuela de Bellas Artes” (1900), in Figari, Educación y arte, 7–8.

Pedro Figari’s Innovative Project 159 16. Figari, “Informe sobre creación de una escuela de Bellas Artes” (1903), in Figari, Educación y arte, 10. 17. Ibid., 14, 86. 18. “Apéndice No. 2: Antecedentes de la Reforma,” in Figari, Educación y arte, 148. 19. Originally published in Escuela Pública de Arte Industrial, presentado al Consejo en la sesón del 23 de julio por el doctor Pedro Figari, miembro del mismo (Montevideo: Tip. Escuela N. de Artes y Oficios, 1910). Reprinted in Figari, Educación y arte, 16–21. 20. He published ten articles in defense of his project beginning Monday, 12 September 1910 and the responses of El Día appeared in the same period. Anastasia and Rela, Figari: Lucha continua, 88–97, published five of Figari’s essays from this period. 21. “Exposición de Fundamentos de un Programa para la Transformación de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios,” in 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios (Montevideo: Tip. Escuela N de Artes y Oficios, 1910), in Figari, Educación y arte, 26. 22. 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, in Figari, Educación y arte, 28 and 31. 23. In Figari, Educación y arte, 43. 24. June E. Eyestone, “The Influence of Swedish Sloyd and its Interpreters on American Art Education,” Studies in Art Education 34, no. 1 (Autumn 1992): 28–38; and Gisli Thorsteinsson and Brynjar Ólafsson, “Otto Salomon in Nääs and His First Icelandic Students in Nordic Sloyd,” History of Education 43, no. 1 (2014): 31–49. 25. 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, in Figari, Educación y arte, 24. 26. Pedro Figari, Plan general de organización de la Enseñanza Industrial, encomendado por el Gobierno de la República del Uruguay al doctor Pedro Figari (Montevideo: Imprenta Nacional 1917), in Figari, Educación y arte, 90. 27. 1910 Reorganización de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, in Figari, Educación y arte, 55. 28. Pedro Figari, Appendix no. 1, Plan general de organización de la Enseñanza Industrial (Montevideo: Imprenta Nacional, 1917), 69–81, reprinted in Figari, Educación y arte, 71–85; listing of innovations on p. 76. 29. Figari, Plan general de organización de la Enseñanza Industrial (1917), in Figari, Educación y arte, 71–85; Pedro Figari and J. C. Figari Castro, Enseñanza Industrial: Informe presentado sobre este tema oficial por. . . . (Montevideo: Imprenta de Dornaleche Hermanos, 1919), reprinted in Figari, Educación y arte, 163–186. 30. Figari and Figari Castro, “Educación Integral” (Enseñanza Industrial, op. cit. 1919), in Figari, Educación y arte, 186. 31. Ibid., 177. 32. Thiago Rocca refers to the reforms carried out by Figari and points out: “In fact, the program found great resistance from the political and industrial sectors, which viewed with disapproval a teaching that encouraged a middle class to produce their own resources, idea contrary to their direct interests, and related to the importer of furniture and other industrial and household supplies.” Pablo Thiago Rocca, El obrero artesano: La reforma de Figari de la enseñanza industrial (Montevideo: Museo Figari; Dirección Nacional de Cultura, Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, 2015), 6. 33. Figari and Figari Castro, “Educación Integral” (Enseñanza Industrial, op.cit. 1919), in Figari, Educación y arte, 186. 34. For the philosopher-­historian Arturo Ardao, the book went well beyond its original conception: “Outside the academic tradition, towards the age of fifty, he suddenly felt the urgent, vital need to put his philosophical conscience at peace. And that was how, centered around his interest in those three initial concepts [of the book’s title Arte, estética, ideal], a whole philosophy emerged, came to be ordered, and express itself through a truly, unique thought process.” Arturo Ardao, Etapas de la inteligencia Uruguaya (Montevideo: UDELAR publicaciones, 1968), 330. 35. For a better understanding of the context of contemporary philosophical thinking in Uruguay, see the prologue written by Arturo Ardao in Pedro Figari, Arte, estética, ideal, (Montevideo: Clásicos Uruguayos, 1960), in Figari, Educación y Arte.

160  Nancy Carbajal 36. Figari, “Plan general de la organización de la enseñanza” (1917), in Figari, Educación y arte, 102 and 103. 37. Pedro Figari, Arte, estética, ideal, in Figari, Educación y arte, 161, 195; Ardao, “Prólogo,” Figari, Arte, estética, ideal, op.cit., XXIII. 38. Figari, “Plan general de organización de la enseñanza industrial” (1917), op.cit., in Figari, Educación y arte, 24. 39. Luis Victor Anastasía and Walter Rela, Figari, lucha continua (Montevideo, Academia-­ Uruguaya de Letras,1994). Transcripción de la conferencia de Figari Arte, técnica, crítica, Ateneo de Montevideo, 15 June 1914. 40. Thiago Rocca, El obrero artesano, 29. 41. Figari scholars, such as Gabriel Peluffo and Pablo.T. Rocca, have highlighted his interest in the pre-­Hispanic and the pedagogical activities that he could not develop at ENDAYO due to his early resignation. However, he expressed his intense attraction to the subject in his own pictorial work. Thiago Rocca, El obrero artesano, 33 and following. 42. “Educación integral,” in Figari, Educación y arte, 160. 43. Battegazzore and Carbajal, Pedro Figari, 115. 44. “. . . with a mediating distance, he stereotyped black culture through a paternalistic caricature of innocence, vitality and happiness.” Luis Camnitzer, “Pedro Figari” (1991), reprinted in Camnitzer, On Art, Artists, Latin American and Other Utopias, edited by Rachel Weiss (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2009), 143. 45. Interesting, and as testimony of Figari’s complex racial positions, he responded, when asked about his representations of blacks in his paintings” “Why blacks? Doesn't the same thing happen to whites, no matter how blond they are? To this I answer: what I want is to refer to the human [hombre], and in order to see it better I take the black, with the knowledge that white people always carry a black inside.” Letter to Eduardo Salterain dated 28 May 1932. Cited by Sanguinetti, Dr. Figari, 2002, 225. Rocca added, “Together with other series such as those of the Troglodytes and the Gauchos, without the anecdotal timbre of their candombes and blacks, these cards recover the vision of an idyllic past” Thiago Rocca, El obrero artesano, 11. 46. Cited by Ramiro Casasbellas, “Pedro Figari: Un descubridor de América,” in Figari, edited by Julio Maria Sanguinetti and Ramiro de Casasbellas (Buenos Aires: Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires, 1992), 25. 47. In Figari, Educación y arte, 220. 48. Pedro Figari, “Hacia la eficiencia de América,” Anales del Instituto Popular de Conferencias 11 (1925), reprinted in Figari, Educación y arte, 202–222, quote on p. 217. 49. Gabriel Peluffo, Pedro Figari, Arte e Industria en el novecientos (Montevideo: Escuela de Industrias Gráficas de UTU, 2006), 115. 50. Ibid., 123–124. 51. Ibid., 122. 52. Ibid., 126. 53. Ibid., 127. 54. Ibid., 134. 55. As one example: “Breve Reseña Histórica del Instituto Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes” en: www.enba.edu.uy/index.php/institucional/resena-­institucional (accessed 1 February 2018). 56. Thiago Rocca, El obrero artesano, 6. 57. Antonio Romano and Inés Moreno, Pedro Figari: el presente de una utopía (Montevideo: Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias, 2016), 10.

Part III

Appendices

Argentina (Buenos Aires)

The following translation is made from the document: Comisión Directiva Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes, Reglamento de la “Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes”, 18 of January of 1877, Buenos Aires, Imprenta y Librería de J. Peuser, 1877, Fondo documental Mario Augusto Canale (AR_UNSAM_IIPC_CEE.000007). Colección Centro de Estudios Espigas, Tarea-­IIPC, UNSAM/Fundación Espigas, Buenos Aires, Argentina. (Page numbers in index below refer to original document pages)

Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts Regulations (1877) Index of the Titles Title 1: Of the society Title 2: Of the members, their obligations, and rights Title 3: Of the board of directors Title 4: Of president Title 5: Of secretary Title 6: Of treasurer Title 7: Of regent Title 8: Of the assemblies Title 9: Of the annual xxhibitions Title 10: [Untitled]

page

5 6 8 10 11 11 12 12 14 14

Regulation[s]of the “Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts” First Title: Of the Society Article 1. A Society was established that will have its seat in Buenos Aires and shall be called “Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts.” 2. Its sole and unalterable purpose is to promote the development and advancement among us, of Drawing, Painting, Sculpture, Architecture and other arts that emanate from these and to that end, the Society intends to support by all means at its disposal, any action that contributes to the progress of the Fine Arts already mentioned. I. Creating a meeting point for its members, in a visible location. II. Offering them a way to instruct themselves, forming a Library of art works and publications.

164  Argentina (Buenos Aires) III. Putting them in touch with the principal artistic centers abroad, and sustaining frequent correspondences with them. IV. Organizing annual Exhibitions and awarding those works that a special Jury will deem worthy of such distinction. V. Creating, when its funds allow, a gallery of works of art. Second Title: Of the Members, Their Obligations, and Their Rights 3. There shall be three classes of Members: active, correspondent, and non-­resident. 4. To be an active member requires: I. To be introduced in writing to the Board of Directors by two members of the Society, and accepted through secret ballot by the Commission, and not to be admitted if there are two votes against. II. To pay one hundred pesos in common currency upon entrance, upon receiving the Diploma, and twenty-­five pesos in common currency per month, in advance. 5. The Active Members will have the following rights: I. To frequent the premises of the Society. II. Permanent, personal and non-­transferable entry to the annual exhibitions. III. To exhibit one or more works in the said Exhibitions, in compliance with the Regulation that will govern them. IV. To [obtain] a number in the Raffle that will be verified among the Members, for paintings acquired by the Society in its annual exhibitions. 6. To be a corresponding member requires: I. Being an artist or an amateur artist and to reside outside of Buenos Aires. Commit to sending the Society, once a month, information and artistic relations, and in case of impediment, to notify the Society of this, in order not to fall into the foreseen situation [described] in article 9, section III. 7. The correspondent members shall enjoy the same rights as the active members; but coming to Buenos Aires, they will immediately give notice to the Society. In this case, they will only enjoy the expressed rights for three months. After this term, if they want to continue in the Society, they will have to become active members, fulfilling the same responsibilities described in article 4, clauses I and II. 8. Any artist or amateur, when passing through the Capital, may be presented in writing and by two active members to the Board of Directors, who will grant him, if he is deemed worthy, the right to only frequent the Society’s premises for a month. 9. The status of a member is lost, after agreement of the Board of Directors conducted by secret ballot: I. For the lack of payment for three months dues. II. For offensive or indecorous conduct in the Society. III. While being a corresponding member, missing two consecutive months during the commitment period made under article 7, section II. [sic]

Argentina (Buenos Aires) 165 10. Any member may present to the Board of Directors, ideas or projects that he considers to be useful to the Society, and following up with them, in accord with the provisions of this regulation. 11. At the request of one eighth of the members, the Board of Directors must call a Special Assembly. 12. There will be no honorary members. The Board of Directors is authorized, whenever it deems suitable, to include in the honor roll, the name of those persons who made a gift to the Society. Third Title: Of the Board of Directors 13. The Board of Directors shall be named by a majority of votes in each annual Assembly, and will be composed of nine active vocal members and five substitutes; from the first group shall be elected a President, a Vice President, a Secretary and a Treasurer and seven substitutes; they will occupy their positions for one year and may be re-­elected for another year only. 14. Any member of the Board has an obligation to give notice, in case of being absent for more than two months from his seat in the Society. 15. For the Board’s resolutions to be valid, the presence of five of its members is required. 16. These are their [the board’s] obligations: I. To accept active and non-­ resident members, and to name corresponding members, in accordance with the regulation. II. To guide the work of the Society and to administer its funds. III. To name a manager [regente] and other employees that are considered necessary, setting their salaries. IV. Present an annual record of the works of the Society. V. Call Regular and Supplementary Assemblies, in cases that are described in the Regulations, or when the subjects call for it. VI. Propose in the Assemblies, the acquisition of those works of art that the Board considers worthy of inclusion in the Gallery of the Society. 17. Two months before the day when the annual exhibition must take place, the Board of Directors will call a General Assembly, in order to name the following committees: I. A committee composed of competent persons, that is charged with the selection and provision of a convenient location for the exhibition that is celebrated annually, as well as the acceptance of the works of art that will figure in the exhibition and their proper placement. II. A committee formed in the same way as the previous one, that constitutes the jury that determines the merit of the works exhibited, and subsequently distributes, awards to the ones that are meritorious. III. A committee composed of members of the Society charged with the internal order of the exhibition, with cleanliness and the conservation of order. 18. To verify the raffle of the paintings acquired in the annual exhibitions.

166  Argentina (Buenos Aires) Fourth Title: Of the President 19. The President represents the Society in all of his actions, and his obligations are: I. To preside over the Assemblies and the Board of Directors. II. To guide the discussions and to announce the results of the ballots in the election, resolving them with his own vote in case of a tie. III. To transfer the [power of the] Presidency to a Vice-­president, and in the absence of the latter, to one of the Substitutes, when he wants to take part in the discussion. IV. To sign the diplomas of the members and the documents issued by the Board of Directors issues. V. To order payment of the expenses in accordance with the Board of Directors. VI. In the absence of the President, the Vice-­president will fulfill his functions. VII. [sic—empty] Fifth Title: Of the Secretary 20. These will be [the Secretary’s] obligations: I. To co-­sign with the President in cases set forth in article 19, sections V and VI. II. He will be the sole keeper of the seal of the Society, making use of it, in the cases set forth in articles 19, sections V, VI, and 21, section II. III. To inform the Assembly of the work done by the Board of Directors, and explain the matters that will be addressed. IV. He will keep a book that contains the minutes of the sessions held by the Assembly or by the Board of Directors. V. He will extend the communications agreed upon by the Society, and will carry out the administrative correspondence, as well as the one that is conducted with the correspondent member. Sixth Title: Of the Treasurer 21. These will be his obligations: I. To be the keeper of the funds of the Society. II. To sign for all the accounts received. III. To pay the bills as ordered by the President, with his agreement countersigned by the Secretary. IV. To present the cash balance every three months to the Board of the Directors. Seventh Title: Of the Manager [Regente] 22. The Manager [Regente] will be a paid employee and will have [the following] in his charge: I. The care, order and policing of the Society’s premises. II. He will take care of the Library, Art Gallery, furniture and the supplies of the Society, establishing his domicile on its premises. III. He will assist the Secretary and the Treasurer in their works, being under the immediate orders of the President and these Regulations.

Argentina (Buenos Aires) 167 IV. He will be responsible for the objects entrusted into his care. V. He will have under his immediate orders all of the service employees. Eighth Title: Of the Assemblies 23. The Regular Annual Assembly of the Society will take place on the day of the anniversary of its foundation, in order to be informed of the work for that year, and to proceed with the election of the persons who will form the Board of Directors. 24. In this Assembly, as in the supplementary ones, the presence of half plus one of the active members, is required to open the session. After one elapsed hour from that which is reserved by the Board of Directors for the meeting of the Assembly, the President will proceed to open the session, and the deliberations will be carried out, if there is at least one third of the attending members [present]. If there is an insufficient number of members, the Assembly will be summoned once again, when one quarter of the membership will be enough to legally constitute it. If after half an hour of waiting, this number is not reached, the session will open with only one fifth [of the attending members]. 25. The Supplementary Assemblies will take place in those cases foreseen by the Regulations, and always for the ones that require some particular circumstance, according to the judgement of the Board. 26. Annual or supplementary assemblies will be convened via the newspapers, with at least eight days in advance, and matters other than those indicated in the agenda, will not be discussed in it. 27. The resolutions of the General Assemblies will be accepted by the majority of the members present. 28. The discussion will be free, respecting the priority of the one who has requested the right to speak. 29. A member, with the support of two or more, may request that the discussion be closed, and in such a case, the President will put to a vote if the subject sufficiently merits this or not. 30. The President will put this to a vote whenever five members request that the session be closed. 31. The Committees listed in the article 17 will be appointed at the Assembly. Ninth Title: Of the Annual Exhibitions 32. There will be an annual Exhibition. 33. At the Assembly that will take place two months before the annual Exhibition, the Board of Directors will submit for approval by the General Assembly, a special Regulation for said Exhibition, which will govern only that year. 34. These exhibitions will be public, therefore any artist or amateur will have the right to exhibit. Tenth Title [Untitled] 35. These Regulations will be revised in the second Annual Assembly of the Society. Buenos Aires, January 18 of 1877.

168  Argentina (Buenos Aires) The Board of Directors

President Vice-President Secretary Treasurer Board Members (vocales) « « « « Alternates « « « «

– – – – – – – – – – – – – –

Juan L. Camaña Alejandro Sívori Carlos Gutiérrez Alfredo Paris Eduardo Sívori Eduardo Schiaffino Coronel J. Ignacio Garmendia José Murature Dr. Miguel Esteves Saguí Enrique Stein Martín Yraola Miguel Bianchi Santiago V. Guzman Julio Plettincks

******* Translation of: Nacionalización de la Academia de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales. Buenos Aires: Taller Tipográfico de Barausse y Lacassie, 1905; Biblioteca Nacional de Maestros, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Nationalization of the Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts (1905) Buenos Aires, 27 of January of 1905. Honorable Minister of Justice and Public Education Doctor Joaquín V. González The Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts has the honor to address S.E. [his excellency] the Minister of Justice and Public Education, offering [for nationalization] the Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts, that under its auspices and direction it has functioned from 1876 to this date. This Society, in taking into an account the efforts made during so many years and with the results obtained from so much effort, may be permitted to present to S.E. this School. [And he does so] with the assurance that through its organization, its professorial body, and the number of students, it will constitute for the Government and its current intentions for a national art [now] definitively incorporated, and which is in its period of greatest flowering and prosperity. This Society knows the aims of the Superior Government as far as national art is concerned, and cannot fail to recognize that any tendency that contributes to them, must be seconded without obstacles. Our School has already seen many difficulties in its long life, and today it has the experience of older institutions and a complete set of teaching materials, acquired through perseverance and efforts. The Minister knows that all these efforts have been carried out for the benefit of the national culture, and the authorities have recognized it opportune, giving our Academy the purview that corresponded to it, and due

Argentina (Buenos Aires) 169 to its constant efforts to be the only one of its kind in the country, and for having proven with its successes, that it could authorize under its name, the competence of its students. It is, then, a School [that is] already linked to the Government of the Nation, that is presented today, knowing that a great part of the work which has been accomplished by S.E. is to the benefit of our artistic progress, that he will take under his tutelage this Institution. The Society is convinced that the future Academy of Fine Arts, developed under the auspices of the Superior [Federal] Government, and with autonomous faculties for its internal structure, with its own professorial body, will be successful and efficient in its teaching. It is in that sense, and with special note, that the Assembly gave its unanimous support to the idea. In contrast, the degree of progress achieved in twenty-­eight years of assiduous work has greatly expanded the Academy, and the ever-­increasing influx of students would obligate it to realize that it would be difficult henceforth to successfully perform [its mission] on its own. To this eloquent development, there is lacking a complement of vital importance for the future of the School, and it is precisely what the Government can provide by giving it official status and protecting it at all times by its means, so that its goals can be carried out in absolute form and the National Academy of Fine Arts and Decorative and the School of Industrial Arts, continue with greater ascendency being a center of fertile artistic production, as well as an institution of positive usefulness for the industry and the general culture of the Republic. Greeting to S. E. with my highest consideration. Enrique Prins Secretary Eduardo Sívori President Ministry of Justice and Public Education of the Nation of Argentina Buenos Aires, April 19 of 1905 To the President of the Esteemed Society of Fine Arts Mr. Eduardo Sívori I have the pleasure to address you, with a legalized copy of the decree issued on the [stated] date, accepting the donation offered by the Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts and declaring nationalized the “Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts,” [an institution] that functioned under your auspices since 1878. In thanking the Society, on behalf of the Government, for this important donation, as well as for the services it rendered the country with unselfishness and patriotism in the long time in which it has been in charge of teaching the arts of drawing, I am pleased to assure the President that this Ministry must strive at all times to promote the progress of the institution, thus favoring in this way the legitimate aspirations of its founders. With this motive, it is my pleasure to offer my greeting to you with the assurances of my distinguished consideration. J. V. González

170  Argentina (Buenos Aires) DECREE declaring nationalized the Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts. Buenos Aires, April 19 of 1905 Having seen the communication of the Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts, dated 27 of January, in which, according to the unanimous resolution of the assembly of members convened for this purpose, it is offered to integrate the Government of the Nation, the Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts, that has functioned under its auspices since 1876 until this date; CONSIDERING: That it is a duty of the Government to promote artistic studies by all means available to it, to promote the general culture of the country and to provide the educational establishments with specially-­trained instructors to teach drawing and other fine arts; That the need to satisfy the demands of the era, proceeding to the foundation of special institutes that contribute to completing the educational acts of the State, exclusively entrusted until now with the establishment of general education; That in addition to the influence that artistic studies exert, raising the moral and intellectual level of the people by the distribution of ideas and sentiments that contribute to fomenting in a sphere and in the field that move beyond the predominantly intellectual actions of the school, they also have a useful and practical mission: to disseminate the arts of drawing in its industrial applications, which should be achieved in a more complete way whenever it is possible to organize common schools of drawing, such as night classes founded by their respective municipalities, and that produce such surprising results in the nations that serve as models. That in this circumstance the selfless proposal mentioned above is presented to the Government by the Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts, whose Academy, founded a quarter of a century ago, has replaced the action of the State and managed to take root, reaching a [level of] development that demonstrates with undeniable success, the real need to which the institution responds. That the Honorable Congress, recognizing the importance and public utility of the institution, has subsidized the said Academy, and the Executive Power, for its part, has granted it the faculty of issuing diplomas for the professors and teachers of drawing and sculpture, facts that demonstrate the need and opportunity that the state assumes and carries out under its own direct responsibility those functions; That the patriotic offer of the Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts in making the donation of its Academy—in its full prosperity, with all of its valuable teaching, with an organized professorial body and a number of apt students in the various courses of drawing, painting, sculpture and decorative arts—facilitates the fulfillment of the Government’s [original] thought, and contributes almost entirely to paying its expenses; That the nationalization of said Academy, in the form proposed, provides a valuable acquisition for the state because of the material, moral, and intellectual importance that it represents; It is evident, furthermore, that the state, when taking charge of said institution, would increase only in a small proportion the resources that for a long time it has allocated for the support of the same institution. For these considerations,

Argentina (Buenos Aires) 171 The President of the Republic DECREES Article 1—Accept the donation offered by the Esteemed Society of Fine Arts, declaring itself nationalized as the “Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative and Industrial Arts,” which from the date of this decree will directly depend on the Ministry of Justice and Public Education. Article 2—The Council of the current full professors of the Academy will proceed to formulate the project of organization and definitive statutes of the Academy and school, authorizing it to continue receiving the monthly quotas of the enrolled students, destined to produce and sustain the institution. Article 3—The Council will propose to the Ministry, a list of three professors of the institute, to be appointed as the first Director and Vice-­Director. Article 4—The Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts is to be thanked for its important donation and the services rendered to the national culture in the long period in which it has been in charge of artistic education. Article 5—Request in due time from the Honorable Congress the inclusion in the budget law of the item destined to sustain the institution in question. Article 6—Designate the 30th day of the current [month], at 2 p.m. so that the act of delivery and inauguration of the National Academy and Fine Arts take place. Article 7—Communicate [these decrees], etc. QUINTANA J. V. GONZÁLEZ

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro)

The following translation is based on the transcribed edition: Câmara dos Deputados–LEGISLAÇÃO https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1824-­1899/decreto-­983-­8-­novembro- ­ 1890-­517808-­publicacaooriginal-­1-­pe.html Original: Coleção de Leis do Brasil—1890, Página 3533 Vol. Fasc.XI (Publicação Original) Reproduction of published decree also found in: www.dezenovevinte.net/documen tos/docs_primeira_republica_arquivos/1890_estatutos.pdf

Decree No. 983 of November 8, 1890 (Approval of the statutes for the National School of Fine Arts) Generalissimo Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca, Head of the Provisional Government of the United States of Brazil, constituted by the Army and Armada, on behalf of the Nation, resolves to approve for the General School of Fine Arts the accompanying statutes, assigned by Brigadier Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães, Minister and Secretary of State for Business of Public Education, Post and Telegraphs, which thus enforce it. Provisional Government Palace, November 8, 1890, 2nd Republic. Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca. Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães. [The following are the] Statutes referred to in Decree no. 983 of November 8, 1890 Title I. The Institution of the National School and the Superior Council of the Fine Arts Article 1. The Academy of Fine Artes will be renamed the National School of Fine Arts and will be intended for the teaching of painting, sculpture, architecture and printmaking The teaching of the School will comprise a general curriculum and the special courses of painting, sculpture, architecture and engraving. The School will have, according to the necessity of the teaching: studios, collections and a library.

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 173 Article 2. The Superior Council of Fine arts is created, whose purposes and attributions are marked in these statutes. Title II. On the Organization of Teaching at the School Article 3. The general curriculum will be divided into three years, comprising the following subjects:

First Year Natural history (concrete notions). Mythology. Linear drawing [disenho linear]. Figure drawing (elementary study).

Second Year Physics and chemistry (applications to the arts). Descriptive geometry. Corresponding graphic works. Archeology and ethnography. Figure drawing.

Third Year History of the arts. Perspective and shading. Corresponding graphic works. Elements of decorative architecture and elementary ornamental design. Figurative drawing. Article 4. The special courses will comprise the following subjects: In the painting course:

First Year Artistic anatomy and physiology. Drawing from the live model.

Second Year and Third Painting (two chairs). In the sculpture course:

First Year Artistic anatomy and physiology. Drawing from the live model. Sculpture of ornaments.

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Second and Third Year Sculpture In the course of architecture:

First Year Mathematics [Cálculo] and mechanics. Construction materials and their strength; technology of the elementary professions. Notions of topography. Plants and topographic drawings.

Second Year Architecture (full study). Architectural history, Legislation (special). Stereotomy (theoretical study and graphic works). Architectural drawing. Practical work. Plans and projects. In the course of printmaking:

First Year Artistic anatomy and physiology. Drawing from the live model. Sculpture of ornaments.

Second Year and Third Engraving of medals and precious stones. Article 5. The lessons, according to the requirements of school education, will be given in appropriate rooms, in the galleries of the art collections, in ateliers and outdoors. Article 6. The subjects of the general and special courses shall be distributed in sections as determined here: 1st section—physics and chemistry, natural sciences, anatomy and physiology; 2nd section—mythology; archeology; history of the arts; 3rd section—descriptive geometry; perspective and shading; calculation and mechanics; materials of construction, strength of materials, technology of the professions; plants and topographic designs; 4th section—architecture (theory and history); stereotomy; Architectural drawing, practical work, plans, projects. 5th section—figure drawing, geometric design, architectural elements and elemental ornament design; 6th section—live model drawing, anatomy drawing, painting;

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 175 7th section—ornamental carving, statuary; 8th section—engraving. Article 7. The programs will be organized in time by agreement of the teachers of each section, as provided in these statutes; schedules will also be arranged. Article 8. The daily school work will not exceed seven hours, between 9 am and 4 pm, the time being distributed among the various classes according to the strict convenience of teaching. Article 9. The distribution of the teaching will be regulated administratively by enrollment, or by simple inscription of the name of the students. Enrolled students are required to attend, and have the right to compete for the awards, diplomas and titles that the School confers. Students who have only submitted their name to the registration will be exempt from the attendance requirement and cannot claim the School prizes or diplomas and titles. Article 10. The teaching at the School is free. Indispensable materials and the cost of necessary trips to study are also provided free of charge to students who show potential and to all those enrolled, at the request of the respective teacher. Article 11. In addition to a school education, particularly for artists and men who wish to study, there may be organized in the school building or on its premises free courses on the theory or techniques of the fine arts according to the sections of the school teaching, but making use of programs and methods that seem best to them, provided that they duly obtain permission from the School which, with sole recourse to the Government, is responsible for deciding on the candidate’s known and proven moral and intellectual performance, and on the current appropriateness of the foundation of the course. Honorary teachers, having waived all formalities, may simply request from the director the convenient time and place. Title III. Concerning the Superior Council Article 12. The Superior Council shall consist of: The director of the National School; The teachers of the chairs of painting, live model, sculpture, engraving and architectural drawing, after the end of their chairships, will be considered honorary; The practicing teachers who occupy the chairs of painting, live model, sculpture, engraving, and drawing of architecture; Active teachers of the National School who, in order to become a member of the Superior Council, will be elected by the school council in sufficient number, and when necessary, so that the number of honorary teachers in the formation of that council never exceeds that of the teachers of the school courses. Honorary members of the National School who attend the session. Article 13. The highest council of fine arts shall be chaired by the Minister of Public Education; in the absence of the Minister, by the director of the National School, and shall be in session provided that six of its members are present.

176  Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) In the absence of the Minister and the Director of the School, the presidency shall be held by the oldest member. The secretary of the Superior Council shall be one of its members elected by the same council. Article 14. The Superior Council shall meet in ordinary session once every four months, and in extraordinary session whenever it is urgent. The Superior Council will deliberate on all the high issues of fine arts relating to school teaching, on reforms of artistic teaching, their propagation and improvement. It will consult on what is submitted to it by the school council. Annually promote a general exhibition of fine arts. It will give an opinion on issues on which it is consulted by the Minister, or the Director of the School. At the appropriate time it will decide on the organization of the jury in charge of the general exhibitions of fine arts, in accordance with the statute that the same Superior Council approves. It will be consulted as a last resort [authority] on the disciplinary issues of the School. It will decide on prizes and awards to teachers, in accordance with the rules of the National School, in the corresponding chapter. Article 15. The members of the Superior Council of fine arts will not receive any remuneration for the special works of their office. Title IV. On the Staff of the National School

Chapter I: Administrative Staff Article 16. The administrative staff of the National School will consist of the director, a secretary, a librarian, an amanuense [secretary-­copyist], two conservators, a porter and three guards. As appropriate, a student inspector may be appointed to police the order of the school, and to aid the director. The director, the secretary and the librarian will be appointed by decree. The curators, the inspector, the amanuense and the porter, by order of the Minister. The director shall appoint the guards.

Chapter II: The School Teaching Staff Article 17. The teaching staff comprises: In the general course: A teacher of natural, physical and chemical history; one of descriptive geometry, perspective and shadows; one of plants, linear and topographic design; one of architectural elements and elemental ornament design; one of mythology; one of archeology and ethnography; one of art history, and one of figure drawing. In the special courses: A professor of anatomy and physiology; one of the live model; one of mathematics, mechanics, building materials, strength of materials and technology of

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 177 the professions; one of history and theory of architecture; one of stereotomy; two in painting; one of sculpture; one of architecture and one of engraving of medals and precious stones. There will also be a substitute teacher for each of the sections mentioned in Article 6 of these statutes. Title V. The Leadership of the National School

Chapter I: The Director Article 18. The director shall be elected by the school council from among the teachers of painting, sculpture, engraving of medals and gems, live model and drawing of architecture. His appointment shall last five years, after which it may be renewed. Article 19. The director is the immediate head of all teaching and administrative staff of the School and carries out the general inspection of all its service and dependencies. Article 20. To collaborate with the director in the necessary vigilance for the preservation of the institutions of school education, and in the initiatives aimed at the development of those institutions and representing the collective will of the School, there will be the school council, constituted by the group of teachers in office. Article 21. In addition to what constitutes the common duties of the administrative chief, it is incumbent upon the director: To convene the school council; to preside over its deliberative work, to execute and carry out its decisions; being able, however, to suspend their execution if he deems them to be illegal or unfair, [and] rather than to solve the embarrassment, they will be immediately reported to the Government; In order to ensure compliance with these statutes; he will propose to the Government anything that is conducive to the improvement of teaching, not only in the administrative sense, which belongs to it, but also in the technical sense, in the latter case having to listen in advance to the school council; to propose all the measures and means that the material part of the School lacks for its preservation, with advantage to the progress of the arts, or to correct errors introduced in matters of artistic taste; Appoint the guards, giving part of those appointments to the Government; admitting up to six necessary servants; Suspend for one to eight days with deprivation of salary any administrative employees that merit it, due to a lack of seriousness; Grant these employees, within one year, up to 15 days of leave, without prejudice to their respective salary. Article 22. In addition to the information requested by the Government, the director will send to the Government, at the end of the school year, a report on all the work of the School, dealing especially with the advancement in teaching and distinguishing the names of those who, in order to progress, have competed. Article 23. The acts of the director shall be subject exclusively to the immediate inspection of the Minister of Public Education. Article 24. The director, in his absence, shall be replaced by the vice director and, in his absence, by the oldest teacher.

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Chapter II: The School Council Article 25. The school council shall be chaired by the director of the school; in the absence of the director, by the vice director, and shall be in session provided that more than half of the number of teachers in office are present. In the absence of the director and the vice director, the oldest teacher will be the chair. The secretary of the school council will be the same as that of the National School. Article 26. The School council shall meet in ordinary session on one of the first days of each month, and in extraordinary session whenever called by the director of the school. Article 27. The school council will exercise technical inspections regarding the systems and methods of teaching, proposing the reforms that must be submitted for the consideration of the Superior Council of Fine Arts. It shall deliberate as an advisory body on all matters of good conduct for schoolwork, and which shall be offered for consideration by the director of the school or any of the teachers. It will organize and submit for the Government’s approval the special regulations and programs necessary for the proper execution of the statutes. It will decide on the general curriculum and may modify it when it deems it appropriate, on schedules, points for exams and competitions, models of titles and diplomas to be conferred by the School, on doubtful cases regarding the conditions of qualifying exams, school competitions, and the application for the vacancies of the teachers, and about these competitions. It will collaborate with faculty and officials of the deliberating body assignments with regard to prizes and awards, titles and diplomas to be conferred upon students. It will know the attendance of enrolled students. It will propose to the Government suitable persons to be appointed interim or substitute teachers at the School. It shall appoint from among its members, and generally from the teaching staff of the School, committees as are required to give their opinion, or as required to serve the same School. It will select three or more teachers based on the proposal of the honorary members of the National School.

Chapter III: Vice Director Article 28. The vice director will be chosen from among the teachers mentioned in Article 18 and appointed on the recommendation of the director. Article 29. The office of vice director shall be non-­salaried; however, when the director is prevented from exercising his duties, he shall be entitled to the full salaries of the position. Article 30. The vice director, when in office, shall have all the duties of the director laid down in these statutes.

Title VI: Of the Teaching Staff Chapter I: On Permanent Teachers [professors effectivos] Article 31. The permanent teachers will be appointed by decree, via competition.

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 179 Article 32. The technical teachers referred to in Article 18 will leave office 10 years after their appointment. They may, however, continue if the school board proposes it. Article 33. They must be present in their respective classrooms and attend school functions in which their presence at the appointed time is indispensable; there shall be deducted from their salaries a difference proportional to the number of their unexcused absences. Article 34. Teachers who cease to perform their duties for a time of three months, without justifying their absence to the director, shall incur the penalties of the criminal code for job abandonment, and their positions shall be deemed vacant by the Government, after a hearing by the school council. Article 35. The appointed professor who, within three months, does not appear in order to take up office, without informing the director of the reason for the delay, shall lose the right to the respective chair, the appointment being declared without effect by the Government. Article 36. Teachers are entitled to all conditions of respect and peace in the exercise of teaching, according to the school rules. Article 37. In case that the permanent teachers are unable to attend, the substitute teachers will assume control of their respective chairs. Article 38. The Government is entitled to contract teachers of known competence proposed by the school council for the chair at the School after demonstrating the impossibility of obtaining them through competition.

Chapter II: On Substitute Teachers Article 39. The substitute teachers will be appointed by decree of the Government, on the basis of the recommendation of the school council. Substitute teachers will be able to receive their salaries only when they have exercised their positions; these salaries being equal to those of the substituted teacher. Title VII: On the Honorary Staff of the School Article 40. There will be in the National School the categories of honorary professors and honorary members. The professors in the chairs of the special courses of painting, live model, sculpture, engraving and architectural drawing, that finish their professor’s appointment, will be considered honorary teachers [professors emerita] at the National School. Honorary members will be those people who, for their titles of benevolence to the arts, deserve this distinction from the National School. Title VIII: On the School’s Regimen

Chapter I: School Workdays and Holidays Article 41. Schoolwork will begin on April 1st and will end when the examinations and judgments of student work are completed. Article 42. In addition to the period between the closure of the School and the day of its opening the following year, there will be holidays on Sundays, on feast days, and on national mourning as determined by the Government.

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Chapter II: School Practical Exercises Article 43. The classes and studios at the School will be open on April 1 and will close on November 15. Article 44. On March 1, the school council will meet to set the calendar; verify the presence of the teachers, receiving from them the program of work for the classes and the studios, or written or verbal reports justifying the presentation of the program; decide on the replacement of unavailable teachers when substitutes have not been appointed. Article 45. Each practicing teacher shall be required to present to the school council, at the first session of the school year, the curriculum under his charge. If at this session of the board the teacher does not present a program, he will not be able to take charge of his class or studio as long as he has not fulfilled this requirement. Article 46. Once the programs have been received, the director will refer them to the teachers of the respective sections to make them uniform and to organize the general program for each section. The sections will give their reasoned opinion, following the program and, in a session of the school council, which should take place seven days before the opening of the classes, this opinion will be discussed and voted on, and then adopted with or without modifications. Article 47. The curriculum adopted in one year may be used for the following years, if this is proposed and deemed convenient.

Chapter II: Registration Article 48. Enrollment will be open from the 1st to the 14th of March, inclusively. Article 49. After this last date, only those who obtain a special license from the Government may register. Article 50. Anyone wishing to enroll as a student, subject to the general system of the educational organization of the School, must personally register with the secretary in a special book, and may do so by proxy. Article 51. The students attending for free, the so-­called amateurs and auditors of the present Academy, will be admitted by request made to the director and will be registered by the secretary. Article 52. Applicants who enroll, will be required to regularly verify their age and nationality. It will also be necessary for the enrollment in the first year of the general course to present certificates of Portuguese, arithmetic and geography exams. In order to enroll in the 2nd year of this same course, it will be necessary to present, in addition to these certificates, those of French, universal history, algebra, geometry and trigonometry exams. Enrollment in each year requires approval in all subjects from the previous year of the course.

Chapter IV: Exams and Contests Diplomas and Awards Article 53. The advancement of a student will be determined especially by the success of the tests that they present in the emulation [copying] contests and in the exams that will be carried out at determined periods.

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 181 Article 54. In compensation for their efforts, they will be awarded with passing marks on exams, and with various awards, diplomas and titles of qualification. Article 55. Students who attend for free may compete for the prizes and diplomas of the school, provided that on the occasion that they request the right to do so, they are subject to the tests, conditions of age and qualifications of the enrolled students. Title IX: On the General Exhibitions Article 56. The National School will assign part of its building to an exhibition, every year, in which national and foreign artists may wish to exhibit their works. The organization of these general exhibitions will be directed by the Superior Council of Fine Arts, which may award to the exhibitors who compete, prizes similar to those conferred by the National School and those deemed convenient for the promotion of the artistic movement. The travel prize is dependent on the condition of the awardee being an artist of Brazilian nationality and being under 30 years old. Title X: On the Free Courses Article 57. If deemed appropriate, in accordance with Article 11, without [causing] any inconvenience, in creating free courses, the director of the National School of Fine Arts will designate the place and time for this course to take place. Article 58. The students who attend the free courses will only be subject, in regards to the School, to the general obligation of good conduct. Article 59. The director of the School, through his administrative intermediaries, is responsible for supervising the order that must be maintained in free courses. Article 60. The term of the licenses for any of these courses shall not exceed one year, and may, after the expiry of the term, be extended if the course teacher so requests and if the school judge does not have any issue. Article 61. The free courses may be day or night, and the latter should not extend beyond 8 pm. Article 62. The junior employees of the National School may provide the services of their position to the free courses, as agreed with their teachers. Title XI: Of the Duties of the Administrative Staff Chapter I: Of the Secretary etc. Article 63. The secretary shall be especially in charge of the secretariat and inspection of the archive and the treasury. His position is incompatible with that of teacher of any discipline. Article 64. The amanuenses shall be in charge of the file and shall assist the secretary in his work. Article 65. The librarian shall catalog the books, manuscripts, engravings and prints and list the furniture of the library; further, he shall do the book keeping of his charges and facilitate to visitors the study and consultation of the same [collections], overseeing the conservation of books and other objects in his charge. Article 66. Conservators are responsible for the conservation and restoration of paintings, engravings and prints of architecture, fragments of architectural decorations, collections of sculpture, and other [tasks] that will be entrusted to them.

182  Brazil (Rio de Janeiro)

Chapter II: Of the Support Staff Article 67. The concierge who, whenever possible, should reside in the building of the school, or in any of its close facilities, is responsible, supported by his assistants, for the common service of the concierge and especially of ensuring the proper care, and conservation of the building of the School and its furniture and the conveniences of cleanliness. Title XII: Collections and the Library Article 68. The collections of the School, in accordance with the different sections of teaching, will belong to the Academy of Fine Arts of the School and for the needs of their study. Article 69. The library will consist of books, engravings and prints belonging to the Academy of Fine Arts and all that were acquired for the development of the school and the requirements of teaching. Title XIII: General Provisions Article 70. The salaries of the director, teachers and employees of the School shall be those marked in the table under no. 1. [Not included here.] Article 71. For the certificates, official certificates, titles and diplomas, the fees shall be charges stated in table under no. 2. [Not included here.] Article 72. The secretary and all other employees appointed by the Government or the director shall be entitled to retire in accordance with the provisions of the general administration in effect. Article 73. The licenses will be regulated by the common legislation in effect. Article 74. The certificates, titles and diplomas will be made according to the models organized by the school council. Article 75. There will be a seal of the School that will be of two sizes according to the requirements and the form that will be determined by the school council. Article 76. Students may wear work shirts in the ateliers and generally in practical exercise classes. Article 77. During the holidays, with the consent of the director, some rooms and teaching materials may be made available to students who wish to work at the school building or its dependent properties of the same. Article 78. The director will be heard by the Government in all matters concerning the School. Article 79. The National School may accept donations. Article 80. The teachers at the National School of Fine Arts will enjoy the established advantages regarding retirement as those of college professors. Title XIV: Transitional Provisions Article 81. The first appointments to the positions of teachers will be made by the Government, based on recommendation by the director, free of competition. Article 82. In a regulation organized by the school council and duly approved by the Government, the duties and attributions of the director, the teachers and the

Brazil (Rio de Janeiro) 183 administrative employees under the dependency of the director of the National School shall be detailed. This regulation will be established by order of business of the school council, determining its duties precisely; special instructions will be signed regarding the school regimen, the enrollment of students, attendance of classes, workshops, study exercises, examinations, competitions, certificates, titles, diplomas, special awards and rewards, school police precepts; the nature of school collections and the rules for their use for teaching and serving the staff in charge of them and the library will be itemized; and programs will be established for the provision of current teachers’ chairs and special contract conditions for teachers outside of the country; in short, all within the general lines of these statutes that has been necessary to distinguish and to legalize for the good progress of the school work. Article 83. A special regulation organized by the school council, and approved by the Government, will indicate the practical means of implementing the new statutes, so that the students of the Academy of Fine Arts are not impaired. Article 84. The Superior Council of Fine Arts shall organize and submit for approval by the Minister of Public Education the rules of the general exhibitions of artists to be promoted by him in the building, or on the premises of the special school. Article 85. If there are no honorary teachers to complete the organization of the Superior Council of Fine Arts, the school council shall function in this capacity, and the honorary members who are appointed shall be convened for its sessions. Article 86. The Government shall select from the permanent teachers of the Academy of Fine Arts, and assign to the new and different School chairs those which are most suitable for teaching and shall provide the remaining chairs as best advised. Article 87. Any provisions to the contrary are hereby repealed. Rio de Janeiro, November 8, 1890.—Benjamin Constant.

Chile (Santiago)

Bracketed page numbers in the translation below refer to: “Reglamento de la Academia de Pintura (1849).” Anales de la Universidad de Chile (Santiago). Santiago: Imp. Del Pacífico, 1849, 4–9. www.memoriachilena.gob.cl/602/w3-­article-­81299.html

Regulations [Reglamento] of the Academy of Painting, Santiago, January 4 of 1849 The Painting Academy, for whose direction the artist Don Alejandro Cicarreli has been hired, should be opened beginning at the end of the next vacation period, and it is appropriate to lay the foundations on which this [p. 4] establishment will rest; given the project presented to me by said artist, I have come to direct the following Regulations: Chapter 1 Object of the Academy Art. 1. The Academy of Painting in Santiago will provide elementary education in drawing, in order to serve instruction of all the branches of art that require that knowledge. But its main object is a complete course of history painting for students registered in the Academy [alumnos de número]. Art. 2. The main curriculum of the Academy will consist of the following classes: 1st, elementary drawing from prints, and which is divided into three sections– The 1st section will study [drawing] principles and heads; the 2nd limbs; and the 3rd the whole figure. The 2nd class will consist of copying from relief or [plaster] statues, and will have the same sections as the previous [class]. The 3rd will complete the drawing portion for the history composition, through the copying of the live model, a course in practical anatomy, and another of painting and direct study of clothing. Art. 3. After having run through all the previous classes, the student will begin a composition course. Chapter 2 Of the Students Art. 4. The Academy will have matriculated students and supernumerary students. The 1st will be those who [p. 5] show more natural skill and obtain a government appointment.

Chile (Santiago) 185 They will enjoy all the privileges that have been provided to the establishment for their progress. Art. 5. The director will admit as supernumerary students those who want to study drawing principally as a hobby or in order to dedicate themselves to other fields of interest. These students will not be obliged to attend the regulation hours nor will they be entitled to the semester contest that is established for registered students. Chapter 3 Obligations of Number Students Art. 6. In order to be admitted as a matriculated student in the Academy of painting, students need to: 1st Confirm with the Ministry of Public Instruction their age, which, save in particular cases in the judgment of the same Ministry, may not younger than eleven years old, or exceed twenty-­two. 2nd Present a reference [certificado] of good conduct given by respectable people. 3rd Obtain approval from the aforementioned Ministry. Art. 7. Matriculated students will be required to attend at least two hours per day as established by these Regulations. Anyone missing three days in a week, without reason to excuse him, the first time will be reprimanded. On the 2nd, if 15 consecutive days have been missed, the student will lose their right to [enter] the semester competition. But if a month continues without just cause, the student will no longer been counted among those matriculated in the Academy, nor will they be entitled to the Rome [prize] competition that will be established by the Government. Art. 8. While the student follows his drawing course, they should [also] study outside of the Academy, Castilian grammar [p. 6], geometry and history. Each year, the student will present to the Director of the Academy a certificate from his professors confirming that he is studying these subjects and he will not be able move into the higher level classes without satisfying this important requirement. Art. 9. At the time of the examination of the [live] model class, the student must know the mythology, or at least the names and attributes of the Greek deities and of those of the statues he has just studied. Art. 10. In order to enter into the history composition class, the student must have completed an entire course of literature, or at least of rhetoric, and another of philosophy in order to understand and be in a position to express the passions that are developed in the parts of the [history] composition. The student must also know the five orders of architecture and landscape drawing, in order to create the backgrounds of the paintings. Chapter 4 Hours of Study and Regimen of the Institution Art. 11. The Academy will open every day, except for holidays, from eight in the morning until one. Art. 12. The establishment will have a janitor that will open the school at the established time, and will care for maintaining good order of the students and the policing of the premises.

186  Chile (Santiago) Art. 13. The same janitor will keep an attendance book, in which he will write down daily the time of entry and exit of each matriculated student, and this book will be in sight at the time of discerning the semester prizes, being that there will be given a preference for the frequency of attendance in case of equal merit [among competition entrants]. [p. 7] Chapter 5 Prizes Art. 14. Every six months the Academy will hold a contest to award those who have best drawn an object chosen by the Director. Art. 15. The class of copying from prints will have two award prizes: one for the best drawn heads and limbs; another for the one that stands out in the drawing of an entire figure. Art. 16. The class of drawing from reliefs or statues, and that of the living model, will also have two semester prizes each, similar to that of the previous article in their respective exercise. All these awards will consist of moderate monetary support as determined by the Government and proprotion to the rank of the class and of the section to which the student belongs, in order to help him to pay the expenses of educational materials. Art. 17. The course of history painting or paintings of original composition [invención] will have its prize awarded in the public exhibition [yet] to be established. I have communicated and published this. [President Manuel] Bulnes. Salvador Sanfuentes. [Ministro de Justicia, Culto e Instrucción Pública],

******* The following translation is made from the document found in: Archivo Nacional de Chile; Ministerio de educación, Volumen 92 Decretos 1858–1861; No. 39; Instituto Nacional—Sección Bellas Artes Santiago, Agosto 30 de 1858: N° 1.025. A transcribed copy is reprinted in: Estudios de Arte Archivo Complementario; “Del Taller a las Aulas. La institución moderna del arte en Chile (1797–1910).” www. estudiosdearte.cl

Government Decree 1025; August 30, 1858. Establishing a Fine Arts Section in the University Department of the National Institute Considering that the classes of Fine Arts that are sustained by the State are not subject to a uniform and convenient review, and which gives these studies all the interest and importance to which they are called, and bearing in mind the provisions of art. 4 of the regulation of November 22, 1847 I here decree that

Article 1 A section of Fine Arts is established in the University department of the National Institute that will be composed for now of the following branches

Chile (Santiago) 187 1st–Painting and natural drawing 2nd–Architecture 3rd–Sculpture

Article 2 This section will be like the rest of the university instruction under the government and immediate inspection of the Delegate, who will exercise over it, the powers conferred by the cited Regulation of November 22 and the supreme decree of March 29, 1854.

Article 3 The dean of the Faculty of Humanities and the Commission referred to in Article 5 of the same Regulations shall promote the advancement and improvement in the teaching of these branches, and to this end, professors of Fine Arts shall be considered for membership on the commission.

Article 4 The students of this section will be enrolled in the university instruction book, as Fine Arts students, without being required more than the essential elementary preparatory instruction for each branch, and their conduct and progress will be recorded in the books of the same department of the application.

Article 5 The University Council will determine beforehand the preparatory instruction that students wishing to join the Fine Arts classes must have.

Article 6 On August 1 and December 1, a contest will be opened to determine the works that should be awarded in each class, in the presence of the commission, chaired by the Rector of the University, and the Dean will seek to invite to this act the most accredited artists of this capital. Prizes will consist of 1st, 2nd and 3rd place medals, which will be distributed at the end of each school year. The works that, in the opinion of the commission, obtain the best reception, will be sent to the National Exhibition.

Article 7 The student who has obtained the first prize in three consecutive competitions will receive an extraordinary prize of ten pesos per month, for all the time he continues in his respective class under the same obligations and uses. The University Delegate will inform the Government whenever a student has to suspend the pension he enjoys, for not carrying out the necessary conditions to continue enjoying it.

188  Chile (Santiago)

Article 8 All the students of the Painting and Sculpture classes, who enjoy a salary or a fiscal pension, will be obliged to attend the workshops at the convenient hours assigned to them by their professors so that they can receive practical instruction concerning their art. Architecture students who are in the same course will attend one of the public works [demonstrations] directed by the teacher, with the same object expressed in the previous paragraph.

Article 9 The Painting Academy established by decree of January 4, 1849, will form the first class of the Fine Arts section, and will operate in the university department under the same bases established in the Regulation that now rules it as long as it is not contrary to the provisions in this decree.

Article 10 The University Delegate will take care to create a thorough inventory of all the paintings, books, drawings and supplies of the Academy and will put them in the most suitable place for the good service of this class. The same procedure will be observed regarding the Architecture and sculpture classes, and a copy of these inventories will be forwarded to the Government. Let it be noted and communicated, Montt

Colombia (Bogotá)

The following translation is based on: “Escuela de Bellas Artes en Colombia” Papel Periódico Ilustrado (Bogota) 5, no. 97 (6 August 1886): 5–7. (Translation below begins on page 6 of original text.) Online digital copies can be found at: “Banco de la Républica / Colobmia. Biblioteca Virtual”, http://babel.banrepcultural.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/ p17054coll26/id/410/ and “Documents of 20th-­Century Latin American and Latin Art,” International Center for the Arts of the Americas (ICAA), at the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. Registration no. 132338

On the Inauguration and Organization of the School of Fine Arts, Bogota (1886) “Your Excellency Mr. President of the Republic, and Gentlemen: Having designated this day [20 July–Colombian Independence day], a classic one in Colombia, for the inauguration of the School of Fine Arts, and I, having been given this undeserved distinction, and for me, the most valuable honor of having been charged with founding or constituting it, fulfill my duty by presenting to Your Excellency the nine sections into which at present [the School] has been divided; [and further] by becoming a delegate for the youths that form the [sections], thank you and congratulate the Patria for the School’s foundation on this glorious anniversary of our independence that we are able to celebrate, fulfilling the fortunes of such a deep and transcendental transformation [in Colombia] which, with good reason, has been called a social and political regeneration. The sections into which the Academy is presently divided are: 1st. Architecture, with 14 students, under the direction of Mr. D. Mariano Santamaría. 2nd. Sculpture, with 12 students, under the direction of Mr. César Sighinolfi. 3rd. Painting, with 24 students, under the direction of Mr. Pantaleón Mendoza. 4th. Drawing, with 86 students, under my personal direction. 5th. Watercolor, with 16 students, night course, and also under my direction. 6th. Wood engraving, with 23 students, under the direction of Mr. Antonio Rodríguez. 7th. Ornamentation [decorative sculpture], with 15 students, under the direction of Mr. Luis Ramelli. 8th. Artist Anatomy, to which the students of Sculpture, Painting and Drawing attend, under the direction of Mr. Doctor D. Daniel Coronado.

190  Colombia (Bogotá) 9th. Lectures on Perspective, to which 4 students (from Architecture, Painting, Drawing and Engraving), will attend, under the direction of Mr. Francisco Torres Medina, and 10th. Music, with 108 students, under the direction of Mr. Jorge W. Price. It is to the initiative of the very eminent Dr. Núñez, and the enlightened diligence of our current Secretary of Public Education, Dr. Enrique Álvarez, as well as the generous support that this School has received from your progressive and patriotic administration in the short period of its existence, that the School’s foundation is today an accomplished fact. [This deed] symbolizes a flattering hope for those of us who hold the always loved and sought-­after ideal of progress in the noble exercise of art in our country. Barely two months have gone by since the beginning of the work demanded by the establishment of this School, a circumstance that we trust will serve us, the respectable public and Your Excellency who honors us with your visit, as an excuse for not being able to present today but the beginning or, in terms of art, the outline of the work entrusted to us. But counting, as we have the right to count, for explicit demonstrations, with the support of the enlightened Government that you are worthily leading, and with the enthusiastic cooperation of many parents as they have come to enroll their children in open classes, we promise that it will soon be a reality plentiful in the fruits of civilization what today is just a nascent effort that we put as a humble offering at the foot of the altar of the Fatherland, on the day of its birth. I beg you, then, Your Excellency, Mr. President, that if you deem it right, you will declare the National School of Fine Arts inaugurated, and will do us the honor of visiting the sections that form it.

Cuba (Havana)

The following translation is based on the digital version of: Reglamento de la academia gratuita de dibujo y pintura con título de San Alejandro: fundada y costeada por la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, a cargo de su Sección de Educación. Habana: Oficina del Gobierno y Capitanía General, 1832. Courtesy of the Cuban Heritage Collection, University of Miami Libraries.

Regulations of the Free Academy of Drawing and Painting with the Title of San Alejandro (1832) Royal Patriotic Society. Section of Education. The Section of Education in its regular meeting of the 25 of the current month, among other various matters, agreed to elect Your Lord [V.S.] to create the Regulations, that will guide the Academy of drawing and painting, and is funded by this Royal Patriotic Society, and in consideration that no one is better suited than V.S., as its socio curador (member curator), to be able to carry out with greater skill the said order. The Section hopes that V.S. with his characteristic desire [zeal] for the advancement of the Cuban youth, will gladly take on this commission. And in accordance with the referred agreement, I communicate it to V.S. for purposes of convenience. May God grant V.S. many years. Havana, June 28, 1832. [Signed] Domingo del Monte, secretary; D. Tomas Agustin Cervantes, Honorary Intendant of the province, member of merit, and curator of the Free Academy of Drawing and Painting. [p. 3] Regulations [Reglamento] To be observed in the Free Academy of Drawing and Painting, founded and financed by the Royal Economic Society of the friends of the country in Havana, in charge of its Section of Education.

Chapter 1. General Provisions Article 1. The Free Academy of Drawing and Painting of Havana founded on the 11th of January, 1818 in the Convent of St. Augustine, will be designated San Alejandro, in fond memory of Dr. Alejandro Ramirez, mayor of the army, general superintendent of the Royal Treasury and director of the Royal Patriotic Society, to whom is owed its foundation and progress.

192  Cuba (Havana) Article 2. In compliance with article 23 of the royal statutes of the illustrious patriotic body [Sociedad Económica], the Academy will be in the charge of the Education Section, of which it will take care to give it all the advancement and perfection that is applicable to it; retaining in its places its current employees. Article 3. It will be under the immediate inspection of the two curatorial members, one director and the other an assistant, chosen at an appropriate time by the same Section and by its core [members], who bring together the qualities of education, honesty, zeal, and prudence. [p. 4] Article 4. It will have a professor with the title of director named by the Section itself, of good conduct and proven aptitude, to direct the teaching of the students, so that they acquire the essential prerequisites of drawing, such as correctness, good taste, elegance, character, expression and perspective; and, additionally, in painting chiaroscuro, coloring, etc. He will enjoy the financial compensation that he will receive from the treasury of the Royal Society. Article 5. Also in his case an alternate director will be elected by the same Section on the nomination of the director, and recommendation of the associate curator, and chosen from among the most outstanding disciples that the Academy has produced to replace him, as long as he is involved with the same associate curator, without pay or salary in absences and illnesses when they do not exceed more than a month each time; but he will receive half the salary assigned to the principal director for entire time he occupies the position after one month of unpaid service; this will also serve him well in his career. Article 6. In the event of a legitimate vacancy of the principal director, the replacement will be conferred by strict competition according to articles 112 and following title XXI of the Statutes of the Royal Patriotic Society, in which the services contracted by the alternate director shall be considered. Article 7. There will be a portero (concierge/ facilities manager) on the premises of the Academy attending to all of its paintings, furniture, etc. and paid from the funds of the patriotic body. Article 8. The Academy will consist of 120 students for now, divided into two sections established separately in two salons: one of foundations and copies from two dimensional images of pencil and wash, [p. 5] and another of copying of plaster casts and natural objects, in painting or pencil drawing, and with directed light [fulmino]. Article 9. In every afternoon throughout the year, except the holidays and customary vacation days, there will be instruction: the students will be entering four at a time to work at least an hour and a half, or two hours at the most, as the light of the [yearly] season allows. Article 10. Every year the Academy will celebrate an exhibition and public display student works on the Sunday closest to July 14th, with the aim of being able to give the usual vacation, and so that the Royal mother Society can be informed in a timely fashion of the year’s work at their general meetings. The drawing and paintings will remain in place during the following three days for the general inspection of the public. The prizes will be the usual, namely gold and silver pens with their corresponding inscription, and a certificate from the Education Section that attests to it. The evaluating qualified professors will be

Cuba (Havana) 193 named beforehand, and who, with the assistance of the president of the Section of Education, the secretary and curators, will verify the strength of the works, which will be graded according to the best of their knowledge and understanding, three days before the public examination. Article 11. As the Section has no other goals than the public good, the splendor of the Academy and in particular, the progress of each student, the latter will have the honorable satisfaction of ceding the awarded works, which in prudent judgement of the class should be destined for some useful and convenient purpose; whose generous offering of the work will be regarded as a special merit of the pupil. [p. 6] Article 12. An accurate inventory will be made of all of the Academy stock, including models, tables, and utensils; it will be renewed every two years, signed by the director and groundskeeper, and endorsed by the principle curator, of which the authorized copy must be forwarded to the accounts department of the Royal Society.

Chapter II. Of the Curators Article 1. The chief curator, and in his absence or sickness the assistant, will exercise the authority of a diligent parent, watching over the good manners, diligence and decent behavior of the employees and students, warning of flaws that he notices, reprimanding on omissions or faults, correcting those within his reach of power, and reporting to the Section those which, because of their seriousness, require a more serious response. To this end, he will visit the Academy to evaluate it once a month and whenever he deems it convenient, ensuring compliance with these rules and regulations in all of their parts. Article 2. It is up to him to expedite the admissions documents of those intending to be students of [the academy] in accordance with the predetermined number, provided that they have the necessary qualifications in accordance with the articles 1 and 2 of chapter IV. Article 3. He will be respected and obeyed: he will be kept current of the news that occurs via the director and portero, in order to use his powers in accordance with article 1 of the present chapter. Article 4. He will endorse the salary receipts of employees, as well as that of the necessary expenses of utensils, cleaning, and repair of the rooms and others that are necessary and customary. Article 5. Public examinations and everything related to them shall be arranged with his participation and agreement, and should be arranged with the appointment of qualifying professors, and by attending the qualification and examination events in the manner that is provided in article 10 of chapter I.

Chapter III. Of the Director Article 1. The Academy shall be under his charge and direction, and which he will attend daily in the approved hours.

194  Cuba (Havana) Article 2. He will carry an admissions book of the students specifying the day of their arrival [presentación], name of the parents, his age and admission by the curator; he will not admit anyone who does not display the [curator’s] entry card [cédula de entrada]. He will annotate in the margins of the card their departure, providing an explanation. Article 3. He shall direct the teaching of the students in the principles of art, in the most appropriate way placing them in the section and corresponding secondary classes, and so that no one will be dismissed without the director’s expressed will. Article 4. It shall be his distinct charge to arrangement, numbering, and the situating of the models in their respective places, as well as the distribution of the secondary classes. Article 5. He shall observe and have observed this statute in all its parts, to which end it shall be obeyed and respected by the students. In case of the contrary, he will inform the associate curator in accordance with article 3 of chapter II. Article 6. In agreement with the associate curator, he will propose to the Education Section any improvements to the establishment that may be required; he will voice the need of them and propose the means for their repair. Article 7. In the event of a necessary absence or sickness, the associate curator will arrange for the substitute director to replace him, in accordance with article 5, chapter I. Chapter IV. Of the Students Article 1. In order to be a student, one needs to be twelve years old, to be a white person and of good manners. Article 2. All applicants shall present themselves to the chief associate curator [socio curador principal] with their baptismal certificate, who, taking the appropriate information, shall issue in his favor the admission card if he meets the qualifications of the regulation, in accordance with article 2, of chapter II. Article 3. Consequently, once admitted by the director of the Academy, he will pay the cost of a chair, a frame, a folio with his name and surname inscribed, a pencil box, a pen-­knife, elastic eraser, and paper, by having replaced these items for the twelve pesos that were previously contributed upon admission. These items should never be absent from the students. Upon the student’s departure, the chair and frame shall remain for the benefit of the establishment, in order to replace those which are unusable. Article 4. They will occupy the place that the director will indicate to them in one of the two rooms, and they shall will practice only the principles and under the numbered model that is appointed to them, without ever changing their position or touching the other models of the Academy. In any case, [any changes] must be at the behest of said director. Article 5. The students will not attend the Academy until the appointed time to enter, nor stop for a moment at the gatehouse or in the cloisters, but will proceed directly to their respective rooms, observing silence and the respect owed to a monastic establishment, which is the convent of St. Augustine. When exiting [the classrooms and building], they will follow the same order, and without forming groups or making noise, they should leave quickly [quietly] to their homes.

Cuba (Havana) 195 Article 6. They will attend the appointed hours: they shall not leave their posts without urgent necessity, and under no circumstances shall they retire to their homes until the director gives the signal to all. Article 7. They will accept with obedience [docilidad] reprimands, advice and corrections, each [student] trying to be an example of moderation and order. Article 8. They are prohibited from smoking, forming cliques, making mischief, or any other action that offends the decency of the place. Article 9. No student may search through or touch the folders of his classmates, nor under any pretext, take any of their objects. Article 10. Whoever misuses or breaks any of the Academy’s furniture or property of his companions, will pay for it immediately, or the next day at the latest. Article 11. Four absences in one month without justification, and without timely communication to the director, will prove the student’s lack of commitment. Article 12. The student, whose picture made from a plaster cast or a natural model, by its perfection deserves being used as a model by the Academy, will have the honor and complacency of facilitating it, with the note at the bottom [ . . . illegible] to serve as an incentive to others. Article 13. In order to dismiss a pupil from the Academy, there must have been a justifiable cause in regards to these regulations, which the director will never do without the agreement of the associate curator, and neither without the certainty of the student’s incorrigibility. Chapter V. Of the Portero [Facilities Manager] Article 1. The portero will be appointed by the Education Section on the nomination of the associate curator, and this position will be given to a person of good manners, honesty and prudence. He will be at the immediate orders of the associate curator and director. Article 2. He shall begin his duties by taking charge of all the inventories of the Academy including plaster models, and pencil [drawings], tables, benches, chairs, etc., the inventory will be his responsibility as stated in article 12 of chapter I. Article 3. He will attend [word illegible] and will open the doors of the rooms a quarter of an hour before what is indicated for the entrance of the students so that they will find them open upon arrival, in compliance with article 5, chapter IV. Article 4. He will be in charge of cleaning the rooms, he will remove and put away the models when the director asks, he must be careful that in doing this, he does not mix up the students’ works, and to take care to never change the [order of] paintings arranged by number. Article 5. In this same way, he will also see to it. . . [illegible] . . . the students occupy their respective positions and only touch the folders and supplies belonging to them. Article 6. He will not allow the extraction of any model or supplies from the Academy, not even under the pretext of continuing a work in the students’ home. Article 7. He may warn students who do not observe order and its appropriate prudence, and in the event that they do not listen, he will notify the director for appropriate action. Article 8. Approval is given to the agreement reached by the students and the portero to punctually contribute to the portero one real monthly towards expenses

196  Cuba (Havana) of cloths and their laundering, pitcher, glasses for water, etc.; and in remuneration of the services that he provides them in functions [at times that are of] convenience and comfort for the students, and which are not part of the portero’s obligations. Article 9. Chapters IV and V of the present regulations shall be printed separately, and a copy shall be affixed to each of the classrooms, so that they will always be in sight, their articles shall be complied with verbatim, and that no one may plead ignorance. Havana, July 2, 1832. Tomas Agustin Cervantes, associate curator. Whose Regulations, having been seen, discussed and approved by the Education Section in the meeting of 14 July, was submitted to the Royal Society by document on the 19th, that after hearing the judgement of the Preparatory [Board] was served in session of the 31st August last to impart its final approval in their own wording, agreeing to thank its author for the early and successful performance of this honorable commission, and that it be printed subject to his correction for its more punctual fulfillment, according to the office of his Secretary D. Antonio Zambrana of the current date. Havana, 6 September 1832. Domingo del Monte, secretary.

Ecuador (Quito)

Translation made from: González Jiménez, José. “Informe de la Academia de Bellas Artes.” In Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Don Francisco Javier León dirigida al Congreso Constitucional del Ecuador en 1873. Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1873. Quito: Biblioteca/Archivo Aurelio Espinosa Pólit, p. 78

José González Jiménez. “Informe de la Academia de Bellas Artes” (1873) Report from the Academy of Fine Arts. Republic of Ecuador.—National Academy of Fine Arts.—Quito, March 13, 1873. To the Honorable Minister of State in the Office of the Interior and Public Instruction. H[onablable] sir. -­I reply to your esteemed official document of the preceding 26 February, attaching the pay slips of the Academy’s and its students’ utensils [tools and material needs] and their numbers, as follows: Educational materials [utensillos:] twenty-­two tables [mesas de chillo], forty drawing boards, forty seats, twenty supports with stone bases, forty idem. for frames of the tables, two hundred and five frames with their [hanging] iron rings, four slate boards for sharpening pencils, sixteen bars of black “choleta,” and twenty-­four white of the same with several slats and rolls [of covering] for the classes’ windows, a large screen [mampara] at the entrance of the Academy lined with white cotton cloth on both sides, one hundred thirty-­four glasses, a blank book where the professor-­director’s attendance is noted. Prints and books [:] Five prints on geometry with descriptions by Angelini, professor of perspective etc. from the Saint Luke Academy of Fine Arts in Rome; Principles of drawing the human figure by Professor Morguen, with eighty-­two plates; drawings of the [human] extremities [hands, feet] and heads from the famous picture of the transfiguration by Rafael Sancio de Urvino [sic] with thirty-­one plates and three heads engraved by Berendesi; six prints engraved by the famous Voljeato, copies of statues by the immortal Canova; twenty-­four principles of ornament drawing by Catuffi [sic; probably Luigi Catufi]; seventy-­nine ornaments [decorative pieces] from the 16th century after the best Greek and Roman originals; twenty-­three lithographs of decoration of the noted Roman Vico, thirty-­two engravings of ornaments of the famous Latin chapel by the immortal Michelangelo, an anatomy book with an explanation of the thirty-­eight plates that serve as a text in the academy of Saint Luke by Professor José, the physician [médico]. Comparative horse anatomy and

198  Ecuador (Quito) description in ten lithographed plates. An architecture book with thirty-­eight plates by Vignota [sic]. Six Byzantine lithographic plates by the Roman architect Count de Vispiñani [sic]; Twenty-­five photographs of the best Greek and Roman statues. A large book of Roman history with one hundred and one etchings by the famous [Bartolomeo] Pinelli, and another book of Greek history engraved by the same with one hundred plates. Two books containing the famous compositions of Klassmun [sic], that of Homer’s Iliad with thirty plates, and the odyssey with thirty-­four. The famous Vatican loggia frescoes by Rafael of sacred history in forty-­five prints engraved by Vencell. Eight works painted on copper of the Italian school and of sacred history; four paintings on canvas, three of which have frames and are copies of mythological themes by the famous Guido Reni. Supplies that [still] need to be installed in two classrooms [:] two large circular tables, two unlined looms, eight small chairs, six sculptor’s easels, six rough boards with six supports, six chairs, six drawing boards, one wash basin stand two feet deep. Materials [utensillos] missing in classes already furnished [:]. In those of geometry, of the ten frames that should have glass I have received five and am missing five; in the human figure [classroom], of one hundred and twenty-­two that should have glass, I have received eighty-­three while thirty-­seven medium and two large ones are missing; in the decorative [drawing room—adorno] sixty-­three decorative frames that should have glass I have received forty-­four, twenty-­eight are missing. It is also necessary to seal with lead the twenty supports to their stone bases that belong to the human figure drawing class, and two chairs [sillas de chillo] are missing, and I have not been able to obtain them, even when the Supreme Government has ordered them to be turned over, including what is needed to furnish the classes and line the screens etc. Also missing are original geometric [-­shaped blocks] for improvement in [learning] shading, and plaster casts made from the best Greek and Roman statues in Rome, a silk mannequin built in Paris, clothes such as capes, dresses or tunics all woolen; books are missing for instructing students on religious history, mythology, an understanding of Greek and Roman histories, in short, everything concerning the artistic education of an academy. God keep your H[onor]—The Director, José González y Gimenez

Mexico (Mexico City)

Estatutos de la Real Academia de San Carlos de Nueva España. Mexico: Nueva Mexicana de Don Felipe de Zuñiga y Ontiveros, 1785 (pp. i–xxx: Preamble; Articles 1–15). The following translation has been made from the published facsimile edition of the 1785 Statutes: Proyecto, estatutos, y demás documentos relacionados al establecimiento de la Real Academia de pintura, escultura y arquitectura denominada de San Carlos de Nueva España (1781–1802). Editor David Marley editor, facsimile edition. Mexico; Windsor: Roston-­Bain, 1984 document V, Articles 1–13, and 15 (pp. I–XXX). Online versions can be found at the Getty Research institute/ Hathi Trust Digital Library: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/gri.ark:/13960/t6644s688 Digital text version: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-­visor/estatutos-­de-­la-­real-­academia-­de-­san-­carlos-­ de-­nueva-­espana-­0/html/000e66ac-­82b2-­11df-­acc7-­002185ce6064_2.html A facsimile of the original manuscript has been published in: Reales Estatutos de 1784. [Real Orden de Carlos Ill de fecha 18 de noviembre de 1784 que funda, erige y dota la Real Academia de San Carlos de Nueva España y establece las reglas y Estatutos para su gobierno], Ms. Archivo de la Antigua Academia de San, Carlos, Mexico City. Original Manuscript reproduced in Báez Macías, Historia de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (2009), between 288 and 289. Excerpts in translation of Statute articles 8, 10, 18 and 19 can be found in Kelly Donahue-­Wallace, Art and Architecture of Viceregal Latin America, 1521–1821 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2008), 226–227.

******* Statutes of the Royal Academy of San Carlos of New Spain (1785); pp. i-­xxx: Preamble; Articles 1–13, 15. Note: Page numbers refer to the 1785 publication. Estatutos (p. i)

200  Mexico (Mexico City)

The King Don Carlos, King of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, of the two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarre, of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Mallorca, of Seville, of Sardinia, of Cordova, of Corsica, of Murcia, of Jaén, of Algarve, of Algeciras, of Gibraltar, of the Canary Islands, of the East and West Indies by the grace of God. Islands and the land of the mainland of the Ocean Sea, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Brabante and of Milan, Count of Aspurg [sic], of Flanders, Tyrol and Barcelona, Master of Biscay, and of Molina, etc. For this reason, Don Fernando Joseph Mangino of my Treasury Council, Superintendent of my Royal Mint of Mexico, animated with the zeal, common to my Vassals, of serving me, on the twenty-­ninth of August of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-­one, presented to the field marshal of my armies Don Martin de Mayorga, my interim Viceroy of New Spain, a Project to establish in the same Royal House an Academy of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture, which the Viceroy thought to be timely and (p. ii) convenient: and to formalize it, provisionally establishing a Board comprised of his own person, of the aforementioned Don Fernando Joseph Mangino, of the Mayor of that Capital Don Francisco Antonio Crespo, of the Deputy Mayor of his City Council Don Joseph Angel de Cuevas Aguirre, of the Prior of the Consulate Don Antonio Barroso y Torrubia, of the eldest Consul Don Antonio Basoco, of the General Administrator of the Royal Mining Board Don Juan Lucas de Lasága, of the Director of the same Board Don Joaquín Velazquez de León, of the Marshall of Castille Marquis of Ciria [sic], Marquis of San Miguel de Aguayo, of Dr. D. Joseph Ignacio Bartolache, as well as the Secretary, and the Senior Engraver of the Same House of the Mint Don Gerónimo Antonio Gil, as well as the General Director. This Board held its Sessions, created its minutes and resolutions [actas y acuerdos], and took the measures that time and circumstances required; and with the expression of all of them, the aforementioned Viceroy on August first of the year eighty two made me aware of this establishment, promising him many advantages to the Royal service and to the public good, asking me to grant it my protection, and a competent endowment for its perpetuity; so that their good effects were seen in application to the youth, and in the acceptance and joy with which all classes at this Capital watched and tried to carry forward such a fortuitous foundation. He had given me an account of this (p. iii) provisional or preparatory Board, appealing to me to endow it with twelve thousand and fifty pesos annually, as I do with my Royal San Fernando Academy in Spain: with which its subsistence could be assured, assisted as it already was, with the perpetual allocation of nine thousand three hundred and eighty pesos annually, that were given to it in this way: The City of Mexico one thousand pesos, that of Veracruz two hundred, that of Querátaro a hundred, the town of San Miguel el Grande fifty and Orizaba fifteen, that of Cordova fifteen, the Royal Tribunal of the Consulate three thousand, and the Royal Mining Tribunal five thousand. The same Board asked me that, for the convenient exercise of its faculty functions, I send it to the Spanish Professors of outstanding ability and reputation to be the first Professors and Directors of Painting, Sculpture, Architecture, with the materials, books, models and drawings proper to their occupation. And that I, in order to adopt the resolution with the complete understanding of the gravity and importance of the subject, order as Lieutenant of my Battalions Don Matías de Gálvez, my current Viceroy, Governor and Capitan General of New Spain, having heard from the Attorney of my Royal and Civil Estate of the Audience of Mexico Don Ramón de Posada, informs

Mexico (Mexico City) 201 me of all that is expressed: and in his obedience, conforming with the very prudent and foundational statute (p. iv) that the aforementioned Attorney extended, and the Viceroy adding other very solid and effective reasons, dated July thirty-­first, one thousand seven hundred eighty three, informed me: That he examined and reflected on this project with due attention, [and] found it clearly highly useful and even necessary: in consequence, he was of an opinion that I approve what was practiced until then, and that in my glorious Reign, erect in Mexico the Royal Academy of Arts with the title of SAN CARLOS OF NEW SPAIN [original emphasis], under my immediate Royal protection: That for the direction and instruction of the Disciples there be submitted from these Kingdoms the teachers, materials, books, models and drawings requested by the Preparatory Board: The Statutes be formed for its governance: And in view of all this, and the allocations that the generosity of the aforementioned [administrative] bodies have provided, it will not be enough for the promotion and subsistence of the anticipated Academy, if I do not encourage it with an endowment corresponding to the circumstances of the country, [as such] he asked that I grant the Academy, from whichever Branch [of royal finances] is of my Royal pleasure, twelve thousand pesos annually, which is the amount that he deems necessary. And in view of all of this, and as proof of the paternal love with which I seek for all my Vassals of those Kingdoms, the many comforts, advantages and benefits that are possible, by my Royal Order of December twenty-­fifth of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-­three with my greatest satisfac-­ (p. v) tion and pleasure, I erect the Royal Academy of Noble Arts, that Don Fernando Joseph Mangino has planned, [and] as proposed to me by Viceroy Don Martín de Mayorga, and acknowledged, examined and recommended to me by the current Viceroy Don Matías de Gálvez: I endowed and granted to it for perpetuity from the first day of this year and for each [subsequent] year nine thousand pesos from the Royal coffers of Mexico, and another four thousand annually from the stipends produced from the [sale of properties of the suppressed religious] orders [“temporalidades de los regulares extinguidos”], and in the event of a lack in these, then [also from] the Branch [of the Royal Hacienda dealing with] Major and Minor [ecclesiastic and administrative] vacancies for the entirety of New Spain. I wanted it to have the effect it had, and the Royal Academy of Art was, thus, erected, established and approved with the title of San Carlos of New Spain, supported with the expressed endowment of thirteen thousand pesos annually in the funds referred to from the said first day of the year, receiving them on the dates and periods that my current Viceroy felt it opportune to set: And that it should be governed by individuals who then composed the Preparatory Board, with the rules, method and practices that were observed, until I ordered it to expedite the majestic Royal communiqué of the [Academy’s] foundation with the Statutes pertaining to its government, economy and management of all its parts, and with the privileges and graces that are accorded to it. And also I ordered, among other things, that while my (p. vi) Royal Academy should provide funds to construct a building corresponding to its institute, the aforementioned my current Viceroy, will take care to situate it in the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo, or another of those in the Capital that were of the suppressed Regular [religious orders], and as long as they are not occupied. Further, I also alerted my current Viceroy, that he should make known to the said Superintendent Don Fernando Joseph Mangino, how much pleasure it has given me [to witness] his zeal in the proposing of this establishment, and the efficiency with which it has been promoted: and to the City Hall of the city of Mexico, to those of Veracruz and Queretaro, to the towns of San Miguel el

202  Mexico (Mexico City) Grande, Orizaba and Cordova, and very especially to the Royal Tribunals of the Councils on Commerce and Mining of that Kingdom, which were much of my royal pleasure and approval the said perpetual allocations they made for the subsistence of the Academy, of which I admitted, accepted and confirmed, so that for all times they should be received and be part of their funds. I likewise order to make known to my worthy individual vassals who generously contributed donations to the first attempts at [establishing] an Academy, that I found their gestures very admirable: and that all may give thanks in my Royal name, and assuring them that I have, and will have very much in mind this important service that they have done for me, and for the public of this Kingdom. As of late, I declared that I welcomed and took the Academy (p. vii) under my immediate Royal protection, and naming the aforementioned current Viceroy, and his Successors in [those future] governments thereof, I entrusted him to attend to, take care of, assist and encourage with all the dedication and efficiency that is expected of this zeal. And I appointed as deputy [Lugarteniente], and his permanent Substitute in the administration and direction of the Academy, the aforementioned Don Fernando Joseph Mangíno, thus demonstrating the appreciation I have for his services, as well as the confidence I have that his talent and love of public good will fulfill this important and distinguished assignment. And having been represented by the aforementioned current Viceroy, along with my already-­formed Royal Academy of San Carlos of New Spain, having published my cited Royal Order of the twenty-­fifth of December, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-­three, and thus through its formal Board, as well as through printed Edicts, in order to make it known to the entire Kingdom, and having been duly observed by the relevant [administrative] bodies, by the Officers of the Royal coffers, and by the Directorate of [the board of] Temporalities: I was asked, and it was more than my Royal pleasure, to grant the formal Statutes and Laws for [the Academy’s] governance, and the graces and privileges, for its greatest decorum and subsistence. At the same time, he informed me of the advantageous state in which the study of the Arts is found in that Capital, of the large number of students who demand it, and of the rapid progress that the li-­(p. viii) ving and happy geniuses of the natives [naturales] have made. It was also explained to me the teaching method that the Academy practices, the prizes and means used to encourage their application, and all else that it was believed necessary to give a clear and precise idea of its current state, and the circumstances of the Country. And having commanded that everything that should be seen and reflected on by the Ministers, [who are] of my satisfaction and [have] consummate expertise in these matters, after a thoughtful and extended examination: and having heard their opinions, I have come to grant it the graces and the privileges expressed in this my Royal communiqué, and giving to it, for its administration and governance in all its parts, the following Laws and Statutes.

Article 1 Classes of Academicians 1. The Academy will be composed of the Viceroy who, for the benefit of being the Vice protector, will in my Royal name, take care of it and govern it: of a deputy or Substitute of his with the name of President: of the Councilors who will have my Royal favor: of one Secretary: of the Honorary Academicians who are deemed

Mexico (Mexico City) 203 appropriate, of the General Director, of two Directors of Painting, two of Sculpture, two of Architecture, two of Mathematics: of two Directors of Engraving, and of three Depu-­(p. ix) ty Directors of Painting and another three in Sculpture: of the Academicians of Merit [who are] Professors of the Academy, and having been put forward through required examination, will be judged worthy of this degree, and ultimately of the supernumerary Academicians. 2. For the execution of the economic provisions of the Academy, for the custody of the House and its precious objects (alajas), and for all other functions that shall be expressed, there will be a Concierge, two or three Porteros, and two or three well-­formed men to be Models.

2. Vice-­Protector 1. This position must be exclusive to and privative of my Viceroy, who is currently away from New Spain. And I grant him all the economic and governing power of the Academy. He will always preside over it and will have a casting vote in all of its Meetings. His main task is to be a promoter who takes the utmost care in its advancement, to stop abuses that may be started, and give me an account of any news he deems worthy, through my Secretary (at present and from now on) of the State and the General Office of the Indies (Despacho Universal de las Indias), though means of which my resolutions and orders must be communicated. (p. x)

3. President 1. The Viceroy, as Vice-­protector, will have a Deputy or Substitute to represent him in his absences, exercising his time and faculties in the manner that is here expressed. 2. He must take care with the greatest attention and concern, in the compliance of these Statutes, the ordering of the method of Studies, improving and maintaining good order in all the branches of the Academy, for which I bestow upon him the authority of the Vice-­protector, continuing in perpetuity, with his consent and agreement. 3. He has to convene all the Meetings, and preside with the casting vote in those [meetings] that the Vice-­protector does not attend, when attending these he will occupy the first place to his right, and his vote will not be cast. 4. He will propose in the Meetings, relevant subjects and business matters that pertain to each: the persons [candidates] that are to be made Academicians of honor, merit, Supernumerary Academicians, and those that are to be consulted for the employed positions at the Academy. He will name the individuals that will compose the council offices. And in the cases of absence or illness of the employed Academicians, he will name those who will replace them. (p. xi) 5. He will decisively resolve all the issues and cases of the Academy, of which he will give an account to the Director General, the individual current Directors and Deputies, or to any other Individual, and their resolutions will be fulfilled, if these matters are not especially serious; but in the latter case he will call the Meeting

204  Mexico (Mexico City) of the Senior Board of the Government, [Junta Superior] and he will arrive at a resolution with their agreement. 6. He will sign all the releases for the payment of salaries, pensions and everyday expenses. For extraordinary [payments] he will convene the Senior Board, and will order those to be resolved with a majority of votes, notifying the Vice-­protector. In the meeting of the Senior Board of Government, he will examine and definitively approve the Concierge’s accounts: and by virtue of his approval, the corresponding settlements will be dispatched. 7. He will have one of the three keys to the moneybox [arca] of the Academy funds, and with his presence and input, as well as that of the other two Key-­Holders, will put in it what will be witnessed [by them]. In the same way, he will intervene on behalf of those who are removing [items], signing with the two Key-­Holders the deposits and withdrawals in the Book, numbered and initialed by the Secretary, and [the book] will always remain within the same moneybox for this purpose. 8. All the Individuals of the Academy will punctually obey all his orders, when it comes to its government and internal administration, and of its Studies. None will propose matter (p. xii) of serious importance at the Meeting without first notifying the President; but the latter will not prevent the rightful freedom that everyone should have to propose what is deemed appropriate, prohibiting only immoderation, discourtesy, mockery or similar vices; in the event that any Individual commits them, the President shall correct and punish him in proportion to the fault, and reporting [the incident] to the Vice-­protector.

4. Councilors 1. The Councilors must be convened, and will participate with voice and vote in all the Senior Board of Government meetings, in the general, ordinary and public [sessions]. In the event that the Vice-­protector and the President do not attend, the Meetings will be convened and chaired by the eldest Councilors present in Mexico, with all of their powers and faculties, except for the casting vote. 2. In the general and ordinary Meetings, I want the Vice-­protector, the President, the Councilors and the Academicians of honor to abstain from voting on faculty matters and the subjects regarding the knowledge of the Arts; but I declare that it is your obligation to take care that any voting does not take effect, that has not been carried out justly and in accordance with the provisions of these Statutes. (p. xiii) 3. The Councilors must treat, confer and resolve with the Vice-­protector and the President in the Board of Government meetings all important business, such as the extraordinary expenses, and in addition to the matters expressed in these Statutes, all those that are of interest to the Body of the Academy: and on all these points and matters of business, a decision will always be made in accordance with a plurality of votes. 4. Because the presence of such authorized persons matters, and it is my will that they be the Councilors, not only so that they preserve good order, but also incite and encourage the application of the Students, and hence charge them with attending as frequently as possible the Meetings, and the [classroom] Studies at the Academy.

Mexico (Mexico City) 205 5. One of the Councilors, who is to be named by the Vice-­protector, will always have control of one of the three keys of the moneybox, and cannot on his own assign or turn it over to another; in the case of absence, illness or some other rightful impediment, it will be communicated to the Vice-­protector, and in his absence, to the President, so that each one in his case names the Academic Councilor of honor who has to use it [the key]. 6. The Deacon Councilor, in the absence of the President, will exercise his position with all its tasks and powers in the Meetings and outside of them. (p. xiv)

5. Secretary 1. The Archive, Books, Governing Papers and Seal of the Academy will be under the charge and the guidance of the Secretary. He will convene all the Meetings in writing and will attend them with an equal voice to those of the Councilors. He will provide an account of the orders and resolutions that my Secretary of State and the Office of the Indies will communicate in my Royal Name, and these will be made known to the Vice-­Protector. 2. He will read at each Meeting the resolutions from the preceding [meeting]: he will acknowledge in writing what is determined to be included in the Settlement Agreements Book [Libro de Acuerdos], and will begin the next meeting by reading it. He will send off orders, letters and judgements resulting from agreements. He will sign, with the inclusion of the date and year of these Agreements, noting in the margin the Members who were present, and who will also sign the list. 3. It is my will that these Acts, thus drawn up and signed, should be given full faith as authentic documents: and I order that the decisions expressed in them, have their effect and value, and shall be fulfilled in everything that is not contrary to good customs, to the laws of these and those Kingdoms, and of these Statutes. For which reasons, the Secretary ought to observe with (p. xv) greatest legality and accuracy, and the Vice-­protector, President and the Councilors will ensure that in this very important matter, they will not be careless, make mistakes, be forgetful, or have a lack of punctuality or any other defect. 4. When the Vice-­protector does not attend the Meetings, the Secretary will inform him by voice of what has been resolved in them; but if the importance and circumstances of business requires it, he will deliver an excerpt, or a signed copy of the same Agreement, so that he is instructed about everything. 5. He will extend, and sign to confer Employment, promote Employees, or for other purposes that the Academy requires: and also, the Offices, papers and notices that are offered inside and outside of it. He will receive and answer letters, formalize convocations and lists for the distribution of prizes, take care of their printing, and how many [copies] are to be offered to the Academy. He will receive signatures, and make a list of the age and country of the Competitors, and will instruct them on the matters and circumstances of the competitions. 6. He will seal and endorse the Titles, he will provide the Certifications, copies and records that can be given, and which are requested by a legitimate party, preceded by the Decree of the Vice-­protector or the President: and with the provision that everything should be carried out without any fees, nor any emoluments.

206  Mexico (Mexico City)   7. At the end of each month, he will provide in writing to the individual Directors and Deputies, who (p. xvi) will take charge of the Studies in the respective rooms for the following month, according to the rotation that is established at the regular Ordinary Meeting, making known the classes or rooms in which they must reside: and in the event that one should excuse themselves, the Vice-­protector or the President will participate in determining whether the excuse is fair, and, if so, name another in his place.   8. In addition to the Settlement Agreements Book, he will have another divided by classes and in which will be noted the names of all those who are, from the present moment and henceforth, Academicians, listing the day of their initiation, promotion and the special services that they have provided and offered to the Academy. And [still] another one in which he will create a list of the titles issued to the Academic professors, and of the notices of appointments given to the Councilors and the Honorary Academicians.   9. He will ensure that everyone in the Meetings is seated according to the order of their classes, positions in the Academy, and seniority, without regard to other circumstances: and in order to best observe the carrying out of these Statutes in all their parts, the best order in the rooms of the Studies, and everything that is conducive to the progress and the good of the Academy, I give him the power and character of the Attorney. 10. He will organize the payments that will be signed by the President, and in the absence of the eldest Councilor, also for the payments that will be made to the Directors and Deputies, Concierge, Porteros, (p. xvii) Models and Pensioned artists, of their respective wages, salaries and pensions. From these figures he will take and create a list in a Book designated for this purpose. And in another separate one of the Provisions for extraordinary expenses, and for the ordinary [costs] of light, coal, paper and all else necessary for the daily service of the Academy. 11. He must take the accounts to the Concierge, organizing all the charges with receipts, and for the withdrawals of items in the [accounts] book of the [academy] moneybox, and for those in which the Secretary has a list. 12. The Concierge, admitted to his position, will include all data, verifying all reasons justifying the line items [withdrawals or deposits]: and the state of [the accounts] of which he will present to the Secretary, and he will recognize and explain the additions and revisions that he offers. The Concierge must be in agreement with them: and the Secretary will acknowledge and sign his opinion, and he will pass the entire bill and justifications to the President for his last examination and decision in the Senior Board of Government Meeting. Upon their approval, the Decree of approval that all the Members shall sign, at the bottom, will be extended, and the Secretary will give the Concierge the resulting settlement, and the original accounts will be placed in the Archive. 13. The Secretary will have the third key of the moneybox, and in case of illness, absence, or other legitimate impediment, it is my will to give it to the individual whom I will appoint as Vice President or President in the (p. xviii) manner set forth in the Article 4, Number 5 with respect to the Key Councilor. 14. The same Secretary must authorize the Academy with his Power, and which will be issued in the meeting of the Senior Board of Government, so that he collects from my Royal accounts of Mexico, in the Direction of “Temporalities,” or in the funds of the Major and Minor Vacancies, in the Treasuries of the Royal Courts of

Mexico (Mexico City) 207 the Consulate and Mining, in the City Council of Mexico, and in those of Veracruz, Queretaro, San Miguel el Grande, Orizaba and Cordova, the amounts that respectively are consigned, and those that in these or any others will be recorded hereinafter: and I command that they be delivered by the deadlines established, giving the Secretary the corresponding receipts, with which the said amounts are considered as well and legitimately paid. 15. To collect these and any other funds, the Secretary shall notify the President and the Key Councilor: and, with the assistance of the Concierge and the Porteros, he will be handed over [the respective amounts] to deposit in the Account or Treasury, and from there he will proceed to the Academy moneybox, so that at that instance, with the assistance of the President and Key Councilor, he will place them therein. 16. Inside the moneybox there will always be a Book in which the amounts put in and taken out shall be written, and the three Key holders must sign for these items. 17. For salary and pension payments (p. xix) the Concierge will hand over the Payments, so that through the Porteros it can be distributed among the interested parties, that which corresponds to each one, collecting the respective receipts. 18. In the same moneybox of funds, there must always be another inventory Book, where with all promptness there should be listed all furniture and valuables that the Academy has at present, and from hereon in: and there should also be marked down those that have been transferred or used, the Concierge signing the line items of those that are under his control and custody. Similar to this Book, there ought to be another in the Secretariat, and in both cases the President and the Secretary must sign all the items. 19. He must take care and ensure that the valuables and furniture of the Academy are treated and preserved well, advising the Concierge and the Porteros accordingly. He will inform the Vice-­protector or the President of the [pieces] that are missing, deteriorated, or became unusable, or to repair them with his agreement. 20. The Concierge, the Porteros, and other Dependents must be under the order of the Secretary for everything that transpires in the service of the Academy. And in view of his high position, and in order that he be its [the Academy’s] voice, all Individuals must observe [through him] what the Vice-­protector, the President, and the Boards may preclude [previniere]. 21. He will not absent himself from Mexico without ex-­(p. xx) pressed license from the Vice-­protector with a report from the Governing Board: and the latter, in order to grant it, will appoint a Councilor or an Academician of Honor, who during the absence, will be handed over by the Secretariat the key to the moneybox, and will do his duties: and the same shall be done by the Vice-­protector in case of illness of the Secretary.

6. Academicians of Honor 1. The Academicians of Honor will attend the hours of Study at the Academy as often as possible, thus to contribute with their presence to good order and formality, as much as to be instructed in the practice of its Government. They must convene in all the general and public Meetings; and if the Vice-­protector or President should decide to convene some or others to the Senior Government Boards, or the

208  Mexico (Mexico City) ordinary sessions, they will attend them, and always do so with their voice and a vote, on the same terms as the Councilors. 2. In the event that the Vice-­protector, the President, or the Councilors do no attend regular meetings, they shall be presided over by the eldest Academician of those who have been convened, in the same way, and with the same powers that are foreseen in the Article 4. Number 1 regarding the Councilors. (p. xxi) 3. When the Vice-­protector, the President, or some other Councilor is not present in the Studios, the eldest Academician of Honor will have the powers of the President.

7. Director General 1. The Director General must take utmost care of the timely observance of these Statutes in the part that regulates the method of studies at the Academy. 2. In all their Rooms, the Directors and the Deputies will have the first-­choice place [of seating, discussions etc.]. To all [students] they can make remarks and suggestions [advertencias y prevenciones] that they judge to be opportune for the said Studies; but always with civility and moderation, avoiding as much as possible publicity of the correction. 3. In the event that there is lacking in anyone, the owed subordination, or modesty, or if another fault is committed that in his prudent judgment deserves to be corrected with severity, he may reprimand him, and even order him to be detained in the Academy House, not only when the offender [delinquente] is a Dependent, Student, or Pensioner, but also even if he is an Academician of Merit, a Deputy (p. xxii) or Director currently in service. And in this case, he must promptly give notice of his reasons and motives to the President, who must determine what is appropriate, as provided in Article 3. Number 5. 4. He must attend the studies as often as possible, and definitely the last three nights of each month, to instruct and acknowledge in person the advancements made in the works and examinations by the students, and he will report on them in the following ordinary Meeting. 5. When a specific Director [of a particular medium area], has been appointed Director General, that [specific-­area] position will not remain vacant, and must [continue to] be serviced for the months of his turn. On the nights when he is acting as General Director, he will appoint a private Director, or a Deputy, or an Academician of Merit at his discretion, who on the same nights will also find a substitute director for his studios. 6. He will convene, attend, and vote in all regular, general and public Meetings. He will represent and propose in them whatever he deems appropriate in regards to the studies, and for remedying the disorders and abuses that he will note in them; but in matters of another nature, he will not propose anything without first informing the Vice-­protector, President, or Councilors who preside, and obtain their permission. 7. In the event of absences or illnesses the General Director will be substituted by the specific area director to whom would fall the post of General Director: (p. xxiii) and if he is not available, [then] the Director who shall be named by the President.

Mexico (Mexico City) 209 8. His seat will be immediately to the left side of the Vice-­protector: and after his time in the office comes to an end, he will occupy that which corresponds to his rank and seniority.

8. Individual Directors 1. The duty of these [specific-­area] directors is for each one to attend the Academy to direct the Studies in their profession, in accordance with the notices that the then current Secretary establishes in the regular Meeting and will pass to them. 2. Any person who, upon receiving these notices finds himself ill, or with another legitimate hindrance, shall promptly notify the Secretary in writing so that another may be appointed in his place, so that, in no case, is a Director missing from the room. 3. It is my will that the Directors and Deputies treat and teach the students, of whatever class and level they are, with the greatest love and patience, so that, attracted to the benign and affectionate way, they apply themselves with more fervor, and are given instruction and are provided with encouragement. But in case that by lack of their application, immodesty, or other reason that merits discipline, they will impose on them (p. xxiv) a moderate punishment that they deem appropriate. If the offense is serious, and requires a prompt response, they will detain the offender, and practice all that is stipulated in the Article 7 number 3 with respect to the Director General.

9. Directors of Painting and Sculpture 1. Each month they [Directors of Painting and Sculpture] will alternate in the Life Drawing room, whose place and suitability [cuya aptitud ha de poner y mudar] should be managed by the current Director during the months of service that affect him. 2. It is his task to correct the drawings and modeling of the Students, instructing and provide them with appropriate documents. They will give their opinion to the Academicians, Deputies, Directors and Aficionados who study voluntarily and ask for advice; but if they do not ask, they will not correct them. 3. No Academician of honor, Deputy, nor individual [area] Director can correct the drawing or a model of a student, nor of any other, while the Director or a Deputy of the month is present: only the General Director, being a Painter or a Sculptor, can in their presence make these corrections in the works of his own faculty; because being first [in rank] of all the Professors, I wish that he have this prerogative as [their] Superior. (p. xxv)

10. Directors of Architecture and Mathematics 1. So that the study of Architecture is done with the perfection that I desire, and so that all the other Arts and Trades receive the aid that can be provided by Mathematics, it is my will that, in order to teach them to the fullest extent possible, there will be two Directors of Mathematics in the Academy, and another two others of Architecture.

210  Mexico (Mexico City) 2. All should explain the treatises of these Sciences that are exact and useful, as much for the greater perfection of Architecture, as for the other Arts and Trades: and they must do their explanations on the day and the hours that the Academy will determine. 3. [Because] For the complete understanding of these treatises there needs to be practice, and to facilitate this to the students, they should carry out operations in the field, or practicing them in the same Rooms as the subject requires. 4. One [professor] will take care of the teaching of Architecture in its main branches of strength, utility and beauty, instructing his Students, not only in the knowledge and practice of drawing and the rules of good taste, but especially in the basics of (p. xxvi) that which governs the location, solidity and usefulness of Buildings. And in addition to this, they will explain those parts or treatises of Mathematics, which, after hearing from all four Directors, will be determined by the Superior Government Board. In this way, the most complete and methodical course possible in Mathematics and Architecture, will be delivered and explained repeatedly to them, in order to perfect its study, and to provide all possible enlightenment to others. 5. These four Directors who, equal among themselves and with those of Painting and Sculpture, will have their seats and preferences arranged according to their seniority, and without any reason for any preference of their different professions. 6. They must convene in all ordinary, general, and public meetings: they will have a vote on the admissions of individuals of all classes, and in all those matters and cases in which individuals of all Arts vote. 7. All four will be eligible for the position of the Director General: and so, in the three-­year period that concerns the office of Architecture, it will be proposed to me indistinctly those from these four, that are judged to be most beneficial whether they be Directors of Mathematics, or of Architecture. 8. It is my will for the aforementioned four positions, that there be nominated only persons that are well instructed in Mathematics, but always with a preference for those in whom that education is (p. xxvii) united with practice of architecture. And in the event that among the individuals in the Academy there are no people endowed with these qualities, it is my will that they propose to me [names from] outside of it because my Royal spirit is that above all else, these studies, as they are of the utmost importance, always be served by the most skilled professors.

11. Directors of Engraving 1. For this study, I establish two Directors, one for the engraving and etching, and another for die-­cut [commemorative] Medals of any [types of] metals and stones. 2. As these studies cannot be done successfully but in the same rooms and workshops of the Professors, it is my will that these Directors admit and teach all the students of the Academy with the agreement that the regular Board sends them. 3. I command this Board, that for the engraving of Prints I name only those who can draw, and for the stamping of metal dies those who model with some perfection, preceded before coming to a decision, by an examination of drawings and models that the candidates will present to the same Board, and justifying with Certification by the Deputites (p. xxviii) in whose classrooms they have studied, that the drawings and the models are by their own hand. 4. All those named will be instructed by the aforementioned Directors in their respective professions with the same care and attention that I have ordered to others.

Mexico (Mexico City) 211 And, regarding these students, they will be free at night to study at the Academy, and they will be aided by the Directors who will attend them: and in the regular Meetings they [Directors] will report about their progress or lack thereof [atrasos], presenting in a timely manner the works they execute. 5. These Directors of Engraving will be summoned to regular, general and public meetings, and will attend them with voice and vote.

12. Deputy Directors of Painting and Sculpture 1. They will conduct their Studies in the Rooms of Plaster Casts, and of foundational studies, following the notices that the Secretary passes to them, of the turn established in the regular Meeting, in the form and under the provisions that will be made by the Directors in the Article 8. Number 1 and 2. 2. Everyone in the teaching of their Students must be mindful of the advices that the Director General will make: and if they know of any (p. xxix) or some inconvenience or error, they will modestly express their reasons; and if notwithstanding these [reason], he nonetheless insists on his opinion, they will obey him, and then they will give an account at the regular Meeting, so that a resolution can be taken. 3. They will attend all the regular, general and public meetings with voice and vote: they will take care of the studies and advancement of their Students with pleasure and good manner that is set forth in Article 8. Number 3. And if in any one of them they notice a lack of application, an immodesty, or other fault, they will rebuke them; but if they deserve more punishment, they will report to the Director General, and in their absence, to the eldest specific area Director of those who are currently in position, to make provisions, according to the powers explained above. 4. If, during hours of Studies, there is no Councilor, Academician of honor, or any Director (which is not credible), the eldest Deputy, who is in service, will have all the powers of the Director of the month.

13. Academicians of Merit 1. Those who obtain this distinction will convene, and will attend public and general Meetings with voice and vote, as well as in the (p. xxx) regular ones in which the Vice-­protector or the President will order them to convene. 2. They will attend to the Academy Studies as often as possible to increase their expertise and to provide such for the other grades. 3. When the Deputies are missing from the Studios due to illness or absence, the President may appoint an Academician of Merit for the same position to support them, and he will serve with the powers of the one who is absent or impaired.

15. [sic] Honorary Academicians 1. These will be those Professors of known talent and application, but who are also not yet in the position to be deemed Masters in their respective professions: they will be summoned and will have a seat in public Meetings. They will frequently attend the Studies to obtain the necessary progress and necessary instruction for the promotion to the other classes.

Peru (Lima)

The following translation is of the regulations printed in: Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes. Monografía histórica y documentada sobre la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes desde su fundación hasta la segunda exposición official. Lima, Peru: C. F. Southwell, 1922, pp. 3–12. On September 28, 1918, the Government issued the decrees to which the National School of Fine Arts owes its existence and the first outline of its organization. THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, Considering that: In the General Budget for the current year, a vote has been taken for the appropriation [of funds] for the establishment of an Academy of Painting and Sculpture; [p. 4] Decrees that: There should be created a National School of Fine Arts which will be governed by the respective Regulations: As experience has shown, it was appropriate to introduce various modifications to the initial Regulation, it became necessary to specify them in a new Regulation, which we insert below and which is the one that governs today: The Students—Competitions—Admission Article 1.—The Directorate will determine the number of students that can be admitted according to the material available. Art. 2.—Admissions are made via a contest among applicants [who have] previously registered with the Secretary’s office. Art. 3.—At the time of registration, the applicant must pay the amount of ONE PERUVIAN POUND [original emphasis] for the tuition fee for one year. Art. 4.—Applicants are notified by individual notice of the days set for the competition. They should come prepared with their respective drawing tools, (paper, charcoal, etc.) Art. 5.—Each applicant will receive from the Secretary’s office a ticket with their name, which will allow them to enter the competition rooms, and which are absolutely forbidden to all other persons unaffiliated with the class. The contests will last three days, in consecutive sessions of two hours each day. [p. 5]

Peru (Lima) 213 a)—The theme of the competition is a drawing executed by the applicant, copying from the live model or plaster cast figures made available to the competitors. These drawings must be signed with their full name. b)—Once the series of [competition] sessions is over, the participants must leave their drawings at School in order to be judged by the Jury, which is composed of the Director and the professors of Drawing, Painting and Sculpture. c)—The decision of the Jury will be communicated to the applicants by individual notes that will indicate whether the acceptance to the upcoming class will be temporary, definite, or a postponement. d)—[Applicants] will not give rise to any complaints against the decisions of the Jury, which proceeds with complete impartiality. e)—The deferred applicants will be reimbursed the amount paid for tuition fees. Program Art. 6.—The program of studies consists of practical and lecture [orales] courses. The first consist of: Drawing classes. Painting classes. Sculpture classes. The seconds consist of the following subjects: Art History. Artistic Anatomy. [p. 6] Elements of Architecture. Perspective. History of Peru and its Art. General History. Study Program

First Year Art. 7.—Preparatory class for the study of plaster figures. a)—Initiation to the drawing of the live model, heads, half figures, sculpture, Reliefs.

Second Year Art. 8.—Drawing of the live model. Academy study

Third Year Art. 9.—Drawing: Academy [Académie]; Clothing studies.

214  Peru (Lima) a)—Painting: inert objects; Still life. Ending of this period of preparation: figures from the live model. Outdoor studies b)—Sculpture: Heads and half figures. Study of classical art (of the antique). [p. 7]

Fourth Year Art. 10.—Drawing: of Academy [Académie]. a)—Painting: Academy [Académie]. Outdoor studies b)—Sculpture: Statue. Sketched compositions

Fifth Year Art. 11.—Painting: Outdoor Academy. Composition. a)—Sculpture: Statues, groups. Composition. Art. 12.—According to the faculties and diligence of the students, they may pass from one category to a higher one before the end of the year, but without reducing the duration of the period of five years of study. The advantage is in having the student remain for a longer period in a higher category. On the other hand, a student can be delayed and must then remain in the same category longer than expected. Art. 13.—There are no special oral courses every year. Both general culture subjects and technical classes must taken from the first year. Art. 14.—Students who have completed the study in any of the oral courses are exempt from continuing to attend, once they have been provided with a certificate from the teacher of the specific branch, with the exception of the course in Art History that must be taken during the five years. The Classes Art. 15.—The admitted students must adhere to the class schedule and regularly attend both the practical and the lecture courses. [p. 8] When attendance is not possible, due to illness, travel, etc., the Secretariat must be notified in writing so that the vacancy can be made available. Art. 16.—Students whose irregular attendance is without a justifiable cause, are not entitled to the corrections [practical advices] or direction of the teachers in the practical course classes. Art. 17.—Each student has the right to use an easel, a [drawing] board and a stool, material that must be kept in good condition, having to pay voluntarily the cost of, or replace what has been lost or damaged. Art. 18.—There are no individual student-­owned positions in any of the classes of the practical courses. The first to arrive will choose the position that suits them at the time of setting the model’s pose. The others should naturally be satisfied

Peru (Lima) 215 with the available positions. No one will take over a position that has been momentarily abandoned; but on the contrary, the student who stops coming for several consecutive days loses the right to the position he has chosen, which can be filled by a more diligent student. Art. 19.—It is only the teacher who will judge the progress made by the student and indicates when he can change classes or room and move on to a more advanced course. Art. 20.—It is recommended [that students maintain] the greatest harmony and good intelligence among themselves, in order to avoid grounds for complaint that may, at any given moment, force the Directorate to invite the disruptive students to leave the School. Cases that may give rise to this severe measure on the part of the Directorate are: a)—The damage or destruction of the work of other students. b)—Sending insulting letters to students or to teachers, as well as committing acts of marked disrespect and disregard. [p. 9] Art. 21.—It is absolutely forbidden to put any inscriptions or strokes in the works of other students, as well as to make cartoons. Art. 22.—The drawings or prints that are entrusted by the professors for study must be returned in a timely manner. Failure to return them may force the teacher to exclude from the class the student who is at fault because of the loss it causes to others. Art. 23.—Attendance of the lecture courses is of greatest importance; Regular absence from them deprives the student of the right to the end-­of-­year awards, as well as incapacitating him to obtain the end-­of-­year diploma, which will be dealt with in its place [below]. Art. 24.—The professors will choose the works to be exhibited at the end of the year, work that will be returned to the students once the Exhibition is over, with the exception of some that the Directorate deems should be kept to form part of the School’s individual museum. Art. 25.—No student can make frames or pedestals for the exhibition of their works; all [exhibited] works must have a uniform presentation. Only in exceptional cases, and in the opinion of the Director, can a favor be granted to an outstanding work. Art. 26.—Drawing classes must not be abandoned by students because they have moved on to the Painting or Sculpture class. If the student cannot attend the night class, he must do a week of drawing class each month in the morning class. The Awards Art. 27.—Each year, before the end of the study period, a competition is held among the students gathered in the Drawing, Painting and Sculpture classes. [p. 10]

216  Peru (Lima) a)—Students who wish to take part in these must register beforehand in the Secretariat. b)—In the week indicated by the Directorate, they will proceed to execute the work indicated, but without participation of the professors, that is, without waiting for corrections or advice of any type. c)—The works are examined by the jury composed of the Director and the professors of Drawing, Painting and Sculpture. Art. 28.—There is no limited number of rewards, several may be granted or none may be granted, depending on the merit of the proposed works. a)—The rewards are of two grades: 1st A diploma of encouragement [estímulo] that can be awarded to more than one student. 2nd A single medal in each category and which is awarded only to a work of unquestionable and intrinsic artistic value and not of value relative to the other nominated works. b)—This medal is accompanied by a sum of . . . Lp [quantity of Libras Peruanas not indicated] for the drawings, and . . . Lp for Painting and Sculpture. c)—The contestants will complete their course in the classes that correspond to that section [medium] and if they have obtained a medal, they cannot present themselves again in the same category. Art. [2]9. Regardless of the Diplomas distributed in the contest, there may also be awards to the best series of Perspective or Anatomy drawings, specifying the class to which they correspond. Art. 30.—Students who do not attend oral courses are excluded from all participation in competitions. End of Study Diplomas Art. 31.—Students who have taken the practical and oral courses for five years will receive a Diploma at the end of their studies, if they meet the following conditions: 1st–Having obtained at least one Diploma of encouragement [estímulo] in the end-­of-­year competitions. 2nd–Present no less than two favorable certificates from teachers of oral courses. This Diploma will allow the student to present themselves advantageously in competitions for [the position of] teacher, which can take place, along with the free practice of their profession, by official recognition of their competence. Art. 32.—Students who have obtained medals in Painting or Sculpture can present themselves to the contest for the Travel Prize, that is, a study trip paid for by the Government, as well as to obtain a Pension in Europe, a competition whose bases will subsequently be established and published separately once Congress approves the law sanctioning them. Art. 33.—This Regulation removes all authority from the previous regulations, which are hereby repealed.

Uruguay (Montevideo)

Following two document translations are made: Pedro Figari, “Proyecto de Ley,” and “Discurso sobre la creación una Escuela de Bellas Artes,” Diario de Sesiones de la Honorable Cámara de Representantes, vol. 161 (Session of June 16, 1900): 186–192. Reprinted in Pedro Figari (Arturo Ardao, ed.). Educación y arte. Montevideo: Clásicos Uruguayos, 1965, 3–9. Digitized versions of writings by Pedro Figari can be found online at: Pedro Figari en hipertexto” (“Seminario Taller de Análisis de la Comunicación”; Instituto de Comunicación de la Facultad de Información y Comunicación, Montevideo Uruguay). http://figuras.liccom.edu.uy/figari:inicio and “Libros Escritos por Figari.” Museo Figari (Montevideo, Uruguay): www.museofigari.gub.uy/innovaportal/v/11552/20/mecweb/libros-­publicados-­ por-­figari?contid=11552

Pedro Figari. “Proyecto de Ley” [Bill] (June 16, 1900). Bill [of 1900] The Senate and House of Representatives. Decree that: [p. 186] Article 1. The National School of Fine Arts be created with the branches of painting and sculpture, on the basis determined by this law. Art. 2. The regulatory course of painting or sculpture shall not be less than five years. The subjects that comprise any of the two courses of study include at least: geometry, perspective, ornament, architecture, anatomy, study of the nude, art history, historical composition and practical courses. The Concierge, with the approval of the P.E. [Poder Ejecutivo; Executive Board], may increase said subjects, but not decrease them. Art. 3. [Economically] Poor students, with clearly noticeable artistic skills, may be exempted by the Superior Council of school fees [impuestos] referred to in this Law.

218  Uruguay (Montevideo) Art. 4. The School may provide students with the [required] class materials when requested, at the cost price. [p. 187] Art. 5. The National School of Fine Arts will be directed by a Superior Council that will be under the Superintendence of the P.E. [Executive Board] through the Ministry of Development and Public Instruction. Art. 6. The Council shall consist of the Director of the School, two teachers of the same [school] and two citizens outside of the teaching staff, appointed by the Executive Board. Art. 7. Whenever the Minister of Development and Public Instruction attends the official acts or the sessions of the Superior Council, he will hold the presidency. In the absence of the Minister, the Director will preside over the council and the official acts of the School. Art. 8. The position of member of the Superior Council of the National School of Fine Arts is honorary. Art 9. Each biennial, the P.E. may renew half of the personnel of the Superior Council, if deemed appropriate. The [tenure of] first Council will last six years in its functions. Art. 10. The powers and duties of the Council are:   1. Form the general regulations of the School, adopting the practices of the best European schools and academies as much as they are compatible with the basis of this law, submitting them for approval of the Executive Board.   2. Sanction programs and prescribe teaching methods. With equal approval.   3. Propose the appointments of the teachers of the School.   4. Restrain teachers with warnings, fines or their pensions for faults incurred, requesting their removal if necessary.   5. Designate the colleague member to substitute the Director in case of accidental impediment or absence, with the approval of the Executive Board.   6. Submit to the P.E. an annual report on the progress of the School and that of the pensioners.   7. Present to the P.E. the annual salary and expenditure budgets.   8. Exonerate students from tuition and exam fees in the cases provided by this Law.   9. Set with approval of the P.E., the duration, order and distribution of courses, dates of exams and competitions, determining the conditions under which they are to be verified. 10. Determine the duties and powers of the Secretary and other employees of the School. 11. Determine the conditions of the entrance exam with the approval of the Executive Board. 12. Regulate with equal approval the exhibitions and promotional competitions referred to in this Law. 13. Determine with equal approval [by the Board] the right to copy works [of art] in the School’s Museum. 14. Make the same approvals for the acquisitions that it deems appropriate. 15. Regulate the formation and conservation of the School Museum. 16. Resolve all other things that the good progress of the School requires.

Uruguay (Montevideo) 219 The Director Article 11. To exercise the position of Director of the National School of Fine Arts requires citizenship, to be 30 years of age, and have an academic degree or with clearly demonstrative artistic skills. Art. 12. The Director[ship] will last five years in his duties, and may be re-­elected. In order to charge that position, the Superior Council will submit a shortlist to the P. E., who will designate the person who should perform it. Art. 13. The duties and duties of the Director are:  1. Comply with and enforce this law and the regulations issued by the Council.   2. Inform the Council about the progress of the establishment and propose the resolutions it deems appropriate.   3. Attend the meetings of the Council and keep informed of the timely fulfillment of the duties of teachers, employees and students.   4. Warn teachers and employees for the faults they incur, reporting these to the Council.  5. Watch over the exact income of the school, its faithful distribution and its proper application giving a documented account to the Council every quarter   6. Preside over exams, competitions and other public events of the school.   7. Grant study certificates in accordance with regulations.   8. Inform the Board of any serious occurrence.   9. Ensure the preservation of all school property. 10. Propose to the Council the appointment of Secretary-­Treasurer, and Librarian in charge of the School Museum, as well as any other employee. 11. Appoint, in agreement with the Council, the examination and competition juries. Art. 14. The director may not be absent from the capital without authorization from the Executive Board. The Students Article 15. Enrollment at the N. School of Fine Arts, must be accompanied by a certificate issued by the competent authority [demonstrating] the completion of studies corresponding to the 2nd grade of elementary schools or, in its absence, an entrance exam must be taken. Art 16. Those who have completed one or more subjects outside of the School, and which comprise the regulatory studies, may request that, after taking the exam, they be accredited as a valid in order to continue with the complement of courses. In this case, for those who are approved, the provisions of articles 2 and 15 of this Law shall not apply. Art 17. Students may request a partial certification in each of the subjects they have taken and passed in the School. [p. 188] These certifications will serve as a diploma to prove sufficiency regarding the subjects to which they refer.

220  Uruguay (Montevideo) Art. 18. Once the regulatory courses have been completed, a diploma must be delivered, specifying the subjects that have been taken and the grades obtained. Said diploma will be signed by the Minister of Development and Public Instruction, by the Senior Officer, by the Director of the School, and endorsed by the Secretary of the same. Art. 19. Students who have obtained outstanding on the grades of half of their coursework may request a diploma without paying any fees. The Teachers Article 20. The chairs will be occupied by national or foreign professors that can prove by officially issued diplomas their competency in the subjects to be taught; they may also be subject to prior examination, when the Council deems it appropriate. In case of two or more certified applicants, the chairs must be determined by competition. Art. 21. Teachers will dictate the programs of their respective subjects. These will be sent beforehand to the Superior Council and then for approval of the Executive Board. Art. 22. The professors may manage, in addition to the subject that corresponds to them and under their control, others determined by the Superior Council with the approval of the Executive Board. In this case, they will be considered interim professors for the subjects with fees [asignaturas de recargo] and may only be able to receive 50% of the salary corresponding to that of the permanent professor for each of the courses they teach on an interim basis. Art. 23. The assignment of the full professors of the School will be set by the Superior Council with the item agreed upon for that purpose, the General Budget of Expenses of the Nation, taking into account the importance of each chair, and with approval of the Executive Board. In no case, however, may this allocation be less than 720 pesos per year. Competitions and Pensions Article 24. A competition will be opened, once there are students who have finished the regulatory courses, to discern the “Europe” prize. Said prize will consist of a pension of 840 pesos per year, for two years, which will be paid by the State under the conditions established by the Regulations of the School. Art. 25. Only students of the School who are Orientals [Uruguayans] or have legal citizenship may qualify for the competition referred to in the previous article.

Uruguay (Montevideo) 221 Those who have followed the complementary courses in accordance with the provisions of article 16, will be considered students of the School, for the purposes of the competition. Art. 26. Once the competition referred to in article 24 has been initiated, it shall be held annually. Only one applicant can be awarded the “Europe” prize, and [in the event of their being] only one applicant, the Superior Council may decline [to award] it. Art. 27. In regards to the observed behavior of pensioners, the Council may, with higher authorization, suspend the pension. When any pensioner has received the relevant merits, the Superior Council may pass a pension supplement, from the School’s funds, to provide them with the means of traveling in the manner it deems appropriate. Art. 28. The Superior Council, with the approval of the Executive Board, could open other promotional competitions and sales exhibitions with the work of pensioners and students who wish to attend, by setting the conditions and the prizes to be granted. The product obtained [from these] will become [part of] the treasury of the National School of Fine Arts. Art. 29. With the same approval, the Council may also open competitions and free exhibitions of painting and sculpture, setting the prizes and the conditions of admission and sale. Art. 30. From the date of enactment of this law, no other pensions will be agreed to by the State for the study and improvement of painting and sculpture, than those established in this title. School Fees Article 31. The following fees are established in favor of the National School of Fine Arts: 1. Enrollment for each subject . . .  $ 2 2. Examination by idem idem . . .  $ 3 3. Examination for those who were not students of the School, by each subject. . .  $6 4. Certification for each subject and in accordance with the Article 16 of this law $ 10 5. Of diplomas . . .  $ 30 School Treasury Article 32. The Treasury of the School shall be constituted with the following income and taxes:

222  Uruguay (Montevideo) 1. The product of the fees referred to in the previous article. 2. The product of the promotional competitions and sales exhibitions referred to in the title Competitions and Pensions. 3. The product of the copy fees referred to in this Law, and the product of the abolished pensions. 4. Donations. Art. 33. The treasury of the School shall be applied: 1. To cover the awards mentioned in articles 28 and 29 of this Law. 2. To cover the supplement or pension supplements referred to in article 27 of this Law. 3. To form the Museum of the School. 4. To acquire an individually owned building. School Museum Article 34. A Museum will be formed in the School with the donations, as well as with the [p. 189] works of pensioners and students who, in the opinion of the Superior Council, deserve that distinction. Art. 35. The work of pensioners and those of students who, in the opinion of the Superior Council, deserve this distinction, will also be collected. School Budget Article 36. It is set at 3,000 pesos for one time only the installation costs of the School; they will be distributed as follows: Superior Council Room. . . $ 300 Idem for the Directorate. . . “ 200 Idem for the Secretariat and Treasury $ 200 Idem of the Library. . . $ 450 Three idem for studios, at $ 150. . . $ 450 Acquisition of plasters, prints and tools of teaching. . .  Other expenses. . .  $ 400

$ 1,000

Art. 37. The Budget of expenses for the first year of the School will be as follows: Director; annual allowance. . .  $ 1,800 Secretary-­Treasurer. . .  $ 840 Auxiliary. . . $ 360 To cover teacher assignments in accordance with the article of this law. . .  $ 2,880 A porter; an annual allowance. . . $ 240 House rental. . . $ 780 $ 6,900 Art 38. The first-­year expense sheet referred to in the previous article will be added in a timely manner to the General Budget of National Expenditures and the Minister of the branch will expand said expense plan in subsequent financial years, as required by the progress of the school.

Uruguay (Montevideo) 223 Transitional Provision Article 39. Until such time when the progress of the School does not require the division of the functions of Secretary-­Treasurer, and Librarian in charge of the Museum of the School, the Secretary shall perform said functions. Pedro Figari Deputy for Minas

******* Pedro Figari. Speech on the Creation of a Fine Arts School (June 16 1900). Speech on the Creation of a Fine Arts School [p. 189] MR. FIGARI.—I will only say a few words in favor of the project that has just been read. It is important to avoid extensive disagreements in matters of this nature, because there is a danger of saying very well-­known things, thus insulting the enlightenment and competence of the listener, which would be unforgivable. I must declare, first of all, that the initiative for the project that I have presented is not mine; It comes from some time ago. According to reports that I have obtained, the President of the Republic, Mr. Cuesta, at a time when he was a Senator, presented to the Legislative Body an analogous project for creating a School or Academy of Fine Arts, which was unfortunately consigned to oblivion. Subsequently, our Illustrious Minister in Italy, Mr. Daniel Muñoz, in an interesting letter, urged the appropriate creation of a School of Fine Arts, not only to provide the country with an institution reserved for its culture, but also as a means of correcting our vicious practice of sending pensioners to the great art centers to improve knowledge that they have not been able to acquire in [this] country, and that can be acquired wherever there is a modest school—as long as it is formal—like there are [such institutions] everywhere, where the subjects covered by the study [of the arts] are taken. Few are the advanced cities, no longer [just] the capitals, where one does not find one or more art schools. I also would have presented this same project in the previous Legislature, together with rightly my esteemed friend Senator Don Antonio María Rodríguez, but for a series of events that everyone knows made us delay this thought for a more opportune moment. Now it seems to me the moment has arrived for addressing this issue and asking for passing that law. It has become clear to me that at this moment we are perhaps too occupied with the practical issues of the economy, and even though we all recognize that healthy economies are well understood economies, there is in our way of being a certain spirit for novelty [novelería], and we tend to easily push such things to extremes [extremamos]; which, if one might say, is genuinely human. And, although these reactions, as I say, often go beyond the justifiable limits, I trust, however, in the discretion and judgement of the H[onorable] Chamber; since it will not escape anyone’s attention that it would be impractical to belittle the cult of the fine arts and artistic production. [Yet,] It seems that this [belittling] has been set aside only because [doing so] would not procure wool, leather, wheat and other necessary [material] goods. [p. 190]

224  Uruguay (Montevideo) I am also a supporter, Mr. President, and more than a supporter, admirer of the spirit of order, of sobriety and economy, but I understand that the criteria with which the destinies of a country are to be directed cannot be so restrictive without exceeding and denaturing the mission of the legislator. For the life of the nation, especially in those of advanced nations, it is not just material needs that are the most pressing needs; there are needs that, even when we do not have a pistol aimed at our chest, must also be satisfied. The cult of the fine arts is one of them. Today that is more than a luxury, it is a moral necessity. No one ignores that the life of a Nation can no longer be devoted to serving only the most urgent needs of animality. It is too primitive to fulfill material needs and to live perpetually concerned with only pitching battles to earn our daily bread. The modern spirit of sociability also seeks a truce that alleviates that harshness, a neutral field where comfort and mental rest can be found, and where, after the roughness of the fight, adversaries and friends can shake hands. This admirable phenomenon has already occurred widely in the great centers: and we must equally aspire to that good. Why should the [status of] elements of useful and honest work be reduced? Why should art be excluded from our social action? That would be to sanction a proposition that may please colonial policy, but not, in any way, the legitimate ambitions of a free and advanced nation. That would be to deny the very history of civilization that, from antiquity to today, adopts art as a second barometer for measuring the culture of a people. Making, of course, honorable exceptions, we live here—it is necessary to confess—a little less than blind in matters of art. Artistic empiricism reigns among us. We believe in a thousand spells and tricks; they speak, display and print heresies of all sizes; at this very moment a painter who has become popular in a flash [pintor relámpago] delights and is admired by many people; and the press reported not long ago, that in a critical essay by the well-­known Sarcey it was said that there are factories in Paris where churrigueresque vases and other detestable ornaments, are tailored specifically for South America. I want to believe that those monstrosities will be destined for other South American countries: but it would have been very satisfactory for our national modesty, that this qualifier could be made: “They are, indeed, not for Uruguay.” The fact is that we have done nothing, nothing serious at least, in matters of the fine arts, to keep our conscience safe from reproach, even though the brilliance of Uruguay’s young intellectuals is well known, and there would be much to expect [from them]. Nor does the National Museum speak very highly in favor of our expertise in this matter. I do not deny that some efforts have been made, individually and privately, that point towards an improvement of the arts of Uruguay; but the private initiative is very weak and ineffective. In regard to painting and sculpture, very little has been done; and it seems sensible to me that the State should intervene by opening a new path for the national intelligentsia and for fostering this beautiful production, as all other countries at the forefront of general progress have done. There is a mistake in thinking that a School of Fine Arts produces only great painting and sculpture. That [view] remains [only] for the select few; but there are also produced a thousand derivations apart from sculpture and great painting: [there is] stage design, decoration, with its infinite varieties and its multiple, incalculable applications to industry, and which is enjoying a boom; lithography, carving, engraving,

Uruguay (Montevideo) 225 wood working, illustration, wood sculpture, photography, etc., etc., and few are the artisans can do without drawing [skills]. And I will not say that there is no demand in this regard, when the great majority, if not all of these works, come from abroad, as do the artists. [Study] Pensions in the form in which they have been [p. 191] granted, although in some years they have come to be more important than what is required to make a school run judiciously, have not produced a positive result and cannot produce it until pensioners are required beforehand to have the technical and manual knowledge, that will prepare to take up work in the environment of the great centers of art. For that one has to study and study hard and conscientiously. That of sending pensioners to perfect-­knowledge that they have not been able to acquire in the country, of sending them to make stick figures, is absurd. And here, where we try to promote industries, passing protectionist laws, why should we not promote the fine arts which are such a treasure, and such a worthy moral and social good? And it is exactly in this way that many new and small industries would be encouraged, since they are those that require the most intervention of artist. I do not know, Mr. President, what would be said in the most advanced countries if the desirability of promoting this branch of knowledge were to be put into question; I am certain that there would not be issued a very edifying judgement. Apart from the material value of works of art, it is an educational school of sensibility [sentimiento] and is a very appreciable force for social skills and culture. There are countries whose material and moral majority, can be said to consist of its stock and artistic production, and we already know that most practical men on earth, and according to the chronicles, the English and Yankees, pay fabulous sums for canvases and statues. It is only in the midst of a complete backwardness, Mr. President, that these works or their advantages are not valued. The Indians exchange a beautiful cloth or an admirable statue for a handful of glass beads because they show off bright colors; [it is] then [that] the harmonies of color and form begin to be admired, and then the painting and the statue are more highly appreciated, although a facsimile, an oil print, or a roughly made plaster modeled after an exquisite work of art is not so distinguished; and so, more and more art products are valued as culture develops, to the extent that tens and hundreds of thousands of francs, true fortunes, are paid for a canvas, as was the case with the Horse Fair by Rosa Bonheur, L’Angelus by Millet and so many other paintings. And there are, as is well known, works of art whose price could not be set. We have a General Budget of Expenses of more than 16,000,000. An important sum is dedicated to Public Education and to the various faculties of higher education; It could well be, therefore, that a small amount such as the one mentioned in the bill presented, be used for the promotion of the fine arts, and without such a thing being in good law, crossed off as wasteful, unpredictable or imprudent. This should do us greater honor than creating that small economy at the tail end. In that project, I have tried to plan in the most modest way possible, the formation [instalación] of a school, without worrying about anything other than cementing its operation on solid bases, preventing empiricism and informality from invading it. Even when we are in a time of economies [shortages?], it seems to me that this law will not be met by much resistance because it does not create disorder in the public purse but instead will provide material and moral advantages, which can be

226  Uruguay (Montevideo) very promising. On the other hand, those who pride themselves on knowing the national character do not believe that it is a measure of living perpetually by so strict an economy. We run the risk, then, of investing at any moment in pensions, in acquisitions of works of art for the Museum, or in grants, and subventions, even more capital than what is required for the School, without obtaining the benefits of a permanent institution that produces wealth, that educates and dignifies. For my part I declare that, whatever the fate of this project, I will consider myself honored solely by having seconded this noble initiative. Before concluding, I must present to the panel, not finding this matter within the scope of the charges [atribuciones] of the various [p. 192] Commissions of the H. Chamber, there should be appointed, in order to report it, if supported, a special Commission, and I make a motion in that regard. I have spoken.

Part IV

Bibliography

Bibliography

This bibliography has attempted to be more inclusive rather than synthetic, although it is hardly comprehensive. Its focus is on academies and schools of art of the 18th through early 20th centuries, and the literature on earlier colonial guilds, or schools of the later 20th century, with but few exceptions, is absent. The bibliography is organized beginning with the “Introduction,” and then proceeding alphabetically from Argentina through Uruguay. The bibliographies for the individual academies and Introduction include additional works besides those cited by the chapter authors. Introduction and General Bibliography Adelman, Jeremy. “Introduction: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History.” In Colonial Legacies: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History, edited by Jerry Adelman, 1–14. New York, NY: Routledge, 1999. Aguilar Piñal, F. “Las Academias.” In Historia de España fundada por Menéndez Pidal. 39 volumes: La Época de los Primeros Borbones, Volume 29, Part 2: La Cultura Española entre el Barroco y la Ilustración (circa 1680–1759). Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1935. Alonso Ruiz, Begoña, Javier Gómez Martínez, and Julio Juan Polo Sánchez et al., eds. La formación artística: Creadores-­Historiadores-­Espectadores. Santander: Editorial de la Universidad de Cantabria, 2018. Ashwin, Clive, editor. Art Education: Documents and Policies, 1768–1975. London: Society for Research into Higher Education, 1975. Báez Macías, Eduardo. “La Academia de San Carlos en la Nueva España como Instrumento de Cambio.” In Las Academias de Arte, VII Coloquio del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 38–55. Mexico, DF: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1985. Bermingham, Ann. Learning to Draw: Studies in the Cultural History of a Polite and Useful Art. New Haven, CT: Published for the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art by Yale University Press, 2000. Bignamini, Ilaria and Enrico Castelnuovo. The Role of Educational Institutions in the Art Sector: From Academies to the Grand Tour. Milan: Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei, 1996. Boime, Albert. The Academy and French Painting in the Nineteenth Century [1971]. New Haven, CT; London: Yale University Press; Phaidon, 1986. Bonnet, Alain. L’Enseignement des arts au XIXe siècle: La réforme de l’École des beaux-­arts en 1863 et la fin du modèle académique. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2006. Boschloo, Anton W. A., Elwin J. Hendrikse, Laetitia C. Smit, and Gert J. van der Sman, editors. Academies of Art: Between Renaissance and Romanticism. Hague: Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek (1986‑87); SDU Uitgeverij, 1989.

230  Bibliography: Introduction Calvo Serraller, F. “Las academias artísticas en España: epílogo.” In Spanish translation of Nicholas Pevsner’s Academies of Art Past and Present. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940; Sp. trans., Madrid: Cátedra, 1982. Camnitzer, Luis. Conceptualism in Latin American Art: Didactics of Liberation. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2007. Cardoso Denis, Rafael and Colin Trodd, editors. Art and the Academy in the Nineteenth Century. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000. Castedo, Leopoldo. Arte precolombino y colonial de la América Latina. Estella, Navarra: Salvat Editores, 1972. Castro Gutiérrez, Felipe. La extinción de la artesanía gremial. Mexico City, DF: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1986. Catelli, Laura. “Pintores criollos, pintura de castas y colonialismo interno: los discursos raciales de las agencias criollas en la Nueva España del periodo virreinal tardío.” Cuadernos del CILHA 13, no. 17 (2012). DOI:10.1111/j.1467–8365.2012.00914.x. Colon-­Pizarro, Miriam. “Poetic Pragmatism: The Puerto Rican Division of Community Education (DIVEDCO) and the Politics of Cultural Production, 1949–1968.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 2011. Deans-­Smith, Susan. “ ‘A Natural and Voluntary Dependence’: The Royal Academy of San Carlos and the Cultural Politics of Art Education in Mexico City, 1786–1797.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 29, no. 3 (2010): 278–295. Dias, Belidson, Irene Tourinho, Fernando Miranda, Olga Lucia Olaya Parra, Vanessa Freitag, and Tatiana Fernández. “Looking at New Trends and Policies in Latin American Art Education.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Global Arts Education, edited by Georgina Barton and Margaret Baguley, 157–170. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Diego, Estrella de. La mujer y la pintura del XIX español (cuatrocientas olvidadas y algunas más). Madrid: Cátedra, 1987. Donahue-­Wallace, Kelly. Art and Architecture of Viceregal Latin America, 1521–1821. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2008. Donahue-­Wallace, Kelly. Jerónimo Antonio Gil and the Idea of the Spanish Enlightenment. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2017. Edgerton, Samuel. Theaters of Conversion: Religious Architecture and Indian Artisans in Colonial Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001. Efland, Arthur. A History of Art Education: Intellectual and Social Currents in Teaching the Visual Arts. New York, NY: Teachers College Press, 1990. Favrot Peterson, Jeanette. The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco: Utopia and Empire in Sixteenth-­Century Mexico. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1993. Fernández Rueda, Sonia. “El Colegio de Caciques San Andrés: Conquista spiritual y transculturación.” Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia 22 (2005). http://hdl.handle. net/10644/1736. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1995. García Puig, María Jesús. Joaquín Torres García y el universalismo constructivo: la enseñanza del arte en Uruguay. Madrid: Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, 1990. Gaviria Liévano, Enrique. El liberalismo y la insurrección de los artesanos contra el librecambio: Primeras manifestaciones socialistas en Colombia. Bogotá: Universidad de Bogotá, 2002. Goldstein, Carl. Teaching Art: Academies and Schools of Art From Vasari to Albers. Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1996. González Matute, Laura. Escuelas de Pintura al Aire Libre y Centros Populares de Pintura. Mexico, DF: INBA, Centro Nacional de Investigación, 1987. Gruzinski, Serge. La guerra de las imágenes: de Cristóbal Colón a “Blade runner” (1492–2019). Mexico, DF: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994. Hargrove, June, editor. The French Academy: Classicism and Its Antagonists. Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 1990.

Bibliography: Introduction 231 Hernández-Durán, Ray. The Academy of San Carlos and Mexican Art History: Politics, History, and Art in Nineteenth-Century Mexico. New York: Routledge; Taylor-Francis, 2016. Heilmann, Maria, Nino Nanobashvili, Ulrich Pfisterer, and Tobias Teutenberg, editors. LERNT ZEICHNEN! Techniken zwischen Kunst und Wissenschaft, 1525–1925. Passau: Dietmar Klinger Verlag. Illades, Carlos. Hacia la república del trabajo: la organización artesanal en la Ciudad de México, 1853–1876. Mexico City, DF: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unida Iztapalapa, Porrúa, 2001. Irbough, Hamid. Art in the Service of Colonialism: French Art Education in Morocco, 1912-­ 1956. London; New York, NY: Tauris Academic Studies; St. Martin’s Press, 2005. Klor de Alva, José. The Work of Bernardino de Sahagún: Pioneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth-­ Century Aztec Mexico. Albany, NY; Austin, TX: State University of New York Press; University of Texas Press, 1988. Las Academias de Arte. Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Coloquio Internacional (7, 1981 Guanajuato), Ciudad Universitaria. México, DF: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1985. Letheve, Jacques. Daily Life of French Artists in the Nineteenth Century. Translated from French [1968] by Hilary E. Paddon. New York, NY: Praeger, 1972. Loomis, John A. Revolution of Forms: Cuba’s Forgotten Art Schools. New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999. López, Ursula Tania Estrada. “The Entrance of Women to the Art Academies in Brazil and Mexico: A Comparative Overview.” DezenoveVinte (Rio de Janeiro) 10, no. 2 (July‑December 2015). www.dezenovevinte.net/uah2/utel_en.htm Lukehart, Peter M., editor. The Artists Workshop. Washington, DC: National Gallery, 1993. Luxenberg, Alisa. “Originality and Freedom: The 1863 Reforms to the École des Beaux-­Arts and the Involvement of León Bonnat.” Nineteenth-­Century Art Worldwide 16, no. 2 (Autumn 2017). DOI: https://doi.org/10.29411/ncaw.2017.16.2.3 Mena-­Gracia, Carmen.“Las Hermandades de Sevilla y su proyección americana; estudio comparativo de la cofradía de Nuestra Señora de los Angeles o “de los negritos” de Sevilla y de la cofradía de Santa Ana de Panamá.” In Estrategias de poder en América Latina, edited by Pilar García Jordán, 129–150. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona Barcelona. Mitchell, Timothy. Colonizing Egypt. Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Museo Nacional del Virreinato. Gremios y cofradías en la Nueva España. Tepotzotlán: Editorial. de Mexico, 1996. Nanobashvili, Nino and Tobias Teutenberg, editors. Drawing Education: Worldwide! Continuities‑Transfers–Mixtures. Heidelberg: Heidelberg University Press, 2019. Electronic open access, http://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de, DOI: https://doi.org/10.17885/heiup.457 Paniagua Pérez, Jesús and Deborah L. Truhan. Oficios y actividad paragremial en la Real Audiencia de Quito (1557–1730): El corregimiento de Cuenca. León: Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones y Medios Audiovisuales, 2003. Pérez Toledo, Sonia. Los Hijos del Trabajos: Los artesanos de la ciudad de México, 1780–1853. Iztapalapa: el Colegio de México, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1996. Peréz Toledo, Sonia, and Manuel Miño Grijalva, and René Amaro Peñaflores, editors. El mundo del trabajo urbano: trabajadores, cultura y prácticas laborales. Mexico City, DF: Colegio de México, Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, 2012. Pevsner, Nikolaus. Academias de Arte: Pasado y Presente. Madrid: Cátedra, 1982. ———. Academies of Art, Past and Present. Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; Macmillan, 1940. Pierce, Donna. “The Mass of San Gregorio.” In Painting a New World: Mexican Art and Life, 1521–1821, edited by Dona Pierce, Rogelio Ruiz Gomar, and Clara Bargellini, 95–102.

232  Bibliography: Argentina Denver, CO: Frederick and Jan Mayer Center for Pre-­Columbian and Spanish Colonial Art, Denver Art Museum, 2004. Pires Lima, Heloisa. “A presença negra no circuito da Academia Imperial de Belas Artes do Rio de Janeiro‑a década de 80 do século XIX.” M.A. Thesis, Universidades de São Paulo, 2000. Quiroz Chueca, Francisco. Artesanos y manufactureros en Lima colonial. Lima: Banco centra de Reserva del Puerú, 2008. Quiroz Chueca, Francisco and Gerardo Quiroz Chueca. Las Ordenanzas de gremios de Lima (s. XVI‑XVIII). Lima: Artesdiseñográfico, 1986. Reyes Valerio, Constantino. Arte indocristiano: escultura del siglo XVI en México. Mexico, DF: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1978. Santiago Cruz, Francisco. Las Artes y los Gremios en la Nueva España. Mexico, DF: Editorial Jus, S.A., 1960. Silverman, Deborah Leah. Art nouveau in fin-­de-­siècle France: Politics, Psychology, and Style. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989. Villaseñor Black, Charlene. “Race and the Historiography of Colonial Art.” In Envisioning Other: Race, Color, and the Visual in Iberia and Latin America, edited by Pamela Anne Patton, 303–323. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2016. Webster, Susan Verdi. Lettered Artists and the Languages of Empire: Painters and the Profession in Early Colonial Quito. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017. Williams, Daryle. “Peculiar Circumstances of the Land’: Artists and Models in Nineteenth­Century Brazilian Slave Society.” Art History 35, no. 4 (September 2012): 702–727. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-­8365.2012.00914.x Wilson, Brent and Harlan Hoffa, editors. The History of Art Education: Proceedings from the Penn State Conference. Reston, VA: National Art Education Association, 1985. Wygant, Foster. Schools of Art in American Culture, 1820–1970. Cincinnati, OH: Interwood Press, 1993. Zuluaga Garcés, Olga Lucía, and Gabriela Ossenbach Sauter, editors. Génesis y desarrollo de los sistemas educativos iberoamericanos, siglo XIX. Bogotá, DC, Colombia: Cooperativa Editorial Magisterio; Grupo Historia de la Práctica Pedagógica, 2004.

Argentina Archives Archivo del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto, Buenos Aires (hereon AMREC). Archivo Mario A. Canale, Fundación Espigas, Buenos Aires. Archivo Schiaffino-­Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (hereon AS-­MNBA). Colección Ernesto de la Cárcova, Fondo Documental, Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (hereon CEC-­ANBA).

Sources “Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales.” In Reglamentos y programas generales. Buenos Aires: Imp. Luis M. Monteverde, 1910. Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales 1878‑1928. Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos “José Fornarese,” 1927. Acero. “Al pasar: Bellas Artes.” El Tiempo (March 20, 1908): 1, columns [herein cols.] 3–4. Avellaneda, Marco. En la Academia de Bellas Artes: Discurso pronunciado en la distribución de premios á los alumnos de la Academia de Bellas Artes 27 de mayo de 1901. Buenos Aires: Arnoldo Moen, 1901. Baldasarre, María Isabel. “From Universalist to National Art: Argentina’s Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires.” In Art Museums of Latin America: Structuring Representation, edited by Michele Greet and Gina McDaniel Tarver, 17–30. New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.

Bibliography: Argentina 233 ______. “La educación de los artistas.” In Ernesto de la Cárcova, curated by Laura Malosetti Costa, 50–62. Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, 2016. ———. Los dueños del arte: Coleccionismo y consumo cultural en Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 2006. Boletín oficial de la República Argentina 5, no. 1191 (July 27, 1897). Comisión Provisoria (of the Society), editor. Proyecto de Reglamento de la Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes: Redactado por la comisión provisoria. Buenos Aires: Imprenta y librería de J. Peuser, 1876. “Concesión de becas.” La Nación (April 6, 1900): 5, col. 1. Cortés Conde, Roberto. “Tendencias en la evolución de los salarios reales en Argentina, 1880‑1910.” Económica 22, no. 2–3 (December 1976): 131–159. “Diversas: Notas Sociales.” La Nación (August 17, 1901): 5, col. 6. “El Arte.” El Arte en el Plata (January 1, 1878): 1–3. “El incidente en la academia de Bellas Artes: Con el señor Collivadino.” El País (November 21, 1908). Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. “El Salón Nacional de Bellas Artes–El ‘Vernissage’.” La Nación: Suplemento Semanal Ilustrado 1, no. 37 (May 14, 1903). “Examen de fin de curso.” La Nación (December 6, 1912): 18, col. 6. “Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes–Los premiados.” La Nación (May 28, 1903): 6, cols. 4–5. Fusoni, Fernando.“Una Escuela Argentina en París.” El Monitor de la Educación Común 36, no. 457 (January 31, 1911). García Martínez, J. A. (José Antonio). Arte y enseñanza artística en la Argentina. Buenos Aires: Fundación Banco de Boston, 1985. Gluzman, Georgina. Trazos invisibles: Mujeres artistas en Buenos Aires (1890–1923). Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2016. González, Joaquín V. “Discurso del S. E. el doctor Joaquín V. González: Ministro de Justicia e Instrucción Pública.” In Nacionalización de la Academia de Bellas Artes y Escuela de Artes Decorativas e Industriales. Buenos Aires: Taller Tipográfico de Barausse y Lacassie, 1905. Lazcano Tegui, Vizconde de. “Los artistas argentinos en París: Lamentable situación en que se encuentran: Un exbecado jardinero.” Undated clipping [1915], Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. “Ley acordando una subvención á la secñorita Dolores C. Mora.” Boletín oficial de la República Argentina 4, no. 985 (November 6, 1896): 354. “Lo de la Academia de Bellas Artes: Más sobre un mismo tema Cuestión de tendencias. Los alumnos ante el ministro. El desastre en auge.” Última hora (November 19, 1908). Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. “Los becados en Europa.” La Nación (May 1, 1911). Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. Malharro, Martín. “Del pasado: Páginas de un libro inédito: La Academia.” Revista Athinae nos. 15–16 (November‑December 1909). Malosetti Costa, Laura, et al. Ernesto de la Cárcova. Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, 2016. Malosetti Costa, Laura. Collivadino. Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 2006. ———. Los primeros modernos: Arte y sociedad en Buenos Aires a fines del siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: FCE, 2001. Manzi, Ofelia. Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes. Buenos Aires: Atenas, n.d. Martínez, Alberto B. Censo General de Educación levantado el 23 de mayo de 1909 2. Buenos Aires: Talleres de Publicaciones de la Oficina Meteorológica Argentina, 1910. ———. “La calle Florida.” Manual del Viajero: Baedeker de la República Argentina 2. Buenos Aires: Jacobo Peuser, 1904. Méndez Texo, Arturo. “Semester Note to Mr. President of the CNBA Eduardo Schiaffino, Paris, Noviembre 30 de 1901.” Scrapbook, AS-­MNBA. Ministerio de Instrucción Pública de la Nación Argentina. Reglamento de los concursos de pintura, escultura y música para optar por las subvenciones de estudios en Europa. Buenos Aires, 1899.

234  Bibliography: Brazil Ministerio de Justicia e Instrucción Pública. Reglamento para las escuelas profesionales de artes y oficios de mujeres. Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos de la Penitenciaría Nacional, 1910. Ministerio de Justicia e Instrucción Pública de la Nación Argentina. Organización del Patronato de Becados en Europa. Buenos Aires: Archivo del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto, May 12, 1909. “Modelos.” La Nación (July 4, 1882): 2, col. 6. Munilla Lacasa, María Lía. “Siglo XIX: 1810–1870.” In Nueva historia argentina: Arte, sociedad y política, edited by José Emilio Burucúa, 106–138. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1999. “Pensionados argentinos: Quejas injustificadas.” La Razón (March 1910). Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. Schiaffino, Eduardo. Manuscript. “Impresiones y comentarios: Los becados de arte en Europa.” La Nación (July 12, 1909). Scrapbook, CEC-­ANBA. ———. La pintura y la escultura en la Argentina. Buenos Aires: Edición del autor, 1933. “Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes.” La Nación (March 15, 1878): 2, col. 3; (July 30, 1880): 2, col. 5. “Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires.” La Ilustración Sud-­Americana 2, no. 44 (October 16, 1894): 472–473. “Temas de arte: El error de ayer: Megalomanía suicida.” El Tiempo (January 27, 1905). Trostiné, Rodolfo. La enseñanza del dibujo en Buenos Aires: Desde sus orígenes hasta 1850. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Didáctica San José de Calasanz/Universidad de Buenos Aires-­ Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 1950. Zarlenga, Matías. “La nacionalización de la Academia de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires (1905‑1907).” Revista Mexicana de Sociología 76, no. 3 (July‑September 2014): 383–411.

Brazil Archives Arcervo and Arquivo Historico. Museu D. Joao VI; Escola de Belas Artes (EBA), Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). www.museu.eba.ufrj.br Arquivo Nacional e a História Luso-­Brasileira. http://historiacolonial.an.gov.br Various documents related to the Academia das Belas Artes have been reproduced and transcribed online in DezenoveVinte: Arte Brasileira do Século XIX e Início do XX. www. dezenovevinte.net/documentos/documentos.htm

Sources Agulhon, Maurice. Marianne au combat: L’imagerie et la symbolique républicaines de 1789 à 1880. Paris: Flammarion, 1979. Alfredo, Fátima. “Francisco Manuel Chaves Pinheiro e sua contribuição à imaginária carioca oitocentista.” DezenoveVinte 2, no. 2 (April 2010). https://goo.gl/miTJJa Amaral, Aracy. Artes Plásticas na Semana de 22. São Paulo: Editora 34 Ltda., 1970. Barbalho Uchôa Cavalcanti, João. Relatório apresentado ao Presidente da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1891. Barbosa, Ana Mae. Arte-­educação no Brasil: bibliografia. São Paulo: Escola de Comunicações e Arte/USP, 1984. ———. Arte-­educação no Brasil: Das origens ao modernismo. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1978. ———. Teoria e prática da educação artística. São Paulo: Editora Cultrix Ltda., 1975. Biancardi, Theodoro Jozé. Estatutos da Imperial Academia e Escola das Belas Artes. Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo Nacional, box 6283, packet 82. Transcribed online by Alberto Cipiniuk. www.dezenovevinte.net/documentos/estatutos_1820.htm

Bibliography: Brazil 235 Brettell, Richard and Caroline Brettell. Les peintres et le paysan au XIXe Siècle. Geneva: Skira, 1983. Campofiorito, Quirino. História da Pintura Brasileira no Século XIX. Rio de Janeiro: Pinakotheque, 1983. Cardoso Denis, Rafael. “A academia imperial de Belas Artes e o Ensino Técnico.” In DezenoveVinte 3, no. 1 (January 2008). https://goo.gl/b2NUvd ———. A arte brasileira em 25 quadros (1790–1930). Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2008. ———. “Academicism, Imperialism and National Identity: The Case of Brazil’s Academia Imperial de Belas Artes.” In Art and the Academy in the Nineteenth Century, edited by Rafael Cardoso Denis and Colin Trodd, 53–70. Manchester; New Brunswick, NJ: Manchester University Press; Rutgers University Press, 2000. ———. “The Problem of Race in Brazilian Painting, c. 1850–1920.” Art History 38, no. 3 (2015): 489–511. Carneiro Bielinski, Alba. “O Liceu de Artes e Ofícios‑sua história de 1856 a 1906.” DezenoveVinte 4, no. 1 (January 2009). https://goo.gl/J8xEQi Carvalho, José Murilo de. A formação das almas: O Imaginário da República no Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1990. ———. “A Vida Política.” In História do Brasil Nação: 1808–2010, Volume 2: A Construção nacional 1830–1899, edited by José Murilo de Carvalho, 83–130. Rio de Janeiro: Objectiva, 2012. ———. “As Marcas do Período.” In História do Brasil Nação: 1808–2010, Volume 2: A Construção nacional 1830–1899, edited by José Murilo de Carvalho, 19–36. Rio de Janeiro: Objectiva, 2012. Catálogo das obras expostas na Academia da Bellas Artes. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. De Pereira Braga & C., 1879. Reproduced online in DezenoveVinte. https://goo.gl/mLHE2z (accessed June 29, 2019). Cavalcanti, Ana. “Les Artistes Brasiliens et ‘Les Prix de Voyage en Europe’ a la Fin du XIXe Siècle: Vision d’Ensemble et Étude Approfondie sur le Peintre Eliseu D’Angelo Visconti (1866– 1944).” Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Paris I, 1999. ———. Pintura de paisagem, modernidade e o meio artístico carioca no final do século XIX. Rio de Janeiro: EBA-­UFRJ, 2003. Cavalcanti, Ana, Marize Malta, and Sonia Gomes Pereira, editors. Histórias da Escola de Belas Artes: Revisão Crítica de sua História: Painéis de pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro: EBA-­UFRJ, 2016. Cavalcanti, Ana Paula Simioni. Profissão Artista: Pintoras e Escultoras Acadêmicas Brasileiras. São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, FAPESP, 2008. ———. “ ‘Souvenir de ma carrière artistique’: Uma autobiografia de Julieta de França, escultora acadêmica brasileira.” Anais do Museu Paulista 15, no. 1 (June 2007): 249–287. Chillón, Alberto Martín. “Sculpture and Indianism(s) in 19th Century Brazil.” Dezenovevinte 10, no. 1 (January‑June 2015). https://goo.gl/QavWds Christo, Maraliz C. V. “A pintura de história no Brasil do século XIX: Panorama introdutório.” Arbor 185, no. 740 (November‑December 2009): 1147–1168. https://goo.gl/cFYE3e (accessed June 29, 2019). Coelho Squeff, Letícia. “A Reforma Pedreira na Academia de Belas Artes (1854–1857) e a constituição do espaço social do artista.” Cadernos Cedes 20, no. 51 (November 2000): 103–118. Coli, Jorge. “A Batalha de Guararapes de Victor Meirelles e suas relações com a pintura internacional.” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1997. ———. “O sentido da batalha: ‘Avahy’ de Pedro Américo.” Projeto Historia no. 24 (June 2012): 113–127. https://goo.gl/X4MwZR Constant Botelho de Magalhães, Benjamin. Decreto n. 983 ‑ De 08 de Novembro de 1890, Approva os estatutos para a Escola Nacional de Bellas-­Artes. https://goo.gl/73VHVR

236  Bibliography: Brazil Coutinho, José Lino. “Plano de Reforma ano regime e estúdio da Academia da Belas Artes.” Decreto de 30 de Dezembro de 1831: Dá estatutos á Academia das Bellas Artes. https://goo. gl/HLfWcH Dazzi, Camila. “As obras adquiridas pela Escola Nacional de Belas Artes nos anos após a reforma de 1890, hoje pertencentes ao Museu Nacional de Belas Artes.” História da Arte: Coleções, Arquivos e Narrativas, edited by Ana Maria Pimenta Hoffman et al., 281–292. Bragança Paulista: Editora Urutau, 2016. ———. “ ‘Pai e construtor da arte brasileira’: A Academia das Belas Artes na reforma da educação promovida por Benjamin Constant em 1890/1891.” Revista Digital do LAV 10 (2013): 19–37. ———. “Pôr em prática a reforma da antiga Academia: a concepção e a implementação da reforma que instituiu a Escola Nacional de Belas Artes em 1890.” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. “Decreto de 12 de agosto de 1816.” (Establishing Escola Real de Ciências, Artes e Ofícios). Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo Nacional, Codice 62, Volume 2; Archive source code: C 2: Folios 30, 30v and 31. https://goo.gl/5B389e “Decreto de 30 de dezembro de 1831: Dá estatutos à Academia das Belas Artes.” Coleção das leis do Império do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro,1875, parte 2: 91–98. “Decreto n. 3.987, de 13 de abril de 1901. Aprova o regulamento para a Escola Nacional de Belas Artes.” Coleção das leis da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro 2 (1902): 455–485. Reproduced online in DezenoveVinte. https://goo.gl/mgnevS (accessed June 29, 2019). Transcribed online in Senado Federal, Atividade Legislativo Legislacao. http://legis.senado.leg.br/norma/402980/publicacao/15685423 “Decreto n. 8.964 ‑ De 14 de Setembro de 1911. Approva o regulamento para a Escola Nacional de Bellas Artes.” Diário Oficial da União Seção 1 (September 29, 1911): 11949. https://goo. gl/NWb2Hv (accessed June 29, 2019). Transcribed online in Câmara dos Deputados. https:// www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1910-­1919/decreto-­8964-­14-­setembro-­1911-­498573-­ publicacaooriginal-­1-­pe.html “Decreto n. 11.749 ‑ De 13 de Outubro de 1915. Reorganiza a Escola Nacional de Belas Artes.” Diário Oficial da União Seção 1 (October 16, 1915): 10971. https://goo.gl/R6AeYF. Transcribed online in Câmara dos Diputados. https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1910­1919/decreto-­11749-­13-­outubro-­1915-­513541-­publicacaooriginal-­1-­pe.html “Decreto no. 1.603, de 14 de maio de 1855. Dá novos estatutos à Academia das Belas Artes.” Coleção das leis do Império do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, 1856, parte 2: 402. “Decreto no. 983, de 8 de novembro de 1890. Aprova os Estatutos para a Escola Nacional de Belas-­Artes.”  Decretos do Governo Provisório dos Estados Unidos do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, 1891, issue 11: 3533–3547. Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a Corte Portuguesa na Europa–O nascimento da Missão Artística de 1816.” Anais do Museu Paulista 14, no. 2 (July‑December 2006): 301–313. https://goo.gl/jbxdap ———. “La Academia de Bellas Artes brasileña en la primera mitad del siglo XIX: rivalidades artísticas e institucionales entre franceses, portugueses y brasileños.” In Arte y crisis en Iberoamérica: Segundas Jornadas de Historia del Arte, Fernando Guzmán, edited by Gloria Cortés and Juan Manuel Martínez, 95–10. Antiago: RIL editors, 2004. ———. Paisagem e academia: Félix-­Émile Taunay e o Brasil (1824–1851). Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2009. Duran, José Carlos. Arte, Privilégio, e Distinção: artes plásticas, arquitetura e classe dirigente no Brasil, 1855/1985. São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 1989. Fernandes, Cybele Vidal Neto. “A Reforma Pedreira na AIBA e sua relação com o panorama internacional de ensino nas academias de arte.” Anais do Seminário EBA 180 (1997). Gabler, Louise. “Academia de Belas Artes.” MAPA: Memória da Administração Publica Brasileira (October 10, 2019). http://mapa.an.gov.br/index.php/component/content/ article?id=740

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Sources “Academia de Dibujo: Reglamento Interior de la Academia de Dibujo que la preside el profesor Luis Cadena.” El Nacional 35 (February 6, 1861): 3–4.

Bibliography: Ecuador 247 Bourdieu, Pierre. “The Field of Cultural Production: The Economic World Reversed.” In The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, edited by Randal Johnson, 29–73. New York, NY: Columbia University, 1993. Bustamante, Pablo. “Copia de oficio No. 65, e Inventario de la Academia de Bellas Artes.” Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 20 November, 1873, Box 35, Folders 4 and 2. Comunicaciones recibidas del Consulado del Ecuador en París, 1840–1883. Quito: AHMRE, 1871. Comunicaciones recibidas del Consulados del Ecuador en Italia, 1852–1919. Quito: AHMRE, 1871. “Contrato de José González Jiménez.” In Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León, dirigida al Congreso Nacional del Ecuador. Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1873. “Crónica.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 3, no. 6 (June 25, 1908): 111. “Decreto de 1892.” Anales de la Universidad de Quito 6 (1892). “Decreto de El Congreso de la República del Ecuador, 11 de agosto de 1888.” El Nacional (August 18, 1888). Donoso, Tobar. García Moreno y la Instrucción Pública. Quito: Ed. Ecuatoriana, 1940. Escudero, Ximena. Exposición pictórica: Los Salas, una dinastía de pintores. Quito: Graficsa; Banco de los Andes, 1989. Escuela de Bellas Artes; Ministerio de Instrucción Pública. Reglamento para la Escuela de Bellas Artes. Quito: Imprenta El Pueblo, 1907. Fernández-­Salvador, Carmen. “Historia del arte colonial quiteño: un aporte historiográfico.” In Arte colonial quiteño: renovado enfoque y nuevos actores, edited by Carmen Fernández-­ Salvador and Alfredo Costales Samaniego, 9–122. Quito: FONSAL, 2007. González, Galaxis Borja. “ ‘Sois libres, sois iguales, sois hermanos,’ Sociedades democráticas en Quito de mediados del siglo XIX.” Jahrbuch für Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de América Latina 53, no. (2016): 185–210. González Jiménez, José. “Oficio del Director de la Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes al Ministro del Interior, Quito, 31 de julio de 1873.” 1873. Quito: ANH: Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, Box 36, Folder 2. Hallo, Wilson. Imágenes del Ecuador del siglo XIX: Juan Agustín Guerrero, 1818–1880. Quito; Madrid: Fundación Hallo y Espasa-­Calpe, 1981. Hartup, Cheryl Diane. “Artists and the New Nation: Academic Painting in Quito During the Presidency of Gabriel Garcia Moreno (1861–1875).” M.A. Thesis, University of Texas, Austin, 1997. “Informaciones: Premio Mariano Aguilera.” El Comercio (June 9, 1917): 4. “Joaquín Pinto.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 4 (October 21, 1906): 53. “Juan Manosalvas.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 4 (October 21, 1906): 50–51. Kennedy Troya, Alexandra. “Del Taller a la Academia: Educación artística en el siglo XIX en Ecuador.” Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia no. 2 (January‑June 1992): 119‑134. León, Francisco Javier y Rafael Salas. “Contrato . . . Con el profesor de pintura Rafael Salas, abril 8 de 1873.” In Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco Javier León dirigida al Congreso Constitucional del Ecuador en 1873. Quito: Imprenta Nacional, N.P. Lepage, Andrea. “El arte de la conversión: Modelos educativos del Colegio de San Andrés de Quito.” Procesos: Revista ecuatoriana de historia 25 (2007): 45–77. López, David Jaramillo. “Las dos Facultades de Artes: Antecedentes y un breve relato de los primeros momentos de la Facultad de Artes de la Universidad Central del Ecuador a 50 años de su fundación, 1967–2017.” In Academias y arte en Quito: 1849–1930, edited by Trinidad Pérez Arias and Ximena Carcelén, 65–87. Quito: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, 2017. “Luis Cadena.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 2, no. 5 (January 1, 1907): 70.

248  Bibliography: Ecuador Manosalvas, Juan. “Comunicación al Ministro del Interior.” Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 11 December 1873, Box 36, Folder 2. Manosalvas, Juan al Gobernador de la Provincia de Pichincha. Communication. Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, 24 November 1875, Box 36, Folder 2. Manosalvas, Juan al Ministro del Interior e Instrucción Pública, Quito, n.d. Quito: ANH, Ministerio del Interior, Pichincha, c. 25 November 1873, Box 36, Folder 2. Mera, Juan León. “Conceptos sobre las artes” [1894]. Reprinted in Teoría del arte en el Ecuador 31, edited by Edmundo Ribadeneira, 291–321. Quito: Banco Central del Ecuador y Corporación Editora Nacional, 1987. Ministro del Interior e Instrucción Pública. Libro copiador de oficios de la Escuela de Bellas Artes: 1905–1913. Quito: AEBA, 1913. Navarro, José Gabriel. Contribuciones a la historia del arte en Ecuador. Quito: Tip. y Encuadernación Salesianas, 1925. ———. La escultura en el Ecuador durante los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII. Madrid: A. Marzo, 1929. ———. La iglesia de la Compañía de Jesús en Quito. Madrid: Imprenta de los Archivos, 1929. ———. La pintura en el Ecuador del XVI al XIX. Quito: Dinediciones, 1991. ———. Las artes plásticas en el Ecuador. Montevideo: Imprenta “El Siglo Ilustrado,” 1938. Noboa, Jurado. Calles, casas y gente del Centro Histórico de Quito. 7 vols. Quito: FONSAL, 2004. “Nuestros grabados: Miguel de Santiago.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 2 (October 15, 1905): cover, and 27. Orrantia, Rafael. Discurso pronunciado por su autor en la velada que se celebró en el Teatro Sucre con motivo de la inauguración de la Escuela de Bellas Artes la noche del 24 de mayo de 1904. Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1904. Ortiz, Alfonso and Fernando Jurado Noboa. Ciudad de Quito: Guía de arquitectura 1, no. 60; 2, no. 33. Quito; Sevilla: Municipio del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito; Junta de Andalucía, Embajada de España, AECI, 2004. Pereira Gamba, Benjamín. “Academia Nacional: Distribución de Premios: Sesión extraordinaria del 28 de setiembre de 1862.” El Nacional (November 5, 1862): 1. Pérez Arias, Trinidad. “Documentos para el estudio de las Bellas Artes: Introducción y transcripción.” Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia 2 (2013): 123–133. ———. “La construcción del campo moderno del arte en el Ecuador, 1860–1925: geopolíticas del arte y eurocentrismo.” Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 2012. ———. “La Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes y el arte moderno en Quito a inicios del siglo XX.” In Alma mía simbolismo y modernidad, Ecuador 1900–1930, edited by Alexandra Kennedy Troya and Rodrigo Gutiérrez Viñuales, 114–122. Quito: Distrito Metropolitano, 2013. ———. “Nace el arte moderno: espacios y definiciones en disputa (1895–1925).” In Celebraciones centenarias y negociaciones por la nación ecuatoriana, edited by Valeria Coronel y Mercedes Prieto, 23–75. Quito: FLACSO, 2010. ———. “Raza y modernidad en Las floristas y El sanjuanito de Camilo Egas.” Estudios Ecuatorianos: Un aporte a la Discusión: Ponencias escogidas del II Encuentro de la Sección de Estudios Ecuatorianos de LASA, edited by Ximena Sosa-­Buchholz and William F. Waters, 155–166. Quito: Abya-­Yal, 2006. ———. “Una historia de encuentros artísticos entre el Ecuador y los Estados Unidos.” In Ecuador y Estados Unidos, tres siglos de Amistad, edited by Carlos Espinosa, 64–81. Quito: Embajada de los Estados Unidos, 2007. Pérez Arias, Trinidad and Ximena Carcelén, editors. Academias y arte en Quito: 1849–1930. Quito: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, 2017. Pevsner, Nikolaus. Las academias de arte: Pasado y Presente. Madrid: Cátedra, 1982.

Bibliography: Mexico 249 “Programa de la Escuela de Escultura”; “Reglamento de la Escuela de Escultura.” El Nacional 160 (April 17, 1872): 1 “Progresos en la pintura.” El Nacional 26 (June 4, 1860): 2–3. “Public instruction.” El Nacional 164 (April 29, 1872): 1. “Rafael Salas.” Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes 1, no. 4 (October 21, 1906): 57. Rama, Ángel. La ciudad letrada. Montevideo: Arca, 1998. Ramos, Julio. Desencuentros de la modernidad en América Latina: literatura y política en el siglo XIX. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1989. Salgado, Mireya and Carmen Corbalán de Celis. “La Escuela de Bellas Artes en el Quito de inicios del siglo XX: liberalismo, nación y exclusión.” Revista del Instituto de la Ciudad 1, no. 2 (2013): 135–160. Salvador, José Fernández. Exposición del Ministro del Interior y Relaciones Exteriores. Quito: Oficina de Joaquín Terán, 1847. Shiner, Larry. La invención del arte: una historia cultural. Barcelona: Paidós, 2004. Sociedades Democráticas de Ilustración. “Sociedades Democráticas de Ilustración, de Miguel de Santiago y Filarmónica.” In Discursos pronunciados en la sesión pública de exhibición efectuada el 6 de marzo de 1852 por los miembros de las Sociedades Democráticas de Ilustración, de Miguel de Santiago y Filarmónica, en el séptimo aniversario del seis de marzo de 1845. Quito: Imprenta F. Bermeo, 1852; Reissue: Quito: Banco Central del Ecuador, 1984. Traversari, Pedro P. “Informe del Sr. Director General de Bellas Artes.” In Informe Anual que Luis N. Dillón, Ministro de Instrucción Pública, Correos & Telégrafos presenta a la Nación en 1913. 2 vols. Volume 1, edited by Luis N. Dillon, 743–748. Quito: Tipografía de la Escuela de Artes y Oficios, 1913. Traversari, Pedro P., Rafael Pino y Roca, J.G. Navarro, et al. “El concurso de pintura: informe del jurado.” El Comercio (July 26, 1917): 1. ———. Reglamento de la VI Exposición Anual de Bellas Artes. Quito: Imprenta Nacional, 1918. Vargas, José María. Antonio Salas y los Generales de la Independencia. Quito: Editorial Santo Domingo, 1975. ———. “El arte en el siglo XIX.” Cultura, Revista del Banco Central del Ecuador 19 (May‑August 1984): 385–390. Webster, Susan Verdi. “Las cofradías y su mecenazgo artístico durante la colonia.” In Arte de la Real Audiencia de Quito, siglos XVII-­XIX: Patronos, corporaciones y comunidades, edited by Alexandra Kennedy, 67–86. Hondarribia: Editorial Nerea, 2002. ———. Lettered Artists and the Languages of Empire: Painters and the Profession in Early Colonial Quito. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017. ———. “Masters of the Trade: Native Artisans, Guilds, and the Construction of Colonial Quito.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 68 (2009): 10–29.

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252  Bibliography: Peru Sources Castillo, Teófilo. “Notas de arte.” Variedades 7, no. 446 (September 16, 1916): 1215. ———. “Una visita a la Escuela de Bellas Artes: Las obras de Hernández.” Variedades 15, no. 582 (26 April 1919): 345–347. Clovis, Luis Varela y Orbegoso. “La hora actual: En la Escuela de Bellas Artes.” La Crónica (January 25, 1923). Comisión de Adecuación de la Estructura Académica y Administrativa, editor. ENSABAP 1918–2009 Recuerdos de la edad de oro. Texts by Víctor Delfín, Teodoro Nuñez Ureta. Lima: Editorial Fondo ENSABAP, 2010. Don Quijote, Carlos Solari. “Notas de arte: La próxima exposición Sabogal.” El Comercia (July 8, 1921): 1. ———. “Notas de Arte: Una carta de José Sabogal.” El Comercio (July 16, 1921). EGO (López Merino, Clodoaldo). “Exposición de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes.” Variedades no. 1091 (January 26, 1929): 4–8. ———. “Exposición de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes.” Variedades no. 1142 (January 22, 1930): 6–8. “En la escuela de Bellas Artes.” Variedades no. 619 (January 10, 1920): [82]. “En la escuela de Bellas Artes.” Variedades 16, no. 619 (January 10, 1920): [5]. “En la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Segunda exposición official: La ceremonia de ayer,” El Comercio (22 January 1922): [2]. Escudero, Antenor. “La apreciable labor de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Es necesario prestar appoyo económico efectivo a los nuevos y entusiastas artistas nacionales.” La Crónica (January 8, 1928). Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes. Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes Perú: Primera exposición oficial de los trabajos ejecutados por las alumnas y alumnos durante el año 1919. Lima: ENBA, 1920. ———. Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes del Perú: Exposición oficial del año 1924: Pintura, ecultura, dibujo. Lima: ENBA, 1925. ———. Monografía histórica y documentada sobre la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes desde su fundación hasta la segunda exposición official. Lima: C. F. Southwell, 1922. ———. Reglamentos. Lima: Tip. El Progreso, 1918. ——— (Lima). Escuela Nacional Superior Autónoma de Bellas Artes del Perú en su cincuentenario: 1918–1968. Lima: Dpto. de Artes Gráf. y Publicaciones, 1968. Gálvez, José. “La obra de Sabogal.” Mundial 2, no. 63 (July 8, 1921). ———. Una Lima que se va. Lima: Ciudad De Los Reyes Del Peru, 1921. Gjurinovic Canevaro, Pedro. “Nuestro patrimonio cultural y su enseñanza escolar.” Enseñanza de la historia 15, nos. 11–12 (May 1983): 7–9. Harahuec. “La Escuela de Bellas Artes.” Mundial 2, no. 36 (January 1, 1921). Huerto Wong, José. Huellas de Bellas Artes: Reseña histórica de 1917–1999 de la docencia, la plástica y la vida institucional en la Escuela Nacional Superior Autónoma de Bellas Artes del Perú (ENSABAP): Análisis y Conclusiones: Ensayo Pedagógico. Lima, Perú: Editora Magisterial, 2000. “La Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes: Segunda exposición oficial: La ceremonia de ayer.” El Comercio (January 22, 1922). Mariátegui, José Carlos. “José Sabogal.” Amauta no. 6 (February 1927): 8–9. ———. “La enseñanza artística.” Mundial (18 de febrero de 1927). ———. “La obra de José Sabogal.” Mundial (June 28, 1928). Meza, Ladislao F. “El salón de la Escuela de Bellas Artes de 1920.” El Tiempo (January 1921). Miró Quesada Garland, L. “La enseñanza de la arquitectura en el Perú.” In La arquitectura peruana a través de los siglos, edited by E. Miranda Iturrino, 86–88. Lima: Etinsa, 1964.

Bibliography: Uruguay 253 Pardo, José, and Ricardo L. Flórez. “Reglamento orgánico de la Escueal de Bellas Artes.” La Prensa (7 October 1918), morning edition: 4. Pardo, José, and Ricardo L. Flórez. “Reglamento orgánico de la Escuela de Bellas Artes.” El Comercio (7 October 1918), morning edition: 3 “Reglamento de la Escuela.” Sesión de Junta Directiva, (11 July 1877), 459. Libro de actas de sesiones, 1875–1877. AHML. “Reglamento interno de la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes.” 1921 Museo de Arte de Lima. Archivo de Arte Peruano. Archivo Antonino Espinosa Saldaña. R. H. M. “El memorial de los alumnus de Bellas Artes.” La Crónica (January 1, 1928). Valenzuela, Fernando A. “The Guild of Painters in the Evolution of Art in Colonial Cusco.” Kultur-­und Sozialwissenschaftliche Fakultät Soziologisches Seminar, Working paper, Universität Luzern, 2010. Weisse, Myriam María. “Morey, Quízpez Asín, Goyburu.” Variedades 16, no. 619 (10 January 1920): 20–21. Wuffarden, Luis Eduardo and Natalia Majluf. “Vinatea Reinoso y el horizonte indigenista.” In Vinatea Reinoso (1900–1931), edited by Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, 46–52. Lima: Patronato de Telefónica, 1997.

Uruguay Archives Archivo de la Biblioteca Nacional. Archivo Pedro Figari, in Archives of the Museo Histórico Nacional. Archivoteca of the Museo Juan Manuel Blanes. Escuela de Educación Técnico Profesional de la Universidad del Trabajo.

Sources Anastasía, Luis Victor and Walter Rela. Figari, lucha continua. Montevideo: Academia-­ Uruguaya de Letras, 1994. Ardao, Arturo. Etapas de la inteligencia uruguaya. Montevideo: UDELAR, 1971. Battegazzore, Maria Luisa, and Nancy Carbajal. Pedro Figari, tradición y Utopía. Montevideo: Psicolibros, 2010. Camnitzer, Luis. “Pedro Figari” [1991]. Reprinted in On Art, Artists, Latin American and Other Utopias, edited by Rachel Weiss, 131–149. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2009. Carbajal, Nancy. “Pedagogía de Pedro Figari: centenario de un proyecto derrotado.” Hemisferio Izquierdo no. 4 (August 2, 2016). www.hemisferioizquierdo.uy/single-­post/2016/08/02/ Pedagog%C3%ADa-­de-­Pedro-­Figari-­centenario-­de-­un-­proyecto-­derrotado Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios. Programas de enseñanza de la Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios. Montevideo: Taller gráfico del Estado, 1915. Eyestone, June E. “The Influence of Swedish Sloyd and Its Interpreters on American Art Education.” Studies in Art Education 34, no. 1 (Autumn 1992): 28–38. Figari, Pedro. Arte, estética, ideal. Montevideo: Clásicos Uruguayos, 1960. ———. Educación y arte. Montevideo: Clásicos Uruguayos, 1965. ———. El Arquitecto. Montevideo: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores-­CETP, 2011. ———. Historia Kiria. Montevideo: MEC-­Amesur, 1989. ———. Ley Agraria. Montevideo: Tipografía de La Nación, 1885. Figari, Pedro and Pavillon des Arts. Pedro Figari, 1861–1938. Paris: Paris-­Musées; Unione latine; AFAA, 1992.

254  Bibliography: Uruguay Haber, Alicia. “Uruguay: VIII: Art Education.” Grove Art Online. www.oxfordartonline.com/ groveart/ Peluffo, Gabriel. Historia de la pintura uruguaya, Volume 6. Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1999. ———. Pedro Figari: Arte e Industria en el Novecientos. Montevideo: M.RR.EE.-­C.E.T.P, 2006. Romano, Antonio and Ines Moreno. Pedro Figari: el presente de una utopía. Montevideo: Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias, 2016. Sanguinetti, Julio María. El Doctor Figari. Montevideo: Santillana, 2002. Sanguinetti, Julio María and Ramiro de Casasbellas, editors. Figari. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes; Fundación Pettoruti, 1992. Thiago Rocca, Pablo. El obrero artesano: La reforma de Figari de la enseñanza industrial. Montevideo: Museo Figari; Dirección Nacional de Cultura, Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, 2015. Thorsteinsson, Gisli and Brynjar Ólafsson. “Otto Salomon in Nääs and His First Ice`landic Students in Nordic Sloyd.” History of Education 43, no. 1 (2014): 31–49.

Index

academicism 4, 52, 55, 58 – 60, 65, 69, 70, 72, 73 – 75, 82, 86, 88, 95 – 100, 104 – 105, 115, 129, 132 – 133, 151; academicians 5, 8, 112 – 114, 116, 118, 123, 135; classes of academicians in Mexico’s academy 202 – 203, 207, 211 – 212; see also French Académie Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative Arts, Argentina, Academia de Bellas Artes 19; and Appendix 168 – 171; under jurisdiction of The National Fine Arts Commission (CNBA) 21, 23, 25 – 26, 39; as the National Academy of Fine Arts (ANBA) 17, 19 – 22, 26 Academy of Fine Arts, Quito Ecuador see National School of Fine Arts, Quito Academy of Painting, Santiago, Chile 53 – 56; regulations (1849) of 184 – 188 aesthetics 10, 17, 33; and colonialism 82, 88 – 89; and Figari’s (new aesthetic) concepts 146, 149 – 150, 153 – 154, 157; included in curriculum 24, 57, 59; in relation to Pre-Colombian art 136, 139; see also “fine” vs. “applied” arts Afro-Brazilian and Afro-Latin artists, participation/ admission in academies 10 – 11, 41 – 43, 82 – 83, 89 Amauta magazine 139, 141; see also indigenismo; Mariátegui Andrade Moscoso, Jaime, Ecuadorian sculptor 102 – 103 architecture, in curriculum and training 5, 9; in Argentina 17 – 18, 22 – 23, 163; in Brazil 172 – 175, 177; in Chile 54 – 57, 60, 185, 187 – 188; in Colombia 66, 69, 71, 75, 189 – 190; in Ecuador 103; in Mexico 115 – 118, 121, 203, 209 – 210; as neoperuvian style 136 – 137; in Peru 213; in Uruguay 146, 156, 217 Ardao, Arturo, Uruguayan philosopher 145, 157 El Arte en el Plata, magazine of SEBA, Argentina 18 artisanal schools and technical training, schools of artes y oficios (arts and trades) 2 – 7, 17, 21, 28, 54, 66, 115, 152, 156; artisanal family as model 70, 112; in

trade 69, 88, 146; see also craft; “fine” vs. “applied” arts; guilds; industry ateliers 2 – 3, 10, 25; see also private arts education; studio practice Austral University of Chile, Universidad Austral de Chile, Valdivia 60 Aztec: calmecac, school for priests and nobility 4; telpochcalli, training school for young men in Mexico not of noble birth 4 Batlle y Ordóñez, José, President of Uruguay 147 – 148, 151, 153 Boschloo, Anton, historian of AngloAmerican academies and schools of art 1 Bourbon Monarchy 2, 6, 111, 113; see also Carlos III Cabrera, Miguel, Mexican painter and academy organizer 113 Campomanes, Pedro Rodríguez de, Spanish administrator 6, 88, 113 Cárcova, Ernesto de la, Argentine painter and director of ANBA 20 – 22, 26 – 27 Carlos III, king of Spain 6, 69; and creation of San Carlos Academy 111 – 117, 120, 124 Carlos IV, king of Spain, monument to (by Tolsá) 123 Casadio, Luigi, Italian sculptor 102 – 103 Castillo, Teofilo, Peruvian art critic 131 Catholic University of Santiago, Escuela de Arte de la Pontificia Universidad Católica 60 – 61 Cicarelli, Alejandro, Italian-born painter 53 Circle for the Promotion of the Fine Arts, Circulo Fomento de Bellas Artes, Montevido, Uruguay 46 – 147, 156 civilismos and civilista, Peruvian politics and party 129 civilization and civilizing mission of the arts 6, 23, 34, 53, 61, 66 – 67, 74, 86 – 89, 95 – 96, 101, 105, 156 collections of art, in academies 24, 35 – 36, 39, 40 – 41, 57, 68, 104, 115, 122 – 123, 136, 182

256  Index Collivadino, Pio, CNBA director, Argentina 21 – 23 colonialism 1 – 2, 4, 8, 10, 33, 52, 54, 61, 69, 74, 97, 146; administrative organization 8, 81, 86, 96, 150; visual and material traditions of 70, 72 – 73, 82 – 83, 88 – 90, 100, 102 – 103, 134 – 140, 156 Comisión Nacional de Bellas Artes (CNBA), Argentina see Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative Arts, Argentina Correa Morales, Lucio, sculptor 23 Council of Trent, edict 4 – 5 crafts training and education 9 – 10, 21, 28; attempted early integration in Brazil 34 – 35, 41; in Colombia 65, 67 – 70; in Ecuador 96, 100 – 101; as separate area of production in Chile 54, 59; in Uruguay, and Figari’s crafts pedagogy 150 – 152, 154, 156; see also industry Creole 2, 5, 74, 82, 131, 134, 137; see also indigenismo curriculum, in Brazil 1890 statutes 173 – 175; in Chile 59; in Colombia 1886 organization 189 – 190; in Peru 1918 regulations 213 – 216 Cuzco (Inca capital) 130; (as location for early twentieth century artistic practice) 131, 135 – 139; see also Inca Democratic School of Paintig Miguel de Santiago, and predecessors in Ecuador 96 – 98, 102 desamortización (disentailment), appropriation of religious orders’ properties, in Colombia 67 – 68; in Mexico 117, 201 Domeyko, Igancio, educator in Chile 54 drawing, role of in arts pedagogy & curriculum 7, 9 – 10; in Argentina 17 – 19, 22, 24 – 25, 27, 28, 170; artistic practice 115, 122; in Brazil 173 – 177, 179; in Chile 184 – 187; in Colombia 66 – 71, 189 – 192; in Cuba 84, 86, 89, 191 – 192; in Ecuador 97, 99, 197 – 198 (see also Drawing Academy, Quito); institutionalization of 52 – 54, 57, 82 – 83, 88 – 89, 96, 98, 119; in Mexico 111 – 112, 115, 118, 120 – 121, 209 – 210; in Peru 131 – 132, 136, 212 – 217; in Uruguay 152 – 153, 189, 225; see also life drawing; open air Drawing Academy, Quito, Ecuador 96, 98 École des Beaux-arts, France 7, 10, 38, 95, 129; as model in Chile 60 Egas, Camilo, Ecuadorian painter 102, 104 – 105

Enlightenment, the 3, 5, 52, 81, 96, 112 – 113, 118 Escuelas Nacionales de Arte, Cuba 2 – 3 Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, Uruguay see National School of Fine Arts and Trades, ENDAYO Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, Peru see National School of Fine Arts, ENBA examination, of students 4, 24, 59, 81, 84, 87, 132; in Brazil curriculum 180; see also student body exhibitions and salons, of academies and schools of art 3, 7, 18 – 19, 26, 35 – 37, 40 – 41, 44, 73, 84 – 85, 88; in Chile 54 – 59; Colombia 68, 73 – 74; in Ecuador 95 – 97, 102 – 104; in Peru 131 – 138 Figari, Pedro, Uruguayan pedagogue, director of ENDAYO 10, 150 – 157; and primitivism 154 – 156; bill (1900) for national school of fine arts 217 – 223; speech (1900) on creation of school of fine arts 223 – 226 “fine” vs. “applied” arts, the teaching of 9, 20, 22, 25, 38, 58, 99 – 100; juncture of 52, 65 – 68, 150, 156; divergence 54, 57, 72, 83, 147; see also artisanal schools; craft; industry Franciscan Missions in the New World 3 – 4; see also artisanal schools Free Academy of Drawing and Painting of San Alejandro, Cuba 10, 83 – 84, 86, 88 – 90, 191; regulations of 191 – 196 French Académie 7, 9, 56, 67, 135 “French Mission,” French intellectuals/artists group sent to Brazil 33 – 34 García Moreno, Gabriel, president of Quito art schools 98 – 101 Generation of ’80 Argentina 17, 20 Gil, Jerónimo Antonio, engraver and director general of San Carlos Academy of New Spain 82, 111 – 115, 117 – 119; as an engraver 114 – 115 Giudici, Reinaldo, Argentinian painter 23 González, Joaquín V., Minister of ANBA, Argentina 19 – 20 González Trujillo, Alejandro, Peruvian indigenismo painter 132, 136 – 137 González Velázquez, Antonio, Spanish architect 120 – 123 Grand Tour 8; see also pensions; travel graphic arts, training in 22, 75, 103, 138; in journalism 132, 141; lithography 102, 229, 245, 348 Grimm, Johann Georg, German painter in Brazil 37

Index 257 guild systems, gremios (European-style guilds) 2, 3 – 7, 52, 65, 69 – 70, 83, 96, 100, 112 – 113 Gutiérrez Academy, Bogotá 10, 72 – 73; sometimes referred to as the Vásquez Academy of Painting 71 – 72; see also National School of Fine Arts, Bogotá Hernández, Daniel, founder of National School of Fine Arts of Peru 129 – 134, 138 – 140; exhibition production work 137; pedagogical practices of 135 – 136 Ibarra, José de, painter, Mexican colonial-era painter and academy organizer 113 iconography, iconoclasm 5, 115, 130, 137; see also drawing; indigenismo; Roman Catholic Church illustration 28; in popular print media 66, 102, 138, 150; see also Amauta magazine; drawing; graphic arts Imperial Academy of Fine Arts, Imperial Academia e Escola das Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil see National School of Fine Arts (NSFA) Inca civilization 130, 135 – 140; see also Cuzco independence movements: Argentina 17; Brazil 34, 44; Chile 52; Colombia 6, 65 – 67, 189; Ecuador 18, 97, 165, 213, 215 – 216; Mexico 10, 122 – 124; Peru 130, 134; Uruguay 146; see also March Revolution indigenismo, in Peru 7, 10, 89, 130, 137 – 139, 141; indianismo in Brazil 36, 154 – 155 Industrial League, Uruguay 6, 146 industry, role of arts pedagogy in the organization of advancement of 6, 10, 19, 21, 34, 54, 59, 150 – 155; exhibition display 57; institutional development 57; relationship with commerce 68, 146 – 147; see also artisanal schools; graphic arts; modernization; technical training Ixtolinque Patiño, Pedro, director of Mexico’s San Carlos Academy 10 Izcue, Elena, indigenismo painter 131, 136 – 137, 139 João VI, Prince Regent of Portuguese Court 33 – 34 Krusi, Hermann, leader in European and United Sates systems of common school pedagogy 3 Lebreton, Joachim, French painter and “Mission” group leader 34; see also French Mission

Leguía, Augusto B., as president of Peru 129 – 131, 135 – 137, 140 – 141 life drawing (from the model) 24 – 25, 39, 41, 101, 120; in Chile 184 – 185; in curriculum in Brazil 173 – 177, 179; in Peru 131 – 133, 135, 213 – 214; see also drawing Malharro, Martin, Argentine painter 23 Mangino, Fernando José, superintendent of Royal Mint, Mexico 111 Mann, Horace, leader in European and United States systems of common school pedagogy 3 Manosalvas, Juan, director of Quito Academy 95 – 99, 102 March Revolution, Ecuador Revolución marcista or Revolución de Marzo 97 – 98, 101 Mariátegui, José Carlos, Peruvian journalist and political philosopher 139, 141; see also Amauta magazine Memorias de la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de La Habana, journal 87 – 90 mestizaje and mestizo 5, 10, 136, 139, 154 Meza, Ladislao, Peruvian painter 133 Modernism and modernity 6, 61, 67, 74; in relation to Chile 53; in relation to Cuba 82, 88 – 90; in relation to Ecuador 95, 101, 105; in relation to Peru 130, 135 – 136, 138; 141; in relation to Uruguay 156; see also civilizing mission; industry; nation; politics modernismo 10, 102 Monvoisin, Raymond, French painter 52 – 53 Mora, Dolores (Lola), Argentine sculptor 23 museums 18 – 20, 22, 24, 36, 53, 60, 88; national 56, 68, 71, 103, 118, 136, 147, 154, 157 music, as subject of study 59, 97, 147, 155; schools of 58, 71, 98 – 99, 103; in performance 119, 155 Mutis, José Celestino, Spanish botanist and explorer 68, 70 nation building, role of arts pedagogy in 1 – 3, 6 – 7, 23, 27, 36, 43, 51 – 53, 57 – 58, 65 – 66, 68, 70, 73, 95 – 98, 103 – 105, 134 – 136, 138 – 139, 141, 147 – 151, 154; Greece and Rome as historical model of 87; in international context 71 – 72, 74, 90, 130 – 131, 139 – 140; legacies of 123; material production of 54; see also civilizing mission; exhibitions; politics National Institute of Chile 52, 54 – 55, 61 National Museum of Fine Arts, Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Argentina 19

258  Index National Museum of Fine Arts, Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Santiago, Chile 53, 55 – 56, 60 National School of Fine Arts, Bogotá, Colombia 10, 65 – 66, 68, 71 – 72; inauguration and regulations (1886) of Escuela de Bellas Artes 189 – 190; and precursor Academia Vásquez 71; and precursor Gutiérrez Academy 72 – 73 National School of Fine Arts, Peru (ENBA) 129 – 137; alumni and associates of 139 – 141; regulations (1918) of 212 – 216 National School of Fine Arts, Quito 101 – 105; previously known as the School/ Lyceum of Painting Miguel de Santiago 96 – 98, 102; report (1873) of the Academy of Fine Arts 197 – 198 National School of Fine Arts (NSFA) Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; and precursor Lyceum of Arts and Crafts 10, 4; admission of women 41; and Afro-Brazilian artists 42 – 43; decree and statutes 172 – 183; and precursor Imperial Academia e Escola das Belas Artes 33, 35 – 36, 39; reforms of 1890 and changes in curricula 33, 37, 39 – 40 National School of Fine Arts and Trades, Escuela Nacional de Artes y Oficios, Uruguay (ENDAYO) 145, 151 – 152, 154, 157; including Armory Workshops, Maestranza, and the Sociedad Ciencias y Artes 146; proposed (1900) regulations 217 – 223; see also Figari, Pedro; reforms National University of the United States of Colombia 68, 71, 75 Navarro, José Gabriel, first art historian in Ecuador 97, 101 – 103 New School Movement 146, 151 Oliveri, Domenico, Italian sculptor and co-founder of San Fernando Academy in Madrid 111 open air painting, en plein-air instruction 2, 24, 28, 102; see also painting painting, as subject of study 7, 17 – 19, 22 – 26, 28, 34, 36 – 37, 39, 54 – 57, 66 – 67, 69, 71 – 74, 88, 102, 131 – 134, 136; connections to trade 70; in exhibition 53, 55, 68, 103 – 104, 137 – 139; see also iconography, plein air, colonialism Painting Academy, Academia de Pintura, Santiago, Chile 53 – 56 Paraguayan War (1864–1870) and representations of 36

Patria Nueva, political ideology in Peru 129 – 130, 135, 141 patronage, of institutions of art 1, 2 – 4, 6, 8 – 9, 17, 18, 26 – 27, 44, 53, 83, 87, 90, 97, 99, 147; see also nation; politics Pedro I, emperor of Brazil 34 – 35 Pedro II, emperor of Brazil 36 – 37 pensions and pensioners, in academies and schools of art 55, 204, 206 – 208, 218, 220 – 223, 225 – 226; criticism of prizes 147; pensionnaires (fellowship students) 7 – 8, 17, 22 – 26, 133, 140; see also travel “Peruvianness” and neoperuvian style 130, 136 – 138; see also indigenismo Pestalozzi, Johann Heinrich, leader in European tradition of common school pedagogy 3, 9 Pevsner, Nikolas, historian of AngloAmerican academies and schools of art 1, 101 Piqueras Cotolí, Manuel, Spanish professor of sculpture 131, 134; in Chile 184; in Cuba 192, 195; in Ecuador 198; in Mexico 211; and neoperuvian style 136 – 141; in Peru 213; plaster casts, role in arts training 18, 24, 84 – 85, 88, 102 – 103, 114, 123, 132 politics, debates surrounding formation and control of arts institutions 1, 6 – 8, 10 – 11, 18, 22, 37, 43 – 44, 52, 66, 82, 97, 99, 116, 149; international 123, 130; national 87, 89 – 90, 117; see also patronage President, role in the arts of, national level 23, 100, 131, 135 – 136, 140 – 141, 149, 151; defined in 1785 Mexico San Carlos academy statutes 203 – 204; defined in 1832 San Alejandro Academy (Cuba) regulation 193 – 194; duties defined in 1877 Arts Society Argentina 166; institutional level 55, 66, 84, 98, 116, 152; see also politics primary and secondary level arts education, elementary 3, 53, 67, 151; see also Pestalozzi, Johann Heinrich; Krusi, Hermann; Mann, Horace private arts education 3, 9 – 11, 51 – 52, 60, 70, 72, 74, 83, 111, 131, 146; see also ateliers; studio practice Prix-de-Rome 7, 34; see also pensions; travel Rafael de Pombo y Rebolledo, José, Colombian diplomat 71 reforms, Bourbon 112 – 113; of academies and schools of art 2, 6 – 7; Argentina 21 – 22; Brazil 10, 33, 35, 37 – 43, 176, 178; Chile 58, 60 – 61; Cuba 81 – 82, 85; 38; École des Beaux Arts France 7, 38; Peru 129; Uruguay 148 – 149, 150, 152; see also Figari, Pedro; New School Movement

Index 259 Reglamentos of 1832, Cuba 85 – 86, 89, 191 – 196 Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, Ecuador 102 Ribera, José de, Spanish painter 72 Ribera, Luis de, Spanish painter 4 Ripamonte, Carlos, as CNBA vice chancellor, Argentina 21, 25 Robles, Diego de, Spanish sculptor 3 Roca, Julio A., president of Argentina 23 Roman Catholic Church, influence of on arts institutions 4, 37, 66 – 67, 73, 88, 99 – 100, 113 – 118; see also patronage Royal Academy of San Carlos Academy, Mexico 8, 10, 18, 71 – 77, 81 – 82, 111 – 114, 116 – 117, 119, 121 – 123; Statutes of 199 – 211 Royal Academy of San Carlos, Valencia, Spain 81, 111 Royal Academy of San Fernando, Madrid, Spain 81 – 82, 111 – 116, 119 – 121, 123 Royal Academy of San Luis, Chile 52 Royal Academy of San Luis, Zaragoza, Spain 81 Royal Economic Society of the Friends of the Country, Cuba 81, 83 Royal Mint (Casa de la moneda) Mexico 114 – 115, 117, 119; building 119 – 120 Royal University of San Felipe, Chile 52 Ruskin, John, English art critic 10, 151 Sabogal, José, Peruvian painter 130 – 141; see also indigenismo Sagra, Ramón de la, Spanish anarchist and botanist 8 Sahagún, Bernadino de, Franciscan missionary to New Spain 4 Salas, Antonio, family workshop, Quito 100 Salas, Manuel de, Chilean educator 52 Santiago Democratic School, Ecuador 98; see also Revista de la Escuela de Bellas Artes Santiago Guitiérrez, Felipe, Mexican painter 71 Santiago, Miguel de, 17th c Quito-based artist 102 Schiaffino, Eduardo, founder of the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Argentina 22 – 23 School of Arts and Crafts, Escuela de Bellas Artes, Chile 9, 53 – 54; in Ecuador 101 School of Drawing, Royal Mint (Casa de la Moneda), Mexico 82, 111 – 112, 114, 117 School of Line Drawing, Chile 52, 54 School of Ornamental Sculpture, Escuela de Artes Aplicadas, Santiago, Chile 54 – 56 School of Plastic Arts, Havana, Cuba 2

sculpture, training in 23 – 26, 28, 39, 41, 54 – 55, 66, 71, 75, 83, 87, 132, 134, 138, 147, 150; commissioned 100, 139 – 140; institutional development 97 – 99, 117 – 118, 123; materials 74; symbolism 36, 43, 140; teaching appointments in 56 – 57, 69, 118, 121 – 122, 131 Semprún, José, physician, collector and leader of CNBA, Argentina 21 Sívori, Eduardo, painter and ANBA director, Argentina 20, 22 – 23 slavery, system of, labor, abolition of 10, 36 – 37, 42, 82, 89 Sociedad Estímulo de Bellas Artes (SEBA) Society for the Promotion of the Fine Arts, Argentina 17 – 20, 22 – 24, 27, 163; regulations of 163 – 171; see also Academy of Fine Arts and School of Decorative Arts (Argentina); El Arte en el Plata state funding for institutions of art 3, 7, 11, 26, 60 – 61, 65 – 68, 70, 74, 95, 100 – 101, 103, 115, 140 – 141; see also pensions, pensionnaires; travel student body, in academies and schools of art 5, 18 – 20, 22 – 23; admission of women 5, 7, 10, 18 – 20, 28, 30, 33, 41, 43, 72, 131; in Chile 1849 regulations 184 – 185, 187; in Cuba’s San Alejandro 1832 regulations 194 – 195; in Figari’s 1900 proposal in Uruguay 219 – 220; indigenous students 68, 13, 152, 234; in National School of Fine Arts in Peru 212; students differentiated on basis of race 5, 10 – 11, 41 – 43, 86 – 89 studio practice (fine arts) 25, 38, 66, 70, 113, 136 ; see also ateliers Taunay, Félix-Émile, Brazilian Academy director 35 – 36 Taunay, Nicolas-Antoine, as member of “French Mission” to Brazil 34 tequitqui 5, 139, 154; see also mestizaje and mestizo Timótheo, Arthur, Brazilian painter 42 – 43 travel awards and scholarships 7, 8 – 9, 22 – 23, 28, 35, 37 – 39, 40 – 42, 53, 98, 138, 140, 146, 180 – 181, 186, 220 – 221; see also Grand Tour; pensions, pensionnaires; Prix-de-Rome University of Chile, Universidad de Chile 51, 53 – 54, 56, 60 – 61; Section of Fine Arts 58 – 59 Urdaneta, Alberto, first rector of the National School of Fine Arts, Colombia 66 – 67, 71 – 73, 75 Vallejo, Francisco, painter, San Carlos Academy, Mexico 118, 121

260  Index Vásquez Academy see National School of Fine Arts, Bogotá Vásquez de Arce y Ceballos, Gregorio, painter 69, 71 – 74 Velázquez, Diego, Spanish painter 118, 148 Viceroyalties of colonial Latin America: New Grenada 68 – 70, 74; New Spain and Peru 3, 111, 113, 117, 124; Rio de la Plata 146; viceroys 4, 17

Vinatea Reinoso, Jorge, Peruvian painter 132 – 133, 135, 137 – 139 War of the Pacific (1879–1884) 97 women, admission within the academies see student body World War I (First World War) 27, 224