A Systemic Functional Typology of MOOD (The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series) [1st ed. 2023] 981198820X, 9789811988202

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The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series

Dongqi Li

A Systemic Functional Typology of MOOD

The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series Series Editors Chenguang Chang, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou, China Guowen Huang, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou, China

This series focuses on studies concerning the theory and application of Systemic Functional Linguistics. It bears the name of Professor M.A.K. Halliday, as he is generally regarded as the founder of this school of linguistic thought. The series covers studies on language and context, functional grammar, semantic variation, discourse analysis, multimodality, register and genre analysis, educational linguistics and other areas. Systemic Functional Linguistics is a functional model of language inspired by the work of linguists such as Saussure, Hjelmslev, Whorf, and Firth. The theory was initially developed by Professor M.A.K. Halliday and his colleagues in London during the 1960s, and since 1974 it has held an international congress every year at various continents around the world. It is well-known for its application in a variety of fields, including education, translation, computational linguistics, multimodal studies, and healthcare, and scholars are always exploring new areas of application.

Dongqi Li

A Systemic Functional Typology of mood

13

Dongqi Li   School of International Studies Sun Yat-sen University Zhuhai, China

ISSN 2198-9869 ISSN 2198-9877  (electronic) The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series ISBN 978-981-19-8820-2 ISBN 978-981-19-8821-9  (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to Prof. Yong Wang. He led me to the field of systemic functional linguistics in 2013 when I was a MA candidate and opened the door of linguistic typology for me in 2016 when I became a Ph.D. candidate. This book would have not been finished without the helpful guidance on the two fields he has offered me over the past few years. He has always been ready to provide me with paternal encouragement, guidance, and assistance, without which I would have not overcome the difficulties in academic studies and personal life. I also gratefully acknowledge the help provided by Prof. Matthiessen, Dr. Mwinlaaru, Dr. Yizhe Zhao, and Dr. Siamak in the early stages of this work. Professor Matthiessen discussed the proposal with me during a meeting break in Shenzhen and emailed useful information to me several times. Dr. Mwinlaaru generously emailed his doctoral dissertation and forthcoming book chapter to me. Dr. Yizhe Zhao from Beijing Foreign Studies University mailed several books to me. The literature I received from them is of great importance for this book. Dr. Siamak worked with me as an informant of the Persian language. I have always been indebted to my parents, who have always lent me their unstinting support for each decision I made. Also, I would like to express my thanks to my wife Juan Chen. We lived apart in different cities for five years when I was a Ph.D. candidate and in the first year I began to work. She lent me considerable support, both emotionally and financially. My thanks also go to my daughter Jiajia who was born while I was preparing the book. She has made the task less arduous. Finally, my gratitude is extended to Prof. M.A.K. Halliday who has enabled me to have a different understanding about language.

v

Contents

1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Mood as a Grammatical Category. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 The Etymology of ‘Mood’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.2 Studies on Mood in Western Linguistics: From Antiquity to the Late 18th Century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.3 Studies on Mood in Modern Western Linguistics. . . . . . . . 1.1.4 Studies on Mood in Modern Chinese Linguistics. . . . . . . . 1.1.5 Section Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 A Working Definition of Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Mood as a Grammatical System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Mood, Mode, and Modality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Systemic Functional Typology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5.1 SFT in Relation to SFL and Linguistic Typology. . . . . . . . 1.5.2 Some Features of SFT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5.3 The Research Method and Research Procedures of SFT. . . . 1.6 Objectives and Research Questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7 Organization of the Book. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2 4 10 12 14 17 18 19 19 20 22 22 23 24

2 Literature Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Typological Studies on Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Typological Studies on Declarative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Typological Studies on Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3 Typological Studies on Imperative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.4 Typological Studies on Exclamative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Systemic Functional Studies on Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Theoretical Issues About Mood in SFL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Descriptions of Mood of Particular Languages. . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Cross-Linguistic Comparisons and SFT of mood . . . . . . . . 2.3 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Features and Problems of Typological Studies on Mood. . . .

29 29 29 30 34 37 37 38 41 42 45 45

1 1 1

vii

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2.3.2 Features and Problems of SFL/SFT Studies on Mood . . . . 2.3.3 Rationale for the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47 49 50

3 Theoretical Framework. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Contextualizing Mood in SFL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Stratification: mood and speech function. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Stratification: From Context to Language. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Intra-Language Stratification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 mood and speech function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Interpersonal Metafunction: mood and Other Systems . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 polarity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 modality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Rank Scale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5 Axis: mood System and Mood Structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.1 Paradigmatic: mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2 Syntagmatic: Mood Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55 55 56 56 57 58 61 61 62 65 65 66 67 73 74

4 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Data Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.1 Language Sampling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Data Source . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Data Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Data Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Research Methods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75 75 75 79 83 84 85 85

5 A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Major Functional Elements in Declarative Mood Structure and Their Realizations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 The Subject . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 The Predicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.3 The Finite. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Subtypes of Declarative Mood and Their Realizations. . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 The Declarative (Proper). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 The Hidatsa Subtypes of Declarative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.3 The Exclamative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.4 The Emotion-Involved and the Assessed Declarative . . . . . 5.2.5 The Evidential Declarative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.6 The Emphatic and the Focused Declarative. . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.7 Tenor-Related Declaratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.8 Other Subtypes of Declarative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89 89 89 96 97 115 117 120 124 127 130 134 136 140 145 147

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ix

6 A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 The Polar Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Subtypes of Polar Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 Realizations of Polar Interrogative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 The Elemental Interrogative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.1 Subtypes of Elemental Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.2 Realizations of Elemental Interrogative Mood . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 The Alternative Interrogative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 The Confirmative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.1 Subtypes of Confirmative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.2 Realizations of Confirmative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

151 151 151 156 165 165 166 173 176 176 179 180 182

7 A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 The Jussive Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.1 Subtypes of Jussive Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Realizations of Jussive Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 The Cohortative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Subtypes of Cohortative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Realizations of Cohortative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 The Optative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 Subtypes of Optative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 Realizations of Optative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 The Oblative Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.5 The Hortative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6 Other Types of Imperative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6.1 The Prohibitive Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6.2 The Permissive Mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6.3 The Impersonal Imperative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6.4 The Mongolian Types of Imperative Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.7 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

185 185 185 192 197 197 198 201 201 203 205 206 210 210 211 213 213 216 218

8 A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 The Realizations of mood System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 The Realizations of declarative mood System. . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 The Realizations of interrogative mood System. . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 The Realizations of imperative mood System . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.4 The Realizations of Holistic mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.5 Intra-Language Consistency in the Realizations of Mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 The Organization of mood System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of mood System. . . . . . 8.3.1 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of Holistic mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

221 221 221 223 225 227 230 232 237 238

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Contents

8.3.2 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of declarative mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.3 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of interrogative mood System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.4 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of imperative mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.5 Context-Semantics-Lexicogrammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 The Multilingual mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5 Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

241 245 246 250 257 259 263

9 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Main Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 Cross-Linguistic Similarities and Differences in Mood Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2 Cross-Linguistic Similarities and Differences in mood System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Contributions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Limitations and Further Directions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.1 Limitations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.2 Further Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

268 270 272 272 273 275

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

277

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

337

265 265 265

Abbreviations and Conventions

Abbreviations of Grammatical Categories 1 First person 2 Second person 3 Third person a Agent abs Absolutive case acc Accusative case act Active voice; active nominal suffix (Nyigina) adm Admonitive clause marker (Korean) admi Admirative mode (Albanian) advr Adversative (Cavineña, Hup) aff Affirmative particle (Dagaare, Welsh) agt Agentive marker ah Addressee honorific (Korean) aloc Animate locative (Hinuq) alt.int Alternative interrogative clause marker (Hup) ant Anterior aspect (Ute); anteriority (Fongbe) aor Aorist tense (Armenian, Tauya, Turkish) appr Apprehensive mode (Hup) approx Approximative (Hidatsa) ass Assertive (Nama Hottentot, Nenets) asso Associative (Cavineña, Kulina) aux Auxiliary av Actor voice (Puyuma) ba bǎ (Chinese) bln Blunt speech level (Korean) caus Causative clf Classifier com Comitative case xi

Abbreviations and Conventions

xii compa Comparative compl

Completive aspect

conju Conjunction conneg

Connegative (Nenets) Continuous/continuative aspect cont.evid Contrary to evidence (Cavineña) conte Contemplated aspect (Tagalog); contemporative mode (West Greenlandic) cop Copula csm Change of state marker (Qiang) dat Dative case decl Declarative clause marker (Hidatsa, Korean, Somali) def Definite marker dem Demonstrative des Desiderative clause marker (Mongolian) det Determiner dir Directional prefix (Hinuq, Qiang); direction (Ute); direct information (Huallaga Quechua) dtv Directive particle (Qiang) du Dual number dub Dubitative marker (Mongolian, Nenets) dynm Dynamic aspect (Hup) emph Emphatic, emphasis emph.int Interrogative emphasis (Hup) erg Ergative case ev Evidential exc Exclamative clause marker excl Exclusive exho Exhortative preverb (Vietnamese); exhortative particle (Pipil) exp Experiential aspect f Feminine gender fm Formative (Cavineña) fml Familiar speech level (Korean); familiar (Hindi) foc Focus fut Future tense/general future tense (Kulina) g1 Gender 1 (Hinuq) gen Genitive case go Go purposive (Kham) hab Habitual aspect (Mongolian); habitual participle (Hinuq) hon Honorific hor Hortative marker; hortatory (Maidu) hpl Human plural (Hinuq) hpst Hodiernal past tense (Kulina) ifut Immediate future tense (Kulina) iloc Inanimate location (Hinuq) im Immediate (Dagaare) cont

Abbreviations and Conventions imp

xiii

Imperative clause marker, imperative mode Imperfect aspect in Location ‘in(side)’ (Hinuq); inessive (Udmurt) inch Inchoative aspect (Chinese, Hup, Mian); inchoative focus (Hup) incl Inclusive ind Indicative mode; indirect information (Huallaga Quechua) indf Indefinite indtv Indirect directive marker inf Infinitive infe Inferential marker (Hup, Nenets, Qiang) ins Instrumental case int Intentive (Maidu); intimate speech level (Korean) intfut Intentional future tense (Hinuq) intp Introspective prefix (Nyigina) ints Introspective suffix (Nyigina) ipfv Imperfective aspect ipros Instant prospective aspect (Vietnamese) irr Irrealis (Bardi, Mian, Ute) lat Lative case (Hinuq) loc Locative marker m Masculine gender mod Modal suffix (Ute); modal (Dagaare) mp Mood particle (Chinese, Mongolian, Ọ̀kọ́, Vietnamese) na Neutral aspect (Maidu) narr Narrative enclitic (Hidatsa, Hinuq) nec Necessitative (Nenets) neg Negative, negation nfrt Non-firsthand evidentiality (Kulina) nfut Near future tense (Kulina) nhm Non-human nim Non-immediate (Dagaare) nmlz Nominalizer, nominalization nom Nominative case nonspec Non-speculative (Hidatsa) npst Non-past tense (Greek, Japanese) nrld Non-realized (Mapuche) nsg Non-singular number (first person) (Kulina); non-singular number (Cavineña, Mapuche) obj Object obl Oblique case opin Opinion opt Optative clause marker p Patient part Clause (enclitic) particle perm Permissive clause marker (Hidatsa, Mongolian) pers Persistive impf

xiv pfv

Abbreviations and Conventions

Perfective aspect Prehodiernal past tense (Kulina) pl Plural number pol Polite speech level (Korean); polite suffix (Japanese); polite particle (Thai) poss Possessive pot Potential (Hausa, Nenets) pr Promissive clause marker (Korean) prec Precative clause marker (Mongolian, Nenets) prep Preposition pret Preterite tense prf Perfect aspect prob Probability (Kham) prog Progressive aspect prop Proposive (Javanese) pros Prospective modal suffix (Korean); prospective aspect prs Present tense psb Possibility modality (Turkish) pst Past tense ptcp Participle q Interrogative clause marker real Realis mode (Mian, Nyigina, Teiwa) redup Reduplication rep Reportative marker repe Repetitive aspect/topic-shift (Hup) repst Recent past tense (Bardi) requ Request marker rpst Remote past tense rq Rhetoric question marker rt Retrospective mode (Korean) sbj Subject affix, subject case sbjv Subjunctive mode sg Singular number sp Structural particle (Chinese) spec Speculative marker (Hidatsa) spr Location ‘on’ (Hinuq) su Suppositive clause marker (Korean) sub Suborninative (case) (Nama Hottentot) surp Astonishment/amazement/surprise marker (Fongbe) tag Tag question marker tel Telic aspect/contrastive emphasis (Hup) top Topic marker tr Transitive uwpst Unwitnessed past tense (Hinuq) vent Venitive aspect (Hup) phpst

Abbreviations and Conventions

xv

vis

Visual marker (Hup, Qiang) Volitional (Japanese) volu Voluntative clause marker (Mongolian) ø Empty vol

Abbreviations of Interpersonal Functional Elements Basic Interpersonal Functional Elements Ad

Adjunct

The interpersonal functional element that does not have the potential to become Subject. It is realized by an adverbial group or a prepositional phrase.

Com

Complement

The interpersonal functional element that has the potential of being Subject but is not. It is typically realized by a nominal group.

Fi

Finite

The interpersonal functional element that functions to make a proposition finite and arguable by giving it a point of reference.

Sub

Subject

The interpersonal functional element that is responsible for the validity of a proposition and for the success of a proposal.

Pr

Predicator

The interpersonal functional element that specifies the process type and other aspects, e.g., phase, voice, etc., of a clause.

Vo

Vocative

The interpersonal functional element identifying the addressee of the clause as a move in dialogue.

Expanded Interpersonal Functional Elements CI

Complement Indicator

The functional element that indicates certain properties (number, gender, and person) of Complement.

EM

Emotion Marker

One type of Mood Negotiator that expresses the speaker’s emotions, moods, and attitudes.

EmM

Emphasis Marker

One type of Mood Negotiator that indicates the speaker’s emphasis on the content or a certain part of the content of a proposition or a proposal.

EvM

Evidentiality Marker

One type of Mood Negotiator that encodes the information source of a proposition.

FM

Focus Marker

One type of Mood Negotiator that indicates the focus of a proposition.

IW

Interrogative Word

The functional element that specifies the entity that the questioner wishes to have supplied. One type of Mood Negotiator that marks the elemental interrogative.

Abbreviations and Conventions

xvi MN

Mood Negotiator

The interpersonal functional element that marks the mood type of a clause. Some specific types of Mood Negotiator serve to mark the specific mood type of a clause. The Emphasis Marker, for instance, marks an emphatic clause.

PlN

Proposal Negotiator

One type of Mood Negotiator that shows the negotiability of a proposal.

PnN

Proposition Negotiator

One type of Mood Negotiator that makes a proposition negotiable by inviting the listener to confirm its truth value.

TM

Tenor Marker

One type of Mood Negotiator that indicates the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and the addressee in terms of social status, social distance, etc.

SI

Subject Indicator

The functional element that indicates certain properties (number, gender, and person) of Subject.

Abbreviations of Grammatical Classes lexico-

-grammar

v

Verb

iw

Interrogative word

ad

Adverb

au

Auxiliary

p

Particle

c

Clitic

seq

Sequence

st

Structure/construction

re

Reduplication

pr

Prefix

s

Suffix

a

Affix

i

Inflection

Operators in Realization Statements Operator ↘

Meaning of operator Be realized by

Example

↘+Mood

+F

Insert Function

+Mood

Realized by inserting the Mood Insert the Mood

Abbreviations and Conventions

xvii

Operator

Meaning of operator

Example

−F

Delete Function Expand Function

−Fi

Delete the Finite

F (F, F)

Mood (Sub, Fi)

Expand the Mood by decomposing it to include the Subject and the Finite

F^F

Sequence Functions

Sub^Fi

Sequence the Subject before the Finite

#^F

Position Function first

#^IW

Position the Interrogative Word initially

F^#

Position Function last

MN^#

Position the Mood Negotiator at the end of the clause

F:feature

Preselect feature

Sub:2

The Subject is preselected for the feature ‘second person’; The Subject is constrained to have the feature

Fːclass

Realize Function by grammatical class

MNːp

Realize the Mood Negotiator by particles

F::item

Specify Function as lexicogrammatical item

TM::qǐng

Specify the Tenor Marker as qǐng ‘please’

F/F

Conflate Functions

IW/Sub

Conflate the Interrogative Word with the Subject

F.F

Fuse Functions

Fi.Pr

Fuse the Finite and the Predicator

Function be optional

The Subject is optional

*F

Reject Function

*Fi ‘modality’

Reject the Finite that expresses modality

Graphic Conventions in System Networks x a

System: if ‘a’, then ‘x’ or ‘y’

y a

x

b

y

a

x

b

y

Disjunction in entry condition: if ‘a’ or ‘b’, then ‘x’ or ‘y’ Conjunction in entry condition: if ‘a’ and ‘b’, then ‘x’ or ‘y’

Abbreviations and Conventions

xviii

Simultaneity: if ‘a’, then simultaneously ‘x’ or ‘y’ and ‘m’ or ‘n’ Exception: i,t if ‘x’, then ‘n’, and so not ‘m’

xI y a m nT

Delicacy ordering: if ‘a’, then ‘x’ or ‘y’; if ‘x’, then ‘m’ or ‘n’

m x a

n y

Capitalization Labels Used in Systems and Realization Statements Capitalization

Convention

Example

Small capitals

Name of system

mood, speech function, modality

Initial capitals

Name of structural function (functional element)

Mood, Subject, Finite, Predicator, Mood Negotiator

Lower case, or lower case with single quotes

Name of option in system

indicative, ‘imperative’

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 The mood system of English. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 2.1 The mood system of English extracted from An Introduction to Functional Grammar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 2.2 The mood system of English from Martin (1992) (adapted from Martin 1992: 44) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 2.3 The semantic system network for mood of English in Fawcett (2009) (adapted from Fawcett 2009: 60). . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 3.1 The global and local semiotic dimensions of SFL (adapted from Matthiessen et al. 2010: 38) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 3.2 Stratification (adapted from Halliday and Matthiessen 2014: 26)  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 3.3 The realizational relationship between mood system and speech function system. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 3.4 mood in the matrix of stratification and metafunction. . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 3.5 The mood system of English. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5.1 Number of primary tense and aspect of each language. . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5.2 Language classification along the parameters of realizations of Finite and morphological type . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5.3 Number of declarative moods of each language. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5.4 The declarative mood system of Hidatsa, based on Boyle (2007). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5.5 The declarative mood system of Hup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 6.1 The possible positions of confirmative mood in mood system. . . . Fig. 7.1 Mood Negotiators for jussive mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 7.2 The imperative mood system of Mongolian. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.1 The mood system of Persian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.2 The mood system of Hidatsa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.3 Number of mood options of each language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.4 Semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 38 39 40 56 58 59 64 66 98 115 116 121 145 176 192 214 234 236 238 244

xix

xx

List of Figures

Fig. 8.5 The hierarchy of grammaticalization of major types of imperative mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.6 The multilingual mood system: Part i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.7 The multilingual mood system: Part ii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.8 The multilingual mood system: Part iii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8.9 The multilingual mood system: Part iv . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

247 259 260 261 262

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 1.2 Table 1.3 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 3.3 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 5.3 Table 5.4 Table 5.5 Table 5.6 Table 5.7 Table 5.8 Table 5.9 Table 6.1 Table 6.2 Table 6.3 Table 6.4 Table 6.5 Table 6.6 Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Etymology of ‘mood’ and ‘mode’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of terminology in SFL and other traditions. . . . . . . Different types of clauses recognized in SFL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Modalization and modulation (from Halliday 1994: 91). . . . . . . Compositional hierarchies in English (from Halliday and Matthiessen 2014: 21) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Finite verbal operators in English (from Halliday 1994: 76). . . . The geographical, genetic, and typological information about the languages in the sample. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Data sources of the languages described. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Finite in Cavineña (cf. Guillaume 2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Realizations of Finite ‘negative’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Realizations of Finite ‘tense’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Realizations of Finite ‘aspect’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite . . . . . . . Types of evidential declaratives and their realizations . . . . . . . . Sentence enders in Korean (cf. Sohn 1999: 234–237). . . . . . . . . Polite particles in Thai (cf. Smyth 2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mood Negotiators for affirmative and negative declarative. . . . Realizations of polar interrogative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mood Negotiator: polar interrogative realized by particles . . . . Basic Interrogative Words in different languages and their positions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dimensions of variation in the realizations of elemental interrogative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Structural contrasts between MN: polar and MN: elemental . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proposition negotiators for tagged confirmative. . . . . . . . . . . . . Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subtypes of hortative mood and their realizations. . . . . . . . . . . .

2 15 16 63 65 70 76 81 101 103 104 106 113 131 137 141 142 157 158 168 171 174 180 198 206

xxi

xxii

Table 7.3 Table 8.1 Table 8.2 Table 8.3 Table 8.4 Table 8.5 Table 8.6 Table 8.7 Table 8.8 Table 8.9 Table 8.10 Table 8.11 Table 8.12 Table 8.13

List of Tables

Some options in the imperative mood system of Nenets and their relationship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The grammatical classes in the realizations of declarative mood system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The grammatical classes in the realizations of interrogative mood system. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The grammatical classes in the realizations of imperative mood system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Realizations of holistic mood system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Major grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of holistic mood system in languages of different morphological types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood. . . . . . . . Correlations between realizations of mood and morphological types. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The assessment system of Dagaare (cf. Mwinlaaru 2018) . . . . . Interactant-oriented semantic dimensions in the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. . . . . . Some facets of the socio-cultural context of Hup, Cavineña, Kulina, and Hidatsa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The correlation coefficient between the number of mood options (NM) and the number of classes (NC)/the number of realization statements (NR). . . . . . . . . . . . . English equivalent expressions for some mood options . . . . . . .

209 222 223 225 228 230 231 233 240 250 252 255 257 258

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Mood as a Grammatical Category Mood has long been an essential grammatical category in linguistic description and analysis, “concerning central and highly sophisticated domains of the linguistic system” (Nuyts 2016: 1). It has attracted continuous attention from many branches of linguistics, e.g., linguistic philosophy, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, linguistic typology, systemic functional linguistics, discourse analysis, etc. Nevertheless, it is often used confusingly in linguistic studies and is far from being a well-established grammatical category despite the large body of literature. As van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016: 9) note, “after more than 2000 years our discipline has not reached a better understanding of what is fundamental to modality and mood”. The terminological confusion about mood dates to the seventeenth century or even earlier days and remains in recent literature (Charleston 1941; Foley and Valin 1984; Portner 2009, 2018). The book will begin with a survey of the uses of the term ‘mood’ in linguistic studies. As a general background of the current book, the survey will cover the etymology of ‘mood’, studies on mood in Western linguistics from antiquity to the late eighteenth century, studies on mood in modern Western linguistics, and studies on mood in modern Chinese linguistics.

1.1.1 The Etymology of ‘Mood’ According to The New Oxford Dictionary of English (NODE, Pearsall 1998) and The Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology (Onions, Friedrichsen, and Bruchfield 1982), the Modern English word ‘mood’ has two entries. mood1 refers to “a temporary state of mind or feeling” (NODE). This sense of ‘mood’ comes from the Old English word mōd which is of Germanic origin. mood2 refers to

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_1

1

1 Introduction

2 Table 1.1  Etymology of ‘mood’ and ‘mode’ Origin Germanic Latin: modus ‘measure, manner’

Old/Middle English mōd ‘mind, spirit; courage’ as a variant of moode moode ‘manner, form of verb’

Modern English mood1

mood

mood2

mode

“a category of verb use, typically expressing fact (indicative mood), command (imperative mood), question (interrogative mood), wish (optative mood), or conditionality (subjunctive mood)” (NODE). The second sense of ‘mood’, which is the grammatical sense of this word, goes back to the mid-sixteenth century, when it was used as a variant of another Modern English word ‘mode’. The grammatical sense of the word ‘mode’ was acquired in late Middle English and originates from the Latin word modus. The etymology of ‘mood’ and ‘mode’, as is shown in Table 1.1, accounts for why both words are used as a linguistic term. For example, Bloomfield (1935) and Hockett (1958) use ‘mode’ only (van der Auwera and Aguilar 2016). Most scholars, however, use ‘mood’ more often to avoid the problematic ambiguities ‘mode’ may present. Following in this tradition, we will use the term ‘mood’ to refer to the object under study. Meanwhile, we will also use the term ‘mode’ in another way (Sect. 1.4).

1.1.2 Studies on Mood in Western Linguistics: From Antiquity to the Late 18th Century Gray (1939: 166) maintains that “conventional grammatical terminology was established, in the main, by the grammarians of Greece, notably in the summary of Dionysios Thrax”. This is true of mood. Van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016) make a comprehensive survey of the uses of the term ‘mood’ in Western linguistics before the nineteenth century. According to their survey, mood as a grammatical category can be traced back to Dionysios or even earlier Greek scholars. Dionysios, in his Tekhnē grammatikē ‘Art of grammar’ (Kemp 1986), conceives of mood (enklísis) as an attribute of the Greek verb and recognizes five moods, namely defining, imperative, optative, subjunctive, and infinitive. Though he does not make clear what mood is, obviously, his notion of mood is concerned with verb morphology. This is the most conventional use of this term. We will term Dionysios’ notion of mood as ‘verbal mood’. There is a second use of mood which can be traced back to another Greek scholar Protagoras. Citing Laertius (see Laertius (1950), with an English translation by Hicks), van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016) note that Protagoras is the first to divide the parts of discourse into four, viz. wish, question, answer, and command. They also notice Hicks, the translator of Laertius (1950), claims that the

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

3

four terms approximately correspond to optative, indicative (question and answer), and imperative. In a similar vein, Allan (2001) believes the four terms correspond to optative-imperative, interrogative, indicative, and imperative, respectively. There are debates over whether Protagoras and Dionysios were discussing the same thing (see van der Auwera and Aguilar 2016). We will argue that Dionysios was talking about verb morphology and Protagoras was discussing sentence types. Protagoras’s notion of mood will be termed as ‘sentence mood’ in the book. A third use of mood, like the other two mentioned, goes back to Greek grammarian Apollonius Dyscolus. Van der Auwera and Aguilar’s survey shows Apollonius, in his Peril syntaxeos ‘About the construction’ (Lallot 1997), considers mood (enclísis) as ‘disposition of the mind’ or ‘mental disposition’. He accepts Dionysios’s terminology and classification of mood, while he goes one step further by providing a definition of mood. Moreover, according to van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016, citing Lallot 1997), Apollonius’ use of mood is a “psychological” interpretation of this term and can be understood as “modality”. In this sense, Apollonius’ notion of mood can be taken as an origin of another common use of this term: to connect mood to modality. We will use the term ‘notional mood’ to refer to Apollonius’ notion of mood. The three main uses of the term ‘mood’, viz. ‘verbal mood1’, ‘sentence mood’, and ‘notional mood’, were accepted by later grammarians and borrowed in descriptions of other languages. In the sixth century, according to van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016), Latin grammarian Priscian accepted Apollonius’ view on mood by defining mood as different inclinations of the mind. He also accepted Dionysios and Apollonius’ classification of mood when describing Latin. Since Latin differs from Greek in verb morphology, it is of no surprise that such borrowing unavoidably brought about some problems. In the Middle Ages, according to van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016), grammarians’ view on mood was basically consistent with that of Apollonius and Priscian. Besides, in the field of logic, three more uses of the term modus appeared, one of which refers to the necessity, possibility, impossibility, and contingent of a proposition. This sense of meaning, as noted by van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016), to some extent corresponds to what we now call ‘modality’. This is a more recent origin of ‘notional mood’ than Apollonius. During the fifteenth and the sixteenth century, as van der Auwera and Aguilar’s survey reveals, more problems arose as Spanish, German and French grammarians applied the notion of ‘verbal mood’ and the classification of mood in Greek and Latin to descriptions of their own language. Meanwhile, new ideas on mood kept emerging. For example, in the sixteenth century, the concept of ‘sign’ was created, which refers to “a formal marking of the mood other than the morphology of the verb” (van der Auwera and Aguilar 2016: 18). Besides, the potential mood expressed by modal verbs was recognized by grammarians as a new type of

1 The

terms ‘verbal mood’, ‘sentential mood’, and ‘notional mood’ are borrowed mainly from Portner (2009). See also Jespersen (1924), Harnish (1994), and Portner (2018).

4

1 Introduction

mood. New ideas on mood, as pointed out by van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016: 19), indicate “the Priscian tradition was gradually losing importance”. Building on an investigation by Michael (1970), van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016) also note that on the one hand some grammars published between 1586 and 1801 argue that English has no moods because the English verb has no diversity of endings. On the other hand, some grammars claim that English has many moods since it has auxiliary verbs. The controversy indicates there was no agreed definition of mood at that time, either in terms of meaning or form. The seventeenth and the eighteenth century saw studies on both ‘notional mood’ and ‘sentence mood’. Concerning the ‘notional mood’, according to van der Auwera and Aguilar’s survey, Wilkins (1668) formulated the concept of ‘secondary mode’. He considers the primary modes as the traditional ones, such as indicative, imperative, etc. The secondary modes, which function to make the sentence to be a modal proposition, include meanings expressed by modal verbs, such as ‘possibility’, ‘liberty’, ‘inclination of the will’, and ‘necessity’. The secondary modes (moods) are what we are grouping together under the heading of modality. The practice of relating mood to modality has been more commonplace in modern Western linguistics. Concerning the ‘sentence mood’, according to van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016), Harris (1993) includes interrogative into the category of mood. He also connects mood types to text types.

1.1.3 Studies on Mood in Modern Western Linguistics In last section, drawing on the survey by van der Auwera and Aguilar (2016), we have summarized three uses of the concept of mood in Western linguistics from antiquity to the late eighteenth century, namely ‘verbal mood’, ‘sentence mood’, and ‘notional mood’. In this section, we will make a survey of studies on mood in modern Western linguistics. The survey, unsurprisingly, will show that all the three approaches to mood are adopted and developed in modern Western linguistics. Verbal Mood Verbal mood, as the most conventional view on mood, is widely held in modern Western linguistic studies. Most studies between the late nineteenth century and the mid-twentieth century conceive of mood as verbal inflection, but there have been controversies concerning the meaning expressed by verbal mood. Sweet (1891) defines moods of a verb as the grammatical forms that express different relations between subject and predicate. He first distinguishes the imperative mood that expresses commands and the indicative mood that expresses statements. Then, he further divides a statement into a fact, a thought, and a wish, which are expressed by indicative mood, subjunctive mood, and optative/subjunctive mood, respectively. He admits that English only has indicative and subjunctive

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

5

as inflectional moods, but the formal distinction between them is slight and the sense of the distinction in function between subjunctive and indicative has almost died out in English. The few distinctions that English makes between fact-statements and thought-statements are mainly expressed by auxiliaries rather than verbal inflections. He also formulates the concepts of periphrastic mood (including conditional mood, permissive mood, and compulsive mood) and tense mood to refer to meanings realized by auxiliaries and preterite tense, respectively. On the one hand, Sweet (1891) accepts Dionysios’ notion of mood, taking mood as a verbal category. On the other hand, he acknowledges the differences between English and Latin and Greek in the expressions of mood. Also, his notion of mood is broader than previous ones. Sonnenschein (1916) also takes mood as a verbal category. For him, a mood is a group of tenses which have a similarity of meaning. He recognizes three moods: the indicative speaks of a matter of fact, the imperative expresses what is desired by the speaker, and the subjunctive expresses the meaning that something “is to be done” and “shall be done”. Like Sweet (1891), he also admits that the subjunctive is not so much used in Modern English as it was in Old English and its meaning is expressed by other ways, but it still can be recognized through the meaning it expresses. Jespersen (1924) asserts that mood is a syntactic category rather than a notional one. He disagrees with Sweet (1891) on the definition of mood. In his view, moods express certain attitudes of the mind of the speaker toward the contents of the sentence. These attitudes are shown in the forms of the verb. His notion of mood reminds us of that of Apollonius. He recognizes three moods, viz. indicative, subjunctive, and imperative. He disagrees with those grammarians who try to connect mood with modality. Therefore, he introduces the concept of ‘notional mood’ to refer to the meaning of modality and offers a list of more than twenty types of notional moods. He highlights the significance of verbal forms in descriptions of mood. As he maintains, “there are many ‘moods’ if once one leaves the safe ground of verbal forms actually found in a language” (Jesperson 1924: 321). Since the 1930s, a consensus has been reached that mood being a verbal category indicates the status of the event conveyed by the verb. It inflects the factuality or actuality of the event. Distinctions are commonly made between ‘indicative’ and ‘subjunctive’, ‘real’ and ‘unreal’, ‘realis’ and ‘irrealis’. For example, Bloomfield (1935) makes the point that English modes (moods) distinguish various approaches of an action to its actual occurrence. Morphologically, English distinguishes ‘real’ and ‘unreal’. Syntactically, English recognizes a whole series by the particularity of irregular (auxiliaries) verbs. Gray (1939) expresses a similar view. For him, the category of mood, as an aspect of the verb, denotes the manner in which action or state is performed or exists. The indicative expresses a fact or what is alleged to be fact and the subjunctive denotes a contingency which may or may not be realized. He also reports that languages vary in the number of moods. The Indo-European languages have four principal moods: indicative, subjunctives, optative, and imperative. In contrast, Semitic has a jussive mood and Hebrew has a cohortative mood. Gonda (1956), like Jespersen (1924), is of

6

1 Introduction

the opinion that it would be advisable to distinguish between mood and modality. In his view, moods are verb forms which intimate speaker’s view of the relation between the process and reality. Zandvoort (1957) points out that the English subjunctive expresses will or wish, possibility and unreality (irrealis). For Hockett (1958), modes (moods) show differing degrees or kinds of reality, desirability, or contingency of an event. Quirk et al. (1985) do not give a clear definition of mood. They take mood as one of the five criteria for distinguishing finite verb phrases from non-finite verb phrases and point out that mood, as the attribute of finite verbs, indicates the factual, non-factual, or counterfactual status of the predication. Bussmann (1990) defines mood as a grammatical category of verbs which expresses the subjective attitude of the speaker toward the state of affairs described by the utterance. In his view, the indicative mood is the neutral one and the subjunctive and the imperative are for expressing unreal states and commands, respectively. In a similar vein, Thieroff (2010) regards mood as a morphological category of the verb that expresses modalities such as orders, wishes, (non-)factivity, (non-) reality and the like. Sentence Mood Since the 1960s, there has been considerable interest in sentence mood. Mood is used to refer to sentence types and the speech acts realized by different sentence types. This use of mood is mainly observed in studies of linguistic philosophy, semantics, pragmatics, systemic functional linguistics, and linguistic typology. Stenius (1967), for instance, makes a distinction between sentence-radical and modal element. The former signifies the descriptive content of the sentence and the latter signifies (sentence) mood. The same descriptive content can be indicative mood, imperative mood, or interrogative mood. He also distinguishes between grammatical mood and semantic/logical mood. For example, an interrogative mood, when used as questions, is both a grammatical interrogative and a logical interrogative; but when it is used as commands, it is a grammatical interrogative but not a logical one. Lewis (1970) holds a similar view on mood. Lyons (1968), as with Stenius (1967), uses mood to refer to sentence types. For him, if the sentence is used to express simple statements of fact, it is unmarked and in indicative mood or declarative mood. If the sentence indicates speaker’s commitment with respect to the factual status of what he is saying, it is marked and can be in imperative mood or interrogative mood. It is interesting that Lyons (cf. Lyons 1977, 1995) later changed his view on mood. He maintains “it was misleading to suggest that the difference between declarative and interrogative, like the difference between indicative and imperative, is a matter of mood” (Lyons 1977: 747). Lyons (1995) further makes it clear that the terms ‘declarative’, ‘interrogative’, and ‘exclamative’ belong the domain of sentence type while the terms ‘imperative’, ‘optative’, ‘indicative’, ‘subjunctive’, ‘dubitative’, and ‘evidential’ subclassify sentences according to mood. The change indicates that the conventional view on mood was still of enormous influence.

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

7

Halliday (1970) considers the system of mood as the expression of the speaker’s choice of role in the communication. Different types of mood realize different speech functions. For example, when making a statement with declarative mood, the speaker is taking upon himself the role of declarer and inviting the hearer to take on the complementary role. Huddleston (1971), from a pragmatic perspective, makes a distinction between the grammatical mood of a sentence and the illocutionary force of an utterance. In his view, the terms ‘declarative’, ‘interrogative’, ‘imperative’, and ‘exclamative’ are four types of sentences classified according to their grammatical mood, whereas the terms ‘assertion’, ‘question’, ‘order’, ‘exclamation’, etc., are used to refer to illocutionary force of different speech acts. He suggests that mood is a matter of competence and illocutionary force is a matter of performance and the two systems do not completely coincide. Pragmatic studies on mood also include Kasher (1974), Davidson (1979), and Lappin (1982). They all consider moods as different sentence types. Harnish (1994, 2001) defines mood as sentence form with a function and differentiates sentences as indicative, yes/no interrogative, wh-interrogative, imperative, and exclamative. He asserts that mood is a category that lies at the intersection of phonology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics, not merely a matter of morphology. Formally speaking, moods are described in terms of syntactic structure, which includes word order, syntactic categorization, intonation contour, and occasionally lexical items. Functionally speaking, sentences are described in terms of their literal and direct illocutionary force potential (pragmatics) and their meanings (semantics). The twenty-first century sees more studies on sentence mood. Anderson (2007) sees mood as subcategory of finiteness associated with speech act. In his view, mood variation is a property of finite clauses. Following in the tradition, de Schepper and de Hoop (2012) recognize the three main sentence moods in language as the imperative, declarative, and interrogative mood. Moreover, they also recognize some other sentence moods that have less obvious markings, such as commissive, expressive, declaration, and suggestion. Along the same line, Aikhenvald (2010) defines mood as a grammatical category expressing a speech act. Declarative is the form of statement, interrogative that of question and imperative that of getting an addressee to act. He uses the term ‘grammatical mood’ to cover these meanings. Dixon (2012) similarly suggests that mood indicates type of speech act. The three commonly used moods in every language are imperative (indicating a command), interrogative (indicating a question), and declarative (indicating a statement). Notional Mood Since the 1980s, there has been a growing body of literature on the topic of notional mood. It has become commonplace to relate mood to modality. The first scholar to mention is Huddleston (see Huddleston 1984a, 1984b; Huddleston and Pullum 2002). He takes mood as an inflectional system of verb. Semantic contrasts made in mood system by terms ‘indicative’, ‘subjunctive’, and ‘imperative’ involve ‘factuality’ versus ‘non-factuality’, ‘assertions’ versus

8

1 Introduction

‘non-assertions’, ‘main clauses’ versus ‘subordinate clauses. Moreover, he believes there exist analytic mood systems which are differentiated by auxiliaries rather than by verbal inflections. English has no inflectional mood system but only an analytical one. Furthermore, he asserts mood is a grammatical category whereas modality is a semantic category and the distinction between them is like that between tense and time, or aspect and asepectuality. He claims mood is the grammaticalization of modality within the verbal system. For Huddleston, modality is a rather broad term covering a wide range of meaning and it is expressed by a wide range of syntactically diverse means including mood. In English, modality is mainly expressed by analytic mood. Chung and Timberlake (1985) make the point that mood characterizes the actuality of an event by comparing the event(s) world to the reference world. Languages commonly distinguish two morphological moods, namely realis and irrealis, which express factual and non-factual events, respectively. The realis mood basically is equivalent to indicative and the irrealis to subjunctive mood, conditional mood, hypothetical mood, etc. They discuss two basic parameters of non-factuality, namely the epistemic mode and the deontic mode. The two modes are what are termed as ‘modality’ in other studies (cf. Bybee 1985; Palmer 1986). In other words, Chung and Timberlake (1985) also hold the view that moods express modalities. Bybee (1985) provides a rather broad definition of mood, regarding mood as a marker on the verb that signals how the speaker chooses to put the proposition into the discourse context. She admits the definition is “intentionally formulated to be general enough to cover both markers of illocutionary force” and “markers of degree of commitment of the speaker to the truth of the proposition” (Bybee 1985: 165). Thus, both the semantic domain of evidentiality and epistemic modality are included under her definition of mood. Unlike Chung and Timberlake (1985), she excludes deontic modality and markers of ability, desire, and intention from the domain of mood. As regard the relationship between mood and modality, she maintains that “modality designates a conceptual domain which may take various types of linguistic inflection, while mood designates the inflectional expression of a subdivision of this semantic domain” (Bybee 1985: 169). She divides moods into two main groups: those that express illocutionary force, such as imperative, optative, admonitive, prohibitive, and interrogative, and those that indicate commitment to truth of assertion, which include subjunctive, dubitative, probable, potential, and conditional. Bybee later (cf. Bybee et al. 1994; Bybee and Fleischman 1995) made it clear that modality is the conceptual domain, which covers a broad range of semantic nuances, such as jussive, desiderative, intentive, hypothetical, potential, obligative, dubitative, hortatory, etc., and mood is the inflectional expression of modality. Palmer (1986), like Huddleston (1984a, 1984b), is of the opinion that mood is a grammatical category and modality a notional or semantic one, and the distinction between the two terms parallels that between tense and time, number and enumeration, gender and sex. Mood, together with modal verbs, particles, and clitics, is one of the ways to mark modality. Palmer later (cf. Palmer 2001, 2009) further

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

9

expounded his idea about the relation between mood and modality. He takes modality as a broad semantic domain, within which a major distinction is made between proposition modality and event modality. The former mainly includes epistemic and evidential modality and the latter mainly includes deontic and dynamic modality. In contrast, mood is one of the two ways (the other one being modal system) in which languages deal grammatically with modality. In other words, mood and modal system are two grammatical means to express modality. They are two grammatical sub-categories within the wider category modality. Concerning mood, according to Palmer (2001, 2009), a binary distinction can be made between indicative and subjunctive or between realis and irrealis. Similarly, Davidsen-Nielsen (1990) holds a view that mood is grammatically expressed modality. A nuance he makes is that the concept of mood should not only include morphologically signaled constructions, but also syntactically signaled ones such as modal auxiliaries. Saeed (1997, 2016) also maintains that mood refers to the distinctions marked by verb endings which form distinct conjugations and modality is encoded in the grammar of mood. For Bhat (1999), mood is concerned with the actuality of an event. It mainly falls into two types: epistemic moods and deontic moods. Besides, he also subsumes interrogative and imperative under the term ‘mood’ and asserts that interrogative is an extension of epistemic moods and imperative an extension of deontic moods. De Haan (2006) defines mood as a morphological verbal category which expresses the modal value of the sentence. Mood is the grammaticalized expression of modality. Depraetere and Reed (2006) and Magni (2010), as with Huddleston and Palmer, argue that modality can be coded in various ways, such as verbal inflections, auxiliary verbs, adverbs, and particles, and mood is the grammatical coding of modal meaning in verb inflection. Depraetere and Reed (2006) maintain that English has imperative, subjunctive, indicative as inflectional moods, while Magni (2010) argues that Modern English has a modal system, but no mood. Versatility View We have sketched the three main approaches to mood in modern Western linguistics. We notice that, instead of using the term to designate a single semantic domain, more and more studies recognize the versatility of this term. Hengeveld (2004), for instance, notices that mood is used for the morphological category that covers the grammatical reflections of a large semantic area, and there are hardly any successful definitions of this term since “all definitions proposed leave certain distinctions unaccounted for” (Hengeveld 2004: 1190). He argues that mood is related at least to two semantic areas: the area of illocution and the area of modality. Along the same line, Narrog (2005, 2010, 2012) makes a terminological distinction between ‘mood’ and ‘clause mood’. The former is used to refer to specific linguistic forms in verb inflection whose primary function is to express modality; the latter, in contrast, covers clause types, such as declaratives, interrogatives, imperatives, etc. For him, moods are grammaticalized modality and clause moods are grammaticalized speech acts. These two categories are closely related

10

1 Introduction

to each other and some clause moods, such as polar interrogatives, imperatives, conditionals, fall under the definition of modality. In like manner, Krug (2009) and Mitchell (2009) maintain the term ‘mood’ can be applied to both inflectional distinctions and clauses types. Portner (2009) distinguishes three usages of the term ‘mood’: verbal mood, notional mood, and sentence mood. For him, verbal mood shows subjective attitude of the speaker toward the state of affairs reflected in verb forms; notional mood refers to “something which is fundamentally the same as verbal mood, but which does not fit the strict definition” (Portner 2009:159); sentence mood has something to do with clause types and sentential forces. In his recent monograph on mood, Portner (2018) only uses the terms ‘verbal mood’ and ‘sentence mood’ but he describes the meaning of notional mood under the term ‘verbal mood’.

1.1.4 Studies on Mood in Modern Chinese Linguistics Thus far, we have focused on studies on mood in Western linguistics. In this section, we will sketch studies on mood in modern Chinese linguistics to see how this term is used in descriptions of languages other than English. The picture here is even more complicated. In addition to the three uses observed in Western linguistics, the term is applied to more semantic domains. Ma’s Comprehensive Grammar (Ma 1898) is the first grammar of the Chinese language. In this book, Ma (1898) reports that mood (yǔqì) in western languages varies with verbal inflections, whereas in Chinese, mood is expressed by mood particles, which are unique to the Chinese language. Moods expressed by mood particles, for him, can be subsumed under two categories: the certain mood and the uncertain mood. According to Zhao and Shi (2011), Ma considers moods expressed by mood particles in Chinese as the equivalents of those expressed by verbal inflections in Western languages. Thus, Ma’s notion of mood is the most conventional one, viz. verbal mood. Li (1924) categorizes moods of Chinese sentences into five types according to their functions: the declarative mood, the dubitative-suggestive mood, the interrogative mood, the exclamative mood, and the imperative mood. These moods, in his view, are expressed by sentence-final mood particles. Obviously, Li’s notion of mood is sentence mood. Li’s notion of mood is widely accepted in modern Chinese linguistic studies and probably is the most conventional one (see Hu 1962; Huang 1984; Huang and Liao 1991; Xing 1992; Qian 1995; Xing 1996; Sun 1999; Zhang 2002; Shao 2007; etc.). This is because the Chinese verb lacks inflections and the concept of verbal mood can hardly apply to the Chinese language. Most of these studies classify moods in Chinese into four, namely declarative, interrogative, imperative, and exclamative. Studies on notional mood include Hu (1987), He (1992), and Qi (2002a, 2002b). Hu (1987), for example, groups semantic domains covered by the term ‘mood’ into three: the speaker’s feelings and emotions, the speaker’s subjective

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

11

attitude toward the contents conveyed by the sentence, and some specific information conveyed to the hearer (what the speaker wants to do through the sentence). He uses the terms ‘emotional mood’, ‘attitudinal mood’, and ‘volitional mood’ to refer to the three semantic domains respectively, among which the attitudinal mood and the volitional mood roughly correspond to notional mood and sentence mood. Likely, He (1992) asserts that modality2 (mood) is the speaker’s attitude toward the contents of the sentence. He classifies modality (mood) into three: the functional modality (mood), such as declarative, interrogative, imperative, and exclamative; the judging modality (mood), such as epistemic, deontic, and dynamic; the emotional modality (mood). He’s emotional mood is similar to the emotional mood in Hu (1987), and the functional mood and judging mood correspond to sentence mood and notional mood, respectively. Along the same line, Qi (2002a, 2002b) distinguishes two types of mood: the functional mood and the volitional mood. The former corresponds with sentence mood and the latter notional mood. Hu (1987), He (1992), and Qi (2002a, 2002b) all provide a rather broad definition of mood, which not only includes the meanings covered by sentence mood and notional mood, but also the semantic domain of speaker’s emotions. The practice to define mood broadly even dates to the 1940s. Wang (1943, 1944), for example, in his two monographs on Chinese grammar, Modern Chinese Grammar and Chinese Grammar Theory, is of the opinion that emotional moods3 (yǔqì), which are mainly indicated by intonations and emotional particles (yǔqìcí), express (the speaker’s) various types of emotions (qíngxù). He reports twelve emotional moods in Chinese, each of which is expressed by one emotional particle (yǔqìcí), and he divides them into four groups: certain emotional moods (including determination,4 explanation, and emphasis), uncertain emotional moods (including interrogation, rhetorical question, hypothesis, and conjecture), volitional emotional moods (including command, urgency, and resignation), and exclamative moods (including indignation and persuasion). Moreover, he reports eight other types of emotional moods which are expressed by emotional tertiaries (adverbs) (yǔqì mòpǐn). Meanings expressed by emotional adverbs in Chinese are mainly indicated by intonations in English and thus it is very hard to find their counterparts in English and other Indo-European languages. Wang (1943, 1944), therefore, provides another interpretation of the term ‘mood’, namely ‘emotional mood’. Lü (1944) offers an even broader definition of mood. For him, broadly speaking, mood includes the semantic domains of yǔyì (meanings covered under this term

2 The

Chinese term yǔqì (语气) is commonly translated as ‘mood’, but He (1992) translates yǔqì ( 语气) as ‘modality’, which is more commonly translated as qíngtài (情态) in Chinese. Thus, his use of ‘modality’ here should be understood as ‘mood’. 3 As mentioned in Footnote 2, the Chinese term yǔqì (语气) is commonly translated as ‘mood’. Wang (1994) himself translated it as ‘emotional mood’. Accordingly, he translated yǔqìcí (语气 词) as ‘emotional particle’ instead of ‘mood particle’. 4 The translations in the brackets are given by Wang (1944) himself.

12

1 Introduction

include those denoted by terms like ‘affirmative’, ‘negative’, ‘realis’, ‘irrealis’, etc.), yǔshì (this term approximately corresponds to ‘tone’) and the narrow sense of this term. Mood in narrow sense, according to Lü (1944), refers to the different speech functions of sentences with the same content. The narrow definition is sentence mood. He further divides the mood in narrow sense into three groups: those related to knowledge (including declarative and interrogative), those related to action (including suggestive and imperative), and those related to emotion (such as exclamative). For Lü (1944), the term ‘mood’ encompasses a wide range of semantic domains, including those expressed by tones.

1.1.5 Section Summary Up to now, we have made a comprehensive survey of uses of the term ‘mood’ in both Western and Chinese linguistic studies. The survey reveals that mood is a prominent and complex concept in linguistic studies. It has been used in a quite confusing and overlapping way to cover many quite diverging linguistic phenomena, among which three are referred to most frequently: (i) the factuality or actuality of the event described by the language, (ii) the domain of sentence types and the illocutionary forces carried by them, and (iii) the domain of modal meaning. We borrow the terms ‘verbal mood’, ‘sentence mood’, and ‘notional mood’ from Portner (2009) to refer to the three common uses of the term. Each use of the term can be traced back to ancient Greek grammarians and remains popular in modern linguistic studies. Moreover, in modern Chinese linguistic studies, the term is used in a broader way to include other semantic domains, such as speaker’s emotions and tones. In our point of view, we can choose any use of the term when describing a particular language or a group of similar languages, but it would be helpful to highlight several points before moving on to next section. First, verbal mood is not a universal grammatical category. It exists only in languages with verbal inflections. Thus, languages without verbal inflections, such as Chinese and Vietnamese, have no verbal mood. Even in some languages with verbal mood, it is already on its way out (Magni 2010). Languages varies in the specific types of verbal mood they have and in the uses of a particular type of verbal mood. Second, languages vary in the number and the types of devices at their disposal for expressing the same meaning. Taking modal meaning (modality) as an example, it can be expressed through verbal inflections (verbal mood) in some languages, but in other languages, it may be expressed through modal auxiliaries or modal adverbs. It is unnecessary, or inappropriate, or even dangerous to relate all those non-inflectional devices to mood, partly because this doing is unhelpful for us know what is the core meaning of mood as a grammatical category. Besides, a linguistic concept that applies to one language does not necessarily apply to another language. Third, it is unhelpful to cover several diverging semantic domains under the same term ‘mood’ or ‘modality’. This doing will be particularly unacceptable when we are

1.1  Mood as a Grammatical Category

13

describing or analyzing a specific language. This is because, on the one hand, it is not helpful to establish mood or modality as a well-established grammatical category in the language under study, and on the other hand, it will lead us to ignore something that deserves a better description in its own right. Therefore, in our view, verbal mood, sentence mood, modality, etc., should be studied as an independent category, though they might somehow be related to each other in some languages. We disapprove of defining modality broadly just to enable it to cover the meaning expressed by verbal mood, nor do we advocate defining mood in a rather broad way. Fourth, no matter how we define mood, due attention should be paid both to its form and to its meaning. This is because to ignore either aspect will bring about a variety of problems in research. Turning to the current book, based on the points we made above, it will not cover all the three uses of mood. Instead, it will only focus on sentence mood. Therefore, if not specified, the term ‘mood’ hereafter will refer to sentence mood. There are three reasons for focusing on sentence mood. To begin with, sentence mood is concerned with the most fundamental functions of human language. As Whaley (1997: 233) maintains, “there is no question that language is put to use for many different purposes”, but “at the core of each of these functions is the truism that language operates as a medium through which we can interact with one another”. To engage into verbal interaction with others, we need to give information, to demand information from others and to manipulate others. Each language will offer a package of grammatical devices to meet these fundamental requirements of interaction. This is what the grammatical category of sentence mood does. Languages vary, not surprisingly, in the number and the types of devices at their disposal to fulfill these functions. Due to the enormous significance of sentence mood for human communication and the considerable diversity human languages show in this grammatical category, we have seen a huge body of studies on this grammatical category (see studies on sentence mood listed in Sect. 1.3 and for more see Chap. 2), and we would like to contribute one more to this topic. Secondly, sentence mood bears a close relation with both verbal mood and notional mood. The book will inevitably deal with the categories of verbal mood and modal meaning, which will improve our understanding about their relation with sentence mood. Finally, to focus on sentence mood enables us to take a cross-linguistic perspective. As mentioned above, verbal mood is not a universal grammatical category, and thus a typology on verbal mood must confine its objects of comparison to languages with the category (see Rothstein and Thieroff 2010). As Croft (1990: 11) puts it, “the variation in structure makes it difficult if not impossible to use structural criteria, or only structural criteria, to identify grammatical category across languages”. In contrast, to take sentence mood as the research topic of the book, theoretically speaking, enables us to cover all human languages, because sentence mood is a universal category.

14

1 Introduction

1.2 A Working Definition of Mood Since we have confined the focus of the book to sentence mood, we should provide a working definition of mood. Mood, in the current book, is defined as the clause grammatical category that realizes the basic speech functions of statement, question, command, etc., in human communication. Several points should be noted about the definition. First, mood is a grammatical category. This is widely accepted by most studies on mood. It is a set of lexicogrammatical resources, including intonation, interrogative words, sequence, particles, clitics, verbal inflections (verbal mood), etc., which serves to fulfill the basic speech functions mentioned above. There is no doubt, as mentioned in Sect. 1.5, that languages vary in relation to the number and the types of devices at their disposal to fulfill these functions. Second, the basic speech functions listed in the definition are not given at random. They have long been widely accepted. They are general enough to be able to cover most, if not all, kinds of specific speech functions. Besides, they have been proved to be the most basic ones by largescale typological investigations. All languages enable their speakers to fulfill these speech functions. Third, several remarks should be made concerning the term ‘clause’, which is often taken for granted but hard to define. We cannot simply define it as the grammatical unit that expresses a speech function. We will characterize the term from the following aspects. To begin with, we will compare the term ‘clause’ with the term ‘sentence’. Why do we use the term ‘clause’ instead of ‘sentence’? There are no special reasons for this but to follow the tradition of systemic functional linguistics (SFL), where the terms ‘sentence’ and ‘sub-sentence’ are used as units of orthography, and the terms ‘clause’ and ‘clause complex’ as units of grammar (see Halliday and Matthiessen 2004, 2014). Graphologically, an English sentence begins with a capital letter and ends with a full stop. It is the highest unit of punctuation on the graphological rank scale, which, from high to low, ranks like this: sentence, sub-sentence, word, and letter. In other linguistic traditions, the terms ‘sentence’ and ‘sub-sentence’ might be replaced with ‘complex sentence’ and ‘sentence’. This is just a matter of terminology. In English, a sentence usually corresponds to a clause complex, and sometimes when it is composed of one sub-sentence, it corresponds to a clause. It should be noted that thought sentence is the highest graphological unit, this does not mean that clause complex is the highest unit of grammar. It is clause that is the highest unit of grammar. The rank scale of grammar then ranks from high to low like this: clause, group/phrase, word, and morphology. Each unit of upper rank consists of one or more units of the rank immediate below and units of each rank may form complexes. Thus, grammatically, a clause complex is still a grammatical unit at clause rank, but not at a higher rank. Table 1.2 shows a comparison of terminology in SFL and other traditions. Furthermore, Matthiessen et al. (2010) characterize the term ‘clause’ from a ‘trinocular perspective’, which is helpful for us to have a better understanding about this term. Seen ‘from above’, the clause unifies the three metafunctional

1.2  A Working Definition of Mood

15

Table 1.2  Comparison of terminology in SFL and other traditions Other traditions Complex sentence

Sentence

SFL: graphological terms Sentence Sentence: more than one sub-sentence (Simple) sentence: one sub-sentence Sub-sentence

SFL: grammatical terms Clause complex Clause complex: more than one clause Clause simplex: one clause Clause

strands of meaning: it is the realization of a message (textual meaning), a move (interpersonal meaning), and a figure (experiential meaning). Seen ‘from blew’, the clause consists of units of the rank immediately below. Seen ‘from roundabout’, the clause is the entry to several simultaneous central systems, such as theme (textual), mood (interpersonal), and transitivity (experiential). At last, we will see the term ‘clause’ from a taxonomic perspective. The clause can be categorized into different types according to various criteria, such as major clause or minor clause (according to status), free clause or bound clause (according to freedom), ranking clause or rank-shifted/embedded clause (according to the position in rank scale), and full clause or elliptical clause (according to ellipsis). Table 1.3 displays the main types of clauses recognized in SFL (for more details see Halliday 1994; Halliday and Matthiessen 2004, 2014). We need to make clear which type of clause we are referring to with the term ‘clause’. This is methodologically important in that it will determine what kind of data will be described in the book. The first distinction we will see is that between the major clause and the minor clause. Seen ‘from above’, a major clause expresses the three major/general meanings: it realizes a message (textual), a move (interpersonal), and a figure (experiential); in contrast, a minor clause expresses some minor/specific meanings, such as exclamations, calls, greetings, alarms, etc., and thus, it is used in a specific context. Seen from below, a major clause displays structural features: it displays theme structure as a message, mood structure as a move and transitivity structure as a figure, whereas a minor clause shows no structural features: it is a highly conventionalized expression with a specific meaning. In the book, we are using the term ‘clause’ to refer to major clauses instead of minor clauses. The second distinction, we will see is that between the free clause and the bound clause. A free clause can stand by itself as a complete sentence. The free clause includes the clause simplex (the clause complex composed of one clause), the clause in clause complexes of parataxis relation (either the initiating or the continuing one), the dominant clause in clause complexes of hypotaxis relation, and the elliptic clause. A bound clause cannot appear by itself. It must appear with another free clause. The bound clause includes the dependent clause in clause complexes of hypotaxis relation and the embedded clause. The bound clause expresses both textual and experiential meaning but no interpersonal meaning. As Halliday

1 Introduction

16 Table 1.3  Different types of clauses recognized in SFL status

logico-semantic

Examples

freedom

I:m

T:th E:tr

||| Caesar is ambitious. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

||| Brutus thought, || ‘Caesar is ambitious’. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

||| Brutus thought || that Caesar was ambitious. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| Brutus said, || “Caesar is ambitious”. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

||| Brutus said || that Caesar was ambitious. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| John ran away; this surprised everyone. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

||| John ran away, || which surprised everyone. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| John ran away, || surprising everyone. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| John rand away, || and Fred stayed behand

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

||| John ran away, || whereas Fred stayed behind. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| John ran away, || with Fred staying behind. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

||| John was scared, || so he ran away. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

α×β

||| Jahn run away, || because he was scared. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

α×β

||| John ran away, || because of being scared. |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Bound

 − 

 + 

 + 

taxis

Major clause: clause simplex (one clause) Major clause: clause complex (more than one clause)

Projection

‘Idea

1 ‘2 α‘β

“Locution

1“2

α“β

Expansion

 =  Elaboration

1 = 2

α= β

α= β  +  Extension

1 + 2 α+ β

α+ β

× Enhancement 1 × 2

Minor clause Exclamations

Elliptical clause

||| Wow! |||

Free

 − 

 − 

 − 

Calls

||| Charlie! |||

Free

 − 

 − 

 − 

Greetings

||| Good morning! |||

Free

 − 

 − 

 − 

Alarms

||| Look out! |||

Free

 − 

 − 

 − 

Anaphoric

||| Fire! |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

Exophoric

||| Thirsty? |||

Free

 + 

 + 

 + 

I love the book [[she gave me]]

Bound

 − 

 − 

 − 

Embedded clause

Abbreviations: I:m = interpersonal: mood; T:th = textual: theme; E:tr = experiential: transitivity; 1 and 2 indicate parataxis relation; α and β indicate hypotaxis relation

1.3  Mood as a Grammatical System

17

and Matthiessen (2014) suggest, it is not presented by the speaker as being open for negotiation. Therefore, in the book, we will only consider free clauses. At last, we will see the elliptical clause. The elliptical clause is the one some parts of which are omitted but can be recovered from what has gone before or from the context. An elliptical clause expresses the same speech function as that of its full form. Thus, our data include some elliptical clauses. To sum up, the term ‘clause’ in our definition of mood refers to major free clause. Most of the data in the book are major free clauses. Besides, there are also some elliptical clauses.

1.3 Mood as a Grammatical System Language is a system of signs. It is a system for making meanings. Any grammatical category of language is a system, such as person system, number system, and gender system for the noun and tense system, aspect system, and verbal mood system for the verb. Mood as a clause grammatical category is also a system. As Sadock and Zwicky (1985: 158) suggest, the sentence types (moods in our term) of a language form a system in two senses: “there are sets of corresponding sentences, the numbers of which differ only in belonging to different types, and second, the types are mutually exclusive”. A grammatical system is a set of choices for expressing a certain type of meaning. In Sect. 1.2, we have defined mood as the clause grammatical category which realizes the basic speech functions of statement, question, command, etc. in human communication. The mood system, then, in SFL, is defined as the grammaticalization or realization of the semantic system of speech function. Figure 1.1 illustrates the mood system of English presented in SFL terms. More information about the mood system and the systemic theory of SFL will be introduced in Sect. 3.2. and Chap. 3. The research object of the book is the holistic mood system instead of a particular mood type, such as the interrogative mood, the imperative mood, etc. We

Fig. 1.1  The mood system of English

18

1 Introduction

will see how languages are similar to and different from each other in the way they operate their mood system. As de Saussure says in Course in General Linguistics (see de Saussure 2001: 116), “the conceptual part of linguistic value is determined solely by relations and differences with other signs in the language”. We believe this applies to grammatical category as well. To study mood as a holistic system from a cross-linguistic perspective will help us have a deeper understanding about each individual mood type since it enables us to compare each individual mood type both with their counterpart in other languages and with other types of mood from its own system. Even though the current book focuses on the holistic mood system instead of a particular mood type, this does not mean that we can distract our attention away from mood types. On the one hand, a mood system is composed by a set of mood types (options). Studies on each mood type are the prerequisite for the study on the holistic mood system. On the other hand, each individual mood type can stand as an independent sub-system by themselves in the holistic mood system. For these reasons, we will focus on declarative mood, interrogative mood, and imperative mood in Chaps. 5, 6, and 7, respectively, and then direct our attention to the holistic mood system in Chap. 8.

1.4 Mood, Mode, and Modality We have surveyed the different uses of the term ‘mood’ and confined the focus of the book to sentence mood in Sect. 1.1. Also, we have defined the concept of mood in Sect. 1.2 and the concept of mood system in Sect. 1.3. We will in this section define several terms that will be used in the book. The term ‘mood’ will be reserved for ‘sentence mood’. Mood is the grammatical category in the clause for expressing different speech functions. The term ‘mood’, which is the small capital form of ‘mood’, will be used to refer to ‘mood system’. This is following the SFL convention, where the name of a system will be presented in small capital form. For example, the mood of English mainly includes the declarative mood, the interrogative mood, and the imperative mood. The mood system is the grammaticalization of the semantic system of speech function. Another term ‘Mood’ with the initial letter capitalized is also used in SFL. It refers to an interpersonal functional element in the mood structure of the clause. In English, the Mood, which is composed of the Subject and the Finite, determines the mood type of a clause. For example, when the Subject comes before the Finite, the clause is in declarative mood; when the Subject follows the Finite, the clause is in interrogative mood. The term ‘mode’, which has been used in some studies as the variant of the term ‘mood’, will be used in the book to refer to ‘verbal mood’. Mode is the verb inflectional category which indicates the status of the event conveyed by the verb, either realis or irrealis or indicative or subjunctive.

1.5  Systemic Functional Typology

19

The term ‘modality’ will be used to refer to semantic domains of possibility, usuality, obligation, inclination, etc. Languages display a rich repertoire of devices to express modal meanings. In English, these meanings are mainly expressed by auxiliaries, while in other languages, they can be expressed by modes, modal adverbs, clitics, etc. As mentioned in Sect. 1.5, we disapprove of defining modality in a rather broad way to make it include a wide range of semantic domains, such as evidentiality, polarity, illocutionary force, etc. Therefore, we will merely deal with its core meanings in the book.

1.5 Systemic Functional Typology The book adopts Systemic Functional Typology (SFT) as the research paradigm. The establishment of SFT as a research paradigm is marked by the publication of the monograph Language Typology: A Functional Perspective (Caffarel et al. 2004a). In this section, we will give a brief introduction to SFT. The introduction will include three parts: SFT in relation to SFL and linguistic typology, the features of SFT and the research method and research procedures of SFT. For more information about SFT, see Caffarel et al. (2004b), Teruya et al. (2007), Xin and Huang (2010), Wang and Xu (2011), Yang and Chang (2013), Teruya and Matthiessen (2015), Mwinlaaru and Xuan (2016), and Martin et al. (2021).

1.5.1 SFT in Relation to SFL and Linguistic Typology As the name of SFT suggests, it can be interpreted from two aspects: SFL and linguistic typology. SFL is one of the functional approaches to language developed by Halliday and his colleagues (for the history of SFL, see Martin 2016). It has been regarded as and proved to be a general and appliable linguistic theory (Huang 2007) in the sense that it has been applied to a wide range of research areas, such as text and discourse analysis, stylistics, verbal art studies, translation studies, educational linguistics, computational linguistics, corpus linguistics, clinical linguistics, multimodality studies, language descriptions, ecolinguistics, language planning, etc. Moreover, it is a general and appliable linguistic theory in the sense that it is not merely developed for the description of a particular language, but a theory “for ‘particular, comparative and typological’ descriptions: that is, those which compare two or more languages, and those which explore similarities and differences among language type” (Halliday 2009: 59). Therefore, if we see SFT from the aspect of SFL, it is one of the various research applications of SFL, to be more specific, the application of SFL theory to typological studies of language. Now we will turn our point of view to linguistic typology. Linguistic typology is “the study of patterns that occur systematically across languages” (Croft 2003).

20

1 Introduction

It aims to “identify universals and to establish the potential rang of variation” (Whaley 1997) by way of cross-linguistic comparison. Besides, it is also regarded as what Croft (2003) calls ‘(functional-) typological approach’ to linguistic study and theorizing. Studies of linguistic typology have received contributions from different theoretical traditions and approaches (see Shibatani and Bynon 1995 and Song 2014 for different approaches to linguistic typology). If we see SFT from the aspect of linguistic typology, it is one of the approaches to linguistic typology: the systemic functional approach. This approach is a part of functional typological approach, which in its loose sense includes the Greenbergian Approach, West Coast Functionalism, Functional Discourse Grammar, Role and Reference Grammar, etc.

1.5.2 Some Features of SFT SFT, on the one hand, shares similarities with other functional approaches to linguistic typology; on the other hand, SFT is of its own features and complements other approaches in different aspects (for SFT in relation to other approaches to typology, see Teruya et al. 2007; Xin and Huang 2010; Yang and Chang 2013; Mwinlaaru and Xuan 2016). We will list some of the prominent features of SFT in this section. First, SFT makes a distinction between the general theory of language and descriptions of particular languages. According to Caffarel et al. (2004b), the linguistic theory is developed for all human languages. It is more general and more abstract than language descriptions and allows for considerable variation in descriptions. SFL, as a general theory of language, is a resource for construing all human languages as a multidimensional semiotic system, which includes the dimensions of stratification, metafunction, instantiation, axis, rank, etc. (see Chap. 3 for details of these dimensions). The categories designed by the theory are universal and applicable to descriptions of all human languages. In contrast, language descriptions, according to Caffarel et al. (2004b), are descriptions of particular languages. They are more specific than the linguistic theory. They are resources for construing particular languages instead of all human languages. All the categories of particular languages belong to the domain of description. Whether or not such descriptive categories can be applied to the description of several languages is not determined by the general theory, but by their inter-relations in the systems developed for these particular languages. Taking mood as an example, all human languages enable their speakers to express the basic speech functions of statement, question, and command through a set of lexicogrammatical resources, the mood system. This belongs to the domain of theory, whereas languages vary in the ways that mood system is organized and realized. In English, it is mainly realized by the Mood, but in other languages, it might be realized by the Mood Negotiator (particles, clitics, affixes, etc.). Thus, the Mood and the Mood Negotiator are descriptive categories rather than theoretical ones. Besides, according to Caffarel et al. (2004b), generalizations made on

1.5  Systemic Functional Typology

21

the base of language descriptions are still descriptive rather than theoretical. Thus, SFT mainly belongs to the domain of description: it seeks for cross-linguistic regularities in systems and their realizations through making descriptive generalizations across languages. The relation between the general theory and descriptions of particular languages is realization: the descriptions of particular languages are realizations of the general theory. The second feature of SFT is that it attaches importance both to the theory and descriptions, which enriches the potential for interpreting linguistic phenomena. In SFT, SFL performs at least two functions. On the one hand, it functions as the guide to language descriptions, enabling descriptions to operate in a multidimensional way, to be system-and-function-oriented and semantically rich, and to be comprehensive and reliable enough for descriptive generalizations. However, this does not necessarily mean that descriptions should be highly universal in descriptive categories, though they are guided by the same theory. On the contrary, they are supposed to be designed to bring out the special features of each language. In other words, descriptions should be theoretically universal (all guided by SFL theory) but descriptively diverse. On the other hand, SFL provides a comprehensive framework for explanations about the similarities and differences found in descriptive generalizations. The issue of explanation is crucial in typological studies. According to Whaley (1997), explanations can be both internal and external. The former is based on the system of language and the latter points to factors outside of the linguistic system, such as discourse, language processing, economy, perception-cognition, iconicity, etc. The semantic dimensions of metafunction, stratification, axis, etc. postulated in SFL help to advance both internal and external explanations to the findings of SFT. Compared with the theory, SFT attaches equal importance to descriptions. This is because descriptions, on the one hand, form the base of descriptive generalizations, and on the other hand, can verify whether the categories designed by the theory are general and applicable to descriptions of all human languages. As mentioned above, descriptions in SFT should be theoretically universal and descriptively diverse. They should operate in a multidimensional way to be comprehensive enough and to display the full meaning potential of the languages in question. Moreover, they should be text-based so that they can display the features of the languages under description and so that “the features being typologized can be motivated independently for each particular language” (Caffarel et al. 2004b: 4). To sum up, SFT is theoretically empowered and description-based typology. The third prominent feature of SFT lies in its emphasis on “the typology of particular systems” rather than “the typology of whole languages” (Caffarel et al. 2004b: 4). This feature can be interpreted from three aspects. Firstly, SFT is concerned with the typology of certain features of languages rather than the typology of language as a whole. For SFT, language as a whole is too complicated to be typologized as a unified phenomenon. Thus, the traditional classification of isolating, agglutinative, fusional, and polysynthetic are best regarded as “syndromes of individually motivated typological features rather than unified types of languages” (Caffarel et al. 2004b: 4). Secondly, the features to be typologized

22

1 Introduction

should be treated and understood in their context within the totality of the language (Halliday 2009). That is to say, the typology should be concerned with the systems where the features are located rather than single features. Taking mood as an example, what SFT deals with is the mood system rather than particular mood types. Thirdly, in SFT, systems (paradigmatic relations) take priority over structures (syntagmatic relations) in language descriptions and typological generalizations. This allows languages to be compared and typologized in terms of their meaning potential, regardless of the vagaries of their realizations in structure. It also makes it possible to “bring out principles and patterns in the languages of the world that would remain more implicit if we only take structures as our point of departure” (Teruya and Matthiessen 2015: 446). This does not mean that SFT will ignore structures. Structures are analyzed subsequently as realizations of choices in systems. Besides, system and structure define each other mutually. The third feature of SFT enables us to explore the differences and similarities among languages both in the mood system (how the mood system is organized and how its options are elaborated further in delicacy) and in its structural realizations.

1.5.3 The Research Method and Research Procedures of SFT The basic research method of SFT is description-based cross-linguistic comparison. As introduced in last section, descriptions should be guided by SFL theory and be system-and-function-oriented and text-based. The object of cross-linguistic comparison is a particular system. The first step of SFT studies is to decide what system will be typologized. The second step is to give comprehensive SFL-theory-guided descriptions of the languages in the sample, or at least of the system to be typologized. The third step is to make typological generalizations based on the descriptions to identify cross-linguistic similarities and differences concerning the system under study. Regarding the book, which is a systemic functional typology of mood, we will first give comprehensive descriptions of the mood system and the mood structure of each language in our sample and then make some typological generalizations based on the descriptions.

1.6 Objectives and Research Questions The book is a systemic functional typology of mood based on a sample of 60 languages. The primary objective of the book is to investigate the similarities and differences languages display in mood system and mood structure. Another objective is, if possible, to make some typological generalizations about the findings and to propose some explanations for the findings. Two more objectives, one being the

1.7  Organization of the Book

23

precondition for and the other being the result of achieving the primary objective, are to provide systemic functional descriptions of the mood system of each language in the sample and to draw the multilingual mood system. The book seeks to address the following four research questions in order to achieve the research objectives: (1) What is the mood system of each language in the sample like? (Appendix) (2) What are the similarities and differences among different languages in mood system? To be more specific, (a) in the subtypes of major mood types, (Chaps. 5, 6, and 7) (b) in the organization of mood system, (Sect. 8.2) and (c) in the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system? (Sect. 8.3) (3)  What are the similarities and differences among different languages in mood structure? To be more specific, (a) in the realizations of major functional elements in mood structure, (Sect. 5.1) (b) in the realizations of each mood option, (Chaps. 5, 6, and 7) and (c) in the realizations of mood system? (Sect. 8.1) (4) What is the multilingual mood system like? (Sect. 8.4) The first research question is concerned with descriptions. It is the basis for the solution of other research questions. The results will be presented in the Appendix. The second and the third research question have to do with comparisons and generalizations. The second research question focuses on the paradigmatic axis and the third on the syntagmatic axis. They are the key questions to address in the book. The fourth research question meanwhile is a comprehensive summary of the main findings.

1.7 Organization of the Book The book is organized into nine chapters. Chapter 2 is a review of studies on mood under three headings: a review of typological studies on mood, a review of SFL and SFT studies on mood, and a summary of the features and problems of previous studies. Chapter 3 presents the theoretical framework of the study. It will begin by contextualizing mood in the overall theoretical framework of SFL. Then it will demonstrate, with the mood system as an example, how some core semiotic dimensions of SFL, such as stratification, metafunction, rank, and axis, operate in language description and analysis. Chapter 4 is concerned with research methodology. It describes the language sample, the data source, the ways the data were described and analyzed, and the research methods adopted in the book. Chapter 5 concentrates on the declarative. In this chapter, we will first investigate the similarities and differences languages display in the realizations of three major functional elements in declarative mood structure, namely the Subject, the Predicator, and the Finite. Then, we will turn to the subtypes of declarative mood and their realizations. Chapter 6 is devoted to the types and subtypes of interrogative mood

24

1 Introduction

and their realizations. Chapter 7 deals with the types and subtypes of imperative mood and their realizations. The findings of Chaps. 5, 6, and 7 enables us, in Chap. 8, to make some typological generalizations about the cross-linguistic similarities and differences in the realizations, organization, and elaboration of mood system. We will also propose some possible explanations for the findings and draw the multilingual mood system in Chap. 8. Chapter 9 concludes the book by providing a summary of the main findings of the book, the contributions of the book, the limitations of the book, and some promising directions for future research.

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Chapter 2

Literature Review

2.1 Typological Studies on Mood In this section, we will give a brief review of typological studies on mood. Some studies use the terms ‘sentence type’, ‘speech function’, ‘sentence mood’, etc., to refer to the topic under study. We will only use the term ‘mood’ to remain consistency in terminology.

2.1.1 Typological Studies on Declarative Mood The declarative is regarded as the unmarked or neutral mood type (Sadock and Zwicky 1985; Whaley 1997; König and Siemund 2007; Dixon 2012) and has received less attention in typological studies compared with other types of mood. Sadock and Zwicky (1985) maintain that the declarative is subject to judgments of truth and falsehood. It serves to make announcements, state conclusions, make claims, relate stories, etc. They recognize two forms of declarative clauses: the most common way is to do nothing special (the unmarked declarative), and the other way is to mark the declarative with some formal features (the marked declarative). The unmarked declarative, according to them, is the basis from which other types of mood are formed by adding some particles or an alternation in the word order or using verbal inflections. They report three ways to express marked declarative clauses, viz. to use word order, to use declarative particles, and to use declarative inflections. In addition to the forms of declarative, Sadock and Zwicky (1985) also discuss some possible subtypes of declarative, such as the subtypes of declarative in Hidatsa, which indicate the speaker’s different degrees of belief in the proposition and different sources of the proposition, and also the inferential,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_2

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the dubitative and the emphatic, which express inference, uncertainty, and emphasis, respectively. Like Sadock and Zwicky (1985), Whaley (1997) notes that the declarative is least likely to require special morphology and has the fewest restrictions on the verbal category. It is the base of generalizations about the normal word order of a language. Moreover, he suggests that the most common kind of language requiring special marking for declaratives is one with evidentials. For König and Siemund (2007), declarative clauses are primarily used for speech acts such as asserting, claiming, and stating, but also for accusing, criticizing, promising, and guaranteeing. They maintain that declarative clauses are the unmarked one for the fowling reasons: (i) they are the most frequent type; (ii) they display the basic word order of the language; (iii) they are less restricted in distribution; (iv) they exhibit the full paradigm of tense-aspect combinations available in a language; (v) they can express most of the speech acts distinguished by Searle; and (vi) they are the basis from which interrogatives and partially imperatives can be formed by some operations. They disagree with the view that declaratives do not have a specific formal marker. On the contrary, they argue that declaratives are characterized by some formal properties such as the absence of an interrogative marker, the absence of an imperative inflectional form, and the presence of a specific finite verbal form, and in languages that have systems of mode distinctions, declaratives are indicated by the indicative mode. They also report that in languages where the formal means for marking the basic mood types form a system of paradigmatic opposition, declaratives receive special markings, which can be inflections, particles, and word order.

2.1.2 Typological Studies on Interrogative Mood The interrogative mood is the one that has received most attention in typological studies. Most studies focus on the structural feature of polar and content interrogatives; some studies discuss the classification of interrogatives; a few studies make some generalizations about interrogative features. Ultan (1969) investigates the interrogative systems of 79 randomly selected languages. He classifies the interrogative features into three: intonation, order, and segmental elements (including interrogative particles, affixes, words, and tags). Another classification he offers is a formal division of the interrogative features into those pertaining to clause as opposed to those pertaining to word. Clause features include intonation, tag, interrogative particles, interrogative word order, restrictions of co-occurrence (for example interrogative particle and interrogative word in the same clause); others belong to word features. Also, he makes several generalizations about the correlations between the interrogative feature and the basic word order of the language. We will list some of these generalizations here. Concerning interrogative intonation, yes–no interrogative intonation types are found in nearly all languages; there is a considerably better than chance

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probability that information interrogative intonation types may occur in languages of all basic order types. Concerning accent, there is a slight tendency for interrogative particles to occur with higher pitch or prominent stress in SOV languages; interrogative words tend to occur with higher pitch or prominent stress in languages of all basic order types. Concerning order, yes–no interrogative inversion is a rather uncommon interrogative device; the presence of yes–no interrogative inversion implies a basic order type where subject precedes verb; interrogative inversion implies a resultant VSO order; if a language has information interrogative inversion, interrogative words almost always appear in clause-initial position; languages of all basic order types may have information interrogative inversion, but SOV languages are less likely than others to have it; interrogative words tend to occur in clause-initial position in languages of all types; most interrogative particles occur in clause-initial (or enclitic to the initial constituent) or in clause-final position; interrogative particles almost always occur finally in SOV languages and show a greater tendency to occur initially in languages of other word order types; interrogative affixes in yes–no interrogatives are relatively rare and interrogative suffixes are mainly fond in SOV languages. Regarding segmental elements, interrogative particles are the most widespread device for marking yes–no interrogatives, and information interrogatives to a lesser extent; interrogative particles occur in all types of languages with roughly equal frequency; interrogative words and interrogative particles may or may not co-occur in information interrogatives with about equal frequency in languages of all types; interrogative pronouns in almost all languages show human-nonhuman contrast. Sadock and Zwicky (1985) are of the opinion that the interrogative elicits a verbal response from the addressee and principally functions to gain information. They distinguish three types of interrogatives, namely the yes–no interrogative, the alternative interrogative, and the information/question word interrogative. Yes–no interrogatives function to seek comment on the degree of truth of the questioned proposition; alternative interrogatives offer a list from which the right answer is elicited; information interrogatives provide alternatives that are specified in an open-ended way by quantification. In addition to the three types of interrogatives, which are neutral with respect to the answer the speaker expects, they also report that most languages have what Moravcsik (1971) calls biased questions, with which the speaker expresses his or her belief that a particular answer is likely to be correct and requests assurance that this belief is true. They argue that many languages have a three-way distinction among yes–no interrogatives, namely neutral, positively biased, and negatively biased, and claim that tag interrogatives in English are biased yes–no interrogatives. Moreover, they discuss the forms of yes– no interrogatives and information interrogatives. As regards yes–no interrogatives, the most striking characteristic is the rising final intonation contour. Other structural features include particles, special verb morphology, and word order. Also, they report that many languages use a mobile interrogative clitic to mark yes–no interrogatives. When it occurs on the verb, the whole of the sentence is interrogated, whereas when it occurs on some other constituent, it is only that constituent that is interrogated. They also discuss the confirmative, which functions to

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invite the addressee to express agreement or disagreement with the proposition rather than eliciting information. They report that confirmatives, which are commonly formed by appending a tag to a declarative base, bear a close resemblance to biased interrogatives and in many languages are not distinct from biased interrogatives. As to information interrogatives, they report that interrogative words can occur either in conjunction with or independently of the markers of yes–no interrogatives. Besides, languages vary a lot in the number of interrogative words. Bybee (1985) surveys interrogatives marked by verbal inflection. She notices that the distinction between indicative and interrogative (mode) occurs much less frequently than that between indicative and imperative. In all the 10 languages in her sample (total 50) that have interrogative inflection, it occurs as a suffix. Interrogatives are of a stronger preference for suffixation compared with imperatives. Besides, imperative suffixes tend to occur before the person/number suffixes whereas interrogative suffixes tend to occur after the person/number suffixes, usually the last suffix on the verb. Whaley (1997) discusses the encoding of polar interrogatives and content interrogatives. For him, the former is used to ask for information about the truth value of a proposition and the latter is for requesting a particular piece of information. With regard to the features of polar interrogatives, he reports the rising intonation is ubiquitous and, in some languages, intonation alone is the primary device to mark polar interrogatives. He points out that interrogative particles appear more common in sentence-final position in OV languages and there is a weak correlation between VO languages and sentence-initial particles. He considers negative polar interrogatives and tag interrogatives as biased ones. Concerning content interrogatives, he reports that interrogative words usually are placed in a sentence focus position, either initially or preverbally. They can also be placed in situ. Siemund (2001), like Sadock and Zwicky (1985), distinguishes three types of interrogatives: polar, constituent, and alternative interrogatives. He discusses the strategies of polar and constituent interrogatives. He summaries six strategies for polar interrogatives, namely intonation, interrogative particles, interrogative tags, disjunctive constructions, the order of constituents, and verbal inflections. As for intonation, he observes that most languages and maybe all are able to mark polar interrogatives merely by intonation. About particles, he considers them as operators which turn a declarative into an interrogative. He reports that Korean has many interrogative participles to distinguish different speech levels. Concerning interrogative tags, he observes that in many languages they are clearly related to interrogative particles both in meaning and in distribution. However, they are different from interrogative particles in terms of position, form, and meaning. Interrogative tags in the most majority of cases are appended to a declarative clause and can be either words, phrases, or clauses in form. Tag interrogatives are always of biased meaning. He also observes that in some languages the disjunctive structures normally used for alternative interrogatives have become a strategy for marking polar interrogatives, such as the ‘A-not-A’ structure in Mandarin Chinese. Special verbal inflections are only reported from polythetic languages. As regards constituent interrogatives, interrogative words can appear initially, in situ or in

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either of these two positions. He also investigates the properties of interrogative words. Dryer (2005a, b, 2013) investigates polar interrogative structures based on a sample of 842 languages. He finds that, among these language, 520 languages make use of interrogative particles (including interrogative clitics), 155 languages use interrogative verb morphology, 138 languages use intonation only, 12 languages use interrogative word order, 12 languages use both interrogative particles and interrogative verb morphology, four languages mark polar interrogatives by the absence of declarative morphemes, and one language makes no distinction between the interrogative and the declarative clause. Besides, he investigates into the position of interrogative particles of 467 languages. He finds that 272 languages place interrogative particles at the end of sentence, 118 at beginning, 45 in the second position of sentence, eight in other positions, and 24 in either of two positions. Dryer (2005c) also surveys the position of interrogative phrases of 803 languages and reports that in 241 languages interrogative phrases are obligatorily initial, in 542 languages they are not obligatorily initial, and in 20 languages some interrogative phrases are initial and some are not. König and Siemund (2007) also discuss the ways of expressing polar interrogatives. They maintain that the reason for the predominant use of rising intonation in interrogatives is related to the fact that high pitch usually signals uncertainty, indecision, hesitation, and insecurity, whereas low pitch usually conveys confidence, assurance, and certainty. Thus, the intonation contours of declaratives and interrogatives are iconically motivated. They argue that it is highly doubtful whether declarative sentences with rising intonation should be taken as examples of the form type interrogative. Besides, they report that in some languages the interrogative particle is homonymous with the interrogative word for ‘what’, or shares close relationship with markers for introducing conditional subclauses. As for interrogative tag, they report that the most frequent case is a combination of an affirmative declarative with a negative tag, and the second most frequent is a combination of an affirmative declarative with an affirmative tag. Regarding interrogative word order, they observe that the most common case is to put finite verb initially. Concerning constituent interrogatives, they find all strategies for expressing polar interrogatives, except interrogative tags and disjunctive constructions, may be used in constituent interrogatives. They observe that in about 50 percent of the languages, interrogative particles for polar interrogatives are optionally added to constituent interrogatives. In addition to the interrogative features surveyed above, Dixon (2012) finds some languages may make use of special phonological or morphological features to mark polar interrogative. He observes, if a language has interrogative mode, normally it is obligatory for polar but not for content interrogatives. The content interrogative may take the same mode as the polar interrogative, or a different one or no mode marking. He is of the opinion that the interrogative marked by ‘A-not-A’ structure is alternative in form but functions as polar interrogatives. He reports that interrogative features, especially interrogative modes, may intersect with other grammatical categories, such as person, number, gender, tense,

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aspect, orientation, modalities, polarity, and evidentiality. Some languages distinguish several types of polar interrogatives in relation to the kind of answer that is expected, or to the attitude of the questioner or of the questioned.

2.1.3 Typological Studies on Imperative Mood Now we will move to typological studies on imperative mood. Like the typological studies on interrogatives surveyed above, most studies on imperative mood are concerned with the syntactic features of imperatives. Sadock and Zwicky (1985) maintain the imperative indicates the speaker’s desire to influence future events and serves to request, give orders, and make suggestions. They summarize several ways to signal imperatives. The most common one is the use of verb forms with fewer than the normal number of affixes or the use of bare verb forms. Tense distinctions in verbs of imperatives are rare in that imperatives are notionally future in tense. Aspect distinctions are more frequent but still unusual. Personal pronouns and personal affixes are regularly suppressed in imperatives and personal pronouns are more frequently suppressed than affixes. In some languages, only in certain number, gender, person, and politeness combinations are personal suffixes absent, and in other cases, they are present. The personal markers of second person singular and the masculine familiar are most likely subject to deletion from the imperative paradigm. Besides, the case marking of objects in imperatives is often different from that in declaratives. Other ways for marking imperatives include imperative particles, imperative clitics, special verb morphology in verb stem or a special set of personal affixes on verbs, and special subject pronouns. They also discuss the subtypes of imperative. The first one is the prohibitive, which is a negative imperative in meaning. Prohibitives are expressed by adding to imperatives a negative marker which is different in form from the one used in declarative. Moreover, the prohibitive can be not of imperative form, but with a verb of infinitive or subjunctive form. The second subtype is the hortative, which refers to the first person and the third person imperative. Other subtypes include variations in imperatives in terms of the reason behind their issuance (such as request, admonition, instruction, order, and military command) and the condition under which the requested action is to be carried out (immediate or non-immediate; in the presence of the speaker or in the absence of the speaker). Bybee (1985) surveys the imperatives expressed by imperative mode. It is reported that in many languages the imperative has only two forms: one for second person singular and the other for second person plural. If a language has a full set of subject-agreement forms, the term ‘optative’ and the term ‘hortative’ may be used. The optative expresses the speaker’s wish or desire and, in some languages, it is restricted to third person subjects only. Some languages may make a distinction between imperative, optative, and exhortative, which are for a direct command, a wish, and the meaning ‘let me do, let him do’, respectively. She classifies the expressions of imperative into several groups: some languages

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have special person/number forms for imperative or optative; some languages use unmarked verb form for the imperative; some languages use a suffix that occurs immediately before the person/number marker; some languages have an imperative suffix which does not interact with person/number marking; some languages use an imperative prefix but this is relatively uncommon; some languages may use a different tone pattern from the indicative or use more than one modes of expression. Besides, she notices that some languages deploy markers to modify imperative meaning from different aspects, such as the delayed/future imperative, the prohibitive, the deprecatory imperative, milder or more polite imperatives, the admonitive, etc. Some languages also use subjunctive mode and future prefix to express imperatives. Van der Auwera and Lejeune (2005a) investigate the morphological imperative based on a sample of 547 languages. Among these languages, 292 languages have morphologically dedicated second singular and second plural imperatives; 42 have morphologically dedicated second singular imperatives but no morphological dedicated second plural imperatives; two have morphologically dedicated second plural imperatives but no second singular imperatives; 89 have morphologically dedicated second person imperatives that do not distinguish between singular and plural; the other 122 have no morphologically dedicated second person imperatives. They also survey the expressions of prohibitives based on a sample of 495 languages (see van der Auwera and Lejeune 2005b). It is shown that 113 languages use the verbal form of the second singular imperative and a negative marker found in declaratives; 183 use the verbal form of the second singular imperative and a negative marker not found in declaratives; 55 use a verbal form other than the second singular imperative and a negative marker found in declaratives; the other 144 languages use a verbal form other than the second singular imperative and a negative marker not found in declaratives. Moreover, van der Auwera et al. (2005) compare the imperative-hortative systems of 375 languages. The imperative, in their opinion, conveys an appeal to the addressee(s) (second person subject) to help the future state of affairs to be true, whereas the hortative conveys an appeal to persons other than second person (first person or third person). It is found that in 133 languages, the second person singular imperative is not formally homogeneous1 with any of the other forms (the second person plural imperative and the hortative), in which case these languages are considered to have a minimal imperative-hortative system; in 20 languages, the second person singular imperative is formally homogenous with other forms, in which case these languages are considered to have a maximal imperative-hortative system; in 21 languages, there are both a minimal and a maximal system; in 201 languages, there exists neither a maximal nor a minimal system. König and Siemund (2007) take imperatives as constructions dedicated to the expression of direct speech acts of orders, request, invitations, advices, warnings,

1 If

two imperative-hortative forms are formed using the same kind of morphological or syntactic means, they are called homogeneous.

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wishes, instructions, etc. Their use of the term ‘imperative’ is the use of this term in narrow sense, which is restricted to second person subject. They report that the most common way for marking imperative is a special inflectional form of the verb, which includes not only imperative affixes, bare verb stem, special verb stems, but also morphological markings from other grammatical categories, such as the subjunctive mode, aorist and passive forms, and the future tense. In some languages, the imperative affix is exclusively dedicated to the imperative mood, whereas in some other languages, the imperative marker is a fusion of the imperative mood and other category, such as person, number, tense, and direction of action. The bare verb stem usually is for second person singular imperative and it is common to add plural markers or gender markers to this form. They notice that some languages have no construction that is exclusively dedicated to imperatives, and even in some languages with such a construction, it is rarely used and is being gradually replaced by constructions from other category, such as the subjunctive mode, the future tense, the perfective participle, and the aorist tense. They take these constructions as indirect strategies. Moreover, they discuss some constructions closely related to imperatives, such as the hortative, the optative, the debitive, the rogative, and the monitory. The hortative is for first and third person directives and realizes the illocutionary force of exhortation; the optative expresses wishes and third person directives; the debitive expresses obligations; the rogative expresses petitions and in broad sense includes polite imperatives; the monitory expresses warnings. Languages differ considerably with regard to the number of the constructions that are morphologically marked. Very rarely is there a language with full morphological paradigms for all these constructions. On the contrary, languages commonly make use of alternative means in addition to morphological marking to express these illocutionary forces. Aikhenvald (2010, 2016) makes a comprehensive survey on imperatives and commands. For him, the second person imperative is the canonical imperative or the imperative in narrow sense. In contrast, command forms addressed to persons other than second person such as hortatives (to first person) and jussives (to third person) are non-canonical imperatives or imperatives in broad sense. With regard to canonical imperatives with a singular addressee, he reports that the expressions fall into three groups: (i) about one-third of the languages use a bare root or stem of the verb; (ii) many languages use an overt indicator of imperatives, which can be a segmental affix or clitic, a special set of pronominal markers, or a particle or a tone contour; (iii) a few languages have a special analytic construction for imperatives. Concerning canonical imperatives with a non-singular addressee, a language may use the same form for both singular and non-singular addressees, or employ a segmental marker for non-singular addressees but no segmental marker for singular addressees, or have segmental markers for both singular and non-singular addressees. He also reports another two devices for making canonical imperatives: one is a reduplication of the verb; the other is by suppletions, which involve the use of a stem different form that of the verb in declaratives or interrogatives. In addition to these devices dedicated to canonical imperatives, some non-imperative forms are employed in languages lacking dedicated canonical imperatives, which

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include (i) present tense forms of verb, or forms unmarked for tense; (ii) future tense forms; (iii) potential or intentional modalities; (iv) irrealis mode. Apart from canonical imperatives, many languages have non-canonical imperatives as well. Expressions for non-canonical imperatives, according to Aikhenvald (2010), fall into four groups: (i) the devices for canonical imperatives and non-canonical imperatives may form one paradigm; (ii) the devices for non-canonical imperatives may form one independent paradigm; (iii) the forms of non-canonical imperatives may partially overlap with the forms of canonical imperatives; (iv) the form of first person and third person non-canonical imperatives may each differ from canonical imperatives. In addition, Aikhenvald (2010) observes that imperatives may interact with various grammatical categories, which fall into the following three groups: (i) categories relating to the addressee, such as gender, number, and person; (ii) categories relating to verbal action, such as aspect, location in time and space, evidentiality, modality, and mode; (iii) marking of verbal arguments. Imperatives may also involve some semantic parameters, such strength of command, honorification, and politeness. Furthermore, according to Aikhenvald (2010), languages are at variance in the speech acts realized by imperatives. Some languages may adopt the imperative to realized various speech acts, such as request, pleas, entreaties, advices, recommendations, instructions, invitations, permissions, and wishes; in contrast, some languages may employ special markings for some of these speech acts and thus have more subtypes of imperatives.

2.1.4 Typological Studies on Exclamative Mood The exclamative mood is considered as a minor type of mood in typological studies and has received little attention. The status of exclamative is problematic since it bears resemblance with both declaratives and interrogatives (Sadock and Zwicky 1985; Aikhenvald 2016). When it is in the form of a declarative, the meaning usually comes from a special intonation contour, the emotive and evaluative adjectives as well as their intensifiers. Besides, interrogative words are commonly used in exclamatives. In spite of its connection with declaratives and interrogatives, in some languages, the exclamative is of its own properties and stands as a separate mood type. For example, some languages have special verb forms for exclamatives (Sadock and Zwicky 1985) and some languages have expressions dedicated to exclamatives (Aikhenvald 2016).

2.2 Systemic Functional Studies on Mood In SFL, mood is considered a lexicogrammatical system expressing interpersonal meaning. Studies on mood in SFL fall into three groups: those concerning theoretical issues about mood will be presented in Sect. 2.1, those concerning

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descriptions of mood of particular languages are surveyed in Sect. 2.2, and those dealing with comparisons of and typological generalizations about mood are the concern of Sect. 2.3.

2.2.1 Theoretical Issues About Mood in SFL SFL’s treatment of mood can demonstrate how some semiotic dimensions of SFL operate in langauge descriptions. We will introduce some of these semiotic dimensions such as stratification, realization, and axis in detail in Chap. 3 and in this section we will focus on mood, especially the mood of English since SFL is mainly developed with the English language as an illustration.2 Even so, it still will be a brief glimpse at mood and more detailed information will be presented in Chap. 3. SFL studies on mood represent a holistic approach to mood:  each mood type is described within the holistic mood system. Halliday (1985, 1994) and Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014), in An Introduction to Functional Grammar (IFG), take mood as the grammatical realization of the semantic system of speech function. Thus, each mood option is a congruent realization of a speech function: the declarative is the realization of the speech function of statement, the interrogative is the realization of the speech function of question, and the imperative is the realization of the speech functions of command and offer. All the mood types in a language will form a mood system. The mood system of English extracted from IFG is presented in Fig. 2.1. The mood system of English illustrates both the paradigmatic (systemic) and the syntagmatic (structural) relationship between different moods. For example, paradigmatically, the declarative and the interrogative in English are exclamative declarative Sub^Fi

+EM:iw::what, how; #^EM affirmative

indicative +Mood MOOD

(+Sub, +Fi)

yes/no interrogative

Fi^Sub WH-

WH-Subject WHSELECTION

+Wh/; #^Wh^Fi imperative

Wh/Sub WHSELECTION

WH-other

WH-Complement Wh/Complement WH-Adjunct Wh/Adjunct

Fig. 2.1  The mood system of English extracted from An Introduction to Functional Grammar

2 This

does not mean that SFL is a linguistic theory that is merely developed for the description of English. See Sect. 1.5

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Fig. 2.2  The mood system of English from Martin (1992) (adapted from Martin 1992: 44)

grouped together under the indicative, which contrasts with the imperative. Semantically speaking, the indicative is concerned with the exchange of information whereas the imperative is concerned with the exchange of goods-&-services. Syntagmatically, the indicative mood is characterized by the presence of the functional element of Mood, whereas the imperative lacks the element in its structure. With regard to the systemic contrast between declarative and interrogative, semantically, the former severs to give information (statement), whereas the latter serves to demand information (question). Structurally, the former is featured with the structure where the Subject comes before the Finite; in contrast, the latter is with the structure where the Finite comes before the Subject. The mood system of English illustrates how different types of mood (mood options) of a particular language are presented in SFL framework. More details about the systemic theory and the functional elements in mood structure, such as the Subject, the Finite, the Predicator, etc., will be presented in Chap. 3. Martin (1992) is of the opinion that mood from a discourse perspective is a resource for negotiating meaning in dialogue. He also considers mood as a lexicogrammatical system. The mood system of English provided by Martin (1992), as shown in Fig. 2.2, bears a close resemblance to that in IFG, though there exist terminological differences with regard to the declarative mood and the affirmative mood. In IFG, the affirmative mood is a subtype of declarative contrasting with the exclamative, whereas Martin (1992) takes the affirmative as the entry condition of the exclamative and the declarative. Besides, Martin (2013)  provides one more structural means for distinguishing the imperative from the indicative in addition to the presence or absence of Mood. That is the Predicator in indicatives is finite while that in imperatives is non-finite. This might be redundant in the realization statements in the mood system of English, but might be helpful to distinguish between the indicative and the imperative in other languages. Fawcett (2009) holds a different view on mood. He maintains that Halliday in his works in the late 1960s and the early 1970s considered the system networks of transitivity, mood, and theme as constituting the meaning potential of the language. They were formerly regarded as being at the level of form by Halliday. Now their function is taken as being to model choices between semantic features and so to constitute the semantics of a language. In Fawcett’s view, Halliday had gone a long way along the road to semanticizing the system network for transitivity, whereas the system network of mood still presents choices between alternative

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40 SYSTEM NETWORK

TYPICAL REALIZATIONS

(MEANING POTENTIAL) simple giver

(FOORMS) Ivy has read it.

99%

confident

Ivy’s read it, hasn’t she.

plus

deferring

Ivy’s read it, hasn’t she?

confirmation

challenging

Ivy’s read it, has she?

seeker 1%

unmarked

Ivy’s read it, hasn’t she?

interpolated

Ivy’s read it, hasn’t she, by now?

giver 98%

seeker 1.4%

Literature Review

polarity seeker

Has Ivy read it?

66%

new content seeker

39%

What has Ivy read?

choice of alternative contents seeker 1%

Did you have wine or beer?

at thing 70%

What a good reader she is !

at quality of thing 29%

How good at reading she is!

informa-

exclamation

at quantity of thing0.9%

What a lot of it she has read!

tion 98%

0.1%

at quality of situation 0.09%

How clearly she reads it!

confirmation

at quantity of situation 0.01%

How (much) she loves reading!

simple confirmation seeker 70%

Isn’t she quiet a good reader?

seeker 0.2%

exclamatory confirmation seeker

Isn’t she a good reader?

check

polarity challenging check 60%

She’s read it?

0.1%

content challenging check 40%

She’s rad WHAT? Then she read what?

interrogator 0.1% proposal of entity for

unmarked 70%

What about Ivy/ last week?

M

consideration 0.1%

anticipating novelty 90%

How about Ivy/ last week?

O

proposal for action by addressee 90% ... see MOOD part2

O

proposal for action by self and addressee 5%

Let’s read it (shall we?)

D

proposal for action by self 4.99%

Shall I read it? Shall Ivy rad it?

proposal for action by outsider 0.01% proposal for action 1.99%

with softener

strong

…possibly…

neutral

…perhaps…

tentative

…maybe…

without softener with politeness marker (4 positional and information structure variants)

…please…

without politeness marker …just

with task minimizer without task minimizer

formal wish 0.01%

Fig. 2.3  The semantic system network for Fawcett 2009: 60)

May I/you/she read it well! mood

of English in Fawcett (2009) (adapted from

forms. He argues it is desirable to push the system network of mood toward the semantics, both for theoretical and practical reasons. Therefore, he offers a semantic system network for mood in English, which is shown in Fig. 2.3. It shows that the system contains two main areas of meaning. The first one covers meanings that assign to the Performer and the Addressee communication roles in giving, seeking,

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confirming, etc., information about events; the second one is concerned with assigning communication roles to the Performer and the Addressee in proposals for action. Each area of meaning contains more semantic options. Fawcett’s system network for mood is a semantic one. It is applicable to text analysis. However, it is less applicable to cross-linguistic comparisons for the following two reasons. On the one hand, it is too complicated or too dedicated in semantic choices. It will be quite time-consuming, if not impossible, to describe the mood of each language under study in this way. On the other hand, it directs less attention to the axis of structure, which will cause difficulties both in distinguishing mood options and in making cross-linguistic comparisons of mood structure. Therefore, we will adopt the ‘classical’ system of mood in IFG as the framework guiding our descriptions of mood systems of other languages. Nevertheless, Fawcett’s system network for mood is still valuable to our descriptive work since it offers many useful semantic parameters for elaborating certain mood options further in delicacy, such as the parameter of confirmation in the semantic area of information, the parameters of softener and politeness in the semantic area of proposal for action.

2.2.2 Descriptions of Mood of Particular Languages As mentioned in Sect. 1.5, SFL is general and appliable linguistic theory in the sense that it is not merely developed for descriptions of the English language, but for descriptions of all human languages. SFL has been applied to descriptions of the mood of a wide range of languages, such as the mood of French (Huddleston and Uren 1969; Caffarel 1995, 2004, 2006), the mood of Tagalog (Martin 1990, 2004, 2013, 2018; Matin and Cruz 2021), the mood of Gooniyandi (McGregor 1990), the mood of Finnish (Shore 1992), the mood of Chinese (Peng 2000, Halliday and McDonald 2004, Li 2007, Matthiessen and Halliday 2009, Zhang 2009, Wang and Zhu 2013 (see Martin 2013), Yao and Chen 2017, Wang 2021), the mood of Pitjantjatjara (Rose 2004, 2021), the mood of German (Steiner and Teich 2004), the mood of Japanese (Teruya 2004, 2007, 2017), the mood of Vietnamese (Minh 2004; Phan 2010), the mood of Telugu (Prakasam 2004), the mood of Thai (Patpong 2006), the mood of Arabic (Bardi 2008), the mood of Bajjika (Kumar 2009); the mood of Spanish (Lavid et al. 2010; Quiroz 2018, 2021), the mood of Dagaare (Mwinlaaru 2018), the mood of Korean (Shin 2018), the mood of Mongolian (Zhang 2021), the mood of Brazilian Portuguese (Figueredo 2021), the mood of sign language (Rudge 2021), the mood of Scottish Gaelic (Bartlett 2021), etc. Obviously, mood is not the only focus in many of these studies surveyed above. For a survey of systemic functional language descriptions, either those dealing with the whole system networks of a language or those dealing with a particular aspect, see Mwinlaaru and Xuan (2016).

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2.2.3 Cross-Linguistic Comparisons and SFT of mood The descriptive studies on mood surveyed in last section form the background against which studies dealing with cross-linguistic comparisons of mood and SFT of mood are able to be carried out. Matthiessen and Halliday (2009) compare the mood of English, Chinese, and Japanese. They find the three languages illustrate a general principle of cross-linguistic similarity: they have similar mood systems at the least delicate end of the grammar. That is to say, they all distinguish ‘indicative’ versus ‘imperative’ clauses, and within the ‘indicative’, ‘declarative’ versus ‘interrogative’, and within the ‘interrogative’, ‘polar’ versus ‘elemental’. However, they also show cross-linguistic variation in terms of the ways that systemic contrasts are created. They deploy different subsets of realizational resources: neither Chinese nor Japanese has a distinct Mood element but they both make use of mood particles. They assert that Chinese has no system of verbal finiteness at all and Japanese does not separate out finiteness from the rest of the verbal group. Besides, compared with English and Chinese, Japanese goes further along the way of grammaticalizing other aspects of the exchange. It encodes the tenor of the relationship between the interactants engaging in the exchange in its mood system. When more languages are taken into consideration, it becomes possible to develop typological accounts of mood based on systemic functional descriptions. Matthiessen (1995) provided a typological outlook for mood in 1995, when there were not as many systemic functional descriptions of languages as nowadays. Therefore, the typological generalizations he made then were mainly derived from some typological studies, such as Ultan (1969), Sadock and Zwicky (1985), etc. But the typological generalizations he made were fully illustrated later by the systemic functional descriptions of eight languages from the volume Language Typology: A Functional Perspective (Caffarel et al. 2004a). Besides, based on the eight descriptions and some other typological works, Matthiessen (2004) in that volume made more typological generalizations about mood. Matthiessen (1995, 2004) reports that almost all languages have mood system, but they are at variance both in terms of the organization of mood system and in terms of how mood options are realized. Concerning the system, he identifies three systemic variables across languages. The first one is concerned with the relation between mood (lexicogrammar) and speech function (semantics). With this regard, languages vary in how the major mood types construct the semantic space of speech functions. A general principle, according to Matthiessen (1995, 2004), is that the mood systems of all languages realize the speech-functional variables of orientation (either giving or demanding) and commodity (either information or goods-&-services), but many languages have lexicogrammatical resources for enacting the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and the addressee in the exchange. Thus, some languages encode the semantic space of politeness, formality, etc., in their mood systems. The second systemic variable is about systemic organization. Languages vary in how different mood types are grouped together into less delicate systems.

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For example, English groups polar and elemental interrogatives together due to their structural similarity, but some other languages may lack such structural evidence for such a systemic grouping. The third systemic variable focuses on systemic delicacy. Even though languages are alike to each other at the least delicate end of mood system, they vary in how they elaborate mood categories further in delicacy. Matthiessen (2004) observes systemic elaborations of indicative clauses tend to be concerned with the assessment of the information being exchanged, such as from the aspects of modality, evidentiality, prediction and desirability, whereas systemic elaborations of imperative clauses tend to be concerned with the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and the addressee, such as from the aspects of honorification and politeness. With regard to realizations, the realizations of mood options tend to be prosodic, either phonologically prosodic or grammatically prosodic. Grammatical prosodies include constituent order and mood particles at clause rank and affixes at word rank. In addition to the dimensions of system and structure in which languages may vary from one another, Matthiessen (2004) offers another two dimensions where cross-linguistic variation may exist. The two dimensions, together with the two mentioned above, are parts of the semiotic dimensions of SFL theory. The first one is the rank scale (see details in Chap. 3). Languages are at variance with respect to at which rank scale (clause rank, group rank, or word rank) their realizations of mood or other interpersonal systems may occur. In many languages the realizations of mood mainly occur at clause rank, such as the use of Mood element in English and mood particles in Japanese; in some languages the realizations of mood mainly happen at word rank, such as Greenlandic. The second dimension is the class. The realizational items of mood and other interpersonal systems may fall into any class, such as particles, affixes, adverbs, auxiliaries, etc. Matthiessen’s pioneering research provides guidance for other SFT studies, including the current book. Teruya et al. (2007), following the principles of SFT, propose some generalizations about mood based on systemic functional descriptions of six languages, descriptions couched in terms of other frameworks, and typological accounts from typology literature. They report that mood systems of different languages are more similar to each other systemically than structurally; systemically, languages are more similar to each other in systems of low delicacy than in systems of high delicacy; structurally, languages vary in how mood systems are realized (intonation, sequence, or segment), but they are similar in showing a prosodic pattern of realization. The generalizations proposed by Teruya et al. (2007) to a large extend support those proposed by Matthiessen (1995, 2004). Besides, Teruya et al. (2007) illustrate how cross-linguistic similarities and differences can be explained in SFT. Firstly, systemic and structural congruence and variation can be looked upon from different strata, i.e., from the stratum of context and from the stratum of semantics (see ‘stratification’ in Sect. 3.2). From the stratum of semantics, for instance, the similarities in the basic mood types across languages is easy to understand: such systems have all evolved as grammatical resources for realizing exchanges of information and goods-&-services. From the stratum of context of culture,

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different cultures vary considerably with respect to tenor parameters, such as status hierarchies  and social distance, thus it will not be surprising that in some languages, such as Japanese and Javanese, the mood system interacts closely with the system of politeness and honorification. Secondly, systems of different semantic domains can be drawn on in explanations, such as textual systems and experiential systems. For example, languages vary in the range of transitivity functions that Wh- elements can be conflated with. Thirdly, realizational strategies in different languages can find their motivations from texts of each language. Teruya et al. (2007) notice that the cross-linguistic differences in realizational devices for mood are related to the basic pattern of the clause in negation. If the basic pattern of negotiation of a language is Mood-based, such as in English and German, it tends to deploy Mood to distinguish different mood types; if that of a language is Predicator-based, such as in Japanese and Chinese, it tends to deploy Negotiator to make systemic contrast between different moods. Mwinlaaru et al. (2018) examine the mood system of Niger-Congo languages based on discourse data of four languages, elicited and constructed sentences, and descriptive work on a wide range of languages in the Niger-Congo phylum. They find Niger-Congo languages typically have the following interpersonal clause structure: (Subject •) Predicator (• Complement) (• Adjunct) (• Negotiator).3 Languages vary in the prominence of the elements of Subject and Negotiator. With regard to the mood system, Niger-Congo languages make primary systemic contrast between indicative and imperative clauses, which are mainly distinguished either by special particles or by verbal morphology. Indicatives are further elaborated in delicacy into declaratives and interrogatives. The possible subtypes of declaratives are affirmatives and non-affirmatives, which are distinguished by particles. Concerning the interrogative, two main types are the polar interrogative and the elemental interrogative. The polar interrogative falls into two types in Niger-Congo languages, namely yes/no interrogatives and alternative interrogatives. The yes/no interrogative is mainly realized by intonation and Negotiator (particles). Possible subtypes of yes/no interrogatives are biased ones and non-biased ones. The alternative is realized by the alternative construction. Regarding the elemental interrogative, languages vary with respect to the number and kinds of Q-words. They also vary with respect to the textual status of Q-words (cf. Teruya et al. 2007). As regards the imperative, possible distinctions include that between non-prohibitive and prohibitive and that between immediate and non-immediate. Besides, the imperative may occur with all person in Niger-Congo languages, and when it is addressed to a plural addressee, a Subject or a pronominal subject affix may be required.

3 The

brackets indicate elements that are optional and the dot signals that the element does not necessarily appear in the order in which it is presented.

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2.3 Chapter Summary Thus far, we have made a survey of both typological studies on mood and SFL/ SFT studies on mood. These studies considerably broaden our knowledge of the grammatical category of mood from various aspects. The body of literature of either approach is of unique features and meanwhile is open to some problems. These existing problems are the rationales for the current book.

2.3.1 Features and Problems of Typological Studies on Mood Typological studies on mood are of two features. First, they are of considerable interest into the structural features of different moods. Most typological studies focus on the possible structures of a particular mood and the cross-linguistic similarities and differences with respect to these structures. Furthermore, the typological generalizations they made to a large extent are generalizations about structures. Second, they draw on available descriptions of a wide range of human languages to make cross-linguistic comparisons concerning the structures of a particular mood. This on the one hand contributes to a comprehensive survey of the structural features of different moods, and on the other hand, by connecting the structural features of a particular mood to other grammatical features of the languages under study (such as Ultan 1969), can propose some explanations for these structural features. In addition to the features, typological studies on mood are open to some problems. First, most of these studies merely focus on a particular mood type or deal with each mood type in isolation. Even though some studies recognize that moods of any language form a mood system (Sadock and Zwicky 1985; König and Siemund 2007), due attention has not been directed to the structural or semantic connections between different mood types. Second, more attention has been devoted to the major mood types, such as declaratives, polar and elemental interrogatives, and imperatives, whereas minor types of mood have received little attention. Even though some potential minor types of mood have been recognized, such as evidential declaratives, biased polar interrogatives, polite imperatives, etc., little importance have been attached to them. There are possibly two reasons for this problem. On the one hand, these minor types of mood attract little attention in reference grammars. On the other hand, languages vary more in minor types of mood than in major types of mood. The two reasons make it more difficult, if not impossible, to make cross-linguistic comparisons concerning the structural features of minor types of mood. In our point of view, minor types of mood deserve more academic attention, not only because they are the part in which languages display more variation but

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also because they provide language speakers with more options to express more complicated meanings. Third, there is still space for advancing more rational explanations for the findings. Explanations, either external or internal, are crucial in typological studies. König and Siemund (2007) explain why polar interrogatives are dominantly accompanied by rising intonation and Aikhenvald (2010) explains, from the perspective of iconicity, why the longer an imperative is in form, the more polite it will be in meaning. The practice of relating the structural features of moods to other grammatical aspects of languages is also helpful. For example, Ultan (1969) finds the use of the strategy of inversion and the position of mood particles very possibly are related to the basic word order of the language. In addition to these explanations, more rational explanations are expected for other phenomena, such as why some languages display more subtypes of a particular mood than other languages, why a language makes use of certain devices to mark mood types instead of others, etc. Fourth, in many studies, the criteria for identifying mood types are not clearly established and there exists terminological confusion about the use of certain terms. For example, since Sadock and Zwicky (1985) report that confirmatives are commonly formed by appending a tag to a declarative base and in many languages they are not distinct from biased interrogatives, then are they different types of mood or the same type of mood? Should tag questions in English be recognized as biased polar interrogatives or confirmatives? What is the status of rhetorical questions? Is the clause ‘will you go or not’ a polar interrogative or an alternative interrogative? What is the core meaning of optative and hortative? Are they subtypes of imperative? These problems have something to do with inconsistency in terminology. As König and Siemund (2007: 313) notice, the usage of certain terms “is not completely fixed and varies from author to author” and “the frequent confusion of form and function makes information provided in grammatical descriptions difficult to interpret”. Fifth, most typological studies on mood, if not all, suffer from sampling problems. Except Ultan (1969), other studies provide little information either about the sample size of or about the methods of sampling. Moreover, in most typological studies on mood we see many languages merely function to provide an instance of a particular structural feature, or merely serve as an element of a set of structural features so as to be counted (cf. Dryer 2005a, b, 2013; van der Auwera and Lejeune 2005a, b; van der Auwera et al. 2005). However, in our opinion, each language should also function to provide some relative information based on which valuable generalizations (cf. Greenberg 1966) can be made and rational explanations can be proposed. If we attach little importance to the issue of language sampling, or confine our attention merely to the local feature under study, we will only know that there are about 12 languages in the world marking their polar interrogatives with interrogative word order, but we will never know that this feature is almost exclusive to Germanic languages. Thus, the issue of language sampling and the practice of taking as much relevant information as possible into consideration are crucial for making typological generalizations and advancing explanations in typological studies.

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2.3.2 Features and Problems of SFL/SFT Studies on Mood SFL/SFT studies on mood, compared with typological studies on mood, are of the following features. First, unlike typological studies on mood which mainly concentrate on the structural features of mood and deal with each mood type in isolation, SFL/SFT studies on mood mainly concentrate on the systemic features of mood, and each mood type is investigated from a holistic perspective. Thus, each mood type is not only an object for cross-linguistic comparison, but also an option in the holistic mood system through which we can see how different moods are structurally and semantically differentiated from or related to each other. The holistic perspective allows languages to be compared and typologized not only in terms of their structural features, but also in terms of their meaning potentials. Therefore, the holistic perspective makes it possible to bring out principles and patterns concerning mood that would remain more implicit if we only focus on structural features. However, as mentioned in Sect. 1.5.2, this does not mean that SFL/SFT studies on mood direct no attention to structural features. System and structure define each other mutually. A mood option in system is defined from above by the meaning it realizes and from below by its structure. Second, SFL/SFT studies on mood are guided by SFL theory. They are manifestations of a holistic approach to language interpretation and typological studies. The holistic approach means that “phenomena are contextualized by reference to the most inclusive domain that can be identified along any dimension” (Matthiessen 2004: 656). Therefore, in these studies, we see mood as a grammatical category is interpreted by reference to socio-cultural context since, as Matthiessen (2004: 656) maintains, context is the most inclusive domain along the dimension of stratification; mood as a system is interpreted by connection to texts since system is the most inclusive domain of texts along the dimension of instantiation; mood as a lexicogrammatical system is interpreted by reference to the semantic system of speech function since semantics is the most inclusive domain along the dimension of language-internal stratification; structural features of mood are interpreted by reference to mood system since the systemic domain is more inclusive than the structural one along the dimension of axis. Moreover, within lexicogrammar, words and groups/phrases are interpreted by reference to clauses since the clause is the most inclusive domain along the dimension of rank. This holistic approach provides new perspectives both for making typological generalizations and for proposing rational explanations. Third, SFL/SFT studies on mood represent “a synthesis of both structural and functional approaches” (Webster 2002: 156). That is to say, in these studies, due attention has been paid both to the functional (semantic) and the structural (lexicogrammatical) aspect of mood. As Halliday (1970/2002: 173–174) points out, “an account of linguistic structure that pays no attention to the demands that we make of language is lacking in perspicacity, since it offers no principles for explaining why the structure of language is organized one way rather than in another”. Meanwhile, he further suggests “it is fairly obvious that language is used to serve a variety of different needs, but until we

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examine its grammar there is no clear reason for classifying its uses in any particular way” (Halliday 1970/2002: 174). The vantagepoints of function and lexicogrammar represent the perspectives of ‘from above’ and ‘from below’ respectively in the ‘trinocular perspective’ of SFL (the other one being ‘from roundabout’), which have been widely adopted in systemic studies (see Chap. 4 for details of the ‘trinocular perspective’). The ‘trinocular perspective’ functions as a good criterion for identifying mood types. If a clause is to be recognized as an independent mood option, it should display both structural and semantic distinction from other types of mood. Nevertheless, SFL/SFT studies on mood are not without problems. The most prominent one, which is also identified in typological studies, is concerned with language sampling. SFT is in pursuit of typological generalizations that are based on comprehensive systemic functional language descriptions. This leads to a small sample size in SFT studies on mood. In Matthiessen (2004), the sample size is eight, in Teruya et al. (2007), it is six, and in Mwinlaaru et al. (2018), it is no more than four. Language descriptions in these samples are comprehensive enough, but they are far from being representative enough to make reliable typological generalizations. Therefore, we see SFT studies on mood have to resort to findings of typological studies (i.e., Sadock and Zwicky 1985) and to non-SFL language descriptions. Due to the limited sample size, these studies are not able to make more generalizations like those by Greenberg (1966) and Ultan (1969). The problem of language sampling, to a large extent, is related to the pursuit of SFT. As mentioned in Sect. 1.5.2, SFT attaches equal importance to language theory and language descriptions. Language descriptions are supposed to be guided by SFL theory so as to be presented in multidimensional way, to be system-and-function-oriented and text-based, to be able to display the full meaning potential of the language under study and to be comprehensive and reliable enough for typological generalizations. Typological generalizations in SFT are supposed to be made based on such descriptions. However, there is no doubt that such descriptions will cost tremendous amount of money and time (Caffarel et al. 2004b). Therefore, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, for SFT studies to operate with a sample that is representative enough, because “the languages that have been described totally in SFL terms to date do not in any way represent a typological sample of the languages around the world” (Teruya et al. 2007: 861). The second problem is concerned with the comprehensiveness of descriptions. Some of these descriptions are not comprehensive enough. On the one hand, they only focus on these functional elements that operate in realization statements, such as the Mood and the Negotiator, whereas they direct less attention to other functional elements, such as the Subject and the Finite. On the other hand, mood subtypes also deserve more detailed descriptions. The third problem is concerned with the conventions in SFL and linguistic typology. SFL is characterized by its own terminology and conventions for language descriptions. The conventions are concerned with many aspects, such as graphic conventions in system networks, capitalization labels in systems and realization statements, operators in realization statements, etc. Some SFL/SFT studies

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on mood do not follow these conventions well. For example, many mood systems are not presented as a system and the realization statements are not fully presented. This is not helpful to make typological generalizations. In addition to SFL conventions, SFT studies on mood are also supposed to conform to the conventions in typological studies.

2.3.3 Rationale for the Book We have summarized the features of typological and SFL/SFT studies on mood. It can be found that both approaches to mood are of unique features and their features to a  large extent complement each other. Typological studies focus on the structural features of mood and one of their advantages is that they can make cross-linguistic comparisons based on a large language sample. By contrast, SFL/ SFT studies give priority to the systemic features of mood (they also pay attention to structural features) and demonstrate the theoretical advantages of SFL as a multidimensional and holistic linguistic theory. The book attempts to combine the two approaches together to contribute to a deeper understanding of mood. Moreover, we have summarized some problems of both approaches. These problems  are the rationale for the book and the research gaps the book aims to fill. SFT, guided by the SFL theory, is a multidimensional and holistic approach to typological studies. By adopting the research paradigm of SFT, we can solve, to a large extent, three of the five problems identified in typological studies. For example, SFT enables us to look at each mood in the holistic mood system instead of dealing with them in isolation. This allows us to explore the similarities and differences languages display both in mood structure and in mood system and to make some generalization about both aspects that would remain more implicit if we only focus on the structural features of a particular mood type. Moreover, SFT enables us to look at mood in different dimensions, i.e., stratification, instantiation, axis, rank, etc., and therefore makes it possible to propose more rational explanations. The ‘trinocular perspective’ of SFL can also help to solve the problem concerning the criteria for identifying mood in typological studies. Meanwhile, following the theoretical guidance of SFL can help to avoid the terminological confusion in typological studies. We have also identified the problem of language sampling that exists in studies of both approaches. Most of these studies attach little importance to language sampling. Thus, we see in many studies, a language merely functions as an example of a particular structural feature. For SFT studies, their samples are too small and far from being representative in any sense. Concerning the issue of language sampling, we will try to make our sample geographically, generically, and typologically representative enough. Meanwhile, we will take into consideration other relevant information about the languages in the sample, since we have argued that each language should also function to provide useful information based on which typological generalizations can be made and rational explanations can be proposed.

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Language sampling is the first step, the second step is to give comprehensive descriptions to each language in our sample. The descriptions will be guided totally by SFL theory to ensure that the book is a practice of SFT in the strict sense. Obviously, the descriptions cannot cover the overall system networks of each language. Such work will be time-consuming and will make us confront a dilemma facing all the SFT studies on mood mentioned above: that is, how to keep a balance between the comprehensiveness of descriptions and the representativeness of the sample. To achieve the balance, we will confine our focus to comprehensive descriptions of mood system of each language in our sample. This will enable the study to operate with a representative sample. Concerning the descriptions of mood system, we will pay attention to both major mood types and minor mood types, to both the systemic axis and the structural axis, to both the functional elements that operate in realization statements and those that do not. Meanwhile, our descriptions will follow the conventions of SFL and linguistic typology.

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McGregor WB (1990) A functional grammar of Gooniyandi. Benjamins, Amsterdam Minh DT (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Vietnamese. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 397–432 Moravcsik EA (1971) Some cross–linguistic generalizations about yes–no questions and their answers. Working Papers Lang Universals, 7: 45–193 Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A Systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Mwinlaaru IN-I, Xuan WWH (2016) A survey of studies in systemic functional language description and typology. Func Linguist 3:8 Mwinlaaru IN-I, Matthiessen CMIM, Akerejola ES (2018) A system–based typology of mood in Niger-Congo languages. In: Agwuele A, Bodomo A (eds) The Routledge handbook of African linguistics. Routledge, London, pp 93–117 Patpong P (2006) A systemic functional interpretation of Thai grammar: an exploration of Thai narrative discourse. Dissertation, Macquarie University Peng XW (2000) Yīnghàn yǔpiān zōnghé duìbǐ (A comprehensive comparison between English and Chinese texts). Shanghai Education Press, Shanghai Phan VTA (2010) Yuèyǔ cānkǎo yǔfǎ: jīyú xìtǒng gōngnéng guān (A reference grammar of Vietnamese: a systemic functional perspective). Dissertation, Minzu University of China Prakasam V (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Telugu. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 433–478 Quiroz B (2018) Negotiating interpersonal meanings: reasoning about mood. Func Lang 25(1):135–163 Quiroz B (2021) The interpersonal grammar in Spanish. In: Martin JR, Quiroz B, Figueredo G (eds) Interpersonal grammar: systemic functional linguistic theory and description. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 34–63 Rose D (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Pitjantjatjara. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 479–536 Rose D (2021) Interpersonal grammar in Pitjantjatjara. In: Martin JR, Quiroz B, Figueredo G (eds) Interpersonal grammar: systemic functional linguistic theory and description. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 160–190 Rudge LA (2021) Interpersonal grammar in British sign language. In: Martin JR, Quiroz B, Figueredo G (eds) Interpersonalgrammar: systemic functional linguistic theory and description. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 227–256 Sadock J, Zwicky A (1985) Speech act distinctions in syntax. In: Shopen T (ed) Clause structure. Language typology and syntactic description, vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 155–196 Shin G-H (2018) Interpersonal Grammar of Korean. Func Lang 25(1):20–53 Shore S (1992) Aspects of a systemic functional grammar of Finnish. Dissertation, Macquarie University Siemund P (2001) Interrogative constructions. In: Haspelmath M, König E, Oesterreicher W et al (eds) Language typology and language universals. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, pp 1–33 Steiner E, Teich E (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of German. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 139–184 Teruya K (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Japanese. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 185–254 Teruya K (2007) A systemic functional grammar of Japanese. Continuum, London Teruya K (2017) Mood in Japanese. In: Bartlett T, O’Grady G (eds) The Routledge handbook of systemic functional linguistics. Routledge, London/New York, pp 213–230

References

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Teruya K, Akerejola E, Andersen TH et al (2007) Typology of mood: a text-based and system-based functional view. In: Hasan R, Matthiessen CMIM, Webster J (eds) Continuing discourse on language: a functional perspective. Equinox, London, pp 859–920 Ultan R (1969) Some general characteristics of interrogative systems. Working Papers on Lang Universals, 1: 41–63 van der Auwera J, Dobrushina N, Goussev V (2005) Imperative-hortative systems. In: Haspelmath M, Dryer MS, Gil D et al (eds) The world atlas of language structures. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 294–297 van der Auwera J, Lejeune L (2005a) The morphological imperative. In: Haspelmath M, Dryer MS, Gil D et al (eds) The world atlas of language structures. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 286–289 van der Auwera J, Lejeune L (2005b) The prohibitive. In: Haspelmath M, Dryer MS, Gil D et al (eds) The world atlas of language structures. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 290–293 Wang P (2021) Interpersonal grammar in Mandarin. In: Martin JR, Quiroz B, Figueredo G (eds) Interpersonal grammar: systemic functional linguistic theory and description. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 96–129 Webster J (2002) Editor’s introduction. In: Webster J (ed) On grammar. Collected works of M. A. K. Halliday, vol 1. Continuum, London/New York, pp 155–157 Whaley LJ (1997) Introduction to typology: the unity and diversity of language. Sage Publications Inc., California Yao YY, Chen XY (2017) Xìtǒng gōngnéng yǔyánxué shìjiǎo-xià xiàndài hànyǔ wènjù de yǔqì lèxíng yánjiū (A systemic functional approach to Modern Chinese mood types realized by questions). Shāndōng Wàiyǔ Jiàoxué (Shangdong Foreign Lang Teach) (2):21–50 Zhang DB (2021) The interpersonal grammar in Khorchin Mongolian. In: Martin JR, Quiroz B, Figueredo G (eds) Interpersonal grammar: systemic functional linguistic theory and description. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 64–95 Zhang DL (2009) Some characteristics of Chinese mood system. In: Zhang JY, Peng Y, He W (eds) Current issues in systemic functional linguistics: papers from the 8th Chinese systemics week. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, pp 91–116

Chapter 3

Theoretical Framework

3.1 Contextualizing Mood in SFL We have mentioned that SFL represents a multidimensional and holistic interpretation of human languages. It construes language as a multidimensional semiotic system. These semiotic dimensions fall into two classes according to their scope, namely the global dimensions and the local dimensions (Matthiessen et al. 2010; Halliday and Matthiessen 2014). The global dimensions include the dimensions of stratification, instantiation, and metafunction. They are globe in the sense that they allow us to contextualize lexicogrammar by reference to the other sub-systems that constitute the total system of language. In contrast, the local dimensions, which include the dimensions of axis and rank, enable us to characterize the internal organization of lexicogrammar, of the other sub-systems of language, and of context as well. Figure 3.1 shows the global and local semiotic dimensions of SFL. With regard to mood, it locates at the stratum of lexicogrammar along the dimension of stratification and at the potential end along the dimension of instantiation. It belongs to the domain of interpersonal meaning along the dimension metafunction. It represents paradigmatic organization along the dimension of axis. It is realized by syntagmatic organization and is a lexicogrammatical system of the clause along the dimension of rank. The global dimensions of SFL enable us to study mood by reference to the meaning it realizes (the semantic stratum), to the social and cultural context where it is used, to the text where it is instantialized and to other systems of interpersonal meaning, textual meaning, and ideational meaning. Moreover, the local dimensions enable us to study mood in terms of its systemic organization and structural realization and to consider its realizations from the aspect of rank scale. All these will contribute to a deeper understanding of mood. This does not mean, however, that the book will cover every aspect of mood. The focus is confined to the local dimension of axis. In contrast, the global dimensions in the book function to help

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_3

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Fig. 3.1  The global and local semiotic dimensions of SFL (adapted from Matthiessen et al. 2010: 38)

us make some generalizations and propose some rational explanations. In the following sections, we will introduce the dimensions that are closely related to the book in detail, those presented in bold in Fig. 3.1. During this process, we will illustrate these dimensions with mood system as an example. These illustrations also serve as an introduction to various aspects of mood, and therefore, we will not present a section dedicated to mood.

3.2 Stratification: mood and speech function 3.2.1 Stratification: From Context to Language In SFL, language is always theorized, described, and analyzed within an environment of meanings. This environment is termed as ‘context’. Context is a higher-ordered semiotic system. It extends, similar to language, along the cline of

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instantiation from the end of general contextual potential of a community, which is termed as ‘context of culture’, to the end of contextual instances where particular people interact and exchange meanings on particular occasions, which is termed as ‘context of situation’. The context of culture is more abstract than the context of situation. It is what the members of a community can mean in cultural terms and is an environment of meaning where a variety of semiotic systems operate, such as language, paralanguage, and other human systems of meaning. Concerning the context of situation, it can be considered as an instantiation of a context of culture. It involves three parameters, namely field, tenor, and mode (Halliday 1978; Halliday and Hasan 1985; Martin 1992; Hasan 2003; Halliday and Matthiessen 2014). Field refers to what is going on in the situation. Tenor deals with who is taking part in the situation. It is the about the roles played by the participants of the socio-semiotic activity and the values that the interactants imbue the domain with. The roles of the participants include institutional roles, status roles (power, either equal or unequal), contact roles (familiarity), and sociometric roles (affect). Mode concerns the role played by language and other semiotic systems in the situation. It deals with the division of labor between semiotic activities and social ones, the division of labor between linguistic activities and other semiotic activities, rhetorical mode, turn (dialogic or monologic), medium (written or spoken), and channel (phonic or graphic) (Matthiessen et al. 2010; Halliday and Matthiessen 2014). Field, tenor, and mode are three sets of related variables in context, which together form the environment of meanings where language and other semiotic systems and socio-systems operate. They correlate with the meaning of language. As Halliday (1978) suggests, field values resonate with ideational meanings, tenor values resonate with interpersonal meanings (to which mood belongs) and mode values resonate with textual meanings. That is to say, the correspondences between context and language are based on the functional organization of both orders of meaning.

3.2.2 Intra-Language Stratification The dimension of stratification in SFL orders language in context into sub-systems according to the degree of symbolic abstraction. These sub-systems constitute different intra-language strata. Language is first ordered to include a stratum of content and a stratum of expression. Taking infants’ protolanguage as an example, the intention they try to reveal to their mother is content, and the way by which they try to make the intention clear, such as by making a sound or by a gesture, is expression (Halliday 1975/2004). In contrast, adult languages are more complex, where both the content stratum and the expression stratum expand into two strata: the content expands into a stratum of semantics and a stratum of lexicogrammar, and the expression expands into a stratum of phonology/graphology (the organization of speech sound into formal structures and system) and a stratum of phonetics

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Fig. 3.2  Stratification (adapted from Halliday and Matthiessen 2014: 26)

(the interfacing with the body’s resources for speech and for hearing). Thus, language is organized into four strata, namely semantics, lexicogrammar, phonology, and phonetics. The relation among the strata is called realization. Semantics is realized by lexicogrammar, lexicogrammar is realized by phonology and phonology by phonetics. According to Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014), the realizational relationship between semantics and lexicogrammar is natural, while that between lexicogrammar and phonology is largely conventional or arbitrary. Figure 3.2 presents the full picture of the dimension of stratification.

3.2.3  mood and speech function In Sect. 1.3, we define mood as the grammaticalization of the semantic system of speech function. In other words, in SFL, mood is considered to locate at the stratum of lexicogrammar and speech function at the stratum of semantics. In this section, we will see how the categories of these two systems correspond to each other. We will begin with the semantic system of speech function. Each clause (major free clause as defined in Sect. 1.2) is organized as an exchange of meanings. The exchange always involves the speaker and the listener. According to Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014), the speaker, in the act of exchanging, adopts for himself a particular speech role and in so doing he also assigns the listener a complementary role that he wishes him to adopt in his turn. The most fundamental types of speech role recognized by Halliday (1984, 1985,

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Fig. 3.3  The realizational relationship between mood system and speech function system

1994) are just two, namely giving and demanding. Thus, the speaker is either giving something to the listener or demanding something from the listener. Another distinction involved in exchange, which is as fundamental as that between the speech roles of giving and demanding, is concerned with the commodity being exchanged. The commodity may be either information or goods-&services. These two sets of variables, when interacting with each other, define four primary speech functions, namely offer, command, statement, and question, which form the options of the semantic system of speech function. Now we will turn to mood. In Sect. 1.2, we define mood as the grammatical category in the clause which realizes the basic speech functions of statement, question, command, etc. in human communication. Therefore, there is a one-toone correspondence between the categories of mood and those of speech function, or in terminology of SFL, there is a one-to-one realizational relationship between the categories of the two systems. Congruently speaking, the declarative mood is the realization of the speech function of statement, the interrogative mood is the realization of the speech function of question, and the imperative mood is the realization of the speech function of command, and in a few languages, also of the speech function of offer. Figure 3.3 illustrates the realizational relationship between the categories of mood and speech function. We will make several more points about the realizational relationship between the categories of mood and speech function before moving on to next section. Firstly, the declarative and the interrogative, in many languages, are two options of another major mood type, the indicative1 (see Fig. 3.3). Semantically speaking, the indicative is concerned with the exchange of information, contrasting with the imperative which is concerned with the exchange of

1 The

term ‘indicative’ is traditionally used ro refer to indicative verbal mode. In SFL terminology, it is used as a broad type of mood.

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goods-&-services. This suggests there exists semantic affinity between the declarative and the interrogative in terms of the commodity exchanged. From the aspect of lexicogrammar, in many languages, the imperative is frequently differed from the indicative in many morphosyntactic aspects. For example, the imperative can interact with less systems, such as tense and person, compared with the indicative which displays no such restrictions. Secondly, the imperative is concerned with the exchange of goods-&-services, and thus it may involve the speech roles of both giving and demanding. Therefore, the use of the term ‘imperative’ in SFL is quite different from its traditional use in literature in the sense that theoretically it is considered as the realization of the speech functions of both command and offer, whereas by tradition it is regarded merely as the realization of command. Even so, the speech function of offer is rarely observed to be grammaticalized as an independent mood type in languages, and the speech function of command is less frequently grammaticalized than the speech functions of statement and question. This is because, as Halliday (1994: 70) suggests, in the context of offers and commands, “language is functioning simply as a means toward achieving what are essential non-linguistic ends”, whereas in the context of statement and question, language constitutes the end in itself. Even though the speech function of offer is least likely to be grammaticalized in languages, a few languages do have lexicogrammatical resources for this speech function. It is necessary, in such circumstance, and for the sake of cross-linguistic comparison, to make further systemic distinction within the choice of imperative, like the one between the declarative and the interrogative within the indicative which reflects the distinction between the speech roles of giving and demanding. Following the tradition (cf. Halliday 1994: 87, Matthiessen 1995: 388, Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 632), we will use the term ‘jussive’ to refer to the unmarked imperative by which a command is addressed to a second person Subject. That is to say, the term ‘jussive’ in the book is the equivalent of the term ‘imperative’ with its traditional sense in typological studies. Besides, we will use the term ‘oblative’ to refer to the mood that realizes the speech function of offer. Thus, the distinction between jussive and oblative within the imperative is similar to that between declarative and interrogative within the indicative in the sense that they both indicate a distinction between the speech roles of giving and demanding. However, it should be noted that the jussive is the unmarked realization of command but not the only one. Other subtypes of imperative will be discussed in Chap. 6. Thirdly, the one-to-one realizational relationship between the categories of the mood and speech function illustrated in Fig. 3.3 is a congruent one. There exist incongruent realizations of different speech functions, which in SFL, are covered by the term ‘grammatical metaphor’. Thus, a command can be congruently realized by an imperative clause like open the door and it can also be realized in a metaphorical way by an interrogative clause like could you open the door or by a declarative clause like you should open the door (see Halliday and Matthiessen 2014, Chap. 10). These metaphorical realizations of speech function considerably

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enlarge the meaning potential of language. They exit in almost all languages and compete with and complement the congruent ones in different context. We will focus on the congruent realizations of speech functions in the book. Finally, we will present another couple of terms which is closely related to mood. When language is employed to exchange information, the clause is considered to take on the form of a proposition. Thus, a proposition is either a statement or question. Halliday (1994) suggests that proposition is something can be argued about. It can be affirmed, denied, doubted, insisted on, contradicted, accepted with reservation, qualified and so on. In contrast, when language is used to exchange goods-&-services, the clause takes on the form of a proposal. A proposal is either an offer or command. Proposition and proposal are two different semantic functions of a clause. Up to now, we have illustrated the semiotic dimension of stratification with the relationship between mood and speech function as an example. Meanwhile, in so doing, we demonstrate that the relationship between the two systems is a realizational one between the strata of semantics and lexicogrammar. The dimension of stratification enables us to look at mood ‘from above’. It enables us to consider mood by reference to the meanings it realizes. Now we will turn to the dimension of metafunction, which allows us to consider mood from roundabout’.

3.3 Interpersonal Metafunction: mood and Other Systems Interpersonal metafunction is one of the three metafunctions of language identified by Halliday (1985, 1994), the other two being ideational and textual. It resonates with tenor system of context. Interpersonal metafunction refers that language is organized as a resource for enacting roles and relations between speaker and addressee as meaning. mood is the primary system of language that fulfills interpersonal metafunction. It correlates with other interpersonal systems, such as polarity, modality, appraisal. We will give a brief survey of the systems of polarity and modality in this section. For the system of appraisal, see Martin and White (2005).

3.3.1  polarity The polarity system involves the choice between positive and negative. It is the resource for assessing the arguability value of a clause, either the validity of a proposition (it is/it isn’t) or the actualization of a proposal (do/don’t). Thus, each mood is either positive or negative in terms of polarity. In this system, the positive is the unmarked choice and the negative is marked in the sense that the positive is

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characterized by no special markers whereas the negative always requires a negative marker, which is n’t or not in English. polarity functions to make a proposition or a proposal arguable. That is to say, one can make a proposition or a proposal arguable by reference to its polarity. It is realized by the functional element Finite in structure. We will introduce the Finite element in Sect. 3.5 in detail.

3.3.2  modality Though a mood is either positive or negative in terms of polarity, there is still space for other options. There are intermediate degrees: various kinds of indeterminacy that fall in between, such as ‘possible’ and ‘maybe’. These intermediate degrees between the positive and negative poles in SFL are identified as modality (Halliday 1994; Halliday and Matthiessen 2004, 2014). The modality system functions to construe the region of uncertainty that lies between ‘yes’ and ‘no’. In English, there are two primary types of modalities depending on the speech function they are related to. The first primary type applies to propositions. In a proposition, the meaning of the positive and negative poles is asserting (‘it is so’) and denying (‘it isn’t so’). The intermediate possibilities between the two poles are of two kinds: (i) degrees of probability and (ii) degrees of usuality. The former deals with different degrees of likelihood (possibly, probably, certainly) and the latter deals with different degrees of oftenness (sometimes, usually, always). These scales of probability and usuality together are termed as modalization. Both probability and usuality in English can be expressed in three ways: (i) by a finite modal operator in the verbal group (see the Finite in Sect. 3.5), such as may, will and must; (ii) by a modal Adjunct (see the Adjunct in Sect. 3.5), such as probably, possibly, certainly, perhaps, maybe, usually, sometimes, always, often, seldom, etc.; (iii) by both together. The second primary type of modality applies to proposals. In a proposal, the meaning of the positive and negative poles is prescribing (‘do it’) and proscribing (‘don’t do it’). The intermediate possibilities between the two poles here, similar to those in propositions, also are of two kinds. In a command, the intermediate points are concerned with degrees of obligation (allowed to, supposed to, required to). In contrast, in an offer, they represent degrees of inclination (willing to, anxious to, determined to). The scales of obligation and inclination together are termed as modulation. Both obligation and inclination in English can be expressed by two ways: (i) by a finite modal operator, such as must, should, can; (ii) by an expansion of the Predicator (see Sect. 3.5), such as be supposed, be determined with, be anxious to. Table 3.1 from Halliday (1994: 91) shows the main categories of modalization and modulation and their typical realizations in the clause. This is not the full picture of the modality system. Modalization and modulation are two choices of modality type. There are another two simultaneous systems within modality system, namely orientation (either subjective or objective and simultaneously either explicit or implicit) and value (median, high, low). These two

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Table 3.1  Modalization and modulation (from Halliday 1994: 91) Commodity exchanged Information

Goods-&services

Speech function Proposition: statement, question

Proposal: command, offer

Type of intermediacy Modalization

Modulation

Probability (possible/ probable/ certain)

Typical realization Finite modal operator Modal Adjunct (Both the above)

Usuality (sometimes/ usually /always)

Finite modal operator Modal Adjunct (Both the above)

Obligation (allowed/ supposed/ required)

Finite modal operator Passive verb Predicator

Inclination (willing/ keen/ determined)

Finite modal operator Adjective Predicator

Example They must have known They certainly know The certainly must have known It must happen It always happens It must always happen You must be patient! You’re required to be patient! I must win! I’m determined to win!

systems are less related to the book and thus will not be presented here. For more information about modality system, see Halliday (1994). modality is related to mood in at least three respects. First, modality, similar to polarity, enables a proposition or a proposal arguable by reference to the judgment of the speaker. Here, the commodity being exchanged is not merely information and goods-&-services, but a mixture of commodity and the speaker’s own judgment, on which the validity of the proposition or the actualization of a proposal is made to rest. Second, modality interacts with mood closely to realize more delicate speech functions. On the one hand, modality provides additional resources for speaker to involve his or her judgment in a proposition or a proposal and adjust his or her judgment in terms of orientation and value, and on the other hand, modality provides resources which are complementary to the categories of mood and therefore enrich the meaning potential of language. As Table 3.1 shows, the modulation modality can realize proposals as the imperative mood does, but obviously there exist nuances between these two ways of realization: expressions like do (imperative) and (perhaps) you should do (declarative + obligation) vary in terms of mildness or politeness. Thus, speakers have more choices at their disposal to express more delicate meanings in different context of situations. Third,

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Fig. 3.4  mood in the matrix of stratification and metafunction

serves to distinguish the indicative mood from the imperative mood. In other words, modality is restricted to the indicative mood (either the declarative mood or the interrogative mood) and never intersects with imperative mood. Even modulation modalities that realize the semantic category of proposals (command and offer) are also realized as indicative. The modality system here is illustrated with the English language as an example. There is no doubt that languages vary a lot both in terms of modality system and the realizations of different modalities. The domain of modality is not the focus of the book. Therefore, modality system is not involved in our language descriptions. Besides, it is also impossible for us to cover it in our descriptions because it is, if not more, as complicated as the domain of mood and thus deserves separate studies. Nevertheless, we will take a glimpse into it, to the extent possible, because it helps us to distinguish the imperative and the indicative and to identify a mood in the strict sense. Those clauses like you should do which are identified as imperative clauses in many studies are not included in mood system in the book. They are just modalized declaratives. Up to now, we have introduced the dimensions of stratification and metafunction. These two global dimensions allow us to consider mood ‘from above’ by reference to the meanings it realizes and ‘from roundabout’ by reference to other systems in the domain of interpersonal metafunction (also systems in other domains of metafunction). Figure 3.4 illustrates mood in the matrix of stratification and metafunction. modality

3.5  Axis: mood System and Mood Structure

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Table 3.2  Compositional hierarchies in English (from Halliday and Matthiessen 2014: 21) Domain (a) In sound (b) In writing (c) In verse (spoken) (d) In grammar

Compositional hierarchy Tone group–foot (rhythm group)–syllable (–hemisyllable)–phoneme Sentence–sub-sentence–word (written)–letter Stanza–line–foot (metric)–syllable Clause–phrase/group–word–morpheme

3.4 Rank Scale The dimension of rank scale is a hierarchy of units based on composition: units of one rank are composed of the units of the rank immediately below. In English, four compositional hierarchies are identified depending on the domain they operate. Table 3.2 shows these compositional hierarchies in English. In the book, we mainly focus on the ranks of grammar. Each unit in one rank is composed by one or more units of the rank next below. Units of each rank may form complexes, such as clause complexes, group complexes, phrase complexes, word complexes, morpheme complexes. These complexes do not represent a higher rank but are still at the same rank as their composing units. The clause then is the highest unit of grammar. Mood is a grammatical category in the clause. In contrast, the systems of polarity and modality (realized by modal operators) are mainly realized by constituents in verbal groups. Though mood is the grammatical category in the clause, realizations of mood may operate in different ranks. For example, mood particles and word order are realizations operating in the structure of clause, while mood inflections are realizations operating in the structure of word. Thus, the operating rank of the realizational items of mood is one of the respects in which languages may vary from each other.

3.5 Axis: mood System and Mood Structure The dimension of axis is concerned with the distinction between paradigmatic organization and syntagmatic organization, or in other terms, between system and structure, or between choice and chain. According to Matthiessen et al. (2010), the relationship between paradigmatic organization and syntagmatic organization, similar to that between a higher stratum and a lower one, is hierarchically ordered in abstraction, and the paradigmatic organization is ordered ‘above’ syntagmatic organization. Their relationship is also a realizational one: paradigmatic patterns are realized by syntagmatic ones. The realizational relationship between paradigmatic axis and the syntagmatic axis is an intra-stratal realization; whereas that between different strata is an inter-stratal realization. Paradigmatic organization is represented by system networks and

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Fig. 3.5  The mood system of English

syntagmatic organization is represented by function structures which constitute complementary kinds of order in languages. We will see, still with mood system as an example, how a system operates both along the paradigmatic and syntagmatic axes in this section.

3.5.1 Paradigmatic: mood System Figure 3.5 represents the mood system of English. Any lexicogrammatical system, such as mood system, polarity system, modality system, etc., consists of four elements. The first element is the entry condition. It is a simple feature or feature complex which forms the condition under which a system is available. For example, in the mood system of English, mood is the entry condition of indicative and imperative, and indicative is the entry condition of declarative and interrogative, and interrogative is the entry condition of polar and elemental. The second element is the term or the option. Thus, indicative and imperative are the two terms/options of the mood of English, and declarative and interrogative are the two terms/options of indicative. An entry condition of a system may be the term of another system and a term of a system may be the entry condition of another system. The third element is the realization statement. The realization statement appears with a term/option in a system (the part below the term/option in Fig. 3.5). Each term/option in a system may have one or more realization statements, which specify structure fragments. The realization statement consists of one realization operator and one or more operands (see Matthiessen 1988; Matthiessen and Bateman 1991; Bateman 2008; Halliday 2009 for details). For example, the indicative mood in English is realized by inserting the Mood element in the clause. Here the operator is ‘insertion’, and the operand is the Mood element. In contrast, the imperative

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mood is realized by deleting the Mood element. Here, the operator is ‘deletion’ and the operand is still the Mood element. The declarative mood in English is realized by ordering the Subject before the Finite and the interrogative mood is realized by ordering the Finite before the Subject. Here, the operator in both realization statements is ‘ordering’ and the operands are the Subject and the Finite. In systems consisting of two terms, when the operator in the realization statement of one term is opposite to the operator in the realization statement of the other term, it is unnecessary to present all the two realization statements in the system. Thus, we see in Fig. 3.5 the realization statements of imperative, interrogative, jussive, etc. are not presented in the system network. The operators and the symbols for these operators used in the book are displayed in the part of Operators in Realization Statements of the book. Since we are describing a wide range of languages with these operators, not just English, we add several new operators and adjust some conventionally used ones in SFL studies (cf. Matthiessen 1988; Matthiessen and Bateman 1991; Bateman 2008; Halliday 2009). The fourth element is the relationship among different terms/options. The terms/options of one system or set of systems are related either by a ‘or’ relationship or by a ‘and’ relationship. Figure 3.5 only displays the ‘or’ relationship: if mood, then either indicative or imperative, and if indicative, then either declarative or interrogative, and if interrogative, then either polar or elemental. The graphic conventions in system networks are displayed in the part of Graphic Conventions in System Networks of the book. Besides, the systems in a system network are ordered in delicacy by their entry conditions. Generally speaking, the system with an entry condition in the left part of the system network is of a lower degree of delicacy, and the system with an entry condition in the right part is of a higher degree of delicacy.

3.5.2 Syntagmatic: Mood Structure Syntagmatic organization is characterized by the progression of elements, which are related by sequence. It is represented by means of function structures, that is to say, by configurations of functional elements. We will introduce some major functional elements in mood structure, including the Mood, the Subject, the Finite, the Mood Negotiator, the Predicator, the Complement, and the Adjunct. For other functional elements in mood structure and their abbreviations see the part of Abbreviations of Interpersonal Functional Elements of the book. Before the introduction to these functional elements, we will take a brief look at the issue of linguistic labeling. According to Halliday (1994: 25), there are two ways of labeling: one is to label the constituents of a grammatical structure by class and the other is to label them by function. For example, the group tall trees can be labeled as ‘adjective + noun’ in terms of class and meanwhile it can also be labeled as ‘Modifier + Noun’ by function. In SFL, the linguistic labeling is mainly functional labeling. Thus, elements like the Mood, the Subject, the Finite are

3  Theoretical Framework

68

functional labels. Functional labeling can provide a means of interpreting grammatical structure, “in such a way as to relate any given instance to the system of the language as a whole” (Halliday 1994: 29). Obviously, there exists no one-toone correspondence between class and function: a class may have more than one functions and a function may be realized by more than one classes. This is true both for a particular language and cross-linguistically. For example, the Subject may be realized by a nominal group in some languages whereas in some other languages, it may be realized by clitics or affixes. The Mood The Mood is not an element that is widely used in realization statements of mood. It is not an independent function, but consists of two functional elements: (i) the Subject, which is realized by a nominal group, and (ii) the Finite, which is part of a verbal group. In English, the Mood is the element that realizes the selection of mood. It also carries the burden of the clause as an interactive event and remains constant as the nub of the proposition. The remainder of the clause is called the Residue, which covers the functional elements not included in the Mood. Example (1) shows the Mood and the Residue in English mood structure. As is shown, the presence of the Mood realizes the indicative mood, and the absence of the Mood realizes the imperative mood. Within the indicative, the order Subject before Finite realizes the declarative mood, and the order Finite before Subject realizes the polar interrogative mood. Thus, the Mood element is crucial in languages like English. (1a) English, indicative: declarative (Halliday 1994: 74) the duke

has

Sub

Fi

Mood

given that teapot away Residue

(1b) English, indicative: polar interrogative (Halliday 1994: 74) has

the duke

Fi

Sub

Mood

Residue

(1c) English, imperative close

the door

Pr

Com

Residue

given that teapot away

3.5 Axis: mood System and Mood Structure

69

The Subject The definition of Subject in SFL is different from the traditional concept of this term that refers to the noun or pronoun that is in person and number concord with the verb or the noun or pronoun which is with the nominative case. As Halliday (1994: 72) points out, “the Subject is not an arbitrary grammatical category; being the Subject of a clause means something”. The Subject is the functional element that is responsible for the functioning of the clause as an interactive event. To be more specific, in a proposition, it is the functional element on which the validity of the information is made to rest, the one by reference to which the proposition can be affirmed or denied. In a proposal, it is the functional element that is responsible for the success of the proposal, the one that is actually responsible for realizing the offer or command. In this sense, though in many languages the Subject does not play a decisive role in the realization statement of mood as it does in English, it is a universal functional element because in any language it is an indispensable part in a proposition or a proposal.2 In all languages, it can be realized by a nominal group. The Finite In English, the Finite, together with the Subject, has special significance in the clause. They together form the Mood function that realizes the selection of mood. Meanwhile, it has its own function in the clause. According to Halliday (1994), the Finite functions to make the proposition finite. It circumscribes the proposition and brings it down to earth so that it is something that can be argued about. A good way to make something arguable is to relate the proposition to its context in the speech event, to give a point of reference in the here and now. In English, and in many languages, this can be done by two ways: one is by reference to the time of speaking and the other is by reference to the judgment of the speaker. In English, the first way is primary tense, which means past, present, or future at the moment of speaking, and the second way refers to modality. Therefore, in English, the Finite element is realized by temporal or modal verbal operators in a verbal group. In addition to tense and modality, polarity is also an essential concomitant of finiteness: to make something arguable, it has to be specified for polarity. Therefore, the Finite element, in addition to tense and modality, also realizes either positive or negative polarity. Table 3.3 shows the Finite verbal operators in English. The Finite element in English can be identified as a separate element. However, in most cases, either in English or in other languages, the Finite element that

2 The

impersonal clause in some languages may be an exception.

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Table 3.3  Finite verbal operators in English (from Halliday 1994: 76)3 Temporal operators Past did, was, had, used to Positive didn’t. wasn’t, hadn’t Negative didn’t + used to Modal operators Low can, may, could, might, Positive (dare) needn’t, doesn’t/ Negative didn’t + need to, have to

Present does, is, has doesn’t, isn’t, hasn’t

Future will, shall, would, should won’t, shan’t, wouldn’t, shouldn’t

Median will, would, should, is/ was to won’t, wouldn’t, shouldn’t, (isn’t/wasn’t to)

High must, ought to, need, has/ had to mustn’t, oughtn’t to, can’t, couldn’t, (mayn’t, mightn’t, hasn’t/hadn’t to)

expresses tense and the lexical verb fuse into a single word, as is shown in example (2). (2) English, declarative (Halliday 1994: 80) Mary

had

Sub

‘(past) Fi

a little lamb

Mood

have’ Pr

Com

Residue

This still is not the whole picture of the Finite element. In languages that do not have the tense category, there is another way to make a proposition something arguable. That is by reference to the internal temporal constituency of one situation, which, in grammatical terminology, is aspect. Thus, the Finite element in some languages is realized by aspect markers. Examples (3) and (4) show the Finite element of Chinese and Thai, respectively. (3) Chinese, interrogative: polar tā

qù

Běijīng

le

ma

3sg

go

Beijing

pfv

q

Sub

Pr

Ad

Fi ‘perfective’

MN

‘Did he go to Beijing/Has he gone to Beijing?’

3 When

not and a verbal operator are fused together, as shown in Table 3.3, they together are labeled as Finite. When not appears separately in the clause, Matthiessen et al. (2010) suggest it be labeled as mood Adjunct, while Halliday (1994) and Thompson (2004) still label it as Finite. We will follow the second way in our description.

3.5 Axis: mood System and Mood Structure

71

(4) Thai, declarative (Smyth 2002: 69) raw

kamlaŋ

kin khâaw

we

prog

eat rice

Sub

Fi ‘progressive’

Pr

‘We are/were eating.’

The Mood Negotiator The Mood Negotiator, similar to the Mood, is the functional element that realizes the selection of mood. It is more widely used than the Mood in a wide range of languages. It is usually realized by mood particles, clitics, and affixes. Example (3) displays the Mood Negotiator ma in Chinese, which realizes the polar interrogative mood. Example (5) shows the Mood Negotiator for the polar interrogative mood in Hindi, which is realized by a particle,and example (6) shows the Mood Negotiator for the jussive mood in Finnish, which is realized by verbal inflections and fuses the Predicator and the Subject Marker. (5) Hindi, interrogative: polar: focus-neutral (Kachru 2006: 186) kya

tum

bīmar

ho

q

you.pl

ill

be.2.prs.pl

MN

Sub

Com

Pr.Fi ‘present’.SM

‘Are you ill?’

(6) Finnish, imperative: jussive (Karlsson 1999: 166) sano/sanokaa say.2sg.imp/say.2pl.imp Pr.SM.MN/Pr.SM.MN ‘Say!’

The Predicator The Predicator exists in all major clauses, except those where it is displaced through ellipsis. In Sect. 1, 2, we make a survey on the various types of clauses identified in SFL and we define the term ‘clause’ as ‘major free clause’ in the book. Thus, the Predicator is present in each example of our descriptions. The Predicator, in most cases, is realized by a verbal group minus the elements that realize the Finite, such as temporal or modal operators and other tense-aspect-modality (TAM) and polarity markers. The Predicator realized by an adjective in

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72

literature is termed as ‘non-verbal predicate’, or ‘predicate adjective’, and the clause with such a Predicator is termed as ‘verbless clause’. In the book, we mainly focus on the clause with a verbal Predicator. This is because, on the one hand, the so-called verbless clauses are of low systemic probabilities4 and are almost exclusively restricted to the relational process in transitivity system; on the other hand, the realizations of these clauses are similar to those of verbal clauses. According to Halliday (1994), the Predicator in English functions to specify (i) the process (material, mental, relational, behavioral, verbal, and existential) that is predicated of the Subject, (ii) the voice (active or passive), (iii) other aspects and phases like seeming, trying, hoping and (iv) the secondary tense. Thus, aspect markers in English, as secondary tense, are termed as part of the Predicator. However, in those languages where tense markers are absent and thus the Finite is realized by aspect markers instead of tense markers, the functions of Predicator will not include the fourth one. In many languages, the Predicator frequently fuses other interpersonal functions such as the Mood Negotiator, the Finite, even the Subject. Therefore, the verbal part of a clause is the locus of interpersonal realization and is closely associated with the arguability status of a clause. The Complement The Complement is the functional element that is a potential of Subject. It is typically realized by a nominal group. In a relational process, it is the Attribute element, which usually is realized by an adjective. Thus, the Complement in SFL is an approximate equivalent of the element which is traditionally termed as ‘object’ or ‘predicative complement’. See examples (1), (2), and (5) for the labeling of the Complement. The Adjunct The Adjunct is the functional element that does not have the potential to become Subject (by contrast to the Complement). It is realized by an adverbial group or a prepositional phrase. Adjuncts are categorized into three general types depending on the metafunctional contributions they make to the clause, namely circumstantial Adjunct (experiential), modal Adjunct (interpersonal) and conjunctive Adjunct (textual). Conjunctive Adjuncts, such as ‘that is’, ‘in other words’, ‘also’, ‘moreover’, ‘meanwhile’, ‘in that case’, ‘nevertheless’, etc., mainly realize textual meanings thus are not included in mood structure (see Halliday 1994: 49 for types of conjunctive Adjuncts and their realizations). Circumstantial Adjuncts (Circumstance), together with Process and Participants, are concerned with the configuration of functions in transitivity structure and mainly realize experiential meanings (see Halliday and Matthiessen 2014: 313 for types of Circumstance). Meanwhile, they also play roles in a proposition or a proposal and therefore are included in mood structure. In English, they are elements in Residue. Modal

4 Systemic

probabilities represent the distillation of relative frequencies in text.

3.6  Chapter Summary

73

Adjuncts are more closely related to interpersonal meanings. There are two subtypes of modal Adjunct, namely mood Adjunct and comment Adjunct. Mood Adjuncts are concerned with modality, temporality, and intensity. Their neutral location in the English clause is before or just after the Finite and they are included into the Mood element in the mood structure of English. The Adjuncts of modality express subtypes of modality, either probability or usuality. The Adjuncts of temporality relate the content of exchange to the time relative to the time set by the speaker. The Adjuncts of intensity express different degrees of the expectation on the content of Processes or Attributes and also their counter-expectancy. There is no very clear line between comment Adjuncts and mood Adjuncts. Compared with mood Adjuncts, comment Adjuncts are less closely tied to the grammar of mood; they mainly express the speaker’s attitude to the proposition as a whole or to the particular speech function. Halliday (1994) maintains that they are less integrated into the mood structure of the clause. Instead, they are more like conjunctive Adjuncts, occurring at points in the clause which are significant for textual organization. Therefore, in IFG2 (Halliday 1994) they are considered parts in the Mood, whereas in IFG4 (Halliday and Matthiessen 2014), they are not included in mood structure. For the whole system of mood Adjuncts and comment Adjuncts see Halliday and Matthiessen (2004: 188). The modal Adjunct is concerned with a wide range of complicated semantic domains, such as modality, attitude, appraisal, evidentiality, emotion, etc. Some of these meanings are related to appraisal system (see Martin and White 2005). Any semantic domain requires an independent study. Systemically, they are able to function as parameters of systemic elaboration, making systemic contrast between mood with modal Adjuncts and mood without modal Adjuncts. But this is practically difficult since every language may abound with such modal Adjuncts. Therefore, we will not pay much attention to these lexically realized modal Adjuncts in the book. However, if some domains of meaning mentioned above are grammaticalized in a particular language and expressed by particles, clitics, affixes, we will then involve them in the mood system.

3.6 Chapter Summary This chapter is an introduction to the theoretical framework of the study, which involves both the global and the local semiotic dimensions of SFL as a general linguistic theory for language descriptions and comparisons. The book will focus on the local dimension of axis: how languages vary in terms of mood system and mood structure and how the major functional elements in mood structure, such as the Subject, the Predicator, the Finite, and the Mood Negotiator, are realized by classes in different languages. However, the global dimensions are equally important in the sense that they enable us to consider mood system ‘from above’ by reference to the meaning it realizes and the tenor parameter of context it resonates with, and ‘from roundabout’ by reference to other systems in the domain of

74

3  Theoretical Framework

interpersonal meaning, and therefore provide us with helpful guidance on descriptions, comparisons, generalizations, and explanations. All these dimensions will help us to arrive at a thorough understating of mood.

References Bateman JA (2008) Systemic functional linguistics and notion of linguistic structure: unanswered questions, new possibilities. In: Webster JJ (ed) Meaning in context: implementing intelligent applications of language studies. Continuum, London/New York, pp 24–54 Halliday MAK (1975) Learning how to mean. In: Lenneberg E, Lenneberg E (eds) Foundations of language development: a multidisciplinary perspective. Academic Press, London, pp 239– 265. Reprinted in Webster JJ (ed) (2004) The language of early childhood. Collected works of M. A. K. Halliday, vol 4. Continuum, London/New York: pp 28–59 Halliday MAK (1978) Language as social semiotic: the social interpretation of language and meaning. Edward Arnold, London Halliday MAK (1984) Language as code and language as behaviour: a systemic functional interpretation of the nature and ontogenesis of dialogue. In: Halliday MAK, Fawcett RP, Lamb S et al (eds) The semiotics of language and culture, vol 1. Frances Pinter, London, pp 3–35 Halliday MAK (1985) An introduction to functional grammar. Edward Arnold, London Halliday MAK (1994) An Introduction to functional Grammar, 2nd edn. Edward Arnold, London Halliday MAK (2009) Methods–techniques–problems. In: Halliday MAK, Webster JJ (eds) Continuum companion to systemic functional linguistics. Continuum, London, pp 59–86 Halliday MAK, Hasan R (1985) Language, context and text: a social semiotic perspective. Deakin University Press, Geelong, Vic Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2004) An introduction to functional grammar, 3rd edn. Hodder Arnold, London Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2014) Halliday’s introduction to functional grammar, 4th edn. Routledge, London/New York Hasan R (2003) Code, register and social dialect. In: Bernstein B (ed) Applied studies towards a sociology of language. Class, codes and control, vol. 2. Routledge, London, pp 253–292 Kachru Y (2006) Hindi. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Karlsson F (1999) Finnish: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Martin JR (1992) English text: system and structure. John Benjamins, Philadelphia/Amsterdam Martin JR, White PRR (2005) The language of evaluation: appraisal in English. Palgrave Macmillan, London/New York Matthiessen CMIM (1988) What’s in Nigel: lexicogrammatical cartography. ISI Nigel documentation Matthiessen CMIM (1995) Lexicogrammatical cartography: English systems. International Language Sciences Publishers, Tokyo Matthiessen CMIM, Bateman JA (1991) Systemic linguistics and text generation: experience from Japanese and English. Frances Pinter, London Matthiessen CMIM, Teruya K, Lam K (2010) Key terms in systemic functional linguistics. Continuum, London Smyth D (2002) Thai: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Thompson G (2004) Introducing functional grammar, 2nd edn. Arnold, London

Chapter 4

Methodology

4.1 Data Collection 4.1.1 Language Sampling The survey of typological and SFT studies on mood in Chap. 2 shows that both approaches are confronted with the problem of language sampling. In many typological studies, there are no samples. Even in some studies with a sample, the languages in the sample merely function to contribute a structural feature. In SFT studies, the problem is that the sample is too small to be representative enough. It is necessary for us to enlarge the sample size to make it representative enough so that we can make reliable typological generalizations. In consideration of the representativeness of the sample, the comprehensiveness of descriptions, and personal time and energy, we established a sample composed of 60 languages. Table 4.1 displays the information about the 60 languages in the sample. One important principle we adhere to is to ensure the sample is representative enough in terms of geographical, genetic, and typological distribution. Geographically, our sample covers languages from more than 42 countries of five continents (America includes North and South America). Obviously, many languages are spoken in more than one countries but only one is presented in the table due to space limitations. Genetically, the sample covers languages from 51 groups of 29 language families. The genetic information about the languages is derived from the descriptive work of these languages (see Table 4.2 in next section), or from Ethnologue (https://www.ethnologue.com/), or from An Introduction to the Languages of the World (Lyovin et al. 2017). It is shown four languages from the Atlantic-Congo group of the Niger-Congo family are sampled. This is because the Niger-Congo family, which has more than 1500 languages according to Ethnologue, is the

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_4

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4 Methodology

76

biggest language family in the world, and the Atlantic-Congo group, which covers more than 1400 languages, is the biggest group of the Niger-Congo family. Though the four languages belong to the same group, they are from different subgroups. Another reason is that two of the four languages, namely Ọ̀kọ́ and Dagaare, have been described in SFL terms, and we borrowed these descriptions in the book with necessary adaptations made. For similar reasons, there are another six groups contributing two languages. Except the seven groups, each group has one language sampled. According to Ethnologue, there are more than 152 language families in the world, and the numbers of the child languages of each family range from 1 to 1542. Therefore, it is impossible for us to have one representative sampled from each language family. Nevertheless, our sample covers most of the major language families in the world. By reference to the major language families of each continent offered in Lyovin et al. (2017), our sample covers five of the seven major language families of Asia (with Paleosiberian area and Burushaski family uncovered), three of the four major families of Europe (with Basque uncovered), all the four major families of Africa, all the three major families of Oceania (Austronesian is considered a language family of Oceania by Lyovin et al. 2017, whereas we assign it to Asia area in Table 4.1), four of the thirteen families of North America, and at Table 4.1  The geographical, genetic, and typological information about the languages in the sample No.

Language

Country

Asia, 13 countries, 20 languages Chinese China 1 Qiang China 2

Family

Group

Word order

Mor.-type

Sino-Tibetan Sino-Tibetan

Sinitic TibetoBurman TibetoBurman Hmongic Kam-Tai – – Turkic Mongolian Tungusic Semitic

SVO SOV

Isolating Agglutinative

SOV

Agglutinative

SVO SVO SOV SOV SOV SOV SOV VSO/ SVO VOS VOS/ Flexible SVO

Isolating Isolating Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Synthesis

3

Kham

Nepal

Sino-Tibetan

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Hmong Njua Thai Korean Japanese Turkish Mongolian Manchu Arabic

Hmong-Mien Tai-Kadai Koreanic Japonic Altaic Altaic Altaic Afro-Asiatic

12 13

Puyuma Tagalog

China Thailand Korea Japan Turkey Mongolia China Saudi Arabia China Philippines

14

Javanese

Indonesia

Austronesian

Austronesian Austronesian

Puyuma MalayoPolynesian MalayoPolynesian

? Synthesis ? (continued)

4.1  Data Collection

77

Table 4.1  (continued) No.

Language

Country

Family

Group

15

Teiwa

Indonesia

16

Vietnamese

Vietnam

17

Santali

India

18

Telugu

India

Trans-New Guinea AustroAsiatic AustroAsiatic Dravidian

19

Hindi

India

20

Persian

Iran

Europe, 12 countries, 14 languages English UK 21

IndoEuropean IndoEuropean

West

Word order SOV

Isolating

Mon-Khmer

SVO

Isolating

Munda

SOV

Agglutinative

SouthCentral IndoIranian IndoIranian

SOV

Agglutinative

SOV/ Flexible SOV

Fusional

Germanic

SVO

Fusional

Germanic

Fusional

Celtic

SOV/ Flexible VSO

Italic

SVO

Fusional

Italic

Fusional

Hellenic

SVO/ Flexible Flexible

Slavic

SVO

Fusional

Baltic

Fusional

Fusional Isolating ? Isolating

22

German

Germany

23

Welsh

UK

24

French

France

25

Spanish

Spain

26

Greek

Greece

27

Russian

Russia

28

Latvian

Latvia

29

Albanian

Albania

30

Armenian

Armenia

31

Hinuq

Russia

IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean IndoEuropean Caucasian

32

Nenets

Russia

Uralic

East Caucasian Samoyed

33

Finnish

Finland

Uralic

Finic

Udmurt Russia 34 Africa, 7 countries, 9 languages Somali Somalia 35 Hausa Nigeria 36 Lango Uganda 37 Korya Chiini Mali 38

Uralic

Permic

SVO/ Flexible SVO/ Flexible SVO/ SOV SOV/ Flexible SOV/ Flexible SVO/ Flexible SOV

Afro-Asiatic Afro-Asiatic Nilo-Saharan Nilo-Saharan

Cushitic Chadic Nilotic Songhai

SOV SVO SVO SVO

Albanian Armenian

Mor.-type

Fusional

Fusional

Fusional

Fusional Fusional Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative

(continued)

4 Methodology

78 Table 4.1  (continued) No.

Language

Country

Family

Group

39

Jamsay

Mali

Niger-Congo

40

Dagaare

Ghana

Niger-Congo

41

Ọ̀kọ́

Nigeria

Niger-Congo

42

Fongbe

Benin

Niger-Congo Khoisan

AtlanticCongo AtlanticCongo AtlanticCongo AtlanticCongo Khoe

Eskimo-Aleut

Nama Namibia Hottentot America, 8 countries, 12 languages West Denmark 44 Greenlandic Diegueño USA 45 43

46 47

Maidu Hidatsa

USA USA

CochimíYuman Maiduan Siouan

48

Ute

USA

Uto-Aztecan

49

Pipil

El Salvador

Uto-Aztecan

50

Hup

Brazil

Nadahup

51

Kulina

Brazil

Arawan

52 53

Bolivia Peru

Tacanan Quechuan

54

Cavineña Huallaga Quechua Saramaccan

Surinam

Creole

55

Mapuche

Chile

Mapudungu

Oceania, 2 countries, 5 languages Pitjantjatjara Australia 56 57 58 59

Nyigina Bardi Mian

60

Tauya

Australia Australia Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea

Australian Australian Australian Trans-New Guinea Trans-New Guinea

Word order SOV

?

SVO

?

SVO

?

SVO/ SOV SOV

Isolating

Eskimo

SOV

Polysynthetic

Yuman

SOV

?

– Missouri River Siouan Northern Uto-Aztecan Southern Uto-Aztecan –

Flexible SOV

? Agglutinative

SOV/ Flexible VOS/ Flexible SOV/ Flexible SOV

Agglutinative

Flexible SOV/ Flexible SVO

Agglutinative Agglutinative

SVO/ Flexible

Agglutinative

SOV

?

Flexible Flexible SOV/ Flexible SOV/OSV

Agglutinative Synthetic Agglutinative

MadiMadihá – Central Quechua Englishbased –

PamaNyungan Nyulnyulan Nyulnyulan Ok-Awyu Madang

Mor.-type

?

Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative

Isolating

Agglutinative

4.1  Data Collection

79

least three of the eight areas of South America. It seems that the language families in America are less represented than those of other areas. This is because the descriptive work of languages of this area is less available to us. Moreover, when sampling languages from different families, we did not stick to the principle ‘more groups/child languages, more representatives’. If we do so, many language families with only one or two groups/child languages will be missing, whereas some language families will be over-represented. Besides, we suppose that languages from the same group or family tend to bear more similarities in mood system and realization statements, whereas the book, which aims at presenting a comprehensive picture of mood system of human languages, is supposed to unveil more diversities in mood system and mood structure. For these reasons, six languages from isolated language families are sampled. In addition to being geographically and genetically representative, the sample covers languages of various types. There are many parameters for typologizing languages, such as word order, verbal morphology, and ergativity. We have no clear idea about what are the most relevant parameters that may closely correlate with the mood system and its realizations in a particular language. This question has received little attention in previous studies, except in Ultan (1969), who makes various generalizations about the correlations between Greenberg’s basic order types and interrogative features (see Sect. 2.1.2). Under the influence of Ultan (1969), the sample consists of languages of various word order types. Besides, we suppose that verbal morphology might have something to do with realizations of mood. Therefore, the sample covers languages of different morphological types, such as isolating languages, agglutinative languages, fusional languages, and polysynthetic languages identified according to the index of synthesis and the index of fusion proposed by Comrie (1989). The information about the morphological typology of different languages displayed in Table 4.1 mainly comes from descriptive work of these languages, WALS online (https://wals.info/), and typological literature. Some languages are obviously non-isolating, but whether they are agglutinative or fusional is not known. These languages then are identified as synthetic languages. Besides, one problem of morphological typology is that “the majority (perhaps all) of the world’s languages do not correspond exactly to one or other of these types, but rather fall between the two extremes on each of the indices of synthesis and fusion” (Comrie 1989: 47). For this reason, and also due to a lack of relevant information, some languages are not classified into any morphological type.

4.1.2 Data Source SFT studies are supposed to make typological generalizations based on descriptions that are SFL-empowered, system-and-function-oriented, and text-based. This is a unique feature of SFT studies but meanwhile also a great hindrance to studies of this kind. This is because systemic typology of the kind by Matthiessen (2004)

https://avxhm.se/blogs/hill0

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and Teruya et al. (2007) cannot be carried out until a number of descriptions of this kind have been developed. Unfortunately, as Teruya et al. (2007: 861) reports, “the languages that have been described to date in systemic functional terms do obviously not in any way represent a typological sample of the languages around the world”. Thus, the sample size in previous SFT studies on mood is quite small. The situation has not changed so much in the past decade. In our sample, there are nine languages that have been described in SFL terms, viz. Japanese, Tagalog, English, German, French, Spanish, Dagaare, Ọ̀kọ́, and Pitjantjatjara. The mood systems of these languages presented in the book are from the descriptive work of the relevant languages with necessary adaptations made. The rest 51 languages are described by us. Our descriptions of the mood systems of the rest 51 languages are SFL-theoryguided and system-and-function-oriented. However, it is impossible for us to base our descriptions totally on the texts of the languages under study, that is to say, to establish the grammatical system of a language from bottom to up. If we do so, even the description of one language may take several years (see Caffarel et al. 2004: 61). Another possible way for us to gain firsthand information is to describe the mood system of a language based on elicited data. The descriptive work of Persian in our sample was done in this way. However, we found this is not an ideal method either. On the one hand, we cannot predicate what mood options are available in a particular language and through questionnaire we can only obtain the information about the most basic mood types, such as the declarative, the polar and elemental interrogative, and the jussive, whereas the information about less universal mood types is hard to gather through elicitation. Besides, the description of mood system not only requires knowledge about mood system, but also requires other morphosyntactic knowledge, such as the TAM and negation of the verb, nominal and verbal morphology, and parts of speech (especially clitics and particles). It is impractical to collect all the information through questionnaire. On the other hand, informants usually lack necessary linguistic knowledge to have a full understanding of the linguistic terms in questionnaires, nor can they describe their language with linguistic terms alone. The raw data collected without wordby-word and morpheme-by-morpheme grammatical glosses are not of much value to us. For these reasons, the questionnaire is not an ideal method for investigations of the mood system of a particular language either. Since it is unpractical for us to base our descriptions of mood system on the texts of the languages under study or on data collected through elicitation, one workable solution for the problem of data source is to draw on reference grammars of these languages. This is a common practice in typological studies. On the one hand, reference grammars not only provide us with relevant information about mood and a large number of examples but also contain information concerning various aspects of the language being described, such as the information about sociocultural background, genetics, phonology, morphology, and syntax, which allows us to make possible typological generalizations and propose credible explanations. On the other hand, most reference grammars are theoretically neutral. Usually, they are not guided by any linguistic theory but aim at describing the

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81

language in its own terms. Moreover, most reference grammars are based on data collected through fieldwork. That is to say, they are based on naturally occurring texts. In this sense, our descriptions are indirectly text-based. For these reasons, the data on which our descriptions are based mainly come from reference grammars of the languages sampled. Table 4.2 sets out the data sources of these languages. Table 4.2  Data sources of the languages described No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

Languages Albanian Arabic (Standard) Armenian (Eastern) Bardi Cavineña Chinese Dagaare Diegueño English Finnish Fongbe French German Greek Hausa Hidatsa Hindi Hinuq Hmong Njua Huallaga Quechua Hup Jamsay Japanese Javanese Kham Korean Korya Chiini Kulina Lango Latvian Maidu Manchu Mapuche Mian Mongolian

Data source Newmark et al. (1982) Aoun et al. (2010), Ryding (2005) Dum-Tragut (2009) Bowern (2012) Guillaume (2008) – Mwinlaaru (2018) Langdon (1966) Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014) Karlsson (1999) Lefebvre and Brousseau (2002) Caffarel (2004, 2006) Steiner and Teich (2004) Holton et al. (2012, 2016) Jaggar (2001) Matthews (1965), Boyle (2007) Kachru (2006) Forker (2013) Kunyot (1984) Weber (1989) Epps (2008) Heath (2008) Teruya (2007, 2017) Errington (1988), Robson (1992) Watters (2004) Lee (1989), Chang (1996), Sohn (1999), Shin (2018) Heath (1999) Dienst (2014) Noonan (1992) Nau (1998), Prauliņš (2012) Shipley (1964) Gorelova (2002) Smeets (2008) Fedden (2011) Janhunen (2012) (continued)

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82 Table 4.2  (continued) No 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

Languages Nama Hottentot Nenets Nyigina Ọ̀kọ́ Persian Pipil Pitjantjatjara Puyuma Qiang Russian Santali Saramaccan Somali Spanish Tagalog

51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

Tauya Teiwa Telugu Thai Turkish Udmurt Ute Vietnamese Welsh West Greenlandic

Data source Hagman (1973) Nikolaeva (2014) Stokes (1982) Akerejola (2005) Taleghani (2008) Campbell (1985) Rose (2004) Teng (2007) Randy and Huang (2003) Bailyn (2012) Ghosh (2008) McWhorter and Good (2012) Saeed (1999) Lavid et al. (2010) Martin (2004), Martin and Cruz (2018), Schachter and Otanes (1972), Schachter (2009) MacDonald (1990) Klamer (2010) Krishnamurti and Gwynn (1985), Prakasam (2004) Smyth (2002) Göksel and Kerslake (2005), Underhill (1976) Winkler (2001) Givón (2011) Nguyễn (1997), Minh (2004), Phan (2010) Borsley et al. (2007) Fortescue (1984)

The data sources listed in Table 4.2 are those that contribute examples in the book or those that provide relevant information about the mood system of the language being described. Most of the data sources are reference grammars published by world-famous publishers, such as Cambridge University Press, Mouton de Gruyter, Routledge, and John Benjamins. Some of them are PhD dissertations. The date sources from which we obtain information about other aspects of the language are not listed here. As native speakers, we take a top-down method to describe the mood system of Chinese. Regarding the language of Persian, the description of the mood system is mainly based on elicited data, but we still refer to a reference grammar for more examples. One drawback of basing our descriptions on reference grammars is that the comprehensiveness of our descriptions to a large extent rests on the comprehensiveness of the reference grammars we refer to. To overcome this drawback, we tend to refer to more comprehensive reference grammars or make use of several reference grammars available to us.

4.2  Data Description

83

4.2 Data Description Though our descriptions are mainly based on reference grammars of the languages sampled, this does not mean that we could ‘copy’ the mood systems of these languages from reference grammars directly. As mentioned above, except the nine languages that have been described in SFL terms, most of the reference grammars of the other 51 languages are written without any theoretical guidance and none of them offers the mood system of the language. We could refer to the information about mood in these reference grammars, but there are still many challenges. Firstly, due to the framework variation across different reference grammars, the information about mood may be at various parts of a reference grammar, such as in the parts concerning verbal mode, verbal morphology, syntax, clitics, particles, and pragmatic aspects. Therefore, in order to build up a full picture of the mood system of the language described, we have to browse different parts of reference grammars. Secondly, as mentioned above, the description of the mood system of a language entails not only knowledge of mood, but also knowledge of other grammatical aspects of the language, such as the personal pronoun, the interrogative pronoun, verbal morphology (especially TAM and negation of the verb), the enclitic system, and the particle system, some of which are extremely complicated but essential in descriptions of mood structure. Thus, it is not enough for us to only focus our attention on the information about mood. On the contrary, we have to take a variety of grammatical aspects of the language described into consideration. Thirdly, the usage of terms about mood is not completely fixed and varies from author to author. A common situation is that the same term is used with different meanings and the same meaning may be referred to with different terms. We made many necessary terminological modifications to maintain consistency in terminology. Another challenge concerning terminology is that a certain type of clause that differs from other types merely in nuance of meaning is not assigned to any term of mood or not identified as an independent mood type in many reference grammars. Actually, many of these clauses belong to certain delicate mood subtypes, which are the part that languages tend to display more variation. In our descriptions, some of them are assigned to the terms borrowed from literature and some to the terms created by ourselves. Our descriptions consist of three parts. The first part is about the geographical, genetic, and typological information of the languages described. In addition to the typological information about word order and morphology, we also surveyed other parameters, though they are not offered in the book. This part of information, as mentioned above, enables us to make possible typological generalizations and propose valid explanations. The second part deals with the information about other grammatical features of the language except mood, such as personal pronouns, personal clitics/suffixes, interrogative pronouns, case markers, verbal morphology, the TAM and negation of the verb, clitics, particles, and evidentiality. This part of information, though not presented in the book either, bears close relation to mood system and mood structure and is the prerequisite for the third part of descriptions. The third part is the description of mood system and mood structure. The mood

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system of each language is presented in the Appendix of the book. Mood structures are illustrated in the realization statements in mood systems and in examples of the book. We adhere to the conventions of SFL in language descriptions when describing mood system and mood structure. Besides, we also conform to the conventions of typological studies for glossing examples, viz. the Leipzig Glossing Rules (https:// www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/pdf/Glossing-Rules.pdf), which require language examples be presented in three lines. The first line is the example of the language being described, the second line shows word-by-word and morpheme-by-morpheme glosses, and the third line is the English translation of the example. The Leipzig Glossing Rules also offer a list of standard abbreviations of grammatical category labels, and if the abbreviations in reference grammars are different from the standard ones, we will make necessary modifications to maintain consistency in terminology. If the abbreviations in reference grammars are not include in the standard list, we will use the original ones. See the part of Abbreviations of Grammatical Categories of the book for the grammatical labels. Besides, we will make two modifications to the rules for glossing examples. The first one is that an additional line is added between the line of glosses and the line of English translation to present the mood structure (functional elements). The other one is that the part in examples realizing mood options is presented in bold type. Example (7) illustrates our descriptions. (7) Kulina, interrogative: polar (Dienst 2014: 133) marasia

mitha

ti-na-Øzati = ko

watermelon

buy

2-axu-repst = q

Com

Pr

SM-Fi ‘recent past’ = MN

‘Have you just bought the watermelon?’

4.3 Data Analysis Our research principally is a qualitative research. However, we also need to do some quantitative analyses concerning the systemic and structural features of mood, such as the numbers of mood options, realization statements, classes of realizations, and tense and aspect markers. We carried out some simple quantitative analyses, such as data summation, data ranking, variance analysis, and correlation analysis to support the typological generalizations we made. The tool we used is Excel, which is adequate to perform these analyses. The results are presented in the relevant parts in the following chapters.

References

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4.4 Research Methods The principal research method adopted in the book is the method of cross-linguistic comparison. The method allows us to reveal the cross-linguistic similarities and differences in mood system and mood structure and to discover potential correlations between the findings and certain properties of these languages. Moreover, it enables us to draw the multilingual mood system, through which we can make predictions about possible mood types and realizations in certain languages. The book principally draws on the qualitative research method. It aims at making typological generalizations about mood system and mood structure on the basis of descriptions and comparisons. Furthermore, it also aims at putting forward some rational explanations for the similarities and differences among different languages in mood system and mood structure. Besides, the quantitative research method is also used to make typological generalizations and advance explanations. The quantitative research method distinguishes the study from most of the previous studies on mood. Another research method adopted, which works on a microscopic scale but is important to descriptions of mood system, is the ‘trinocular perspective’ in SFL. The view of any phenomenon defined by a given semiotic dimension of SFL, such as stratification, axis, and instantiation, can be ‘from above’, ‘from below’, and ‘from roundabout’ (Halliday 1996; Matthiessen and Halliday 2009). With respect to the description of mood system, if a type of clause is to be identified as an option in mood system, from above, it should realize a meaning that is different from those realized by other mood options and, from below, it should be realized by at least one type of structure. Sometimes, two mood options are mutually exclusive in meaning but are not easily distinguished from each other in structural realizations, then we will take the view ‘from roundabout’: they may vary from each other in the ability of intersecting with certain options in other systems, such as polarity and modality.

References Akerejola ES (2005) A text-based lexicogrammatical description of Ọ̀kọ́. Dissertation, Macquarie University Aoun JE, Benmamoun E, Choueiri L (2010) The syntax of Arabic. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Bailyn JF (2012) The syntax of Russian. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Borsley RD, Tallerman M, Willis D (2007) The syntax of Welsh. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Bowern CL (2012) A grammar of Bardi. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Boyle, JP (2007) Hidatsa morpho-syntax and clause structure. Dissertation, The University of Chicago

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Caffarel A (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of French. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 77–138 Caffarel A (2006) A systemic functional grammar of French. Continuum, London Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (2004) Introduction: systemic functional typology. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 1–76 Campbell L (1985) The Pipil language of El Salvador. Mouton, Berlin/New York/Amsterdam Chang S-J (1996) Korean. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Comrie B (1989) Language universals and linguistic typology, 2nd edn. Blackwell, Oxford Dienst S (2014) A grammar of Kulina. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston Dum-Tragut J (2009) Armenian: Modern Eastern Armenian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia Epps P (2008) A grammar of Hup. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Errington JJ (1988) Structure and style in Javanese: a semiotic view of linguistic etiquette. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia Fedden S (2011) A grammar of Mian. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Forker D (2013) A grammar of Hinuq. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Fortescue M (1984) West Greenlandic. Croom Helm, London Ghosh A (2008) Santali. In: Anderson GDS (ed) The Munda languages. Routledge, London/New York, pp 11–98 Givón T (2011) Ute reference grammar. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Göksel A, Kerslake C (2005) Turkish: a comprehensive grammar. Routledge, New York Gorelova LM (2002) Manchu grammar. BRILL, Leiden/Boston/Köln Guillaume A (2008) A grammar of Cavineña. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Hagman RS (1973) Nama Hottentot grammar. Columbia University, New York Halliday MAK (1996) On grammar and grammatics. In: Hasan R, Cloran C, Butt DG (eds) Functional descriptions: theory into practice. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 1–38. Reprinted in: Webster JJ (ed) (2002) On grammar. Collected works of M. A. K. Halliday, vol 1. Continuum, London/New York, pp 384–418 Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2004) An introduction to functional grammar, 3rd edn. Hodder Arnold, London Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2014) Halliday’s introduction to functional grammar, 4th edn. Routledge, London/New York Heath J (1999) A grammar of Koyra Chiini. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Heath J (2008) A grammar of Jamsay. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Holton D, Mackridge P, Philippaki-Warburton I (2012) Greek: a comprehensive grammar, 2nd edn (revised: Spyropoulos V). Routledge, London/New York Holton D, Mackridge P, Philippaki-Warburton I (2016) Greek: an essential grammar, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York Jaggar PJ (2001) Hausa. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Janhunen JA (2012) Mongolian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Kachru Y (2006) Hindi. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Karlsson F (1999) Finnish: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Klamer M (2010) A grammar of Teiwa. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Krishnamurti BH, Gwynn JPL (1985) A grammar of Modern Telugu. Oxford University Press, Oxford Kunyot T (1984) General characteristics of Hmong Njua grammar. Mahidol University, Bangkok Langdon M (1966) A grammar of Diegueño: the Mesa Grande dialect. University of California, Berkeley Lavid J, Arús J, Zamorano-Mansilla JR (2010) Systemic functional grammar of Spanish. Continuum, London Lee HHB (1989) Korean grammar. Oxford University Press, Oxford

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Lefebvre C, Brousseau A-M (2002) A grammar of Fongbe. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Lyovin AV, Kessler B, Leben WR (2017) An Introduction to the languages of the world. Oxford University Press, Oxford MacDonald L (1990) A grammar of Tauya. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Martin JR (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Tagalog. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 255–304 Martin JR, Cruz P (2018) Interpersonal Grammar of Tagalog. Func Lang 25(1):54–96 Matthews GH (1965) Hidatsa syntax. Mouton & Co., London Matthiessen CMIM (2004) Descriptive motifs and generalizations. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 537–673 Matthiessen CMIM, Halliday MAK (2009) Systemic functional grammar: a first step into the theory. (trans: Huang GW, Wang HY). Higher Education Press, Beijing McWhorter JH, Good J (2012) A grammar of Saramaccan Creole. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/ Boston Minh DT (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Vietnamese. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 397–432 Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A Systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Nau N (1998) Latvian. LINCOM Europa, München/Newcastle Newmark L, Hubbard P, Prieti P (1982) Standard Albanian: a reference grammar for students. Stanford University Press, Stanford Nguyễn D-H (1997) Vietnamese. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Nikolaeva I (2014) A grammar of Tundra Nenets. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Noonan M (1992) A grammar of Lango. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Phan VTA (2010) Yuèyǔ cānkǎo yǔfǎ: jīyú xìtǒng gōngnéng guān (A reference grammar of Vietnamese: a systemic functional perspective). Dissertation, Minzu University of China Prakasam V (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Telugu. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 433–478 Prauliņš D (2012) Latvian: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Randy JL, Huang CL (2003) A grammar of Qiang. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Robson S (1992) Javanese grammar for students. Monash University, Melbourne Rose D (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Pitjantjatjara. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 479–536 Ryding KC (2005) A reference grammar of Modern Standard Arabic. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Saeed JI (1999) Somali. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Schachter P, Otanes FT (1972) A Tagalog reference grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London Schachter P, Reid LA (2009) Tagalog. In: Comrie B (ed) The world’s major languages, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, pp 833–856 Shin G-H (2018) Interpersonal Grammar of Korean. Func Lang 25(1):20–53 Shipley WF (1964) Maidu grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles Smeets I (2008) A grammar of Mapuche. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Smyth D (2002) Thai: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Sohn H-M (1999) The Korean language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Steiner E, Teich E (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of German. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 139–184

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Chapter 5

A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

5.1 Major Functional Elements in Declarative Mood Structure and Their Realizations The structure of declarative mood is the most elaborate one. It presents almost all the functional elements that appear in the structure of other moods and the functional elements that are absent from the structure of other moods. The functional elements which can appear in declarative mood structure include the Subject, the Predicator, the Finite, the Complement, the Adjunct, the Mood Negotiator (including the Emotion Marker, the Evidentiality Marker, the Emphasis Marker, the Focus Marker, and the Tenor Marker), the Vocative, the Subject Indicator, the Complement Indicator, etc. Some of these functional elements have been illustrated in Sect. 3.5.2, and all of them are set out in the part of Abbreviations of Interpersonal Functional Elements of the book. In this section, we will focus on the functional elements of Subject, Predicator, and Finite. On the one hand, these functional elements are of crucial importance in the declarative clause functioning as a statement/proposition and are widely observed in languages. On the other hand, similar to the realizations of mood, languages show variation in the realizations of these functional elements. The functional element of Mood Negotiator (including the specific ones listed above) is equally important in mood structure. It will be discussed in Sect. 5.2 and the following chapters.

5.1.1 The Subject The Subject should be distinguished from the subject as a traditional grammatical category. It is the functional element in mood structure that is responsible for the functioning of the clause as an interactive event. In a proposition, it is the element

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_5

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that the information is concerned with, the one on which the validity of the information is made to rest and by reference to which the proposition can be affirmed or denied. In a proposal, it is the functional element that is responsible for the success of the proposal, the one that is responsible for realizing the offer or command. In this sense, the Subject is a fundamental functional element existing in all types of mood (the impersonal clause is an exception) of all languages. This at least is proved by our investigation of the 60 languages sampled. See the following examples of languages of different areas and different families. (8) Kham, declarative: declarative (proper) (Watters 2004: 66) tipəlkya-e

la:-Ø

səih-ke-o

Tipalkya-erg

leopard-abs

kill-pfv-3sg

Sub

Com

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’-SI

‘Tipalkya killed a leopard.’

(9) Udmurt, declarative (Winkler 2001: 64) mon-Ø

ńulesk-ǐn

val-ez/val

adǯ́-i-Ø

I-nom

forest-in

houre-acc/hourse

see-pret-1sg

Sub

Ad

Com-/Com

Pr-Fi ‘preterite’-SI

‘I saw the/a horse in the forest.’

(10) Nyigina, declarative: declarative (proper) (Stokes 1982: 246) wamba-ni

yin-marra-n

waḻi

man-act

3sg (i)-burn-prs

meat

Sub-

SI-Pr-Fi ‘present’

Com

‘The man is cooking the meat.’

Though languages bear strong similarity in displaying the Subject in mood structure, they vary from each other in at least two aspects. The first aspect is concerned with the ellipsis of Subject.1 Based on this parameter, languages in our sample can be classified into two groups: (i) those generally

1 The

ellipsis of Subject in imperative mood is widely observed in languages around the world. Here, our discussion is limited to the scope of declarative mood and interrogative mood.

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permitting the ellipsis of Subject and (ii) those generally not permitting the ellipsis.2 The statistic shows that the majority of the languages sampled (at least 45 among 53; the data of the other seven languages are not available) belong to group (i) and only a few languages belong to group (ii), including English, French, German, Hup, Dagaare, and very possibly Tagalog, Nama Hottentot, and colloquial Welsh.3 The ellipsis of Subject in certain languages can be very frequent. According to Bowern (2012)’s investigation into 171 clauses from two text samples of Bardi, 76.5% of the clauses are with an implicit Subject. The most common case of the ellipsis of Subject is the ellipsis of the Subject realized by personal pronouns. Some languages also allow an ellipsis of the Subject realized by nouns, but it invites further studies to investigate whether all the languages of group (i) allow such an ellipsis. Example (11), (12), and (13) bellow illustrate the ellipsis of Subject. (11a) Chinese, interrogative: elemental: emotion-neutral shuō

shéi

ne

talk about

who

prog

Pr

IW/Com

Fi ‘progressive’

‘Who is (s/he) talking about?’

(11b) Chinese, declarative: emotion-involved bù

zhīdào

a

neg

know

mp

Fi ‘neutral-negative’

Pr

EM

‘(I) don’t know.’

(12) Armenian, declarative (Dum-Tragut 2009: 62) tes-a

mi

mard

see-aor.1sg

indef

person.nom

Pr-Fi ‘aorist’.SI

Com

‘I saw a person.’

2 The

type (i) languages are identified as null-subject languages in typological studies. to Borsley et al. (2007: 34), the Subject is commonly omitted in literary Welsh but rarely omitted in colloquial language. 3 According

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(13) Lango, declarative: declarative (proper) (Noonan 1992: 119) (án)

à-cámò

dɛ̀k

(I)

1sg-eat.pfv

stew

(Sub)

SI-Pr.Fi ‘perfective’

Com

‘I ate stew.’

The ellipsis of Subject requires certain conditions to be met. One condition is that the Subject is predictable from the context of situation or co-text. This condition is mainly for Subject ellipsis in isolating languages, as in example (11). In this situation, both A and B see C is talking about someone, and A asks B who C is talking about and B answers s/he does not know. In both the interrogative clause and the declarative clause, the Subject is omitted without causing any misunderstandings between the interactants because the omitted Subject can be predicated from the context of situation. Another condition is that the information (person, number, gender) of the Subject can be inferred from inflections of the verb, viz., the person-number-gender agreement affixes inflected on the verb. This condition is mainly for Subject ellipsis in fusional and agglutinative languages, as in example (12) and (13). In the book, the person-number-gender agreement affixes or verbal conjugations for difference persons realize the functional elements of Subject Indicator or Complement Indicator, whose function is to indicate the information about the person, number, and gender of the Subject or the Complement. Since the Subject Indicator will render the presence of the Subject realized by personal pronouns redundant, the Subject then is frequently omitted in these languages. But this does not mean these languages do not have the Subject in mood structure. Our observation that the Subject can be omitted in most languages when it is recoverable from context or it is indicated by Subject Indicator does not account for why languages vary in terms of the ellipsis of Subject. In the same context of situation of example (11), the interaction between two English speakers may be like the one shown in example (14), where the Subject cannot be omitted though it is recoverable from the context if omitted. And in French, though the Subject is indicated by the Subject Indicator which fuses the Predicator as in example (15), the Subject is still not allowed to be omitted. (14a) English, interrogative: elemental who

is

she

talking about

IW/Com

Fi ‘present’

Sub

Pr

Residue

Mood

Residue

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(14b) English, declarative I

don’t

know

Sub

Fi ‘present-negative’

Pr

Mood

Residue

(15) French, declarative nous

allons

faire

ces

exercices

we

go.ind.prs.1pl

do.inf

these.m

exercices

Sub

Fi ‘near future’.SI

Pr

Com

‘We will do these exercices soon.’

The variation in the ellipsis of Subject among different languages very possibly has something to do with the status of Subject in mood realizations. In the vast majority of languages, the Subject plays few roles in the realizations of mood options. The presence and absence of Subject and its position in relation to other functional elements, such as Finite and Predicator, have nothing to do with the realizations of mood options in mood system. In this case, the ellipsis of Subject is permitted when one of the two conditions mentioned above is met. Whereas in a few languages, mainly the Germanic ones, the Subject plays a role in mood selection. As example (14) shows, the relative position of Subject and Finite determines the selection between declarative mood and interrogative mood. Under such circumstance, the ellipsis of Subject is not allowed. The same is true for German, French, and Hup, where the realizations of polar interrogative have to do with the relative position between Subject and Finite/Predicator. In the case of Nama Hottentot, though the selection of mood is not realized by the presence and absence or the relative position of Subject, it is realized by adding the subordinate suffix -à to the Subject. As example (16) shows, in interrogative clauses (and also in imperative clauses if the Subject is not omitted), the suffix -à is always added to the Subject, whereas in declarative clauses, it is not unless some other emphasized elements are initialized (if no other elements are emphasized, the Subject is in initial position). In the case of Tagalog, the Subject is frequently associated with focus of attention of the clause, as in example (17), and thus is seldom omitted. The reason for the cases of Dagaare and colloquial Welsh requires further investigation, but very possibly, the Subject plays certain roles either in mood selection or in expressing other meanings.

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(16) Nama Hottentot, interrogative: polar: neutral (Hagman 1973: 267) //ʔĩip-à

//ańʔè

kè

 ≠ ʔũú

he-sub

the meat

rpst

eat

Sub

Com

Fi ‘remote past’

Pr

‘Did he eat the meat?’ (normal order)

(17) Tagalog, declarative: declarative (proper) (Schachter and Reid 2009: 837) aalis-in

ng

tindero

ang

bigas

sa

sako

take out.conte-p as foc

a

storekeeper

foc

rice

prep

sack

Pr.Fi ‘contemplated’

Com

Sub

Ad

‘The rice will be taken out of the sack by a/the storekeeper/ A/The storekeeper will take the rice out of the sack/.’

Since the Subject realized by pronouns is frequently omitted when the Subject Indicator is present in mood structure, an overt Subject realized by pronouns in those languages then is assigned to some other interpersonal meanings. According to Dienst (2014), an overt Subject realized by pronouns in Kulina clauses can realize the meaning of emphasis. The same is true for many other languages, such as Kham, Arabic, Turkish, Puyuma, and Hidatsa. Other functions of an over Subject realized by pronouns in these languages include (i) to maintain participant continuity, (ii) to show contrast, (iii) to mark focus and new topic, (iv) to function as an element in an equational clause, (v) to affirm identities in answers to questions, and (vi) to indicate reflexive meaning. The second aspect in which languages vary from each other, in addition to the ellipsis of Subject, is concerned with the realizations of Subject. Languages share similarity in realizing Subject with nominal groups. However, they vary in the realizations of personal Subject. Based on this parameter, languages in the sample can roughly be typologized into three groups: (i) those generally realizing personal Subject with independent personal pronouns; (ii) with clitic pronouns, such as Puyuma, Somali, Fongbe, and Cavineña; and (iii) with affix pronouns, such as Ọ̀kọ́, Hidatsa, Ute, Pipil, and Pitjantjatjara. Most languages in our sample belong to group (i). Languages of group (ii) and (iii) are mainly agglutinative languages. Examples (18) and (19) show the personal Subject realized by clitic pronouns, and examples (20) and (21) show the one realized by suffix and prefix pronouns. (18) Cavineña, declarative: declarative (proper) (Guillaume 2008: 79) jadya = tu-ra = Ø

a-kware

bari = raA

thus = 3sg-erg(=1sg-fm)

affect-rpst

gian.anteater = erg

 = Sub- (=CI)

Pr-Fi ‘remote past’

Sub

‘That’s what the giant anteater did to me (he poked me with his trunk).’

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(19) Puyuma, declarative (Teng 2007: 46) aDi = ku = Diya

t  alam

m-u-isaT

Da

sasudang

neg = 1sg.nom = ipfv

  try

av-go-up

indf.obl

boat

 = Sub = Fi ‘imperfective-negative’

Pr

Ad

‘I have never got on a boat.’

(20) Hup, declarative (Givón 2011: 176) …bag-i

yáaʹwa-rʉ-ʹu…

bag-obj

carry-hab-3sg

Com

Pr-Fi ‘habitual’-Sub

‘…he (always) carries a bag…’

(21) Hidatsa, declarative: emphatic (Boyle 2007: 197) waa-rée-raci-s̆ki 1act-go-approx-emph Sub/SI-Pr-Fi ‘aspect’-EmM ‘I will follow him!’

Languages of group (ii) usually have two sets of pronouns, viz., one set of independent personal pronouns and one set of bound/clitic personal pronouns. Similarly, languages of group (iii) also have independent personal pronouns. But the independent personal pronouns in these two groups of languages usually are used to realize the emphasized or focalized Subject, or the Subject which is used in the circumstance of contrast, referential discontinuity, and introducing new participants. There may be a controversy over the functional element realized by affix pronouns, because it can be either the Subject or the Subject Indicator. If the affix pronoun (or persona-number agreement marker) is obligatory regardless the presence or absence of the Subject realized by other nominals, then the affix pronoun (or person-number agreement marker) is better to be termed as the Subject Indicator; in contrast, if the affix pronoun is optional, it can be identified as the Subject, as in example (20) and (21). Despite this potential controversy and the cross-linguistic variation in terms of the ellipsis and the realizations of Subject, the Subject is an indispensable functional element in mood structure in all the languages in our sample.

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5.1.2 The Predicator The Predicator is the functional element specifying the process (material, mental, relational, behavioral, verbal, and existential) that is predicated of the Subject and other aspects, such as voices, modes, and phases (seeming, trying, hoping). In isolating languages, the Predicator usually appears as an independent functional element, whereas in synthetic languages, the Predicator and other functional elements, such as the Finite, the Subject Indictor, the Complement Indicator, and the Tenor Marker, are frequently fused together. The Predicator, together with the Finite, is the associated with the arguability of a proposition or proposal, because the arguability usually is related to the tense, aspect, mode/modality, and polarity of the Predicator. The Predicator is present in the mood structure of all types of mood. An exception is the equative clause, which ideationally is a relational process. The mood structure of such clauses is a juxtaposition of the Subject and the Complement, and the Predicator realized by a copula in certain languages is absent (not omitted). Statistic shows around one third of the languages in our sample have equative clauses, such as Kham, Mongolian, Russian, Tagalog, Telugu, Somali, Arabic, Javanese, Nama Hottentot, Hmong Njua, Hup, Tauya, Bardi, and Udmurt. Example (22) and (23) show the equative clause in Mongolian and Hup. Besides, all the languages in our sample realize the Predicator with a verbal group. Some languages can also realize it with an adjective, as in example (24). (22) Mongolian, declarative (Janhunen 2012: 197) en’

min-ii

nom

this

1sg-gen

book

Sub

Com

‘This is my book’

(23) Hup, declarative (Epps 2008: 769) núp

nɨ̌

mɔ̌y(-ɔ́ ̃ h)

this

1sg.poss

house-decl

Sub

Com-MN

‘This is my house.’

(24) Udmurt, declarative (Winkler 2001: 40) guirt-jos

badǯ ́i̬m-eš ́

village-pl

large-pl

Sub

Pr-SI

‘The villages are large.’

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5.1.3 The Finite Meanings Realized by Finite The Finite functions to make a proposition finite, to make it something arguable. A good way to make a proposition something arguable is to relate it to its context of the speech event. In English and many languages, this is done by reference to the time of speaking (tense), to the judgment of the speaker (modality), and to the polarity of the proposition (negation). However, morphological tense is absent in many languages in our sample, such as in Chinese, Qiang Vietnamese, Teiwa, and Jamsay. The previous SFL studies maintain that there is no Finite element in the mood structure of such languages (cf. Halliday and McDonald 2004; Matthiessen and Halliday 2009). We hold a different view with this regard. Our investigation shows that every language has a repertoire of strategies which enable its speakers to circumstance the proposition, to make it something arguable. But languages vary in the ways of doing so. In other words, they vary in the major meanings realized by Finite. Along this dimension, languages in our sample may by and large be typologized into three types: (i) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of tense, (ii) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of aspect; and (iii) those whose Finite realizes the meanings of both tense and aspect. What should be noted is that the classification, similar to the morphological typology of language, is not a discrete typology but a continuous typology. We can only identify the typical members of each type and many languages fall somewhere in the ‘tense-aspect continuum’. Figure 5.1 shows the number of primary tense and aspect of each language.4 It indicates a negative correlation between the number of primary tense and the number of aspect of each language. That is to say, if a language has more grammaticalized expressions of tense (Finite ‘tense’), then it tends to have less grammaticalized expressions of aspect (Finite ‘aspect’) and vice versa. The typical languages whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of tense include Kulina, Nyigina, Nama Hottentot, Telugu, Somali, and many IndoEuropean languages, such as French, German, English, Spanish, Welsh, Armenian, Albanian, and Persian. In these languages, the Finite is mainly realized by tense markers. For instance, Kulina, the most typical member of this type, grammatically distinguishes eight types of primary tense, namely the present (unmarked), the recent past, the hodiernal past, the prehodiernal past, the immediate future, the near future, the general future, and the future interrogative. Example (25) illustrates the Finite ‘tense’ in Kulina.

4 The

number of primary tense and aspect of each language is derived from the reference grammars of the languages sampled. According to Halliday (1994), primary tense means past, present, or future at the moment of speaking; it is time relative to ‘now’. Thus, compound tenses, for instance the past future in English, are not counted.

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Fig. 5.1  Number of primary tense and aspect of each language

(25a) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 199) madiha

a-hari = pa

hki-khi

o-na-hara-i

person

dem-m = top.m

see-redup

1sg-aux-neg.m-decl.m

Pr

SI-Fi ‘present-negative’-MN.SI

Com =  ‘I don’t know this person.’

(25b) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 110) o-kha

ehedeni

pasho

ze

Ø-na-Øzati

1sg-asso

child

water

drink

3-aux-repst

Com

Pr

SI-Fi ‘recent past’

Sub ‘My child has just drink water.’

(25c) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 110) owa = pi

ahoi = ra

apa

o-na-pa

1sg = top.f

rice = only

eat

1sg-aux-hpst

Sub = 

Com = Ad

Pr

SI-Fi ‘hodiernal past’

‘I’ve only eaten rice today.’

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(25d) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 106) homo

shite

o-na-de

spider.momkey

shoot.with.arrow

1sg-aux-phpst

Com

Pr

SI-Fi ‘prehodiernal past’

‘I shot a spider monkey.’

(25e) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 113) aba

ime-i

o-naitha-na

kokoro = za

fish

big-m

1sg-catch-ifut

fish.hook = ins

Com

SI-Pr-Fi ‘immediate future’

Ad

‘I’m going to hook a big fish.’

(25f) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 79) tomaithani

o-hipa-ni

hini

in.the.afternoon

1-eat-decl.f

nfut

Ad

SI-Pr-MN.SI

Fi ‘near future’

‘I’m going to eat in the afternoon.’

(25g) Kulina, declarative (Dienst 2014: 114) o-kha-ni-hera-ni

towi

1sg-move.sg-back-neg.f-decl.f

fut

SI-Pr.SI-Ad-Fi ‘negativge’.SI-MN.SI

Fi ‘future’

‘I will not return.’

The typical languages whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of aspect include Hup, Qiang, Mapuche, Chinese, Korya Chiini, Teiwa, Jamsay, Thai, Vietnamese, etc. Some of these are agglutinative languages, and the others are isolating languages. Tense and aspect are two different ways that human languages construe the experience of time grammatically. They specify various temporal relationships that characterize the event or state being described. According to Comrie (1976), tense locates the event denoted by a predicate in time, usually with referent to the moment of speaking; in contrast, aspect is concerned with the internal temporal constituency of one situation, i.e., the beginning, during, completion, repetition, resulting, etc., without reference to its position in time. The difference between the two categories can be understood as the one between

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5  A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

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situation-internal time (aspect) and situation external time (tense). In languages whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of aspect, the Finite consequently is mainly realized by aspect markers. In Hup, the Finite realizes 12 types of aspectual meanings, namely the neutral aspect, the perfective (event viewed with respect to endpoint), the dynamic/imperfective (on-going event), the habitual (customary recent event), the completive (event completed prior to the speech act), the inchoative (beginning an event or entering a state), the iterative (including the distributive and repeated instance) (over and over/durative for a long time), the telic (do completely), the venitive (movement between current location of participant and location where event occurs), the diminutive (do activity a little bit), and the persistive (activity/state still in process). Example (26) demonstrates some of these aspectual meanings realized by Finite in Hup. (26a) Hup, declarative: proper: Sub-Pr type (Epps 2008: 111) tɨnɨ̆ h

mɔ̌m

nɔ́h-ɔ́ ̃ h

3sg.poss

axe

fall-decl

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘neutral’-MN

‘His axe fell.’ (aspect neutral)

(26b)

Hup, declarative: proper: Sub-Pr type (Epps 2008: 545)

j’ám

tɨh

ʔɔ̃h-ʔĕ-h

yesterday

3sg

sleep-pfv-decl

Ad

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’-MN

‘He slept (here) last night.’ (e.g., was just passing through)

(26c) Hup, declarative: proper: Sub-Pr type (Epps 2008: 116) ʔãn

hám-ã́y

bɨ́g

1sg

go-dynm

hab

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘dynamic’

Fi ‘habitual’

‘I go regularly.’

(26d) Hup, declarative: proper: Sub-Pr type (Epps 2008: 550) ʔédia

hipãh-cɨ́ w ̃ -ɨ́ ỹ

ʔũhníy

Elias

know-comp-dynm

maybe

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘completive’-Fi ‘dynamic’

Ad

‘Elias already knows, maybe.’

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In many cases, there exist overlaps between the categories of tense and aspect. Thus, though tense in languages of type (ii) is not as highly grammaticalized as that does in languages of type (i), many aspectual meanings also have a reading of tense. For example, the experiential aspect in Chinese realized by guò (cf. Chao 1968; Li and Thompson 1981) inherently has a reading of past. This is also true for languages of type (iii), where the Finite equally realizes the meanings of tense and aspect, and some categories of tense and aspect are closely related to each other. Languages of type (iii) include Cavineña, Turkish, Arabic, Hindi, Hausa, etc. A common phenomenon is that the imperfective aspect is with a reading of present and future temporal meaning, and the perfective aspect is with a reading of past temporal meaning. Table 5.1 illustrates the Finite in Cavineña. It is shown that the Finite in Cavineña realizes the meanings of both tense and aspect. The imperfective aspect overlaps with the present and near future tense, and the perfect aspect overlaps with the anterior and immediate past tense. In addition to the meanings of tense and aspect discussed above, the Finite in certain languages can also realize the meaning of mode (verbal mood), which is concerned with the factuality or actuality of states (see Sect. 1.1 and 1.4). A common distinction is between realis and irrealis. The realis mode portrays events or situations as actualized, as having happened or actually happening, as in real world. In contrast, the irrealis mode portrays events or situations as in hypothetical or imagined world, as within the realm of though (see Palmer 2001 for details). Mode correlates closely with other grammatical categories, such as tense, aspect, negation, and mood. For example, in Teiwa, which is considered an isolating language, there is no morphological tense and aspect (the aspect is realized by adverbs and verbs), and the only suffix -(a)n marks realis mode, contrasting with irrealis mode which is unmarked. In declarative mood, the realis mode may express present and past events (convinced) in factual world or future events that the speaker is convinced to happen. In contrast, the irrealis mode tends to express future events. In imperative mood, the realis mode is never used. Another example is Puyuma. According to Teng (2007), Puyuma is a ‘mood (mode in our term) prominent’ language. Puyuma speakers tend to view aspectual and temporal notions in terms of mode category. A basic distinction is made between indicative and non-indicative, and within the indicative category, a further distinction is made between realis and irrealis. Languages of this potential type also include Bardi, Nyigina, Ute, and Mian. In these languages, mode markers can be labeled as Finite.

Table 5.1  The Finite in Cavineña (cf. Guillaume 2008) Finite ‘tense’ remote future recent past remote past

Finite ‘tense-aspect’ Pr-buke imperfective/habitual/ Pr-ya Pr-chine progressive/present/ Pr-kware near future perfect/anterior/ immediate past

Pr-wa

Finite ‘aspect’ completive incompletive iterative inceptive stop

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Pr-tere/-tsirya Pr-bisha Pr-nuka; = nuka Pr-tibune Pr-jaka

102

5  A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

Other meanings realized by Finite also include modality and polarity (negation). The category of modality is as complicated as the category of mood and deserves an independent study. Thus, we did not, and practically could not, describe the modality system of each language in detail. But one generalization we can make based on our current descriptions is that languages vary from each other in the number and the category of the modal meanings grammaticalized and the realizations of modal meanings. We will discuss the realizations of modality later. The category of negation is observed in every language in our sample. That is to say, all the languages have lexicogrammatical resources that enable their speakers to negotiate the polarity of a proposition or a proposal. In each language, it is the negative pole that is marked, and the positive pole is unmarked. However, languages differ with regard to the realizations of the Finite that expresses polarity (negation). We will discuss this later. Another aspect in which languages vary is that some languages (about one third of the languages in our sample) have one polarity system for both indicative (including declarative and interrogative) mood and imperative mood, such as not in English and ne…pas in French; whereas other languages (about two thirds of the languages in our sample) have two sets of polarity system, one for indicative mood and the other for imperative mood. Table 5.2 below sets out the Finites realized by major negative marks in each language. For abbreviations of functional elements (Pr) and classes (ad, pr, p. etc.), see the part of Abbreviations and Conventions of the book. Realizations of Finite Up to now, we have discussed the various meanings realized by Finite, which include the categories of tense, aspect, modality/mode, and polarity (negation). In addition to the meanings realized by Finite, languages also vary in terms of the realizations of Finite. The Finite can be realized by various grammatical classes, such as affixes, auxiliaries, particles, clitics, and even verbs. Our comparison will be organized into several parts, each part focusing on one semantic domain realized by Finite. First, we will look at the realizations of the Finite that realizes temporal meanings (hereafter Finite ‘tense’, Finite ‘aspect’, Finite ‘modality’, and Finite ‘negative’). As mentioned before, grammaticalized tense is absent from some languages, and in these languages, the temporal meaning is mainly realized by temporal words, phrases, or inferred from context, or interpreted from Finite ‘aspect’ and Finite ‘mode’. We will concentrate on the languages that have the temporal meaning grammaticalized. Table 5.3 illustrates the realizations of Finite ‘tense’ in the languages in our sample. As is shown in Table 5.3, the majority of the Finite ‘tense’, not surprisingly, is realized by affixes/inflections. In this case, the Finite fuses with the Predicator. In addition to affixes/inflections, some languages also deploy auxiliaries to realize Finite ‘tense’, six of which are Indo-European languages. In these languages, the Finite ‘tense’ sometimes fuses with the Predicator and sometimes stands as an independent element. Example (27) shows that the Finite ‘tense’ in French, which is realized by both inflections and auxiliaries.

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Table 5.2  Realizations of Finite ‘negative’ Language Bardi Diegueño English French German Hidatsa Kulina Maidu Mongolian Nyigina Ọ̀kọ́ Persian Pitjantjatjara Russian Spanish Turkish Chinese Qiang Kham Hmong Thai Korean Japanese Manchu Arabic Puyuma Tagalog Javanese Teiwa Vietnamese Santali Telugu Hindi Welsh Greek Latvian Albanian Armenian Hinuq Nenets Finnish Udmurt

Finite ‘negative’ in indicative arra Pr-ma·w au^not^Pr ne^Pr^pas nicht -thaaPr-hara/↑heraPr-{men} Pr = gwai maḻu^Pr:irrealis e/a; me/ma na/ne-Pr Pr:concessive-wija/wijaŋku ne^Pr no^Pr Pr-mA bù/méi^Pr mə-Pr ma-Pr ci mây^Pr an/mos^Pr; Pr-ci^anh-ta Pr-nai Pr:participle^akū/unde lam/lan/laa/laysa^Pr aDi/ameli^Pr #^hindi = ^Pr ora/mboten Pr^maan không/chă ̉ng/chả/chua^Pr baŋ/ɔhɔ^Pr Pr-anəhī̃ ni(d)^Pr δεν^Pr ne^Pr; ne-Pr nuk/s’ č̕-Pr; č̕-Fi^Pr Pr-me n'ī-^Pr:connegative en/et/ei/emme/ette/eivät ug/ud/ug/um/ud/ug

Finite ‘negative’ in imperative

bié^Pr tcə-Pr ta-Pr hsáo yàa^Pr Pr-ci^malta Pr-na ume^Pr-re/-ra/-ro laa^Pr aDi^Pr #^huwag = ^Pr aja/sampun gaxai đùng/chó^Pr alo^Pr Pr-ak-u; Pr-waddu nə/mət paid, peidwch^â^Pr μην^Pr:subjunctive ne-Pr mos mí^Pr:imperative Pr-om/-yom nʹon°^Pr:connegative älä en/medaz

Class p Pr-au au^ad^Pr ad^Pr^ad ad Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s Pr = c p^Pr-s p^Pr pr-Pr Pr-s p^Pr ad^Pr Pr-s ad^Pr pr-Pr pr-Pr p^Pr p^Pr ad^Pr; Pr^au Pr-au Pr^p; p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr au p^Pr; au ad^Pr p^Pr Pr-s p p ad^Pr p^Pr; pr-Pr au pr-Pr; p^Pr Pr-s au^Pr v v (continued)

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104 Table 5.2  (continued) Language Somali Hausa Lango Chiini Jamsay Dagaare Fongbe Nama Greenlandic Ute Pipil Hup Cavineña Quechua Saramaccan Mapuche Mian Tauya

Finite ‘negative’ in indicative má^Pr:NEG; bàa + áan^Pr:NEG bà(a)…Pr…ba pé/móm^Pr na/si^Pr Pr-lí-; Pr-góbɛ/kṽ^Pr kún/mà^Pr Pr^tama/títe -nngitka-Pr-wa; kachu-E^Pr-wa negative particle Pr-nɨ́h/pã̌/ʔăp Pr = ama; Pr-dama mana^Pr-chu á, ná Pr-la = mo + Pr = ba wate^Pr

Finite ‘negative’ in imperative ha^Pr:imperative kadà^PAC:subjunctive^Pr kʊ̌r^Pr:subjunctive ma si^Pr Pr-ý ta/taa^Pr mà^Pr Pr^táá -nangakachʉ te Pr-nɨ́h^níh Pr-ume; ne-…-ume ama^Pr-chu ná Pr-kimo + Pr = e Pr-ʔatene/ʔatenene

Class p^Pr:i p^PAC^Pr p^Pr p^Pr Pr-s p^Pr p^Pr Pr^p Pr-a Pr-a; p p Pr-s Pr = c; Pr-s p^Pr-s p Pr-s Pr = c p^Pr; Pr-s

Table 5.3  Realizations of Finite ‘tense’ Realizations Merely affixes/inflections

Number 32

Affixes/infections + auxiliaries Auxiliaries Particles Absent

10 4 2 12

Total

60

Example languages Korean, Turkish, Mongolian, Manchu, Telugu, etc. Persian, English, German, Greek, Albanian, etc. Hausa, Santali; Javanese, Saramaccan Dagaare, Fongbe Chinese, Qiang, Hmong, Thai, Puyuma, Teiwa, etc

(27a) French, declarative: declarative (proper) il

n’

aime

pas

ces

romans

he

neg

like.ind.prs.3sg

neg

these.m

novels

Sub

Fi ‘negative’-

Fi ‘present’.Pr.SI

-Fi ‘negative’

Com

‘He doesn’t like these novels.’

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105

(27b) French, declarative: declarative (proper) nous

partons

le

mois

prochain

we

depart.ind.fur.2pl

the.m

month

next

Sub

Fi ‘simple future’.Pr.SI

Com

‘We will leave next month.’

(27c) French, declarative: declarative (proper) il

vient de

renter

he

come.ind.prs.3sg

return.inf

Sub

Fi ‘near past’.SI

Pr

‘He returned just now.’

Some languages merely rely on auxiliaries to realize Finite ‘tense’. Among the four languages of this type, Hausa and Santali are similar in the sense that the auxiliaries realizing Finite ‘tense’ inflect for persons. Taking Hausa as an example, its verbs do not inflect for tense, aspect, and modality, neither for person and number. Instead, these grammatical meanings are marked by a pre-verbal inflectional sequence, which he termed as person-aspect complex (PAC). That is to say, the Finite ‘tense’ is realized by the inflections of PAC, as in example (28). As mentioned before, Hausa is a language whose Finite equally realizes the meanings of tense and aspect and where some categories of tense and aspect overlap with each other. The Finite ‘past’ overlaps with Finite ‘perfective’. In the other two languages of this type, namely Javanese and Saramaccan, the auxiliaries do not inflect. The category of tense in these two languages actually is not highly grammaticalized. For example, according to McWhorter and Good (2012), the default reading of a bare dynamic verbs in Saramaccan Creole is past, and the past marker bi, as in example (29), is borrowed from English verb been. (28)

Hausa, declarative (Jaggar 2001: 149)

Audù

yā

fita

Audu

3 m.pfv

go out

Sub

SI.Fi ‘past/perfective’

Pr

‘Audu went out.’

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(29) Saramaccan Creole, declarative: focus-neutral (McWhorter and Good 2012: 119) mi

á

bi

kɛ́

1sg Sub

neg

pst

want

Fi ‘negative’

Fi ‘past’

Pr

‘I didn’t wat it (to be so).’

The Finite ‘tense’ can also be realized by particles, such as in Dagaare and Fongbe. The two languages are similar to Javanese and Saramaccan in lacking highly grammaticalized tense category. It is difficult to identify the class of the tense markers in these languages. They may belong to the same grammatical class, though they are identified as different classes for now according to the reference grammars. Thus, in later discussions, they are not distinguished from each other. (30) Fongbe, declarative: declarative (proper) (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 90) Siká

kò

ɖà

wɔ́

Sika

already/ant

prepare

dough

Sub

Fi ‘past/pluperfect’

Pr

Com

‘Sika already prepared dough/Sika had prepared dough.’

Now, we will move to the realizations of Finite ‘aspect’. The picture here is more complicated than that of Finite ‘tense’. Table 5.4 offers a simplified summary of the realizations of Finite ‘aspect’. The distribution of Finite ‘aspect’ across languages is wider than that of Finite ‘tense’. But languages vary in the status of aspect in the overall grammatical system. In many languages, the category of tense is foregrounded, and the category of aspect is just backgrounded and identified as one part of tense system. Therefore, though the table shows the Finite ‘aspect’ is absent from Kulina and French, this does not necessarily mean that they lack expressions for aspectual meanings. For example, in French, the structure être en train de ‘be on train of’ expresses the meaning of progressive aspect. There is no doubt that the majority of Finite ‘aspect’, similar to Finite ‘tense’, is realized by affixes/inflections. Some languages merely deploy affixes/inflections to realize Finite ‘aspect’, whereas others also make use of other lexicogrammatical Table 5.4  Realizations of Finite ‘aspect’ Realizations Merely affixes/inflections Affixes/infections + others Merely others Absent Total

Number 27 20 11 2 60

Example languages Manchu, Turkish, Ute, Mapuche, Tauya, Hidatsa, etc Hindi, Korean, Puyuma, Qiang, English, Hup, etc Chinese, Saramaccan, Chiini, Teiwa, Vietnamese, etc Kulina, French

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resources, among which the most common one is the use of auxiliaries. In some languages, the auxiliary is one part of both the realizations of Finite ‘aspect’ and the realizations of Finite ‘tense’. The other part of the realizations of Finite ‘aspect’, in addition to the auxiliary, can be affixes/inflections, as in example (31), or another auxiliary, as in example (32). In Albania, the auxiliary is the realization of Finite ‘aspect’ and the Finite ‘tense’ fuses with the Predicator, as in example (33). (31) Hinuq, declarative: neutral/other tenses (Forker 2013: 217) de

iɬra-ƛ’o

sasaqo

y-ix- ƛ’os

zoq’we-s

I(f)

six.obl-spr

in.the.morning

g2-get.up-hab

be-pst

Sub.SI

Ad

Ad

-Pr-Fi ‘habitual’

Fi ‘past’

‘I used to get up get six o’clock in the morning.’

(32) Welsh, declarative: negative (Borsley et al. 2007: 263) nid

yw

Gwyn

(ddim)

yn

darllen

neg

be.prs.3s

Gwyn

(neg)

prog

read.inf

MN

Fi ‘present’.SI

Sub

(Fi ‘negative’)

Fi ‘progressive’

Pr

‘Gwyn isn’t reading.’

(33) Albanian, interrogative: elemental (Newmark et al. 1982: 275) kush

po

troket

who

prog

knock.3sg.prs

IW/Sub

Fi ‘progresive’

Pr.SI.Fi ‘present’

në

derë door

Com

‘Who is knocking at the door?’

In addition to affixes/inflections and auxiliaries, Finite ‘aspect’ can also be realized by clitics (see the repetitive aspect in Hup in example (26g), reduplications, particles, adverbs, and verbs. Auxiliaries (non-inflected ones), particles, adverbs, and verbs are mainly deployed in isolating languages. As mentioned above, it is difficult to identify the class of non-inflectional tense-aspect markers. In different reference grammars, they are categorized into different classes or just identified as tense-aspect markers. For example, the aspect markers zhe (progressive/durative aspect), le (perfect/perfective/ resultative aspect/), and guo (experiential aspect) in Chinese are regarded as suffixes by Chao (1968) and Li and Thompson (1981), whereas in Xing (1996) and Halliday and McDonald (2004), they are categorized as particles. We will term them ‘non-inflectional tense-aspect markers’ in contrast with ‘inflectional tense-aspect markers. Example (34), (35), and (36) illustrate the Finite ‘aspect’ realized by reduplications and non-inflectional markers in Chinese, Thai, and Koyra Chiini.

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(34) Chinese, imperative: jussive nǐ

shì

shi

you

try

try

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘delimitative’

‘Try it a little’

(35) Thai, declarative (Smyth 2002: 68) raw

kin khâaw

lɛ́ɛm

we

eat rice

already

Sub

Pr

Fi ‘perfect’

‘We have eaten already.’

(36) Koyra Chiini, declarative (Heath 1999: 11) har

di

o

guna

woy

di

doodi

man

def

ipfv

see

woman

def

there

Fi ‘imperfective’

Pr

Com

Sub

Ad

‘The man sees the woman there.’

Now, we will look at the realizations of Finite ‘modality’. We could not describe the modality system of each language in great detail. Consequently, the discussion will not make a distinction between the realizations of Finite ‘modality: modalization’ and the realizations of Finite ‘modality: modulation’. We will just explore the possible realizations of Finite ‘modality’ in a general way based on our current descriptions. Modal meanings in many languages are expressed by adverbs, such as possibly, probably, certainly, and usually in English. But these expressions are realizations of modal Adjunct in mood structure rather than Finite ‘modality’. The unmarked class realizing Finite ‘modality’ is the modal auxiliary (operator). Among the 45 languages from our sample investigated, at least 31 languages have Finite ‘modality’ realized by modal auxiliaries. Many languages have a set of modal auxiliaries, such as tau (can), yŭa cu (must), and cǐ nyao (should) in Hmong Njua; bâyad (must), shāyad (might), tavān estan (can), and khāstan (will) in Persian; músu (must), ábi f(u) (have to), sá (can), and kandɛ́ (maybe) in Saramaccan Creole. In some reference grammars, modal auxiliaries are identified as verbs in class. For example, cần (need), có thể ̉ (can, may), nên (should), and phảì (have to, must) in Vietnamese are identified as volitional verbs (Nguyễn 1997).

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In addition to auxiliaries, affixes are also widely used to realize Finite ‘modality’ (at least 12 among 45), especially in agglutinative languages. Examples (37), (38), and (39) show the Finite ‘modality’ realized by suffixes in Nenets, Kham, and Turkish. (37) Nenets, declarative: declarative (proper) (Nikolaeva 2014: 91) pidər°

to-bc’u-n°

you

come-nec-2sg

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘modality’-SI

‘You should come (permission or agreement).’

(38) Kham, declarative: declarative (proper) (Watters 2004: 285) ba-khe-rə-ho go-prob-3pl-prob Pr-Fi ‘modality’-SI-Fi ‘modality’ ‘They probably went.’

(39) Turkish, declarative: declarative (proper) (Göksel and Kerslake 2005: 283) Sevil

bu

konu-yu

araştır-abil-ir

Sevil

this

matter-acc

investigate-psb-aor

Sub

Com

Pr-Fi ‘modality’-Fi ‘aorist’

‘Sevil can/could/may look into this matter.’

Finite ‘modality’ can also be realized by mode, which can also to be regarded as affixes in class. The subjunctive/irrealis mode and the debitive mode are commonly used to realize Finite ‘modality: obligation’, and the potential mode is usually used to realize Finite ‘modality: possibility’, as in example (40), (41), and (42). Nenets is characterized by a set of modes for modal meanings, such as the necessitative, the potential, the dubitative, the probabilitative, the approximative, the reputative, and the debitive (Nikolaeva 2014). (40) Latvian, declarative (Praulin̦š 2012: 161) man

jā-iet

1sg.dat

debitive-go.3.prs

Sub

Fi ‘modality’-Pr

‘I must go/I have to go.’

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(41) Fongbe, declarative (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 93) Bàyí

ní

ɖà

wɔ́

Bayi

sbjv

prepare

dough

Sub

Fi ‘modality’

Pr

Com

‘Bayi must prepare dough.’

(42) Hausa, declarative (Jaggar 2001: 201) yâu

da

gō ̀be

kyâ

iyà

Hausa

today

and

tomorrow

2f.pot

be able

Hausa

SI.Fi ‘modality’

Pr

Com

Ad ‘In time, you will probably master Hausa.’

Other less commonly observed realizations of Finite ‘modality’ also include clitics (in Nenets and Cavineña) and particles (in Dagaare), as in example (43) and (44). These modalities can also be analyzed as mood Adjunct. (43) Nenets, declarative: declarative (proper) (Nikolaeva 2014: 121) t’ir-t’a

ŋəno

tū-t°ə = wa

fly-impf.ptcp

boat

come-fut = ass

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘future’ = Fi ‘modality’

‘The plane will certainly arrive (don’t worry).’

(44) Dagaare, declarative: affirmative: focus-neutral (Mwinlaaru 2018: 175) saa

naa

wa

wa

na

rain

mod.positive

eventive

come.pfv

aff

Sub

Fi ‘modality’

Pr.Fi ‘perfective’

MN

‘It may rain.’

Finally, we will look at the realizations of Finite ‘negative’. The realizations of Finite ‘negative’ roughly fall into three classes: (i) affixes, (ii) particles, clitics, and adverbs, and (iii) auxiliaries and verbs. Affixes, which can be prefixes, suffixes, and circumfixes (as in Ute), are mainly deployed in agglutinative languages. Negative auxiliaries usually inflect for person and number (not necessarily), and negative verbs inflect for person, number, and tense. Many languages have more than one realizations for Finite ‘negative’, and some languages deploy two devices simultaneously for the realization of Finite ‘negative’, usually a negative particle

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plus a negative verb inflection, such as in Somali. Besides, as mentioned above, around two thirds of the languages in our sample have different realizations for the Finite ‘negative’ in indicative clauses and the Finite ‘negative’ in imperative clauses. The realizations of Finite ‘negative’ in each language have been set out in Table 5.2. Thus far, we have made cross-linguistic comparisons of the meanings realized by Finite and the realizations of Finite. It is found that languages are at variance with each other both in the meanings realized by Finite and in the realizations of Finite ‘tense’, Finite ‘aspect’, Finite ‘modality’, and Finite ‘negative’. The realizations of Finite involve a rich repertoire of strategies, such as the use of affixes/ inflections (also verbal mode), auxiliaries, particles, reduplications, clitics, adverbs, and verbs. Though languages display cross-linguistic variation in terms of the realizations of Finite, they show ‘intra-language consistency’ in the realizations of different types of Finite. That is to say, if a language deploys a certain strategy to realize a certain domain of meaning covered by Finite, it tends to deploy the same strategy to realize other semantic domains covered by Finite. Example (45) shows West Greenlandic deploys affixes consistently in the realizations of Finite ‘tense’, Finite ‘aspect’, Finite ‘modality’, and Finite ‘negative’. (45a) West Greenlandic, declarative (Sadock 2003: 17) (niri-ssa-Vunga/Vara) nerissaanga nerissavara (eat-fut-ind.1sg/ind.1sg.3sg) Pr-Fi ‘future’-MN.SI/MN.SI.CI ‘I will eat. /I will eat it.’

(45b) West Greenlandic, declarative (Fortescue 1984: 138) akulikitsumik

tikit-ta-nngil-aq

often

come-hab-not-3sg.ind

Ad

Pr-Fi ‘habitual’-Fi ‘negative’-SI.MN

‘He often didn’t come/ He did not come often’

(45c) West Greenlandic, declarative (Fortescue 1984: 28) taku-ssagaluar-pat see-should-ind.2sg.3sg Pr-Fi ‘modality’-MN.SI.CI ‘You should see it!’

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Another language, Fongbe, which is considered an isolating language, makes use of particles consistently in the realizations of Finite ‘tense’, Finite ‘aspect’, Finite ‘modality’, and Finite ‘negative’, as is shown in example (46). (46a) Fongbe, declarative: declarative (proper) (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 92) é

ná

kù

3sg

def.fut

die

Sub

Fi ‘definite future’

Pr

‘(S)he will die.’

(46b) Fongbe, declarative: declarative (proper) (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 94) Lili

nɔ̀

ɖù

gbàɖé

Lili

hab

eat

corn

Sub

Fi ‘habitual’

Pr

Com

‘Lili habitually eats corn.’

(46c) Fongbe, declarative: declarative (proper) (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 99) Siká

mà

kò

ɖà

wɔ́

Sika

neg

ant

prepare

dough

Sub

Fi ‘negative’

Fi ‘pluperfect’

Pr

Com

‘Sika had not prepared dough.’

West Greenlandic and Fongbe represent two types of languages in terms of the realizations of Finite: (i) those mainly deploying inflectional classes and (ii) those mainly deploying non-inflectional classes. However, obviously many languages lack such a high degree of consistency in the realizations of different kinds of Finite. Thus, we have a third type, (iii) those deploying both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. For example, in the realizations of Finite ‘tense’, English makes use of both inflectional class -ed (past tense) and -s (third person present) and non-inflectional class will (future). We may further ask a question: what is the possible parameter that correlates with our classification here? We find the classification correlates closely with the morphological types of language: polysynthetic and agglutinative languages tend to deploy inflectional classes in the realizations of Finite; isolating languages tend to deploy non-inflectional classes; fusional languages tend to deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. This is illustrated by Table 5.5. One point about the table should be noted is that some auxiliaries in Telugu, Japanese, Korean, and Qiang behave differently from those in other languages. They are generally considered

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Table 5.5  Intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite Mor. type polysynthetic agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative

Language Greenlandic Turkish Mapuche Tauya Ute Kham Hup

Fi ‘tense’ Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s; Pr^au Pr-s

agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative agglutinative fusional fusional fusional fusional fusional

Cavineña Quechua Telugu Japanese Hidatsa Nyigina Hinuq Korean Nenets Mian Manchu Qiang Mongolian Finnish Udmurt Pipil Santali Kulina English Albanian Persian Somali Hindi

Pr-s Pr-s; au Pr-s Pr-s Pr-a Pr-a i Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s – Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s au Pr-s; au i; au^Pr i; au^Pr i; au^Pr Pr-s Pr-s, au

fusional fusional fusional fusional fusional fusional fusional fusional synthetic synthetic

German Latvian Armenian Welsh French Spanish Greek Russian Arabic Tagalog

i; au^Pr i i; Pr^au i i i i; au^Pr i i –

Fi ‘aspect’ Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s; Pr-s^au Pr-s; Pr = c; p; re Pr-s; Pr = c Pr-s; re Pr-s^au Pr-au Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s^au Pr-s; Pr-s^au Pr-a i Pr-s Pr-a; Pr^au Pr-s au^Pr:i Pr-s^au Pr-s; Pr^au Pr-s – au^Pr:i i; au^Pr:i i Pr-s Pr-s; Pr-s^au; Pr^au au^Pr:i pr-Pr i au^p^Pr – i; au^Pr:i i; au^Pr i i i

Fi ‘modality’ Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s Pr-s; mode Pr-s; Pr-au Pr-s; p

Fi ‘negative’ Pr-a Pr-s Pr-s p^Pr; Pr-s Pr-a; p^Pr pr-Pr Pr-s

Pr-s; Pr = c Pr-s; au Pr-au Pr-au ? ? au Pr-s; Pr-au Pr-s; Pr = c Pr-s Pr-s^au Pr-au; au Pr^au au, mode au ? au ? au^Pr au au^Pr ? Pr^au

Pr = c; Pr-s p^Pr-s Pr-s Pr-au Pr-a p^Pr-s Pr-s ad^Pr; Pr^au au^Pr Pr = c Pr^p; p^Pr pr-Pr Pr = c v v p p^Pr Pr-s au^ad^Pr au pr-Pr p^Pr:i p

au^Pr mode ? au^Pr au^Pr au^Pr ? au^Pr ? au^Pr

ad p^Pr; pr-Pr pr-Pr; p^Pr p ad^Pr^ad ad^Pr ad^Pr p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr (continued)

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5  A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

114 Table 5.5  (continued) Mor. type synthetic isolating isolating isolating isolating

Language Bardi Hausa Fongbe Saramaccan Chinese

Fi ‘tense’ Pr-a p^Pr p^Pr au –

isolating isolating isolating isolating isolating ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

Hmong Thai Chiini Teiwa Vietnamese Maidu Pitjantjatjara Diegueño Javanese Dagaare Puyuma Lango Jamsay Ọ̀kọ́ Nama

– – – – – Pr-s i Pr-s au p^Pr – – – – Pr-s

Fi ‘aspect’ Pr-s p^Pr p au p; ad; au^Pr; re p au; p au ad; v ad Pr-s i pr-Pr au Pr-s Pr-a; Pr = c i; au^Pr Pr-s au Pr-s; p

Fi ‘modality’ ? p^Pr au; p au au^Pr

Fi ‘negative’ p p^p^Pr p^Pr p ad^Pr

au au au^Pr v v ? ? Pr-s ? p ? au^Pr ? au^Pr ?

p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr; au ad^Pr Pr-s Pr-s Pr^au au p^Pr p^Pr p^Pr Pr-s p^Pr Pr^p

as affixes in reference grammars instead of independent auxiliaries. For example, Iwasaki (2013: 78) terms auxiliaries in Japanese ‘auxiliary suffixes’; Krishnamurti and Gwynn (1985: 219) report the auxiliary in Telugu ‘has lost its status as an independent constituent and is gradually reduced to that of a mere suffix’. Thus, we identify them as the class of affixes/inflections, which is presented as ‘Pr-au’. Table 5.5 illustrates the three typological generalizations about the realizations of Finite we made above. One is that languages display intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite, which is indicated by the parts with bold type and underline. The second one is that languages can be typologized into three types along the parameter of realizations of Finite: (i) those mainly deploying inflectional classes, (ii) those mainly deploying non-inflectional classes, and (iii) those deploying both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. The third one is that the classification we make correlates with the morphological types of language: polysynthetic and agglutinative languages tend to deploy inflectional classes in the realizations of Finite; isolating languages tend to deploy non-inflectional classes; and fusional languages tend to deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. Though some agglutinative languages deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes, they are still agglutinative languages, rather than fusional languages. They locate at a point closer to the end of ‘inflectional classes’ along the continuum of ‘non-inflectional classes/inflectional classes’. This is because, on the

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115

Fig. 5.2  Language classification along the parameters of realizations of Finite and morphological type

one hand, the majority of agglutinative languages in our sample tend to deploy inflectional classes consistently, and on the other hand, none of the fusional languages merely deploy inflectional classes. The classification of languages we make here along the parameter of realizations of Finite corresponds with the morphological classification made by Comrie (1989) along the index of synthesis and the index of fusion. It also illustrates the point he made that ‘it is inevitable that a language with a very high index of synthesis will also have a low index of fusion’ (Comrie 1989: 46). This is shown in Fig. 5.2. In this sense, the parameter of realizations of Finite proposed here can also function as an index of morphological classification of language, which can be used either in conjunction with or independently of other indexes. Table 5.5 displays that certain agglutinative languages are more similar to fusional languages in the sense that they deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes in the realizations of Finite. Thus, we could say that they are more fusional along the index of fusion compared with other agglutinative languages that mainly deploy inflectional classes. Up to now, we have investigated the cross-linguistic similarities and differences in the realizations of three major functional elements in declarative mood structure, namely the Subject, the Predicator, and the Finite. We have also investigated the cross-linguistic similarities and differences in the meanings realized by Finite. We find the realizations of functional elements, especially the realizations of Finite, have something to do with the realizations of mood system. This will be discussed in Sect. 8.1.5. Now, we will make a survey of subtypes of declarative mood and their realizations.

5.2 Subtypes of Declarative Mood and Their Realizations The declarative is the mood that realizes the speech function of statement. It functions to give information. To give information to others and to enact our personal and social relationships with people around us through giving information is the

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5  A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

basic need of human beings. Therefore, the declarative mood is observed in all the languages in our sample. The declarative mood is regarded as the unmarked option in mood system. This is because, according to König and Siemund (2007), it is the most frequently used mood, and it usually displays the basic word order of the language. Besides, it is less restricted in distribution and exhibits the full paradigm of tense-aspect combinations available in a language. From the perspective of SFL, the declarative mood is considered the unmarked option in mood system because of its high frequency of occurrence in texts. According to Matthiessen (1995), 93.6% of the English clauses in texts are declarative clauses. Besides, the declarative mood is unmarked because almost all the functional elements can appear in declarative mood structure, such as the Subject, the Predicator, the Finite, the Complement, the Adjunct, the Mood Negotiator (including the Emotion Marker, the Evidentiality Marker, the Emphasis Marker, and the Focus Marker), the Vocative, the Tenor Marker, the Subject Indicator, and the Complement Indicator, whereas certain functional elements usually are absent in the structure of other types of mood. For example, the Subject and the Finite are frequently absent from imperative mood structure; though many functional elements, for example, the Evidentiality Marker, can also occur in interrogative mood structure, they are more likely to occur in declarative mood structure. Though the declarative is observed in all the languages in our sample, languages are at variance with each other in the number of grammaticalized subtypes of declarative mood. As is shown in Fig. 5.3, some languages only have one basic declarative mood, which only functions to give information, whereas some languages are characterized by having two or more than two subtypes of declarative mood. In these languages, the declarative mood not only realizes the speech function of statement but also realizes other interpersonal meanings. Besides,

Fig. 5.3  Number of declarative moods of each language

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117

languages also vary in terms of the realizations of each subtype of declarative mood. In the following sections, we will look at the subtypes of declarative mood and their realizations in different languages.

5.2.1 The Declarative (Proper) The declarative (proper) is the prototype of declarative. This term is used only in languages where it is one of the subtypes of declarative mood contrasting with other subtypes, such as the exclamative, the emphatic declarative, and the evidential declarative. In languages where only the prototype of declarative is grammaticalized, we will use the term ‘declarative’ instead of ‘declarative (proper)’. In languages where more than one subtypes of declarative is observed, some other terms are also used with the same meaning of ‘declarative (proper)’, such as the ‘conclusive’ in Japanese (contrasting with the ‘suppositive’), the ‘evidentiality-neutral’ declarative (contrasting with the ‘evidential’ declarative), the ‘assessment-neutral’ declarative (contrasting with the ‘assessed’ declarative), the ‘focus-neutral’ declarative (contrasting with the ‘focused’ declarative), the ‘emphasis-neutral’ declarative (contrasting with the ‘emphatic’ declarative), and the ‘affirmative’ declarative (contrasting with the ‘negative’ declarative). The purpose we use different terms to refer to the prototype of declarative in different languages is to  highlight the semantic feature that characterizes the elaboration of declarative mood in these languages. But they are all used to refer to the prototype of declarative. The declarative (proper) is observed in all the languages in our sample, except in Hidatsa (see next section). In 20 languages, it is the only type of declarative observed,5 and in the other 39 languages, it is the prototype of declarative contrasting other subtypes of declarative (see the following sections). Being the prototype of declarative means that it only functions to give information without realizing other functions. It should be noted that the function we are talking about is the grammaticalized one. If we leave the safe ground of lexicogrammar, there will be many subtypes of declarative clauses. Compared with other types of mood, languages display similarity in the realizations of declarative (proper). The majority of the languages in our sample (51 among 59) deploy no special lexicogrammatical resources in the realizations of declarative (proper). That is to say, there is not a functional element in the declarative (proper) mood structure that serves as the marker of mood type, as in example (47).

5 We

will avoid saying that a certain mood is absent in a certain language, since no reference grammar can offer an absolutely complete description of the language under study.

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(47) Chinese, declarative: declarative (proper) (tā)

yǐjīng

lái-le

3sg

already

come-pfv

Sub

Ad

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

‘S/he has already been here.’

In eight languages in our sample, however, some types of lexicogrammatical resources are deployed as the realizations of declarative (proper) clauses. These resources are termed Mood Negotiator, the functional element that marks the mood type of the clause. The Mood Negotiator for declarative (proper) clauses (hereafter MN: declarative) is realized by three types of grammatical class. The first one is the affix/ inflection. Languages making use of affixes/inflections to realize declarative (proper) clauses include Korean, West Greenlandic, Maidu, and Tauya. In Korean, each declarative (proper) clause is marked by a sentence ender that includes one or more affixes whose function is to indicate the mood type, the speech level, and the mode type. The speech level inflects the social relationship between the interactants and is indicated by the functional element of Tenor Marker (see Sect. 5.2.7). Mode in Korean has to do with evidentiality and thus is indicated by the functional element of Evidentiality Marker (see Sect. 5.2.5). Therefore, the sentence ender in Korean is a fusion of the functonal elements of Mood Negotiator, Tenor Marker, and Evidentiality Marker. The MN: declarative in West Greenlandic fuses with the Subject Indicator. It is generally regarded as indicative mode marker in class. The MN: declarative in Maidu realized by the suffix -{’æ} is also an indicative mode marker in class. Example (48), (49), (50), and (51) display the MN: declarative (the part in bold type) in the four languages. (48) Korean, declarative (proper): indicative mode: plain (Sohn 1999: 269) pi

ka

o-n-ta

rain

nom

come-ind-decl

Sub

SI

Pr-EvM-TM/MN

‘It is raining.’

(49) West Greenlandic, declarative (Sadock 2003: 9) (uanga = u-Vunga) uangaavunga (I/me = be-ind.1sg) Com = Pr-MN.SI ‘It’s me.’

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(50) Maidu, declarative: declarative (proper) (Shipley 1964: 46) (sôl-Ø-k-’ǽ-’Í-s) sólk̓as (sing-prs/pst-na-ind-sg-1) (Pr-Fi ‘present/past’-Fi ‘neutral aspect’-MN-SI–SI) ‘I sang’

(51) Tauya, declarative: declarative (proper) (MacDonald 1990: 4) fanu-ni

fenaʔa

Ø-yau-a-ʔa

man-erg

woman

3sg-see-3sg.aor-ind

Sub

Com

CI-Pr-SI.Fi ‘aorist’-MN

‘The man saw the woman.’

The second type of grammatical class that realizes the MN: declarative is the particle. Languages deploying particles to realize the MN: declarative include Somali, Dagaare, and Nama Hottentot. In Somali and Dagaare, the declarative is the entry condition of two simultaneous systems: one is focus-neutral/focused, and the other is affirmative/negative (for the discussion of these subtypes see following sections). Thus, there are four subtypes of declarative in the two languages. We consider the focus-neutral affirmative declarative mood the declarative (proper). In Somali and Nama Hottentot, the particle that realizes the MN: declarative occurs before the Predicator; the one in Dagaare occurs at the end of the clause, as in example (52), (53) and (54). (52) Somali, declarative: focus-neutral: affirmative (Saeed 1999: 80) waannuu (waa = aannu)

sug-n-ay

(decl = we.excl)

wait.for-1pl-pst

MN.Sub

Pr-SI-Fi ‘past’

‘We (exclusive) waited for it etc.’

(53) Dagaare, declarative: affirmative: focus-neutral (Mwinlaaru 2018: 140) l̃

wõ

a

na

1sg

hear.pfv

3pl.nhm

aff/mp

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘perfective’

Com

MN

‘I heard it.’

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(54) Nama Hottentot, declarative: proper (Hagman 1973: 105) kxòep

ke

ʔa

!ai

the person.3sg.m

decl

cop.prs

good

Sub.SI

MN

Pr.Fi ‘present’

Com

‘The person (masculine) is good.’

The third type of grammatical class that realizes the MN: declarative is the clitic. It is observed in Mian, where the enclitic = be realizing the MN: declarative is added to the Predicator, as in example (55). (55) Mian, declarative: declarative (proper) (Fedden 2011: 101) ī

futbol

pilai

3pl.an

football

play

Sub

Com

Pr

ke-b-io = be do-ipfv-2/3pl.an.sbj = decl Fi-Fi ‘imperfective’-SI = MN

‘They are playing football.’

5.2.2 The Hidatsa Subtypes of Declarative Mood As mentioned in last section, Hidatsa is characterized by lacking the declarative (proper) in mood system. All the subtypes of declarative in Hidatsa involve certain attitudes of the speaker toward the truth value of the clause. This feature of Hidatsa has been noticed by the previous typological studies and SFT studies on declarative mood, such as Sadock and Zwicky (1985), Matthiessen (2004), and König and Siemund (2007). Their discussion is based on the description of Matthews (1965), who classifies the declarative mood in Hidatsa into five subtypes, namely the emphatic (the speaker knows the clause to be true), the period (for clauses that describe the speaker’s desire of feelings), the quotative (the speaker regards what he has said to be something that everyone knows), the report (he speaker was told the information given in the clause by someone else), and the indefinite (the speaker does not know whether or not the clause is true; the speaker thinks the listener does not know). Obviously, at least two semantic dimensions are deployed for the elaboration of declarative mood in Hidatsa: one is the speaker’s attitude toward the truth value of the clause; the other one is evidentiality. We will offer a new description of the subtypes of declarative mood of Hidatsa based on another reference grammar of this language by Boyle (2007). Figure 5.4 displays the declarative mood system of Hidatsa. For the full mood system of the language, see the Appendix. Since the declarative mood system of Hidatsa is unique, the terms used here for the subtypes of declarative are mainly

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Fig. 5.4  The declarative mood system of Hidatsa, based on Boyle (2007)

borrowed from Boyle (2007) and are exclusive to this language. The same term used in the mood systems of other languages may be assigned to other meanings. It is shown that all the subtypes of declarative mood in Hidatsa are realized by Mood Negotiators which are realized by suffixes. We will discuss the functions of these subtype. The declarative mood in Hidatsa first is an entry condition of six options of declarative mood, namely the declarative, the emphatic, the non-speculative, the past definite singular, the past definite plural, and the speculative. The six options of declarative indicate the speaker’s attitude toward the truth value of the clause and are realized by ‘simple sentence final illocutionary markers’. The declarative, which is termed ‘period’ in Matthews (1965), is the most commonly used mood in Hidatsa, and only in this sense does it correspond to the declarative (proper) in other languages. The declarative/period indicates the speaker believes the information given to be true. In contrast, the emphatic indicates the speaker knows the information given to be true, and if the information is proved false, the speaker will be regarded a liar. It also expresses emphasis on the information. The non-speculative expresses an emphatic statement of fact. Compared with the declarative/period, it indicates the speaker is more certain about the truth value of the information. The past definite intersects with the category of tense and aspect. The singular form indicates the speaker is certain that a definite event has occurred, and the plural form indicates the event happened more than one time in the past. The speculative, which is termed ‘indefinite’ in Matthews (1965), expresses an internal question addressed to the speaker himself/herself. Matthews (1965) reports it indicates the speaker does not know the truth value of the information. Example (56) illustrates the six subtypes.

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(56a) Hidatsa, declarative: declarative (Boyle 2007: 197) wúa-aʔ-s̆

cawéeri-c

fish-pl.def-det.def

hot-decl

Sub

Pr-MN

‘The fish was hot.’

(56b) Hidatsa, declarative: emphatic (Boyle 2007: 197) waa-rée-raci-s̆ki 1act-go-approx-emph Sub/SI-Pr-Fi ‘aspect’-EmM ‘I will follow him!’

(56c) Hidatsa, declarative: non-speculative (Boyle 2007: 198) ihká-s̆

s̆ék

te-háa-toores̆

mother-det.def

dem

die-3.caus.def.pl-nonspec

Sub

Pr-Pr.SI-MN

‘They have killed my mother.’

(56d) Hidatsa, declarative: past definite singular (Boyle 2007: 199) wía-eeca

éeca-kaati

waa-té-haa-s̆t

woman-all

all-

indf-die-3.caus.def.pl-pst.def.sg

Sub

-Pr-Pr.SI-MN

‘The woman, all of them have been killed.’

(56e) Hidatsa, declarative: past definite plural (Boyle 2007: 199) mia-s

ii-kiracoopi-ʔa-aha

woman-def.det

ins-kiss-pl.def-pst.def.pl

Com

-Pr-SI-MN

‘They did kiss the woman.’

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(56f) Hidatsa, declarative: speculative (Boyle 2007: 198) xarée

húu-took

ii

tahúuraki-took

rain

come-spec

conju

thunder-spec

Sub

Pr-MN

Sub-MN

‘I wonder if there’s a storm and if that’s thunder?’

The declarative mood system of Hidatsa is elaborated further in delicacy along the dimension of evidentiality. The decelerative realized by the MN::-c forms the entry condition of another four evidential subtypes of declarative, namely the (evidentiality-)neutral, the narrative, the opinion, and the reportative. According to Boyle (2007), in addition to the declarative, it is also possible for the four evidentials to intersect with other subtypes of declarative, but this is less frequent. The narrative indicates knowledge handed down from the elders and assumed to be true. The opinion indicates that the speaker is merely stating an opinion. The reportative indicates the information which is told by someone else. Example (57) illustrates the three evidential declaratives. (57a) Hidatsa, declarative: narrative (Boyle 2007: 194) iíchihkawaahiris̆

as̆i-a-ruwí-waaree-c

First Worker

go.around-cont-go.along-naar-decl

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘aspect’-Pr-EvM-MN

‘First Worker traveled around.’

(57b)

Hidatsa, declarative: opinion (Boyle 2007: 194)

wáa-ruwa-ri

wii-is̆íi-haa-ʔa-kikee-c

indf-some-foc

1sta-bad-3.caus.def.pl-pl.def-opin-decl

Sub

CI-Pr-SI.Pr-SI-EvM-MN

‘Something must have made it bad to us’

(57c) Hidatsa, declarative: reportative (Boyle 2007: 199) macee-a-heri

ii-wa-giracoobi-rahaa-c

man-pl.def-dem

ins-1act-kiss-rep.pl-decl

Sub

-SI-Pr-EvM-MN

“The man said ‘I kissed her’”

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5.2.3 The Exclamative It is the basic communicative need of human beings to convey personal emotions, such as affection, disgust, surprise, angry, and fears. Emotions are principally expressed by paralanguages, such as facial expression, intonation, and body language. Besides, languages frequently conventionalize the expressions of human emotions in lexicogrammatical system. The mood for conveying human emotions is the exclamative. The exclamative is generally regarded an independent mood. But its status as an independent type of mood is not as well-established as other mood types, such as the declarative, the interrogative, and the imperative, because it bears resemblance with the declarative in meaning and with both the declarative and the interrogative in form. Concerning meaning, both declarative and exclamative function to give information, to represent a proposition as being true. The nuance, according to Sadock and Zwicky (1985), is that exclamative clauses are intended to be expressive, whereas declarative clauses are intended to be informative; in an exclamative clause, the speaker emphasizes his/her strong emotional reaction to what s/he takes to be a fact, whereas in a declarative, the speaker emphasizes his/ her intellectual appraisal that the proposition is true. In addition to the semantic resemblance, the declarative and the exclamative also bear structural resemblance in some languages. For example, in English, declarative (proper) clauses and exclamative clauses share the same sequence of Subject ^ Finite. In Tauya, the exclamative suffix -ʔae, according MacDonald (1990), consists of the indicative suffix -ʔa (MN: declarative) and the exclamative suffix -e. Though exclamative clauses, similar to interrogative clauses, contain interrogative words in many languages, they never require an answer from the addressee. Due to the semantic and structural connection between the exclamative and the declarative, the exclamative in SFL is considered a subtype of declarative mood (cf. Halliday 1985, 1994; Martin 1992). The exclamative is observed in 16 languages in our sample. The functional element realizing exclamative clauses is termed Emotion Marker (one type of Mood Negotiator). These languages bear similarity in presenting adverbs of degree or interrogative words in exclamative mood structure. They vary, however, in the degree of grammaticalization of the realizations of exclamative clauses. Languages with less grammaticalized realizations of exclamative clauses include Chinese and Turkish. In these languages, the Emotion Marker is realized by adverbs of degree or interrogative words, as in example (58) and (59). In some Chinese exclamative clauses, an Emotion Marker realized by the mood particle a is optionally present in exclamative mood structure.

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(58) Chinese, declarative: emotion-involved: exclamative nǐ

zhēn

měi

(a)

2sg

really

beautiful

(mp)

Sub

EM

Pr.Fi ‘neutral’

(EM)

‘How beautiful you are!’

(59) Turkish, declarative: exclamative (Göksel and Kerslake 2005: 125) su

o kadar

soğuk-tu

ki

water

so-

cold-pfv

-so

Sub

EM-

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

-EM

‘The water was so cold!’

Languages with more grammaticalized realizations of exclamative clauses include Korean, Kulina, Nyigina, and Tauya. In these languages, exclamative clauses are realized by exclamative suffixes, as in example (60) and (61). In Korean, similar to the MN: declarative, the EM: exclamative fuses with the Evidentiality Marker (either indicative or retrospective) and the Tenor Marker (which indicates one of the six speech levels). (60) Korean, declarative: exclamative: indicative mode: polite (Chang 1996: 90) kui-nun

cal

cwumwusi-nun-kwunyo

he-top

well

sleep.hon-prs-pol.exc

Sub-

Ad

Pr.TM-Fi ‘present’-TM.EM

‘(Well, I see) he sleeps well!’

(61) Tauya, declarative: exclamative (MacDonald 1990: 214) fofe-a-ʔae (ʔa-e) come-3sg.aor-exc Pr-SI.Fi ‘aorist’-MN ‘He’s coming!’

Other languages locate somewhere in the continuum of the degree of grammaticalization: some are characterized by a more grammaticalized realization of exclamative clauses and some a less one. Languages of this group can be categorized into three groups further according of the class deployed: (i) those deploying interrogative words and initial position, (ii) those deploying particles, and (iii)

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those deploying clitics. Languages of group (i) are mainly Indo-European languages, such as Persian, English, French, Spanish, and Greek. In these languages, the realizations of exclamative clauses involve an Emotion Marker which is realized by initially-sequenced interrogative words as in example (62). Languages of group (ii) include Lango, Vietnamese, Tagalog, and Maidu. In the former two languages, the particle realizing the Emotion Marker is positioned initially, as in example (63), and in the latter two languages, it is positioned at the end of the clause. Mian is the only language in our sample that realizes the EM: exclamative with an enclitic, as in example (64). (62) French, declarative: exclamative quels

bons

amis

exc

good.m.pl

friends

EM

Com

vous

êtes

you.pl

are.2pl

Sub

Fi ‘present’.Pr.SI

‘What good friends you are!’

(63) Lango, declarative: exclamative (Noonan 1992: 187) gwóggî

dɔ̀ɲɔ̀

kònó

bà

dogs

3sg.big.hab

how

exc

Sub

SI.Pr.Fi ‘habitual’

EM

EM

‘How big the dogs are!’

(64) Mian, declarative: exclamative (Fedden 2011: 143) naka

wanggel

i-ta

baka

haa-bl-Ø-i = bale

man

woman

pl.an-emph

with

roam.ipfv-aux.ipfv-ipfv-1sg.sbj = exc

Com

Pr-Fi ‘imperfective’-Fi ‘imperfective’-SI = EM

‘I was roaming with men and women!’

Though the exclamative is observed in 16 languages in our sample, it does not necessarily mean that exclamative clauses are absent from other languages. These languages without exclamative clauses observed in our descriptions may make use of intonation and adverbs of degree more frequently, or may make use of one of the realizations summarized above to realize exclamative clauses.

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5.2.4 The Emotion-Involved and the Assessed Declarative Some languages elaborate the declarative mood further in delicacy through involving the speaker’s various kinds of emotions, moods, tones, and attitudes in the information. The subtype of declarative realizing the function of giving information and simultaneously of conveying the speaker’s emotions, moods, tones, and attitudes is termed emotion-involved declarative (in Chinese it is termed emotive). The emotion-involved declarative is observed in Chinese, Thai and Cavineña. Some other languages allow their speakers to signal their attitudes to or different degrees of involvement in the proposition (and also proposal). The subtype of declarative realizing this function is termed assessed declarative (the term ‘assessed’ is borrowed from Halliday and McDonald 2004). The assessed declarative is observed in Vietnamese, Japanese, Ọ̀kọ́, Mongolian, Finnish, and Nenets. Both emotion-involved and assessed declarative are principally realized by clause-final particles and clitics. Some languages have a set of particles/ clitics, typically in languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia, such as in Chinese, Japanese, Mongolian, Thai, and Vietnamese, which are used frequently in colloquial speech to express the meanings mentioned above. The meanings realized by these particles/clitics roughly correspond to those conveyed by intonations in English. It is hard to assign a precise meaning to each of these particles/clitics, and different contexts may allow different interpretations. The very abundance of possibilities suggests that many functions of these particles/clitics may not be completely grammaticalized. Besides, many particles/clitics realizing emotion-involved declaratives also signal the speaker’s attitudes to and involvement in the proposition and many particles/clitics realizing assessed declaratives also convey the speaker’s emotions, moods, and minds. Therefore, though we use different terms here, there may be semantic overlaps between the two subtypes of declarative mood. The functional element realizing the emotion-involved and assessed declarative, like that realizing the exclamative, is also termed Emotion Marker. Since the exclamative also conveys the speaker’s emotions, the exclamative and the emotion-involved declarative are similar in meaning. Despite of the semantic similarity between the two subtypes of declarative mood, they are different subtypes both in meaning and in form. Semantically, the exclamative, the emotion-involved declarative (the emotive in Chinese), and the declarative (proper) can be considered at different places along a semantic continuum of expressiveness-informativeness. The exclamative locates closer to the end of expressiveness, the declarative (proper) is closer to the end of informativeness, and the emotion-involved declarative can be considered somewhere between the two moods. Thus, the three types of mood form a mood continuum. Besides, the emotions conveyed in exclamative clauses are usually  diretly related to the information itself, especially to the Subject; whereas the emotions conveyed in emotion-involved declarative may be less related to the information. Structurally speaking, the

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emotion-involved declarative is usually realized by clause-final particles or clitics, whereas the exclamative usually is expressed by adverbs of degree and interrogative words. Example (65) illustrates the emotive in Chinese. The meaning added in brackets is just one possible interpretation of the meaning realized by the clause-final particle in that situation. In other situations, they may convey other meanings. In addition to particles and clitics, the emotion-involved declarative can also be realized by affixes, as in example (66), but this is very seldom. (65a) Chinese, declarative: emotion-involved: emotive (tā)

chīfàn-ne

ya

(3sg)

have a meal-prog

mp

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘progressive’

EM

‘S/he is having dinner’. (with a tone of impatience)

(65b) Chinese, declarative: emotion-involved: emotive (tā)

yǐjīng

lái-le

you

3sg

already

come-pfv

mp

Sub

Ad

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

EM

‘S/he has been here.’ (in a happy mood and with a sense of humor)

(65c) Chinese, declarative: emotion-involved: emotive tā

shì

gòngchǎndǎngyuán

li

3sg

cop

communist

mp

Sub

Pr

Com

EM

‘S/he is a communist.’ (with a sense of pride or with a hint of sarcasm)

(66)

Cavineña, declarative: emotion-involved (Guillaume 2008: 242)

e-ra = ri

iji-wana-ya

1sg-erg = 3prox.sg(-fm)

drink-advr-ipfv

Sub = Com

Pr-EM-Fi ‘imperfective’

‘I am going to drink it (that disgusting cod oil).’

The assessed declarative may indicate the speaker’s various kinds of attitudes to or different degrees of involvement in the proposition: to emphasize it, to insist on it, to affirm it, to express certain emotions at it, etc. Example (67), (68), and

5.2  Subtypes of Declarative Mood and Their Realizations

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(69) display the assessed declarative in Vietnamese, Ọ̀kọ́, and Finnish. The EM: assessed declarative in Finnish is realized by clitics. (67a) Vietnamese, declarative: assessed (Nguyễn 1997: 118) tôi

đã

bảo

mà

I

pfv

tell

mp

Sub

Fi ‘perfective’

Pr

EM

‘I told you!’ (insistence, emphatic)

(67b) Vietnamese, declarative: assessed (Nguyễn 1997: 158) em

sǎ ́p

khâu

xong

rồi

ạ

younger sister

ipros

sew

pfv

already

mp

Sub

Fi ‘instant prospective’

Pr

Fi ‘perfective’

Com

EM

‘I’m about to fishing this sewing task.’ (polite)

(68) Ọ̀kọ́, declarative: assessed (Akerejola 2005: 221) usiye

e

e

mi

go

festival

ipfv

neg

dawn

mp

Sub

Fi ‘imperfective’

Fi ‘negative’

Pr

EM

‘The day has not broken. (perhaps at 10 a.m.)’ (statement + sarcasm)

(69)

Finnish, declarative: assessed (Karlsson 1999: 229)

tämä = hän

on

skandaali

this = part

be.3sg.prs

scandal

Sub = EM

Pr.SI.Fi ‘present’

Com

‘This really is a scandal!’

Another feature of these particles/clitics that realize the emotion-involved and assessed declarative is that in some languages, they are the realizations of the system of emotion-involvement, whose options are emotion-neutral and emotion-involved, or the system of assessment, whose options are assessment-neutral and assessed. The two systems can intersect not only with declarative clauses discussed here, but also with other types of clauses, such as interrogative clauses, and imperative clauses. For example, in Chinese, in addition to the emotion-involved declarative, there are emotion-involved interrogatives and imperatives; in Vietnamese, there are assessed interrogatives and imperatives. We will discuss them in later parts.

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Another mood that can be regarded as an emotion-involved declarative is the admirative, which serves to give information and to convey the speaker’s surprise attitude to the information given. It is observed in Albanian and Fongbe. In Fongbe, it is realized by particles, as in example (70), and in Albanian, it is realized by inflections, as in example (71). (70)

Fongbe, declarative: admirative (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 126)

Kɔ̀kú

xɔ̀

àsɔ́n

lɛ́

(l)á

Koku

buy

crab

pl

surp

Sub

Pr

Com

EM

‘Has Koku (really) bought the crabs!’

(71)

Albanian, admirative

ti

fliske

shqip

you.sg

speak.2sg.admi

Albanian

Sub

Pr.SI.MN

Com

‘You (surprisingly) speak Albanian!’

5.2.5 The Evidential Declarative Another subtype of declarative mood is the evidential declarative, which is concerned with evidentiality. Evidentiality is concerned with the source of information. Languages vary in the types of information source that are grammaticalized and in the degree of grammaticalization of evidential expressions. Almost all languages offer lexicogrammatical resources for reported information, while some types of information source are grammaticalized only in certain languages. Evidentiality can be expressed lexically and periphrastically in almost all languages, such as I see, I hear, and it is said in English and jùshuō (‘it is said’) in Chinese. In this sense, a declarative clause in any language is either an evidential one or an evidentiality-neutral one. However, what we will discuss here is the grammaticalized evidential declarative mood, which is expressed by affixes, clitics, and particles. The evidential declarative is observed in nine languages in our sample, as in Table 5.6. Compared with other types of clauses, evidentiality by nature interacts with declarative clauses most closely. The evidential declarative thus gives information and simultaneously indicates the information source. The evidential declarative is realized by the Evidentiality Marker in mood structure. Languages vary in the number of and the type of grammaticalized evidential declarative. Table 5.6.

reportative inferential visual narrative non-visual non-firsthand direct indirect conjecture contrary to evidence unwitness past neutral past

Qiang -i -k -u,-wu

Nenets Pr-s Pr-s

 = /-hɔ̃

Hup  = /-mah  = /-cud,-hi = Ø

Table 5.6  Types of evidential declaratives and their realizations

-n -s

 = (e)ƛ

Hinuq  = ƛen

-rana/-rane

-hari/-haro

Kulina

 = tukwe

Cavineña  = pa

-mi -shi -chi

Quechua

Mapuche -rke-

Kham di

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above shows that in Mapuche and Kham, only one type of evidential declarative is observed, and in Hup, four types are observed. Languages also vary in the realizations of evidential declarative: the three types of grammatical classes involved in the realizations of evidential declarative are affixes (mainly suffixes), clitics, and particles. Affixes and clitics are more frequently deployed than particles. Besides, languages also display intra-language consistency in the realizations of evidential declarative. In Hinuq, the evidential declarative is realized by evidential clitics; the unwitness past suffix and the neutral past suffix are fusions of Finite ‘tense’ and Evidentiality Marker. Now, we will look at the meanings of the evidential declarative clauses set out in Table 5.6. The evidential declarative clauses observed in our sample generally can be classified into three groups: (i) those reporting non-firsthand information, (ii) those reporting firsthand information, and (iii) those reporting the information based on personal judgment. The first group includes the reportative, the narrative in Hinuq and Kulina, the non-firsthand in Kulina, the indirect in Huallaga Quechua, and the unwitnessed past forms in Hinuq. The reportative gives information that is based on hearsay. The speaker makes no claims about the truth value of the statement. It is the most widely grammaticalized evidential declarative. The narrative in Hinuq is mostly used in traditional narration and marks the information as based on hearsay or report but normally leaves the origin of the information unexpressed. It occurs predominantly with simple past tense, but all other verbal forms are also compatible with its meaning. The narrative in Kulina is like that in Hinuq. The non-firsthand in Kulina indicates the information is either reported or heard but not acquired firsthand. The indirect in Huallaga Quechua indicates that the information is learned by indirect experience (hearsay). The unwitnessed past forms in Hinuq imply that the situation or event is not witnessed by the speaker. Example (72), (73), and (74) illustrate the evidential declarative that reports non-firsthand information in Nenets, Hinuq, and Kulina. (72) Nenets, declarative: evidential: reportative (Nikolaeva 2014: 96) sarm’ik°

tex°qna

tǣwo-ləxawi°

wolf

reinder.pl.loc

reach-rep

Sub

Ad

Pr.Fi ‘present’-EvM

‘Allegedly a wolf has come to the reindeer herd.’

(73) Hinuq, declarative: evidential: narrative/unwitnessed past (Forker 2013: 314) hago

seda

ixu-ho-r

Ø-aq’e-n = eƛ

he

one.obl

river-iloc-lat

g1-come-uwpst = narr

Sub

Ad

‘He came to one river.’

-Pr-Fi ‘past’.EvM = EvM

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(74) Kulina, evidential: non-firsthand (Dienst 2014: 115) hidapana

bakho

Ø-ke-na-rana

now

arrive

3-nsg-aux-nfrt.m

Ad

Pr

SI-Fi-EvM.SI

‘They’ve just arrived (I am told).’

The second group of evidential declaratives includes the visual in Qiang and Hup, the non-visual in Hup, the direct in Huallaga Quechua, and the neutral past forms in Hinuq. The visual gives witnessed information. The non-visual indicates information that is acquired firsthand but nonvisually. The direct evidential indicates that the speaker is convinced about what he is saying; it indicates that the information is learned by direct experience. The neutral past forms in Hinuq conventionally indicate that the speaker is an eye-witness of the situation or perceives it with the appropriate senses. They convey the information belonging to the personal knowledge sphere of the speaker. Example (75) and (76) display the evidential declarative that reports firsthand information in Qiang and Huallaga Quechua. (75) Qiang, declarative: evidential: visual (Randy and Huang 2003: 199) the:

jimi

de-se-ji-w-a

3sg

fertilizer

dir-spread-csm-vis-1sg

Sub

Com

Fi ‘perfective’-Pr-Fi ‘change of state’-EvM-SI

‘She spread the fertilizer.’ (I saw her spread it.)

(76) Huallaga Quechua, declarative: evidential: direct/assertive (Weber 1989: 421) wanu-nqa-qaq-mi die-3.fut-fut-dir Pr-SI.Fi ‘future’-Fi ‘future’-EvM ‘(I assert that) it will die.’

The third group of evidential declaratives includes the inferential in Qiang, Nenets, and Hup, the conjecture in Huallaga Quechua, and the contrary to evidence in Cavineña. The inferential gives information that is based on inference. The conjecture indicates that the speaker’s statement is a conjecture and is not the sort of information for which anyone should be held responsible. The contrary to evidence in Cavineña expresses the fact that a proposition is true despite the evidence. Example (77) and (78) illustrate the evidential declarative that reports the information based on personal judgment in Hup and Cavineña.

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(77) Hup, declarative: evidential: inferential (Epps 2008: 646) ʔám = ăn

dohʔã́y

ʔun’-yɨ́ʔ-ɨ́y = cud

2sg = obj

Curupira

suck-tel-dynm = infe

Com

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘telic’-Fi ‘dynamic’ = EvM

‘Curupira has sucked you (your brain), apparently.’

(78) Cavineña, declarative: evidential: contrary to evidence (Guillaume 2008: 642) bina = ra = tukwe = Ø

susu-wa

bat = erg = cont.evid(=1sg-fm)

suck-prf

Sub = = EvM(=Com)

Pr-Fi ‘perfect’

‘A (vampire) bat sucked me (but I didn’t feel it).’

In addition to the evidential declarative clauses discussed above, the declarative clauses with retrospective mode in Korean, though generally not regarded as evidential clauses, are also related to evidentiality. According to Sohn (1999), the retrospective mode is one of the two options in mode system in Korean, the other being indicative mode. An indicative clause in Korean (either declarative or interrogative) can intersect with either indicative mode or retrospective mode. The clause with retrospective mode denotes an act or state as the speaker’s past observation or experience while the one with indicative mode denotes an act or state as an objective fact. In this sense, the retrospective declarative in Korean reports firsthand information and can be regarded as an evidential declarative of the second group. As mentioned above, the sentence ender in Korean is a fusion of the Mood Negotiator, which indicates mood type, the Tenor Marker, which indicates six speech levels, and the Evidentiality Marker, which indicates the evidentiality (mode of Korean), as in (79). (79) Korean, declarative (proper): retrospective mode (Sohn 1999: 359) Mia

ka

kukcang

ey

ka-te-la/ ka-tey-yo/ ka-p-ti-ta

Mia

nom

theater

to

go-rt-dcle/go-rt-pol/go-ah-rt-decl

Sub

Ad

Pr-EvM-MN/Pr-EvM-TM/MN /Pr-TM-EvM-MN

‘I saw Mia going to the movie.’

5.2.6 The Emphatic and the Focused Declarative All languages may have a repertoire of lexicogrammatical resources which enable the speaker to emphasize the proposition or a certain part of the proposition. In most languages, this is done through lexical or analytical devices, such as ‘do,

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did, really, indeed, and definitely’ in English, the cleft construction ‘it is…that’ in English, and its counterpart ‘shì…de’ in Chinese. However, some languages have the function grammaticalized, realizing the function through grammatical devices, such as particles, clitics, and affixes. These grammaticalized resources intersect with options in mood system, and thus a declarative clause can be either emphasis-neutral or emphatic. The emphatic declarative is observed in Qing, Maidu, Hup, Diegueño, Cavineña, Mapuche, and Hinuq. Some reference grammars use the term ‘focus’ instead of ‘emphasis’, and thus, a declarative clause can be either focus-neutral or focused. In some cases, the two terms can be used alternatively. A nuance between the two terms might be that the focused declarative usually has one element in the clause emphasized, whose function corresponds to the cleft construction ‘it is…that’, and an emphatic declarative can have both one element in the clause and the whole clause emphasized, whose function corresponds to both the cleft construction and lexical items ‘do, did, really, indeed, definitely’. We will use the original term in reference grammars. Languages that have focused declarative include Jamsay, Dagaare, Hup, Cavineña, and Saramaccan Creole. The functional elements that realize emphatic and focused declarative clauses are termed Emphasis Marker and Focus Marker, respectively. Both them are Mood Negotiators. The emphasis Marker and the Focus Marker can be realized by particles (in Qiang, Maidu, Dagaare, and Saramaccan Creole), clitics (in Hup, Cavineña, and Jamsay), and affixes (in Diegueño and Mapuche), as in example (80), (81), and (82). (80) Maidu, declarative: emphatic (Shipley 1964: 58) ní

ʔas

(sôl-Ø-k-’ǽ-’Í-s) sólk̓as

I

emph

(sing-prs/pst-na-ind-sg-1)

Sub

EmM

(Pr-Fi ‘present/past’-Fi ‘neutral aspect’-MN-SI–SI)

‘I’m the one who sang.’

(81) Jamsay, declarative: focused (Jeffrey 2008: 457) nìm = îː

lùgùr-áːrà-m

cow-peas = foc

look.for-hab-1sg.sbj

Com = FM

Pr-Fi ‘habitual’-SI

‘It’s cow-peas that I’m look for.’

(82) Mapuche, declarative: emphatic (Smeets 2008: 245) fe-m-lle-n become.like.that-caus-aff-ind.1sg Pr-Pr-EmM-MN.SI ‘I certainly did that.’

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In Diegueño and Cavineña, there are two realizations of emphatic declarative clauses, such as one for a mild one and the other for a strong one, as in example (83). Thus, the declarative (proper), the mild emphatic, and the strong emphatic form a mood continuum along the dimension of the degree of emphasis. (83a) Cavineña, declarative: discourse-marking: emphatic (Guillaume 2008: 651) wnapa-wa = taa = tuna-ra = ike cry.for-prf = emph = 3pl-erg = 1sg-fm Pr-Fi ‘perfect’ = EmM = Sub- = Com ‘They (my dogs) cried for me!’

(83b)  Cavineña, declarative: (Guillaume 2008: 640)

discourse-marking:

strong

emphatic/focused

uma-dama = dya = d = ni = ri-ke = Ø

isha-wa?

many-neg = foc = strg.emph = maybe = 3prox.sg-fm (=1sg-erg)

put.in-perf

Com-Fi ‘negative’ = FM = EmM = Fi ‘modality’ = Com- (=Sub-)

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

‘Maybe I haven’t poured enough of it (the powder)!’

In addition to the languages mentioned above, emphatic/focused declarative clauses are observed in some other languages as well. For example, in languages with assessed declarative clauses discussed in Sect. 5.2.4, emphasis and focus may be two aspects of assessment, as in example (67a) and (69).

5.2.7 Tenor-Related Declaratives Politeness and the tenor of the relationship between the interactants are crucial domains of interpersonal meaning. They correlate with each other closely. All human languages have enormous lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal to express politeness and to enact the tenor of the relationship between the interactants. The tenor of the relationship is frequently enacted by vocatives and addresses. Politeness is frequently expressed by polite languages, such as please, thank you, and excuse me. Besides, politeness and the tenor of the relationship can be indicated by interpersonal grammatical metaphor (see Sect. 3.2.3; see Halliday and Matthiessen 2014, Chapter 10). For example, when a speaker is addressing to a person with higher social status or with far social distance, the grammatical realization of command ‘could you open the door’ is more polite than the congruent one ‘open the door’. Some languages have expressions of politeness

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grammaticalized. For example, many languages encode politeness in personal pronouns, such as nǐ (2sg) and nín (2sg.polite) in Chinese and tu (2sg) and vous (2sg. polite; 2pl) in French. Concerning the declarative mood, some languages elaborate it further along the dimension of politeness and the tenor of the relationship. Languages doing so in our sample include Korean, Javanese, Japanese, and Thai. In Korean, this is done though speech level system. We have mentioned several times above that the sentence ender in Korean is a fusion of the Mood Negotiator, which distinguishes four mood types, the Evidentiality Marker, which indicates two mode types (another mode ‘requestive’ is termed Mood Negotiator), and the Tenor Marker, which reflects six speech levels. Table 5.7 sets out the sentence enders in Korean. It is shown that declarative and interrogative clauses in Korean intersect either with indicative mode or retrospective mode, and simultaneously with one of the six speech levels; imperative (jussive in our term) and propositive (cohortative in our term) clauses intersect with speech level only. speech level indicates the social relationship between the speaker and the addressee. The number of its options and the terminology used for each option vary in different reference grammars. Lee (1989) recognizes five speech levels, namely high formal, low formal, high plain, low plain, and medium. Chang (1996) and Sohn (1999) recognize six, namely formal/deferential, polite, blunt, familiar, intimate, and plain. According to Sohn (1999), the plain speech level is used by any speaker to any child, to one’s own younger siblings, children, or grandchildren regardless of age, and to one’s daughter-in-law, and between intimate adult friends whose friendship begins in childhood. The intimate speech level is used by a child of pre-school age to his or her family members including parents, and between close friends whose friendship begins in childhood or adolescence, and to one’s adult or adolescent students or to one’s son-in-law. The familiar speech level, which is more formal than the intimate, is used by a male adult to an adolescent or to one’s son-in-law or between two close friends whose friendship begins in Table 5.7  Sentence enders in Korean (cf. Sohn 1999: 234–237) declarative plain intimate familiar blunt polite deferential

interrogative

imperative

propositive

indicative

retrospective indicative

retrospective requestive

ka-n-ta ka

ka-te-la ——

ka-nu-nya ka

ka-te-n(ya) ——

ka-ca ka

ka-la ka

ka-ne-y

ka-te-y

ka-nu-nka

ka-te-nka

ka-se-y

ka-ke-y

ka-o ka-yo ka-p-ni-ta

—— ka-te-yyo ka-p-ti-ta

ka-o ka-yo ka-p-ni-kka

—— ka-p-si-ta ka-o ka-te-nka-yo ka-yo ka-yo ka-p-ti-ta ka-si-p-si-ta ka-si-p-si–o

‘(He) goes.’

‘I saw (him) go.’

‘Does (he) go?’

‘Do you see (him) go?’

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‘Go, please!’ ‘Let’s go!’

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adolescence. The blunt speech level is used only to adult addressees and is gradually disappearing from daily usage. The polite and the deferential speech level are used only to adult addressees. The most popularly used speech level is the polite speech level, which is the informal counterpart of the deferential speech level. With distant equals or superiors, male speakers usually intermix the polite and the deferential speech level, while female speakers tend to use the polite speech level only. Example (84) shows the intersection between declarative clauses and speech levels. (84a) Korean, declarative (proper): indicative mode: intimate (Sohn 1999: 269) pi

ka

w-a

rain

nom

come-int.decl

Sub

SI

Pr-TM/MN

‘It is raining.’

(84b) Korean, declarative (proper): indicative mode: familiar (Sohn 1999: 269) pi

ka

o-ney

rain

nom

come-fml.decl

Sub

SI

Pr-TM/MN

‘It is raining.’

(84c) Korean, declarative (proper): indicative mode: blunt (Sohn 1999: 269) pi

ka

o-o

rain

nom

come-bln.decl

Sub

SI

Pr-TM/MN

‘It is raining.’

In Javanese, the elaboration of declarative clauses (also other clauses) is also through speech level, but it is termed ‘speech style’ in Errington (1988), and we will use the term ‘speech style’. The speech style is also of the function of enacting the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and addressee in the exchange. Ngoko, madya, and krama are the three widely recognized speech styles in Javanese, which correspond to low, middle, and high speech level, respectively. According to Errington (1988) and Robson (1992), ngoko is the basic language that one thinks in, that one uses to intimates and inferiors and uses when feeling unstrained or losing temper. It is the most natural and spontaneous form of verbal expression. Krama and madya together are basa ‘non-ngoko’ styles. Basa is used to strangers and superiors, to whom one feels worthy of respect. The speech level in Korean and the speech style in Javanese are similar to each other in functions. They differ, however, in

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realizations. The speech level in Korean as discussed above is realized by a set of sentence enders, accompanied by using honorific terms. In contrast, each speech style in Javanese is realized by a structurally unitary configuration of components from its own sets. The lexicogrammatical realizations of different speech styles in Javanese are so distinctive that they look like different languages, but they are different styles in the form of different sets of vocabulary in Javanese. Example (85) illustrates the intersection between declarative clauses and speech styles. (85a) Javanese, declarative: ngoko (Robson 1992: 16) aku

wis

mangan

segané

I

already

eat

rice

Sub.TM

Fi ‘past/perfect’.TM

Pr.TM

Com.TM

‘I have eaten the rice.’

(85b) Javanese, declarative: madya (Robson 1992: 17) kula

mpun

nedha

sekulé

I

already

eat

rice

Sub.TM

Fi ‘past/perfect’.TM

Pr.TM

Com.TM

‘I have eaten the rice.’

(85c) Javanese, declarative: krama (Robson 1992: 17) kula

sampun

nedha

sekulipun

I

already

eat

rice

Sub.TM

Fi ‘past/perfect’.TM

Pr.TM

Com.TM

‘I have eaten the rice.’

In Japanese and Thai, mood system intersects with politeness system. Politeness is encoded in various grammatical classes in Japanese, among which verbs (also adjectives) intersect with mood system most closely. Each verb in Japanese has a polite form marked by the suffix -mas-, and thus any clause in Japanese is either politeness unmarked (informal) or politeness marked (formal), as in example (86). (86a) Japanese, declarative: conclusive: politeness unmarked (Teruya 2007: 163) (watashi-wa)

hon-o

yon-ta

(i-nom)

book-acc

read-pst

(Sub)

Com

Pr.TM -Fi ‘past’

‘(I) read a book’

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(86b) Japanese, declarative: conclusive: politeness marked (Teruya 2017: 221) watashi-wa

tegami-o

kaki-mas-u

I-nom

letter-acc

write-pol-npst

Sub

Com

Pr-TM-Fi ‘non-past’

‘I write a letter.’

In Thai, according to Smyth (2002), politeness can be conveyed through deferential pronouns, formal vocabulary, polite final particles, and pitch and volume of voice. The polite final particles can be regarded as grammaticalized expressions of politeness. Thus, like Japanese, a declarative clause in Thai is either politeness unmarked or politeness marked. Thai is rich in polite final particles, as set out in Table 5.8 below. It can be found that polite particles in Thai not only signal politeness but also indicate the tenor of the relationship as the speech level/style does in Korean and Javanese.

5.2.8 Other Subtypes of Declarative Mood In the previous sections, we have discussed several common subtypes of declarative clauses. In this section, we will see some less commonly observed subtypes of declarative clauses. First, we will see the affirmative declarative (the declarative (proper)) and the negative declarative. It should be noted that the contrast between affirmative declaratives and negative declaratives is different from that between positive declaratives and negative declaratives. The former is a systemic contrast within mood, which is indicated by Mood Negotiator, while the latter is a systemic contrast within polarity, which is indicated by Finite ‘negative’. In other words, a positive declarative differs from a negative declarative only in polarity rather than in mood type. The affirmative declarative and the negative declarative are observed in Welsh, Somali, Dagaare, and Fongbe, where they are realized by a pair of mutually exclusive Mood Negotiators which are realized by particles in class. The affirmative declarative, as mentioned in Sect. 5.2.1, is the declarative (proper). The Mood Negotiator: affirmative in Welsh is optional, and in Fongbe, it is absent. Even so, this does not mean that the negative declarative marker ǎ in Fongbe realizes the Finite ‘negative’, which is realized by the particle mà occurring between the Subject and the Predicator. Besides, in Somali and Dagaare, the option between affirmative and negative intersects with the option between focus-neutral and focused. Table 5.9 sets out the Mood Negotiators for the affirmative declarative and the negative declarative in Welsh, Somali, Dagaare, and Fongbe. Example (87) and (88) show affirmative and negative declaratives in Welsh and Somali.

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Table 5.8  Polite particles in Thai (cf. Smyth 2002) Particle

Mood

khráp

decl

Function and usage by males at the end of statements and questions

q

khâ khá khăa

decl

há?/há

decl

q

q

hâ cá

decl

câ

decl

q

căa

wá wâ/wóoy

yá/yâ phâyâkhâ/ pheekhá

q decl

by females at the end of statements by females at the end of questions by female speakers only after a name to attract the person’s attention by male speakers as an informal substitute for khráp; used by female speakers as an informal substitute for khá by female speakers as an informal substitute for khâ by adult male and female speakers at the end of questions when talking to children, servants, or people of markedly lower social status; as a ‘sweet talk’ question particle between males and females or as a ‘best friends’ question particle between females; used after the name of a child, servant, or inferior to attract that person’s attention; used in polite requests after the particle sí by adult male and female speakers at the end of a statement when speaking to children, servants, and people of inferior status; between males and females denotes anything from easy familiarity to ‘sweet talk’; between females signals ‘best friends talk’; used as a response when one’s name is called (when the vowel is often lengthened to câa); used in isolation as a ‘yes’ response; used to reassure speaker of one’s attention by older or senior male and female speakers after a younger or junior person’s name to attract that person’s attention (e.g., parents or adults calling children); similarly used between equals as a sign of affection; can also be used in isolation as a response, more typically by females, when one’s name is called an impolite or informal particle, used to indicate rudeness, anger, and aggressiveness when speaking to strangers, or intimacy with close friends of equal status; wá is used with questions and wâ/wóoy with statements; more common in male speech but can be used by females; it is the particle favored by baddies on the big screen, used by drinking friends as the evening progresses, and the one to snarl in the expression tham aray wá? (‘What the hell are you doing?’) if you have the misfortune to encounter an intruder in your house an impolite or informal particle, similar to wá/wâ, but restricted in usage to female speakers to royalty, male speakers use phâyâkhâ and female speakers pheekhá

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Table 5.9  Mood Negotiators for affirmative and negative declarative Languages Welsh Somali

affirmative    MNːp::waa FMːp::bàa, ayàa,wáxa(a)

focus-neutral focused focus-neutral focused

Dagaare

MNːp::na FMːp::nɩ,n,ɩ –

Fongbe

(87a)

negative MNːp::ni, nid MNːp::má; + MNːi:neg FMːp::bàa, ayàa,wáxa(a); MNːp::áan; + MNːi:neg MNːp::ɩ, e, ɛ – MNːp::ǎ

Welsh, declarative: affirmative (Borsley et al. 2007: 35)

y

mae

Gwyn

yn

yr

ardd

aff

be.prs.3sg

Gwyn

in

the

garden

MN

Pr.Fi ‘present’.SI

Sub

Ad

‘Gwyn is in the garden.’

(87b)

Welsh, declarative: negative (Borsley et al. 2007: 263)

nid

yw

Gwyn

(ddim)

yn

darllen

neg

be.prs.3sg

Gwyn

(neg)

prog

read.inf

MN

Fi ‘present’.SI

Sub

(Fi ‘negative’)

Fi ‘progressive’

Pr

‘Gwyn isn’t reading.’

(88a)

Somali, declarative: focus-neutral: affirmative (Saeed 1999: 185)

wàad (waa = aad)

i

sóori

kar-t-aa

(decl = you)

me

feed.inf

can-2sg-prs

MN.Sub

Com

Pr

Fi ‘modality’-SI-Fi ‘present’

‘You can feed me.’

(88b)

Somali, declarative: focus-neutral: negative (Saeed 1999: 186)

qálabkíi

má

jebín

machine-the

not

break.caus.pst.neg

Com

MN

Pr.Fi ‘past’.MN

‘(I/you/he/she etc.) did not break the machine.’

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The second subtype of declarative is the suppositive declarative, which is observed in Korean and Japanese. It reflects the speaker’s suppositive attitude toward the information given. In other words, the information given is not backed up by strong bases but is based on the speaker’s imagination and conjecture. In Japanese, the suppositive declarative contrasts with the conclusive declarative. According to Teruya (2007), the conclusive presents information derived from the actual world rather than being based on imagination or conjecture. The conclusive declarative is the declarative (proper) in Japanese. In Korean, the suppositive declarative can only intersect with indicative mode and plain, intimate, and polite speech level, as in example (89). (89) Korean, declarative: suppositive: indicative mode: plain (Chang 1996: 89) ku.i-nun

cal

cwumwusi-ci

he-top

well

sleep.hon-su

Sub-

Ad

Pr.TM–TM/EvM

‘He sleeps well, I suppose.’

The third subtype of declarative is the assertive in Nama Hottentot and Hmong realized by particles. Compared with declarative (proper) which makes no assertion as to the truth or falsity of the information given, the assertive declarative asserts the truth of the information. It is similar to the subtypes of declarative in Hidatsa (see Sect. 5.2.2) and the emphatic declarative in function. The fourth subtype is the mirative, which is observed in Kham, Qiang, and Nenets. It presents newly discovered or unexpected information and conveys the speaker’s surprise about new information. It is similar to the admirative in Albanian and Fongbe (see Sect. 5.2.4). In Qiang and Nenets, it has the same realization as the inferential evidential declarative, as in example (90). (90) Qiang, declarative: evidential: inferential/mirative (Randy and Huang 2003: 200) the:

ɕtɕimi

ʑdʑi-k

3sg

heart

sick-infe

Sub

Pr-MN

‘He is unhappy!’ (just discovered; relatively sure, not guess)

The fifth subtype is the determinative, which is a unique subtype of declarative only observed in Fongbe. It indicates shared background information and is realized by the same determiner used in nominal groups, as in example (91).

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(91) Fongbe, declarative: determinative (Lefebvre and Brousseau 2002: 481) súnû

ɔ́

gbà

mɔ́tò

ɔ́

ɔ́

man

def

destroy

car

def

def

Pr

Com

Sub

MN

‘The man destroyed the car.’ (as was said before) ‘The man has destroyed the car.’ (as we knew he would) ‘The man has destroyed the car.’ (as we knew the car would be destroyed)

Finally, we will introduce the promissive and the admonitive in Korean. The former implies the speaker’s promise or willingness for a future act and the latter expresses a warning, as in example (92). (92a)3 Korean, declarative: promissive: plain (Chang 1996: 91) nay-ka

ka-ma

I-nom

come-pr

Sub

Pr-TM/MN

‘I promise that I’ll go.’

(92b) Korean, declarative: admonitive (Sohn 1999: 273) nwun-i

o-l-la

snow-nom

come-pros-adm

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘modality’-MN

‘It may snow, I warn you.’

There remain some subtypes of declarative clauses undiscussed, which are observed only in Hup and Cavineña. An interesting finding is that Hup displays four dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood, and each dimension is elaborated further in delicacy with the help of a set of grammaticalized realizations. Thus, Hup is characterized by owning the most elaborate declarative mood system among all the languages in our sample. Figure 5.5 illustrates the declarative mood system of Hup. We have discussed the assessed declarative and the evidential declarative. The discourse-marking declarative (the term is from Epps 2008) is concerned with emphasis, focus, contrast, topicality, etc. It is realized by suffixes, enclitics, and particles that are added to nominals. The assessed declarative is termed ‘sentence-level affect’ by Epps (2008), which realizes the meanings of affect, intensification, emphasis, focus, and other related meanings realized at clause rank. The subtypes of assessed declarative are realized by inner suffixes, boundary suffixes, enclitics, and particles. The modal declarative is realized by suffixes, and thus, it is also a grammaticalized dimension for the elaboration of declarative clauses. The function

5.3  Chapter Summary

145

Fig. 5.5  The declarative mood system of Hup

of each subtype of declarative in Hup is indicated by their names, and we will not discuss them one by one. Cavineña has a similar declarative mood system. For the declarative mood system of Cavineña, see the Appendix.

5.3 Chapter Summary In this chapter, we made a cross-linguistic comparison of declarative mood. The comparison is arranged into two parts: the first part concentrates on the functional elements in declarative mood structure, and the second part focuses on the subtypes of declarative mood and their realizations. Concerning the functional elements in declarative mood structure, we mainly focused on the Subject, the Predicator, and the Finite. With regard to the Subject,

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5  A Systemic Functional Typology of Declarative Mood

it is observed in the mood structure of all languages in our sample. However, languages vary in the ellipsis of Subject. Along this parameter, languages in our sample can be classified into two groups: (i) those generally allowing the ellipsis of Subject and (ii) those generally not allowing the ellipsis of Subject. The ellipsis of Subject requires certain conditions met: either it can be recovered from context of situation or co-text or it is indicated by verbal inflections. The ellipsis of Subject is related to the role it plays in the realizations of mood system and other interpersonal meanings. The Subject playing certain roles in the realizations of mood system or other interpersonal meanings usually cannot be omitted. Languages also vary in terms of the realizations of (personal) Subject: it can be realized by independent personal pronouns, clitic pronouns, or affix pronouns in different languages. With regard to the Predicator, languages bear strong similarity in displaying the Predicator in mood structure (except in equative clauses in some languages) and in realizing it with verb groups; some languages can realize the Predicator with adjectives. Regarding the Finite, languages are at variance with each other in the meanings realized by Finite. Along this parameter, languages in our sample can be roughly classified into three groups: (i) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of tense, (ii) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of aspect, and (iii) those whose Finite equally realizes the meanings of tense and aspect. In addition to tense and aspect, other meanings realized by Finite include modality and polarity (negation) in most languages in our sample and mode in a few languages. Moreover, languages also differ from each other in the realizations of Finite. Along this parameter, languages in our sample can be categorized into three groups: (i) those mainly deploying inflectional classes, (ii) those mainly deploying non-inflectional classes, and (iii) those deploying both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. Languages of each group display intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite. The classification of languages along the parameter of realizations of Finite correlates with the morphological types of languages: polysynthetic and agglutinative languages mainly fall into group (i), isolating languages mainly fall into group (ii), and fusional languages mainly fall into group (iii). Languages also vary in the number of subtypes of declarative mood. The declarative (proper) exits in all the languages in our sample except Hidatsa, where each subtype of declarative mood involves the speaker’s certain attitudes toward the truth value of the clause. The exclamative is another common subtype of declarative. Other subtypes of declarative mood include the evidential declarative, the emotion-involved and the assessed declarative, the emphatic and the focused declarative, tenor-related declarative clauses in Korean, Javanese, Japanese, and Thai, the negative declarative, the assertive declarative, the mirative and the admirative, etc. Besides, languages are at variance with each other in the realizations of declarative mood. Languages display similarity in the realizations of declarative (proper) mood. The majority of the languages in our sample deploy no special lexicogrammatical resources for the realization of declarative (proper). Some languages have realizations for the declarative (proper) mood, which can be affixes/ inflections, particles, and clitics in class. As for the realizations of exclamative

References

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mood, languages bear similarity in deploying adverbs of degree or interrogative words, but they vary in the degree of grammaticalization of the realizations of exclamative mood: in languages where the realization is less grammaticalized, it is realized by adverbs of degree and interrogative words merely; in languages where the realization is more grammaticalized, it is realized by affixes; in languages which locate somewhere between the languages with less and more grammaticalized realizations, it can be realized by initially-positioned interrogative words, particles, or clitics. The emotion-involved and the assessed declarative are commonly realized by particles and clitics and seldom by affixes. In contrast, the evidential declarative is commonly realized by affixes and clitics and seldom by particles. Languages also vary in the realizations of emphatic declarative, focused declarative, tenor-related declarative, and other subtypes of declarative mood. More generalizations about the realizations of declarative mood system and the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system will be made in Chap. 8.

References Akerejola ES (2005) A text-based lexicogrammatical description of Ọ̀kọ́. Dissertation, Macquarie University Borsley RD, Tallerman M, Willis D (2007) The syntax of Welsh. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Bowern CL (2012) A grammar of Bardi. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Boyle, JP (2007) Hidatsa morpho-syntax and clause structure. Dissertation, The University of Chicago Chang S-J (1996) Korean. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Chao YR (1968) A grammar of spoken Chinese. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles Comrie B (1976) Aspect. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Comrie B (1989) Language universals and linguistic typology, 2nd edn. Blackwell, Oxford Dienst S (2014) A grammar of Kulina. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston Dum-Tragut J (2009) Armenian: modern Eastern Armenian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia Epps P (2008) A grammar of Hup. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Errington JJ (1988) Structure and style in Javanese: a semiotic view of linguistic etiquette. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia Fedden S (2011) A grammar of Mian. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Forker D (2013) A grammar of Hinuq. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Fortescue M (1984) West Greenlandic. Croom Helm, London Givón T (2011) Ute reference grammar. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Göksel A, Kerslake C (2005) Turkish: a comprehensive grammar. Routledge, New York Guillaume A (2008) A grammar of Cavineña. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Hagman RS (1973) Nama Hottentot grammar. Columbia University, New York Halliday MAK (1985) An introduction to functional grammar. Edward Arnold, London Halliday MAK (1994) An Introduction to functional Grammar, 2nd edn. Edward Arnold, London Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2004) An introduction to functional grammar, 3rd edn. Hodder Arnold, London

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Halliday MAK, Matthiessen CMIM (2014) Halliday’s introduction to functional grammar, 4th edn. Routledge, London/New York Halliday MAK, McDonald E (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Chinese. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 305–396 Heath J (1999) A grammar of Koyra Chiini. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Jaggar PJ (2001) Hausa. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Janhunen JA (2012) Mongolian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Karlsson F (1999) Finnish: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York König E, Siemund P (2007) Speech act distinctions in grammar. In: Shopen T (ed) Clause structure. Language typology and syntactic description, vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 276–323 Krishnamurti BH, Gwynn JPL (1985) A grammar of modern Telugu. Oxford University Press, Oxford Lee HHB (1989) Korean grammar. Oxford University Press, Oxford Lefebvre C, Brousseau A-M (2002) A grammar of Fongbe. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Li CN, Thompson SA (1981) Mandarin Chinese: a functional reference grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles MacDonald L (1990) A grammar of Tauya. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Martin JR (1992) English text: system and structure. John Benjamins, Philadelphia/Amsterdam Matthews GH (1965) Hidatsa syntax. Mouton & Co., London Matthiessen CMIM (1995) Lexicogrammatical cartography: English systems. International Language Sciences Publishers, Tokyo Matthiessen CMIM (2004) Descriptive motifs and generalizations. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 537–673 Matthiessen CMIM, Halliday MAK (2009) Systemic functional grammar: a first step into the theory. (trans: Huang GW, Wang HY). Higher Education Press, Beijing McWhorter JH, Good J (2012) A grammar of Saramaccan Creole. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/ Boston Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A Systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Newmark L, Hubbard P, Prieti P (1982) Standard Albanian: a reference grammar for students. Stanford University Press, Stanford Nguyễn D-H (1997) Vietnamese. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Nikolaeva I (2014) A grammar of Tundra Nenets. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Noonan M (1992) A grammar of Lango. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Palmer FR (2001) Mood and modality, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Praulin̦š D (2012) Latvian: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Randy JL, Huang CL (2003) A grammar of Qiang. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Robson S (1992) Javanese grammar for students. Monash University, Melbourne Sadock J (2003) A grammar of Kalaallisut. LINCOM Europa, München/Newcastle Sadock J, Zwicky A (1985) Speech act distinctions in syntax. In: Shopen T (ed) Clause structure. Language typology and syntactic description, vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 155–196 Saeed JI (1999) Somali. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Schachter P, Reid LA (2009) Tagalog. In: Comrie B (ed) The world’s major languages, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, pp 833–856 Shipley WF (1964) Maidu grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles Smeets I (2008) A grammar of Mapuche. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Smyth D (2002) Thai: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Sohn H-M (1999) The Korean language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

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Stokes B (1982) A description of Nyigina: a language of the West Kimberley. Dissertation, The Australian National University Teng SF-C (2007) A reference grammar of Puyuma: an Austronesian language of Taiwan. Dissertation, Australian National University Teruya K (2007) A systemic functional grammar of Japanese. Continuum, London Teruya K (2017) Mood in Japanese. In: Bartlett T, O’Grady G (eds) The Routledge handbook of systemic functional linguistics. Routledge, London/New York, pp 213–230 Watters DE (2004) A grammar of Kham. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Weber DJ (1989) A grammar of Huallaga (Huanuco) Quechua. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London Winkler E (2001) Udmurt. LINCOM Europa, München Xing FY (1996) Hànyǔ yǔfǎxué (Chinese grammar). Northeast University Press, Changchun

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Chapter 6

A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

6.1 The Polar Interrogative Mood 6.1.1 Subtypes of Polar Interrogative Mood The polar interrogative mood demands information about the polarity of the proposition realized by the clause. It is supposed to elicit an answer which is either positive or negative in polarity. It is observed in almost all the languages in our sample and realized by a wide variety of morphosyntactic devices among different languages. Exceptions are Teiwa, Bardi, and Ute, where the polar interrogative mood is not observed, either because it is not grammaticalized (neither is it indicated by intonation) or because it is replaced by certain other subtypes of polar interrogative. In Teiwa, according to Klamer (2010), polar interrogative clauses may have a final rising pitch, but the rise is less obvious than that in other languages and often there is no rising intonation, so that polar interrogative clauses sound like declarative clauses. Thus, they are recognized as interrogatives by the pragmatics of the situation, instead of being realized by lexicogrammatical devices or indicated by intonation. In Bardi, according to Bowern (2012), there is an interrogative particle nganyji and two interrogative clitics = (g)arda and = bard(a), but they serve to realize the biased polar interrogative and the focused polar interrogative respectively (see the following parts). Thus, there are no special lexicogrammatical realizations for neutral polar interrogative clauses. To elicit information about the polarity of the proposition, the speaker makes a statement of what he/ she thinks is right and the hearer confirms or denies it. This is probably the closest way of forming polar interrogative clauses. The same is true for the case of Ute, where the polar interrogative is seldom neutral with respect to the answer expected (Givón 2011).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_6

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In addition to the typical polar interrogative mood, there are some subtypes of polar interrogative, among which the most frequently observed one is the focused polar interrogative. Compared with the typical polar interrogative (or the focus-neutral polar interrogative contrasting with the focused one) which elicits information about the polarity of the whole proposition, the focused polar interrogative requires information about the polarity of  a certain part in the clause and the rest of the clause is taken for granted. In English, this is done phonologically by stressing the focused part or by using the cleft construction ‘is it…that…?’, the interrogative form of ‘it is..that..’. The focused interrogative can be regarded as the counterpart of the focused declarative discussed in Sect. 5.2.6. It is observed in 13 languages in our sample, namely Ute, Hinuq, Kulina, Turkish, Telugu, Finnish, Bardi, Hup, Udmurt, Nama Hottentot, Russian, Hindi, and Somali. Except Russia, Hindi, and Somali, which are fusional languages, others are agglutinative languages. We will discuss the realizations of focused polar interrogative in next section. Example (93) shows the contrast between focus-neutral and focused polar interrogative mood in Russian. (93a)

Russian, interrogative: polar: focus-neutral (Bailyn 2012: 78)

smotritt

li

Ivan

televizor

watch.prs.ipfv

q

Ivan.nom

TV.acc

Fi ‘prsent.imperfective’.Pr

MN

Sub

Com.CI

‘Is Ivan watching TV?’

(93b)

Russian, interrogative: polar: focused

knigu

li

Anna

pročitala

book.acc

q

Anna.nom

read.pst.pfv.3sg

Com

MN

Sub.SI

Fi ‘past.perfective’.Pr

‘Did Anna read a BOOK?’

The second subtype of polar interrogative is the emphatic polar interrogative. It is observed in Hup and Hinuq. The emphatic polar interrogative indicates the speaker’s involvement in the required information, whose function is similar to what expressed by ‘really’ and ‘even’ in English. In Hinuq, it is realized by adding the emphatic clitic to the polar interrogative, as in example (94). In Hup, it is realized by adding the emphatic particle to the polar interrogative, as in example (95). (94)

Hinuq, interrogative: polar: neutral past forms: emphatic (Forker 2013: 417)

hado=gozon

uži

Ø-iƛ’i-ye

this=even

son(g1)

g1-go- pst.q

=EmM

Sub

-Pr-Fi ‘past’.EvM.MN

‘Even this son went away?’

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6.1  The Polar Interrogative Mood

(95)

153

Hup, interrogative: polar: emphatic (Epps 2008: 694)

b’oy-tég

ʔɨn

tĭ

study-fut

1pl

emph.int

Pr-Fi ‘future’

Sub

MN.EmM

‘Are we really going to study?’ (doubting, emphatic)

The third subtype is the biased polar interrogative. Compared with the neutral polar interrogative which does not indicate the speaker’s expectation toward either a positive or a negative answer, the biased polar interrogative indicates the speaker’s bias to either a positive or a negative answer. It is observed in Spanish, Persian, Kham, Bardi, Mapuche, Ọ̀kọ́, and Dagaare. Languages show similarity in realizing the biased polar interrogative with particles. However, they are at variance with each other in the meaning realized by biased polar interrogatives. In Bardi and Mapuche, the biased polar interrogative only indicates the speaker’s bias toward a positive answer, as in example (96); in contrast, the biased polar interrogative in other languages can indicate the speaker’s bias either to a positive or to a negative answer and the expectation usually agrees with the polarity of the proposition, as in example (97). (96)

Bardi, interrogative: polar: biased: positive-biased (Bowern 2012: 617)

nganyji

mi-n-jala-gal

jiy-irr

ooldoobal

q

2-tr-see-repst

2 m.poss-3aug

things

MN

SI- -Pr-Fi ‘recent past’

Com

‘Did you see your things?’

(97a)

Spanish, interrogative: polar: biased (Lavid et al. 2010: 249)

¿acasa

has

oído

algún

comentario

Q

have.ind.prs.2sg

hear.ptcp

any

comment

MN

Fi ‘present’.SI

Pr

Com

‘So (you) have heard something?’

(97b)

Spanish, interrogative: polar: biased (Lavid et al. 2010: 248)

¿es que

no

te

importamos

Q

neg

you

matter.prs.1pl

MN

Fi ‘negative’

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘present’.CI

‘You don’t care about us?’

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A special case is observed in Ọ̀kọ́, where there are two particles for biased polar interrogatives. One indicates the speaker’s bias is identical to the polarity of the proposition and the other indicates the speaker’s bias is opposite to the polarity of the proposition, as in example (98). Moreover, in Dagaare, the biased polar interrogative can be the initiative move eliciting an answer or the responsive move echoing another speaker’s statement, as in example (99). (98a) Ọ̀kọ́, interrogative: polar: biased: same with proposition (Akerejola 2005: 200) ama

a-bẹrẹ

nọ

iwu

ẹgan

q

it-suit

you.pl

body

so

MN

SI-Pr

Com

Ad

‘I hope you are happy with that?’

(98b) Ọ̀kọ́, interrogative: polar: biased: opposite to proposition (Akerejola 2005: 200) a-bẹrẹ

nọ

iwu

ẹgan

so

it-suit

you.pl

body

so

q

SI-Pr

Com

Ad

MN

‘You are not happy with that, are you?’

(99a)

Dagaare, interrogative: polar: biased: initiative (Mwinlaaru 2018: 150)

nɩ

dɩ

na

wɛ

2pl

eat.pfv

aff

q

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘perfective’

MN

MN

‘You have eaten, right?’

(99b)

Dagaare, interrogative: polar: biased: responsive (Mwinlaaru 2018: 151)

ʋ

bɩɛrɛ

ya

3sg

be.sick.ipfv

q

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘imperfective’

MN

‘She was sick, you say?’

In addition to the focused, the emphatic, and the biased polar interrogative, there are some special subtypes of polar interrogative. In Kham, the interrogative

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mood and the imperative mood intersect with another system which indicates the speaker’s involvement in the proposition or proposal. The two options in the system are direct and indirect. The direct interrogative, according to Watters (2004), implies that the speaker has some kind of personal investment in the situation being questioned, and, as a result, has a right to the information; in contrast, the indirect interrogative is perceived as more polite, often implying little more than curiosity. The direct interrogative is realized by the interrogative prefix ma- and the indirect by the particle ro plus a nominalized predicate, as in example (100). (100a) Kham, direct interrogative: polar (Watters 2004: 303) ŋa-gohr

ma-bənəi-wa

my-plow

q-fix-3sg.pfv

Com

MN-Pr-SI.Fi ‘perfective’

‘Did he fix my plow?’

(100b) Kham, indirect interrogative: polar (Watters 2004: 305) nə-re:

o-ba–o

ro

your-husband

3sg-go-nmlz

tag

Sub

SI-Pr-MN

MN

‘Your husband left?’ (It appears he did; am I right?)

In Finnish, there is a clitic which makes the interrogative clause sound milder and more polite, as in example (101). The same clitic can also intersect with imperative clauses. (101)

Finnish, interrogative: polar: mild (Karlsson 1999: 230)

on=ko=kan

Pentti

kotona

be.3sg.prs=q=part

Pentti

at home

Pr.SI.Fi ‘present’=MN=TM

Sub

Ad

‘I wonder if Pentti is at home?’

Besides, the polar interrogative in some languages can also intersect with those systems which intersect with declarative clauses, such as the emotion-involvement system, the assessment system, the speech level/speech style system, the politeness system, etc. Example (102), (103) and (104) illustrate some of these subtypes.

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(102)

Chinese, interrogative: polar: emotion-involved

tā

lái-méi-lái

ya

3sg

come-not yet-come

mp

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘negative’.Fi ‘perfective’-Pr/MN

EM

‘Has s/he come?’ (with a tone of impatience)

(103)

Vietnamese, interrogative: polar: assessed (Nguyễn 1997: 240)

chị

bịnh

sao

you

sick

or somehow

Sub

Pr

MN

‘Are you sick, sister?’ (mild surprise)

(104a) Javanese, interrogative: polar: ngoko (Errington 1988: 91) apa

kowe

njupuk

sega

semono

q

you

take

rice

that much

MN.TM

Sub.TM

Pr.TM

Com.TM

Com.TM

‘Did you take that much rice?’

(104b) Javanese interrogative: polar: madya (Errington 1988: 90) napa

sampéyan

njupuk/mendhet

sega/sekul

semonten

q

you

take

rice

that much

MN.TM

Sub.TM

Pr.TM

Com.TM

Com.TM

‘Did you take that much rice?’

6.1.2 Realizations of Polar Interrogative Mood Now, we will turn to the realizations of polar interrogative mood. We will focus on the realizations of typical polar interrogative clauses and focused polar interrogative clauses. The realizations of other subtypes of polar interrogative mood have been surveyed in last section.

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Table 6.1  Realizations of polar interrogative Realizations Intonation Particle

Numbers 12 28

Inflection

11

Construction Clitic Sequence

7 6 4

Languages Chiini, Spanish, Armenian, Greek, Santali, Nenets, Udmurt, etc. Chinese, Thai, Hmong, Chiini, Fongbe, French, Welsh, Japanese, etc. Korean, Nenets, Hidatsa, Quechua, Tauya, Diegueño, Maidu, Nama, etc. Chinese, Qiang, Manchu, Thai, Vietnamese, Nenets, Diegueño Turkish, Telugu, Hinuq, Finnish, Kulina, Mian English, German, French, Hup

The polar interrogative is the mood that displays most realizational variation among different languages. Table 6.1 sets out the classes deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative mood and the number of the languages where each class is deployed. Teiwa, Bardi, and Ute, where the typical polar interrogative is absent, are not included in the statistic. Table 6.1 shows the classes deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative mood include intonation, particles, inflections, constructions, clinics, and sequence. Some languages, such as Chinese, French, Mian, Diegueño, etc., deploy two classes and Nenets deploys three. Thus, the total number is 68 instead of 57. Almost all languages can indicate polar interrogative mood with rising intonation. One exception is Cavineña, where polar interrogative clauses do not have any specific interrogative intonation, or any obligatory marking that would distinguish these clauses from declaratives. In the majority of languages, the rising intonation cooccurs with lexicogrammatical devices, whereas in some languages, such as in Spanish, Lango, Armenian, Udmurt, Pitjantjatjara, Puyuma, Mapuche, and Pipil, the rising intonation contour is the only way to realize typical polar interrogative clauses. Concerning lexicogrammatical devices, the particle is the most widely deployed class in the realizations of polar interrogative mood. This has been proved by previous typological studies (cf. Dryer 2005a, b, 2013). Table 6.2 shows the polar interrogative particles deployed in the languages in our sample. Two possible generalizations can be made about the findings. Firstly, in the realizations of polar interrogatives, particles are deployed by languages of different morphological types, but they are deployed more frequently in isolating and fusional languages than in agglutinative languages. Among the 28 languages listed in Table 6.2, six are considered agglutinative languages (six among 25); the others are isolating languages (seven among nine), fusional languages (nine among 13), and languages whose morphological types are not identified (six among13). Among the six languages whose morphological types are not identified, Javanese, Ọ̀kọ́ and Dagaare are more like isolating languages along the parameter of realizations of Finite—they mainly make use of non-inflectional classes in the realizations of Finite. Besides, among the six agglutinative languages listed in Table 6.2, the particles in Qiang and Manchu behave like affixes or clitics because they and

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Table 6.2  Mood Negotiator: polar interrogative realized by particles Mor iso iso iso iso iso iso iso fu fu fu

Languages Chinese Thai Hmong Chiini Fongbe Saramaccan Hausa French Hindi Greek

fu fu fu fu fu fu agg agg agg agg agg agg ? ? ? ? ?

Persian Welsh Russian Latvian Albanian Somali Qiang Manchu Japanese Cavineña Nyigina Mian Ọ̀kọ́ Dagaare Jamsay Arabic Javanese

?

Tagalog

MN: polar realized by particles ma; méi (not yet), bu (not) máy, rʉ plàaw (or no), rʉ́ yaŋ (or still) lào (or), ci tau (not yet); pùa wala (or) À ɔ́, nɔ́ (nɔ́ɔ just) kō, anyā̀ , shîn est-ce que (is it what) kya (what) mήπως (I wonder), ή όχι (or no), aραγε (could it be the case that) âyâ a li vai a ma -na (2sg), -ŋua -na, -o; ni(n) ka are gurru (whether) mō+bleka (or) i/u, hon bɩ mà hal apa, napa, menapa; durung, dèrèng (not yet) ba

Position Final Final Fin./ini. Final Final Final Initial Initial Initial Initial

Other realizations Pr^bú/méi^Pr Pr^mây^Pr Intonation

Fi^Sub Intonation

Initial Initial Initial Initial Initial Final Final Final Initial Initial – Fin./ini. Final Final Initial Ini./fin.

Pr-a^mə-Pr-a Pr^Pr-neg^MN:p

Pr = a

–

the words they follow can be written as one word. In Mian, the particle usually is used in conjunction with another interrogative clitic = mō. Secondly, the particle is the major class deployed by isolating and fusional languages in the realizations of polar interrogative. In the nine isolating languages covered in our sample, except Teiwa, where polar interrogative clauses are absent, and Vietnamese, which deploys constructions for polar interrogative and particles for assessed polar interrogatives, the others all deploy particles to realize polar interrogatives. Among the 13 fusional languages covered in our sample, except four languages that only make use of sequence (English and German) or intonation (Spanish and Armenian), the others all deploy particles in the realizations of polar interrogative,

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though some of them also have other devices at their disposal. In contrast, agglutinative languages deploy affixes and clitics more often in the realizations of polar interrogative (see the following part). Moreover, it can be found that the particles realizing polar interrogative clauses in many languages are grammaticalized from certain lexical items, constructions, or clauses. In Chinese, Thai, Hmong Njua, Javanese, and Greek, some particles are grammaticalized from the disjunctive construction ‘A-not-A/A-or-not’. In Hmong Njua, Koyra Chiini, Nyigina, Hindi, and Saramaccan Creole, the particles are grammaticalized from lexical items, such as ‘or’, ‘whether’, ‘what’, and ‘just’. The process is clear in Saramaccan Creole, where the nɔ́ retains the explicitly minimizing semantics of its source nɔ́ɔ ‘just’ while its derivant ɔ́ has bleached into the neutral function of marking polar interrogative (cf. McWhorter and Good 2012). In French and Greek, some particles are grammaticalized from a clause. Besides, it can be observed Chinese, Qiang Manchu and Thai, in addition to interrogative particles, also make use of the disjunctive construction ‘A-not-A’ to realize polar interrogatives. It requires further studies to find out whether in these languages there exists a systemic contrast between the polar interrogative realized by particles and the one realized by disjunctive constructions. We will discuss the case in Chinese here. Previous SFL studies hold the view that the interrogative particle ma in Chinese realizes a biased polar interrogative clause whereas the disjunctive construction ‘A-not-A’ realizes a neutral polar interrogative clause (Halliday and MacDonald 2004; Li 2007; Yao and Chen 2017). If only seen ‘from below’, the two types of polar interrogative do contrast with each other systemically. However, if seen ‘from above’, without considering other factors, such as intonation and context, the two structurally differentiated polar interrogatives display no semantic distinction. In other words, the particle ma in Chinese naturally realizes a neutral polar interrogative rather than a biased one, as in example (105). (105a) Chinese, interrogative: polar (Halliday and MacDonald 2004: 334) nǐ

qù

ma

you

go

mp

Sub

Pr

MN

‘Are you going?’

(105b) Chinese, interrogative: polar (Halliday and MacDonald 2004: 334) nǐ

qù-bú-qù

you

go-neg-go

Sub

Pr/MN

‘Are you going?’

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The polar interrogative realized by ma can indicate the speaker’s bias to a certain answer under some circumstances. For example, when an emphatic stress is placed on the Predicator qù in example (105a), it indicates the speaker expects a negative answer. Besides, if used in the situation where the speaker is enticing the addressee to do something, the clause in example (105a) then indicates the speaker expects a positive answer, and the same is true for the case of example (105b). In another case, as in example (105c), the particle ma can indicate the speaker’s a positive bias. But this meaning is not realized by the particle ma alone, but by the construction ‘bù…ma’, which realizes a rhetorical question instead of a typical polar interrogative. In almost all languages, a rhetorical question (negative polar interrogative) indicates the speaker’s positive bias. Therefore, if only lexicogrammar is taken into consideration, there exists no semantic distinction between the polar interrogative realized by ma and the one realized by ‘A-not-A’ in Chinese. (105c) Chinese, interrogative: confirmative (Halliday and MacDonald 2004: 334) nǐ

bú

qù

ma

you

neg

go

mp

Sub

Fi ‘negative’/MN

Pr

MN

‘Aren’t you going?’

The nuance between the two types of polar interrogative has nothing to do with semantics, but has something to do with the context where they can be used. For example, if the speaker surprisingly realizes that the addressee will also go somewhere with him whereas before he thought the addressee would not go, then only the clause in example (105a) can be used in conjunction with some phonological features which are absent when the clause is used in ‘neutral’ context. Besides, only the polar interrogative realized by ‘A-not-A’ can intersect with the emotion-involvement system. In other word, the Mood Negotiator ma and Emotion Markers (one type of Mood Negotiator; see Sects. 5.2.4 and 6.1.1), such as ya, wa, ne, etc., are exclusive to each other. We will turn to the second lexicogrammatical device used in the realizations of polar interrogative, the construction. Except Diegueño, the other six languages listed in Table 6.1 all deploy the ‘A-not-A’ construction in the realizations of polar interrogative. In Chinese and Thai, the construction ‘Pr-neg-Pr’ alone functions as the Mood Negotiator, as in example (105b); in Qiang, Manchu, and Nenets, another marker is involved in this construction and they together function as the Mood Negotiator, as in example (106), (107), and (108). (106)

Manchu, interrogative: polar (Gorelova 2002: 325)

songgo-ho

songgo-haku-n

cry-prf

cry-prf.neg-q

Pr-Fi ‘perfect’-MN/MN ‘Did one cry or not?’

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6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

(107)

161

Qiang, interrogative: polar (Randy and Huang 2003: 182)

ʔũ

ʑdʑyta:

ɦa-qə-n-a

ha-mə-qə-n-a

2sg

Chengdu

dir-go-2sg-q

dir-neg-go-2sg-q

Sub

Com

Fi ‘perfective’-Pr-SI-MN/MN

‘Did you go to Chengdu?’

(108)

Nenets, interrogative: polar: past tense (Nikolaeva 2014: 207)

Wera

to-sa

n’i-sa

Wera

come-q

neg-q

Sub

Pr-MN/MN

‘Did Wera come or not?’

The interrogative construction in Diegueño involves the use of the interrogative word yu which inflects for person. The meaning of the interrogative word yu corresponds with that of ‘is it that…?’, as in example (109). (109)

Diegueño, interrogative: polar (Langdon 1966: 260)

[m-əxano·-c]

 +m-ə-yu

2-be sick-sub

 +2-ə-be

SI-Pr

SI- -MN

‘Are you sick?’

The third class deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative is the affix/ inflection. It is deployed in 11 languages, such as Korean, Nenets, Hidatsa, Tauya, Diegueño, Maidu, West Greenlandic, etc. All these languages are agglutinative (including polysynthetic) languages. Korean, West Greenlandic, Maidu and Tauya, as discussed in last chapter, also deploy the affix/inflection to realize declarative clauses. Kham deploys an interrogative prefix. It realizes the direct polar interrogative which indicates the speaker has some kind of personal investment in the situation being questioned and has a right to the information, as in example (100a). Except Kham, other languages all deploy suffixes or inflections, as in example (110) and (111). (110)

West Greenlandic, interrogative: polar (Fortescue 1984: 4)

niri-riir-pit eat-already-q.2sg Pr-Fi ‘aspect’-MN.SI ‘Have you already eaten?’

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162

(111)

Tauya, interrogative: polar (MacDonald 1990: 206)

ni-ʔa-nae eat-2sg.fut-q Pr-SI.Fi ‘future’-MN ‘Will you eat?’

In Hinuq and Nenets, the polar interrogative intersects with tense system. As mentioned in Sect. 5.2.5, the tense system in Hinuq has to do with evidentiality. The unwitnessed past forms imply that the situation or event is not witnessed by the speaker, whereas the neutral past forms conventionally indicate that the speaker is an eye-witness to the situation. In declarative clauses, the neutral past forms are indicated by the suffix -s, while in interrogative clauses, they are indicated by suffixes -i/-y/-(y)e/-iye. Thus, the suffix for the neutral past forms in interrogative clauses is a fusion of the Mood Negotiator, the Evidentiality Marker and the Finite ‘tense’, as in example (112). In Nenets, the past tense in declarative clauses is unmarked, whereas in interrogative clauses, it is always marked by the suffix -sa. (112)  Hinuq, interrogative: polar: neutral past forms: focus-neutral (Forker 2013: 189) mežu-z

b-aši-ye

hagbe

you.obl.pl-dat

hpl-find-pst.q

they

Sub.SI-

-Pr-Fi ‘past’.EvM.MN

Com

‘Did you find them?’

The fourth class deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative is the clitic. It is deployed in seven languages, viz. Turkish, Telugu, Hinuq, Finnish, Kulina, Mian, and Mongolian, which are all agglutinative languages. Except in Mian and Mongolian, the interrogative clitic in other languages can be attached to two kinds of element. When it is attached to the Predicator, it realizes a focus-neutral polar interrogative and when it is attached to the element focused, it realizes a focused polar interrogative, which requires information about the polarity of a certain part in the clause. Example (113) illustrates the focus-neutral and focused polar in Telugu. (113a)  Telugu, interrogative: polar: focus-neutral (Krishnamurti and Gwynn 1985: 284) kamala

moguDi-too

sinimaa-ku

well-in-d = aa

Kamala

husband-with

cinema-to

go-pst-3sg.f = q

Sub

Ad

Ad

Pr-Fi ‘past’-SI = MN

‘Did Kamala go to a movie with her husband?’

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6.1  The Polar Interrogative Mood

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(113b) Telugu, interrogative: polar: focused (Krishnamurti and Gwynn 1985: 284) kamala=aa

moguDi-too

sinimaa-ku

well-in-di

Kamala=q

husband-with

cinema-to

go-pst-3sg.f

Sub=MN

Ad

Ad

Pr-Fi ‘past’-SI

‘Was it Kamala that went to a movie with her husband?’

Previous typological studies on polar interrogative mood usually discuss the particle and the clitic together, regarding the clitic one kind of particles (see Dryer 2005a, b, 2013). But it is better to take the clitic as an independent class, or at least to discuss clitics and affixes together. As our finding shows, particles are mainly deployed in isolating and fusional languages, whereas clitics, together with affixes/inflections, are mainly deployed in agglutinative languages. Thus, it might be more helpful in making typological generalizations to discuss particles and clitics independently. The fifth class deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative clauses is the sequence. It is deployed in English, German, French, and Hup. In English and German, the sequence is the only realization of polar interrogative. French, in addition to sequence, also deploys the interrogative particle est-ce que. In Hup, both declarative and interrogative clauses display two types of sequence, either Subject ^ Predicator or Predicator ^ Subject, and the two types of sequence indicate different meanings. Thus, the sequence is not the only device distinguishing interrogative clauses from declarative clauses. The declarative clause is also marked by the declarative suffix -Vh, which is never deployed in interrogative clauses though it is optional in declarative clauses. Concerning interrogative clauses, the sequence ‘Predicator ^ Subject’ realizes the neutral polar interrogative, whereas the sequence ‘Subject ^ Predicator’ is the congruent realization of focused polar interrogatives, as in example (114). (114a) Hup, interrogative: polar: neutral (Epps 2008: 784) ʔəg-naʔ-yɨʔ-ɨy

nɨŋ

drink-lose.consciousness-tel-dynm

2.pl

Pr-Pr-Fi ‘telic’-Fi ‘dynamic’

Sub

‘Did you all get drunk?’

(114b) Hup, interrogative: polar: focused (Epps 2008: 788) nɨ̆

hɔ̆ ̃ p

pog-ó

ʔam

wǽd-ǽʔ

1sg.poss

fish

big-q

2sg

eat-q

Sub

Pr-MN

Com-MN ‘It was my big fish you ate?’

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164

Thus far, we have made a comparison of the realizations of (typical) polar interrogative, now we will make a brief survey of the realizations of focused polar interrogative, which is observed in 13 languages. Most languages (10 among 13) make use of the same Mood Negotiator that realizes the (typical) polar interrogative, but it is added to the focused element, instead of the Predicator, as in example (113). In these languages, the Predicator cannot become the focus, whereas in Somali and Nama Hottentot, in addition to the Mood Negotiator that realizes the polar interrogative, there is an additional Focus Marker added to the mood structure, as in example (115). In Nama Hottentot, in addition to the Focus Marker, another way to realize the focused polar interrogative is to initialize the focused element. Thus, the Predicator in Nama Hottentot can become the focus element, as in example (116). To initialize the focused element is also deployed in Hup, as in example (114b). (115)

Somali, interrogative: polar: focused (Saeed 1999: 198)

ma

Cáli

bàa

teg-áy

q

Ali

foc

go-pst

MN

Sub

MN

Pr-Fi ‘past’

‘Did ALI go?/Was it Ali who went?’

(116a) Nama Hottentot, interrogative: polar: focused (Hagman 1973: 268)  ≠ʔũú

kè

//ʔĩip-à

//ańʔè

eat

rpst

he-sub

the meat

Pr

Fi ‘remote past’

Sub-MN

Com

‘Did he EAT the meat?’

(116b) Nama Hottentot, interrogative: polar: focused (Hagman 1973: 268)  ≠ʔũú

kxa

kè

//ʔĩip-à

//ańʔè

eat

q.emph

rpst

he-sub

the meat

Pr

MN.EmM

Fi ‘remote past’

Sub-MN

Com

‘Did he EAT the meat?’

Up to now, we have made cross-linguistic comparisons of the subtypes and the realizations of polar interrogative. The (typical) polar interrogative is observed in almost all the languages in our sample. The focused polar interrogative is mainly observed in agglutinative and fusional languages, where they are realized by adding the Mood Negotiator to the focused element. Another commonly observed subtype of polar interrogative is the biased polar interrogative. It is mainly realized by particles. Other subtypes of polar interrogative include the emphatic polar,

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6.2  The Elemental Interrogative Mood

165

the indirect polar, the mild polar, etc. Polar interrogative clauses can also intersect with the emotion-involvement system, the assessment system, the speech level/ style system, and the politeness system in relevant languages. Concerning the realizations of polar interrogative, it is found that isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles, whereas agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes/ inflections and clitics.

6.2 The Elemental Interrogative Mood 6.2.1 Subtypes of Elemental Interrogative Mood The elemental interrogative is the mood that demands information about a participant or circumstance that is selected by an interrogative word. It is observed in all the languages in our sample. It is less frequently elaborated than the polar interrogative. One dimension for the categorization of elemental interrogatives is according to the type of information they demand: either the participant or the circumstance, either animate or inanimate participants, etc. This dimension applies to all the languages. Huallaga Quechua is the only language in the sample that elaborates the elemental interrogative further in delicacy along a dimension that applies to elemental interrogative exclusively. The two types of elemental interrogative in Huallaga Quechua are realized by two interrogative suffixes: one realizes the elemental interrogative 1, which indicates the speaker presupposes that the addressee knows the answer to the question being asked, and the other realizes the elemental interrogative 2, which indicates the speaker does not presuppose that the addressee knows the answer to the question. This systemic distinction is not observed in polar interrogative clauses in Huallaga Quechua. Example (117) illustrates the two subtypes of elemental interrogative in Huallaga Quechua. (117a) Huallaga Quechua, interrogative: elemental 1 (Weber 1989: 20) pi-ta-taq

qoyku-shka-nki

who-obj-q

give-prf-2

IW/Com- -MN

Pr-Fi ‘perfect’-SI

‘To Whom did you give it?’

(117b) Huallaga Quechua, interrogative: elemental 2 (Weber 1989: 76) pi-raq

Chaya-mu-sha

who-q

arrive-afar-3prf

IW/Sub-MN

Pr-Ad-SI.Fi ‘perfect’

‘Who might have arrived?’

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Besides, what is more commonly observed is that the elemental interrogative intersects with those interpersonal systems that also intersect with polar interrogative clauses. For example, the direct–indirect distinction made in polar interrogatives in Kham also applies to elemental interrogatives; the emphasis system in Hup and Hinuq and the assessment system in Nenets and Mapuche, which intersect with polar interrogative clauses, also serve as dimensions for the classification of elemental interrogative clauses. More examples include the emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai, the assessment system in Vietnamese, the speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese, the politeness system in Japanese and Thai, etc. Example (118) and (119) illustrate the assessed and the emphatic elemental interrogative in Mapuche and Hinuq. (118)

Mapuche, interrogative: elemental: assessed (Smeets 2008: 330)

chumül

mungel

am

amu-a-y-m-ün

eymün

when

exactly

part

go-nrld-ind-2-pl

you

IW/Ad

Ad

MN

Pr-Fi ‘future’-MN-SI–SI

Sub

‘When exactly do you go?’ (for more precise information; to express surprise or to provoke)

(119)

Hinuq, interrogative: elemental: emphatic (Forker 2013: 428)

haw

nete = yem

y-uh-an

she

when = doubt

g2-die-intfut

Sub

IW/Ad = EmM

-Pr-Fi ‘intentional future’

‘When will she ever die?’

6.2.2 Realizations of Elemental Interrogative Mood Now we will move to the realizations of elemental interrogatives. Languages bear striking similarity in displaying the Interrogative Word (hereafter IW) in the structure of elemental interrogatives. The basic IWs in each language are set out in Table 6.3. Due to space limitations, some less frequently observed IWs are not listed in the table. Besides, many languages have more than one interrogative words as the realizations of each type of IW. Taking the IW for animate Participant1 (who, whom) as an example, many languages make a distinction

1 The

Participant, the Circumstance, the Locative, the Manner, etc. are functional elements in transitivity structure that realize ideational metafunction.

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6.2  The Elemental Interrogative Mood

167

between nominative case and accusative case, such as who and whom in English, qui and quoi in French, we and webe in Manchu, kto and kogo in Russian. Moreover, many languages have different interrogative words for different numbers and genders, such as ɲà (who, singular) and ɲàgí (who, plural) in Lango, kúma (who, masculine) and túma (who, feminine) in Somali. In addition to case, number and gender, Santali and Ute also make a distinction between referential and non-referential interrogative words. The referential is used when the identity of the person or object is known to the addresser, and the non-referential is used when it is uncertain. In Dagaare, the IW intersects with number and textual meaning, and therefore, three interrogative words for animate Participant are observed, viz. ãa (thematic, singular), anʋ (focal, singular) and a mɩnɛ (thematic and focal, plural). In Japanese, the IW for animate Participant intersects with honorification, thus Japanese has dare for ‘who’ and donate for honorific ‘who’. Many distinctions discussed above may also apply to inanimate Participant ‘what’. The IW for Location intersects with case more frequently. For example, Finnish has four types of ‘where’, namely missä (where), mistä (from where, whence), mihin (where to, more precise), and minne (where to, less precise). Some languages have IWs realized by nominal group, such as mɛ̀ tɛ́ (person-which, who) and fí (tɛ́) (place-which, where) in Fongbe, saa foo (which time, when) in Koyra Chiini. Due to space limitations, for each type of IW, only one interrogative word is offered in Table 6.3. The number in the table refers to the position in the clause where the IW occurs (0 = in situ; 1 = initial; 2 = flexible). Though languages bear striking similarity in displaying the IW in the mood structure of elemental interrogative clauses, they vary in several dimensions concerning the mood structure. The first dimension is the position of IW in the clause; the second dimension is the number of devices deployed in the mood structure; the third dimension is the systemic relationship between the polar interrogative and the elemental interrogative. Table 6.4 sets out the matrix of the three dimensions. Along the first dimension, the languages in our sample can be classified into two groups: (i) those whose IWs occur in clause-initial position and (ii) those whose IWs occur in non-clause-initial position. The position of IWs in languages of the second group can be either in situ or flexible. The number of languages of group (i) is 24 and that of group (ii) is 36. A possible typological generalization can be made concerning this dimension. Fusional languages show a slight tendency toward positioning IWs initially (10 among 13); in contrast, agglutinative languages (21 among 25) show a strong tendency and isolating languages (six/seven among nine) show a slight tendency toward positioning IWs non-initially. The three isolating languages positioning IWs initially are Koyra Chiini, Saramaccan Creole, and Fongbe. In Koyra Chiini, the IW also occurs in situ, though a clause-initial position is more normal. And in Saramaccan Creole, the poison of IW is influenced by English. Thus, isolating languages may also be supposed to position IWs non-initially. Along the second dimension, languages in our sample fall into two groups: (i) those merely deploying interrogative words realizing elemental interrogative clauses and (ii) those deploying interrogative words and another grammatical

niyi kata kláng ci

sə su: lȇng tẘ khray nwuku dare kim xen we man manay sino sapa yilag ai ɔkɔ ewaru kɔn ki who wer pwy

Qiang Kham Hmong Thai Korean Japanese Turkish Mongolian Manchu Arabic Puyuma Tagalog Javanese Teiwa Vietnamese Santali Telugu Hindi Persian English German Welsh

mues nani ne yuu/n ai maaðaa manay ano apa amidan gì̀ oka ēmiti kya ce what was be(th)

Which nǎ-gè

Inanimate shénme

Animate shuí

Chinese

https://avxhm.se/blogs/hill0 sawl,

which pa

kac xe-d udu kam miasama ilan pira yiran bao-nhiêu tinək

na-wu kha: pì cåw thâwrày

How many duōshǎo

kitna chand ta how many

ēdi

tẘ năy ani dore hangi aly//n ai; ya ʔayy isuwa aling endi ta'a

niyi-le

Deictic

Participant

Languages

Table 6.3  Basic Interrogative Words in different languages and their positions

tca-la kanhăo tẘ thîi năy eti doko hani xaa aide ʔayn isuwa nasaan endi ita'a nào oka ekkada kəhã kojā where wo ble

Place nǎlǐ

Location

bao-giò tis eppudu kəb key when wann pryd

mataa asuwa kailan kapan

Time shénme shíhòu niyi-lai khərkə tha̐u tẘ mʉ̂arày encey itsu ne zaman xedzee

kɛse cetowr how wie sut/shwt

paano kepriyé taxaran làm-sao ceka/cikə

xe-r aide kayfa

yaŋŋay ettehkey doo

ni-ke kəi jəidə

Means zěnme

Manner

gigala(l) tại-sao cedak enduku kyõ cerā why warum pam

2 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 2 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1

0

(continued)

way naze niye yuun-d ainu limaaðaa daw bakit

niyi-xuani karao ua cång

Reason wèishíme

Cause

168 6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

homó

mɛ́nɛ́ foo yɔ́kkyɔ̀ buor ẹ̀ẹ́na ɖè-tɛ́ mãá

or nišƛa xənʹaŋi° mikä kud

kakoj kurs̆

Which quel cuál/es

Animate qui quién ποιος kto kas kush ov ɬu xībʹa kuku kin kúma wā̀ ɲà mey ǎː ãa ẹ̀ra mɛ̀ tɛ́ taríkina ma·p homóni

French Spanish Greek Russian Latvian Albanian Armenian Hinuq Nenets Finnish Udmurt Somali Hausa Lango Chiini Jamsay Dagaare Ọ̀kọ́ Fongbe Nama Greenlandic Diegueño Maidu

Inanimate que qué τι čto kas c̦farë inc̆̕ se ŋəmke mikä ma máxay mḕ ɲɔ̀ maa ì ñé bʋʋ ẹ̀na àní tarésuna ?u·c hèsí

Deictic

Participant

Languages

Table 6.3  (continued)

mu·yum

nàbí maátíkó

àdî marje àːŋá a ŋmɩn

ke̮ńa ímmisa

How many combien cuánto πόσος skol'ko cik sa k̕ani somo sʹan°

kàkwènè man yɔ̌ː nyɩn ẹ́tẹka fí (tɛ́) mãápá su-mi ma·y homón

xaggée

Place où dónde πού gde kur ku ur ni xənʹana missä

Location

góorma yàushē àwènè saa foo yàŋárnà debor ẹ̀mọ̀óna hwènù tɛ́

Time quand cuándo πότε kogda kad kur erb nete sʹax°h koska

pìɲɔ̀ maa se ì ñé jɛ́ bʋʋ so ẹ̀naǎ (é)-tɛ́ (w)útú taré!ʔáróma suur mu?yum hesádom

níɲɲɔ̂ mote yɔ̌ː-jìn ŋmɩŋmɩn gàna nɛ́gbɔ̀n mãátí qanuq mu?yu hesása

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 0 2 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 (continued)

máxay…ú

γιατί počemu kāpēc pse inc̆̕u sira ŋəmke-h miksi

Reason pourqupi

Cause

sidée

Means comment cómo πώς kak kā si inc̆̕pes deru xəncʹer°q miten

Manner

6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood 169

Which

Inanimate táapa ʹágna-rʉ̱ ta: hɨ-̃ n'ɨh neheko

ai ima andí chem nja yaŋ̇gi anggi

fatnàmin

wame

Animate tápeʔowa ʹáa ka: ʔŭy nehekohari

ai pi ambɛ́ iney ~ iniy ŋanalu yaŋ̇gi anggaba

wan

we

Hidatsa Ute Pipil Hup Kulina

Cavineña Quechua Saramaccan Mapuche Pitjantjatjara Nyigina Bardi

Mian

Tauya

mafo

jana

eje = ke mayqan ṹ chem

kadiya hɨ́ p̃ nehekohari

Deictic

Participant

Languages

Table 6.3  (continued)

ʹagha-vaa ka:nka hɨ́ t̃ neheko = za

Place

https://avxhm.se/blogs/hill0 mafi

eju ayka may ṹ mɛ́ni naṹsɛ́ ̃ mufü chew jaltjitu jaltji dynana nganyjirrgoor- jana doo fatnàmin fàb

anka hɨ-̃ ʔăp nehekoma na-

How many

Location

nyirroo

ejebucha…-e imanir ṹfá chumngechi jaltjijaltji

ʹagha-ni ke:n hɨ́ p̃ nehekoma na-

Means

fatnàmin dim fatnàmin ōta asa wametipa

baanigarr

ejetupu imay naṹtẽ́ chumül jalaṛa

ʹanɵ-khwa ke:man hɨ-̃ m'ǽ nehekoma na-

Time

Manner

wame-pe

fatnàmin

andí makéi chumngelu njaku yaŋgi-yunu anggi

ejebuchajuatsu

ʹagha-nẖ ke:nka hɨnɨykeyóʔ neheko towi

Reason

Cause

2

0

1 2 1 1 1 ? 2

0 2 1 1 0

170 6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

171

Table 6.4  Dimensions of variation in the realizations of elemental interrogative Classes

IW: non-initial Polar= 25: Chinese/ Hindi/Kham/ Bardi/etc. 3: Hidatsa/ Tauya/Quechua 1: Somali

iw

iw+a/i iw+p

2: Mongolian/ Mian

iw+c

Polar+

2: Greenlandic/ Korean 2: Japanese/ Qiang 1: Hinuq

IW: initial

Total

Polar= Polar+ 15: Greek/ Welsh/Russian/etc.

40

1: Hup

3: Maidu/Nama/ Diegueño 1: (Tagalog)

1: Ọ̀kọ́

31

5

5 3

3: English/ French/German 7

iw+seq Total

9

17

3 60

class, such as affixes/inflections, clitics, particles, and sequence. The number of languages of group (i) is 40, and that of group (ii) is 20. Another possible generalization can be made concerning this dimension. Isolating languages display a strong tendency (all the nine isolating languages in our sample) toward merely deploying interrogative words to realize elemental interrogative clauses; fusional languages show a slight tendency (9 among 13) with this regard; agglutinative languages show no preference as to merely deploying interrogative words or deploying both interrogative words and other grammatical classes simultaneously: 14 agglutinative languages belong to group (i), as in example (120), and 11 belong to group (ii), as in example (121). (120)

Kulina, interrogative: elemental (Dienst 2014: 190)

kahawiri

neheko

kha

i-na-hari

ocelot

what

bite.dead

3-aux-narr.m

Sub

IW/Com

Pr

SI-Fi-EvM.SI

‘What (kind of animal) did the ocelot kill?’

(121)

Japanese, interrogative: elemental: politeness unmarked (Iwasaki 2013: 15)

hanako-wa

ken-ni

nani-o

yarimashi-ta

k

Hanako-top

Ken-dat

what-acc

give.pol-pst

q

Sub-

Com

IW/Com

Pr.TM-Fi ‘past’

MN

‘What did Hanako give to Ken?’

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The third dimension is concerned with the systemic relationship between the polar interrogative and the elemental interrogative. In the mood system of each language, the polar interrogative and the elemental interrogative are grouped together into the less delicate mood option of interrogative mood due to the semantic similarity between them: they both demand information. The interrogative then contrasts with the declarative due to the semantic difference between them: one demands information and the other gives information. In the mood systems of some languages, in addition to the semantic similarity, the polar interrogative and the elemental interrogative are grouped together also due to the structural similarity. For example, in Japanese, the interrogative particle ka is deployed both in polar interrogative and in elemental interrogative; similarly, in English, the sequence of Finite ^ Subject is deployed both in polar interrogative and in elemental interrogative. In contrast, in Chinese, the interrogative particle ma and the interrogative construction ‘Pr-neg-Pr’ are only deployed in polar interrogative mood. Those languages that display structural similarity between polar interrogative and elemental interrogative are listed in the column labeled ‘polar+’ in Table 6.3 and those that display no such structural similarity are listed in the column labeled ‘polar=’. Example (122) and (123) display the structural similarity between the polar and the elemental interrogative in Diegueño and Qiang. (122a) Diegueño, interrogative: polar (Langdon 1966: 223) Ø-nur-kəx-a 3-know-maybe-q SI-Pr-Fi ‘modality’-MN ‘Would (s)he/they know?’

(122b) Diegueño, interrogative: elemental (Langdon 1966: 260) ʔu·c

m-aṛ-a

what

2-want it-q

IW/Com

SI-Pr-MN

‘What do you want?’

(123a) Qiang, interrogative: polar (Randy and Huang 2003: 180) ʔile

ʐme

ŋua-n-ŋua

2pl

Qiang

cop-2sg-q

Sub

Com

Pr-SI-MN

‘Are you (pl) Qiang?’

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6.3  The Alternative Interrogative Mood

173

(123b) Interrogative: elemental (Randy and Huang 2003: 184) pi:-tsa-la

sə-wu

ʔũ-(tɕ)

de-l-ŋua

pen-this.one-clf

who-agt

table-def.clf

dir-give-q

Com

IW/Sub

Com

Fi ‘perfective’-Pr-MN

‘Who gave you this pen?’

Contrasting with those languages that show structural similarity between polar interrogative and elemental interrogative, some languages show structural contrast between polar interrogative and elemental interrogative. In these languages, the Mood Negotiators for polar and elemental interrogative are realized by the same class, such as affixes, clitics, and particles, but the Mood Negotiators for the two types of interrogative differ from each other. Table 6.5 shows the eight languages in our sample that show structural contrast between polar and elemental interrogative. Up to now, we have discussed the subtypes of elemental interrogative clauses and have made a cross-linguistic comparison of the realizations of elemental interrogative clauses. We have also made some possible generalizations about the realizations of elemental interrogative mood. Now we will turn to the alternative interrogative mood.

6.3 The Alternative Interrogative Mood The alternative is one type of interrogative with which the speaker offers the addressee a closed choice of answers and demands the information about the addressee’s choice. It is observed in 15 languages in our sample, but it is supposed to exit in most, if not all, languages. It can intersect with those interpersonal systems that intersect with other types of interrogative, such as the emotion-involvement and the assessment system. One possible dimension for the classification of alternative interrogatives is the content of the choice. Along this dimension, alternative interrogative clauses can be classified into two types: (i) those demanding a choice between a positive and a negative polarity (will you go or not) and (ii) those demanding a choice between one element and another element (will you go to Beijing or Wuhan). Alternative interrogative clauses of group (i) are similar to polar interrogative clauses in demanding information about polarity. Besides, in manly languages, the realizations of polar interrogative usually are derived from the realizations of alternative interrogative clauses of group (i), as in example (124). Clause (a) of example (124) may be considered a clause complex which consists of two clauses with opposite polarity; clause (b) and (c) can be regarded alternative clauses; clause (d), (e) and (f) are polar interrogatives. Obviously, the interrogative particle bu in clause

6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

174 Table 6.5  Structural contrasts between MN: polar and MN: elemental

Languages Hidatsa Tauya Quechua Hup Mongolian Mian Somali Ọ̀kọ́

Classes Affixes

Clitics Particles

MN: polar -ʔ -nae/-yae -chu -Vy =UU =a ma i, u, hon

MN: elemental -Ø -ne/-e -taq/-raq -Vʔ =b =e bàa a

(d) and the interrogative construction qù-bú-qù in clause (f) are derived from the mood structure of clause (b) and (c). This indicates a blurred boundary between the two types of interrogative clause and clause (f) sometimes is considered an alternative interrogative. We will focus on alternative interrogatives of group (ii), those demanding a choice between/among different elements. (124)

Chinese, interrogative: alternative and polar

(a)

nǐ

qù

Beijing

háishì

bú

qù

(b)

nǐ

qù

Beijing

háishì

bú

qù

(c)

nǐ

qù

Beijing

bú

qù

you

go

Beijing

neg

go

or

Beijing

Beijing

‘Will you go to Beijing or not?’ (d)

nǐ

qù

Beijing

bu

(e)

nǐ

qù

Beijing

ma

you

go

Beijing

mp

nǐ

qù-bú-qù

Beijing

you

go-neg-go

Beijing

(f)

‘Will you go to Beijing?’

Languages display similarity in deploying the alternative construction ‘A or B’ in the mood structure of alternative clauses. In nine languages among the 15, the alternative construction is the only device deployed. Most of these languages are isolating languages, such as Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai, Hmong Njua, Teiwa, etc. In contrast, in the other six languages (all agglutinative languages), another class, usually the one realizing the Mood Negotiator for polar interrogative, is deployed in conjunction with the alternative construction. The additional class deployed can be either clitics or affixes. In these languages, the conjunction ‘or’ sometimes can be omitted, as in example (125). In Hup, a clitic which is dedicated to alternative interrogative is deployed, as in example (126).

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6.3  The Alternative Interrogative Mood

(125)

175

Turkish, interrogative: alternative (Göksel and Kerslake 2005: 255)

Tosca-yı

Verdi

mi

yaz-mış-tı

(yoksa)

Puccini

mi

Tosca-acc

Verdi

q

compose-ev/pfv-pst.cop

(or)

Puccini

q

Com

Sub

Pr-Fi ‘evidential/perfective’-Fi ‘past’

MN-

Sub -MN

‘Did Verdi or Puccini compose Tosca?’

(126)

Hup, interrogative: alternative (Epps 2008: 791)

picána

bĭʔ

mæh-ní-h,

ʔó

yãʔambŏʔ=haʔ

cat

rat

kill-infe-decl

or

dog = alt.int

Sub1

Com

Pr-EvM-MN

MN

Sub2-MN

‘The cat killed the rat, or was it the dog?’

Moreover, languages display variation with respect to the alternative construction. The commonly observed alternative construction is ‘A ^ or ^ B’. In Nenets, the alternative construction can be ‘A ^ Predicator, B’ and in West Greenlandic, it can be ‘A ^ B-or’, as in example (127) and (128). (127)

Nenets, interrogative: alternative (Nikolaeva 2014: 268)

noxa-m

xada-sa-n°,

t’on’a-m

polar.fox-acc

kill-q-2sg

fox-acc

Com

Pr-MN-SI

Com

‘Did you kill a polar fox or a red fox?’

(128)

West Greenlandic, interrogative: alternative (Fortescue 1984: 9)

Maniitsu-mi

Nuum-mi-luunniit

najugaqar-pa

Manitsoq-loc

Nuuk-loc-or

live-q.3sg

Ad-

Ad- -MN

Pr-MN.SI

‘Does he live in Maniitsoq or Nuuk?’

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6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

6.4 The Confirmative Mood 6.4.1 Subtypes of Confirmative Mood Now we will proceed to discuss the confirmative mood. The confirmative mood functions to solicit confirmation of the validity of the proposition from the addressee, such as the clause ‘he will come soon, won’t he?’. It is difficult to define its status in mood system. Firstly, it bears similarity with declarative mood and interrogative mood in exchanging the commodity of information, rather than goods-&-services. The speech role it realizes is between giving and demanding because sometimes it requires no response from the addressee and sometimes it requires a response. Therefore, together with declarative mood and interrogative mood, it can be regarded a subtype of indicative mood whose function is to exchange information, as in system (a) in Fig. 6.1. Secondly, it bears structural similarity with interrogative mood since they both are marked by a question mark. It differs from the interrogative mood in being of a lower degree of interrogativity. Thus, it can be regarded a type of interrogative mood, as in system (b) in Fig. 6.1. Thirdly, it is more similar to polar interrogative mood compared with elemental interrogative mood since they both solicit information about polarity. It differs from polar interrogative in the degree of interrogativity. Therefore, it can be regarded a subtype of polar interrogative mood, as in system (c) in Fig. 6.1. The difficulty of positioning confirmative mood in mood system is brought about by the blurred semantic boundary between confirmative mood and other moods, such as declarative and interrogative. Many SFL studies on mood do not describe it or consider one of its subtypes, the tagged confirmative, as one type

Fig. 6.1  The possible positions of confirmative mood in mood system

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6.4  The Confirmative Mood

177

of declarative mood, which is termed ‘tagged declarative’. But this does not solve the problem since semantically the confirmative mood also bears similarity with interrogative mood and structurally it bears more similarity with interrogative mood. Moreover, some other subtypes of confirmative mood obviously cannot be regarded ‘tagged declarative’. Considering the semantic and structural similarity between confirmative mood and interrogative mood and also the practice in previous studies on mood, we will take confirmative mood as one subtype of interrogative mood. The functional element that realizes confirmative clauses is termed Proposition Negotiator (PnN). There are two major subtypes of confirmative mood: one is the rhetorical question and the other is the tagged confirmative, which is what traditionally called tagged question. The rhetorical question is observed in eight languages in our sample and the tagged confirmative in 18 languages. However, like the alternative interrogative, they are supposed to exit in almost all languages. Example (129) illustrates the rhetorical question and the tagged confirmative in Somali. (129a) Somali, interrogative: confirmative: rhetorical question (Saeed 1999: 200) miyàanú (ma=ánn=uu)

sóo

noqónayn

(q=not=he)

ven

return.prog.neg

Ad

Pr.Fi ‘progressive’. PnN

PnN=PnN=Sub

‘Isn’t he coming back? / Won’t he come back?’

(129b) Somali, interrogative: confirmative: tagged confirmative (Saeed 1999: 205) adàa

arkáy,

sòw

má

ahá

you.foc

saw

q

not

be.neg

Sub

Pr.Fi ‘past’

PnN

‘YOU saw it, didn’t you?’

Rhetorical questions and tagged confirmatives are realized by different structures, as in example (129). The semantic distinction between them, however, is not as clear-cut as that between declarative mood and interrogative mood, which has to do with the distinction between speech roles (either giving or demanding). It is even less obvious than that between neutral and focused/biased polar interrogative, which is a distinction between without (focus/bias) and with (focus/bias). In contrast, it is concerned with degree: the rhetorical question generally indicates the speaker’s higher degree of certainty, whereas the tagged confirmative generally indicates the speaker’s higher degree of interrogativity. In other words, the rhetorical question seeks more agreement than confirmation and thus it usually expects

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178

no response from the addressee; while the tagged confirmative seeks relatively more confirmation than agreement and therefore sometimes it expects a response from the addressee. In addition to the rhetorical question and the tagged confirmative, Chinese has another two subtypes, namely the inserted confirmative and the dubitative. The inserted confirmative is realized by the construction shì-bú-shì which is inserted before the Predicator. The dubitative is realized by the mood particle ba. The nuance between the inserted confirmative and the dubitative is also a matter of degree. Generally, the inserted confirmative indicates the speaker’s higher degree of certainty than the dubitative does, but it indicates the speaker’s lower degree of certainty than the tagged confirmative does. Thus, the four subtypes of confirmative mood in Chinese form a mood continuum along the dimension of the degree of interrogativity, where the rhetorical question locates at the end of low degree of interrogativity, the dubitative locates at the end of high degree of interrogativity, and the tagged confirmative and the inserted confirmative locate between them. Besides, the confirmative locates between the declarative and the interrogative in an inter-mood continuum organized along the same dimension, as is shown in example (130). The positions of the four subtypes of confirmative mood in the mood continuum are not rigidly fixed and sometimes may be determined by contextual factors. (130)

Chinese, declarative-confirmative-polar interrogative

(a) declarative

tā

gāngcái

lái-guò

3sg

just now

come-exp

‘He was here just now.’ (b) confirmative: rhetorical question

tā

gāngcái

méi

lái-guò

ma

3sg

just now

neg

come-exp

q

‘Wasn’t he here just now?’ (c) confirmative: tagged confirmative

tā

gāngcái

lái-guò,

shì-bú-shì

3sg

just now

come-exp

yes-neg-yes

‘He was here just now, right?’ (d) confirmative: inserted confirmative

tā

gāngcái

shì-bú-shì

lái-guò

3sg

just now

yes-neg-yes

come-exp

‘He was here just now, right?’ (e) confirmative: dubitative

tā

gāngcái

lái-guò

ba

3sg

just now

come-exp

mp

‘He was here just now, right?/ Was he here just now?’ (f) polar interrogative

tā

gāngcái

lái-guò

ma

3sg

just now

come-exp

q

Was he here just now?

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6.4  The Confirmative Mood

179

The dubitative mood is also observed in Fongbe, where it is realized by the clause-final mood particle cé. In Thai, there are two subtypes of tagged confirmative. One is realized by the particle ná and functions to invite agreement with the preceding statement rather than to confirm the validity of the statement. The other one is realized by the particle lə̆ə or construction chây máy and functions to make an assumption and to seek confirmation of that assumption. In Turkish, there are also two subtypes of tagged confirmative. One is used when the speaker seeks corroboration of a statement that s/he believes to be true. The other one, in contrast, follows a much more tentative assertion. The tagged confirmative and the rhetorical question are considered biased polar interrogative in some typological studies (Sadock and Zwicky 1985; Whaley 1997). We will make a distinction between the confirmative and the biased polar interrogative. Semantically, the biased polar interrogative indicates the speaker’s higher degree of interrogativity than the confirmative does. It usually expects a response from the addressee, though the speaker has a bias to the polarity of response. In contrast, the confirmative may or may not expect a response. Structurally, the biased interrogative, as discussed in Sect. 6.1.1, is usually realized by mood particles whereas the confirmative is usually realized by negative polar questions and tag questions. The dubitative in Chinese is realized by the mood particle ba and, compared with other subtypes of confirmative, it usually expects a response from the addressee. Thus, the dubitative mood in Chinese can also be identified as biased polar interrogative.

6.4.2 Realizations of Confirmative Mood Now we will discuss the realizations of confirmative mood. We will concentrate on the realizations of rhetorical question and tagged confirmative. The rhetorical question is frequently realized by a negative polar question, as in examples (129a) and (130b). We will consider the negative polar question a construction in grammatical class. Besides, in Chinese, it can be realized by adverbs. The rhetorical question realized by negative polar questions usually expects a positive answer, while the one realized by the adverb nándào in Chinese can expect both a positive and a negative answer, as in example (131). (131)

Chinese, interrogative: confirmative: rhetorical questions

zhè

nándào

shì

gōngpíng-de

(ma)

this

rq

cop

fair-sp

(q)

Sub

PnN

Pr

Com

(MN)

‘Is this fair?’/‘Isn’t this unfair?’

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180

Table 6.6  Proposition negotiators for tagged confirmative Languages French Tagalog Vietnamese Hindi Hup Turkish Somali Chinese Greek Hmong Puyuma Quechua Teiwa Greenlandic Thai Hausa Telugu Qiang

PnN: constructions Clause, n’est-ce pas #^dili nga ba't/diyata't/diyala/hindi ba't Clause, phải không Clause, Pr.Fi^nə/Pr.Fi^ya^nəhī̃ -ah^tǐ Clause, değil mi/öyle mi Clause, sòw má aha Clause, shì-ma/duì-ma/ shì-bú-shì/duì-bú-duì Clause, δεν είναι έτσι/έτσι δεν είναι Clause, pùa yáo

PnN: particles Clause, hein/eh Clause, ano (what) nhi^# nə^# yă^#

Clause, maku/amau Clause, aw maan/le^# ilaa, aat ná/lə̆ə/chây máy^# kō (or/what)/kùwa (really, then)/nḕ^# gā/gadā^# luʁua^#

In some languages, in addition to the rhetorical question construction, the rhetorical question can also be indicated by particles and affixes. In Qiang, the rhetorical question is realized by interrogative particles ja, tca, and ŋui, while the interrogative particles deployed in polar interrogative clauses are a and ŋua. In West Greenlandic, the realization of rhetorical question involves the use of the suffix -nir-. Concerning the realizations of tagged confirmative, the most common way is to append the Proposition Negotiator to the clause, which is separated from the clause by a comma. The appended Proposition Negotiator can be realized by either a construction or a particle. The construction can be derived from a negative polar interrogative, such as the n’est-ce pas (isn’t it) in French, or from a polar interrogative, such as shì/duì-ma (right-q) in Chinese and degil mi (like.that- q) in Turkish, or from a disjunctive construction, such as shì-bú-shì (yes-neg-yes) in Chinese and phải không (correct or not) in Vietnamese. In some languages, the Proposition Negotiator can also be realized by clause-final particles. Table 6.6 sets out the Proposition Negotiators for tagged confirmative.

6.5 Chapter Summary In this Chapter, we made a cross-linguistic comparison of interrogative mood. The major types of interrogative mood include the polar interrogative, the elemental interrogative, the alternative interrogative, and the confirmative. Languages

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6.5  Chapter Summary

181

display similarities and differences in the subtypes and the realizations of each type of interrogative mood. Concerning the polar interrogative, in addition to the typical type which is observed in most languages in our sample, other subtypes include the focused polar interrogative, the emphatic polar interrogative,  and the biased polar interrogative. Some less frequently observed subtypes include the direct and indirect polar interrogative in Kham and the milder polar interrogative in Finnish. Besides, in some languages polar interrogative clauses can also intersect with the emotion-involvement system, the assessment system, the speech level/style system and the politeness system discussed in last chapter. Concerning the realizations of polar interrogative, languages deploy various kinds of grammatical classes. The commonly deployed classes include particles, constructions, affixes/inflections, clitics, sequence, and merely intonation. Two possible typological generalizations can be made about the realizations of poplar interrogative. Firstly, particles are deployed by languages of different morphological types, but they are more frequently deployed by isolating and fusional languages. Secondly, isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles and constructions to realize polar interrogatives, whereas agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections and clitics. Some languages have more than one classes deployed but it requires further studies to find out whether the polar interrogative clauses realized by different classes are of different meanings. In Chinese, there is no systemic contrast between the poplar interrogative realized by particles and the one realized by disjunctive constructions. With regard to the realizations of focused polar interrogative, the most common way is to add the Mood Negotiator that realizes typical polar interrogatives to the focused element. Some languages also use focus particles or initialize the focused element. Regarding the element interrogative, languages display less variation in the subtypes. Huallaga Quechua elaborates the elemental interrogative further according to whether the speaker presupposes the addressee knows the answer. Besides, the elemental interrogative can intersect with some systems that intersect with polar interrogatives. Languages share similarity in displaying the Interrogative Word (IW) in elemental interrogative mood structure. But they are at variance with each other in three dimensions. The first one is the position of IWs in the clause. Along this dimension, languages in our sample fall into two groups: (i) those positioning IWs non-initially and (ii) those positioning IWs initially. A possible typological generalization is that fusional languages show a slight tendency toward positioning IWs initially; agglutinative languages show a strong tendency and isolating languages show a slight tendency toward positioning IWs non-initially. The second dimension is concerned with the number of devices deployed in the realizations of elemental interrogative mood. Along this dimension, languages in our sample can be categorized into two groups: (i) those merely deploying interrogative words to realize elemental interrogative clauses and (ii) those deploying interrogative words in conjunction with and another grammatical class. It is found that isolating languages in our sample show a strong tendency toward merely deploying interrogative words to realize elemental interrogative clauses; fusional languages show a slight tendency with this regard; agglutinative languages show

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6  A Systemic Functional Typology of Interrogative Mood

no preference with this regard. The third dimension is concerned with the systemic relation between the polar interrogative mood and the elemental interrogative mood. Languages in our sample fall into three groups along this dimension: (i) those displaying no structural similarity between polar and elemental interrogative mood, (ii) those displaying a structural similarity between the two types of mood, and (iii) those displaying a structural contrast between the two types of mood. Concerning the alternative interrogative, languages display the least variation in its subtypes. The two possible subtypes of alternative interrogative clauses are (i) those demanding a choice between a positive and a negative polarity and (ii) those demanding a choice between one element and another element. In some languages, the realizations of polar interrogative mood are derived from the realizations of the first subtype of alternative interrogative mood. As for the realizations of alternative interrogative mood, isolating languages in our sample (and possibly fusional languages as well) mainly deploy alternative constructions, whereas agglutinative languages may deploy alternative constructions in conjunction with the Mood Negotiator for polar interrogative mood. As for the confirmative mood, the major subtypes include the rhetorical question and the tagged confirmative. Chinese has two more subtypes, namely the inserted confirmative and the dubitative. The four subtypes form a mood continuum along the dimension of the degree of interrogativity. Besides, the confirmative mood, the declarative mood, and the interrogative mood form a larger mood continuum along the same dimension. Languages bear similarity in realizing rhetorical questions with negative polar questions; it can also be realized by adverbs or indicated by other markers. The classes realizing tagged confirmative can be constructions and particles which are appended to the clause or clause-initial/final particles. More generalizations about the realizations of interrogative mood system and the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of interrogative mood system will be made in Chap. 8.

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Errington JJ (1988) Structure and style in Javanese: a semiotic view of linguistic etiquette. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia Forker D (2013) A grammar of Hinuq. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Fortescue M (1984) West Greenlandic. Croom Helm, London Givón T (2011) Ute reference grammar. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Göksel A, Kerslake C (2005) Turkish: a comprehensive grammar. Routledge, New York Gorelova LM (2002) Manchu grammar. BRILL, Leiden/Boston/Köln Hagman RS (1973) Nama hottentot grammar. Columbia University, New York Halliday MAK, McDonald E (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Chinese. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 305–396 Iwasaki S (2013) Japanese, revised edn. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Karlsson F (1999) Finnish: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Klamer M (2010) A grammar of Teiwa. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Krishnamurti BH, Gwynn JPL (1985) A grammar of Modern Telugu. Oxford University Press, Oxford Langdon M (1966) A grammar of Diegueño: the Mesa Grande dialect. University of California, Berkeley Lavid J, Arús J, Zamorano-Mansilla JR (2010) Systemic functional grammar of Spanish. Continuum, London Li ES-H (2007) A systemic functional grammar of Chinese. Continuum, London MacDonald L (1990) A grammar of Tauya. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York McWhorter JH, Good J (2012) A grammar of Saramaccan Creole. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/ Boston Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A Systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Nguyễn D-H (1997) Vietnamese. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Nikolaeva I (2014) A grammar of Tundra Nenets. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Randy JL, Huang CL (2003) A grammar of Qiang. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Sadock J, Zwicky A (1985) Speech act distinctions in syntax. In: Shopen T (ed) Clause structure. Language typology and syntactic description, vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 155–196 Saeed JI (1999) Somali. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Smeets I (2008) A grammar of Mapuche. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Watters DE (2004) A grammar of Kham. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Weber DJ (1989) A grammar of Huallaga (Huanuco) Quechua. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London Whaley LJ (1997) Introduction to typology: the unity and diversity of language. Sage Publications Inc., California Yao YY, Chen XY (2017) Xìtǒng gōngnéng yǔyánxué shìjiǎo-xià xiàndài hànyǔ wènjù de yǔqì lèxíng yánjiū (A systemic functional approach to Modern Chinese mood types realized by questions). Shāndōng Wàiyǔ Jiàoxué (Shangdong Foreign Lang Teach) (2):21–50

Chapter 7

A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

7.1 The Jussive Mood The jussive mood is second person imperative. It is the typical type of imperative mood, which is the congruent realization of the speech function of command. The use of the term ‘jussive’ in the book corresponds to the use of the term ‘imperative’ in narrow sense in literature. All languages have a good variety of lexicogrammatical resources that enable the speaker to express his/her will to have an action performed by the addressee. The most common way is through the jussive mood, though the declarative mood and the interrogative mood can also fulfill this function metaphorically. The jussive is observed in all the languages in our sample. But languages vary in the subtypes of jussive mood. We will first make a survey of the subtypes of jussive mood, and then, we will make a cross-linguistic comparison of the realizations of jussive mood.

7.1.1 Subtypes of Jussive Mood The most observed subtype of jussive mood is the polite/formal jussive mood. We have mentioned in the previous chapters that Japanese and Thai have a grammaticalized politeness system which intersects closely with mood system. Thus, any type of mood in these two languages is either politeness unmarked (informal) or politeness marked (formal). But this is rarely observed in other languages. However, it is more frequently observed among languages to have the polite/formal jussive mood. This is because the commodity exchanged by jussive mood is goods-&-services and the exchange of goods-&-services, compared with the exchange of information, generally requires more physical effort from the addressee. The polite/ formal jussive mood is observed in 15 languages in our sample (not including

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_7

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Japanese and Thai). In Qiang, more than one polite/formal jussive mood is observed, which differ from each other in the degree of politeness, as in example (132). Thus, the neutral jussive mood and the three polite/formal forms of jussive mood form a mood continuum along the dimension of the degree of politeness, where the neutral jussive mood is unmarked for politeness, the polite/formal jussive realized by the particle pu is the politest one, and the one realized by the particle ba and the one realized by the particle na locate between the other two. (132a) Qiang, imperative: jussive: polite 1 (Randy and Huang 2003: 173) ə-z-na dir-eat-imp

MN-Pr-TM ‘Eat!’

(132b) Qiang, imperative: jussive: polite 2 (Randy and Huang 2003: 177) ə-tɕhə-n-ba dir-eat-2sg-imp

MN-Pr-SI-TM ‘Please eat!’

(132c) Qiang, imperative: jussive: polite 3 (Randy and Huang 2003: 177) ʔũ

ʐ o:kum-le:

a-ʂ

de-ʐge-n-pu

2sg

window-def.clf

one-time

dir-open-2sg-dtv

Sub

Com

Ad

MN-Pr-SI-TM

‘Could you open the window a bit?’

The case of Qiang where more than one polite/formal jussive moods is grammaticalized is not observed in other languages in our sample. Languages usually have one polite/formal form of jussive mood grammaticalized. The polite form can be realized by polite particles, such as na, pa/ba/wa, and pu in Qiang, mȃ in Hmong Njua, nag and naman in Tagalog, and re in Nama Hottentot. It can also be realized by affixes, such as -e.gten and -AArai in Mongolian, maki- and pakiin Tagalog, -du-wu/ru in Telugu, -iye and -iyega in Hindi, and -lla in Huallaga Quechua. Among Indo-European languages, a commonly observed way to realize a polite/formal jussive clause is through the use of the second person plural imperative form (French, Greek, Latvian) or the third person present subjunctive mode (Spanish). In Armenian, the polite/formal jussive mood can be realized by the second person future subjunctive mode, the second person future conditional mode,

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187

and the second person present indicative mode. Example (133), (134), and (135) illustrate the polite/formal jussive mood in French, Spanish, and Armenian. (133) French, imperative: jussive: 2sg: formal/polite parlez speak.ind.2pl Pr.MN ‘Speak!’

(134) Spanish, imperative: jussive: formal/polite venga

aquí

(usted)

come.sbjv.prs.3sg

here

(you.sg.hon)

Pr.MN.SI

Ad

(Sub)

‘Please come here.’

(135) Armenian, imperative: jussive: formal/polite (Dum-Tragut 2009: 240) mi

šarži-es

ays

at̕or̊-ĕ

part

move-sbjv.fut.2sg

this

chair.nom-the

Pr-MN

Com

‘Move this chair, please!/Would you please move this chair?’

Though the polite jussive mood is not observed in many languages in our sample, its meaning can be realized by intonations, lexical items, or interpersonal grammatical metaphor in these languages. In addition to the polite jussive mood, the mild/soft jussive mood and the strong/empathic jussive mood are also frequently observed in our sample. The mild/soft jussive mood is observed in Finnish, Teiwa, Albanian, Maidu, and Hidatsa. It correlates with the polite jussive mood in meaning. The strong/ emphatic jussive mood is observed in Qiang, Mongolian, Fongbe, and Diegueño. In Fongbe, there are two subtypes of emphatic jussive mood. One entails the presupposition that the speaker and the hearer disagree with each other, and the other entails the presupposition that the speaker and the hearer agree on the content of the proposal. Besides, in Nenets, Udmurt, West Greenlandic, and Cavineña, both the mild and the strong jussive are observed. Thus, in these languages, the mild jussive, the neutral jussive, and the strong jussive form a mood continuum along the dimension of directive force. Example (136) illustrates the mild, neutral, and strong jussive mood in Nenets.

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(136a) Nenets, imperative: jussive: milder (Nikolaeva 2014: 270) nʹa-mʹi

xo-kər°-q

companion-1sg

fetch-prec-imp.2sg

Com

Pr-TM-MN.SI

‘Fetch my younger brother.’

(136b) Nenets, imperative: jussive: neutral (Nikolaeva 2014: 194) (pidər°)

ti

xada-q

you.sg

reindeer

kill-imp.2sg

Sub

Com

Pr-MN.SI

‘Kill a reindeer!’

(136c) Nenets, imperative: jussive: stronger (Nikolaeva 2014: 270) nʹa-mʹi

xo-k°r-xər°-q

companion-1sg

fetch-prec-prec-imp.2sg

Com

Pr-TM-MN.SI

‘Do fetch my younger brother immediately!’

Both mild and strong jussive mood can be realized by particles (Teiwa, Udmurt, Maidu, Qiang, Fongbe), clitics (Finnish, Cavineña, Mongolian), affixes (Nenets, Greenlandic, Hidatsa, Diegueño, Cavineña), and inflections (Albanian, second person future tense inflection for mild jussive mood). The third subtype of jussive mood observed is non-immediate jussive mood. The typical jussive mood enacts the addressee to perform an action immediately. Most languages can adjust the time for the action to be performed by using Adjuncts realized by temporal lexical items, such as later, tomorrow, and often. Six languages in our sample, namely Kham, Hindi, Greek, Nenets, West Greenlandic, and Hup, have grammaticalized devices for non-immediate jussive mood. The immediate (typical) jussive mood and non-immediate jussive mood are usually realized by different affixes/inflections. For example, in Kham, the immediate jussive is realized by the suffix -ke and the non-immediate jussive by suffixes -yo/o and -Ø. In Greek, the immediate jussive is realized by perfective stem and the non-immediate jussive by imperfective stem. Tagalog distinguishes three types of jussive mood according to the time for the action to be performed, namely the proper jussive, the habitual jussive, and the immediate jussive. The proper jussive is realized by the basic form of verb and an explicit second person Subject, the habitual jussive is realized by the contemplated aspect form of verb and an explicit

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second person Subject, and the immediate jussive is realized by an unaffixed verb base, as in example (137). (137a) Tagalog, imperative: jussive (proper) (Schachter and Otanes 1972: 402) kumain

ka

(nga)

eat

2sg

please

Pr

Sub

TM

‘(Please) Eat.’

(137b) Tagalog, imperative: jussive: habitual (Schachter and Otanes 1972: 404) ito

ang

gagawin

mo

this

foc

do.conte

2sg

Pr

Sub

Com ‘Do this (regularly).’

(137c) Tagalog, imperative: jussive: immediate (Schachter and Otanes 1972: 402) alis! leave Pr ‘Leave!’

In Maidu, there are two Mood Negotiators for jussive mood. The Mood Negotiator -pi realizes the jussive mood that is used when the action is supposed to be carried out in the presence of the speaker. In contrast, the Mood Negotiator -padá realizes the jussive mood that is used when the action is to be carried out in the absence or the speaker. This distinction in Maidu is similar to the distinction between immediate and non-immediate jussive mood. The fourth group of subtypes of jussive mood is observed in Korean, Javanese, and Manchu. We have discussed the speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese in Sect. 5.2.7. In the two languages, the speech level/style system intersects with the holistic mood system. Thus, the subtypes of jussive mood in the two languages indicate the social relationship between the speaker and the addressee. This is also observed in Manchu, where there are five subtypes of jussive mood, each of which indicates the social relationship between the interactants. The bare stem in Manchu realizes the jussive mood that is used to the addressee occupying lower or similar social position in respect to the speaker. The suffix -ki realizes the jussive mood that is used to the addressee with equal social position. It is with softer directive force compared with the one realized by a basic stem. The suffix

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-kini realizes the jussive mood that is used to the addressee with lower social position. It denotes an order to perform an action immediately. The suffix -cina realizes the jussive mood that is used to the addressee with lower social position. It expresses a polite request. The suffix -re–o realizes the jussive mood that is used to the addressee who is older or with higher social position. The fifth group of subtypes of jussive mood is observed in Chinese and is concerned with proposal negotiability. The system only intersects with imperative mood. Options in the system inflect the negotiability of the proposal put forward by the speaker. That is to say, to what extent is the addressee able to negotiate with the speaker for accepting the proposal. The meaning is related to the meaning of modulation (see Sect. 3.2.2) but they are different. The meaning of modulation is speaker-oriented, which indicates how strong the speaker’s will is to have something done or to do something. Besides, it is realized as indicative mood rather than as imperative mood (see Halliday 1994: 356). In contrast, the meaning of proposal negotiability is addressee-oriented. It indicates how much choice the addressee has in relation to accepting the proposal. It is realized as imperative mood rather than as indicative mood. In Chinese, there are four options in this system, which, arranged from low to high degree of negotiability, are negotiation neutral, suggestive, tagged negotiation, and inserted negotiation. The functional element realizing proposal negotiability is termed Proposal Negotiator (PlN). The neutral imperative displays no or a low degree of negotiability. It indicates the addressee has no choice but to carry out the command or accept the offer. It is unmarked in realization. The suggestive is realized by adding the Proposal Negotiator ba to the end of neutral imperative clauses. It is of a milder directive force than the neutral imperative and thus is of a higher degree of negotiability. The tagged negotiation is realized by appending hǎo-ma, xíng-ma, kěyǐ-ma, hǎobù-hǎo, xíng-bù-xíng, kě-bù-kěyǐ, etc., to the end of neutral imperative clauses. The inserted negotiation is realized by inserting néng-bù-néng or kě-bù-kěyǐ in neutral imperative clauses, whose meaning is similar to ‘can you’. The inserted negotiation is close to interrogative mood in structure and thus indicates a high degree of negotiability. Example (138) illustrates the intersection between jussive mood and proposal negotiability system in Chinese. (138a) Chinese, imperative: jussive: proposal negotiability neutral bǎ

dēng

guān-le

ba

light

close-pfv

Com

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

Turn off the light.’

7.1  The Jussive Mood

191

(138b) Chinese, imperative: jussive: suggestive bǎ

dēng

guān-le

ba

ba

light

close-pfv

mp

Com

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

PlN

‘Turn off the light.’ (milder force)

(138c) Chinese, imperative: jussive: tagged negotiation bǎ

dēng

guān-le,

hǎo-ma

ba

light

turn off-pfv

all right-q

Com

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

PlN

‘Turn off the light, all right?’

(138d) Chinese, imperative: jussive: inserted negotiation néng-bù-néng

bǎ

dēng

guān-le

can-neg-can

ba

light

turn off-pfv

Com

Pr-Fi ‘perfective’

PlN ‘Could you turn off the light?’

In addition to the major subtypes of jussive mood discussed above, there are some less frequently observed subtypes, such as the benefactive in Japanese and the exigent in Kham. The benefactive is realized by the auxiliary -kure. According to Teruya (2007), the benefactive always involves one person who benefits from the exchange of goods-&-services. Usually, the beneficiary is the speaker or both the speaker and the addressee. Thus, it expresses the meaning like ‘do it for me/us’. The exigent is one subtype of jussive mood in Kham which indicates the speaker’s impatience and anger. It is realized by the suffix -sã-. Moreover, the jussive mood also intersects with some systems discussed in the previous chapters, such as the emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai and the assessment system in Vietnamese and Ọ̀kọ́. The emotion-involved and assessed jussive mood indicate the speaker’s various kinds of emotions and involvement in the proposal. The exigent in Kham is similar to an emotion-involved jussive mood. Example (139) and (140) illustrate the exigent in Kham and the assessed jussive mood in Vietnamese.

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(139) Kham, imperative: jussive: immediate: exigent (Watters 2004: 86) cyu:-na-ci-sã-ke ∼

watch-1sg-2pl-s a-imp Pr-Com-SI-EM-MN ‘(You pl) watch me!’

(140) Vietnamese, imperative: jussive: assessed (Phan 2010: 217) đi

nào

go

come-on

Pr

MN

‘Go!’ (intimate urging)

7.1.2 Realizations of Jussive Mood We have discussed the subtypes of jussive mood in last section. Now, we will turn to the realizations of jussive mood. Since the realizations of subtypes of jussive mood have been discussed in last section, we will only focus on the realizations of proper jussive mood in this section. Languages display considerable diversity in the realizations of jussive mood. The realizations of jussive mood in different languages are displayed in Fig. 7.1 in the form of system network. The languages in our sample roughly fall into two groups according to the Mood Negotiators they deploy for jussive mood: (i) those having no explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood and (ii) those having explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood.

Fig. 7.1  Mood Negotiators for jussive mood

7.1  The Jussive Mood

193

There are 12 languages in group (i), namely Chinese, Hmong Njua, Thai, Teiwa, Koyra Chiini, Fongbe, Nama Hottentot, Saramaccan Creole, Hausa, Dagaare, Ọ̀kọ́, and English. Among the 12 languages, eight are identified as isolating languages. The morphological types of Dagaare, Ọ̀kọ́, and Nama Hottentot are not identified, but they behave more like isolating languages along the parameter of realizations of Finite discussed in Sect. 5.1.3. English is a language that locates between isolating and fusional languages. In these languages, there is no Mood Negotiator in jussive mood structure. Thus, in many cases, one cannot easily distinguish a jussive clause from a declarative one base on structural features. For example, the English clause ‘you go home more often’ can be either a declarative clause or a jussive clause according to the context it is used. Thus, in these languages, the way to distinguish a jussive clause from a declarative one is not through inserting a functional element in the realization statement, but through deleting some functional elements from the declarative mood structure (see Sect. 3.5.1 and the part of Abbreviations and Conventions). In English, for example, the Finite ‘tense’ which is always present in declarative mood structure is absent in jussive mood structure. Since the Finite for non-third person singular present tense in English declarative clauses fuses with the Predicator, thus, without indications from context or intonation, one cannot not identify whether the Predicator go in the clause above fuses with the Finite ‘tense’ or not, and therefore, one cannot easily judge it is a declarative clause or a jussive one. The case in Hausa is simpler. The verb in Hausa does not inflects for person, number, tense, aspect, and mode/modality. But in each declarative mood structure, there is always a person-aspect complex (PAC) before the Predicator. The PAC is a fusion of the functional elements of Subject Indicator and Finite. In jussive mood structure, however, the PAC is absent. Thus, one can easily distinguish a jussive mood from a declarative one, though the jussive is not marked by any Mood Negotiator. But not all the languages in group (i) are like English and Hausa, where the jussive mood can be relatively easily distinguished from the declarative one. This is because, in English and Hausa, the Finite, either the Finite ‘tense’ or the Finite ‘aspect’, is always present in declarative clauses and absent in jussive clauses. Whereas in many other languages, the Finite ‘aspect’ is not present in every declarative clause (many clauses are with a neutral aspect or a certain aspect is unmarked), and it can also be present in jussive clauses (the imperative clause with the Finite ‘aspect’ is not rarely observed in world languages, see Sadock and Zwicky 1985; at least eight languages in our sample are observed with the imperative mood intersecting with aspect). Therefore, in these languages, one cannot distinguish a jussive mood from a declarative one by using the realization statement of “delating Finite ‘aspect’”. For example, the two Chinese clauses in example (141) can be either declarative mood or jussive mood.

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

194

(141a) Chinese, jussive/declarative nǐ

tuī

wo

you

push

me

Sub

Pr

Com

‘You push me!/You pushed me! (How dare you!)’

(141b) Chinese, jussive/declarative nǐ

shā-le

ta

you

kill-Fi ‘perfective’

3sg

Sub

Pr

Com

‘You kill it!/You killed it! (with a tone of surprise)’

Since it is difficult to distinguish a jussive mood from a declarative mood ‘form below’ in these languages, we can do this ‘from roundabout’. For example, the declarative clause in Chinese can intersect with modality system, whereas the imperative clause cannot. Thus, if we can add some elements that realize modal meanings, such as bìxū (must), yīnggāi (should), kěnéng (may, possibly) in the structure of the two clauses above, they are declarative clauses, and if we cannot, they are imperative clauses. The view ‘from roundabout’ also applies to other languages, but it may work in different ways. For example, in Teiwa, as mentioned in Sect. 5.1.3, declarative clauses can be with either realis mode or irrealis mode, but imperative clauses can never intersect with realis mode. Thus, if a clause is marked by realis mode, it can never be an imperative clause. Another way is through the intersection between mood and negation. As mentioned in Sect. 5.1.3, many languages have two sets of negative markers, such as one for indicative clauses, the other for imperative clauses. Thus, if a clause in these languages can be negated by a Finite ‘negative’ for imperative mood, the clause is imperative clause rather than a declarative one. But up to now we have been making distinction between imperative mood and declarative mood, rather than between jussive and declarative mood. The view ‘from roundabout’ applies to all types of imperative mood in these languages. Thus, to distinguish the jussive mood from other types of imperative mood, we should simultaneously insert a second person Subject in the realization statements of jussive mood. Now, we will see the languages of group (ii), those having explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood. Languages of this group can be further classified into two groups: (a) those having no exclusive Mood Negotiators to realize jussive clauses and (b) those having exclusive Mood Negotiators to realize jussive clauses. There are five languages in group (a), namely Qiang, French, Lango, Nyigina, and Bardi. In Qiang, the Mood Negotiator for jussive mood is realized by directional prefixes, such as ə- and de- in example (132). These directional prefixes are also

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195

deployed in declarative clauses. Then, according to Randy and Huang (2003), it is only the intonation and the context that separate a jussive clause from a declarative one. In jussive clauses, unlike non-imperative directional prefixes, the directional prefix is stressed. In French, the jussive mood is realized by the present tense verbal conjugation. Then, a jussive clause in French is distinguished from a declarative clause with a second person Subject and a Finite expresssing present tense merely by the absence of Subject. In Lango, the Mood Negotiator for jussive mood is realized by a prefixless subjunctive mode. The prefix in subjunctive mode indicates the person and the number of the Subject. In Nyigina and Bardi, the Mood Negotiator for jussive mood is realized by verbal inflections for second person future tense, as in example (142). Besides, Hausa, which has been identified as a language in group (i), can also be identified as a language in the group (a) of group (ii), because the jussive mood in Hausa can be realized in two ways: one way is to delete the PAC (Finite ‘aspect’ and Subject Indicator), and the other way is to deploy a PAC for second person subjunctive mode. (142) Bardi, imperative: jussive (Bowern 2012: 629) joo

a-n-arl-a

ngoordingan

2min

2-tr-eat-fut

alone

Sub

SI/MN- -Pr-Fi ‘future’/-MN

Ad

‘You eat it all (alone)!’

The majority of languages in our sample(43 among 60) fall into group (b). They deploy a Mood Negotiator which is dedicated to jussive mood. Among these languages, except Vietnamese which deploys jussive mood particles, the other 42 languages deploy jussive mood affixes/inflections. Jussive mood particles in Vietnamese include đi, đã, hãy for the neutral jussive mood and nào, nghe, nhé/nhó, vói, etc., for the assessed jussive mood. Sometimes these jussive mood particles are optional, and thus, Vietnamese can also be regarded a language in group (i). Concerning the 42 languages deploying affixes/inflections for the realizations of jussive mood, 23 languages are agglutinative languages, 11 are fusional languages, and the other eight are languages whose morphological types are not identified. These languages can be classified further along different dimensions. One dimension is the property of the inflectional markings. The Mood Negotiator can be jussive/imperative mood affixes, such as in Kham, Korean, Telugu, and Nenets or jussive/imperative mood inflections, such as in Welsh, Spanish, Russian, and Albanian or bare verb stems, such as in Turkish, Mongolian, Manchu, and Ute or special verb stems, such as in Mian. Besides, the jussive/imperative mood affixes can be either prefixes, such as in Persian and Pipil, or suffixes. We will not discuss this dimension in detail. The second dimension is the number of devices deployed. As Fig. 7.1 shows, 39 of these languages merely deploy affixes/inflections while three languages, namely Kham, German, and Tagalog, deploy another device meanwhile to realize jussive clauses. In Kham, in addition to deploying

196

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

the jussive mood suffix -ke, the Subject Indicator in jussive clauses is realized by object personal suffixes in declarative clauses rather than subject personal suffixes. In German, in addition to deploying jussive/imperative inflections, jussive clauses also require a reverse of word sequence. The word sequence of declarative clauses is ‘Subject ^ Predicator’, while in jussive and interrogative clauses, it is ‘Predicator ^ Finite’. In Tagalog, in addition to the use of a basic form of the verb, jussive (proper) clauses also require an explicit second person Subject. The third dimension is concerned with the intersection between the Mood Negotiator: jussive and the person of Subject (second person singular and second person non-singular). In 12 languages among the 38 languages with available data, the same Mood Negotiator is deployed for both the second person singular jussive mood and the second person non-singular jussive mood, such as in Korean, Japanese, Manchu, and Hinuq. In contrast, in the other 26 languages, the Mood Negotiator for second person singular jussive mood is different from the one for second person non-singular jussive mood. For example, in Turkish, the second person singular jussive mood is realized by verb stem, whereas the second person plural jussive mood is realized by the suffix -(y)In; in Mapuche, Mood Negotiators for second person singular, dual, and plural jussive mood are -nge, -Ø-m-u and -Ø-mün, respectively; in Latvian, the second person singular jussive mood is realized by the second person singular present tense inflection, while the second person plural jussive mood is realized by adding the imperative suffix -iet(ies) to the second person singular present tense inflection. One generalization can be made about this dimension: if a language displays verbal inflections for person and number in declaratives clauses, then it may deploy different Mood Negotiators for second person singular and non-singular jussive clauses. Besides, languages also vary in the presence or absence of second person singular Subject in jussive clauses. Languages in our sample can be classified into three groups along this dimension: (i) those whose second person singular Subject cannot be omitted; (ii) those whose second person singular Subject must be omitted; and (iii) those whose second person singular Subject can be omitted. The only language that requires an explicit Subject in jussive (proper) clauses is Tagalog. This possibly is because an implicit Subject in Tagalog jussive clauses functions to realize the immediate jussive mood. There are several languages in our sample whose second person singular Subject in jussive clauses must be omitted, such as French, Korya Chiini, and Somali. In these languages, the absence of second person singular Subject functions to distinguish jussive clauses from declarative clauses. Most languages in our sample belong to group (iii), where the second personal singular Subject is optional and is usually omitted. In these languages, when the second person singular Subject is presented in the mood structure of jussive clauses, it usually indicates emphasis or contrast, such as in Qiang, Vietnamese, Russian, and Saramaccan Creole. Up to now, we have made a cross-linguistic comparison of jussive mood, which includes a survey of the subtypes of jussive mood a comparison of the realizations of jussive mood. Now, we will turn to the second major type of imperative mood, the cohortative mood.

7.2  The Cohortative Mood

197

7.2 The Cohortative Mood 7.2.1 Subtypes of Cohortative Mood The cohortative is first person plural inclusive imperative mood, which involves both the speaker and the addressee into the action to be performed (‘let’s do something’). It realizes the speech function of suggestion, something that is both command and offer at the same time. It is observed in 48 languages in our sample. In 10 languages among the 48 languages, the cohortative is a subtype of hortative mood, which will be discussed in Sect. 7.5. The cohortative mood is less frequently elaborated than the jussive mood. One subtype of cohortative mood is the polite cohortative. It is observed in Qiang and Nama Hottentot. As mentioned in last section, Qiang has three particles for the polite jussive. The one realizing polite cohortative clauses is different from those deployed in polite jussive clauses. In Nama Hottentot, the polite particle realizing the polite cohortative is the same one realizing the polite jussive. Example (143) illustrates the polite cohortative in Qiang. (143) Qiang, imperative: cohortative: polite (Randy and Huang 2003: 176) tcile

bəl-ʂaʴ-wu

1pl

do-hor.1pl-requ

Sub

Pr-MN-TM

‘Let’s do it, O.K.?’

Other subtypes of cohortative mood include the assessed cohortative in Ọ̀kọ́, the emphatic cohortative in Mongolian, and the mild/neutral/strong and non-immediate cohortative in Nenets. The cohortative mood in Chinese intersects with the proposal negotiability system as the jussive mood does. It can also intersect with the emotion-involvement system in Chinese but it does so less frequently than the jussive mood does. In Korean, the cohortative mood intersects with the speech level system. In Japanese and Thai, it intersects with the politeness system as other types of mood do. Example (144), (145), and (146) illustrate some subtypes of cohortative in Nenets, Mongolian, and Chinese. (144)

Nenets, imperative: cohortative: non-immediate (Nikolaeva 2014: 89)

xūn’nan

m’er’esə-rka-yi-waq

tomorrow

hurry.up-compa-sbjv-1pl

Ad

Pr- -MN-SI

‘Let’s hurry up tomorrow.’

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

198

(145) Mongolian, imperative: cohortative: emphatic (Janhunen 2012: 154) soo-y = aa to sit.imp-volu = emph Pr.MN-MN = EmM ‘Let’s sit down!’

(146) Chinese, imperative: cohortative: suggestive wǒmen

zǒu

ba

2pl

go

mp

Sub

Pr

PlN

‘Let’s go, shall we?’

Now, we will move to the realizations of cohortative mood.

7.2.2 Realizations of Cohortative Mood As mentioned in last section, in 10 languages of the 48 languages with cohortative mood, the cohortative mood is a subtype of hortative mood. The realizations of hortative mood will be discussed in Sect. 7.5. In this section, we will focus on the realizations of cohortative mood in the other 38 languages. We will adopt the same method for the classification of Mood Negotiators for jussive mood to survey the Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood. And we add a new dimension, namely the homogeneity between the two kinds of Mood Negotiators. In other words, we will see whether the same Mood Negotiator is deployed in the two types of imperative mood. Table 7.1 sets out the Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood. Name Hottentot has two Mood Negotiators for cohortative clauses and it is counted twice. Therefore, the total number is 39 rather than 38. The languages in the sample first can be classified into two groups according to the realizations of cohortative mood: (i) those with no explicit Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood and (ii) those with explicit Mood Negotiators. Languages of group (i) include Chinese, Teiwa, English, Ọ̀kọ́, and Nama Hottentot. They are Table 7.1  Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood No explicit Mood Negotiator: cohortative Non-dedicated MN With explicit MN: cohortative Dedicated MN Total

Particle Affixes

 = jussive 5 3 1 2 11

 ≠ jussive 3 4 21 28

Total 5 6 5 23 39

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199

all (near-)isolating languages, and they are all languages without explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood either. Thus, the realizations of cohortative mood in these languages are homogeneous to those of jussive mood, and the only difference is the Subject person. For example, the realization statement for English jussive mood is ‘ − Finite’ and that for cohortative mood is ‘ − Finite; + Sub::let’s’; the realization statement for Chinese jussive mood is ‘*Finite ‘modality’;  ’, and that for cohortative mood is ‘*Finite ‘modality’; + Sub:1pl’. Languages of group (ii) are further classified into two groups: (a) those with non-dedicated Mood Negotiators and (b) those with dedicated Mood Negotiators. Languages of group (a) include French, Nyigina, Bardi, Udmurt, Latvian, and Kulina. As mentioned in Sect. 7.1.2, French uses the second person present tense conjugation and Nyigina and Bardi use the second person future tense inflection to realize the jussive mood. They use homogeneous devices to realize the cohortative mood: French deploy the first person plural present tense conjugation, and Nyigina and Bardi deploy the first person plural future tense inflection to realize the cohortative mood. Udmurt, Kulina, and Latvian deploy the first person plural or non-singular future tense inflection to realize the cohortative mood, but they use dedicated jussive/imperative affixes/inflections for jussive mood. Thus, the two types of Mood Negotiators in the three languages are not homogeneous. The other 28 languages all have dedicated Mood Negotiators as the realizations of cohortative mood. Five of them have dedicated Mood Negotiators realized by particles, including Thai, Saramaccan, Nama Hottentot, Korya Chiini, and Vietnamese. All of them are (near-)isolating languages. Except Vietnamese whose Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood is homogeneous to that for jussive mood, the other four languages have Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood only, while they have no explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood. Example (147) and (148) illustrate the Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood in Vietnamese and Thai. (147) Vietnamese, imperative: cohortative (Nguyễn 1997: 159) chúng-ta

hãy

chǎm-chỉ

học-hành

we.inclusive

exho

diligent

study

Sub

MN

Com

Pr

‘Let’s study diligently!’

(148)

Thai, imperative: cohortative (Smyth 2002: 124)

pay

kin

khâŋ nɔɔ̀k

thə̀ə

go

eat

outside

mp

Ad

MN

Pr Let’s go and eat out!’

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200

The other 23 languages have dedicated Mood Negotiators realized by affixes/ inflections. Most of them are agglutinative and fusional languages. Among these languages, Tagalog and Persian deploy the Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood which is also deployed in jussive mood; the other 21 languages deploy the Mood Negotiator which is not homogeneous to that for jussive mood. For example, in Kham, the Mood Negotiator for jussive mood is -ke, and meanwhile the Subject Indicator is realized by object personal markers in declarative mood. Whereas the Mood Negotiator for cohortative is a bare verb stem, and the Subject Indicator is realized by subject personal markers in declarative mood. In West Greenlandic, Huallaga Quechua, German, Russian, Finnish, and Pipil, the Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood is identified as ‘first person plural imperative inflection’. It requires further studies to explore whether it is homogeneous to that for jussive mood, which is termed as ‘second person imperative inflection’. In Armenian, Spanish, and Ute, the Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood is realized by the first person plural subjunctive/irrealis mode. We do not identify the three languages as those with non-dedicated Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood because the subjective/irrealis mode is frequently deployed as realizations of imperative mood (see Sect. 7.5). Example (149), (150), and (151) illustrate the Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood realized by affixes/inflections in Persian, Japanese, and Ute. The Mood Negotiator realized by the prefix be- in Persian is also deployed in jussive mood structure. (149) Persian, imperative: cohortative be-rav-im imp-go.prs

stem-1pl

MN-Pr-SI Let’s go!

(150) Japanese, imperative: cohortative (Teruya 2007: 165) hon-o

yom-oo

book-acc

read-vol

Com

Pr-MN

‘Let’s read the book!’

(151) Ute, imperative: cohortative (Givón 2011: 307) wʉ́ʉka-vaa-rami̱ work-irr-1du.incl Pr-MN-SI ‘Let’s (you and I) work!’

7.3  The Optative Mood

201

Thus far, we have discussed the subtypes and realizations of cohortative mood. Now, we will move to the third major type of imperative mood, the optative mood.

7.3 The Optative Mood 7.3.1 Subtypes of Optative Mood The optative is third person imperative mood. It expresses the addressee’s desire or hope or wish to have an action performed by a third person agent (‘let/may he/she/ they do’). It is observed in 23 languages in our sample, among which 17 are agglutinative languages, three are fusional languages, and three are languages whose morphological types are not identified. Among the three fusional languages, only Albanian has optative mood realized by the optative mode; Latvian and Armenian have optative mood realized analytically. Two subtypes of optative mood can be identified. One subtype is third person imperative. It expresses the addressee’s desire or will to have an action performed by a third person Subject (‘let him/her/they do’). It is the core usage of this term, which is observed in 16 languages, such as Turkish, Santali, Tagalog, Nenets, Udmurt, and Hup. The other subtype of optative mood is the peripheral usage of this term. It expresses the speaker’s wishes and blessings, whose function is similar to ‘may, I wish’. The peripheral usage is observed in Kham and Huallaga Quechua. In Ute, Jamsay, Hinuq, Mongolian, and Albanian, both the core optative and the peripheral optative are observed. In Albanian, Mongolian, and Hinuq, the core and peripheral optative are realized by the same Mood Negotiator; in Ute and Jamsay, the two subtypes are realized by different Mood Negotiators. The two subtypes of optative can be distinguished from three aspects. First, the core optative indicates the speaker’s desire to have an action performed, while the peripheral optative indicates the speaker’s hope or wish to have an expected situation realized. Second, the core optative indicates a situation that is possible to be realized; while the peripheral optative indicates a situation that is less possible to be realized. Third, the core optative only intersects with the third person Subject, whereas the peripheral optative in Mongolian, Albanian, and Hinuq can also intersect with Subjects of other persons. Example (152) and (153) illustrate the optative mood in Mongolian and Hinuq. (152) Mongolian, imperative: optative (peripheral) (Janhunen 2012: 155) udz-e.g to see.imp-perm Pr.MN-MN ‘May s/he see!’

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202

(153a) Hinuq, imperative: optative (core) (Forker 2013: 231) ʡali = n

Madina = n

di-de-r

Ali = and

Madina-and

I.obl-aloc-lat

come-opt

Ad

Pr-MN

Sub

nox-ƛo

‘May/Let Ali and Madina come to me!’ (exhortation)

(153b) Hinuq, imperative: optative (peripheral) (Forker 2013: 232) debez

ked

y-aši-ƛo

you.sg

girl(g2)

g2-find-opt

Sub

Pr-MN

-Pr-MN

‘May you find yourself a girl!’

The core optative mood can be elaborated further in delicacy, but this is less frequently observed than the jussive and cohortative mood. For example, in Nenets, two subtypes of (core) optative mood are observed, which differ from each other in directive force. The one realized by the subjunctive mode is milder than the one realized by the optative mode, as in example (154). The milder optative is also observed in Finnish, where it is realized by the clitic = han, which is also deployed in milder jussive and cohortative clauses. (154a) Nenets, imperative: optative: mild (Nikolaeva 2014: 89) temta-yi buy-sbjv Pr-MN ‘let him buy/ tell him to buy’

(154b) Nenets, imperative: optative (Nikolaeva 2014: 89) temta-ya exist-opt Pr-MN ‘let him buy/ he should/must buy’

7.3  The Optative Mood

203

7.3.2 Realizations of Optative Mood Languages display less variation in the realizations of optative mood compared with the realizations of jussive and cohortative mood. Almost all languages realize optative mood with affixes/inflections. Nenets, Jamsay, and Ute have two subtypes of optative mood which are realized by different Mood Negotiators. In Nenets, the optative mood is realized by the optative mode, and the milder optative mood is realized by the third person present subjunctive mode, as in example (153). In Jamsay, the core optative is realized by a third person Subject plus an imperative root, and the peripheral optative is realized by the third person Subject plus the hortative suffix -ḿ. In Ute, the core optative is realized by the third person irrealis inflection, and the peripheral optative is realized by a construction, which consists of the subjunctive suffix -guu-, the nominalizer -pʉ̱, and the inanimate distal demonstrative -uru ‘that’ suffixed to the first word in the clause. Example (155) illustrates the two subtypes of optative mood in Ute. (155a) Ute, imperative: optative (peripheral) (Givón 2011: 309) ʹaavʉ-ʹuru

wʉ́ʉka-guu-pʉ̱

now-that.obj

work-sbjv-nom

Ad-MN

Pr-MN-MN

‘I wish/hope that s/he would work now.’

(155b) Ute, imperative: optative (core) (Givón 2011: 307) wʉ́ʉka-vaa-ʹu work-irr-3sg Pr-MN-SI ‘Let him/her work!/ S/he should work’

Except the three languages mentioned above, the other 20 languages have one realization for optative mood (Albanian, Mongolian, and Hinuq deploy the same realization for both core and peripheral optative mood). These languages can be classified into two groups: (i) those deploying constructions to realize the optative mood and (ii) those deploying affixes/inflections. Languages of group (i) include Latvian, Udmurt, Pipil, and Armenian. In Latvian, the optative mood is realized by the particle lai plus the third person present tense verb form. Latvian deploys the second person singular present tense verb form for second person singular jussive mood and the first person plural future tense verb form for cohortative mood. Thus, it can be found that the three types of imperative mood are not well grammaticalized in Latvian. In Udmurt, the optative mood is realized by the particle med plus the third person future tense verb form. The cohortative mood in Udmurt

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

204

is realized by the first person future tense verb form. Therefore, both the two types of imperative mood are not well grammaticalized in Udmurt. In Pipil, the optative mood is realized by the exhortative particle ma plus the present verb stem. The same particle is also deployed in cohortative mood, but it is optional. In Armenian, the optative mood is realized by the particle toł plus the third person future subjunctive mode. The future subjunctive mode is also deployed in cohortative mood. The other 16 languages all deploy affixes/inflections to realize the optative mood. Among the 16 languages, Nyigina deploys the third person future tense verb form for optative mood. As mentioned in the previous sections, Nyigina also deploys the future tense verb form for jussive mood and cohortative mood. The cases of Nyigina and Latvian and the fact that the jussive mood is more frequently grammaticalized than the cohortative and the optative mood might illustrate a hierarchy of grammaticalization of different types of imperative mood. That is, if a language has one type of imperative mood grammaticalized, it is most possible to be the jussive mood. In other words, if the jussive mood is not grammaticalized in a language, the cohortative and the optative mood in this language will not be grammaticalized either. We will discuss this further in Chap. 8. Except Nyigina, the remaining 15 languages deploy dedicated Mood Negotiators realized by affixes/inflections. Some of these Mood Negotiators are termed ‘optative mode’, such as in Santali, Albanian, Hinuq, West Greenlandic, Hup, and Cavineña; some are termed ‘third person imperative inflections’, such as in Turkish, Finnish, Huallaga Quechua, and Mapuche; some are termed ‘subjunctive mode’, such as in Tauya; the others are labeled with other terms. Example (156) and (157) display the realizations of optative mood in Mapuche and Cavineña. (156) Mapuche, imperative: optative (core) (Smeets 2008: 185) i-pe

mütem

engün

eat-imp.3

only

they

Pr-MN

Ad

Sub

‘Let them just eat.’

(157) Cavineña, imperative: optative (core) (Guillaume 2008: 99) pa-kwadisha = tu

sudaru = kwana

elicoptero = tsewe

opt-send = 3sg(-erg)

soldier = pl

helicopter = asso

MN-Pr = Sub

Com

Ad

‘Let it (the government) send soldiers with a helicopter!’

7.4  The Oblative Mood

205

7.4 The Oblative Mood Now, we will move to the fourth type of imperative mood, the oblative mood. The oblative mood is first person singular imperative mood. It differs from the jussive, cohortative, and optative mood not only in the Subject person, but also in the speech function realized. The jussive, the cohortative, and the (core) optative mood all realize the speech function of command (for the cohortative mood, both command and offer), while the oblative mood realizes the speech function of offer. It gives goods-&-services rather than demanding goods-&-services. Besides, the oblative mood is the least likely to be grammaticalized among the four types of imperative mood. This is because, as Halliday (1994: 70) points out, in the context of offer, ‘language is functioning simply as a means toward achieving what are essential non-linguistic ends’. The oblative is observed in 10 languages in our sample. Even so, as Martin and Cruz (2018) note, ‘for some speakers, the oblative and optative imperative options are unnatural and would have to be removed from the (mood) network’. The grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of oblative mood include constructions, particles, and affixes/inflections. Japanese and Jamsay deploy constructions to realize the oblative mood. In Japanese, the construction consists of the volitional form of the verb and the interrogative particle ka. The volitional form of verbs also realizes the cohortative mood in Japanese. Jamsay deploys a similar construction, which consists of the imperative stem and the interrogative particle má. Javanese deploys the particle dak to realize the oblative mood. However, in passive voice, the word occurs as a prefix. Other languages deploy affixes/inflections to realize the oblative mood. Still the terminology used to describe these affixes/inflections varies among different reference grammars, such as first person singular imperative inflection, first person singular present subjunctive mode, first person singular optative form, and hortative marker. Example (158), (159), and (160) illustrate oblative clauses in Japanese, Javanese, and Mapuche. (158) Japanese, imperative: oblative (Teruya 2007: 165) hon-o

yom-oo

ka

book-acc

read-vol

q

Com

Pr-MN-

-MN

‘Shall I/ let me read the book (for you)?’

(159) Javanese, imperative: oblative (Robson 1992: 92) aku

dak

lunga

I

prop

go

Sub.TM

MN

Pr.TM

‘I’ll go./ Let me go.’

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

206

(160) Mapuche, imperative: oblative (Smeets 2008: 185) entu-chi

tüfá

take.out-imp.1sg

this

Pr-MN.SI

Com

‘Let me take this out.’

7.5 The Hortative Mood Up to now, we have discussed the four major types of imperative mood. Now, we will proceed to see another type of imperative mood which is closely related to the four types of imperative mood discussed above. We term it ‘hortative mood’. The term and the meanings assigned to it are borrowed from Fedden (2011). According to Fedden (2011), the hortative in Mian is a form of speaker-oriented modality used to express the speaker’s wish that an action take place immediately or as soon as possible. Its meaning is roughly equivalent to the meaning of should. The Subject of hortative clauses can be first person singular, first person plural (inclusive), second person, and third person. Therefore, the hortative mood can be classified into four subtypes according to the Subject person, namely the first person plural hortative, the first person singular hortative, the second person hortative, and the third person hortative. The hortative mood is observed in 11 languages in our sample. Languages vary in the subtypes of grammaticalized hortative mood. Table 7.2 sets out the subtypes of hortative mood in these languages and their realizations.

Table 7.2  Subtypes of hortative mood and their realizations Languages Mian Maidu Lango Somali Manchu Hausa Albanian Qiang Greek Fongbe Kham

1 pl  +   +   +   +   +   +   +   +   +   + 

1sg  +   +   +   +   +   +   +   + 

2  +   +   +   +   + 

 +   + 

3  +   +   +   +   +   +   +   +   +   + 

Realizations hortative clitics = e, = o hortative suffixes -b-á, -t-é subjunctive inflections optative inflections optative suffix -ki subjunctive inflections of PAC present subjunctive inflections hortative/indirect directive marker subjunctive inflections subjunctive marker ní hortative prefix gəh-

7.5  The Hortative Mood

207

It can be found that the first person plural hortative and the third person hortative are most frequently observed in these languages. The meaning realized by the first person plural hortative mood in these languages corresponds with the meaning realized by the cohortative mood in other languages, and the meaning realized by the third person hortative mood corresponds with the meaning realized by the optative mood in other languages. By analogy, the meaning realized by the first person singular hortative corresponds with the meaning realized by the oblative mood. Due to the semantic correspondences between the subtypes of hortative mood and the cohortative, the optative, and the oblative mood, they are usually complementary in terms of distributions. That is to say, if the first person plural, the first person singular and the third person hortative mood are observed in a language, then the cohortative, the oblative and the optative mood will be absent from the language. This is proved by our investigation. Two exceptions are Albanian and Maidu. In Albanian, both the third person hortative mood and the optative mood are observed. But the optative mood in Albanian is the peripheral subtype which expresses wishes or blessings rather than the speaker’s desire to have something done. The meaning of core optative mood then is realized by the third person hortative mood. In Maidu, both the first person singular hortative mood and the oblative mood are observed. But the oblative mood in Maidu expresses the speaker’s intention to do something, whose function is similar to ‘I’m going to’ in English; and the meaning of oblative is realized by the first person singular hortative, as in example (161). (161a) Maidu, imperative: oblative (Shipley 1964: 50) ʔy..́k̓oj-Ø-Ø-’Í-s go-opt-int-sg-1 Pr-MN-MN-SI-SI ‘I’m going to go’

(161b) Maidu, imperative: hortative: 1sg (Shipley 1964: 50) (ʔy..́k̓oj-t-á-’Í-s) ʔyk̓ójʔìs (go-opt-hor-sg-1) (Pr-MN-MN-SI-SI) ‘Let me go’

In addition to the three subtypes of hortative mood mentioned above, some languages also have the second person hortative. The second person hortative in Kham functions to urge the addressee to ‘go ahead and do something’ with the intention to remove what the speaker perceives as a restraint on the part of the addressee. It realizes encouragement. In other languages, the second person hortative serves as a mild/polite/non-immediate jussive mood, as in example (162).

208

7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

(162a) Mian, imperative: jussive (Fedden 2011: 314) te come.pfv

Pr.MN ‘Come!’

(162b) Mian, imperative: hortative: second person (Fedden 2011: 311) ase fa-n-al = o fire make.pfv-real-2sg = hor Pr.Fi ‘perfective’-Fi ‘realis’-SI = MN ‘You should make a fire!’

Another example is Manchu. We have mentioned in Sect. 7.1.1 that there are five Mood Negotiators for jussive mood in Manchu, one of which is realized by the suffix -ki. The suffix -ki is the Mood Negotiator for hortative mood. It realizes the jussive mood/second person hortative mood which is used to a addressee with equal social position and is with a softer directive force compared with the one realized by a basic stem. The correspondence between the second person hortative mood and the polite jussive mood is more obvious in Lango, where the correspondence is not only a semantic one, but also a structural one. As mentioned in Sect. 7.1.2, there is no dedicated Mood Negotiator for jussive mood in Lango. The jussive mood then is realized by deleting the second person prefix in the second person hortative mood, as in example (163). (163a) Lango, imperative: hortative: second person (Noonan 1992: 144) ì-bîn 2sg-come.sbjv SI-Pr.MN ‘You should come.’

163b Lango, imperative: jussive (Noonan 1992: 98) bîn come.sbjv Pr.MN ‘Come!’

7.5  The Hortative Mood

209

Table 7.3  Some options in the imperative mood system of Nenets and their relationship Options Jussive (proper)

Realizations 2.imp

Cohortative (proper)

1du/pl.hor

Optative (proper)

3.hor

Options Hortative: 2 = mild/polite/non-immediate jussive Hortative: 1du/pl = non-immediate cohortative Hortative: 3 = mild optative Hortative: 1sg = oblative

Realizations 2.sbjv 1du/pl.sbjv 3.sbjv 1sg.sbjv

Thus far, we have discussed the subtypes of hortative mood and the one-to-one correspondence relationship between them and the four types of imperative discussed in the previous sections. To sum up, the first person plural hortative mood corresponds with the cohortative mood, the first person singular hortative mood corresponds with the oblative mood, the second person hortative mood serves as a mild/polite/non-immediate jussive mood, and the third person hortative mood corresponds with the (core) optative mood. Since there exists a one-to-one correspondence between the four subtype of hortative mood and the four types of imperative mood discussed earlier, why do we use different terms? This is because the realizations of the four subtypes of hortative mood usually are homogeneous to each other. As Table 7.2 illustrates, the four subtypes of hortative mood are realized by the same class of device. In Mian, they are all realized by hortative clitics = e and = o; in Maidu, they are all realized by hortative suffixes -b-á and -té; in Lango, they are all realized by the subjunctive mode. The only structural distinction among them is the Subject person. In contrast, the structural homogeneity is not observed among the jussive, the cohortative, the optative, and the oblative mood. In most cases, they are realized by different grammatical classes. Though it is possible that some of them are homogeneous to each other in realizations, it is rarely observed that the structural homogeneity occurs among all of them. Besides, we use different terms also because in some languages, there may exit a systemic contrast between the subtypes of hortative mood and the jussive, the cohortative, the optative, and oblative mood. For example, Nenets has the jussive mood, the cohortative mood, and the optative mood. They are realized by different grammatical classes, as Table 7.3 shows. Meanwhile, it has the four subtypes of hortative mood, which are all realized by the subjunctive mode. The systemic contrast between the subtypes of hortative mood and the jussive, the cohortative, and the optative mood is set out in Table 7.3. We used the terms in bold type replacing the term ‘hortative’ when describing the mood system of Nenets to show that each type of imperative mood in Nenets is fully elaborated. But actually, these terms correspond to the four subtypes of hortative mood. The example of Nenets shows that the hortative mood is an independent type of imperative mood.

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7.6 Other Types of Imperative Mood Thus far, we have discussed five major types of imperative mood. These types of imperative mood have a higher frequency of occurrence. In this section, we will discuss some other types of imperative mood, which include the prohibitive mood, the permissive mood, the impersonal imperative mood, the Mongolian types of imperative mood, and the apprehensive mood. These types of mood are less frequently elaborated than the types of imperative discussed previously, and thus, we will mainly focus on their meanings and realizations.

7.6.1 The Prohibitive Mood The prohibitive is the type of imperative mood with which the speaker stops the addressee from doing something. The meaning expressed by prohibitive clauses corresponds to that of negative jussive clauses, but not every negative jussive clause is a prohibitive clause. A negative jussive clause usually is realized by adding a negative marker to a positive jussive clause. In contrast, a prohibitive clause, in addition to a negative marker, also uses another device as its realization. Negative jussive clauses are observed in most of the languages in our sample, whereas prohibitive clauses are observed in some languages. Example (164) illustrates the prohibitive mood in Japanese. It can be found that the prohibitive mood in Japanese differs from the jussive mood not only in presenting the negative particle na, but also in the verb form. (164a) Japanese, imperative: jussive (Teruya 2007: 165) hon-o

yom-e

book-acc

read-imp

Com

Pr.TM-MN

‘Read the book!’

(164b) Japanese, imperative: prohibitive (Teruya 2007: 165) hon-o

yom-u

na

book-acc

read-

neg

Com

Pr-MN-

-MN

‘Don’t read the book!’

The prohibitive mood is observed in 16 languages in our sample. Most of these languages deploy a construction which consists of a negative marker and a verb form which is different from the one in jussive clauses to realize the prohibitive mood, as

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in example (163). The verb form in prohibitive clauses can be a participle, such as in Maidu, a subjunctive mode, such as in Spanish and Armenian, an irrealis mode, such as in Bardi or a verb stem which is different from the one in jussive clauses, such as in Dagaare. In Welsh, the prohibitive is realized by a construction which consists of the imperative mood negative particle paid, the word â, and the infinitive form of the verb, as in example (165). In Dagaare, negative particles ɩ, e, and ɛ are deployed in prohibitive clauses. These negative particles also realize the negative declarative mood, which contrasts with the affirmative declarative mood (see Table 5.9 in Sect. 5.2.8). Besides, Dagaare also makes a distinction between immediate prohibitive mood and non-immediate prohibitive mood, as in example (166). (165)

Welsh, imperative: prohibitive (Borsley et al. 2007: 21)

paid

â

phoeni

neg.imp.2sg

with

worry.inf

MN

Pr.MN

‘Don’t’ worry’

(166a) Dagaare, imperative: prohibitive: immediate (Mwinlaaru 2018: 163) ta

yɛrɛ

nɩ

mãa

ɩ

neg.imp.im

speak.ipfv

com

me

mp

MN-

Pr.Fi ‘imperfective’

Com

-MN

‘Don’t talk to me!’

(166b) Dagaare, imperative: prohibitive: non-immediate (Mwinlaaru 2018: 163)

taa

yarɛ

yél-faa

san

ɛ

neg.imp.nim

pay.ipfv

matter-evil

debt

mp

MN-

Pr.Fi ‘imperfective’

Com

Com

-MN

‘Don’t pay back evil! (=Never pay back evil!)’

7.6.2 The Permissive Mood The permissive mood is the type of imperative mood with which the speaker requires permission from the addressee for someone to perform an action. The performer can be the speaker (let/allow me (to) do) or someone else (let/allow him/her/them (to) do). The permissive can be considered a special subtype of

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jussive mood since they both select a second person Subject (you do and you let/ allow me (to) do). They are different, however, in the property of the goods-&-services exchanged. The jussive mood demands concrete goods-&-services from the addressee, the exchange of which usually is accompanied by some physical effort from the addressee; the permissive, in contrast, demands abstract goods-&-services, which is the permission or agreement of the addressee. In some languages, the permissive indicates the speaker’s indifference (who cares, let him/her/them do, do not hinder him/her/them). The permissive is observed in six languages in our sample, namely Chinese, Vietnamese, Mongolian, Kham, Tagalog, and Hidatsa. In Chinese and Vietnamese, the permissive is not highly grammaticalized. In Chinese, it is realized by the construction ‘ràng ^ wǒ ^ Predicator’ (let me do), and in Vietnamese, it is realized by the construction ‘để ^ tao ^ Predicator’ (let me do). This construction may exit in many other languages as well. In Mongolian, the permissive mood is realized by the Mood Negotiators for cohortative and optative mood. This is easy to understand, since the word ‘let’ in the construction ‘let us/me/him do’ can be either of the meaning of ‘ask’ or ‘allow’. Therefore, the Mood Negotiators for optative mood (let him) and oblative mood (let me) in some languages may also realize the permissive mood. For example, as Forker (2013) reports, the optative in Hinuq expresses hopes and wishes (the peripheral optative mood), exhortations to actions by third person agents (the core optative mood) or permissions and indifference (the permissive mood). In Kham, the permissive mood is realized by adding the hortative marker gəh- to the optative mood structure. In Tagalog and Hidatsa, the permissive mood is realized by the prefix pa- and the suffixe –ahka, respectively. Example (167) and (168) illustrate the permissive mood in Kham and Tagalog. (167) Kham, imperative: permissive (Watters 2004: 313) gəh-cyu:-na-zya-rə-kə hor-look-1sg-cont-3pl-opt

MN-Pr-CI-Fi ‘continuous’-SI-MN ‘Let them go ahead and keep looking at me!’

(168) Tagalog, imperative: permissive (Schachter and Otanes 1972: 404) painom

(ako/kami)

ng

tubig

permit to have

(me/us)

p

water

MN.Pr

Sub

Com

‘Let me/us have some water.’

7.6  Other Types of Imperative Mood

213

7.6.3 The Impersonal Imperative Mood The impersonal imperative mood is different from the other types of imperative mood discussed previously in that it does not indicate a specific person to perform the action. In contrast, the jussive mood indicates a second person performer, the cohortative mood indicates a first person plural inclusive performer, the optative mood indicates a third person performer, and the oblative mood indicates a first person singular performer. The impersonal imperative mood is observed in four Indo-European languages, viz., German, Spanish, Latvian, and Armenian. They bear similarity in realizing the impersonal imperative mood with the infinitive form of the verb. In German, past participles and in Spanish, the subjunctive mode are also deployed for peremptory commands and formal impersonal imperatives, respectively. The impersonal imperative is often deployed in instructions or for very strong imperative commands and prohibitions. Example (169) illustrates the impersonal imperative mood in Spanish. (169) Spanish, imperative: impersonal: informal (Lavid et al. 2010: 239) tirar

después de

usar

throw.inf

after

use.inf

Pr.MN

Ad

‘Throw away after using it.’

7.6.4 The Mongolian Types of Imperative Mood Finally, we will make a brief survey of the types of imperative mood in Mongolian. Languages vary in the types of mood elaborated. In English, for example, none of the declarative mood, the interrogative mood, and the imperative mood is fully elaborated, whereas in Korean, as mentioned in the previous chapters, all the three major types of mood are elaborated further in delicacy along the dimension of speech level. Besides, the declarative mood and the interrogative mood in Korean are also elaborated along the dimension of evidentiality through the selection of mode (either indicative or retrospective), and the declarative mood is also elaborated along other dimensions. In Hup, it is the declarative mood that is fully elaborated (see Sect. 5.2.8), while in Mongolian, it is the imperative mood that is fully elaborated, as shown in Fig. 7.2. Some types of imperative mood displayed in the imperative mood system of Mongolian have been discussed in the previous sections, such as the jussive mood, the cohortative mood, the permissive mood, and the optative mood. We will focus on the other types of imperative mood, some of which are only observed in Mongolian, and some of which are observed in other languages as well. The terms

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7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

Fig. 7.2  The imperative mood system of Mongolian

for the types of imperative mood discussed here are borrowed from Janhunen (2012). First, we will see the prescriptive mood, the benedictive mood, and the precative mood, all of which are related to the jussive mood. The prescriptive mood, according to Janhunen (2012), expresses a somewhat milder and/or more polite command than the jussive mood. At the same time, it is often more demanding in the sense that the request expressed by the prescriptive is expected to be agreed to. Thus, the prescriptive mood is a fusion of the polite jussive mood and the emphatic jussive mood. The benedicative mood, compared with the prescriptive mood, expresses a more polite request. The precative mood expresses an emphatic command directed to a second person Subject. The three types of mood, together with the jussive mood, form a mood continuum along the dimension of directive force or politeness. The more polite one is of a milder directive force. Now, we will see the desiderative and the dubitative mood. Both of them are directed to a third person Subject. The desiderative is a rather peripheral type of imperative mood. It expresses an irreal wish (I wish that, if only it were so that). It is similar to the peripheral optative mood in that they both express a wish. They

7.6  Other Types of Imperative Mood

215

are different in the sense that the wish expressed by a desiderative clause is unrealizable while that by a peripheral optative clause may be realizable (see Jespersen 1924: 320). The desiderative mood is also observed in Nenets and Ute. The dubitative mood has been discussed in Sect. 6.4.1, where it is identified as a subtype of confirmative mood in Chinese and Fongbe. But the usage of this term in Mongolian is totally different from that in Chinese and Fongbe. In Mongolian, the dubitative mood involves an inherent negative or precautionary (there is a danger that) presupposition, thought the form itself is not marked as negative. It is with the implication ‘if only it were not so that/let it not be that’, which is opposite to that of desiderative. Example (170) displays the desiderative and dubitative mood in Mongolian. (170a) Mongolian, imperative: desiderative (Janhunen 2012: 155) yab-aasai to depart-des Pr-MN ‘If only s/he would go!’

(170b) Mongolian, imperative: dubitative (Janhunen 2012: 155) ux-uudzai to die-dub Pr-MN ‘I wish s/he will not die! / There is a danger that s/he might die.’

There is another peripheral type of imperative mood observed in Hup, Kulina, Maidu, Nenets, and Teiwa which has a similar function to the dubitative mood in Mongolian. It is termed the ‘apprehensive’, which indicates the speaker’s fear about an unpleasant or undesirable event (if only it were not so that/if only it would not be that/let it not be that). It is often used to deliver a warning or threat to the addressee about a possible unpleasant event. It is considered a peripheral type of imperative mood in that, as Epps (2008) notices, it expresses an implied command. Example (171) and (172) illustrate the apprehensive mood in Nenets and Hup. (171) Nenets, imperative: apprehensive (Nikolaeva 2014: 90) nʹi-r°wa-d°m

pūda-q

neg-appr-1sg

late-conneg

Fi ‘negative’-MN-SI

Pr-Fi ‘negative’

‘If only I wouldn’t be late!’

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216

(172) Hup, imperative: apprehensive (Epps 2008: 631) ʔam

nɔ́h

2sg

fall.appr

Sub

Pr.MN

‘(Watch out,) you’ll fall!’ (don’t do that)

The desiderative and the dubitative mood in Mongolian and the apprehensive mood in Nenets, Hup, Maidu, Teiwa, and Kulina are the peripheral types of imperative mood. These imperatives, together with the canonical types of imperative mood, such as the jussive mood, the cohortative mood, and the optative mood, may form a mood continuum along the dimension of imperativity, just like the declarative mood, the confirmative mood, and the interrogative mood form a mood continuum along the dimension of interrogativity. There are two variables correlating with the imperativity of different types of imperative mood. One is the involvement of the addressee in the proposal. Generally, the type of mood involving the addressee is of a higher degree of imperativity. Thus, the jussive mood (merely the addressee) is of a higher degree of imperativity than the cohortative mood (the addressee and the speaker), and the cohortative mood is of a higher degree of imperativity than the optative mood (no involvement or indirect involvement of the addressee). The second variable is the possibility for the action to be performed. A lower possibility for the performance of the action usually indicates a lower degree of imperativity. The action expressed by the desiderative mood and the dubitative mood is unrealizable; thus, they are of the lowest degree of imperativity. The action expressed by the peripheral optative mood is less possible to be performed than that expressed by the core optative mood; thus, the core optative mood is of a higher degree of imperativity than the peripheral optative mood. The action directed to a third person performer is less possible to be performed than that directed to a second person performer because the third person performer is absent from the conversation; thus, the optative mood is of a lower degree of imperativity than the jussive mood. The long double-headed arrow in Fig. 7.2 above indicates the imperative mood continuum in Mongolian along the dimension of imperativity. The same mood continuum also exits in other languages where the imperative mood is fully elaborated, such as Nenets and Ute (see the Appendix).

7.7 Chapter Summary In this chapter, we made a cross-linguistic comparison of imperative mood. It is found that languages bear similarity in elaborating the imperative mood further in delicacy along the dimension of the Subject person. Along this dimension, the imperative mood can be classified into several major types, such as the jussive mood (the second person), the cohortative mood (the first person plural), the

7.7  Chapter Summary

217

optative mood (the third person), the oblative mood (the first person singular), and the hortative mood (all the three persons). Languages vary in the types of imperative mood that are grammaticalized; they also vary in the subtypes and the realizations of each major type of imperative mood. The most frequently grammaticalized type of imperative mood is the jussive mood. It directs an action to a second person Subject. The subtypes of jussive mood include the polite jussive mood; the mild/soft and strong/emphatic jussive mood; the immediate, non-immediate and habitual jussive mood; the subtypes of jussive mood in Korean, Javanese, and Manchu, which indicate the social relationship between the interactants; and the subtypes of jussive mood in Chinese, which indicate different degrees of proposal negotiability. Concerning the realizations of jussive mood, the languages in our sample can be classified into two major groups: (i) those deploying no explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood and (ii) those deploying explicit Mood Negotiators. Languages of group (i) are mainly isolating languages. Languages of group (ii) can be further classified into two groups: (a) those deploying non-exclusive Mood Negotiators and (b) those deploying exclusive Mood Negotiators. The jussive mood in languages of group (a) is less grammaticalized than that in languages of group (b). Most exclusive Mood Negotiators for jussive mood are realized by affixes/inflections. Languages deploying affixes/ inflections to realize jussive clauses vary along different parameters, such as the number of devices deployed and the homogeneity between the Mood Negotiators for second person singular and non-singular jussive clauses. It is found that languages displaying verbal inflections for person and number in declarative clauses very possibly will use different Mood Negotiators for second person singular and non-singular jussive clauses. The second frequently grammaticalized type of imperative mood is the cohortative mood. It directs an action to a first person plural Subject. It is less frequently elaborated than the jussive mood. Concerning the realizations of cohortative mood, languages can be classified into different groups along the same dimensions for the classification of the realizations of jussive mood. Languages having no explicit Mood Negotiators or having non-exclusive Mood Negotiators for jussive mood very possibly will have no explicit Mood Negotiators or have non-exclusive Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood. Exceptions are four isolating languages, which have no explicit Mood Negotiators for jussive mood but have Mood Negotiators realized by particles for cohortative mood. Languages having exclusive Mood Negotiators for cohortative mood are mainly agglutinative and fusional languages, where the Mood Negotiators are realized by affixes/inflections. Except Tagalog and Persian which deploy the same Mood Negotiator for both jussive and cohortative mood, other languages deploy a different Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood. The third frequently grammaticalized type of imperative mood is the optative mood. It directs an action to a third person Subject. The major subtypes of oblative mood include the core optative mood, which expresses the addressee’s desire or will to have an action performed by a third person Subject, and the peripheral operative mood, which expresses the speaker’s wishes and blessings. Regarding the realizations of optative mood, a few languages deploy constructions and most

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7  A Systemic Functional Typology of Imperative Mood

languages deploy affixes/inflections. It is found that those deploying non-dedicated Mood Negotiators for jussive mood have no dedicated Mood Negotiators for optative mood either. The oblative mood, which realizes the speech function of offer, is least likely to be grammaticalized among the four major types imperative mood. It can be realized by constructions, particles, and affixes/inflections in different languages. Another type of imperative mood that correlates with the four major types of imperative mood closely is the hortative mood. It is a form of speaker-oriented modality used to express the speaker’s wish that an action take place immediately or as soon as possible. The subtypes of hortative mood include the first person plural hortative, the third person hortative, the first person singular hortative, and the second person hortative, which correspond, respectively, with the cohortative mood, the optative mood, the oblative mood, and the polite/mild jussive mood. The subtypes of hortative mood and their counterparts are usually complementary in distribution. The four subtypes of hortative mood usually are realized by structurally homogeneous Mood Negotiators. In addition to the major types of imperative mood, some languages display other options in imperative mood system, such as the prohibitive mood, the permissive mood, the impersonal imperative mood, the Mongolian types of imperative mood, and the apprehensive mood. Languages also vary in the realizations of these types of imperative mood. In languages with a highly elaborated imperative mood system, the options may form a mood continuum along the dimension of imperativity. More generalizations about the realizations of imperative mood system and the dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood system will be made in Chap. 8.

References Borsley RD, Tallerman M, Willis D (2007) The syntax of Welsh. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Bowern CL (2012) A grammar of Bardi. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Dum-Tragut J (2009) Armenian: Modern Eastern Armenian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia Epps P (2008) A grammar of Hup. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Fedden S (2011) A grammar of Mian. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Forker D (2013) A grammar of Hinuq. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Givón T (2011) Ute reference grammar. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Guillaume A (2008) A grammar of Cavineña. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Halliday MAK (1994) An Introduction to functional Grammar, 2nd edn. Edward Arnold, London Janhunen JA (2012) Mongolian. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia Jespersen O (1924) The philosophy of grammar. George Ellen & Unwin L.T.D, London Lavid J, Arús J, Zamorano-Mansilla JR (2010) Systemic functional grammar of Spanish. Continuum, London Martin JR, Cruz P (2018) Interpersonal Grammar of Tagalog. Func Lang 25(1):54–96 Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Nguyễn D-H (1997) Vietnamese. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia

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Nikolaeva I (2014) A grammar of Tundra Nenets. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Noonan M (1992) A grammar of Lango. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Phan VTA (2010) Yuèyǔ cānkǎo yǔfǎ: jīyú xìtǒng gōngnéng guān (A reference grammar of Vietnamese: a systemic functional perspective). Dissertation, Minzu University of China Randy JL, Huang CL (2003) A grammar of Qiang. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Robson S (1992) Javanese grammar for students. Monash University, Melbourne Sadock J, Zwicky A (1985) Speech act distinctions in syntax. In: Shopen T (ed) Clause structure. Language typology and syntactic description, vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 155–196 Schachter P, Otanes FT (1972) A Tagalog reference grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London Shipley WF (1964) Maidu grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles Smeets I (2008) A grammar of Mapuche. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Smyth D (2002) Thai: an essential grammar. Routledge, London/New York Teruya K (2007) A systemic functional grammar of Japanese. Continuum, London Watters DE (2004) A grammar of Kham. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

Chapter 8

A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

8.1 The Realizations of mood System 8.1.1 The Realizations of declarative mood System In Chap. 8, we have discussed the subtypes of declarative mood and we have made cross-linguistic comparisons of the realizations of each subtype of declarative mood. In this section, we will make a survey of the realizations of declarative mood system. Table 8.1 sets out the grammatical classes deployed by the languages in our sample in the realizations of declarative mood system. The numbers in the second line are the numbers of the languages where the class is deployed; the numbers in the third line are the numbers of realization statements where the class occurs. For example, the particle is deployed in 17 languages. In some languages, it occurs in several realization statements and the total number of the realization statements where the particle occurs is 32. It can be found that the zero (unmarked) form is deployed most frequently in the realizations of declarative mood system. It is deployed in different types of languages. However, as discussed in Chap. 5, the zero (unmarked) form is dedicated to the realization of declarative (proper) mood. In other words, the zero form is not a productive device in the realizations of declarative mood system. Other unproductive devices in the realizations of declarative mood system include the interrogative word, the initial position, the adverb, the structure/construction, and the sequence. The interrogative word, the adverb, and the initial position in all the languages where they are deployed are almost dedicated to the realizations of exclamative mood. The structure/construction is deployed in two languages. In Kham, it realizes the mirative mood, and in Diegueño, it realizes the strong emphatic declarative mood. The sequence is only deployed in Hup, where it makes the systemic contrast between the ‘Subject ^ Predicator’ subtype and the ‘Predicator ^ Subject’ subtype of declarative mood. The ‘Subject ^ Predicator’ subtype is standard in past-tense narrative, descriptive, and other time-neutral

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_8

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222

Table 8.1  The grammatical classes in the realizations of declarative mood system 51

Affix 18

Particle 17

Clitic 8

iw 8

Position: initial ad 7 2

st 2

seq 1

51

70

32

24

8

7

2

1

zero

Number of languages Number of realizations

2

discourse, and it is commonly used in clauses with future-tense or past-tense reference generally. The ‘Predicator ^ Subject’ subtype, in contrast, is more frequent when the clause encodes an ongoing or currently relevant event and thus is particularly common in everyday conversation. The remaining grammatical classes, namely the affix/inflection, the particle, and the clitic, are productive in making systemic contrasts among different subtypes of declarative mood. The affix/inflection is deployed in 18 languages and 70 realization statements. Among the 18 languages, 13 are agglutinative languages, three are languages whose morphological types are not identified (Jamsay, Diegueño, and Maidu), and two are fusional languages (Albanian and Somali). Though the affix/inflection is deployed in two fusional languages, it is unproductive in the two languages. In Albanian, it is deployed in the realization of admirative declarative mood, and in Somali, it is deployed in conjunction with negative declarative particles to realize the negative declarative mood (contrasting with the affirmative declarative mood). The affix/inflection in Jamsay, Diegueño, and Maidu is not productive either, where it realizes the focused declarative, the mild emphatic declarative, and the declarative (proper) mood, respectively. Therefore, the affix/inflection is mainly deployed in a productive way in agglutinative languages (13 languages and 65 realization statements). In some agglutinative languages, it is the only grammatical class deployed in the retaliations of declarative mood system. For example, in Korean, all the subtypes of declarative mood, such as the declarative (proper), the exclamative, the suppositive, the promissive, and the admonitive are realized consistently by suffixes. Similarly, in Hidatsa, the suffix realizes 10 subtypes of declarative mood. The second productive class in the realizations of declarative mood system is the particle. It is deployed in 17 languages and 32 realization statements. In the 17 languages, nine are (near-)isolating languages, three (Qiang, Hup, and Kham) are agglutinative languages, two (Welsh and Somali) are fusional languages, and three are languages whose morphological types are not identified. Though it is deployed in three agglutinative languages, it is not the major class deployed in these languages. For example, in Hup and Qiang, it is the affix/inflection and the clitic that are deployed most frequently. Therefore, the particle is mainly deployed productively in isolating languages in the realizations of declarative mood system.

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223

The third productive class in the realizations of declarative mood system is the clitic. It is deployed in eight languages and 24 realization statements. Seven among the eight languages are agglutinative languages, and one (Jamsay) is a language whose morphological type is not identified. To sum up, a possible typological generalization can be made about the realizations of declarative mood system: agglutinative languages tend to deploy affixes/inflections and clitics principally in the realizations of declarative mood system; isolating languages tend to deploy particles principally in the realizations of declarative mood system; fusional languages may take both affixes/inflections and particles, but neither class is deployed in a productive way.

8.1.2 The Realizations of interrogative mood System Now, we will look at the realizations of interrogative mood system. The grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of interrogative mood system are set out in Table 8.2. It is shown that the interrogative word is deployed in all the languages in our sample. It is dedicated to the realizations of elemental interrogative mood. The initial position is almost dedicated to the realizations of elemental interrogative mood. Fusional languages show a slight tendency (10 among 13) toward positioning interrogative words initially; whereas agglutinative languages show a strong tendency (21 among 25) and isolating languages show a slight tendency (seven among nine) toward positioning interrogative words non-initially. Besides, the initial position is also deployed in the realizations of other types of interrogative mood. For example, in Russian and Finnish, it is also deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative mood, where the element to which the interrogative particle is added should be positioned initially. In Finnish, Nama Hottentot, and Hup, it is also deployed in the realizations of focused/emphatic polar interrogative mood. Another device concerning position is the relative position of an element. This device is deployed in eight languages, where it is dedicated to making systemic contrast between neutral polar interrogative and focused polar interrogative. When the Mood Negotiator (either realized by particles or clitics) is added to the Predicator, it realizes the neutral polar interrogative, and when the Mood Negotiator is added to the focused element, it realizes the focused polar

Table 8.2  The grammatical classes in the realizations of interrogative mood system iw Number of 60 languages Number of 60 realizations

p

po: initial st

a/i

c

seq

ad

Intonation

12

po: element 8

40

25

23

14

4

1

12

70

25

38

31

17

17

4

1

12

224

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

interrogative. In Turkish, there are two subtypes of neutral polar interrogative: one is realized by positioning the Mood Negotiator immediately before the Predicator and the other is realized by positioning Mood Negotiator immediately after the Predicator. The latter subtype is used in the situation where the speaker has an assumption about the situation s/he is asking about, usually because there are non-linguistic clues. Other unproductive classes in the realizations of interrogative mood system include the sequence, the adverb, and the intonation. The sequence is used in English, German, French, and Hup for polar interrogative mood. The adverb is deployed in Chinese for rhetorical questions. And the intonation is deployed in 12 languages for the realizations of polar interrogative mood. The productive grammatical classes in the realizations of interrogative mood system include the particle, the structure/construction, the affix/inflection, and the clitic. The particle is the most frequently deployed class in the realizations of interrogative mood system. It is mainly deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative mood. It is the principal class deployed by isolating and fusional languages in the realizations of polar interrogative mood. Agglutinative languages also deploy particles to realize polar interrogative mood, but they do so less frequently. In addition to the realizations of polar interrogative, the particle is also productively deployed in the realizations of other subtypes of interrogative mood, such as the dubitative mood, the tagged confirmative mood, the rhetorical question, the biased polar interrogative mood, the emotion-involved and the assessed interrogative mood, the polite interrogative mood, and the emphatic interrogative mood. Besides, it is deployed by languages of different morphological types. In the 40 languages where it is deployed, nine are isolating languages, 10 are fusional languages, 12 are agglutinative languages, and nine are languages whose morphological types are not identified. It is more frequently deployed in isolating languages (all the nine isolating languages) and fusional languages (10 among 13) and less frequently deployed in agglutinative languages (12 among 25). Moreover, the particle is more productive in isolating and fusional languages than in agglutinative languages. In the nine isolating languages, the particle is deployed in 21 realization statements, and on average, it is deployed in 2.3 realization statements in each isolating language. The number for fusional languages is 1.7 (10 languages 17 realization statements), and the number for agglutinative language is 1.3 (12 languages 16 realization statements). The second frequently deployed class in the realizations of interrogative mood system is the structure/construction. It is mainly deployed in the realizations of polar interrogative mood (‘A-not-A’), alternative interrogative mood (‘A or B’), and tagged confirmative and rhetorical question (negative polar questions). It is deployed in 23 languages, among which seven are isolating languages, three are fusional languages, nine are agglutinative languages, and four are languages whose morphological types are not identified. It is more frequently deployed in isolating languages (seven among nine) than in agglutinative and fusional languages.

8.1  The Realizations of mood System

225

The third and the fourth frequently deployed class are the affix/inflection and the clitic. They are only deployed in agglutinative languages, where they are mainly deployed to realize polar and elemental interrogative mood. In some agglutinative languages, the affix/inflection and the clitic are deployed to make systemic contrast between polar and elemental interrogative mood. To sum up, the productive classes in the realizations of interrogative mood system include particles, structures/constructions, affixes/inflections, and clitics. Isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions in the realizations of interrogative mood system; agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes and clitics though they also deploy particles and structures/ constructions.

8.1.3 The Realizations of imperative mood System Now, we will proceed to survey the realizations of imperative mood system. Table 8.3 sets out the grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of imperative mood system. The most frequently deployed class in the realizations of imperative mood system unsurprisingly is the affix/inflection. It is deployed in 48 languages and 195 realization statements. Among the 48 languages, 25 are agglutinative languages, 12 are fusional languages, and 11 are languages whose morphological types are not identified. Therefore, the affix/inflection is deployed in a productive way both in agglutinative and fusional languages. On average, it is deployed in 4.6 realization statements (25 languages 116 realization statements) in each agglutinative language and four realization statements (12 languages 48 realization statements) in each fusional language. The second frequently deployed class in the realizations of imperative mood system is the particle. It is deployed in 19 languages and 39 realization statements. Among the 19 languages, eight are isolating languages, three are agglutinative languages, one is a fusional language, and seven are languages whose morphological types are not identified. Therefore, in the realizations of imperative mood system, the particle is more frequently deployed in isolating and agglutinative languages than in fusional languages. In some isolating languages, the particle can realize

Table 8.3  The grammatical classes in the realizations of imperative mood system Affix Number 48 of languages Number 195 of realizations

Particle 19

st 18

Clitic 3

Sub 17

–Fi 13

–Sub 5

seq 1

Intonation 2

ad 1

39

21

4

35

13

5

1

2

2

226

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

some major types of imperative mood, such as the jussive mood (in Vietnamese and Hausa), the cohortative mood (in Thai, Korya Chiini, and Saramaccan Creole), and the hortative mood (in Fongbe). Whereas in other types of languages, the particle is mainly deployed in the realizations of minor subtypes of imperative mood, such as the polite imperative mood, the mild and strong imperative mood, the non-immediate imperative mood, the assessed imperative mood, and the prohibitive mood. The third frequently deployed class in the realizations of imperative mood system is the structure/construction. It is deployed in 18 languages (seven agglutinative languages, five fusional languages, two isolating languages, and four languages whose morphological types are not identified) and 20 realization statements. It is less productive than affixes/inflections and particles. The structure/ construction is mainly deployed in some less grammaticalized types of imperative mood, such as the prohibitive mood, the optative mood (‘let him do’), the oblative mood (‘let him do’), and the permissive mood. The clitic is frequently deployed in agglutinative languages in the realizations of declarative mood system and interrogative mood system. But is less frequently deployed in the realizations of imperative mood system. It is only deployed in three agglutinative languages and four realization statements. Similar to the particle, the clitic is mainly deployed in the realizations of minor subtypes of imperative mood, such as the mild and strong imperative mood. Another special class deployed in the realizations of imperative mood system is the Subject person. As mentioned in last chapter, one natural dimension for the elaboration of imperative mood is the Subject person. Thus, the Subject person is deployed frequently in the realizations of imperative mood system to make systemic contrast among different types of imperative mood. For example, in Tagalog, the basic verb form is deployed in the realizations of jussive mood, cohortative mood, optative mood, and oblative mood, and it is the use of different Subject persons that makes systemic contrast among the four types of imperative mood. Other devices are unproductive in the realizations of imperative mood system. The devices of ‘deleting Finite’ (−Fi) and ‘deleting Subject’ (−Sub) are implicit devices. They are mainly deployed in isolating languages and some fusional languages where the imperative mood is not fully grammaticalized. For example, the jussive and the cohortative mood in French are realized by the second person and the first person plural present tense verbal conjugations, respectively, plus the device of ‘deleting Subject’. The sequence is only deployed in German, where the jussive and the cohortative mood are realized by imperative inflections plus the sequence of ‘Predicator ^ Subject’. The intonation is deployed in Qiang and Bardi. In Qiang, the jussive mood is realized by stressed directional prefixes, and in Bardi, the jussive and the cohortative mood are realized by the second person and the first person plural future tense, respectively, and they differ from their counterparts in declarative clauses in intonation. The adverb is deployed in Teiwa (isolating language) in the realizations of mild jussive mood and apprehensive mood.

8.1  The Realizations of mood System

227

In summary, the productive classes in the realizations of imperative mood system include the affix/inflection, the particle, the structure/construction, and the clitic. Compared with the realizations of declarative mood system and interrogative mood system, the affix/inflection is deployed more frequently and more productively in the realizations of imperative mood system, while the particle and the clitic are deployed less frequently and less productively. Moreover, agglutinative and fusional languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections productively, whereas isolating languages mainly deploy non-explicit devices and particles.

8.1.4 The Realizations of Holistic mood System In the previous sections, we have made a survey of the realizations of declarative mood system, interrogative mood system, and imperative mood system. It is found that the productive classes in the realizations of the three mood systems are affixes/ inflections, particles, clitics, and structures/constructions. They are productive in the sense that they are deployed by different types of languages in a wide variety of realization statements for different types of mood. Other types of devices are unproductive, either because they are deployed in a few languages, or because they are dedicated to the realizations of specific mood options. Moreover, it is found that in the realizations of declarative mood system, agglutinative languages tend to deploy affixes and clitics productively; isolating languages tend to deploy particles productively; fusional languages may take both affixes/inflections and particles, but neither class is deployed in a productive way. In the realizations of interrogative mood system, isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions; agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes/ inflections and clitics. In the realizations of imperative mood system, agglutinative and fusional languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections; isolating languages mainly deploy non-explicit devices and particles. Therefore, it can be found that the realizations of mood systems correlate with the morphological types of language. Now, we will see the realizations of the holistic mood system. Table 8.4 offers the information about the realizations of holistic mood system in different languages. The numbers in the third column are the numbers of mood options in the holistic mood system of the language. The numbers in the fourth column are the numbers of grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of the holistic mood system of the language. The numbers in other columns are the numbers of realization statements realized by different grammatical classes. Since we will discuss the relationship between the realizations of holistic mood system and the morphological types of language, the information of the languages whose morphological types are not identified is omitted in the table. It is shown that languages vary in the number of mood options and in the number of grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of holistic mood system. The interrogative word is observed in every language in our sample, and thus, any

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

228

Table 8.4  Realizations of holistic mood system Languages

Morphological types Numbers of

Greenlandic Korean Hidatsa Tauya Nyigina Japanese Manchu Quechua Kham Qiang Mapuche Hup Nenets Mongolian Ute Kulina Hinuq Turkish Mian Telugu Cavineña Finnish Udmurt Santali Pipil Armenian Albanian Greek Spanish Hindi German Latvian French Russian Somali Welsh Persian English Teiwa Chinese

Polysynthetic Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Agglutinative Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Fusional Isolating Isolating

Moods 9 56 14 7 7 13 10 15 15 18 11 35 25 16 10 10 15 14 7 8 17 11 8 6 6 9 10 12 11 8 7 8 8 6 15 6 7 6 9 37

Numbers of realization statements involving Classes 4 2 2 2 4 5 5 6 6 6 6 9 7 5 5 5 5 7 5 6 7 6 6 5 6 5 5 7 7 6 6 6 7 6 5 6 6 7 8 7

a/i 8 46 15 7 4 5 5 10 9 5 6 15 13 8 8 7 6 6 4 4 4 3 2 2 2 7 7 6 5 5 5 4 3 2 2 1 1

c

7 2 4 1 1 4 1 5 1 10 3 1

p 1

1 1 1 2 2 11 1 7

2 1 1 2

1 2 1 2 1 2 1 8 3 2 1 4

st 1

ad

2 2 1 2 1 2 3 1

3 1

1

1

1 1 1 1 4 1 3 1

1 1

1 8

2 2

(continued)

8.1  The Realizations of mood System

229

Table 8.4  (continued) Languages

Fongbe Thai Vietnamese Hausa Chiini Hmong Saramaccan

Morphological types Numbers of

Isolating Isolating Isolating Isolating Isolating Isolating Isolating

Moods 13 14 12 8 6 8 6

Numbers of realization statements involving Classes 7 5 5 6 9 5 5

a/i

c

p 8 9 6 5 2 4 3

st 1 2 4 1 1

ad

Languages of different morpholoigcal types may deploy different grammatical classes in the realizations of holitic mood system. The number in bold type and with a underline indicates the grammatical class which a certain langauge deploys frequently.

language will deploy at least two classes in the realizations of holistic mood system. Korean, Hidatsa, and Tauya are characterized by the remarkable consistency in the realizations of holistic mood system. They deploy affixes/inflections consistently in the realizations of different types of mood. For instance, Tauya deploys the suffix –ʔae for exclamative mood, the suffix –ʔa for declarative (proper) mood, the suffix –nae/–yae for polar interrogative mood, the suffix –ne/–e for elemental interrogative mood, the suffix -no/-nu for optative mood, the suffix -e or imperative stem for jussive mood, and the suffix –ʔatene/–ʔatenene for prohibitive mood. Languages like Korean, Hidatsa, and Tauya which make systemic contrast among different mood options with one grammatical class consistently are  relatively rare. What is more commonly observed is that languages may deploy a rich repertoire of classes/devices in the realizations of holistic mood system. Two extreme examples are Hup and Korya Chiini, where nine grammatical classes/ devices are deployed. Moreover, it is found that languages vary from each other in the major grammatical class deployed in the realizations of holistic mood system. The cross-linguistic variation in the realizations of holistic mood system, like the cross-linguistic variation in the realizations of ‘local’ mood systems, correlates with the morphological types of language. As Table 8.4 shows, agglutinative languages may deploy a variety of productive classes in the realizations of holistic mood system, but they tend to deploy affixes/inflections and clitics (inflectional classes) more frequently than other classes. In contrast, isolating languages mainly deploy particles, structures/constructions, and adverbs (non-inflectional classes) in the realizations of holistic mood system. Fusional languages may deploy both affixes/inflections (inflectional) and particles (non-inflectional): in the realizations of interrogative mood system, they bear more similarity with isolating languages in mainly deploying particles; in the realizations of imperative mood system, they bear more similarity with agglutinative languages in mainly deploying affixes/inflections; in the realizations of declarative mood system, however, they are different from both agglutinative and isolating languages because they lack productive classes.

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

230

The generalizations made above are more clearly illustrated by Table 8.5. It shows the number of languages (Ls) and the number of realization statements (RS) where certain classes are deployed. It also offers the average number of the realization statements involving certain classes in each language of a certain type. For example, the affix/inflection is deployed in 25 agglutinative languages and 203 realization statements, and in each agglutinative language, it is deployed in 8.3 realization statements on average. It is shown that agglutinative languages may deploy affixes/inflections, clitics, particles, and structures/constructions in the realizations of holistic mood system but they deploy affixes and clitics more frequently. Isolating languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions. Fusional languages may deploy both affixes/inflections and particles but both classes are less productive than their counterparts in agglutinative and fusional languages.

8.1.5 Intra-Language Consistency in the Realizations of Mood Thus far, we have made a cross-linguistic comparison of the realizations of mood. The comparison covers both the realizations of specific mood options (in Chaps. 5, 6, and 7) and the realizations of major mood systems and holistic mood system (in Sects.  8.1.1, 8.1.2, 8.1.3, and 8.1.4). It is found that languages in our sample display considerable structural variation both in the realizations of mood options and in the realizations of major mood systems and holistic mood system. Though languages display cross-linguistic variation in the realizations of mood, they display intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood (either mood options or mood systems). That is to say, though they may deploy different grammatical classes (lexicogrammatical resources) in the realizations of mood, they tend to deploy a certain class more frequently and tend to deploy the class consistently in the realizations of different mood options and different mood systems. Table 8.6 displays some examples of intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood. It should be noted that if a language displays intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood, it does not necessarily mean that the language realizes each option of its mood system with the same class. Languages vary in the

Table 8.5  Major grammatical classes deployed in the realizations of holistic languages of different morphological types

Agglutinative Fusional Isolating

Affixes/inflections

Clitics

Ls 25 12 –

Ls 12 – –

RS 203 48 –

Aver 8.3 4 –

RS 40 – –

Particles Aver 3.3 – –

Ls 13 10 9

RS 34 23 42

mood

system in

Constructions Aver 2.6 2.3 4.6

Ls 14 7 7

RS 21 12 18

Aver 1.5 1.7 2.5

8.1  The Realizations of mood System

231

Table 8.6  Intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood Languages

MN: declarative

Korean Hidatsa Tauya Nenets Hup Hinuq Quechua Greenlandic Maidu Diegueño Mongolian Cavineña Somali Fongbe Chinese Hmong Thai Vietnamese Saramaccan Dagaare Ọ̀kọ́

a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i c c p p p p p p p p p

MN: interrogative 24 10 2 2 9 2 3 1 1 1 1 8 4 3 1 1 2 2 1 3 1

a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i c – p p p p p p p p p

MN: imperative 10 2 2 1 1 1 3 4 1 1 2 – 3 3 3 2 6 2 1 3 4

a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i a/i c c p p p p p p p p p

12 4 3 10 5 3 4 4 7 2 1 2 2 3 2 1 3 2 1 3 1

degree of consistency. Languages like Korean, Hidatsa, and Tauya display a high degree of consistency in the sense they realize each option of mood system with affixes/inflections; other languages display a relatively lower degree of consistency in the sense they elaborate some mood options by using a certain class consistently. It is shown that languages like Korean, Hidatsa, and Tauya deploy affixes/ inflections consistently and productively in the realizations of mood. Languages like Mongolian and Cavineña deploy clitics consistently and productively in the realizations of mood. Languages like Somali, Fongbe, Chinese, and Hmong Njua deploy particles consistently and productively in the realizations of mood. The class a language deploys most frequently in the realizations of mood usually is of central importance among the lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal. In other words, the class may also be deployed in the realizations of other meanings, not only in the realizations of mood. In Sect. 5.1.3, we have discussed the intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite (Finite ‘tense’, Finite ‘aspect’, Finite ‘modality’, and Finite ‘negative’), which refers to the phenomenon that if a language deploys a certain device in the realization of a certain semantic domain covered by Finite, it may also deploy the same device in the realizations of other semantic domains covered by Finite. It is found that in many languages

232

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

in our sample the intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood highly corresponds with the intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite. For example, languages like Korean, Hidatsa, and Tauya deploy affixes/inflections consistently in the realizations of mood and Finite; languages like Cavineña deploy clitics consistently in the realizations of mood and Finite; languages like Fongbe deploy particles consistently in the realizations of mood and Finite (see Table 5.6 in Sect. 5.1.3 for the realizations of Finite of these languages). The intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood and Finite may be an explanation for the cross-linguistic variation in the realizations of mood. The realizations of mood in a language are related to the general features of the lexicogrammatical system of the language. For example, a language deploys the affix to realize polar interrogatives rather than the particle very possibly because the affix is the central element in the lexicogrammatical system of the language and it is deployed frequently in the realizations of various meanings in the language. Thus far, we have made cross-linguistic comparisons of the realizations of mood options and the realizations of mood systems and holistic mood system. It is found that the cross-linguistic variation in the realizations of mood to a large extent correlates with the morphological types of language. The same is true with the realizations of Finite as discussed in Sect. 5.1.3. Table 8.7 illustrates the correlations between the realizations of mood and the morphological types of language. It is also a summary of the generalizations we made about the realizations of mood. It shows both the variation across languages of different morphological types and the consistency among languages of the same morphological type in the realizations of mood.

8.2 The Organization of mood System In Chaps. 5, 6, and 7, we have discussed the mood options of declarative mood system, interrogative mood system, and imperative mood system. It is found that languages are at variance with each other in the number of mood options and in the types of mood grammaticalized. In Sect. 8.3, we will discuss the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. Before that, in this section, we will first look at the ways that mood system is organized. We will see how different mood options are organized into a holistic mood system in different languages. The organization of mood system refers to the ways that languages group different mood options together into less delicate mood systems. The organization of mood system reflects both the semantic relation and the structural relation among different mood options. Concerning the semantic relation, mood options realizing similar meanings usually will be grouped together and those realizing different meanings usually will be differentiated from each other. Among the three major types of mood, the declarative and the interrogative mood bear similarity in exchanging information. Therefore, they are frequently grouped together as two options of the less delicate indicative mood system, which functions to exchange

8.2  The Organization of mood System

233

Table 8.7  Correlations between realizations of mood and morphological types Types of mood

Isolating languages

declarative mood

Mainly particle

Declarative (proper) Hidatsa subtypes Exclamative

Unmarked; particle – Adverb, iw; particle

Emotion-involved/ assessed declarative Evidential Emphatic/focused Tenorrelated Negative declarative

Particle

Agglutinative languages Either particle or affix, Mainly affix and clitic but unproductive Unmarked; particle Unmarked; affix; clitic – Affix iw + position: initial ad, iw; affix; clitic; particle – Clitic; affix

– Particle Particle Particle Mainly particle and construction

– – – Particle Mainly particle and construction

interrogative mood

Interrogative: polar (proper) Interrogative: elemental

Confirmative imperative mood

Jussive (proper) Jussive: polite Non-immediate Jussive: mild/strong Cohortative Optative Hortative Holistic mood system

Fusional languages

Affix; clitic; particle Clitic; suffix; particle Affix – Mainly affix and clitic; also particle and construction Particle; construction; Particle; sequence; Affix; clitic; particle; intonation intonation; construction; intonaconstruction; tion; sequence Strong tendency: Slight tendency: Either merely iw or merely iw merely iw; also iw + p/ iw + affix/clitic seq Slight tendency: Strong tendency: Slight tendency: initially non-initially non-initially Construction Construction Construction   Mainly no explicit;  Mainly affix/inflection Mainly affix/inflection particle No explicit; particle Affix/inflection Affix/inflection Particle Affix/inflection Affix/inflection – Affix/inflection Affix/inflection Particle; adverb Affix Affix; clitic; particle No explicit; particle Affix/inflection Affix/inflection – Construction; affix Affix; construction Particle Affix/inflection Affix; clitic; particle Mainly particle and Mainly affix and parti- Mainly affix and construction cle; but less productive clitic; also particle and construction

information. The indicative mood then systemically contrasts with the imperative mood, which functions to exchange goods-&-services. Concerning the structural relation, mood options grouped together due to semantic similarities usually also bear structural similarities. For instance, the options of the imperative mood system

234

8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

of Persian are similar to each other in displaying in the prefix be- in mood structure, which is absent from indicative mood structure, as in Fig. 8.1. In SFL, the semantic relation usually is foregrounded since the systemic theory is a theory concerning meaning. Any system represents an aspect of the meaning potential of the language, rather than a cluster of structural features. If seen from above—from the meanings realized by mood options, languages bear similarity in making systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood. However, if seen from below—from mood structure, languages may vary from each other in whether they display explicit structural features to differentiate the imperative mood from the indicative mood. In 43 languages in our sample, the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is not only a semantic one, but also a structural one. That is to say, the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is supported by explicit structural distinctions. The organization of mood system in these languages is similar to that of Persian displayed in Fig. 8.1. There are two ways to differentiate the imperative mood from the indicative mood structurally. One way is to define what is present in the mood structure of indicative mood while absent from the mood structure of imperative mood; the other way is to define what is present in the mood structure of imperative mood while absent from the mood structure of indicative mood. The two ways are not exclusive to each other. They can be adopted simultaneously but it is unnecessary to do so. In the case of Persian illustrated above, this is done by defining what is present in the imperative mood structure while absent from the indicative mood structure. Languages like Persian include Korean, Lango, Kham, Russian, Welsh, Hup, etc. But not all languages are similar to Persian in presenting a specific Mood Negotiator realized by a specific

Fig. 8.1  The mood system of Persian

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item in the mood structures of all types of imperative mood. They usually differentiate the imperative mood from the indicative mood by deploying a general structural feature. For example, in Korean, the imperative mood is structurally featured by presenting the requestive mode, in Lango, the imperative mood is structurally featured by using the subjunctive mode, and in Kham, the imperative mood is structurally featured by presenting the Mood Negotiator for imperative mood realized by suffixes. Other languages may distinguish the imperative mood from the indicative mood by defining what is present in indicative mood structure while absent from imperative mood structure. In Mapuche, for instance, the indicative mood, either declarative or interrogative, is realized by the indicative mode suffix -y-, which never occurs in imperative mood structure. In Hausa, the indicative mood is featured by presenting a person-aspect-complex (PAC) which is a fusion of functional elements of Subject Indicator and Finite. The PAC is absent from imperative mood structure. Most languages can distinguish the imperative mood from the indicative mood by using Finite. In these languages, the Finite (tense or aspect) is present in indicative mood structure and absent from imperative mood structure. For example, in Korya Chinni, the indicative mood is with either the Finite ‘perfective’ or the Finite ‘imperfective’, whereas the imperative mood lacks the Finite in structure. Languages adopting this method to make distinction between indicative mood and imperative mood include Turkish, Mongolian, English, French, Manchu, German, Puyuma, etc. In contrast to languages where the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is supported by explicit structural features, there are 11 languages in the sample where the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is not supported by explicit structural features. In these languages, the contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is mainly a semantic one. Languages of this group include Chinese, Hmong Njua, Thai, Teiwa, Dagaare, Fongbe, Nyigina, Bardi, etc. These languages cannot deploy Finite to differentiate the imperative mood from the declarative mood. This is because in some languages the Finite may also be absent from indicative mood structure and in some languages the Finite (tense and aspect) can also be present in imperative mood structure. For example, in Fongbe, the Finite ‘tense-aspectmode’ is realized by a particle occurring between Subject and Predicator, but it is possible for an indicative clause to have no explicit Finite; in Dagaare, the aspectual distinction between perfective and imperfective is not only made in indicative mood but also in imperative mood. Though it is hard to make systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood from below in these languages, it is possible to do this from roundabout. For example, as discussed in Sect. 7.1.2, the indicative mood can intersect with modality system whereas the imperative mood cannot. In Teiwa, the imperative mood cannot intersect with the realis mode while the indicative mood can. In the remaining six languages, namely Greenlandic, Hidatsa, Tauya, Kulina, Maidu, and Mian, the way that mood system is organized is different from the two ways of organization discussed above. In these languages, each option of mood system is realized by one of a set of Mood Negotiators realized by the same

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grammatical class. If seen from below, the mood systems of these languages can be organized in a parallel way, as in Fig. 8.2. It is also possible to organize the mood systems of these languages in the same way as that presented in Fig. 8.1 by using some general features. For instance, the imperative mood can be distinguished from the declarative and the interrogative mood by the realization statement ‘+ MN: imperative’. But such a doing will fail to bring out the unique characteristics of the mood structure of these languages. Thus, the mood systems of these languages are organized in a parallel way. In addition to the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood, languages also vary in the ways that they organize the options of interrogative mood system. In most cases, the options of interrogative mood system are organized together by their semantic connections and a general structural feature ‒ they all have a Mood Negotiator for interrogative mood (+MN: interrogative). The structural feature they share is a general one in the sense that they do not share a specific structural feature and the Mood Negotiators for different options

Fig. 8.2  The mood system of Hidatsa

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of interrogative mood system are realized by different grammatical classes. For example, the polar interrogative in Chinese is realized by the interrogative particle ma or the interrogative construction ‘A-not-A’, and the elemental interrogative is realized by interrogative words. The two types of interrogative mood are grouped together because of their semantic connections and the general structural feature of having Mood Negotiators for interrogative mood, but the two types of Mood Negotiators bear no similarity either in form or in grammatical class. In some languages, in contrast, the options of interrogative mood system are grouped together not only because of their semantic connections, but also because of a specific sharing structural feature. In Japanese, for instance, the two options of interrogative mood system, namely the polar and the elemental, are similar in presenting the interrogative particle ka in mood structure; in Greenlandic, Korean, Maidu, and Diegueño, the options of interrogative mood system are similar in presenting interrogative suffixes; in Qiang, Somali, Ọ̀kọ́, Hinuq, Mian, and Mongolian, the options of interrogative mood system are similar in presenting interrogative particles or clitics. Thus far, we have summarized the major ways for the organization of mood system. Now, we will proceed to discuss the semantic dimensions along which languages elaborate their mood systems further in delicacy.

8.3 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of mood System In Chaps. 5, 6, and 7, we have discussed the mood options of declarative mood system, interrogative mood system, and imperative mood system. It is shown that languages display striking variation in the number of mood options of each mood system. Languages unsurprisingly also display variation in the number of mood options of holistic mood system. Figure 8.3 displays the number of mood options of each language. It is shown that in the holistic mood systems of Korean, Chinese, Hup, and Nenets, more than 20 mood options are observed, whereas in the holistic mood systems of Arabic, Santali, English, Welsh, Russian, etc., less than 10 mood options are observed. The cross-linguistic variation in the number of mood options primarily is the variation in the number of mood options of more delicate mood systems. This is because, as is shown in the book and previous SFT studies on mood (Matthiessen 2004; Teruya 2007), languages bear more similarities in mood systems of low delicacy and display more variation in mood systems of high delicacy. In other words, mood options of mood systems of low delicacy are observed in most languages, such as the declarative mood, the polar interrogative mood, the elemental interrogative mood, and the jussive mood, whereas mood options of mood systems of high delicacy are only observed in some languages, such as the reportative declarative mood, the biased polar interrogative mood, the emphatic elemental interrogative mood, and the polite jussive mood. Besides, the

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Fig. 8.3  Number of mood options of each language

cross-linguistic variation in the number of mood options also correlates with the number of semantic dimensions deployed for the elaboration of mood system. This is because each mood option of a mood system is reached along a semantic dimension. Generally, the more semantic dimensions are deployed for the elaboration of mood system, the more delicate the mood system will be and the more mood options will be observed in the mood system of the language. We will discuss the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system in detail in this section.

8.3.1 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of Holistic mood System The semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system can be classified into two groups: (i) those intersecting with the holistic mood system and (ii) those intersecting with certain mood systems or mood options. Semantic dimensions of group (i) include the emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai; the assessment system in Vietnamese, Japanese, Dagaare, Fongbe, and Finnish; the politeness system in Japanese and Thai; and the speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese. In these languages, the relevant semantic dimensions can intersect with any mood system and most mood options in the holistic mood system. In other words, any mood systems of these languages can be elaborated further

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in delicacy along the same semantic dimension. Therefore, more mood options are observed in these languages. This can explain why there are so many mood options in the mood systems of Korean and Chinese. We have discussed all these dimensions in Sect. 5.2, and we will only offer a brief survey of these dimensions here. The emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai is realized by mood particles. In both languages, there are a number of mood particles functioning to convey the speaker’s various kinds of emotions, moods, tones, and attitudes. The emotion-involvement system intersects with mood system so closely, especially in the spoken language, that many studies maintain that the mood system of Chinese is totally realized by mood particles. But this is partially right in that in Chinese only the mood particles ma (吗) and ba (吧) serve to realize the polar interrogative mood and the dubitative mood respectively, while other mood particles are optionally deployed and mainly function to realize minor subtypes of mood rather than major types. It is hard to assign a precise meaning to each mood particle in that the meanings realized by these mood particles are sometimes context-determined. For example, the mood particle ya (呀) in Chinese, when deployed in declarative mood, interrogative mood, and imperative mood, can express surprise, impatience, and urging, respectively. It requires further text-based studies to semantically elaborate the emotion-involvement system further. Therefore, the emotion-involvement systems of the two languages are described in a simplified way to include two options: either emotion-neutral and emotion-involved. Thus, most mood options of the two languages are either emotion-neutral or emotion-involved. The assessment system in Vietnamese, Japanese, Dagaare, and Fongbe is realized by particles and in Finnish by clitics. The system covers a wide range of semantic domains. It expresses the speaker’s various kinds of attitudes to or involvement in the proposition and proposal. The assessment system and the emotion-involvement system are similar in realizations, and some semantic domains covered by the two systems overlap with each other. The meanings realized by assessment system are as complicated as those realized by emotion-involvement system, and thus, it is described to include two options merely: either assessment-neural or assessed. In these languages, the mood options are either assessment-neutral or assessed. The mood systems of Japanese and Dagaare are borrowed from the descriptions by Teruya (2007, 2017) and Mwinlaaru (2018) with some adaptations made, and thus, the assessment system is not included in the mood systems of the two languages. Therefore, the number of mood options of the two languages illustrated in Fig. 8.3 should be larger if the assessment system is included. Due to space limitations, we only offer the meanings realized the assessment system of Dagaare in Table 8.8 based on the descriptions by Mwinlaaru (2018). The politeness system in Japanese is realized by verbal inflections and in Thai by polite particles (see Table 5.8 in Sect. 5.2.7). But in both languages, politeness can also be realized by other lexicogrammatical resources. The two options of the system are politeness unmarked (informal) and politeness marked (formal). Therefore, most mood options in the two languages are either politeness

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Table 8.8  The assessment system of Dagaare (cf. Mwinlaaru 2018) Realizations

Moods

dɛ

decl

kaka

decl imp

ka bɩɩ

decl decl

imp

wɛ

decl imp

kɛ, wɛ yaa

decl decl, q

imp

mɔ̀

q imp

na

imp

wɛ

imp

ka kaka

imp imp

Meanings Definitive, conclusive, to lay a strong epistemic claim to the proposition Strongly assertive, after affirmative and negative declarative clauses Strong insistence Mildly assertive, after affirmative and negative declarative clauses Opinative, to enact the proposition as the speaker’s opinion on an issue or as his/her personal conviction, after affirmative declarative clauses Suggestive, used in reaction to a preceding utterance, to signal the imperative clause as an alternative course of action Exclamative Exclamative Admonitive Emphatic, to signal that the speaker empathizes with the addressee or is emotionally involved in the proposition in some way Adhortative, to encourage or urge the addressee to perform an action Counter-expectation Admonitive, to caution or urge the addressee against the event or action represented by the Predicator or to indicate that the speaker is indifferent whether the proposal is enforced or not Exhortative, to strongly encourage or exhort the addressee to bring about the goal of the proposal Requestive, to request the addressee to ensure the success of the proposal Mild insistence, imploring Strong insistence, imploring

unmarked or marked. The speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese functions to indicate the social relationship between the speaker and the addressee. There are six systemic options in the speech level system of Korean, namely plain, intimate, familiar, blunt, polite, and deferential, and each speech level is realized by a suffix which simultaneously realizes a mood option (see Table 5.7 in Sect. 5.2.7). Major mood options in Korean, such as the declarative (proper), the polar interrogative, the elemental interrogative, the jussive, and the cohortative, can intersect with most of these options in speech level system. Other mood options can intersect with some of these speech level options. The speech level system, together with other semantic dimensions, elaborates the mood system of Korean greatly, and thus, Korean displays the most mood options among all the languages in our sample. The speech style system in Javanese consists of three options, viz. ngoko, madya, and krama (low, middle, and high speech style). Each speech style is realized by a structurally unitary configuration of components from its own sets. The politeness system and the speech level/style system correlate

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with each other closely. They both enact the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and addressee. The politeness system does so indirectly, and the speech level/style does so directly. The proper use of speech level/style is also an expression of politeness. They both are ‘interactant-oriented’ (the term is borrowed from Mwinlaaru 2018) semantic dimensions. The semantic dimensions discussed above are not dedicated to these languages. But in other languages, they are deployed for the elaboration of certain mood systems or mood options rather than the holistic mood system. For example, the dimension of emotion-involvement in many languages can intersect with declarative mood, producing mood options like exclamative and admirative; the dimension of assessment in Mongolian mainly intersects with declarative mood; the dimension of politeness in many languages can intersect with imperative mood, producing mood options like polite jussive and polite cohortative; the dimension of the tenor of the relationship between interactants in Manchu only intersects with jussive mood.

8.3.2 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of declarative mood System Now, we will look at the semantic dimensions that intersect with certain mood systems and mood options rather than the holistic mood system. First, we will see those intersecting with declarative mood system. The declarative mood functions to give information. Therefore, the semantic dimensions elaborating declarative mood system all have something to do with the property of information. The first dimension elaborating the declarative mood is the source of information. Along this dimension, we can reach various subtypes of evidential declarative mood, such as the reportative declarative mood, the visual declarative mood, and the inferential declarative mood. In Sect. 5.2.5, we have classified the subtypes of evidential declarative mood into three groups: (i) those giving non-firsthand information, (ii) those giving firsthand information, and (iii) those giving the information derived from the speaker’s personal judgment. The three groups of evidential declaratives indicate the speaker’s different degrees of involvement in the proposition. The evidential declaratives that give non-firsthand information indicate the speaker’s low degree of involvement in the proposition. In contrast, the evidential declaratives that give firsthand information indicate the speaker’s high degree of involvement in the proposition. The evidential declaratives that give the information derived from the speaker’s judgment may indicate the speaker’s medium degree of involvement. The semantic dimension of information source is deployed in 11 languages in our sample for the elaboration of declarative mood. All these languages are agglutinative languages. Moreover, the use of this dimension very possibly is a regional feature: it is frequently observed in the indigenous languages of America, such as

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Hup in Brazil, Kulina in Brazil and Peru, Cavineña in Bolivia, Huallaga Quechua in Peru, Mapuche in Chile, and Hidatsa in the USA. Other languages include Qiang in China, Kham in Nepal, and Nenets and Hinuq in Russian. In Hup, Hinuq, Nenets, and Qiang, the dimension can also intersect with interrogative mood, but this is less frequently observed. The second semantic dimension that intersects with declarative mood is the speaker’s attitude toward the truth value of the proposition. The subtypes of declarative mood reached along this dimension include the assertive declarative mood, the emphatic declarative mood, the Hidatsa subtypes of declarative mood, the modal declarative mood, the suppositive declarative mood, and the negative declarative mood (contrasting with the affirmative declarative mood). Compared with the dimension of information source, the dimension of the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition indicates the speaker’s higher degree of involvement in the proposition. This is because the evidential declarative mood principally functions to offer the source of information rather than to show the speaker’s involvement in the proposition. In contrast, the subtypes of declarative mood reached along the second dimension explicitly show the speaker’s various degrees of involvement in the proposition. The subtypes of declarative mood reached along this dimension also vary in the degree of speaker’s involvement. Generally, the declarative (proper), either positive or negative, structurally and semantically indicates the speaker’s no involvement in the proposition and a higher degree of explicitly-expressed assertion indicates a higher degree of involvement. Thus, the assertive declarative in Nama Hottentot and Hmong Njua, with which the speaker asserts the truth value of the proposition, and the emphatic declarative in Hup, Cavineña, Mapuche, Maidu, Diegueño, Hinuq, and Qiang, with which the speaker emphasizes the truth value of the proposition, indicate the speaker’s higher degree of involvement in the proposition; in contrast, the modal declarative mood in Hup (whose subtypes are counterfactual, frustrative, cooperative, and epistemic), the modal declarative in Cavineña (seemingly, maybe), and the suppositive mood in Japanese and Korean indicate the speaker’s lower degree of involvement in the proposition. The Hidatsa subtypes of declarative mood also indicate the speaker’s various degrees of involvement, which, ranking from high to low degree of involvement, are the emphatic, the non-speculative, the past definite, the declarative/period, and the speculative (see Sect. 5.2.2 for details). Most of the languages deploying this dimension are still agglutinative languages. Some languages deploying this dimension also deploy the dimension of information source to elaborate the declarative mood, such as Hup, Cavineña, Hidatsa, Mapuche, and Korean. Moreover, the emphatic declarative mood, the modal declarative mood, and the Hidatsa subtypes of declarative mood, like evidential declaratives, are frequently observed in the indigenous languages in America. The third semantic dimension for the elaboration of declarative mood is concerned with the function of information. Different from the two semantic dimensions discussed above, which highlight the informativeness property of information, the dimension of the function of information highlights

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the expressiveness property of information, which means what can be done by means of information. The subtypes of declarative mood reached along this dimension can roughly be classified into four groups. The first group is termed ‘discourse-marking’ declarative mood (cf. Epps 2008 for the usage of this term). The subtypes of this group fulfill various discourse functions, such as indicating focus (the focused declarative), making contrast (the contrastive declarative), and highlighting topic (the topical declarative). The focused declarative is observed in Hup, Cavineña, Jamsay, Dagaare, and Saramaccan Creole; other subtypes of discourse-marking declarative mood are only observed in Hup and Cavineña. The second group of declaratives indicates the speaker’s expectedness to the information. The information given can be either out of the speaker’s expectation or within the speaker’s expectation. The subtypes of this group include the determinative in Fongbe, which offers shared background information, and the mirative in Kham, Qiang, and Nenets, which presents newly discovered or unexpected information. The third group of declaratives functions to convey the speaker’s emotions. The subtypes of this group include the admirative in Albanian and Fongbe, which expresses the speaker’s astonishment to the information, the emotion-involved declarative in Chinese, Thai, and Cavineña, and the exclamative. The fourth group of declaratives functions to perform some speech acts. The subtypes of this group include the promissive and the admonitive in Korean, which performs the speech acts of promising and warning, respectively. The four groups of declaratives reached along the semantic dimension of the function of information vary in the degree of informativeness/expressiveness. Generally, the discourse-marking declarative and the declaratives that indicate the speaker’s expectedness to the information are of a higher degree of informativeness and a lower degree of expressiveness; in contrast, the declaratives that perform certain speech acts and that convey the speaker’s emotions are of a higher degree of expressiveness and a lower degree of informativeness. Thus far, we have discussed the three major semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system. Figure 8.4 illustrates the three semantic dimensions. We will term these semantic dimensions as ‘proposition-oriented’ dimensions contrasting with the ‘interactant-oriented’ semantic dimensions mentioned earlier (politeness in Japanese and Thai and speech levels/styles in Korean and Javanese). It should be noted that there are no clear-cut boundaries among these dimensions. For example, the focused declarative mood also indicates the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition; the mirative in Qiang and Nenets overlaps with the inferential evidential declarative mood; the mirative mood and the admirative mood convey both the astonishment emotion and the unexpectedness of the speaker. It is found that the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system are deployed most frequently in agglutinative languages, then in isolating languages, and rarely in fusional languages. Among the languages deploying these dimensions in our sample, only Welsh, Somali, and Albanian are identified as fusional languages. This generalization is also supported by the average number of declarative mood options in each type of language. As mentioned

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Fig. 8.4  Semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system

before, the more semantic dimensions are deployed for the elaboration of mood system, the more mood options will be produced in the mood system of the language. The average numbers of declarative mood options in agglutinative languages (25 languages, 118 mood options), isolating languages (9 languages, 20 mood options), and fusional languages (13 languages, 23 mood options) are 4.7, 2.2, and 1.8, respectively. Besides, it is found that the dimension of the source of information (evidential declaratives) and the dimension of the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition (the emphatic declarative, the modal declarative mood, and the Hidatsa subtypes) are frequently deployed in the indigenous languages of America. All the subtypes of declarative mood discussed in Sect. 5.2 can be regarded as the result of elaborations of declarative mood system along these dimensions. However, two subtypes of declarative mood are not covered by these dimensions. The first one is the tenor-related declarative mood in Japanese, Thai, Korean, and Javanese. This is because tenor-related declaratives in the four languages are reached along interactant-oriented semantic dimensions (politeness in Japanese and Thai and the tenor of the relationship between the interactants in Korean and Javanese), while intersections between interactant-oriented semantic dimensions and indicative mood (either declarative or interrogative) are rarely observed in other languages, since interactant-oriented semantic dimensions by nature have little to do with the property of information. If tenor-related declaratives in the four languages have to be positioned somewhere in Fig. 8.4, it is proper to add them to the dimension of the function of information. The second subtype of declarative mood that is not covered by the three dimensions is the assessed declarative mood. This is because the assessed declarative is not a specific subtype of declarative mood but covers various subtypes which indicate the speaker’s attitude to and involvement in the proposition. Thus, an assessed declarative clause may fall into any dimension discussed above. For instance, the enclitic = kin in Finish can

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realize the emphatic declarative along the dimension of the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition; it can also realize the contrastive declarative and the mirative/admirative along the dimension of the function of information.

8.3.3 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of interrogative mood System Now, we will proceed to see the semantic dimensions for with elaboration of interrogative mood system. The interrogative mood realizes the speech function of question. Thus, the dimensions for the elaboration of interrogative mood system all have something to do with the property of question. The basic semantic dimension for the elaboration of interrogative mood is the content questioned. Along this dimension, the interrogative mood can be classified into the polar interrogative, the elemental interrogative, and the alternative interrogative mood. Another dimension is the degree of interrogativity. Along this dimension, we can reach the confirmative mood. As mentioned in Sect. 6.4, the declarative mood, the confirmative mood, and the interrogative mood form a mood continuum along the dimension of the degree of interrogativity. The subtypes of confirmative mood, such as the rhetorical question, the tagged confirmative, the inserted confirmative, and the dubitative, also differ from each other in the degree of interrogativity. The dimension of the content questioned and the dimension of the degree of interrogativity are the basic semantic dimensions for the elaboration of interrogative mood system. They are deployed in all types of languages. Languages mainly vary in the elaboration of different types of interrogative mood, such as the polar and the elemental interrogative mood. The polar interrogative mood is still elaborated along the dimension of the content questioned and the dimension of the degree of interrogativity. Along the former dimension, a systemic contrast can be made between the polar interrogative (proper) which questions the polarity of the whole proposition and the focused polar interrogative which questions the polarity of a certain part in the proposition. This elaboration is mainly observed in the agglutinative and fusional languages in our sample. Along the latter dimension, a systemic contrast can be made between the neutral polar interrogative and the biased polar interrogative. The biased polar is of a lower degree of interrogativity since it indicates the speaker’s bias toward a positive or negative answer. This elaboration is observed in different types of languages. In addition, there are another two dimensions for the elaboration of polar interrogative mood. The first one is the interrogative force. Along this dimension, systemic contrasts are made among the neutral polar, the mild polar (in Finnish), and the emphatic polar (in Hup and Hinuq). The second one is concerned with the degree of speaker’s expectation for an answer. This dimension correlates with the dimension of the degree of interrogativity. A higher degree of interrogativity

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indicates a higher degree of expectation for an answer. It is also related to the investment of the speaker to the situation being questioned and the speaker’s assumption about whether the addressee knows the answer or not. For example, the direct interrogative mood in Kham indicates the speaker has some kind of personal investment in the situation being questioned and has a right to the information. Thus, the direct interrogative indicates the speaker’s higher degree of expectation for an answer. In contrast, the indirect interrogative in Kham indicates no speaker’s investment in the situation being questioned and implies little more than curiosity. Thus, the indirect interrogative indicates the speaker’s lower degree of expectation for an answer. Another example is the two subtypes of elemental interrogative in Huallaga Quechua. One indicates the speaker presupposes that the addressee knows the answer to the question being asked and thus indicates the speaker’s higher degree of expectation for an answer. The other indicates the speaker does not presuppose that the addressee knows the answer to the question and thus indicates the speaker’s lower degree of expectation for an answer. Other types of interrogative are less frequently elaborated than the polar interrogative. The elemental interrogative can be elaborated along the same dimensions for the elaboration of polar interrogative mood. The four semantic dimensions mentioned above, namely the content questioned, the degree of interrogativity, the interrogative force, and the degree of speaker’s expectation for an answer, cover almost all the types and subtypes of interrogative mood. The assessed and the emotion-involved interrogative mood may fall into any dimension or other dimensions. For instance, the emotion-involved interrogatives realized by particles lâ/â in Thai and ya (呀) in Chinese indicate the speaker is eager to get the answer and thus fall into the dimension of the degree of speaker’s expectation for an answer; the assessed interrogative realized by the particle chi in Mapuche expresses a self-posed question and thus falls into the same dimension; the assessed interrogative realized by the particle há in Vietnamese indicates the speaker’s mild surprise and expectation for a confirmation and thus may fall into the dimension of the degree of interrogativity. Other semantic dimensions for the elaboration of interrogative mood include information source and interactant-oriented dimensions. But they are untypical and rarely observed.

8.3.4 Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of imperative mood System At last, we will look at the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood system. The most fundamental semantic dimension for the elaboration of imperative mood is the Subject person, which indicates who is the performer of the action. It is deployed in all the languages in our sample. Along this dimension, the imperative mood can be classified into the jussive mood (the second

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person Subject), the cohortative mood (the first person plural inclusive Subject), the optative mood (the third person Subject), the oblative mood (the first person singular Subject), the hortative mood (the first person singular hortative, the first person plural hortative, the second person hortative, and the third person hortative), and the impersonal imperative mood. Other types of imperative mood also inherently involve a Subject person. For example, the prohibitive mood, the permissive mood, the exigent mood in Kham, and the benefactive mood in Japanese mainly involve a second person Subject. In Sect. 7.6.4, we have illustrated the intra-imperative mood continuum along the dimension of imperativity in Mongolian and other languages. The different types of imperative mood in Mongolian may be ranked in the following order according to their degree of imperativity: jussive > cohortative > permissive > optative > desiderative > dubitative/apprehensive. The intra-imperative mood continuum in Nenets is like this: jussive ( and prohibitive) > second person hortative > cohortative > first person plural hortative > optative > third person hortative > oblative/first person singular hortative > desiderative > apprehensive. The intra-imperative mood continuum indicates the typicality of different types of imperative mood. The type of imperative mood of a higher degree of imperativity is of a higher degree of typicality. Thus, the jussive mood is the most typical type of imperative mood and the apprehensive is the least typical type. We suppose that the more typical the type of imperative mood is, the more likely it will be grammaticalized. Therefore, there may exist a hierarchy of grammaticalization among the jussive mood, the cohortative mood, the optative mood, and the oblative mood, as illustrated in Fig. 8.5. The hierarchy of grammaticalization among the four major types of imperative mood can be interpreted from three perspectives. Firstly, among different languages, the jussive mood is most likely to be grammaticalized, then the cohortative mood, then the optative mood, and then the oblative mood. This is supported by the number of languages where they are observed listed in the brackets. If the hortative mood is included (the first person plural hortative is the counterpart of the cohortative mood, the third person hortative is the counterpart of the optative mood, and the first person singular hortative is the counterpart of the oblative mood), the four types of imperative mood are observed in 60, 49, 32, and 17 languages, respectively; if the hortative mood is not included, they are observed in 60, 39, 22, and 10 languages, respectively. Secondly, if a language has the less typical type of imperative mood grammaticalized, it very possibly will have the more typical type of imperative mood grammaticalized. This is supported by the imperative mood systems of all the languages in our sample except six languages, namely Japanese, Javanese, Mapuche, Tauya, Santali, and Hinuq. In Japanese, the oblative

Fig. 8.5  The hierarchy of grammaticalization of major types of imperative mood

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mood is grammaticalized but the optative mood is not observed. In the other five languages, the cohortative mood is not observed but the optative or the oblative mood is observed. Thirdly, if a language has no dedicated Mood Negotiator for jussive mood, it possibly will have no dedicated Mood Negotiator for other types of imperative mood. This is supported by most languages in our sample which have no dedicated Mood Negotiators for jussive mood. For example, in Nyigina and Bardi, the jussive mood is realized by the future tense inflection, and the cohortative and the optative mood in Nyigina and the cohortative in Bardi are also realized by the future tense inflections; in French, the jussive mood is realized by the second person present tense conjugation and the cohortative mood is realized by the first person plural present tense conjugation; in Chinese, Hmong Njua, and Teiwa, there is no explicit Mood Negotiator for jussive mood and there is no explicit Mood Negotiator for cohortative mood either. Exceptions are three isolating languages, namely Thai, Koyra Chinni, and Saramaccan Creole, where there is no explicit Mood Negotiator for jussive mood but a particle is deployed in cohortative mood. In addition to the dimension of the Subject person, there are some other semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood. Most of them are interactant-oriented contrasting with the proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of indicative mood. That is to say, most of them are concerned with the tenor of the relationship between the interactants. The first one is the dimension of politeness. As mentioned before, in Japanese and Thai, this dimension intersects with the holistic mood system, but this is rarely observed in other languages. What is more commonly observed is the intersection between politeness and imperative mood. This is because in the context of imperative mood, the commodity exchanged is goods-&-serves and the exchange of goods-&-serves requires more physical effort from the addressee. Politeness then is important for a successful exchange of goods-&-serves. Thus, many languages have the polite jussive mood. It is observed in 16 languages of different types in different areas. Among the 16 languages, six are languages in Asia, six in Europe, one in Africa, and three in America. In Qiang, there are three subtypes of jussive mood which differ in the degree of politeness. The second semantic dimension is the directive force, which is indirectly related to the tenor of the relationship between the interactants. The directive force makes a systemic contrast between mild/ soft jussive and neutral jussive (Finnish, Teiwa, Albanian, Maidu, and Hidatsa), or between strong/emphatic jussive and neutral jussive (Qiang, Mongolian, Fongbe, and Diegueño), or among mild/soft, neutral, and strong/emphatic jussive (Nenets, Udmurt, West Greenlandic, and Cavineña). Generally, the mild/ soft jussive is more polite and more acceptable. It is found that the mild/soft jussive and the polite jussive are complementary in distribution: in languages with the mild/soft jussive mood, the polite jussive mood is not observed, and in languages with the polite jussive mood, the mild/soft mood is not observed. The strong/emphatic jussive usually is used between interactants with a equal social status or with a close social distance, or by speakers with a higher social status to addressees with a lower social status. The third semantic dimension is the tenor

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of the relationship between the interactants. Compared with the dimensions of politeness and directive force which enact the tenor of the relationship between the interactants indirectly, the dimension of the tenor of the relationship between the interactants does so directly. This dimension is deployed typically in Korean (six speech levels), Javanese (three speech styles), and Manchu (five types of jussive mood) and less typically in Thai (through politeness system). The fourth semantic dimension is proposal negotiability system in Chinese. It inflects to what extent the addressee is able to negotiate with the speaker for accepting the proposal or not. As mentioned in Sect. 7.1.1, the four options in this system, ranking from high to low degree of negotiability, are the inserted negotiation, the tagged negotiation, the suggestive, and the negotiation-neutral. Generally, the jussive mood of a higher degree of negotiability is more polite and is mainly deployed by speakers with a lower social status to addresses with a higher social status or between interactants with a far social distance. In contrast, the jussive mood of a lower degree of negotiability is mainly deployed by speakers with a higher social status to addresses with a lower social status or between interactants with a close social distance. The four interactant-oriented semantic dimensions mentioned above, namely politeness, directive force, the tenor of the relationship between the interactants, and proposal negotiability, are the basic semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood. They are deployed more frequently for the elaboration of jussive mood than the elaboration of other types of imperative mood. The more typical type of imperative mood is more likely to be elaborated along these dimensions. These dimensions, together with the dimension of the Subject person, cover most of the imperative mood options discussed in Chap. 7. They represent different ways of enacting the tenor of the relationship between the speaker and the addressee. The dimension of the tenor of the relationship between the interactants  (in Korean, Javanese, and Manchu) does so directly and other dimensions do so indirectly. These interactant-oriented semantic dimensions are deployed in languages of different types in different areas. But they are foregrounded in the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia in our sample. Firstly, the dimension of the tenor of the relationship between the interactants (speech level/style) is only observed in the languages of these two areas in our sample. Secondly, the interactant-oriented semantic dimensions that intersect with the holistic mood system are only observed in the languages of these two areas in our sample. Thirdly, certain interactant-oriented semantic dimensions are also observed in the languages of other areas, but they have more realizations in the languages of these two areas. For example, the polite jussive is observed in many European languages as well, but it usually has one realization, such as the use of the second person plural imperative form in French, Greek, and Latvian, or the use of the third person present subjunctive mode in Spanish. However, in the languages of these two areas, the polite jussive mood can have several realizations. For example, the polite jussive mood in Qiang can be realized by three particles which indicate different degrees of politeness; the hortative mood in Qiang also intersects with politeness;

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Table 8.9  Interactant-oriented semantic dimensions in the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia Languages

Semantic dimensions

Korean Javanese Manchu Japanese Thai

speech level

Qiang Mongolian Tagalog Hmong Njua Chinese Vietnamese Teiwa

politeness

speech style speech level politeness politeness/

Options/realizations 6 options 3 options 5 options 2 options 19 particles

Intersecting with Holistic mood system Holistic mood system Jussive mood Holistic mood system Holistic mood system

4 particles 2 suffixes 2 particles 1 particle 4 options 7 particles 1 adverb

Imperative mood Jussive mood Jussive mood Jussive mood Imperative mood Imperative mood Jussive mood

emotion-involvement

politeness politeness politeness proposal negotiability assessment directive force

in Mongolian, the benedictive mood and the prescriptive mood are two types of polite jussive mood; in Thai, there are 12 dedicated polite particles (see Table 5.8 in Sect. 5.2.7) and seven mood particles which intersect with imperative mood and function to tune directive force or mark politeness (dûay, nâ/nâa, nɔ̀y, sí/sì/sii/sîi, thə̀/hə̀, and thii). Table 8.9 illustrates the interactant-oriented semantic dimensions deployed in the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia in our sample. In addition to the five basic interactant-oriented semantic dimensions mentioned above, the elaboration of imperative mood system also involves other semantic dimensions. For instance, along the dimension of the time for the action to be formed, a systemic contrast is made between immediate and non-immediate imperative mood (mainly jussive mood also cohortative mood). The habitual jussive in Tagalog and the jussive moods for the action to be carried out in the presence/absence of the speaker in Maidu are also reached along this dimension. Along the dimension of the realizability of the action, we can reach the peripheral optative mood (wishes, blessings), the desiderative mood (if only it were so that), and the apprehensive mood (if only it were not so/if only it would not be that).

8.3.5 Context-Semantics-Lexicogrammar Thus far, we have discussed the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. It is found that languages display both similarities and differences in the semantic dimensions for elaboration of mood system. Concerning the similarities, all the languages in our sample organize their mood systems based on the commodity exchanged (either information or goods-&-services) and the speech roles involved (either giving or demanding) in exchanges. Languages mainly deploy

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proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of indicative mood and interactant-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood. Besides, some fundamental semantic dimensions are universally deployed in the languages in our sample, such as the content questioned and the degree of interrogativity for the elaboration of interrogative mood system and the Subject person for the elaboration of imperative mood system. Concerning the differences, a few languages deploy semantic dimensions that intersect with the holistic mood system while most languages deploy semantic dimensions that intersect with certain mood systems or mood options. Besides, except the fundamental semantic dimensions mentioned above, the use of other semantic dimensions is of considerable variation. Table 8.10 is a summary of the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. The cross-linguistic variation in the use of semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system accounts for the cross-linguistic variation in the delicacy of mood system and in the number of mood options. It is found that the cross-linguistic variation in the use of semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system possibly has to do with two factors. The first one is the socio-cultural context of the language. In Sect. 3.2, we illustrated the semiotic dimension of stratification in SFL, along which language in context is organized into different strata according to the degree of symbolic abstraction (semantics-lexicogrammar-phonology-phonetics) and language is theorized, described, and analyzed in context. Therefore, the variation languages display in the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system (the stratum of semantics) can be interpreted by reference to the stratum of context, since, as Matthiessen (2004: 656) reports, context is the most inclusive domain for semantics along the dimension of stratification. Our previous survey shows proposition-oriented semantic dimensions are frequently deployed in the indigenous languages of America, such as Hup, Cavineña, Kulina, and Hidatsa for the elaboration of declarative mood system. For instance, both Hup and Cavineña elaborate the declarative mood further in delicacy along three semantic dimensions, namely the source of information (the evidential declarative), the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition (the emphatic declarative and the modal declarative), and the function of information (the focused declarative, the contrastive declarative, etc.). Therefore, the declarative mood systems of these two languages are well elaborated. Besides, Hidatsa is the only language in our sample that has no neutral declarative mood: each declarative clause in Hidatsa indicates the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition. Hidatsa also elaborates the declarative mood along the dimension of information source. The well-elaborated declarative mood systems of these languages may indicate that information is of crucial importance in the communities of these languages. Possibly because of the importance of information, the speakers assert it, emphasize it, offer the source of it, focus on a certain part of it, and adjust the modal value of it. Why information is of crucial importance in the communities of these languages?  It can be accounted for by reference to the socio-cultural context of these languages, as displayed in Table 8.11. It is shown that the population of the speakers of these languages is small. Their speakers mainly live

Interrogative mood

Speech act Polar-ele.-alter. Focused Rhetorical question Tagged confirmative Inserted confirmative Dubitative Biased polar

Interrogative force The degree of expectation for an answer

PropositionThe content oriented semantic questioned dimensions The degree of interrogativity

Semantic dimensions mood The speaker’s atti- Assertive Declarative mood Propositionoriented semantic tude to the truth Emphatic dimensions value of the Hidatsa subtypes proposition Modal Suppositive Negative Firsthand The source of information Personal judgment Non-firsthand Discourse-marking The function of information Expectedness Emotion

Table 8.10  Semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system

Exclamative Emo.-involved Admirative

2 agg./1 iso./2? 3 agg./1 iso All three types 2 isolating 1 fusional/1 isolating 1 agglutinative All three types 8 agg./3 fu./2? All three types All three types 1 isolating 2 isolating 2 agg./2 fu./3? 3 agglutinative 2 agglutinative

3 in America/2 in Africa Kham/Qiang/Nenets/Fongbe 16 languages Chinese/Thai Albanian/Fongbe

(continued)

2 agglutinative 2 fusional/1 iso./1? 11 agglutinative

Japanese/Korean 3 in Africa/Welsh 6 in America/ Nenets/Hinuq/ Qiang/Kham/Korean

Korean All languages 13 languages 6 languages 18 languages Chinese Chinese/Fongbe 7 languages Finish/Hup/Hinuq Kham/Huallaga Quechua

Morpho. types 1 isolating/1? 5 agglutinative/2? 3 agglutinative

Languages Hmong/Nama 5 in America/Qiang/Hinuq 3 in America

252 8  A Systemic Functional Typology of mood System

Holistic mood system

Imperative mood

mood

Mild/soft Strong/emphatic

The tenor of the relationship between the interactants Proposal negotiability The time for the action to be formed The realizability of the action speech level/style system politeness system emotion-involvement system assessment system

Directive force

Semantic dimensions InteractantThe Subject person oriented semantic Politeness dimensions

Table 8.10  (continued) Languages All languages 7 in Asia/6 in Europe/ 2 in America/1 in Africa 1 Asia/3 Europe/4 America 2 in Asia/2 in Europe/ 1 in Africa/3 in America Korean/Javanese/Manchu Chinese 3 Asian/2 Europe/3 America 4 America/2 Asia/1 Europe Korean/Javanese Japanese/Thai Chinese/Thai Vietnamese/Japanese/Finnish Dagaare/Fongbe

All three types Mainly agglutinative 2 agglutinative/1? 1 isolating 4 agg./2 fu./2? 5 agg./1 iso./1? 1agglutinative/1? 1agglutintive/1 iso 2 isolating 2 isolating/2 agglutinative/1?

Morpho. types All three types All three types

8.3  Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of mood System 253

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in isolated small villages in jungles in South America or on reservations in North America and the population of each village is small. Some speakers of Hup live a nomadic lifestyle. Under such circumstances, the exchange of accurate information is of criminal significance for various aspects of their life, such as to maintain interpersonal relationship, to avoid natural disasters (flood and drought) and animal attacks collectively, and to hunt, fish, and gather for sustenance collectively. Different from the indigenous languages of America which foreground proposition-oriented semantic dimensions, the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia in our sample, as discussed before, foreground interactant-oriented semantic dimensions, such as the speech level/style system in Korean, Javanese, and Manchu, the politeness system in Japanese and Thai, and the proposal negotiability system in Chinese (see the summary in Table 8.9). Again, we will focus on some facets of the socio-cultural context of Korean, Javanese, Japanese, and Thai to explain why these languages foreground interactant-oriented semantic dimensions so much when elaborating their mood systems. The semantic dimension of the tenor of the relationship between the interactants (speech level system) in Korean which intersects with the holistic mood system very possibly is a linguistic reflection of the relationship among family members in family life in Korea. According to Clark (2000), since the official adoption of neo-Confucianism as the state philosophy at the beginning of the Choson period, around A.D.1400, fathers and grandfathers have been the main authority in Korean families, where husbands are responsible for wives and fathers are responsible for children. Children, in return, are supposed to practice filial piety. Filial piety is grounded on the fact that people are eternally indebted to the parents who give them life, nourish them, protect and provide for them in childhood, and show them how to become good human beings. Clark (2000) maintains filial piety is the model for almost all social relationships in Korea. This may explain why the speech level system in Korean intersects with the holistic mood system so closely that ‘sentences can hardly be uttered without the speaker’s approximate knowledge of his social relationship with his addressee and referent in terms of age category (adult, adolescent, or child), social status, kinship, in- or out-groupness, and/or the speech act situation’ (Sohn 1999: 16). The semantic dimension of the tenor of the relationship between the interactants (speech style system) in Javanese possibly is a linguistic reflection of the hierarchical social structure of Java. According to Cai (1997), the Javanese society is stratified into two strata: the piyayi and the wong cilik. The piyayi stratum includes the royal court, the aristocracy, state functionaries, intellectuals, etc. The wong cilik stratum includes peasants, craftsmen, businessmen, and other workers. Robson (1992) reports Javanese show great respect to the royal court, to someone of aristocratic birth, to a personal of spiritual authority, such as a teacher, to those who occupy clerical positions, and to someone who possesses the authority of age. This respect is expressed in one’s whole bearing to the respected person. The speech style system in Javanese, thus, is one important lexicogrammatical device to show this respect.

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Table 8.11  Some facets of the socio-cultural context of Hup, Cavineña, Kulina, and Hidatsa Languages Hup

Speakers 1500

Cavineña

1200

Kulina

5500

Hidatsa

2500

Dwelling environment Live scattered along small streams in heavily forested region; semi-nomadic forest dwellers Next to rivers, small streams, and lakes; upland terrain; thick jungle Village along rivers in indigenous territories; population less than 100 for each village Semi-sedentary horticulturists

Life style Hunting, gathering

Hunting, fishing, fruit collection, slash-and-burn cultivation Slash-and-burn agriculture, hunting, fishing Agriculture, hunting

The interactant-oriented semantic dimension deployed in Japanese and Thai is politeness. In both languages, the politeness system intersects with the holistic mood system. This is also related to the socio-cultural context of the two languages. According to Clarke (2009), Japanese is an honorific language and the honorific system basically works at two levels: one is politeness, which is directed toward the addressee; the other is respect, which is shown to the subject (subject honorifics) or direct or indirect object (object honorifics) of the verb. This possibly is because Japan has a long history of social hierarchy. Moreover, politeness is a univeral social norm in Japan. Sachiko (1982) summarizes the basic social rules of politeness in Japanese society, which include to be polite to a person of a higher social position, to be polite to a person with power, to be polite to an older person, and to be polite in a formal setting. This is also true in Thailand, where to be polite to others and to show respect to others, especially elders, is the basic communicative principle adhered to by the whole society. This explains why there are so many polite particles in Thai which intersect with different mood options. In addition to the factor of socio-cultural context discussed above, the cross-linguistic variation in the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system is also related to the lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal. To be more precise, the socio-cultural context of a language forms the background against which one can explain why the language foregrounds certain semantic dimensions instead of others when elaborating its mood system; while the lexicogrammatical resources of the language may help to explain how the elaboration will be realized and to what extent the language can grammaticalize the elaboration. The elaboration of mood system has little to do with the number of classes deployed, but has to do with the number of realization statements containing productive classes. For example, English deploys seven classes for the elaboration (realization) of mood system, namely the zero form, the initial position, interrogative words, sequence, the Subject person (let’s), deleting Finite, and deleting Subject. However, all these classes are unproductive and each of them is almost dedicated to a specific mood option. Thus, English lacks productive devices for the

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elaboration of mood system. In contrast, Korean only deploys two classes, namely suffixes and interrogative words, and the suffix in Korean is highly productive. This productive class enables Korean to elaborate its mood system along several semantic dimensions. The conclusion we reached above is also supported by statistics. We calculated the correlation coefficient between the number of mood options and the number of classes (the data are partially displayed in Table 8.4 in Sect. 8.1.4) and the correlation coefficient between the number of mood options and the number of realizations statements. The result is presented in Table 8.12. It is shown that the number of mood options has little to do with the number of classes, while there is a high degree of positive correlation between the number of mood options and the number of realization statements. In Sect. 8.1, we discussed the realizations of mood system in languages of different morphological types. It is found that agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections and clitics productively in the realizations of mood system, but they also deploy particles and structures/constructions; isolating languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions productively; fusional languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections (mainly for imperative mood) and particles (mainly for interrogative mood), but both classes are less productive than their counterparts in agglutinative and isolating languages (see Table 8.5 in Sect. 8.1.4). In other words, the elaboration of mood system in fusional languages might be restricted by the lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal. This may explain, from the aspect of lexicogrammar, why agglutinative languages have the most elaborate declarative mood systems while fusional languages have the least elaborate declarative mood systems (as mentioned earlier, the average numbers of declarative mood options in agglutinative languages and fusional languages are 4.7 and 1.8, respectively). Agglutinative languages elaborate the declarative mood along different semantic dimensions and therefore have the most elaborate declarative mood systems, on the one hand because they are supposed to realize these interpersonal meanings in the socio-cultural context where they are used and on the other hand because they have a number of productive lexicogrammatical devices at their disposal, such as affixes, clitics, and particles, which enable them to do so. In contrast, the fusional languages in the sample have the least elaborate declarative mood systems partially because they are only supposed to realize the basic speech functions through mood in the socio-cultural context where they are used (but not necessarily so), and partially because they lack productive lexicogrammatical devices to elaborate their mood systems further in delicacy. Taking English as an example, it lacks productive devices like affixes/inflections and clitics compared with agglutinative languages and many other fusional languages, neither does it have productive particles compared with isolating languages. Thus, many mood options grammaticalized in the mood systems of other languages are not grammaticalized in the English mood system. Though some languages like English may lack productive lexicogrammatical devices to elaborate mood system further in delicacy, this does not mean the meanings realized by delicate mood options in other languages are missing in these

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257

languages. They just express these meanings through other lexicogrammatical devices. Taking Pitjantjatjara as an example, it enables its speakers to adjust the directive force by using various tone contours. Rose (2004) reports the tone 5 is for neutral imperative mood, the tone 1 or the tone 3 for mild imperative mood, the tone 1 + for strong imperative mood, the tone 5 + for insistent imperative mood, and the tone 2 for request. As regards English, though it has a less elaborate mood system, it can express the relevant meanings by means of other devices. Table 8.13 is a summary of  English equivalent expressions for some mood options. The table illustrates the complementation of lexicogrammatical resources among different languages: languages vary in the lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal, but they are all evolved systems for making meaning and for fulfilling various functions in the socio-cultural context where they are used.

8.4 The Multilingual mood System Up to now, we have made a comprehensive cross-linguistic comparison of mood system. The comparison covers both the paradigmatic axis and the syntagmatic axis. Concerning the paradigmatic axis, we focus on the similarities and differences languages display in terms of mood options, the organization of mood system, and the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. Regarding the syntagmatic axis, we concentrate on the similarities and differences languages display in the realizations of major functional elements in mood structure, the realizations of each mood option, and the realizations of mood system. In this section, we will describe the multilingual mood system based on the main findings of the book. The multilingual mood system is a multilingual system network. Bateman, Matthiessen and Zeng (1999) specify two goals of such networks: one is ‘integration of the different languages so that commonality is separated from particularity’ and the other is ‘integrity of each language so that it can be used separately’. That is to say, a multilingual system network aims at presenting both the similarities and differences that languages display in terms of a lexicogrammatical system. The principal goal of the book is to explore the similarities and differences languages show in terms of mood system and mood structure by means of cross-linguistic comparison. Therefore, the multilingual mood system is a good way to summarize the main findings of the book. Besides, the multilingual mood system can also function as a useful guidance for describing the mood systems of other languages. It illustrates possible semantic Table 8.12  The correlation coefficient between the number of mood options (NM) and the number of classes (NC)/the number of realization statements (NR) NM NC

NM 1 0.000612

NC 1

NM NR

NM 1 0.927788

NR 1

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258

dimensions for the elaboration of mood system, possible mood options, and possible realizations of each mood option. By reference to the multilingual mood system, grammarians can check whether in the language under description certain mood options are grammaticalized, what devices are deployed in the realizations of certain mood options, and whether certain semantic dimensions are deployed for systemic elaboration. Due to space limitations, the multilingual mood system is presented in four parts. The first part shown in Fig. 8.6 presents the overall organization of multilingual mood system and the semantic dimensions intersecting with the holistic mood system. The second part shown in Fig. 8.7 displays the multilingual declarative mood system. The third part shown in Fig. 8.8 illustrates the multilingual interrogative mood system. The fourth part shown in Fig. 8.9 presents the multilingual imperative mood system. In each part, the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system are presented in boxes. Mood options (entry conditions) are presented in bold type, and realization statements are presented in regular type. Besides, because of space limitations, we cannot present each language’s realization statements for certain mood options. Thus, we have to sacrifice the ‘integrity of each language’. For each mood option, we provide the number of languages where it is observed and the number of languages where certain grammatical class Table 8.13  English equivalent expressions for some mood options Realizations of mood options Affix, clitic, particle

Evidential declarative

Assertive declarative

Particle

Emphatic declarative

Clitic, particle, affix

Focused declarative

Clitic, particle

Admirative

Inflection, particle

Emotion-involved

Particle

Biased polar Focused polar Emphatic interrogative Polite jussive

Clitic, particle Clitic, particle Clitic, particle Affix/inflection, particle

Soft/mild jussive Strong/emphatic jussive

Clitic, particle, affix Clitic, particle, affix

Equivalent expressions in English Adjunct Allegedly, evidently, supposedly They say…, it is said… Verbal clause I hear… Mental clause Adjunct Obviously, doubtless, indubitably Adjunct Really, definitely, do, did Analytical It is…that HE went there Stress Adjunct Surprisingly, unexpectedly Intonation I know! (with a tone of angry) Intonation You are a Chinese? Analytical Is it…that Adjunct Really, on earth Polite lexical items Please Grammatical metaphor Would you…, can you… Adjunct Just, a little Do Do open the door!

8.5  Chapter Summary

259

Fig. 8.6  The multilingual mood system: Part i

is deployed for its realization. Taking the polar (proper) interrogative mood as an example, it is observed in 57 languages in our sample. Among the 57 languages, 28 languages deploy particles, 11 languages deploy affixes, seven languages deploy structures/constructions, six languages deploy clitics, and 12 languages deploy intonation.

8.5 Chapter Summary In this chapter, we made a cross-linguistic comparison of the realizations of mood system. It is found that the realizations of mood system correlate with the morphological types of language. Concerning the realizations of declarative mood system, agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections and clitics productively; isolating languages tend to deploy particles principally; fusional languages may deploy both affixes/inflections and particles, but neither class is productive. Regarding the realizations of interrogative mood system, isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions; agglutinative mainly deploy affixes/inflections and clitics; agglutinative languages

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Fig. 8.7  The multilingual mood system: Part ii

also deploy particles and structures/constructions, but they do so less frequently than isolating and fusional languages. Regarding the realizations of imperative mood system, agglutinative and fusional languages mainly deploy affixes/inflections while isolating languages mainly deploy non-explicit devices and particles. With regard to the realizations of holistic mood system, agglutinative languages can deploy affixes/inflections, clitics, particles, and structures/constructions productively, but they deploy affixes/inflections and clitics more frequently; isolating languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions; fusional languages

8.5  Chapter Summary

261

Fig. 8.8  The multilingual mood system: Part iii

may deploy both affixes/inflections and particles but both classes are less productive than their counterparts in agglutinative and fusional languages. Moreover, it is found that languages display intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood (either mood options or mood systems): they tend to deploy a certain class more frequently and tend to deploy the class consistently in the realizations of different mood options and different mood systems. The intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood correlates with the intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite and they both correlate with the morphological types of language. We also made cross-linguistic comparisons of the organization of mood system and the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. It is found that there are three basic ways to organize mood system. The first way groups the declarative mood and the interrogative mood together into the less delicate indicative mood and the indicative mood then contrasts with the imperative mood both semantically and structurally. The second way also groups the declarative mood and the interrogative mood together into the less delicate indicative mood, but the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is mainly a semantic one and less explicitly a structural one. The third way organizes all mood options in a parallel way, and it is mainly deployed in a few agglutinative languages. Concerning the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system, it is found that a few languages in our sample deploy semantic dimensions which intersect with the holistic mood system, such as the speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese, the politeness system in Japanese and Thai, the emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai, and the assessment system in Vietnamese,

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Fig. 8.9  The multilingual mood system: Part iv

Japanese, Dagaare, Fongbe, and Finnish. In contrast, most languages deploy semantic dimensions which intersect with certain mood systems or mood options. Languages bear similarity in deploying proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system and interrogative mood system and interactant-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative

References

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system, but languages vary in the specific semantic dimensions deployed. As for the elaboration of declarative mood system, the commonly deployed semantic dimensions include the source of information, the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition, and the function of information. These semantic dimensions are deployed most frequently in agglutinative languages and then in isolating languages and rarely in fusional languages. The indigenous languages of America in our sample foreground the dimension of information source and the dimension of the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition when elaborating their declarative mood systems. Concerning the elaboration of interrogative mood system, the commonly deployed semantic dimensions include the content questioned (polar-elemental-alternative; focused polar), the degree of interrogativity (confirmative interrogative; biased polar), the interrogative force (emphatic and mild interrogative), and the speaker’s expectation for an answer. Regarding the elaboration of imperative mood system, the semantic dimension deployed universally is the Subject person. It is found that there exists a hierarchy of grammaticalization among the four major types of imperative mood: the jussive mood is the most likely to be grammaticalized among different languages, then the cohortative mood, then the optative mood, and then the oblative mood. Other important semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood system include politeness, the directive force, the tenor of the relationship between the interactants, proposal negotiability, and the time for the action to be performed. It is found the languages of East Asia and Southeast Asia in our sample foreground interactant-oriented semantic dimensions when elaborating their mood systems. Languages vary in the semantic dimensions deployed for the elaboration of mood system, and this accounts for why languages vary in the number of mood options. It is found the cross-linguistic variation in the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system on the one hand has something to do with the socio-cultural context of the language and on the other hand is restrained by the productive lexicogrammatical devices at their disposal. mood

References Bateman JA, Matthiessen CMIM, Zeng LC (1999) Multilingual language generation for multilingual software: a functional linguistic approach. Applied Artificial Intelli: Int J 13(6):607–639 Cai JC (1997) Lùn zhǎowā wénhuà de jiānróngxìng (On the compatibility of Javanese culture). Dōngnányà Yánjiū (Stud SE Asia) (3):59–62 Clark DN (2000) Culture and customs of Korea. Greenwood Press, Westport/London Clarke H (2009) Language. In: Sugimoto Y (ed) The Cambridge companion to modern Japanese culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 56–75 Epps P (2008) A grammar of Hup. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin/New York Matthiessen CMIM (2004) Descriptive motifs and generalizations. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 537–673 Mwinlaaru IN-I (2018) A Systemic functional description of the grammar of Dagaare. Dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

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Robson S (1992) Javanese grammar for studens. Monash University, Melbourne Rose D (2004) Metafunctional profile of the grammar of Pitjantjatjara. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, pp 479–536 Sachiko IDE (1982) Japanese sociolinguistic politeness and women’s language. Lingua 57:357–385 Sohn H-M (1999) The Korean language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Teruya K (2007) A systemic functional grammar of Japanese. Continuum, London Teruya K (2017) Mood in Japanese. In: Bartlett T, O’Grady G (eds) The Routledge handbook of systemic functional linguistics. Routledge, London/New York, pp 213–230

Chapter 9

Conclusion

9.1 Main Findings The book is a systemic functional typology of mood system. We adopt the multidimensional theoretical framework of systemic functional linguistics (stratification, metafunction, axis, and rank) and the research method of cross-linguistic comparison of linguistic typology to investigate the similarities and differences languages display in mood structure and mood system. Concerning the mood structure, we focus on the realizations of major functional elements in mood structure (the Subject, the Predicator, and the Finite), the realizations of mood options, and the realizations of mood system. Concerning the mood system, we concentrate on the subtypes of major mood types (mood options of mood system), the organization of mood system, and the semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system. The main findings are as follows.

9.1.1 Cross-Linguistic Similarities and Differences in Mood Structure Similarities and Differences in the Realizations of Functional Elements in Mood Structure Languages bear similarity in presenting the functional elements of Subject, Predicator, and Finite in mood structure and in realizing Subject with nominal groups and Predicator and Finite with verbal groups, but they vary in many aspects. Regarding the Subject, languages vary in the ellipsis of Subject. It is found that most of the languages in our sample (45/53), when the Subject is recoverable from the context of situation or co-text or indicated by verbal inflections, allow the

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9_9

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ellipsis of Subject, and a few languages (8/53) generally do not allow the ellipsis of Subject. The variation languages display in the ellipsis of Subject very possibly is related to the status of Subject in the realizations of mood—the Subject playing some roles in the realizations of mood or in the realizations of other meanings usually cannot be omitted. Besides, languages vary in the realizations of personal Subject. The personal Subject can be realized by independent personal pronouns, clitic pronouns, and affix pronouns in different languages. Regarding the Predicator, many languages (around one third in our sample) have equative clauses where there is no Predicator in the mood structure, and some languages can realize Predicator with adjectives. Regarding the Finite, languages vary in two aspects. One is the meanings realized by Finite. Languages in our sample can be roughly classified into three groups along this dimension: (i) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of tense; (ii) those whose Finite mainly realizes the meaning of aspect; and (iii) those whose Finite equally realizes the meanings of tense and aspect. It is found that there is a negative correlation between the number of tense and the number of aspect in a language. Besides, the Finite can also realize the meanings of modality and negation. In some languages, the Finite can also realize the meaning of mode. The other aspect in which languages vary is the realizations of Finite. For the realizations of Finite ‘tense’, about two thirds of the languages in our sample (32/48) mainly deploy affixes/inflections, about one fifth of the languages (10/48) deploy both affixes and auxiliaries, and a few languages (6/48) mainly deploy auxiliaries and particles. For the realizations of Finite ‘aspect’, around half of the languages in our sample (27/58) mainly deploy affixes/inflections, around one third of the languages in our sample (20/58) deploy both affixes/inflections and other grammatical classes, such as clitics, particles, reduplications, adverbs and verbs, and other languages (11/58) mainly deploy non-inflectional classes. For the realizations of Finite ‘modality’, the most commonly deployed class is the auxiliary. Other classes include affixes, verbal modes, clitics, and particles. For the realizations of Finite ‘negative’, the commonly deployed classes include (i) affixes, (ii) particles, clitics, and adverbs, and (iii) auxiliaries and verbs. Besides, around two thirds of the languages in our sample have different realizations for the Finite ‘negative’ in indicative clauses and the Finite ‘negative’ in imperative clauses. It is found that though languages display variation in the realizations of Finite, they show intra-language consistency in the realizations of different kinds of Finite. It is also found that the realizations of Finite correlate closely with the morphological types of language: agglutinative languages (including polysynthetic languages) in our sample mainly deploy inflectional classes, isolating languages mainly deploy non-inflectional classes, and fusional languages may deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes.

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Similarities and Differences in the Realizations of Mood Options and mood System Languages show more differences than similarities in the realizations of mood options and mood system. It is found that the realizations of mood options and mood system also correlate with the morphological types of language. Concerning the realizations of declarative mood system, agglutinative languages in our sample mainly deploy affixes and clitics in a productive way; isolating languages mainly deploy particles; fusional languages may deploy both particles and affixes but neither class is productive. As to the realizations of declarative (proper) mood, most languages display no Mood Negotiator in the mood structure, but some agglutinative languages realize the declarative (proper) mood with affixes and clitics, and some fusional and isolating languages realize it with particles. As for the realizations of exclamative mood, languages are similar to each other in deploying interrogative words and adverbs of degree; while some agglutinative languages also deploy affixes, clitics, and particles, some isolating languages also deploy particles and many fusional languages position interrogative words initially. Evidential declaratives are only observed in agglutinative languages in our sample, where they are commonly realized by affixes and clitics. Emotion-involved declaratives, assessed declaratives, emphatic declaratives, and focused declaratives are mainly observed in agglutinative and isolating languages. In agglutinative languages, they are mainly realized by clitics, affixes, and particles, and in isolating languages, they are mainly realized by particles. Regarding the realizations of interrogative mood system, agglutinative languages in our sample mainly deploy affixes and clitics, but they also deploy particles and structures/constructions; isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions. As to the realizations of polar interrogative mood, agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes and clitics, but they also deploy particles, structures/constructions, intonations, and sequence; isolating and fusional languages mainly deploy particles, structures/constructions, and intonations, and a few fusional languages also deploy sequence. As to the realizations of elemental interrogative mood, languages bear resemblance in deploying interrogative words. While isolating languages in our sample show a strong tendency to merely deploy interrogative words; fusional languages show a slight tendency to do so, and a few fusional languages also deploy other classes, such as particles and sequence; agglutinative languages may either merely deploy interrogative words or meanwhile deploy another class, such as affixes and clitics. Moreover, it is found that isolating languages show a slight tendency to place interrogative words non-initially; fusional languages show a slight tendency to place them initially; agglutinative languages show a strong tendency to place them non-initially. Confirmative mood is commonly realized by structures/constructions. Concerning the realizations of imperative mood system, agglutinative and fusional languages are similar in mainly deploying affixes/inflections. In contrast, isolating languages usually have no explicit Mood Negotiators or mainly deploy particles. The generalization applies to the realizations of most mood options in imperative mood system, such as the jussive (proper) mood, the polite jussive mood, the cohortative mood, and the hortative mood.

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Regarding the realizations of holistic mood system, agglutinative languages mainly deploy affixes and clitics, but they also deploy particles and structures/ constructions; isolating languages mainly deploy particles and structures/constructions; fusional languages mainly deploy affixes and particles, but both classes are less productive than those deployed in agglutinative and isolating languages. Moreover, it is found that many languages in our sample display intra-language consistency in the realizations of mood: languages tend to deploy a certain grammatical class consistently in the realizations of mood. This intra-language consistency correlates with the intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite. They both are related to the morphological types of language.

9.1.2 Cross-Linguistic Similarities and Differences in mood System Similarities and Differences in the Organization of mood System Languages bear similarity in grouping mood options that realize similar meanings together. Thus, most languages group the declarative mood and the interrogative mood together into the less delicate indicative mood and then make a systemic contrast between the indicative mood and the imperative mood. In most agglutinative and fusional languages, the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is not only a semantic one but also explicitly a structural one while in many isolating languages, the systemic contrast between indicative mood and imperative mood is principally a semantic one and less explicitly a structural one. Besides, a few agglutinative languages organize mood options in a parallel way. Similarities and Differences in Mood Options and Semantic Dimensions for the Elaboration of mood System Languages display more similarities in mood system than in mood structure, and they display more similarities in systems of a lower degree of delicacy than in systems of a higher degree of delicacy. Mood options of systems of low degree of delicacy are commonly observed in most languages in our sample, such as the declarative (proper) mood (59), the polar (proper) interrogative mood (57), the elemental interrogative mood (60), and the jussive mood (60). In contrast, mood options of systems of high degree of delicacy are less commonly observed in languages, such as the evidential declarative, the emphatic declarative, the negative declarative, the mirative, the biased polar interrogative, the focused polar interrogative, the polite jussive, and the strong jussive. Thus, the variation among languages in the number of mood options is primarily the variation in the number of mood options of more delicate systems. The variation among languages in the number of mood options is related to the number of semantic dimensions deployed for the elaboration of mood system. Generally, the more semantic dimensions are deployed, the more delicate the

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system will be, and the more mood options will be observed in the mood system. Semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system can be classified into two groups: (i) those intersecting with the holistic mood system and (ii) those intersecting with certain mood systems and mood options. The semantic dimensions of group (i) include the speech level/style system in Korean and Javanese, the politeness system in Japanese and Thai, the emotion-involvement system in Chinese and Thai, and the assessment system in Vietnamese, Japanese, Dagaare, Fongbe, and Finnish. The semantic dimensions of group (ii) include the proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system and interrogative mood system and the interactant-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood system. There are three proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of declarative mood system. The first one is the source of information. Mood options reached along this dimension include various types of evidential declaratives. The dimension is only deployed in agglutinative languages in our sample. The second one is the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition. Mood options reached along this dimensions include the assertive mood, the emphatic declarative mood, the Hidatsa subtypes of declarative mood, the modal declarative mood, the suppositive mood, and the negative declarative mood. The third one is the function of information. Mood options reached along this dimension include the discourse-marking declarative mood (the focused declarative, the contrastive declarative, the topical declarative, etc.), declaratives indicating the speaker’s expectedness to the information (the determinative and the mirative), declaratives expressing the speaker’s emotions (the admirative, the emotion-involved declarative, and the exclamative), and declaratives performing speech acts (the promissive and the admonitive). There are four principal proposition-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of interrogative mood system. The first one is the content questioned. It is universally deployed in all the languages in our sample. Mood options reached along this dimension include the polar (proper) interrogative, the focused polar interrogative, the elemental interrogative, and the alternative interrogative. The second one is the degree of interrogativity. Mood options reached along this dimension include the confirmative mood (the rhetorical question, the tagged confirmative, the inserted confirmative, and the dubitative) and the biased polar interrogative. The third one is the interrogative force. Mood options reached along this dimension include the emphatic and the mild polar interrogative. The fourth one is the degree of speaker’s expectation for an answer (the direct and the indirect interrogative mood in Kham). There are six interactant-oriented semantic dimensions for the elaboration of imperative mood system. The most commonly deployed one is the Subject person. The dimension is deployed in all the languages in our sample. Mood options reached along this dimension include the jussive mood, the cohortative mood, the optative mood, the oblative mood, the hortative mood, and the impersonal imperative mood. Besides, it is found that there exists a hierarchy of grammaticalization among the jussive, the cohortative, the optative, and the oblative mood: the jussive mood is the most likely to be grammaticalized among languages, then mood

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the cohortative mood, then the optative mood, and then the oblative mood. The second one is the politeness. Mood options reached along this dimension include the polite jussive and the polite cohortative mood. The third one is the directive force. Mood options reached along this dimension include the mild/soft and the emphatic/strong jussive mood. The fourth one is the tenor of the relationship between the interactants. Mood options reached along this dimension include the subtypes of jussive mood in Manchu, Korean, and Javanese. The fifth one is the proposal negotiability. Mood options reached along this dimension include the inserted negotiation, the tagged negotiation, the suggestive, and the negotiation-neutral imperative in Chinese. The sixth one is the time for the action to be performed. Mood options reached along this dimension include the immediate, the non-immediate, and the habitual jussive mood. Other options of imperative mood include the prohibitive mood, the permissive mood, the exigent mood, the benefactive mood, the desiderative mood, and the apprehensive mood. Besides, it is found that the variational use of semantic dimensions in different languages on the one hand is related to the social-cultural context of languages and on the other hand is related to the lexicogrammatical resources at their disposal.

9.2 Contributions Firstly, the book contributes to a more comprehensive knowledge of the grammatical category of mood. The previous typological studies on mood usually focus on the description and comparison of local structural features of an isolated mood type, whereas the systemic aspect of mood and the minor types of mood have received little attention. Similarly, the previous SFT studies on mood have also paid little attention to minor types of mood. Besides, both approaches of studies on mood have not attached enough importance to the issue of language sampling, and therefore, little attention has been paid to typological generalizations and explanations. The book, in contrast, adopts a holistic and systemic approach to the typology of mood. Due attention has been paid to both the structural aspect and the systemic aspect of mood, to both the major types and the minor types of mood, to both descriptions and comparisons, and to both typological generalizations and explanations. Therefore, the book, to a large extent, complements the previous studies on mood and contributes to a more comprehensive knowledge of the grammatical category of mood. Secondly, the book makes some improvements to the description of mood system and may promote further development of SFL theory. Relatively, the book is the first large-scale investigation guided by SFL theory into the mood system of a wide range of languages in the world. It proves that SFL is a general and appliable linguistic theory for the description, comparison, and typology of all human languages. It proves that SFL represents a holistic approach to language which enables more typological generalizations to be made and more reasonable

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explanations to be advanced. It also proves that a wide application of SFL theory to descriptions of different languages in the world will provide powerful impetus for the sustainable development of SFL theory. For example, our descriptions of the mood systems of 60 languages show that the commodities exchanged by mood system are not only restrained to information and goods-&-serves but also include some other types, such as the source of the information, the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition, the speaker’s emotions, and the tenor of the relationship between the interactants. Similarly, the speech roles involved in mood system are not only giving and demanding. Sometimes, the speech role may be something between giving and demanding, such as the one involved in the confirmative mood, or something both giving and demanding, such as the one involved in the cohortative mood. Moreover, we have also made some improvements with regard to the systemic theory. For example, we add semantic dimensions for systemic elaborations to the multilingual mood system and some new realization operators to the realization statements of mood system, such as deletion (−F), rejection (*F), and classification (Fːc). We also assign more meanings to the functional element of Finite, which enables us to describe the mood structure of all the languages in our sample and to reveal that languages vary in the major domain of meaning realized by Finite, and there exits intra-language consistency in the realizations of Finite. The book may promote more SFL-theory-guided descriptions, comparisons and typologies of languages around the world, which will provide powerful impetus for the sustainable development of SFL theory. Thirdly, the book takes a systemic and holistic approach to typological studies,  which is complementary to the structural and local approach. It is proved that the systemic and holistic approach is helpful to provide new parameters for language classification, to make typological generalizations, and to propose reasonable explanations. Therefore, this approach can be borrowed in future typological studies. Moreover, the book provides a workable solution to a methodological problem which has been considered a hindrance to SFT studies. SFT attaches importance to both the language theory and language descriptions. Language descriptions are supposed to be guided by SFL theory so as to be presented in multidimensional way, to be system-and-function-oriented and text-based, to be able to display the full meaning potential of a language, and to be comprehensive and reliable enough for typological generalizations. However, there is no doubt that such descriptions will take several years. Therefore, it is difficult for SFT studies to operate with a sample that is representative enough since ‘the languages that have been described to date in systemic functional terms do obviously not in any way represent a typological sample of the languages around the world’ (Teruya et al. 2007). The solution provided by the book to this problem is that we can first include some languages that have received SFL descriptions in the sample. As for the languages that have not received such descriptions, we can draw on one or more reference grammars of these languages and only describe the system under study along the global and local semiotic dimensions of SFL. It is proved that this method is workable and can achieve a good balance between the comprehensiveness of descriptions and the representativeness of the sample.

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Fourthly, the book offers a multilingual mood system, which can find its practical applications in (foreign) language  teaching and learning activities and in descriptions of the mood systems of certain languages. mood system is the core componet in (foreign) language teaching and learning, and it is usually the part where language learners easily make mistakes due to the cross-linguistic variation in mood structure. The multilingual mood system presents all the possible realizations of a specific mood. For example, five lexicogrammatical devices are illustrated in the realizations of polar interrogative, namely particles, affixes, structures/constructions, clitics, and intonations. This general knowledge may facilitate the learning of the polar interrogative of a specific language. Besides, mood system is an indispensable part in language descriptions. The multilingual mood system illustrates the possible semantic dimensions for the elaboration of mood system, the possible mood options, and the possible realizations for each mood option. By reference to the multilingual mood system, grammarians can check whether, in the language under description, certain mood options are grammaticalized, what devices are deployed in the realizations of certain mood options, and whether certain semantic dimensions are deployed for systemic elaboration.

9.3 Limitations and Further Directions 9.3.1 Limitations The book is a systemic functional typology of mood system based on a sample of 60 languages. The sample consists of languages of various areas, language families, and types so as to be representative enough in terms of geographical, genetic, and typological distribution. Each language in the sample is described within the framework of SFL to make sure the descriptions are system-and-function-oriented. The descriptions cover not only the mood system and mood structure of the language, but also the geographical, genetic, and typological information, and other grammatical aspects of the language, such as personal pronouns, personal clitics/ suffixes, interrogative pronouns, case markings, the TAM and negation of the verb, clitics, and particles. Based on such descriptions, we have made cross-linguistic comparisons of mood system and mood structure so as to reveal the similarities and differences languages display in the two aspects. We have also made some typological generalizations and proposed some explanations for the differences languages display. The research objectives set in the book have been achieved. However, a number of potential limitations need to be considered. First, though we tried to make the sample representative enough and its size is much bigger than that in previous SFT studies on mood, it is still small in size compared with that in some typological studies and it cannot represent all human languages. Besides, due to the accessibility of data, languages in Europe are

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over-represented while languages in Africa, Southeast Asia, Oceania, and America are relatively not well-represented. The sample covers languages from 29 language families but they only account for one fifth of the language families in the world. Among the languages families covered, the Indo-European family is over-represented, while some families are not well-represented, such as Austronesian, NigerCongo, and language families in Trans-New Guinea area and America. Therefore, if the sample size is bigger and more representative, there may be more findings and more generalizations. Second, except the nine languages in the sample which have received SFLtheory-guided and text-based descriptions, the descriptions of the other 51 languages are mainly based on reference grammars. The descriptions are system-and-function-oriented, but they are not text-based in a real sense, though most reference grammars we draw on are text-based. The comprehensiveness of our descriptions to a large extent rests on the comprehensiveness of the reference grammars we refer to. If the reference grammar of a language is organized concisely, then the description of the mood system of the language may not display the full meaning potential of the language. Therefore, the mood systems of some languages in our sample might be simplified ones. Third, many typological generalizations in the book are made by relating the structural features of mood options to the morphological types of language. For example, we find polysynthetic and agglutinative languages tend to deploy inflectional classes in the realizations of Finite; isolating languages tend to deploy non-inflectional classes; fusional languages may deploy both inflectional and non-inflectional classes. It might be possible to make more generalizations if we relate the structual features of mood to other typological features of language, such as basic word order and case marking. Besides, since most reference grammars do not present the information about the social-cultural context of the language under description, some findings of the book are not well explained. For example, why is the polar (proper) interrogative mood not observed in some languages? Why is the declarative (proper) mood absent from Hidatsa? Why is sequence mainly deployed in Germanic languages as the realization of polar interrogative mood?

9.3.2 Further Directions In the book, we have offered descriptions of the mood systems of 60 languages within the framework of SFL theory. Most of the languages in the sample are described for the first time in systemic functional terms. It is proved that SFL is a general and appliable linguistic theory which can be applied to descriptive, comparative, and typological studies of all human languages. Based on the system-and-function-oriented descriptions, we take a systemic and holistic approach to the typology of mood and make cross-linguistic comparisons of mood system

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and mood structure. It is proved that this approach is complementary to the structural and local approach adopted in typological studies. We propose that future studies can be undertaken in the following areas. First, future studies on the current topic based on a larger and more representative sample are recommended. Such studies on the one hand can assess the validity of some conclusions drawn in the book and on the other hand can further deepen our understanding about the cross-linguistic similarities and differences in mood structure and mood system. Besides, more typological generalizations can be made, and more explanations can be proposed based on a larger and more representative sample. The mood systems of the 60 languages provided in the book can be drawn on in future studies. Besides, languages of the areas and families that are not well-represented in the book should be covered in the sample of future studies. And if it is possible, more text-based descriptions should be provided in future studies. Second, more SFL-theory-guided language descriptions are recommended. At the beginning of this century, Caffarel et al. (2004) noticed that the lack of satisfactory descriptions was a problem for typological studies, and the lack of comprehensive, functional, text-based descriptions was a greater one. The problem that researchers faced at that time still persits nowadays. Due to the lack of comprehensive, system-and-function oriented, and text-based descriptions, some SFT studies on the one hand have to use a small language sample which is far from being representative, and on the other hand have to resort to the findings of typological studies or non-SFL-theory-guided descriptions. The survey of studies in systemic functional language description and typology made by Mwinlaaru and Xuan (2016) reveals that ‘systemic functional theory has, since its very beginning, been deployed in describing different languages’. Therefore, SFL is applicable to language descriptions. An increasing number of such descriptions can display the full meaning potential of more languages. Furthermore, it can spur more SFT studies on various topics and provide powerful impetus for the sustainable development of SFL. What should be noted is that though such descriptions are supposed to be guided by SFL theory, they should bring out the special features of each language under description. Moreover, such descriptions should not only cover the core lexicogrammatical systems at clause rank, such as mood system and transitivity system, but also extend to other lexicogrammatical systems at group and word ranks, such as personal pronoun system, tense system, aspect system, and case system, so that the descriptions can be drawn on by  both SFT studies  and typological studies. Third, SFT studies on other topics can be carried out, such as the SFT of transitivity system, the SFT of verbal, existential and relational clauses, the SFT of modality system, the SFT of personal pronoun system, the SFT of number system, the SFT of tense system, and the SFT of nominal groups, verbal groups, and propositional/postpositional phrases. As is shown in the book, such studies can help deeply broaden our understanding of the topic under discussion. They can also facilitate the sustainable development of SFL.

References

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References Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (2004) Introduction: systemic functional typology. In: Caffarel A, Martin JR, Matthiessen CMIM (eds) Language typology: a functional perspective. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 1–76 Mwinlaaru IN-I, Xuan WWH (2016) A survey of studies in systemic functional language description and typology. Func Linguist 3:8 Teruya K, Akerejola E, Andersen TH et al (2007) Typology of mood: a text-based and system-based functional view. In: Hasan R, Matthiessen CMIM, Webster J (eds) Continuing discourse on language: a functional perspective. Equinox, London, pp 859–920

Appendix The mood System of Each Language

Albanian

The mood system of Albanian, based on Newmark et al. (1982)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 D. Li, A Systemic Functional Typology of mood, The M.A.K. Halliday Library Functional Linguistics Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8821-9

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1. Though the admirative and the subjunctive mode are expressed analytically, we still consider that they are realized by verbal inflections rather than by construtions in class. 2. The optative mood in Albanian realized by the optative mode expresses hopes and wishes, which is the peripheral meaning of this term in the book. The core meaning of this term is realized by the third person hortative. Arabic (Standard)

The mood system of Arabic (Standard), based on Aoun et al. (2010) and Ryding (2005)

1. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Ryding (2005) and Aoun et al. (2010). The jussive is realized by the imperative mode. According to Ryding (2005), the jussive occurs in second person for the most part, although occasionally it has the first person plural Subject (cohortative in our term) and the third person Subject (optative in our term). 2. The term ‘negative imperative’ is used in Aoun et al. (2010). The Predicator in prohibitives inflects for person, gender, and number.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Armenian (Eastern)

The mood system of Armenian (Eastern), based on Dum-Tragut (2009)

1. The term ‘analytic imperative’ is used in Dum-Tragut (2009).

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Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Bardi The mood system of Bardi, based on Bowern (2012)

1. There is no neutral polar interrogative in the true sense of the term in Bardi. Bowern (2012) points out that the frequently used way of questioning information is to make a statement that the listener will confirm or contradict as needed. The biased polar indicates the speaker’s bias to a positive answer. 2. The jussive and the cohortative in Bardi are realized by the second person and the first person plural future tense, respectively. However, they differ from their counterparts in declarative clauses in intonations. 3. The free absolutive personal pronouns in Bardi are divided into the minimal and the augmented forms. The minimal forms are used to refer to a single person and the augmented forms mean to add one or more additional references to the minimal forms.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Cavineña

The mood system of Cavineña, based on Guillaume (2008)

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1. The modal, the emotion-involved, the evidential, and the discourse-marking declarative are not totally exclusive to each other. Some of them are simultaneous systems. 2. According to Guillaume (2008), one striking feature of interrogative clauses in Cavineña is that they do not appear to have any specific interrogative intonation or any obligatory marking that would distinguish these clauses from declaratives. Chinese

The mood system of Chinese

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

283

Dagaare

The mood system of Dagaare, adapted from Mwinlaaru (2018)

1. The term ‘non-affirmative’ is used in Mwinlaaru (2018). 2. The term ‘non-prohibitive’ is used in Mwinlaaru (2018). 3. The term ‘negotiated’ is used in Mwinlaaru (2018) for the focus-neutral and ‘non-negotiated’ for the focused. 4. The boundary between the biased polar and the tagged confirmative in Dagaare is vague.

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Diegueño

The mood system of Diegueño, based on Langdon (1966)

English

The mood system of English, adapted from Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014)

1. The term ‘affirmative’ is used in Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014). In the book, the term ‘affirmative’ is used for other meanings.

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2. Matthiessen and Halliday (2009) add the mood tag system after the entry condition of declarative and imperative: either declarative or imperative can be either tagged or untagged. The tagged declarative is termed ‘tagged confirmative’, and the tagged imperative is termed ‘tagged negotiation’ in the book. 3. This is a tentative description to regard the tagged confirmative as the result of the conjunction of declarative and polar. Finnish

The mood system of Finnish, based on Karlsson (1999)

286

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Fongbe

The mood system of Fongbe, based on Lefebvre and Brousseau (2002)

1. The term ‘negative’, contrasting with ‘affirmative’, refers to a mood option instead of a polarity option. 2. According to Lefebvre and Brousseau (2002), ní is a subjunctive marker. 3. The emphatic 1 entails the presupposition that the speaker and the hearer disagree with each other. In contrast, the emphatic 2 entails the presupposition that the speaker and the hearer agree on the content of the proposal.

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287

French

The mood system of French, adapted from Caffarel (2004, 2006)

1. The suffixes -ons, -iez, and -Ø are not specific imperative mood markers, nor do they refer to specific suffixes, but stand for the present tense verbal conjugations for the first person plural, the second person plural, and the second person singular, respectively.

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German

The mood system of German, adapted from Steiner and Teich (2004) with reference to Buck (1999)

1. The term ‘speaker-exclusive’ is used in Steiner and Teich (2004). 2. The term ‘speaker-inclusive’ is used in Steiner and Teich (2004). 3. According to Steiner and Teich (2004), the cohortative involves a further systemic contrast between commanding (‘we do’) and proposing (‘let’s do’). The former is realized by the indicative verbal mode with the Subject wir (‘we’) inserted either before it (Sub^Pr) or after it (Pr^Sub); the latter is realized by the lassen (‘let, allow’) structure. This description might be problematic. In German, the verbal conjugations for first person plural (present) indicative mode, (present) subjunctive mode, and imperative mode are same in form. This might be the reason why there exist three views on the realizations of this mood: (i) wir ^ Pr:present indicative or Pr:present indicative ^ wir (Steiner and Teich 2004), (ii) Pr: present subjunctive ^ wir (Buck 1999) and (iii) Pr:imperative ^ wir. We tend to take the third view. 4. The past participle form of the verb is used to express peremptory commands. 5. According to Steiner and Teich (2004), the tagged declarative, the tagged interrogative, and the tagged imperative are entry conditions of more systemic options. These options are typical of the spoken language and different tags express different degrees of formality.

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289

Greek

The mood system of Greek, based on Holton et al. (2012, 2016)

1. According to Holton et al. (2012), a wish in Greek can be expressed by the subjunctive mode or periphrastically with the subjunctive introduce by the particle μακάρι or the particle που. An unfulfilled wish can be realized by the subjunctive marker ας combined with the imperfective past. These two usages might be regarded as the realizations of desiderative mood. 2. The ‘jussive’ can be softened by the particle για ‘just’. It can become milder and more polite by using παρακαλώ ‘please’. 3. The third person hortative realized by the third person subjunctive mode can express indifference (‘let him do, I do not care’). See the ‘optative’ in Hinuq.

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Hausa

The mood system of Hausa, based on Jaggar (2001)

1. According to Jaggar (2001), Hausa verbs do not inflect for tense, aspect, and modality (TAM), neither for person and number. Instead, these grammatical meanings are represented by a pre-verbal inflectional sequence, which he termed as person-aspect complex (PAC). It is composed of two parts: a subject agreement pronoun and a TAM marker. We take PAC as a particle. 2. See the hortative in Mian and Lango. 3. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Jaggar (2001). The jussive mood in Hausa can be realized by two lexicogrammatical ways: one is by a verb itself without the PAC; the other way is by the PAC which indicates the second person subjunctive mode. The two forms do not show clear semantic-pragmatic differences.

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291

Hidatsa

The mood system of Hidatsa, based on Matthews (1965) and Boyle (2007)

1. The terms for the six subtypes of declarative mood in Hidatsa are borrowed from Boyle (2007). The usages of these terms are dedicated to Hidatsa. There is no declarative (proper) in its true sense in Hidatsa. Each subtype of declarative in Hidatsa is obligatorily marked by one of the clause-final illocutionary markers that indicate the speaker’s various kinds of attitudes to the truth value of the information. 2. The term ‘period’ is used in Matthews (1965). The declarative/period is the most common mood and only in this sense, not semantically, it is the declarative (proper). The declarative/period indicates the speaker believes the information given to be true.

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3. The term appears in both Matthews (1965) and Boyle (2007). It indicates the speaker knows the information given to be true. It also serves as statement of emphatic force. 4. The non-speculative expresses an emphatic statement of fact. Compared with the declarative/period, it indicates the speaker’s higher degree of certainty about the truth value of the information. 5. The past definite indicates the speaker is certain that a definite event has occurred. The plural form indicates the event happened more than one time in the past. 6. The term ‘indefinite’ is used in Matthews (1965). The speculative, according to Boyle (2007), expresses an internal question addressed to the speaker himself/herself. Matthews (1965) reports it indicates the speaker does not know the truth value of the information. 7. The term ‘quotative’ is used in Matthews (1965). The narrative indicates knowledge handed down from the elders and assumed to be true. Matthews (1965) reports the quotative expresses general knowledge. According to Boyle (2007), the four reportative stems (EvM) take the declarative final markers -c in the vast majority of examples, but it is possible to have other final illocutionary markers. 8. The opinion indicates that the speaker is stating an opinion. 9. Boyle (2007) uses the term ‘permission’. Hindi

The mood system of Hindi, based on Kachru (2006)

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293

1. The suffix -o is the marker of second person plural optative mode in Hindi. It realizes a commond addressed to a second person plural Subject or to a second person singular familiar Subject. The suffix -nA is the second person plural infinitive marker, and it is used to express a familiar jussive to indicate a polite suggestion or request or a non-immediate jussive. 2. The suffix-iyega is the future form of -iye and indicates a non-immediate jussive. Hinuq

The mood system of Hinuq, based on Forker (2013)

294

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1. According to Forker (2013), evidentiality in Hinuq is expressed by inflectional suffixes on the verb and two enclitics. Besides, verbal evidentiality fuses with tense system. 2. Forker (2013) reports that neutral past forms, i.e., simple past, compound past, resultative past, pluperfect past, habitual past, etc., conventionally indicate that the speaker is an eye-witness of the situation. They convey the information belonging to the personal knowledge sphere of the speaker. In contrast, unwitnessed past forms, i.e., simple unwitnessed past, compound unwitenessed past, resultative unwitnessed past, etc., imply that the situation or event is not witnessed by the speaker. 3. According to Forker (2013), the optative in Hinuq expresses hopes and wishes. Besides, it is also used in exhortations to actions by third person agents or to express permission (permissive) or indifference. Hmong Njua

The mood system of Hmong Njua, based on Kunyot (1984)

1. These clause-final particles are termed as affirmative particles by Kunyot (1984). 2. The only example of cohortative recorded by Kunyot (1984) exhibits the clause-final particle aŏ. It remains unclear whether this particle is obligatory to realize this mood. 3. There is another clause-final particle shé, which realizes an unpolite jussive clause.

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295

Huallaga Quechua

The mood system of Huallaga Quechua, based on Weber (1989)

1. The direct evidential indicates that the speaker is convinced about what he is saying. It indicates the information is learned by direct experience. The indirect evidential indicates the information is learned by indirect experience (hearsay). The conjecture indicates that the speaker’s statement is a conjecture. The speaker indicates that it is not the sort of information for which anyone should be held responsible. 2. The elemental 1 indicates the speaker presupposes that the addressee knows the answer to the question being asked; the elemental 2 indicates the speaker does not presuppose that the addressee knows the answer to the question.

296

Hup

The mood system of Hup, based on Epps (2008)

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

297

1. The term ‘discourse marking’ is from Epps (2008). The meaning covered under this term generally is concerned with emphasis, focus, topicality, etc. It is mainly realized in nominal elements at the word rank. The classes realizing this meaning can be suffixes, enclitics, and particles. 2. Epps (2008) uses the term ‘sentence-level affect’, which includes the semantic domains of affect, intensification, emphasis, focus, and other related meanings realized at the clause rank. We use the term ‘assessed’ to maintain consistency in terminology. The assessed declarative in other languages is realized by particles and clitics. Hup, however, has a much richer repertoire of devices to realize this meaning, including inner suffixes, boundary suffixes, enclitics, and particles. The subtypes of assessed mood presented here do not represent the complete picture. 3. The Sub-Pr type declarative represents the basic order of declarative mood. The Predicator in this mood obligatorily takes a boundary suffix. Usually, it is the declarative suffix (neutral aspect) -Vh or the dynamic aspect suffix -Vy. It can also be other boundary suffixes, such as the future suffix and the inchoative aspect suffix, but it can never be the interrogative suffix -Vʔ or the imperative suffix -kæ̆m, which are dedicated to the interrogative and the jussive mood, respectively. 4. Epps (2008) reports that the Pr-Sub type declarative differs from the Sub-Pr type in the context they can appear. The Sub-Pr type is standard in past-tense narratives, descriptives, and other time-neutral discourse. It is also commonly used in clauses with future tense or past tense reference generally. The Pr-Sub type declarative, in contrast, is more frequently used when the clause encodes an ongoing or currently relevant event and thus is particularly common in everyday conversation. The Subject in the Pr-Sub type declarative must take the declarative suffix -Vh. 5. The modal meaning here is in broad sense, not in narrow sense. The reason to regard the modal declarative as a subtype of declarative is that it is grammaticalized in Hup, realized by various suffixes. 6. The interrogative system presented here is a simplified one. The evidentiality system can also intersect with interrogative system. Some options of discourse-marking and assessed are also available to interrogative mood.

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Jamsay

The mood system of Jamsay, based on Heath (2008)

1. If the Subject is focalized, there will be no subject pronominal suffix on the Predicator and the Subject can occur either with the focus clitic or not. If it is other elements that are focalized, they require the focus clitic and the perfective Predicator will be in unsuffixed perfective form.

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299

Japanese

The mood system of Japanese, adapted from Teruya (2007, 2017)

1. It remains unclear whether or not the suppositive reported by Teruya (2007, 2017) can be regarded a grammaticalized mood type, because daroo, according to Iwasaki (2013: 297) and other reference grammars of Japanese, is an auxiliary that expresses epistemic modality. 2. Teruya (2007, 2017) uses the term ‘suggestive’, which is used for other meaning in the book (see Chinese). 3. Teruya (2007, 2017) uses the term ‘requestive’. 4. The auxiliary kure is the imperative form of kureru ‘give’. The auxiliary kureru is the second type of Japanese auxiliaries, which is grammaticalized from the verb kureru and therefore conjugates. It follows -te form of verbs and indicates benefactive (see Iwasaki 2013: 65).

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Javanese

The mood system of Javanese, based on Errington (1988) and Robson (1992)

1. The suffixes that realize the jussive are selected according to the voice (active or passive) of the Predicator. According to Errington (1988), in all speech styles, speakers use various devices, i.e., invitational or optative particles, hedges, question markers, and impersonal passive constructions, to soften and dissemble the directive force of jussive.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Kham

The mood system of Kham, based on Watters (2004)

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1. The affix ma- can only have a negative interpretation in indirect interrogatives, while in direct interrogatives, it can have either a negative or an interrogative interpretation depending on the tense/aspect markers co-occurring with it. See Watters (2004: 96, 100). 2. The terms ‘immediate imperative’ and ‘non-immediate imperative’ are used in Watters (2004). 3. Tense/aspect markers in declarative mood are replaced by -ke or -yo in direct imperative. 4. The use of the term here is different from that used in other languages. The speaker uses the hortative to urge the addressee to ‘go ahead and do X’ with the intention to remove what she/he perceives as a restraint on the part of the addressee. 5. It is termed ‘first person hortative’ in Watters (2004), where it is regarded an ‘entirely different kind of hortative in that its subject morphemes are identical to the subject morphemes in ‘declarative’. 6. The nominalizing suffix -o/-wo in declarative is replaced by the imperative suffix -kə. 7. The term ‘jussive’ is used in Watters (2004). The permissive in Kham is directed to a third person Subject. It urges the hearer to be involved indirectly in bringing about the speaker’s desire for the other party. It expresses the meaning ‘let them go ahead and do it’ or ‘let them go ahead and continue doing it’. It implies either the meaning ‘who cares’ or the meaning ‘don’t hinder them’. 8. The optative here is the use of the peripheral meaning of the term of ‘optative’. It expresses wishes and blessings and intersects with all the three persons.

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303

Korean

The mood system of Korean, based on Lee (1989), Chang (1996), Sohn (1999), and Shin (2018)

304

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1. 2. 3. 4.

The term is from Sohn (1999); the term ‘promissory’ is used in Chang (1996). The term is from Sohn (1999); the term ‘suspective’ is used in Chang (1996). The term ‘imperative’ is used in Lee (1989), Chang (1996), and Sohn (1999). This term is from Shin (2018); the term ‘propositive’ is used in Lee (1989), Chang (1996), and Sohn (1999).

Koyra Chiini

The mood system of Koyra Chiini, based on Heath (1999)

1. The Predicator in indicative clauses is either in perfective aspect (unmarked) or imperfective aspect (marked by o ~ go). In contrast, the Predicator in imperative clauses indicates no aspectual meaning (o ~ go is not allowed). 2. The tagged confirmative in Koyra Chiini can be realized by n̮ bey ‘did you know’, but it is not very common. 3. The polar in Koyra Chiini is realized by a rising intonation. Heath (1999) reports some younger speakers use clause-initial particle ɛskə (French est-ce que). Another clause-initial particle kona is also used, which is a dialectal borrowing from Fulfulde, but it is very rare in the data. The particle wala ‘or’ is mainly used to realize alternative clauses, but also functions as a polar interrogative marker. 4. The particle ma is the subjunctive mode marker.

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Kulina

The mood system of Kulina, based on Dienst (2014)

1. Dienst (2014) reports that the declarative suffix -i/-ni (for masculine and feminine, respectively) is the default form of predicates in declarative clauses though not every predicate in declarative clauses takes it. Its main function is to state a fact and indicates non-future tense. It never occurs in interrogative or imperative clauses and almost never occurs in narratives except in direct speech. 2. According to Dienst (2014), imperative suffixes can also apply to a first person Subject. It remains unclear whether the first person singular and the first person non-singular imperative can be recognized as oblative and cohortative, respectively.

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Lango

The mood system of Lango, based on Noonan (1992)

1. According to Noonan (1992), Lango morphologically contrasts indicative mode and subjunctive mode. The former is inflected for aspect and person and the latter only for person. The jussive, which has distinct forms only for in the second person, informally can be treated as an independent mode but is probably best considered a sort of prefixless subjunctive mode. 2. The term is borrowed from Fedden’s (2011) description of Mian language, and they are used similarly in the two languages. Latvian

The mood system of Latvian, based on Nau (1998) and Prauliņš (2012)

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307

1. According to Nau (1998), the particle lai is mostly used with a third person Subject in declarative clauses to express imperative and permissive. Prauliņš (2012) reports that the structure is the equivalence of ‘let him/her/them’ in English. 2. The cohortative in Latvian, like the optative/hortative, is not so highly grammaticalized as in some other languages. Maidu

The mood system of Maidu, based on Shipley (1964)

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1. The morpheme {’æ} is the indicative mode marker. 2. The neutral tense polar, which is realized by the interrogative mode marker {k'ade}, is used to ask general questions without implication of time. When the question indicates a past tense, the morpheme {syʔýj} is used. 3. Shipley (1964) uses the term ‘monitive optative’, which is available to all persons. 4. Shipley (1964) uses the term ‘intentive optative’, which is restrained in occurrence to the first person Subject, especially to the first person singular Subject. 5. Shipley (1964) uses the term ‘hortatory optative’. 6. The jussive 1 indicates that the action is supposed to be carried out in the presence of the speaker. The jussive 2, in contrast, is used when the action is to be carried out in the absence or the speaker. The difference between the two options is similar to that between immediate and non-immediate jussive.

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Manchu

The mood system of Manchu, based on Gorelova (2002)

1. Gorelova (2002) uses the term ‘imperative’. 2. In Manchu, the five jussive forms are closely related to the expression of honorific meanings. This is similar to the six speech levels in Korean and the three speech styles in Javanese. The jussive 1 is used to the addressee occupying a lower or similar position in respect to the speaker. The jussive 2 is used

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to the addressee with an equal position. It is with a softer directive force compared with jussive 1. The jussive 3 is used to the addressee with a lower social position. It denotes an order to perform an action immediately. The jussive 4 is used to the addressee with a lower social position. It expresses a polite request. The jussive 5 is used to the addressee who is older or with a higher social position. Mapuche

The mood system of Mapuche, based on Smeets (2008)

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1. The indicative mode suffix -y- sometimes fuses with certain subject markers. 2. Different from the languages where mood particles intersect with the declarative or the imperative more often, Mapuche abounds with mood particles that intersect with the interrogative mood more frequently. Some of these particles, such as am, may, and kam, can also intersect with the declarative or the jussive mood. Mian

The mood system of Mian, based on Fedden (2011)

1. The enclitic = e which is used in content interrogatives is rarely used in polar interrogatives. 2. The interrogative enclitic = mō is commonly used independently at the initial of polar interrogatives realized by bleka. 3. The hortative can be perfective and imperfective in aspect. 4. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Fedden (2011).

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Mongolian

The mood system of Mongolian, based on Janhunen (2012)

1. The Finite in Mongolian can be realized both by tense-aspect suffixes and by participle markers, in that the latter, in addition to their nominalization function, display temple-aspectual distinctions as well.

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2. UU refers to high rounded vowels. See Janhunen (2012: 80). 3. Janhunen (2012) uses the term ‘voluntative’. The voluntative intersects with the first person plural inclusive Subject (cohortative) or the first person plural exclusive Subject (permissive) or the first person singular Subject (permissive/ oblative). 4. AA refers to non-high long vowels rather than a specific enclitic here. See Janhunen (2012: 79). 5. Janhunen (2012) uses the term ‘permissive’, which is associated with the third person Subject and refers both to the meaning ‘let him/her/it/ them’ (‘permissive’) and to the meaning ‘may him/her/ it them’ (‘optative’). Nama Hottentot

The mood system of Nama Hottentot, based on Hagman (1973)

1. There is a syntactic phenomenon termed ‘permutation’ in Nama Hottentot, which influences the presence or absence of some functional elements in mood structure. One form of permutations is initialization, i.e., to initialize an element so as to emphasize it. In declarative clauses, if one element other than the Subject is initialized, then the Subject will be deposed by adding the subordinate suffix -à to it. If it is in normal order (no other element is initialized), then the subordinate suffix is not needed. In contrast, in interrogative and imperative clauses, the subordinate suffix -à is always obligatory, no matter the clause is in normal order or in permutation forms. Another feature that differs the interrogative and the imperative from the declarative is the absence

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of declarative markers. When in normal order, the Subject of jussive clauses is optional, while that of cohortative clauses cannot be deleted. In permutation forms, however, the Subject of cohortative can also be deleted. One realization of the cohortative is by the presence of the hortative conjunction ʔa, which obligatorily causes Subject deposition. 2. The term ‘hortative’ is used in Hagman (1973). It is reported that the Subject of hortative can be both in first person and in third person. However, such examples are not available. Nenets

The mood system of Nenets, based on Nikolaeva (2014)

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1. According to Nikolaeva (2014), the verbs in the two disjunctive-negative structures can also be in conditional forms, in which case the question conveys more uncertainty and doubt. 2. The oblative in Nenets is realized by the first person present subjunctive mode. It expresses a promise or agreement to perform the action. 3. The term ‘jussive’ is used in Nikolaeva (2014). 4. The term ‘hortative’ is used in Nikolaeva (2014). According to Nikolaeva (2014), the hortative only exists in first person (singular, dual, and plural). It remains unclear what meaning the first person singular hortative expresses due to the limited data. Thus, we only identify the first person dual/plural hortative in this system, which is the cohortative in our term. 5. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Nikolaeva (2014). The ‘jussive (proper)’ in Nenets is realized by merely employing subjective agreement suffixes (removing TAM suffixes). The second person singular subjective agreement suffixes for jussives (proper) are different from those for indicatives. The second person dual and plural subjective agreement suffixes are identical to their counterparts in indicatives. 6. The clitic = (ŋo)w°/ey° is the focus clitic, which can be applied to both declaratives and interrogatives for various meanings; = ma is the assertive clitic, which can combine with declaratives only; = m°h is the dubitative clitic available to both declaratives and interrogatives; = tʹiq is the emphatic clitic used only in interrogative. Nyigina

The mood system of Nyigina, based on Stokes (1982)

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Ọ̀kọ́

The mood system of Ọ̀kọ́, adapted from Akerejola (2005)

1. The term ‘suggestive’ is used in Akerejola (2005). 2. The oblative mood recognized by Akerejola (2005) in Ọ̀kọ́ is open to doubt in two aspects. Grammatically, since Akerejola (2005) reports that the oblative is realized by verbal group complexes rather than by morphological or syntactic means, it remains unclear whether the oblative is highly grammaticalized. Semantically, it expresses the meaning ‘let me’ or ‘allow me’, which, according to Halliday and Matthiessen (2004), is ambiguous in meaning: it can be either an offer (oblative) or a command (jussive/permissive). 3. It is reported that there are optative clauses in Ọ̀kọ́. However, the very limited data brings difficulties to the description of its realization.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Persian

The mood system of Persian

Pipil

The mood system of Pipil, based on Campbell (1985)

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Pitjantjatjara

The mood system of Pitjantjatjara, adapted from Rose (2004)

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319

1. The main tone contours are: tone 1, mid-fall; tone 1 + , high to low fall; tone 1-, high to mid-fall; tone 2, rising; tone 3, level (slight rise); tone 3 + , level high pitch; tone 4, fall then rise; tone 5, mid-rise then high fall; tone 5 + , risefall then slight rise. 2. According to Rose (2004), the options direct and oblique reflect the different orientations of the obligation. It can be deduced from the examples offered by Rose (2004) that the meaning of oblique is similar to that of hortative. 3. The term ‘suggestive’ is used in Rose (2004). Puyuma

The mood system of Puyuma, based on Teng (2007)

1. The Predicator in indicative mood is either in realis mode or irrealis mode. 2. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Teng (2007). According to Teng (2007), the jussive form is usually used when the speaker is in a higher social position than the addressee. When addressing a person of a higher social rank, the speaker often uses a declarative clause with the second person Subject overtly expressed. 3. The form of the jussive mood depends on the voice of the Predicator. If the Predicator is an intransitive verb, the jussive mood will be realized by a bare stem; if the Predicator is a transitive verb, the jussive form for the patient voice, the locative voice, and the conveyance voice will be marked by suffixes -n, -i, and -an, respectively. 4. The affix Ca- represents Ca- reduplication.

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Qiang

The mood system of Qiang, based on Randy and Huang (2003)

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321

1. According to Randy and Huang (2003: 173), the directional prefix is used in declarative clauses as well, and thus, it is only the intonation and the context that separate the imperative from the declarative. In imperative clauses, the directional prefix is stressed. 2. Randy and Huang (2003) uses the term ‘hortative’ to cover these types of mood here. Besides, the line between the permissive (‘let me/us/him/her/them do’) and the oblative (‘let me do’)/optative (‘let him do’) is not very clear. 3. The three polite forms of jussive differ from each other in the degree of politeness. It is hard to find suitable terms for them, and thus, numbers are used here. Among the three polite forms, the polite 3 is the politest one and then the polite 2 and then the polite 1. Russian

The mood system of Russian, based on Bailyn (2012)

Santali

The mood system of Santali, based on Ghosh (2008)

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1. According to Ghosh (2008), the polar interrogative in Santali can be realized by a marked intonation pattern. No examples of this mood are available. In some Munda languages, the polar interrogative is realized by particles. WALS online reports that polar interrogatives in Santali are realized by interrogative verb morphology. Saramaccan Creole

The mood system of Saramaccan Creole, based on McWhorter and Good (2012)

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Somali

The mood system of Somali, based on Saeed (1999)

1. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Saeed (1999).

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Spanish

The mood system of Spanish, adapted from Lavid et al. (2010)

1. The term ‘affirmative’ is used in Lavid et al. (2010). 2. The term ‘unbiased’ is used in Lavid et al. (2010). 3. The term ‘suggestive’ is used in Lavid et al. (2010).

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325

Tagalog

The mood system of Tagalog, based on Martin (2004), Martin and Cruz (2018), Schachter and Otanes (1972), and Schachter and Reid (2009)

1. The term ‘informative’ is used in Martin (2004) and Martin and Cruz (2018). 2. Martin (2004) and Martin and Cruz (2018) use the term ‘declarative’. 3. In Martin (2004), Martin and Cruz (2018), and many SFL descriptive profiles of mood, the tagged confirmative is regarded a subtype of declarative, which is termed ‘declarative: tagged’. 4. Martin (2004) and Martin and Cruz (2018) use the term ‘hortative’. 5. It is what Schachter and Otanes (1972) call ‘abbreviated imperative’. 6. It is what Schachter and Otanes (1972) call ‘basic imperative’.

326

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Tauya

The mood system of Tauya, based on MacDonald (1990)

1. According to MacDonald (1990), the exclamative suffix seems to consist of the indicative suffix -ʔa and the exclamative suffix -e. 2. The term ‘subjunctive’ is used in MacDonald (1990), which is restricted to the third person Subject. 3. The term ‘imperative’ is used in MacDonald (1990). One way to realize the jussive is to add the imperative suffix -e after the second person future desinences (suffix). Another way is to use the imperative stem followed by the second person aorist desinences. However, there is only a very small class of imperative stems in Tauya. 4. The former is for the second person singular Subject and the latter for the second person plural Subject.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

327

Teiwa

The mood system of Teiwa, based on Klamer (2010)

1. The polar clause may have final rising pitch but often there is no rising intonation. 2. The jussive and the cohortative may be indicated by the deictic verb ma ‘come’ or the complex conjunction qau ba ‘good sequential marker’.

328

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Telugu

The mood system of Telugu, based on Krishnamurti and Gwynn (1985) and Prakasam (2004)

1. The transcriptions in Krishnamurti and Gwynn (1985) and Prakasam (2004) show some differences (L = ļ, aa = ā), which are not unified in our description. Thai

The mood system of Thai1, based on Smyth (2002)

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

329

1. The mood system of Thai presented here is a simplified one due to the very limited data we can get access to. Three points should be noted. First, the systemic contrast between the indicative and the imperative in Thai is clear in meaning but quite subtle in structure. Here, we adopt the perspective ‘from roundabout’ to make the systemic contrast clear: the systemic options in modality are available for indicatives but not for imperatives. Second, there are many clause-final particles in Thai. Smyth (2002) divides them into three groups: question particles, polite particles, and mood particles. In our terminology, question particles in Thai can be termed Mood Negotiators, polite particles can be termed Tenor Markers, and mood particles can be termed Emotion Markers. Some mood particles in Thai also play the role of polite particles. Third, the mood type system and the politeness system are simultaneous and the same is true for the relation between the mood type system and the emotion-involvement system. However, it remains unclear whether the politeness system and the emotion-involvement system are simultaneous. Besides, the choice of the lexical items listed in the realization statement of politeness and emotion-involvement is partially limited by the choice of mood types on the one hand and partially by the gender and the status of the speaker on the other hand. That is to say, some items are only available for the declarative mood and some only for the imperative mood; some are only used by males and some only by females. 2. The confirmative 1 functions to invite agreement with the preceding statement rather than to confirm the validity of the statement. It is similar to the rhetoric question in meaning. The confirmative 2 is to make an assumption and seek confirmation of that assumption. It is similar to the tagged confirmative or the dubitative in meaning.

330

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Turkish

The mood system of Turkish, based on Göksel and Kerslake (2005) and Underhill (1976)

1. The tagged confirmative 1 is used when the speaker seeks corroboration of a statement that s/he believes to be true. In contrast, the tagged confirmative 2 follows a much more tentative assertion, embodying information newly acquired by the speaker, or information that contradicts the speaker’s previous assumption. 2. It is reported by Göksel and Kerslake (2005) that the focus-neutral polar 1 is the typical polar that questions the polarity of the whole proposition. The focus-neutral polar 2 questions the whole proposition as well. However, it is used in the situation where the speaker has an assumption about the situation s/he is asking about, usually because there are non-linguistic clues. The difference here is similar to that between the dubitative and the polar interrogative in Chinese. 3. The capital letter indicates that the sound is alterable according to its phonological environment.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

331

4. The suffix -sIn(lAr) is the third person imperative form. 5. According to Underhill (1976), the second person of the conditional followed by a suffix -E can also realize the jussive mood, which is very common in the spoken language but rare in the written language. 6. According to Underhill (1976), there are two more polite ways of expressing requests: one is with the interrogative of the present tense and the other is with the verb rica etmek ‘request’. 7. The suffix -(y)AlIm is the first person plural optative form. It is described as -(y)ElIm in Underhill (1976). 8. The suffix -(y)AyIm is the first person singular optative form. It is described as -(y)ElIm in Underhill (1976). Udmurt

The mood system of Udmurt, based on Winkler (2001)

1. Winkler (2001) reports that Udmurt has the evidential mode, which is expressed by one morphological and two lexical means. However, the category of ‘evidential’ is usually regarded a category of tense. It is not related to giving information source. Thus, we will not take the evidential as a subtype of declarative here.

332

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

2. Winkler (2001) recognizes several groups of particles based on their meanings, viz. degree particles, modal particles, and epistemic/attitudinal particles. It remains unclear whether these meanings are grammaticalized or expressed lexically, and therefore, we will not consider them the assessed declarative mood. Ute

The mood system of Ute, based on Givón (2011)

1. The polar interrogative mood in Ute is seldom neutral.

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Vietnamese

The mood system of Vietnamese, based on Nguyễn (1997), Minh (2004), and Phan (2010)

333

334

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

Welsh

The mood system of Welsh, based on Borsley et al. (2007)

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

335

West Greenlandic

The mood system of West Greenlandic, based on Sadock (2003)

The mood system of West Greenlandic, based on Fortescue (1984)

1. The term ‘imperative’ is used in Fortescue (1984) and Sadock (2003). They report that the imperative only has the second person and the first person plural (inclusive) Subjects. The first person plural (inclusive) imperative very possibly is the cohortative mood in our term.

336

Appendix: The mood System of Each Language

2. Affixes -gi- and -na function to put off the time of desired compliance to a less immediate future; -niar- adds the meaning of promoting or urging; -laarand -tsiar- serve to soften the directive force. 3. According to Fortescue (1984) and Sadock (2003), the optative has the third person, the first person singular and the first person plural (exclusive) Subject. The first person optative possibly is the permissive or the oblative in our term. 4. Fortescue (1984) uses the term ‘contemporative’ while Sadock (2003) uses the term ‘conjunctive’.

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