A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century [1st ed. 2022] 9811679355, 9789811679353

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Xiping Zhang Editor

A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century Translated by   Bin Yao Ursula Deser Friedman

A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century

Xiping Zhang Editor

A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century

Editor Xiping Zhang International Institute of Chinese Studies Beijing Foreign Studies University Beijing, China Translated by Bin Yao Graduate School of Translation and Interpretation Beijing Foreign Studies University Beijing, China

Ursula Deser Friedman Graduate School of Translation and Interpretation Beijing Foreign Studies University Beijing, China

ISBN 978-981-16-7935-3 ISBN 978-981-16-7936-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0 Jointly published with Economic Science Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Economic Science Press. Translation from the Chinese language edition: 20世纪中国古代文化经典在域外的传播与影响研究 by Xiping Zhang, et al., © Economic Science Press 2015. Published by Economic Science Press. All Rights Reserved. © Economic Science Press 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Translators’ Preface

This volume is a collection of introductions to a series of books focusing on the translation and international influence of ancient Chinese cultural classics, and is the culmination of a decade-long effort involving dozens of top-notch Chinese scholars. The ancient Chinese philosopher Lao Tzu once remarked that a high-rise is built from a small pile of soil and a towering tree grows from a tiny bud. Chinese culture’s going global is on par with the rise of Chinese political and economic power over the past forty years. We hope that this translation will give our readers a better grasp of the history of the translation and influence of Chinese culture around the world. Indeed, a comprehensive understanding of the unique historical context at hand will ultimately enable readers to reach their own conclusions regarding the global dissemination of contemporary Chinese culture. Translating this volume has presented a momentous task for the translation team. The volume at hand covers the full spectrum of topics on the influence of ancient Chinese culture the world over, and naturally involves dozens of languages. Both the topics touched upon and the languages covered have spurred the translation team to delve into in-depth research and hone our own language competence. To further complicate matters, the volume contains a wealth of culturally specific terms, such as names of Chinese dynasties, personages, and places, enough to confuse even the most erudite foreign reader. The translators, therefore, have added footnotes where necessary to clarify the cultural context for an international audience. For instance, compared with many Western scholars who trace “modern times” as far back as the fifteenth century, according to China’s mainstream historiography, “modern times” denotes the time period beginning in 1840 and extending to the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Admittedly, Professor Xiping Zhang, the lead author of this volume, acknowledges that the Chinese academic community has yet to agree on a precise definition for “modern times”; indeed, some Chinese scholars trace the inception of “modern times” to as far back as the Late Ming Dynasty. To cite an additional example, in Chap. 8, Zhang reveals that the West has both taught and oppressed China, pushing China to cast off the shadow of its Western mentors in spite of considerable obstacles and ultimately blaze her own trail. In v

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Translators’ Preface

doing so, Zhang invokes Mao Zedong’s iconic speech “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” in commemoration of the twenty-eighth anniversary of the Communist Party of China, in which Chairman Mao likens the relationship between China and the West to one between “teacher” and “pupil”. Such background information is crucial to enabling readers to fully understand the historical context behind seemingly exotic depictions. Certainly, the translators have taken care to limit such textual interruptions, so as to ensure readers are informed, yet not over-burdened when reading. The translators have done their utmost to achieve fidelity to the original texts and authors’ message, but as this volume is a collection of pieces written by different authors, the translators are also obliged to achieve a unified style of presentation in the English language. Furthermore, to facilitate comprehension of the authors’ message, the translators have deliberately reorganized the content where necessary, and sought to clarify certain sections that would potentially mystify readers from different cultural backgrounds. Of course, these decisions have been made with the consent of the authors themselves. Translating a volume focusing on the history of translation and Sinology is no simple task. To this end, the translation team is composed of both native-speaking Chinese and English translators. The Chinese translators have been largely responsible for ensuring the translation’s fidelity to the original, while the English language translator has adapted the content in keeping with the aesthetic and literary preferences of the English-speaking world. Despite our best efforts to guarantee both fidelity to the source text and ease of perusal for our readership, we recognize that the final result may not always measure up to our readers’ expectations. This translation undertaking would not have been possible without the patient guidance of the authors whose works are featured herein. The translators would like to extend their deepest gratitude to the lead author and editor, Professor Xiping Zhang, whose constant feedback and insights have enabled us to verbalize the seemingly ineffable. Zhang has adorned the work with fresh metaphors and striking images that implore readers to consider Chinese literary history and cultural dissemination from a new angle. Zhang, for instance, likens the relationship between original Chinese cultural classics and their translations to one between the “kite-flier” and the “kite”, explaining that the manner in which Chinese culture is conveyed through translation depends on the wind, i.e., the target culture’s socio-economic fabric. To paint his metaphor in an even more nuanced light, Zhang goes on to explain that the kite does not ride the wind freely, and the kite-flier still reins in the kite with the kite string. This is to say that the translations of Chinese cultural classics are reined in by their original counterparts, no matter the extent of fidelity. The translators are further indebted to the suggestions provided by Professor Jeffrey Twitchell-Waas, who kindly explained the rationale behind a previously unpublished manuscript revealing Ezra Pound’s attitude toward Confucianism and its relevance in the modern age. A special thanks goes to Profs. Li Yashu, Wang Jianguo, Wu Bi, and all the scholars in attendance at June 15, 2018 Conference on Translating Chinese Academic Works at the East China University of Science and

Translators’ Preface

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Technology. The translators would also like to acknowledge the indispensable contributions of Professor Gu Weimin with East China Normal University in Shanghai, Barry Kuong, Dominique Tyl, and Vincentius Lin with the Macao Ricci Institute (MRI), the Macao Jesuits, the Chung Chi College Elisabeth Luce Moore Library, the Chinese University Library of Hong Kong Circulation Desk, the librarians with Beijing Foreign Studies University, and the National Library of China. Heartfelt thanks also go to the team of editors at the Economic Science Press and Springer Nature for their in-depth critique on our translated manuscript drafts. Finally, the entire translation team is indebted to the team of academicians behind the original work: the lead author and editor Xiping Zhang, Shaodang Yan, Chao Ding, Jun Gu, Chunmei Miao, Isabelle Rabut, Zhen Li, Jiameng Tong, Yingying Su, Guangsheng Wang, and Suna Wang. We are fortunate to have stood on the shoulders of giants—thank you for your illuminating insights on the history of international Sinology and the influence of ancient Chinese cultural classics abroad. Finally, we would like to recognize the indispensable contributions made by Yaxian Wang, Xu Zhang, and Tingting Wang, all alumni of the Graduate School of Translation and Interpretation at Beijing Foreign Studies University, in preparing a portion of the first drafts and gathering and confirming information on a wide variety of topics. Our thanks also go to Professor Liqiu Li and her students for their assistance in translating the chapter on South Korea. Finally, the translation team remains indebted to China’s Ministry of Education for commissioning the original Chinese volume, the culmination of one of many Key Projects in Chinese Philosophy and Social Sciences Research, and to the Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences for commissioning the ensuing translation project. Beijing, China

Bin Yao Ursula Deser Friedman

Contents

Part I 1

2

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Asia

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Japan . . . . . . Shaodang Yan and Guangsheng Wang 1.1 Understanding Modern Japanese Sinologists’ Academic Lineage and the Value of their Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 Kano Naoki and his Thoughts on the Formation of Genres in Chinese Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.2 Yoshikawa K¯ojir¯o and the Architecture of K¯ojir¯o Sinology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 We Must Caution Against Adapting Chinese Culture for Ideological Purposes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Japanese Military Officers Offering Sacrifices to Confucius at Ashikaga School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.2 Within the Field of Sinology, Philosophical Research Was the First to Be Alienated Under the Mainstream Ideology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chunmei Miao 2.1 Historical Background of Korea in the Twentieth Century . . . . . . 2.2 Introduction to Sinology Research and the Influence of Chinese Culture in Korea in the Twentieth Century . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 The Rise and Fall of Chinese Language Education . . . . . 2.2.2 Sinology Research in South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Collation of and Research into Ancient Chinese Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3

3 4 8 12 12

13 19 21 21 22 22 25 29 36

ix

x

3

4

Contents

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yingying Su 3.1 Overview of the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.1 Southeast Asia: One of the Settlements of Overseas Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.2 Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.3 The Inheritance and Adaptation of Chinese Culture in South–East Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.4 The Integration of Peoples and Cultures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Influence of Ancient Chinese Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century: From Malaya to Malaysia . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 The Establishment of Chinese Publications . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 The Establishment of Chinese Schools and Chinese Departments in Colleges and Universities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 The Translation and Circulation of Classical Chinese Literary Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Influence of Ancient Chinese Culture Classics in South Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jiameng Tong 4.1 Arc of Influence in South Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Selected Documentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Cultural Exchanges Between China and South Asia from Modern Times to the Twentieth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 The Circulation and Influence of Chinese Culture in South Asia Since Modern Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part II 5

37

37 38 39 41 43 44 45

46 47 57 59 59 62 64 66 69

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Europe and the United States

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in England . . . . Zhen Li References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73 82

6

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in France . . . . . Isabelle Rabut

83

7

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Italy . . . . . . . Suna Wang 7.1 Scope of Research and Relevant Reference Works . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Italian Sinology: Past and Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89 89 91

Contents

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7.2.1

Travel Accounts by Sinologists and Missionary-Sinologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 7.2.2 The Transition from Missionary to Professional Sinology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 7.2.3 The Establishment and Development of Italian Professional Sinology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 8

9

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jun Gu 8.1 Chuang Tzu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Chu-Fan-Chï . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Outlaws of the Marsh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Central and Eastern Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chao Ding 9.1 Cultural Exchanges Between CEE Countries and China (Pre-20th Century) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 Hungarians’ and Bulgarians’ Eastern Genes . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2 The CEE Countries Discovers the East Through 13th-Century Wars and Travels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.3 The Jesuits from CEE Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.4 Chinese Culture in CEE Countries During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.5 Exploration and Absorption of Chinese Culture in Nineteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 The Dissemination of Chinese Culture in CEE Countries During the First Half of the 20th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 CEE Residents Gain Insiders’ Perspectives on China Through First-Hand Visits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 The Emergence of Oriental Studies and Sinology . . . . . . 9.2.3 The Translation of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.4 Research on Ancient Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5 Wider Interest in Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 The Translation of Chinese Cultural Classics in the Socialist Era (1949–1989) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.1 Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.2 The Republic of Czechoslovakia (1918–1992) . . . . . . . . 9.3.3 Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.4 Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.5 Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

121 127 130 132 135 137

138 138 138 139 140 141 142 143 145 147 148 149 149 150 151 152 154 156

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Contents

9.3.6 Yugoslavia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.7 Albania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4 Reception of Traditional Chinese Culture in the 1990s . . . . . . . . . Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

157 157 158 162

Part III Case Studies 10 Chinese Scholars Translating Chinese Cultural Classics: The Case of the T’ien Hsia Monthly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiping Zhang 10.1 Chinese Cultural Classics Translation Headed by Chinese Scholars with Experience Studying Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 The Establishment of the T’ien Hsia Monthly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 China International Publishing Group (CIPG): Path-Blazer for Chinese Culture Going Global . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiping Zhang 11.1 The CIPG: A Strong Foothold for Disseminating Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1.1 A Brief History of the CIPG’s Translation and Publication of Ancient Chinese Classics . . . . . . . . . . 11.1.2 Translations of Ancient Chinese Classics Published in Chinese Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1.3 Panda Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Overseas Dissemination of Ancient Chinese Culture: Seven Decades in Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Xu Yuanchong’s Translations and Their Value . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiping Zhang 12.1 Xu Yuanchong’s Achievements in Translating Chinese Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2 Xu’s Contribution to Translation Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.1 Xu is a Prolific Translator and Theorist in Translating Out of Chinese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.2 The Features of Xu Yuanchong’s Translation Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3 The Chinese Characteristics of Xu’s Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

165

165 167 181 183

183 183 191 193 202 213 215

215 218 218 219 221 224

13 The Impact of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics on the West: The Case of Ezra Pound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Xiping Zhang 13.1 Ezra Pound (1885–1972) and His Connections with Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226

Contents

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13.2 Pound’s Reading and Translation of Ancient Chinese Culture and His Modern Poetry Writing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 13.3 Ezra Pound’s Assimilation of Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 Part IV Issues and Debates 14 Understanding the Translation of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics from a Cross-Cultural Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiping Zhang 14.1 Western Sinologists Are the Mainstay for the Dissemination of Chinese Cultural Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.2 Interpreting the Misreadings in Sinologists’ Translations from the Perspectives of Comparative Literature and Cross-Cultural Exchanges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.3 The Status of Chinese Translators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.4 The Kite Let Loose: Chinese Culture Misunderstood . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 China-Western Cultural Relations, 1500–2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiping Zhang 15.1 Stage One (1500–1700): Honeymoon Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2 Stage Two (1800–1950): Unequal Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.3 Stage Three (1950-Present): Returning to Equal Footing . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

245

245

247 249 250 251 253 253 254 256 257

16 Chinese Scholars’ Struggle to Reconcile Chinese Tradition with Western Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Xiping Zhang References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315

Contributors

Prof. Ding Chao School of European Languages, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Prof. Miao Chunmei School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Assoc Prof. Wang Guangsheng College of Foreign Languages, Capital Normal University, Beijing, China Assoc Prof. Tong Jiameng School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Prof. Gu Jun International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Prof. Isabelle Rabut Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris, France Prof. Yan Shaodang Chinese Department, Peking University, Beijing, China Assoc Prof. Wang Suna School of European Languages and Cultures, Beijing Language and Culture University, Beijing, China Lead Author, Prof. Zhang Xiping International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Prof. Su Yingying School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Assoc Prof. Li Zhen International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China

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Introduction

Research on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics: A Historical Sketch Commenting on the historic and academic significance of scholarship on the dissemination of Chinese culture, Prof. Yan Shaodang of Peking University remarked that “the Chinese culture has penetrated a multitude of regions and the overseas dissemination of Chinese culture can be traced back to early history. The appreciation and renderings of Chinese culture by Eurasian countries have evolved into what is today known as Hanxue, or 汉 学, more often known as Sinology/China Studies. Hanxue is an academic discipline which encompasses such broad scope, rich history, insightful research and diverse literature that it has flourished into a ‘massive research field’ closely pertaining to inter-civilizational encounters. The evolution of this discipline underlined the universal value and world significance of Chinese culture” ([1]: Preface, I). Research on the dissemination and impact of ancient Chinese cultural classics (hereafter briefly referred to as Chinese classics) has emerged as an academic hot spot in recent years, and an increasing number of young scholars are devoting themselves to this once under-explored field. Such research has focused mainly on three disciplines, i.e., Comparative Literature, International Sinology Studies and Historical Studies, in particular, History of Sino-Foreign Cultural Exchanges.

Comparative Literature The dissemination and impact of Chinese culture caught the attention of Chinese comparatists as early as the 1930s. Chen Quan provides the first systematic research on the impact of Chinese literature on German literature in 1934. Fan Cunzhong (1931) and Qian Zhongshu (1937) introduced their readers to the dissemination and impact of Chinese culture in the xvii

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Introduction

UK. Meanwhile, Zhu Qianzhi (1940) was known for his philosophical probings into the impact of Chinese thoughts on European culture.

International Sinology Studies International Sinology Studies refers to the study of Sinologists and Sinological works by Chinese scholars. Systematic studies on International Sinology during the Republican Period (1912– 1949) began with Zhu Zicui’s 1932 translation of Ishida Mikinosuke (1891–1974)’s Sinology in Europe (1932) and Mo Dongyin (1914–1956)’s Development of Sinology (1949). The new field of research came into being due to the need to renew Chinese scholarship amid the transition from the study of Confucian Classics to the adoption of Western norms of scholarship. The Republican Period witnessed frequent contacts between renowned Chinese scholars and sinologists. Yang Kun (1901– 1998), a student of the French Sinologist Marcel Granet (1884–1940), engaged in sociological studies. And the first cohort of students who had studied at the HarvardYenching Institute made their debut in academia. During this period, Chinese scholars started to publish in English. Chen Huanzhang’s The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School (1911) was the earliest monograph on China’s economic history and economics theory. It was also during this period that dozens of German sinologists stayed in China’s capital city of Beijing, and the Monumenta Serica was established, with Chen Yuan (1880–1971), an outstanding historian, serving as its editor-in-chief. The professors at the Tsinghua Academy of Chinese Learning were by then conversant with contemporary research in sinology, and one of them, Chen Yinke (1890– 1969), was even invited twice by the Oxford University to serve as Professor of Sinology. With all these interactions between Chinese and Western culture, efforts to sort out the history of Sinology were a natural progression.

Historical Studies In the early Republican Period, the Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies published a number of articles on cultural relations between China and Europe, including Leibniz on Eastern and Western Cultures by Xie Fuya (1892–1991), Robinson’s Attitude toward Chinese Culture, The Earliest Translation of Haoqiuzhuan, Chinese Gardens in Eighteenth-Century Europe by Chen Shouyi (1899–1978), etc. Fang Hao’s (1910– 1980) A History of the Dissemination of Ancient Chinese Classics to Europe figured as the representative work on the Jesuits. With the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, however, International Sinology Studies stagnated. It was not until China adopted the reform and opening-up policy in 1979 that this topic again drew attention. In a historical review, Li Xueqin (1933–2019), a Researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,

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divided this field of research into three periods, namely, the Pioneering Period, the Period of Translation and Initial Research, and the New Period. Ren Dayuan, Professor of Beijing Foreign Studies University, elaborates on these three periods as follows: The Pioneering Stage spans from 1975 to 1987. The Period of Translation and Initial Research began with the publishing of the Translation Series of Research on Modern Chinese History (1987–) co-edited by Wang Qingcheng et al. and Translation Series of Overseas China Studies (1988–) edited by Liu Dong, and ended with the 2001 International Sinology Seminar convening Sinologists from world-renowned universities. The New Period began with the Seminar. The word new stems from both the point of time and the evolution of the discipline itself. During this period, the breadth and depth of research were greatly expanded thanks to the integration and transformation in international scholarship on China [2: 13–18]. Chinese researchers made a conscious attempt at resuming research on the global impact of Chinese culture by carrying on the academic traditions of the Republican Period. Publications such as the Book Series on the Spread of Chinese Learning to the West (1999), Selected Papers of North American Researchers on Ancient Chinese Literature (1996), Chinese Literature in Foreign Countries (1990), Book Series on CrossCultural Communication (2004), Translation Series of Books on Chinese Culture (2006), Comparative Literature Studies at Peking University (1982–), Voltaire and Confucius (1993), and Tolstoy and Ancient Chinese Cultural Thoughts (2000), focusing on the acceptance and impact of Chinese culture in Western countries, greatly extended the research on Western literature and culture by integrating the study of the China factor in the formation of Western thoughts. Book series, like Translation Series on Sino-Foreign Relations and International Sinology Studies Series, were acknowledged to be critical resources for studying the history of International Sinology. Both series adopted a historical perspective and selected the vital pieces of work that had been instrumental in formulating the Western understanding of China. These books also laid the foundation for research on Sino-foreign cultural exchange history and history of Western Sinology. Complemented by the Translation Series of Overseas China Studies, which adopted a more contemporary angle, these translated works profile a holistic picture of the history and current status of Sinology/China studies. More broadly in the field of Historical Studies, Translation Series of Research on Modern Chinese History (1988), Translation Series of Overseas China Studies (1988), Book Series of Overseas Sinology (1989), Selected Works on China by Japanese Scholars (1992), Series of Adventures and Investigations of the Western Regions (1992),Translations of French Scholarship on Dunhuang (1993), Travelogues in the Western Regions (2000), and the translations of the Cambridge History of China (2007) and Cambridge History of Chinese Literature (2013), greatly expanded frontiers of historical studies of China. The Cambridge History of China played a notable role in advancing relevant research in China.

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The marketing of these above-mentioned monographs and book series deepened the understanding of the history of Sinology in various countries as well as the depth of acceptance of ancient Chinese culture around the world. The translation of Sinological works significantly boosted the transformation of research paradigms in China. Cases in point are Xia Zhiqing (1921–2013)’s History of Chinese Literature and its impact on contemporary Chinese literary history studies and the impact of Geng Sheng’s translation of the French scholarship on the studies of Western Regions, or “西域”, and Tibetan studies. The translated works were intricately intertwined with the progress of China’s contemporary scholarship, and have served as an important driver for the transformations in China’s academic paradigms. In the field of translation history, propitious headway has also been made in the realm of the dissemination of China’s scholarship in the West. Reviewing such progress, we gain a clearer understanding of not only the history and academic significance of the dissemination of Chinese culture worldwide, but also the area as an independent research discipline. In his comprehensive review of International Sinology Studies by Chinese scholars over the past three decades, Yan Shaodang concluded that the definition of Sinology/China studies, in a broad sense, would be international scholarship on China, which targets Chinese literature, language, history, philosophy, art, law, religion, archaeology, etc. And Sinology, in essence, is an overseas extension of Chinese humanities studies and thus the achievements in Sinology should naturally be integrated into the various branches of Chinese humanities studies [3: 556]. According to Yan, Sinology represented the Chinese culture in world scholarship. It expanded the scope of research on Chinese culture, and should thus be considered as a discipline with a global reach. In his opinion, the road map for International Sinology Studies (ISS) consists of the following components: (1)

(2) (3) (4)

The trajectory of the dissemination of Chinese culture overseas. There could be different media of dissemination, including demographic, textual, religious, or even digital media. The acceptance of Chinese culture in target countries, including the phenomena of inclusion, exclusion, or metamorphosis. The emergence of the “China factor” amid the historical, political, economic, and cultural environments of target countries. The various schools of Sinology and their academic genealogy in target countries (Ibid: 557–562).

Yan’s summary touches on the main aspects of Sinology/China studies. It clearly demarcates Chinese scholarship on China, or Guoxue, and Sinology, or Hanxue, and pointed to the different shapes and features of Sinology in diverse countries. It redresses the chaos caused by applying post-modern theories indiscriminately to interpreting the intellectual and cultural characteristics of Western Sinology. In academic research, the sharpness and originality of theories oftentimes originated from partiality. Originality would render overnight reputation, but a more holistic view will exert longer term impact. As quoted in The Doctrine of the Mean, the best way to achieve higher goals is through moderation.

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Based on a summary of the research over the past three decades, Ren Dayuan proposed the future task of International Sinology Studies. In his words, “the past 30 years have yielded promising results, but we still have a long way to go. The task we now face is reviewing past results, developing the discipline, fostering research talents and engaging in collaborative efforts” [2: 16]. Ren offers a grand vision and before we proceed, we need to take stock of the research results in International Sinology Studies over the past three decades.

The Main Focus of This Volume The current volume is an attempt at implementing the road map provided by Prof. Yan Shaodang, with a prominent focus on the trajectories and patterns of the dissemination of Chinese culture. The authors of this collection focus their efforts on tracing the translations of Chinese classics. And in the interest of resources available, we cover only major countries in East Asia, Southeast Asia, the Arab world, Europe, and the United States.1 The first issue for this collective endeavor concerns the common research methodology to be adopted. Sinology/China studies encompasses almost all disciplines. And to be more precise, according to China East Normal University Prof. Zhu Zhenghui (1947–2013), it is a multidisciplinary cluster, encompassing political science, economics, military science, legal science, ethics, philosophy, educational science, historiography, literary studies, philology, geography, ecological studies, and international relations. Moreover, the progress made in this area has been constantly driven by the advancing frontiers in each and every branch discipline [4: 65].

Despite the involvement of a myriad of disciplines, historical research is foundational. Thus, the common methodology that runs through International Sinology Studies should be drawn from the field of historical research, which means when sorting through the history of dissemination of Chinese texts in the West, we are actually pursuing academic history studies. According to Li Xueqin, “in modern times, we witnessed the emergence of a multitude of academic disciplines, and each of them deserves historical studies, which generated new disciplines such as History of Philosophy, History of Math, and so on. Sinology also merits historical studies, namely, History of Sinology, or International Sinology Studies”. “I think”, Li continues, International Sinology research should follow the theories and methodologies of academic history studies, and situate the evolution and transformation of Sinology within its social and historical roots. The development of Sinology has been shaped by the ideas of various times, and to understand the characteristics and significance of the various schools of Sinology, we need to first fathom the social backgrounds of those ideas behind sinology. Interestingly, the 1

Translators’ note: Due to editorial reasons, the section on the influence of Chinese classics in the Arab world has been omitted from this translation.

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arguments posited by Sinologists are often closely related to research in philosophy, Sociology, and cultural anthropology. Therefore, studying Sinology requires broad knowledge and in-depth analysis ([5]: 3).

The basic task of current research is to study the dissemination and impact of Chinese classics in various countries from the perspective of academic history. There have been a number of high-quality case studies of Chinese classics translation, but an obvious lack of a more comprehensive approach. Therefore, this volume serves as an attempt at sorting out the history of Sinology, with a focus on the translation of Chinese classics. It can be said to be a General History of the influence of Chinese classics. What is precious about General History, according to Jin Yufu (1887–1962), is that, It provides details for things passed over by others, supplies novel arguments, discovers neglected facts and plays down what have preoccupied previous historians. What is important is not whether the facts are complete or not, but the clear clues running throughout. Providing a synthetic view is quite useful, though it is certainly not necessary to elaborate on every detail. Revealing the intrinsic dynamics of history is essential, while creating a unique school of thought is secondary ([6]: 390).

This is to say, consistency and a holistic view are most important for General History. In China, there had been two paradigms in historiography, i.e., General History and Chronical History, but the former was considered more prominent. Despite diverging understandings of what General History is, the principle of “comprehensiveness and insightfulness” posed by Yan Gengwang (1916–1996) has been well accepted in academic circles. The authors will try to be insightful, though this volume certainly does not aspire to be comprehensive. It’s rather difficult for one to be conversant with both Chinese and Western scholarship, and familiar with both the ancient and contemporary. This was also a challenge for us in compiling this volume. We try to link up the histories of translation and dissemination of Chinese classics and their impact throughout history. Despite a focus on the twentieth century, we nevertheless depict the fundamental trajectory and features of the dissemination of Chinese classics over the long term. We also try to identify the characteristics of the translation activities by Sinologists. The basic aim of this book is to sort through the history of Chinese classic translation in various countries and reveal the impact thereof. This volume combines general insights with substantial research. We studied the influence of Chinese classics in East Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, the Arab World, Europe, the US, the UK, Germany, France, Italy, Russia, East Europe, and drew some general conclusions about the basic trajectories and features of the translation of Chinese classics.2 In recent years, Chinese scholars are attaching increased attention to the progress made in Sinology, since most Sinologists approached China from the perspective of Sino-foreign relations and often explored new resources in the research of China’s peripheral regions. These materials have previously been considered un-orthodox to the Chinese scholarship. Just as Fu Sinian (1896–1950) commented, 2

Translators’ Note: The sections on Germany and Russia have been excluded for editorial reasons.

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If you read Chinese history written by a Westerner, the focus is always on Sino-foreign relations and travelogues are their favorite resources. This research could be taken as quasiSinology. We acknowledge their importance, because they are about to change our understanding of Chinese history. But, at the same time, we also need a Chinese system for historical research that should serve the studies of pure Chinese historical issues. Chinese scholars have more say on these issues and may generate more substantial research results [7: 235].

Fu had every reason to extol pure Chinese scholarship in his era, but the new generation of Sinologists in Europe not only digs into the peripherals, but also marches into core Chinese scholarship itself. This transition has been summarized by Sang Bing (1956–), in three aspects, namely, (1) Sinologists have improved their capacity of understanding Chinese texts, and are thus capable of comparing Chinese and foreign texts; (2) Sinologists have increased exchanges with Chinese scholars; and (3) Sinologists have begun to study pure Chinese issues [8: 4]. The pure Chinese issues not only concern Chinese history, but also relate to the intellectual core of Chinese civilization, which has indeed been one of the foci of missionary Sinologists. What Fu referred to as the research of China’s peripheral regions was merely a stage in the development of Sinology, and the foray into core Chinese scholarship as suggested by Sang has remained limited to only certain Sinologists. Sinology is rich in both content and form. Both Fu and Sang were partially correct, but they haven’t revealed the features intrinsic to the evolution of Sinology. If we take a long-term perspective, we will discover that the translation of Chinese classics has been a constant focus of generations of Sinologists, and the search for the intellectual patterns of Chinese culture has penetrated the history of Western Sinology. China posed an intellectual and cultural challenge to the West, according to Jacques Gernet (1921–2018), an eminent Sinologist of the second half of the twentieth century, because China possessed the most sophisticated civilization existing side by side with the Christian civilization. Thus, a prominent concern for generations of Western Sinologists has been the attempt to understand the intellectual core of Chinese culture, to explain its uniqueness and to make comparisons between the Christian and Chinese civilizations. It is in this sense that this volume tries to approach the core concerns of Western Sinology by foregrounding the study of the translation history of Chinese classics. “The scholarship of a new age is always based on new materials and new issues. If you use the new materials to study the new issues, you will be an academic trendsetter. Scholars who join the trend will be in. If not, they will be out. This has been the general principle for scholarship since ancient times. Those who shut their ears to the call of the times will never understand” (Chen 1985:1). These words from Chen Yinke could well serve as a basic principle for International Sinology Studies. Over the past decade, young scholars have jumped on the bandwagon and advanced the area via their linguistic capabilities. And yet present progress is just the beginning, and International Sinology Studies remains a prolific field waiting to be tilled. This volume emanates from existent research and lays a strong emphasis on firsthand resources. Fu Sinian stressed the importance of first-hand historical materials

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in his 1928 treatise The Goal of Research at the Institute of History and Philology. He stated that Historiography and linguistics both prospered only recently in Europe. Historiography is not about writing history. When you write history, you make ethical judgments and exploit writing techniques. Modern historiography is indeed based on historical materials. By utilizing the tools supplied by natural sciences, we collect and analyse all materials we have at hand, and the scope of historiography extends from geology to journalism. Darwinism can be said to be its parallel in the realm of natural sciences [7: 3].

The focus on historical materials has been termed by Yan Shaodang as OriginalTexts-Based Empiricism [原典实证法] and this is the shared goal of all the authors of this volume. In the twentieth century, major strides were made in the translation of Chinese classics, involving virtually all aspects of ancient Chinese culture and all major languages. However, the translations diversify in various countries. Having not been able to sort through all the translated works due to limited linguistic capacities and disciplinary know-hows, the authors of this volume present their latest research in the field and attempt a relatively comprehensive history of the translation of Chinese classics in major countries.

Overview of This Volume This volume is organized according to the sequence of “Historical Review”, “Theoretical Exploration”, and “Lists of Original Texts”.3 Chapters 1–9 are historical reviews of the developments of Sinologies in target countries, with a focus on the translation and re-translation of Chinese classics. But historical reviews are not enough to generate theoretical insights. On the one hand, a researcher might get drowned by the sea of historical data needed in a comprehensive study of any one sinologist or one piece of work without being theoretically conscious. On the other hand, ISS is a brand-new field of research and contemporary scholars have been confined by their own specialties and language competences. Considering the lack of an overview of the theoretical framework and methodologies for engaging is ISS, this volume aims at making some theoretical innovations. Taking a comparatist and cross-cultural perspective, Yan Shaodang summarized his research methodology as “conscious of the cultural context, academic history and originality of materials” [9: 10]. Zhu Zhenghui, meanwhile, stated that, ISS has developed and prospered as a branch of historical research. ISS targets researchers, monographs, conceptual frameworks, theories, methodologies and institutions. And the task of researchers is to analyze and sum up the research in Chinese history, study its characteristics and patterns, and draw lessons useful to the development of China’s historiography. The methodologies in ISS are the same as what we use for studying Chinese history. In this sense, ISS is no different from the study of Chinese historiography, because the targets, tasks and methodologies are similar [4: 65]. 3

Translators’ Note: The Lists of Original Texts are not translated due to editorial reasons.

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Zhu clearly formed his methodology on the historical research of historiography. ISS could indeed be viewed in light of different disciplines and take on different features. Chapters 14–16 borrow theoretical insights from a group of contemporary scholars, including Yan Shaodang, Yue Daiyun (1931–), Meng Hua (1944–), and Xie Tianzhen (1944–) , and charts the course for the study of Chinese classics translation. Currently, most theoretical research on translation has focused on translating into Chinese and borrowed heavily from Western theories. Emphasis has been laid on the dissemination of Western learning to the East. The focal point of this volume is, however, translating out of Chinese. Translating out of and into Chinese are different due to the intrinsic features of the Chinese language and differences in the status of Chinese and Western culture. Over the past couple of years, some attention has been devoted to the theories and practices in translating out of Chinese, especially after Chinese writer Mo Yan (1955–) was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. But research in this field still demands further input. The author of Chaps. 14–16 elaborates on a few theoretical issues related to translation from a cross-cultural perspective. The author states that, Translation is a prominent issue when we study the influence of Chinese classics abroad. Translation has served as a channel for civilizational interaction. People learn about other cultures through translation. By enabling cross-language and cross-cultural communication, translation is, in essence, a cultural phenomenon. Neither a unified culture of the Roman empire nor a common foundation of the European thought would have been possible without the translation of the Bible, and Neo-Confucianism would not have been formed without the translation of the Buddhist classics. Translation has always been closely related to culture. This is the reason why we study the cultural contexts, rather than technical skills, in the translation of Chinese classics. The evolution of any culture relies on translation-enabled cross-cultural exchanges and the dissemination of the culture relies on translation. Translation breaks down cultural fences. There are two types of translation, namely, translating into and out of the culture, which could also be considered as cultural import and cultural export. Most cultures experience both. The Chinese culture is no exception. Translating into and out of a culture are distinct activities. They both reflect the cultural exchanges which are commonplace to all countries. In the scope of this volume, we focus solely on the translation and dissemination of Chinese culture into other cultures.

In doing so, we try to respond directly to the post-colonialist theories and to the question concerning to what extent Orientalism should enlighten the discipline of ISS. Some scholars have reduced Sinology to Sinologism, and considered ISS self -colonialization. The author argues that those who coined Sinologism confused Western Sinology with the colonialization of China by the West. They ideologized Western Sinology and denied its academic contributions. Critics of Sinologism have taken a purely post-colonialist perspective without much innovation. China is unlike Egypt. The Chinese civilization has been created and carried on uninterruptedly by the Chinese people, but the ancient Egyptian civilization was discovered, studied, and written by Westerners. Ironically, while the critics of Sinologism seemed reasonable when they attempted to defend Chinese scholarship and complained of the impact of

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Western scholarship on China, they nevertheless did not try to deconstruct the Western theories by drawing upon Chinese cultural resources. Rather, they borrowed heavily from post-colonialists. What they did, to a large extent, proved the dominance of Western culture, or in other words, be you a proponent or an opponent of the West, you cannot do without it. And thus, their theories would merely add to the prevailing Western discourse. Yu Yingshi (1930–2021) criticized the academics who always based their arguments “on the catch-phrases invented in the West, such as Orientalism, Modernity, Post-colonialism, Deconstruction, etc.” He remarked that, Hot concepts coined in the West could surely be borrowed, but if the researcher’s cultural identity is not established on a profound understanding of his/her own history, culture, tradition and values, then the identity is fragile and stands no test, and it is simply something agitated by new theories from the West or something used purposefully to support certain political views [10: 38].

Yu’s remark pointed to the academic tendency of “holding Western theorists and their works as sacred”. Those who coined Sinologism failed to reflect upon the philosophical foundations of post-modernism. They considered post-modernist theories as a basic theoretical premise and embraced post-modernist theories and methodologies whole-heartedly in their own research. As such, they were never able to overcome the deficiencies intrinsic to post-modernism. Chinese humanities since 1979 have largely been characterized by an indiscriminate trust in Western theories and a mechanical application to the study of China. The dominant theory shifted every 3–5 years and even the close followers often got confused. We believe that rather than being pushed around, the Chinese academia should take root in Chinese cultural tradition and absorb Western theories and methodologies in a rational manner. Such should also be the principle for ISS. This volume represents a small step forward, but innovations are juxtaposed with confusion. Exploring the dissemination and impact of Chinese culture worldwide is no longer an epistemological issue, and we are indeed confronted with a brand-new field of research. New tensions and transformations emerged outside of the domain of Chinese culture, and the ensuing cultural interactions greatly extended the borders of Chinese culture. As such, this field turns out to be much more complicated than imagined. This is an academic sphere perfused with a wide variety of perspectives and interpretations, both external and internal. Existent theories are not solid enough to interpret the metamorphoses of Chinese culture in the cultures of various countries. Be it theories based on the nineteenth-century empiricism or the twentieth-century post-modernism, or the multitude of theories of neo-liberalist origins, none of them is able to supply a comprehensive set of interpretations. Exploring the global sway of Chinese culture poses a challenge to Westerndominated humanities. It is also a challenge for those who want to reconstruct Chinese culture only by drawing on Chinese resources. Just as Yan Shaodang pointed out: “International Sinology has concentrated on the study and interpretation of the universal wisdom contained in Chinese scholarship. It has served as an indispensable resource pool for Chinese scholarship going global....If ISS researchers would open

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their eyes, pool their wisdom, and abide by academic ethics, ISS will prosper” [9: 12]. His vision is also the aim of this volume.

Toward a Philology of International Sinology According to Herbert Franke (1914–2011), the German Sinologist, Sinologe was first used to refer to the studies of China in 1832. Yin Wenjuan indicated that Sinologie appeared in 1814, but was not included in French dictionaries until 1878. Western Sinology boasts over 400 years of history, if we take into account the arrival of the Jesuits to China and works on China by Michele Ruggier (1543–1607) and Matteo Ricci (1552–1610). Over the past four centuries, Western sinologists have written numerous books on China, of which we don’t have an exact number. Back in East Asia, Chinese culture has enjoyed an even longer history of influence. When it comes to the complex history of the dissemination of Chinese classics, philology is our basic tool for research. In this volume, we spend three chapters reviewing the chronicle history of translations in the fields of Confucian Classics, History, and Literature. This volume reports the investigation results in 20 plus languages, which is the first of its kind. It is our hope that this volume will bring tangible benefits to the academia. We hereby aim to establish a new branch under ISS, that is, Philology of International Sinology, or PIS. Chinese scholarship has been based on philology. The Chinese word for philology [文献学], originated in Liang Qichao (1873–1929)’s Intellectual Trends in the Ch’ing Period, in which he mentioned that “Quan Zuwang was the first to propose the concept of philology” in China. And in his 300 Years of Modern Academic History, Liang further explained, “the Masters of Ming and Qing Dynasties focused on historiography, or in a broader sense, philology”. Zhang Shunhui (1911–1992), a modern philologist, expounded the concept in more detail: In ancient times, there was no such thing as philology. Those who engaged in studying historical texts were called emendationists. Thus emendation, or 校雠学, which involves the filing, compilation and annotation of ancient texts, is an alias of philology. Generations of emendationists laid a solid foundation for contemporary scholarship. We should inherit their methods in filing, compiling and annotating ancient texts (including the manuscripts on bones and tortoise shells, bronze wares and stones, bamboos and silk), conduct systematic research, and introduce them to contemporary readers. And we should try to assimilate their best practices, distinguish between the true and the false, provide a clear genealogy, and furnish theoretical insights, so as to save time and effort for contemporary scholars, and spur contribution to the study of ancient texts. Such is the basic requirement and task for philology [11: 3].

Zhang referred to Chinese texts only. But since the Late Ming Dynasty (1573– 1644), Chinese history has become intertwined with global history, and since the Late Qing Dynasty (1840–1912), it has been drawn into a world history dominated by the Western missionaries, East India Companies, diplomats and sinologists left a sea of texts relating to Chinese history and translated a great number of ancient Chinese texts. As a result, Chinese culture penetrated Western culture in Western

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languages, and Chinese modern history was thus written not only in the Chinese language. Chinese histories written in Western languages are naturally an integral part of Western scholarship on China and constitute the basis for ISS. And these texts are also vital for Chinese scholars in modern Chinese history studies. If we take into account the dissemination and impact of Chinese culture in East Asia, the history is much longer, and more historical texts exist in Chinese or East Asian languages. These texts have contributed to the formation of an East Asian cultural community. In this regard, PIS has every reason to exist as an independent branch under ISS. It could be termed Chinese Philology in Western Languages, if we consider just Western Sinology. In this regard, Jin Guoping has suggested establishing a branch discipline titled Studies of Chinese Historical Materials in Western Languages. He argued that “we should make full use of the texts left by the missionaries, and by comparing them with Chinese texts, find new perspectives and realize new interpretations. And it’s possible to shed lights on issues central to major historical events” [12: 84]. Against the new progress made in global history research, if we want to break away from Euro-centrism, we must integrate regional history research into global history research. And that will be based on East-West interaction, not on adapting the East to the West. World history has, by far, been written mostly on the basis of regional histories and lacks attention paid to the interactions between cultures and civilizations. Sino-Western interaction is the key to reconstructing Chinese history from a global perspective. And thus, the histories of missionary and trade activities are a must for historians. If we take East-West interaction as the new premise, then the spread of Western scholarship to China and vice versa should be understood as a whole, meaning that modern Chinese history was not only a process of Westernization, but also a history of the West learning from the East, resulting in changes in the West. Therefore, Western Sinology Studies should be considered not only as a branch of Oriental Studies, but also as part of modern Chinese history. Meanwhile, researchers of modern Chinese history will no longer be confined to Chinese texts since the texts in Western languages are also indispensable. In this sense, sorting through the historical materials in Western languages is a fundamental and must- do task for the academia. Those materials include all the books, files, manuscripts, and texts, both published and unpublished. If we take into account the scholarship on China in East Asia and other parts of Asia, then PIS would entail broader scope. This volume does not aspire to provide a complete picture of PIS, but rather an overview of the translations of Chinese classics in dozens of countries.

Research on the Translation and Impact of Chinese Classics: Chinese Perspective Yan Shaodang, in pointing out the contribution of the Chinese academia to the field of ISS over the past 30 years, remarks that,

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The Chinese academia has come to realize the significance of Chinese culture to global history. More Chinese scholars have also been awakened to the fact that the Chinese culture is a shared intellectual wealth for the humanity, and that the research and understanding of Chinese culture is of world significance. The Chinese academia has made a great deal of progress in ISS. Scholars of China are now consciously tapping this treasure house in their own research, and are responding actively to it by drawing upon their own wisdom. The past three decades witnessed the most fundamental transformation in the Chinese humanities, and reflected, to a certain extent, the fact that Chinese scholarship is now becoming integrated within global scholarship [9: 1].

For a long time, the Chinese academia studied ancient Chinese culture within the scope of the culture itself. But we’ll see in this volume that since the Late Ming Dynasty, Chinese knowledge and thoughts have been disseminated to the West, and the translations and research of Chinese classics have enabled them to take on a brand-new look. Or in other words, the realm of Chinese scholarship and thoughts was greatly expanded and the research on China rolled out worldwide. When Western missionary and professional Sinologists started to study in China, the number and variety of researchers increased significantly. As the impact of ancient Chinese culture and thoughts expanded, scholarship and knowledge on China became no longer unique to the Chinese academia. Studies of China from the outside, in its turn, fed back to China’s academia, and the scholarship on China has become intricate and multi-dimensional. Chinese scholars are now called upon to contribute their own voices to the field of Sinology, not simply carry out academic criticism on the knowledge errors in Sinology. A case in point of such contribution is the monograph recently published by Ge Zhaoguang (1950–), titled Here in ‘China’ I Dwell: Reconstructing Historical Discourses of China for Our Time (2011). But Chinese scholars have yet much more to do. They must be able to illustrate the origins, development, and dissemination of the transformed Chinese knowledge from a cross-cultural perspective. To advance international scholarship on Chinese culture requires not only Chinese scholars to discuss or dispute with sinologists, but also scholars familiar with the cultures and thoughts of various countries who would illustrate Chinese culture’s integration with and metamorphoses in other cultures, thus revealing its universal value. The dissemination and impact of Chinese culture are two connected fields of research. We would not obtain a thorough understanding of the world significance of Chinese culture without studying the impact of the translated Chinese classics, and the impact studies would not be possible without diving into the cultural histories of target countries. The translation of Chinese classics into Western languages not only enabled an epistemological expansion of Orientalism, but also exerted a profound impact on the development of Western thoughts. To a certain extent, those who don’t understand the impact of Chinese culture on other cultures will not become good scholars of Western cultural history and the history of ideas. To illustrate this, Chap. 13 is devoted to a case study of Ezra Pound (1885–1972) to profile the impact of Chinese classics in the West in the twentieth century. Chapter 13 was a tentative research of the translation, interpretation, and assimilation of Chinese culture by Pound in light of his composition of modernist poetry.

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The impact of the East, or China, has long been neglected in the study of Western cultural history. But we cannot aspire to elaborate on the topic in this volume, since it is a much broader and hard-to-grasp field of research. So we have selected a single case study, with the hope of capturing in a nutshell the complicated and multidimensional history of the dissemination and impact of Chinese culture. This case study shows the attempt to rethink the world significance of Chinese culture. It also reflects the endeavor to break away from the East-West or Modernity-Tradition binaries, that is, the East is backward and West advanced, and if Eastern countries or non-Western countries want to be modernized and realize national rejuvenation, they must make a clean break from their own traditions and learn from the West. As indicated by Andre Frank and Barry Gills, “the world system has a history spanning at least five millenia. A Europe or West- dominated world order might collapse in the blink of the eye. Thus we call Euro-centrism into question and argue for anthro-centrism” [13: 3]. World history consists of the histories of all peoples. The rise of the West was rather recent, and one driver of its success was learning from the East. Only with such a long-term and global view of history would we demystify the Western culture and be better poised to discuss the impact of ancient Chinese culture in Europe. The author comments on Pound that “the interpretation of Confucianism by Pound remains relevant today. Despite the confinements of his time, Pound nevertheless discovered one essential feature of Confucianism: the pursuit of moral improvement. In this sense, Confucianism could well serve as an antidote for the hedonist scourge in the West. Thus Pound’s discovery of the contemporary relevance of Confucianism was crucial”. The worldwide impact of Chinese culture is a fairly complex field of research. Concepts such as “ideology” or “utopia” are not enough and a post-colonialist reduction is unwarranted. The problem with simple reduction is that the development of the Western culture was merely considered a self-sacrification process, and the impact of other cultures, for instance, the Arab and Chinese cultures, was dismissed; the assimilation of foreign cultures by the West was attributed to the greatness intrinsic to the Western culture. This line of thought denied the value of Eastern culture and glorified Western culture. Obviously, research on the worldwide impact of Chinese culture must break away from this thinking and create a new theoretical framework. And case-by-case studies are needed to represent the wide variety of impact produced in various countries. ISS has been making considerable headway in recent years. Represented by competent young scholars and high-quality Ph.D. theses, great progress has been achieved in the research of the translations of Chinese classics. This is a brandnew field requiring both foreign language competence and competence in crossdisciplinary research. Research on the dissemination of Chinese classics cuts across translation studies, religious studies, and comparative literature. Researchers must be conversant with both Chinese and target country cultures and possess a solid foundation in academic training. The dual challenges for the researchers are: one, the doubts from domestic scholars and two, the ever-lasting dialogue with Sinologists. Despite these challenges, groups of brave explorers are now tilling the field.

Introduction

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China was a latecomer to modernization. The representations and narratives of Chinese culture have not been made totally by itself. The natural process of cultural development in China was indeed interrupted during the Late Qing Period, and the Chinese culture has since been forcefully subsumed into a world cultural system dominated by the West. It will be an arduous task for a rising China today to regain equal footing in the West-dominated cultural system. Since 1979, China has experienced an explosion of modernization and scored considerable achievements. Yet it is suddenly realized that the rise of a great power will not be possible without the flourishing of its domestic culture. Unprecedented openness in thoughts has been ushered in by 40 years of rapid growth, but, at the same time, money worship and mercantilism also raise challenges to the rise of Chinese culture, which is mainly reflected in the following two aspects: First, the Chinese academia has not yet completed a systematic survey of the history of the spread of Western learning to China, or a systematic review of the China’s modern history of ideas, and a mature contemporary Chinese cultural system is still waiting to be formulated. Realizing the interaction and integration among Western learning, Guoxue and Marxism, is no easy task. But as China rises rapidly, we have no choice but to re-tell the universal value of Chinese culture to the world. But how? Second, modern Chinese history proved that it would take a long time to make a clean break with the negative parts of the traditional thought. Cultural selfconsciousness and confidence are reflected in two aspects: first, maintaining a sober understanding of one’s own culture by distinguishing between its flaws and merits, and identifying the mainstream elements of a fine cultural tradition. In this sense, Lu Xun (1881–1936), the great writer and thinker of early twentieth century, is still relevant today. He was considered radical during his time, but the self-criticism he launched on the Chinese culture was an essential intellectual source for reconstructing Chinese culture. The constant renewal of the Western culture has been realized through self-criticism by critics such as Voltaire (1694–1778) and Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). A rising China also needs such critics. Second, respecting history and traditional culture, and taking them as foundation for the rise of a cultural power. The re-interpretation of Chinese thoughts and culture in a new era should be based on the mainstream elements of traditional culture, so as to blaze a new path of modernization featuring Chinese characteristics. The time has passed when we learned everything from the West. China is the only ancient country with an uninterrupted cultural history, and thus the rejuvenation of the Chinese culture should not rely on transplanting contemporary Western culture. Consequently, there emerges a tension between the traditional culture and transformative innovation, which boils down to the questions like how to deal with the relationship between ancient and contemporary Chinese culture and how to illustrate the contemporary relevance of traditional Chinese culture. The global dissemination of ancient Chinese culture necessitates a sober consciousness and sufficient understanding of the culture itself. Only in this way can the global relevance of Chinese culture and the significance of the China path be illustrated. Clearly, the dilemma lies within us. The turmoils and conflicts in a

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period of social transition have added to the difficulties in understanding and interpreting a rapidly developing China. China’s culture and thoughts have fallen into disorder, with many schools of thoughts contending with one another. This is the eve of the birth of new ideas. The urgent task for the Chinese academia today is to grasp the essence of Chinese culture amid all historical vicissitudes, and present the contemporary value and global relevance of the Chinese culture. A whole century of Learning from the West is over. China has caught up with its Western teachers materially and is poised to become the largest economy in the world. Yet China is a latecomer to modernization. Therefore, the disruption and continuity, as well as the assimilation and transformation of the Chinese culture, have become a paramount cultural topic. Without the rebirth of its intellectual and cultural traditions, Chinese culture will never embrace a true Renaissance. A new, uncertain epoch has arrived. Ours is a new world filled with hopes, challenges, and possibilities. This is a new world unfamiliar to our generation, a world we must continue to appreciate and understand. The authors sincerely hope that this book will make its due contribution to a grand academic enterprise.

References 1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

13.

Yan SD (2013) Preface to Annals of Research on Chinese Culture in the World, 1979–2009, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing Ren DY (2010) “Reflections upon Sinology in the New Period”, in Li Xuetao et al. Eds. Transcending the East and West Divide: Research on Chinese Culture in the World Context, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing Yan SD (2009) A History of Japanese Sinology, Xueyuan Press Zhu ZH (2007) “On Issues concerning Research on the History of Historiography and China Studies”, in Free View, Vol 1, pp 62–67 Li XQ (1996) Preface to Abstracts of Selected Sinology Works, Jiangxi Education Publishing House, Nanchang Jin YF (1991) History of Chinese Historiography. The Commercial Press Ouyang ZS et al. eds (2003) Collected Works of Fu Sinian, Hunan Education Publishing House, Changsha Sang B (1999) Interactions between Guoxue and Sinology in Modern China, Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, Hangzhou Yan SD (2010) “Reflections upon How to Improve Research Quality in ISS”, in Li Xuetao et al. eds. Transcending the East and West Divide: Research on Chinese Culture in the World Context, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing Yu YS (2005) Contemporary Crisis, Thoughts and Figures, SDX Joint Publishing Company, Beijing Zhang SH (2009) Chinese Philology, Shanghai Century Publishing Group, Shanghai Jin GP, Wu ZL (2004) “Macau and the Qing Dynasty before its Occupation of the Central Plains– Probing into the Real Causes of the Death of Nurhachi”, in The Selection of Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences of Macau: History, Social Sciences Academic Press (China), pp 66–84 Andre, Frank and Barry, Gills eds (2004) The World System: 500 Years or 5000? (Chinese Translation). Social Sciences Academic Press (China), Beijing

Part I

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Asia

Chapter 1

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Japan Shaodang Yan and Guangsheng Wang

There are two fundamental aspects to understanding the reception of Chinese classical culture in Japan during the 20th century. On the one hand, we need to grasp modern Japanese Sinologists’academic lineage and the value of their research. On the other hand, we must unveil the alarming implications of the fact that Japan has adapted Chinese culture in service to its own mainstream ideology.

1.1 Understanding Modern Japanese Sinologists’ Academic Lineage and the Value of their Research From the end of the 19th century to the end of the 20th century, five to six generations of Sinologists tilled the field and formed the backbone of Japanese Sinology. Here is a brief sketch of these generations of scholars. The first generation comprised scholars who established Sinology in Japan. They form two main academic schools: the Kyoto School represented by Kano Naoki (1868–1941), Nait¯o Konan (1866–1934) and Kuwabara Jitsuzo (1870–1931), and the Tokyo School featuring Inoue Tetsujir¯o (1855–1944) and Shiratori Kurakichi (1865–1942). These scholars all adopted modern Western academic disciplines, such as the History of Literature, History of Philosophy, Oriental History, and so forth, to study Chinese culture. And in doing so, they also drew upon their personal preferences and fields of expertise. Virtually all of them had lived and visited China at one point or another, and also had first-hand exposure to Euro-American cultures. They stepped S. Yan (B) Chinese Department, Peking University, Beijing, China G. Wang College of Foreign Languages, Capital Normal University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_1

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outside the ivory tower, and equipped themselves with modern Euro-American cultural values. However, the two schools of thoughts were fundamentally different. The Kyoto scholars were mostly engaged with academic questions about the essence of Chinese culture, whilst the Tokyo scholars, due to their proximity to the political center, were more concerned with ideological trends in Japanese society, serving more or less as a barometer for the prominent ideological movements in Japan.1 Our summarization of the features of the two Schools is based upon our own understanding. Indeed, contemporary Japanese researchers of China did not strictly adhere to certain academic affiliations. The second generation of Japanese Sinologists is represented by Aoki Masaru (1887–1964), Takeuchi Yoshio (1886–1964), Ojima Sukema (1881–1966) of Kyoto University and Hattori Unokichi (1867–1939) and Uno Tetsuto (1875–1974) of Tokyo University, as well as Tsuda Soukichi (1873–1961) of Waseda University. Generally-speaking, the third generation of Sinologists was an amalgamation of the Tokyo and Kyoto Schools. Although the two Schools had been largely converging with each other, academic lineage still played a significant role. The third generation of Sinologists is represented by Yoshikawa Koujiro (1904– 1980) , Miyazaki Ichisada (1901–1995), Iwamura Shinobu (1905–1988) and Enoki Kazuo (1913–1989). The fourth generation featured Shimizu Shigeru (1925–2008), Ito Sohei (1925– 2006), Togawa Yoshi (1931–), Ikeda On (1931–) and Kozen Hiroshi (1936–). At present, the fifth and sixth generations of Sinologists are still forming. We argue that there is a clear academic lineage in Japanese Sinology. Within this complex network, we take two scholars as cases in point to provide a preliminary evaluation of the achievements of Japanese Sinology.

1.1.1 Kano Naoki and his Thoughts on the Formation of Genres in Chinese Literature 1.1.1.1

Naoki’s Research on the Formation of the Shui Hu Zhuan [水 水浒 传]

In 1910, Naoki published a paper entitled “Shui Hu Zhuan and Chinese Drama” in Art and Literature, which represented the first attempt to incorporate research on Chinese folk literature into Chinese literature studies, and an earlier specimen of evidence-based research. Why did Naoki publish such a paper? In 1887, three eminent Japanese writers, Mori Ougai (1862–1922), Mori Kainan (1862–1911) and Koda Rohan (1867–1947) discussed the Shui Hu Zhuan on the 1

Author’s Note: The two dominant state ideologies in Japan at the beginning of the 20th century were Pan-Asianism and Westernization. These two ideologies persist to the present day.

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20th issue of Seiseisou. They held that the Shui Hu Zhuan offered inspirations for the creation of Chinese poetic dramas with the same theme. Thus, the novel Shui Hu Zhuan was written earlier than the dramas. But Naoki adopted a different view. In his paper, Naoki listed the characteristics of the dramas from the Ming and Qing Dynasties. He focused on five dramas (namely, Shuang Xian Tou [双献头], Yan Qing Bo Yu [燕青博鱼], Huan Lao Mo [ 还牢末], Zheng Bao En [争报恩] and Li Kui Fu Jing [李逵负荆] and pointed out that the plots were much simpler than those in the Shui Hu Zhuan. Many intriguing plots in the existing edition of Shui Hu Zhuan were not adopted by the dramas. Naoki commented:“This would be impossible if the novel predated the dramas. ”He compared the 73rd Chapter of the Shui Hu Zhuan with Li Kui Fu Jing and Shuang Xian Tou, and concluded that, “the plots in the novel were developed based on the dramas, rather than the other way around” [1: 382]. By categorizing the characters in the dramas, Naoki found that all of them belong to the ranks of the Big Dippers [天罡星] in the Shui Hu Zhuan, and none of them belong to the ranks of the Malignant Star [地煞星], another category of the 108“stars of destiny”.2 One of the dramas was entitled Yi Zhangqing Nao Yuanxiao [一丈青 闹元宵 ], in which Yi Zhangqing was Zhang Heng’s nickname, not that of Hu Sanniang. The reason is that the characters and plots in the dramas came from the Tales of the Hsuan Ho Period [大宋宣和遗事], not Shui Hu Zhuan. The Biography of Hou Meng collected in the History of Song Dynasty has it that“there are thirty-six people who run amuck in the Qi and Wei regions, and tens of thousands of government troops were not their match.”These people were all named in the Tales of the Hsuan Ho Period, and the dramas involved no one else. Naoki thus concluded that,“before the finalization of the current version of the Shui Hu Zhuan, there must have been all sorts of dramas, on which the current version is based.” This argument was widely accepted by scholars both in Japan and abroad. It may seem common sense today, but back in Naoki’s time, this view was original, drawing upon methodologies in both historical and literary studies.

1.1.1.2

The Discovery of the Dunhuang Grottos Lent Enormous Inspiration to Naoki in his Research on Chinese Folk Culture

In the autumn of 1911, before Chinese scholars took notice of the value of the Dunhuang manuscripts, Naoki set off for Europe and traced the manuscripts seized by British, French and Russian adventurers.3 In 1916, Naoki’s paper entitled “Documents for Folk Chinese Culture Research” in Art and Literature recorded his experience tracing the documents brought to Europe 2

Translators’ Note: For translations of these Chinese character names, please refer to All Men are Brothers, translated by Pearl S. Buck and published in 1933. 3 Author’s Note: For a detailed description of Naoki and his research on the Dunhuang Manuscripts, see Yan Shaodang’s paper entitled “Research on the Dunhuang Manuscripts and Oracle bone Inscriptions in Japan”, published in the third issue of Chinese Culture in 1990.

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by Mark Aurel Stein (1862–1943) and Paul Pelliot (1878–1945). In the paper, Naoki recorded: I acquired a torn piece of paper from Stein’s Dunhuang Manuscripts, which reads: The judge was afraid and dared not reveal his own name... The messenger led Emperor Taizong to the gate, saying: “Your Majesty, please wait here for a spell, and I will report to the judge.” He then entered the hall and announced: “Judge, I have led the soul of Emperor Taizong here to be interrogated. Now the Emperor is at the gate and it’s beyond my capacity to decide whether or not he should be let in.” Ziyu, the judge, panicked... He emerged from the gate and greeted [唱诺] the Emperor.

From what was left of the words, it was a story about the trip of Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty to the hell. This story appeared in the Eleventh Chapter of the Journey to the West [西游记] composed in the Ming Dynasty. But the prototype plot was first recorded in Chaoye Qianzai [朝野佥载]. A Qing scholar by the name Yu Yue (1821–1907) mentioned the story in his Rare and Interesting Stories Compiled in the Study of Tea Fragrance [茶香室丛钞]: “The Chaoye Qianzai recorded the story of Emperor Taizong, which was later mentioned in the novel. It shows that the story is true. It’s a pity that there is no clear record of the story to date”. Yu was not aware that stories based on the record had already emerged by the end of the Tang Dynasty. Given the above, the often-used word Changre [唱诺] in Shui Hu Zhuan, which also appeared in the above manuscript, exposes the close relationship between the Dunhuang Manuscripts and latter novels. This represents a crucial finding for the research of ancient Chinese novels at the beginning of the 20th century. Naoki also recorded stories of Qiu Hu [秋胡], Dong Yong [董永] and Wu Zixu [伍子胥], which he copied from the manuscripts in the possession of Stein and Pelliot, and explored the history and evolution of those stories. On the basis of his research, Naoki commented: Scholars who study Chinese folk culture generally held that the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties produced a large number of dramas and novels. But in light of the Dunhuang Manuscripts, the budding period of Chinese folk culture can be traced back to the end of Tang Dynasty. It gradually became popular during the Song Dynasty and flourished since the Yuan Dynasty [1: 384]. At the time, Naoki did not know that those Dunhuang stories were indeed the Bianwen [变文]. At the beginning of the 20th century, while the academia was still unaware of the relationship between the Dunhuang Manuscripts and Chinese folk culture, Naoki discovered a plethora of new materials and proposed new arguments. His wisdom is commendable. In 1920, Wang Guowei (1877–1927) published a paper entitled “Folk poems and folk novels discovered in Dunhuang” in The Eastern Miscellany (Volume 19, Issue 9) , which was the first treatise on the relationship between Dunhuang Manuscripts and history of Chinese literature published by a Chinese scholar. A considerable part of the treatise was based on the Dunhuang stories collected in Naoki’s above-mentioned paper.

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Wang commended Naoki as “a distinguished [Japanese] Confucian scholar”, and even wrote a verse in honor of him: A distinguished Japanese Confucian scholar and seeker of truth, Naoki and I share a common academic pursuit.

1.1.1.3

Naoki’s Discovery of the Zaju Lingben [杂 杂剧零本]

On October 20th, 1912, Naoki sent letters from St. Petersburg, saying that he had located the cultural relics discovered by Russian adventurers in Gansu, China. These relics included A Portable Dictionary of Tangut, Scriptures in Tangut, the Tang Dynasty Version of Buddh¯avatamsaka-mah¯avaipulya-s¯utra, Lü Guanwen’s Annotations of Zhuangzi, Zaju Lingben and parts of the Northern Song Dynasty Version of Liezi and the Song Rhyming Dictionary. Naoki added a note to the Zaju Lingben, noting: “by a quick look at the book, I couldn’t be sure, but I think it was published in the Song Dynasty and was the one and only copy. It represents the origins of the Yuan poetic dramas and will be greatly valued. It’s a pity that it was almost torn to shreds” [1: 384]. Zaju Lingben found in St. Petersburg was actually not a drama, but rather an incomplete copy of Liu Zhiyuan Zhugongdiao [刘知远诸宫调]. The copy was seized by the Russian Kozlov expedition when they excavated the ancient cities of Zhang Ye and Hei Shui. It was one of the three existent Zhugongdiao ballads (诸宫调, an aria-esque style of ballad prevalent in the 11th century). At the time, the academia had no idea of the transitional role of Zhugongdiao as a literary genre in connecting Dunhuang Bianwen and the poetic dramas of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties. However, based on his profound understanding of Chinese culture and his academic acumen, Naoki discovered this copy amongst a multitude of manuscripts and cultural relics, and published it. He had yet to understand that this copy was actually the famous Liu Zhiyuan Zhugongdiao, and yet he had realized the unusual value of the copy. That is why he considered the 42-page incomplete copy the “origins of the Yuan Dramas, will surely be greatly valued by future generations.” Naoki’s scholarly acumen has inspired further research on Chinese drama and literature. His student, Aoki Masaru, carried on Naoki’s research interest, and conducted pioneering research on the Zaju Lingben. In 1932, Aoki Masaru published a long paper on Liu Zhiyuan Zhugongdiao in Sinology (Issue 2, Volume 6), going to great lengths to explore the content of the copy and its status in the history of Chinese literature. Naoki made outstanding contributions to the research on the genetics of Chinese literature. As a representative scholar on China during the transitional period of Japanese culture towards modernization, he laid the foundation for Japanese Sinology. And the research guidelines and methodologies of the Positivist School he established exerted an impact on later generations of Sinologists, such as Aoki Masaru, Yoshikawa K¯ojir¯o, Ogawa Tamaki, Shimizu Shigeru, Kozen Hiroshi and Kominami Ichir¯o (1942–), who are all indispensable to the Japanese Sinology lineage.

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Naoki’s scholarship was gradually forgotten a century later. But a statue of him at Kyoto university still reminds us of the foresights and wisdom of this outstanding scholar.

1.1.2 Yoshikawa K¯ojir¯o and the Architecture of K¯ojir¯o Sinology K¯ojir¯o may be categorized as belonging to the third generation of Sinologists. He is considered the most outstanding Japanese Sinologist after the Second World War. His academic career extended from the 1940s up to 1980, and he is regarded as an eminent scholar with a far-reaching influence. John King Fairbank hailed him as the prince of Sinologists, a status acknowledged by Sinologists worldwide. Beginning in the late 1940s, Japanese Sinology entered a period of “reflection, purging and rejuvenation”. As the older generation of researchers, such as Nait¯o Torajiro, Kano Naoki, Kuwabara Jitsuzo and Tetsujiro Inoue, faded from academia, and other scholars such as Toriyama Kichi, Koi Kazuai, Tokutomi Soh¯o who served as the mouthpiece for a belligerent Japan during the war, were purged from the academia, a new cohort of scholars made their debut. Yoshikawa K¯ojir¯o was notable amongst them. He wrote works tallying a total of twenty million words during a fifty-year span, and established the K¯ojir¯o Sinology, a true testament to his rigor and sagacity. K¯ojir¯o was the student of Naoki and Aoki Masaru, both of whom formed the backbone of the Kyoto School. In this connection, K¯ojir¯o could be considered a hallmark figure of both the Kyoto school and the third-generation Japanese Sinologists. K¯ojir¯o’s remarkable achievements may be categorized within the following three aspects. First, K¯ojir¯o began compiling the The Standard Text of Shangshu Zhengyi [尚书 正义定本] in the 1930s, which laid the foundation for K¯ojir¯o Sinology. K¯ojir¯o was called back by his teacher Naoki from Peking University, China in 1929 to serve as the director for the Research Institute of Chinese Classics and Literature attached to the Institute for Oriental Culture, and was entrusted the task of compiling the The Standard Text of Shangshu Zhengyi. As a first step, K¯ojir¯o translated the Shangshu [尚书] and the notes by Kong Yingda (574–648) into modern Japanese. Translating Shangshu into Japanese was a momentous undertaking. K¯ojir¯o dedicated ten years to the project, and published the Japanese version of Shangshu Zhengyi in 1939. This is the first complete translation of Shangshu Zhengyi into a foreign language and took the Sinology community by storm. This translation has two important implications: First, this represented an effort by Japanese Sinologists to create a new model of research on Chinese culture; that is, research based on a complete translation of an original Chinese classic. The implications of this pioneering effort are enormous.

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K¯ojir¯o had chosen the infamously difficult Shangshu as his initial research subject. This shows that in Japan there was an academic awareness to support scholarly pursuits, beginning with the most fundamental classics. Thus, we can see there was an enabling environment for the development of highcaliber scholars in the circle of Japanese Sinology from the 1950s on. Second, K¯ojir¯o began studying Yuan dramas in the 1940s, which reflects the core interest in the history of literature characterizing K¯ojir¯o Sinology. K¯ojir¯o’s interest in Yuan drama budded under Naoki’s tutelage. In 1920s, when Chinese scholars’interest in the research on ancient dramas was lukewarm (Wang Guowei was an exception), the research was already in full swing with the Kyoto School. There are mainly three reasons behind this. First, since the mid- Edo era, the Macho class had expanded and folk culture prospered; Second, Kyoto School scholars were influenced by European philosophy, and considered dramas and novels as more important than poems and essays; Thirdly, some researchers were influenced by the vernacular Chinese campaign in the wake of the May-Fourth Movement of 1919, and tried to revive folk literature from amidst ancient Chinese literature, particularly dramas. In 1974, K¯ojir¯o commented: “We are those Japanese people who were against the war on China. We evaded the war. We shunned military service. I wiled away the hours reading Yuan dramas.” The “we” here refers to those third-generation Kyoto School scholars including Tanaka Ji, Iriya Yoshitaka, and so forth. K¯ojir¯o recalled: At first, we tried to read Yuan dramas to pass the time and study Chinese. However, the deeper we delved, the more we felt that there was another style of Chinese life reflected in the dramas, which was different from the lifestyle depicted in the poems. In such a chaotic time, amidst air raids, likeminded scholars who chose not to join in the battle often gathered together to read the Yuan dramas, seeking solace in chaos. What a joy!

It was amidst the noises of war mongers that they compiled A Dictionary of Yuan Dramas [元曲辞典] and Interpretations of Selected Yuan Dramas [元曲选释]. From 1942 to 1944, K¯ojir¯o completed his monograph entitled Research on Yuan Dramas, which contained two sections, namely, “Background” and “Literature”. K¯ojir¯o argued that “literature is a social phenomenon, and should be considered amidst the network and society of the time”. Therefore, he tried to pin down on the audience for the Yuan dramas, and pieced together the biographies of 70 authors. This is the first time for a systematic review of the audience and authors of Yuan dramas. Sun Kaidi (1898–1986) borrowed from K¯ojir¯o in his book entitled An Investigation of Yuan Dramatists [元曲家考略]. K¯ojir¯o also believed that “research on literary history should go beyond emendation, which is nothing but a necessary step towards the ultimate goal”. The “Literature” section was written in pursuit of that very goal, focusing on the artistic value and style of the dramas, and expounded on the value of Yuan dramas in the history of Chinese literature. A Research on Yuan Dramas [元杂剧研究] was undoubtedly K¯ojir¯o’s far-reaching foray into ancient Chinese literature. It both reflected K¯ojir¯o’s academic expertise and opened the gate to the world of Chinese literature. Third, K¯ojir¯o’s dedication to the study of Du Fu (712–770) during 1950s and 1970s reflected his profound understanding of Chinese literature.

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In 1947, K¯ojir¯o earned his Ph.D. in literature from Kyoto University with his monograph on Yuan Dramas, ushering in the “golden era” of his academic career. In a matter of 20 plus years, K¯ojir¯o published more than 15 million words worth of works, including academic monographs and popular readers. He gradually deepened his understanding of Chinese literature and from the 1950s forward, focused his research and Du Fu and his poetry. K¯ojir¯o’s passion for Du Fu was in line with his effort to understand the “humanism of Chinese ethics”. He commented: “Du Fu’s poems are always down-to-earth. Fundamentally speaking, they are people-centered literature!” In his later years, K¯ojir¯o observed Chinese literature from the perspective of world literature and culture, and attempted to grasp the power of Du Fu’s works. He admitted: “I don’t hate Western literature, but Western literature is oftentimes focused on the divine and the heroic, rather than on common people. Goethe and Dante were great, but their works were not as good as Du Fu’s people-centered works.” Du Fu’s works were introduced to Japan some six hundred years ago. But there had been only four or five research monographs on him to date. K¯ojir¯o believed that these works could not reflect his own understanding of Du Fu, and thus took to studying the Chinese poet. Between 1950 and 1968, he published a series of books on Du Fu, including Du Fu: A Personal Account, Notes to Du Fu, Notes to Du Fu’s Poetry, Miscellanies on Du Fu, and so forth. These were collected posthumously in Detailed Annotations to Du Fu’s Poems. K¯ojir¯o conducted extensive research on Du Fu and his poetry, and his publications spelled a lasting legacy for K¯ojir¯o Sinology. Despite occasional gaps in knowledge and some mis-judgements, the research zeal he embodied and the academic course he chartered demonstrated a sound understanding of the nature of Chinese literature, as well as his own career path as a pioneering third-generation Sinologist. In light of the above, we can identify the following three academic features of Japanese Sinology during this period. First, the Sinologists are different from their predecessors of the Edo era (1600– 1868), who were content with remaining confined to the ivory tower. These new scholars were acutely aware of the importance of experiencing Chinese culture firsthand, meaning that they realized that if they wanted to study Chinese culture, they must first visit China and gain immediate experience of the country. Naito Torajiro was the first foreigner who beheld the oracles at Liu Tieyun’s abode, and Naoki was the first Japanese scholar to launch investigations into the Dunhuang Manuscripts. At the same time, these Japanese scholars also valued learning from European culture, including European Sinology and general philosophy. Naoki was conversant with both English and French, and harbored a strong interest in Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) and August Comte (1798–1857). In fact, some scholars established the Philosophical/Confucian School based on the theories of Loreng von Stein (1815–1890) and Heinirich Rudolf Harmann Friedrich Geneist (1816–1895); some developed the Critical School based on Pierre Laffitte (1770–1821), and still others established the Positivist School on the basis of August Comte. These scholars have been equipped with fairly broad cultural horizons, enabling them to put Chinese culture in perspective.

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Second, in our view, the Positivism advocated by Japanese Sinologists, constituted the academic foundation for International Sinology Studies. We would be remiss to equate Positivism with Qing dynasty textual criticism. Despite its sporadic connection to textual criticism, the Positivism in Japanese Sinology mainly drew its inspiration from Comte. Comte’s theory was often dismissed by Chinese philosophers as being based on subjective feelings, thus negating the understandability of the objective world and natural tendencies. But Japanese Sinologists developed their own understanding of the theory. In their view, positivism proposes that science should not be based on abstract reasoning, but rather on “true facts”; along these lines, science is a description or record of facts or phenomena, and only those facts or phenomena experienced could be said to be true or positive. The positivist theory provided fresh food for thought in applying Qing Dynasty textual criticism. At the beginning of the 20th century, the oracles and Dunhuang manuscripts came to light in succession. Based on these newly discovered materials, Japanese Sinologists established their own conceptual and methodological framework based on Positivism in their research of Chinese culture. Generally speaking, the Positivism in Japanese Sinology adopts the following outlook. (1) Focuses on the necessity of Evidence-based Criticism [原典批评]; (2) Emphasizes the importance of comparing texts with cultural relics; (3) Argues for the positive value of the researcher’s cultural experience; (4) Respects originality, arguing for proposing philosophical concepts and affirming original views arising from cultural criticism and social reforms. We can say that the achievements of Japanese Sinology may be attributed to Positivism. For example, Naoki held the Dunhuang Bianwen as the budding form of Chinese folk culture and considered Zaju Lingben (Liu Zhiyuan Zhugongdiao) to represent the origins of Yuan dramas. Aoki Masaru provided a complete interpretation of the Liu Zhiyuan Zhugongdiao for the first time in history, famously writing A History of Modern Chinese Opera. K¯ojir¯o identified the biographies of 72 authors of Yuan dramas, and wrote A Research on Yuan Dramas. These three scholars contributed significantly to the research on Chinese culture and literature. Chinese scholars such as Wang Guowei and Sun Kaidi benefited greatly from their research. Meanwhile, the Philosophical School advocated Confucianism and incorporated Confucian principles into Japanese imperial statecraft, thus building a spiritual bridge leading from nationalism to militarism. The Philosophical School advocated“returning the essence of Confucianism to China, and realizing the grand enterprise of rebuilding China”, which is simply absurd. The Positivism in Japanese Sinology represented a reflection on the Sinology and Rationalism of the Edo era, as well as a resistance to the Philosophical School parasitizing the Mikado regime. Thirdly, modern Japanese Sinology made an ontological break with the Edo Sinology, turning Chinese culture from an ideology-tainted belief to an objective target. However, such a turn was based on the academic achievements of Edo Sinology. It was precisely because of their immersion in the Edo sinology that modern Japanese Sinologists were able to effect such a transformation. Similarly, early Kyoto

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School scholars all possessed a profound understanding of their own history and culture, which constituted the basis for their scholarship. Indeed, scholars must all be equipped with profound knowledge of their own culture in order to study foreign cultures. These basic features of Japanese Sinology formed the basis for our evaluation.

1.2 We Must Caution Against Adapting Chinese Culture for Ideological Purposes The reception and research of China and Chinese culture in 20th century Japan lay beyond the imagination of many in terms of its scale alone. Valuable research outputs provided a treasure trove of knowledge and inspiration for scholars the world over. However, this enthusiasm in Chinese studies also provided opportunities for some Japanese scholars to appropriate Chinese cultural elements in support of nationalism, ultra-nationalism, militarism, and even fascism. They decimated Chinese culture by looting a sea of ancient texts. Thus, the authors have long contended that when evaluating Japanese Sinology, we must realize that there is room for reflection. In particular, we must understand that in light of Japan’s Statist ideology in the first half of 20th century, some Japanese Sinologists harnessed Chinese culture as political tools for invading and infiltrating China. The combination of personal greed and state power resulted in a catastrophic looting of Chinese cultural resources. In 1938, Yu Dafu (1896–1945), a Chinese writer who had studied in Japan, expressed his anger at certain Japanese intellectuals, whose so-called “research” and “literary achievement” provided cultural and political tools aiding the Japanese invaders in infiltrating China: I’ve always counted on Japanese intellectuals as the elites of the country because of their stronger sense of integrity, judgment and justice. However, only when the wind blows hard will we see which grass is strong. When the war broke out between China and Japan, these intellectuals betrayed their despicability...[2]

Wrapped by the nationalist ideology, scholarship on China degenerated into a political tool for Japanese invasion.

1.2.1 Japanese Military Officers Offering Sacrifices to Confucius at Ashikaga School Ashikaga School, located in the Tochigi prefecture to the north of east Kyoto, is a Sinology school with a far-reaching history. Since the Middle Ages, Ashikaga School has been an important teaching site for Sinology, in particular for the studies on the Yi Jing [易经], and bred many Japanese Sinologists. The school library collected

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some precious Chinese ancient texts, for example the Zhouyi Zhushu [周易注疏] published in the Song Dynasty and has since been used by Lu You and his son. In December of 1906, high-ranking officials in the Japanese army gathered at the school and paid tribute to Confucius, swearing to conquer the Russians and advance Japanese interests in Northeast China. The monument of the field army marshal and navy admiral Itou Yuukou (1843–1914), stands to this day. Also joining the ceremony were the navy admiral Togou Heihachirou (1848–1934), as well as a cohort of high-ranking officers. Insatiable greed turned Confucius, the great Chinese philosopher, into a political pretext for the Japanese militarists to invade China. This event signaled that the nationalists and militarists were appropriating Confucian culture and Chinese culture in their ideology-building efforts, which means that during its fledgling stages, Japanese Sinology was faced with the danger of being alienated by its nationalism.

1.2.2 Within the Field of Sinology, Philosophical Research Was the First to Be Alienated Under the Mainstream Ideology A case in point was the interpretation of the Emperor Meiji’s edict by Inoue Tetsujir¯o, professor of philosophy at Tokyo Imperialist University. In 1890, Emperor Meiji (Reigned 1867–1912) issued a nationwide imperial edict entitled The Imperial Rescript on Education (Chokugo Engi), which aimed at rejuvenating the imperial authority amidst a rising boom of liberalism and the paling of traditional values. This edict had a far-reaching influence, fostering national spirit in Japan to this very day. The Edict goes: Know ye, Our subjects: Our imperial ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; our subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furthermore advance public good and promote common interests; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageous to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages

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S. Yan and G. Wang and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you, Our subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue. The 30th day of the 10th month of the 23rd year of Meiji.

After the Edict was issued, many interpretations emerged, but none of them were satisfying. Thus, Cultural Minister Umeura nominated Inoue Tetsujir¯o, who had just returned from Germany, to write an interpretive commentary on the Edict. Tetsujir¯o was one of the earliest scholars engaged in the research of ancient Chinese philosophy. In 1882, he chaired the “Indian and Chinese Philosophy Lecture”. In the 1880s, Japan was a volcano involving conflicts between Eastern and Western civilizations, as well as a crossroads for the confluence of the two. Tetsujir¯o’s scholarship clearly bore the mark of his time, combining a desire to restore the traditional ethics and a thirst for learning from Euro-American culture. He went on to study in Germany in 1883, where he cultivated a profound interest in the theories of power centralization advocated by Loreng Von Stein and Heinirch Rudolf Harmann Freidrich Geneist. He integrated traditional Japanese Confucianism with modern nationalism and paved the way for the emergence of new theories in Confucian Studies. Tetsujir¯o completed a Commentary on the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1891 and published it as The Rescript Explicated [勅語衍義] after it was reviewed by Emperor Meiji. In the Preface to the monograph, Tetsujir¯o commented: When I read the Rescript, I was deeply touched by the sincere calling for filial piety, loyalty, integrity and shared patriotism. The benefits of the Rescript are broad and tangible. Our people should take it as the foundation of national education from now on. A shared patriotism is essential to Japan, however, it’s a pity that rarely has this theme been expounded on... filial piety, loyalty, integrity and patriotism are indispensable for any country. Be it in ancient or modern times, be it in the East or the West, every country needs them as the foundation of state organization.... Common people are confused, ...doubtful. Disturbed by this phenomenon, the Emperor issued the Rescript and emphasized the utmost importance of these basic qualities. Our people should feel ashamed and reflect on their ignorance...

The main theme of the monograph is that Japanese society is awash with Euro-American cultural ideas, and this kind of trend will sabotage the Mikado regime. Therefore, Tetsujir¯o committed himself to combining the ethics in traditional Japanese Confucianism and the theory of Nationalism (mainly German) and made an effort to put forward “loyalty and filial piety” and “shared patriotism” as the two major obligations for all the subjects of the Emperor. He tried to create a new Japanese spirit out of this interpretation. Tetsujir¯o’s interpretation connected traditional Confucian values such as loyalty and filial piety with a shared patriotism. Indeed, Tetsujir¯o considered this the only way to rejuvenate Japan. He endowed the Confucian tradition with modern values. In his monograph, Tetsujir¯o expounded upon modern state awareness, and instilled modern “patriotism” into the traditional values of loyalty to the Emperor. This attempt at integrating traditional Confucian political ethics with European state centralism

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theory was the fundamental feature of the modern Japanese Philosophical/Confucian School. Unokichi graduated in 1890 from the Philosophy Department of Tokyo Imperialist University. In 1900, he witnessed the Boxer Movement in China. And in December of that year, he was sent by the Ministry of Culture to study in Germany, where he studied Sinology at Berlin University. In 1902, Unokichi was called back and sent to the Imperial University in Beijing to serve as Professor and Director of the Department for Teacher Education. In 1909, he was promoted to professorship at Tokyo Imperial University and became an official in the Ministry of Culture. In 1917, Unokichi was recruited by the royal family to teach Han Shu [汉书], and in 1921, he was appointed to teach Chinese to the Heir Apparent. In 1925, he was entrusted to name the grandson of the Emperor, and the next year, promoted to tutor the Emperor in Chinese. His experiences were closely related to his research on Confucianism. He also published a series of books on Confucianism, such as Ethics (1892), The Main Tenets of Confucius’s teaching, A Guide to Oriental Ethics (1916), Confucius and Confucianism (1917), Confucianism and Modern Thought (1918), Confucius Speaks (1927), Essentials of Oriental Ethics Revised (1934), and so forth. Unokichi’s lecture notes on the Doctrine of the Mean, Confucius Teaches Righteousness, and the Introduction to Confucian Ethics were published posthumously. His research was concentrated in three main areas. First, instilling new meaning into Confucianism. Unokichi believed that in the face of a changing era, Confucianism should not lose its staying power, and should give full scope to its essential ideas. That is, he considered it his mission “to instill a new life into Confucianism and establish its authority in a new era”. Unokichi replaced Confucianism with K¯oshiky¯o, or Confucian Teaching, a concept he proposed in 1911, which marked the formation of the official scholarship. In Essentials of Oriental Ethics, Unokichi wrote: “The so-called Confucianism did not represent the essentials of Confucius himself. What Confucius tried to advocate is the respect for the imperial power and the Great Unity, instead of any revolutions.... So we should abandon the Confucianism of the past, establish the K¯oshiky¯o, and take it as the basis for the Great Unity” [1: 444]. This paragraph clearly targeted the widespread civil rights movement in Japan, and sought to bring long-term peace and stability to the royal house. This is the fundamental ethical pursuit of Unokichi’s conception of the K¯oshiky¯o. Second, by contending that the real spirit of Confucianism in China had been lost, and that the real spirit lies in Japan, Unokichi concealed his ulterior motives beyond his scholarship. In the Preface to the Essentials of Oriental Ethics Revised, Unokichi writes: The real essence of Confucianism is K¯oshiky¯o. However, this true spirit has been lost in China. The Chinese mistakenly opted for the Three People’s Principles4 and the radical European thoughts (Marxism-author’s note) , and discarded the true spirit. Considering this, 4

Translators’Note: refers to“Nationalism, Democracy, the People’s Livelihood”.

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S. Yan and G. Wang every wise person, whether Eastern or Western, would see that K¯oshiky¯o has been preserved and popularized in our country and marvel at the cultural power of our people [1: 446].

These words constituted the foundation of Japanese militarism. Third, considering the Japanese invasion of China as“returning Confucius to China”. In 1919, Unokichi delivered a speech on the“heavenly mandate”to the socalled reformist officials and military officers at the Kinnkei Gakuinn established by the supra-statist Masahiro Yasuoka. Unokichi interpreted the heavenly mandate as the mission of Japanese citizens. In Unokichi’s words:“Today, our country’s grand mission lies in rebuilding China. We must unite our efforts in pursuit of this lofty cause... Our task is arduous and the way forward is long. The knowledge that we need was preserved in our neighboring country where we are staging our new activities, and we must have a thorough understanding of the knowledge [1: 448]. Unokichi was a Japanese Confucian who advocated Confucian teaching, but considered its neighboring country as the new host for cultural activities, and saw rebuilding China as Japan’s grand mission. It is clear from these words that Unokichi’s argument is entwined with the principles of the K¯od¯oha, or the Imperial Way Fraction, and ultra-nationalism, ideas that advocated uniting the world under one sovereign by force of arms. This would later become an important intellectual source for fascist militarism in the 1920–30s. ¯ A third example is Sh¯u mei Okawa (1886–1957), who advocated the way of the eternal king. His idea was clearly stated as follows: “Putting China and Japan under the same political system, and by relying on the heavenly mandate and approaches to feed and stabilize the common people, the way of the eternal king will be implemented” [1: 549–550]. ¯ Okawa was tried by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East for Class A Crimes after the War, and was the only Class A War Criminal who was not a military officer. He was behind the many crazy war theories of Japanese invasion, one of which was his advocacy of the way of the eternal king born from Onukichi’s patriotism and K¯oshiky¯o. The main body of Confucian scholars in Japan before the War was alienated and reduced to the tool of militarism. Such degeneration also transpired in the fields of historical, archaeological and literary studies. This is a profound lesson for Japanese Sinology, as well as a warning for 21st century Sinologists the world over; that is, once academic research is tainted by political ideology, disaster will implode, both for scholarship and scholars themselves. Apart from Sinology as a tool and accomplice to invasion, Japanese Sinologists should also reflect on the combination of cultural greed and national power and the resulting looting of Chinese cultural resources. Such looting occurred in two stages in the 20th century. At first, Japan tried to use its powerful status in China to acquire ancient Chinese texts at very low price. The Hisaya family, founder of the Mitsubishi Group, acquired 43,218 volumes of ancient Chinese books from a renowned Chinese book collector, Lu Xinyuan at the

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impossible price of a hundred thousand taels. These books were later collected into the Seikado Bunko. In the summer of 1917, the Mitsubishi Group sent Otaki Masunosuke (1868– 1934), Director of the Yokohama Specie Bank, to China with Ishida Mikinosuke (1891–1974), a well-known Oriental History scholar. The pair negotiated with George Ernest Morrison (1862–1920), a consultant to the Beiyang government (1912–1928) on purchasing the Morrison Collection at a low price. The Morrison Collection refers to the 24,000 plus books and 1,000 plus maps collected by Morrison during 1897–1917. These books were written in English, French, German, Italian, Russian, Japanese, Spanish, Portuguese, Swedish, Polish, Hungarian, Greek, Finnish etc., on China, Siberia, and Southeast Asia countries, touching upon topics of politics, diplomacy, law, economics, military, history, archaeology, art, geography, geology, and animals. Among them there were many rare books, such as the Marco Polo Travels printed in the 15th century. And also included are important data concerning Chinese customs, including customs reports since the establishment, the U.S. government’s Report on the Far East, the British Bluepapers on China, as well as reports written by the embassies of European countries. There were also more than 500 Chinese Dialect-European language dictionaries compiled by missionaries from the 17th to 19th centuries. And there were also more than 5,000 volumes of periodicals dedicated to China and East Asia, as well as publications by Asiatic associations or Oriental associations of European countries. On August 29th, these books were sold at the price of 35,000 British Sterlings. The Beiyang government even agreed for these precious books to be shipped out of China from the port of Tianjin. These books were then collected in the villa of Iwasaki Hisaya, who established the Toyo Bunko. (The Oriental Library) thereon in November, 1924. In 1929, Yonaiyama Tsuneo (1888–1969), the Japanese consulgeneral in Hangzhou, acquired 40,700 volumes of books from Xu Zexun (1874–1930) at a price of 34, 000 tael. They were collected by the Foreign Ministry, and later moved to the Cultural Research Institute at Tokyo University. So far, the Japanese militarist had staged plays of purchasing books despite their desire to loot. But by the 1930s, they resorted to open looting. In 1931, Japanese Ronins sneaked into Tibet and Inner Mongolia and looted 130 volumes of Tibetan Tengyur, 102 volumes of Mongolian Kangyur, as well as 225 volumes of Mongolian Buddhist scriptures. Later, they looted 2,402 volumes of documents from the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (Reigned 1722–1735) to the end of Qing Dynasty. They drew up the curtain of comprehensive looting of ancient Chinese books and cultural relics. The Japanese armies invading China looted ancient books and cultural relics wherever they went, based on the list provided by fascist Sinologists. There are many recorded examples of such invasions: (1)

In March, 1938, the MP battalion of Jinan confiscated the house of Chen Mingyu and looted 13 ancient books including Huainanzi [淮南子] of Song Dynasty, Caizhonglang Ji [蔡中郎集] of Yuan Dynasty.

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(2) (3) (4)

(5)

(6)

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In June, 1938, the army under the command of Dohihara Kenni confiscated the house of Feng Hanfei, and looted four precious ancient paintings. In December 1938, the South China expeditionary forces looted 11 books printed in the Song dynasty. In May, 1940, Taao Kiyoshirou of the Central China expeditionary forces looted 535 local chronicles as well as Tushu Jicheng [图书集成] and the Twenty-Four Histories [二十四史]. On February 2nd, 1942, with the assistance of Japanese spy Takefuji Nineji, the South China expeditionary forces confiscated the Feng Pingshan Library in Hong Kong and looted 303 cases of precious books. Among these books, 28 were considered national treasures, including Wuchen Zhuwenxuan [五臣 注文选], Book of Rites [礼记]and History of the Later Han. Dynasty [后汉书 ] from the Song Dynasty, and several volumes of manuscripts of Yongle Encyclopedia [ 永乐大典] from the Ming dynasty. In February of 1946, 25,000 books from this looting were found in the Japanese Congress Library and another 10,000 books were found in the township of Ishehara. In May of 1945, Sakurai Nobuni from the Central China expeditionary forces commanded his soldiers to loot the house of Wang Kunchu, a former official of the Ministry of Education, and robbed calligraphy and paintings by Zheng Banqiao (1693–1765) and Zeng Guofan (1811– 1872).

The above-mentioned are but only six examples of many. From 1930 to 1945, a great number of precious books and cultural relics were ransacked. Below is a list of the materials looted by the Japanese militarists, prepared on the basis of the author’s research: 2,742,108 books in total were looted from China, with an extra 209 cases of books of an unknown quantity. Among these, 2,253,252 books plus 41 cases were public assets, and 488,856 books, and 168 cases belonged to private collectors. 15,166 paintings plus 16 cases were looted, including 1,554 public paintings and 13,612 private ones. 28,891 plus two cases of cultural relics were looted, including 17,818 public relics and 11,073 private ones. 9,378 tablet inscriptions were looted, including 455 public inscriptions and 8,923 private ones. 56,128 ancient maps were looted, including 125 public maps and 56,003 private ones. These facts show that this period was the darkest moment for Japanese Sinology in the 20th century. A prerequisite for Japan to advance its scholarship on China in the 21st century lies in reflecting on and coming to terms with this dark period in history. Chinese scholars who follow Japanese Sinology should also sort out the diversity in the Japanese Sinology community in a rational and objective manner. They should heed not only what the Sinologists say or how they say it, but why they say it, in investigating the trajectory of the influence of Chinese culture in Japan, and in studying the reception and adaptation of Chinese culture. They should of course draw wisdom from Japanese researchers. But, they should also reflect upon historical lessons, and transform those experiences and lessons into forces for a brighter future.

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References 1. Yan SD (1991) A History of Japanese Sinology. Jiangxi People’s Publishing House 2. Yu DF (1938) Prostitutes and Literati in Japan. Art and culture for the war of resistance, vol 1, no 4

Chapter 2

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in South Korea Chunmei Miao

2.1 Historical Background of Korea in the Twentieth Century During the 20th century, Sinology and the introduction of ancient Chinese cultural classics into Korea experienced severe setbacks, as well as robust growth. The Chinese empire declined after its defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894– 1895. As a result, Han culture, the core of Chinese culture which had long dominated East Asia, suffered a major blow. Japan occupied and colonized Korea from 1910 to 1945. As the international situation and political environment changed, China and Korea drifted apart, and direct exchanges between the two countries ceased. SinoKorean exchanges were few and far between, and had to be conducted through a third country. During this period, Sinology research and the introduction of ancient Chinese classics into Korea nearly ground to a halt, with few scholars presenting limited findings. The situation did not improve until the mid-20th century. The South Korean academia showed a renewed interest in Sinology as a result of China’s Reform and Opening-up policies of the 1980s. Following the Seoul 1988 Olympics, Sino-South Korean relations enjoyed a major breakthrough. Restored ties between the two countries in August 1992 ushered in a golden era for Sinology research in South Korea. With strengthened exchanges between the two countries, South Korean scholars conducted more extensive and in-depth research on ancient Chinese classics, which yielded substantial findings in the realm of Sinology. In conclusion, Sinology research in South Korea flourished in the 20th century in the wake of tremendous hardship. After seven decades of stagnation, Sinology thrived in the 1980 and 90s. A systemic review of the research materials in the 20th century unveils the history of the introduction of Chinese classics into Korea and the nature of Sinology research in South Korea. C. Miao (B) School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_2

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2.2 Introduction to Sinology Research and the Influence of Chinese Culture in Korea in the Twentieth Century China and South Korea share a far-reaching history of close relations with frequent exchanges. Ancient Korea incorporated Chinese characters into its writing system, and incorporated Chinese culture into its society. Among the Sinosphere countries, Korea was the first to embrace Confucianism. The country bore a long tradition of collecting, filing and studying Chinese classics; generations of Korean intellectuals collected, translated and preserved substantial ancient Chinese works through various channels. These works, in turn, facilitated the spread of Sinology, especially Confucianism. Chinese classics provided crucial source material for researchers, and came to symbolize the cultural exchanges between China and Korea. South Korea now houses a treasure-trove of ancient Chinese classics-in fact, no where were these classics more widely disseminated and preserved than in South Korea.

2.2.1 The Rise and Fall of Chinese Language Education Korea’s Joseon Dynasty ruled from 1392 to 1910, overlapping with China’s Ming and Qing Dynasties. The Joseon Dynasty maintained a friendly relationship with China, which provided an enabling political and social environment for the introduction of ancient Chinese classics and Chinese language education into Korea. Chinese language teaching and Sinology studies thrived as a vital component of Korean education, and the influence of ancient Chinese classics and Sinology studies peaked in Korea. In the late 19th century, however, the Qing empire was defeated by Japan in the of 1894–1895 Sino-Japanese War, and China subsequently lost its status as the supreme power of East Asia. Consequently, Chinese characters and Han culture, which symbolized Chinese culture and its influence, ceased to enjoy dominance. During the Kabo Reforms of 1894–1896, the Joseon Dynasty abolished the class system and imperial examinations, and the state translation department was shut down as the result of government institutional change. Official foreign language schools emerged with the pressing need for Koreans to learn Japanese, Russian, German and other Western languages. The Chinese language, which used to dominate Korean education, was now taught as just another foreign language among the Western language offerings. This marked, beyond doubt, a major turning point in the history of Korean Sinology-Chinese language learners and Sinologists were hit hard emotionally and began to doubt the value of Han culture.

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2.2.1.1

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Colonial Rule Stifled Chinese Language Teaching

In August of 1910, the Japanese imperialist government compelled Korea to sign the Japan–Korea Annexation Treaty and set up the Government-General of Korea, thereby annexing the Korean Peninsula. The subsequent thirty-five years of brutal Japanese colonial rule plunged Korea into the darkest decades in its history. During colonial times, in order to consolidate its rule, the Japanese imperialist government popularized Japanese and prohibited the teaching of other languages. With the aim of weakening Korean ethnic education, the Japanese GovernmentGeneral promulgated four Korean education acts. In 1911, Japanese became Korea’s official language, and government employees and school students alike were compelled to read, write and speak Japanese. In 1922, the Government-General recognized Japanese as the “national language” of Korea, depriving Korean people of the right to speak their native tongue. In 1938, the speaking and teaching of Korean was prohibited in schools nationwide, and in 1943, the Japanese administration shut down all private schools. Through these measures, Japanese colonialists sought to deny Koreans’ access to foreign languages other than Japanese. This intention came to light in November of 1911, when the Japanese administration closed down the Seoul Foreign Language School. With the abolition of the school’s Chinese department, official Chinese language education was suspended for fifteen years. The Chinese language, once the dominant educational language, was first demoted to the status of a second foreign language, and was eventually prohibited from 1912 to 1926. As the face of the international situation and political environment changed, and the shadow of war darkened the peninsula, South Korea and China suspended bilateral exchanges in the 1950s. During this period, limited contact between the two countries were conducted through a third country. For this reason, Sinology research and the introduction of ancient Chinese classics in South Korea made halting progress, with few scholars presenting limited research results. This situation prevailed until the latter half of the 20th century.

2.2.1.2

Challenges of Uncertain Language Policies

Korean intellectuals invested renewed efforts to protect their traditional culture in the early 1900s, in response to Korean people’s determination to save the nation from Japanese imperialism. In the face of growing nationalism, South Korea began to limit and prohibit the use of Hanja (Chinese characters) after the World War II. In August of 1945, the Korean Peninsula was divided into North and South Korea. In 1949, North Korea ceased using Hanja, and fully adopted the Hangul (Korean alphabet). In 1948, South Korea prohibited the use of Hanja in government documents; this law was incorporated into a presidential decree two decades later. In 1970, primary and secondary schools stopped using Chinese-character textbooks altogether. Although Hanja did reappear in secondary school textbooks in 1975, it was not used alongside Hangul, but was rather parenthesized. Although the more widely used Hangul came to overshadow Hanja, Chinese characters were

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hardly marginalized. In the mid-1990s, with the revival of the Eastern culture, South Korea needed to engage in in-depth cultural exchanges with Sinosphere countries. Since China and South Korea established diplomatic ties in 1992, the two countries enhanced comprehensive exchanges, and South Korea was swept by an upsurge of using Hanja as a media of communication, leading to a resurgence of Chinese characters. The Kim Dae-jung administration (1998–2003) was the first to resume using Chinese characters. In a presidential decree issued in February 1999, then president Kim Dae-jung approved the initiative of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism to issue government documents and road signs in both Chinese and English. Previously, 1500 scholars held an assembly in Seoul on November 17th, 1998, demanding the restoration of Hanja in the hope that young people could better understand Korean history. Another major reason for Hanja restoration was to boost tourism, as most non-Korean tourists hailed from China, Japan and Southeast Asian countries, the majority of which were able to read or write Chinese characters. As President Kim put it: “Since substantial Korean ancient classics and historical accounts were written in Chinese; it would be impossible to understand our ancient culture and historical tradition without the knowledge of both Hangul and Hanja”. On February 9th, 2005, the South Korean government announced the restoration of Hanja in all government documents and traffic signs. Against this historical backdrop, a Hanja Promotion Program demanding all official documents be written in both Hangul and Hanja was introduced to facilitate the promotion of traditional culture, exchanges with Sinosphere countries and the growth of South Korean tourism. In 2009, the South Korean Association for Hanja Education Promotion submitted to the Blue House a recommendation that Hanja education begin at the elementary school level. South Korea’s twenty living former prime ministers signed the recommendation, for they all realized the importance of Hanja education. South Korea’s language policies are constantly changing. Essentially, Hanja restoration facilitates information exchanges and fosters empathy in Sinosphere countries. Meanwhile, South Korea’s return to Confucianism and Asian political traditions is a response to the trend of a new century where the Eastern culture booms.

2.2.1.3

The Rise of Chinese Major Programs

As enhanced economic Sino-South Korean cooperation creates a considerable need for personnel proficient in Chinese, the number of South Koreans learning Chinese is on the rise. Many foreign languages departments in South Korean universities offer Chinese major programs; more than 100 out of the over 260 universities have established Chinese departments. Prior to 1954, only Seoul National University (SNU) offered a Chinese philology program. Dating back to the colonial period, SNU’s Chinese department produced just nine graduates during the Japanese colonization. Following South Korea’s independence, no more than three students graduated from the department each year.

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In 1954, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (HUFS) launched a Chinese language program, and in 1955, Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU) established a Chinese literature major. By 1971, just three South Korean universities offered Chinese language or Chinese literature majors, namely Seoul National University, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, and Sungkyunkwan University. Beginning in 1972, however, the number of universities offering Chinese majors blossomed. In 1972, the following South Korean universities established Chinese departments: Korea University (KU), Dankook University (DKU), Yonsei University (YSU) and Chonnam National University (CNU). In 1976, Yeungnam University (YU) established a Chinese literature major; in 1979, Pusan National University (PNU) and Kyungpook National University (KNU) followed suit. All this was accompanied by an upsurge of research into Chinese literature. More Chinese philology programs were launched since 1980, and over one hundred South Korean schools at the primary and secondary level now offer Chinese major programs or curriculum.

2.2.2 Sinology Research in South Korea Since the annexation of Korea by Japan, colonial rule impeded progress in Korean Sinology. Without academic journals or specialized research groups and institutes, researchers could only occasionally publish essays and introductory articles on daily papers. From August 26th to September 30th, 1923, the Chosun Ilbo newspaper published translations of and commentaries on Hu Shi’s Chinese Literature in the Past Fifty Years in five installments, marking the first published Korean introductory article on Chinese literature. The formal academic studies in South Korea commenced after Korea’s liberation on August 15th, 1945. In fact, the collection and propagation of ancient Chinese classics prospered in the early 20th century as part of the Korean independence movement, antedating the academic studies based on modern Western methods. Sinology research and the introduction of Chinese culture in Korea in the 20th century are essentially in parallel with the development of Korean scholarship. Modern Korean scholarship dates back to 1945–1960, although the Korean War, the April Revolution, the May 16th Military Revolution and other major events in modern Korean history hindered scholarship. Despite such obstacles, a handful of committed scholars published several celebrated books on the history of Chinese literature that drew worldwide attention. Among the celebrated works are A History of Chinese Literature (1949) by Yoon Young-choon, A History of Chinese Literary Thoughts (1956) co-authored by Cha Sang-won, Cha Joo-whan and Chang Ki-geun, and A History of Chinese Literary Thought by Lee [2]. In an era in which books on China were rare, such writings on the history of foreign literature were of pivotal importance to the evolution of South Korean scholarship. For quite some time, ancient Chinese literature studies in Korea mainly centered on the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties (220–589). The early studies

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were undertaken by scholars pursuing China studies at Keijo Imperial University during Japanese colonial rule and those having graduated prior to the 1950s. During the 1970s and the 1980s, South Korean universities’ Chinese departments nurtured a number of young scholars. Though certain scholars had attended universities in China or other countries, most had completed their education at South Korean universities. For South Korea, studies on Chinese classical literature theories enjoyed their heyday in the 1970s to the 1990s, which is reflected in the relevant scholarship. At a time when South Korea had not established diplomatic ties with China, many literature findings were presented in spite of the unfavorable international environment. Building upon these initial achievements, Sinology research blossomed into the 1980s. However, despite hailing from diverse universities worldwide, Sinology researchers tended to focus on the early literary theories, particularly pre-Song literary theories. From this perspective, 1980s’research hardly differed from previous research. This might stem from the fact that Koreans throughout history revered the Book of Songs [诗经] as the epitome of classic poems, and the idea that the classics laid the theoretical foundation for the philosophically-oriented Confucian thought. According to Lim [1], in the Joseon Dynasty, Confucianism was considered the bedrock of the empire. Students were required to study the Commentaries on the Four Books [四书集注] and A Complete Collection of the Five Classics [五经大全]. The continued tradition of studying classics proved invaluable in tracing the origin and development of literature. This classics-centered process of national self-discovery, the value of which was reflected in scholars’ attitudes, lingered in the late Joseon Dynasty when Western learning was introduced to Korea. This trend of digging to the roots of ancient Korean literature intensified throughout the 1980s. The following is an introduction to a number of Korean scholars. Korea boasts a long tradition of Sinology research. Prolific, knowledgeable Sinologists have emerged in succession and made meaningful contributions to the field. Despite considerable political setbacks, the 20th century saw numerous accomplished Sinologists leaving their marks in the field. Pae Jong-ho (1919–1990) Pae is a Professor of Philosophy at Wonkwang University and a former Professor of Liberal Arts at Yonsei University. Pae graduated from the Department of Philosophy at Keij¯o Imperial University. He is the author of A History of South Korean Confucianism and Research on South Korean Confucianism. Hwang Byung-tae (1935–) Hwang served as the first Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the People’s Republic of China. He received his Bachelor’s degree in Economics from Seoul National University, a Master’s in Public Administration from Harvard University, and a doctorate in politics from University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of Confucianism and Modernization: Comparative Study of China, Japan and South Korea.

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Song Hang-yong (1940–) Song Hang-yong, a Professor of Eastern Philosophy at Sungkyunkwan University, earned his doctorate from the Department of Eastern Philosophy at Sungkyunkwan University. He is the author of The Issue of Intellect in Lao-tze and Chuang-tze and The Taoist Philosophy in Baekje. Kim Kil-hwan (1942–) Kim Kil-hwan, former Professor of Philosophy at Chungnam National University, now lives in the United States. He received both his undergraduate and graduate degrees in the Department of Philosophy at Chungnam National University, and graduated from the Korea University with a doctorate degree. Kim is the author of Studies of Korean Confucianism and Studies in Yang-Ming Philosophy of South Korea. Keum Jang-tae (1944–) Keum is a Professor of Religion at Hansung University. He earned his undergraduate degree from the Department of Religion at Hansung University and his doctorate from Sungkyunkwan University. He is the author of Confucianism and South Korean Thoughts, Rediscovering South Korean Confucianism and The Latest One Hundred Years of Confucianism. Yi Ka-won (1917–2000) Yi Ka-won is a descendant of Yi Hwang (1501–1570), a prominent Korean Confucian scholar in the Joseon Dynasty. Yi Ka-won received his doctorate from Sungkyunkwan University. He is the author of sixty books, including The History of Chinese Literary Thoughts, Translation and Commentaries on the History of Chinese Literary Thoughts, A Dictionary of Chinese Characters, A New Interpretation of Chinese Characters, South Korean Research on Chinese Literary Trends and Research on Chinese Literature, and translated The Story of the Western Chamber. In A History of Chinese Literary Thought, Yi provides a factual description of the development of Chinese literature from an ideological perspective. In the eleven chapters of the work, Yi’s records extend from“the flourishing pragmatism in northern China” during the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–771 BCE) to the “realism” in the Qing Dynasty (1644– 1912 CE). The book’s stated aim is to reflect on the trend of textology in scholarship, and the work also offers a glimpse into the evolution of Chinese literature and literary theories. Cha Sang-won (1910–1990) Cha completed his doctoral dissertation entitled Chinese Classical Literary Theories at Seoul National University in August of 1967. Cha began researching Chinese classical literature early on, producing a plethora of published works on the subject. After assisting with a compilation of literary history in 1956, Cha went on to publish Wang Chong’s Literary Theories in 1963, Lu Ji’s Literary Theories in 1964, Confucian Literary Theories in 1965, Literary

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Theories in Dragon—Carving and the Literary Mind and The Ranking of Poetry in 1965, and The Classical Prose Movement and Criticism in the Song Dynasty in 1967, among other works. Cha continued his research into this field and presented a great number of academic findings, including Part I & Part II of The Literary Theories and Criticisms of Various Schools in the Ming Dynasty in 1968 and 1969, respectively, Literary Criticism in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties in 1968, and Poetics in the Tang and Song Dynasties in 1969. Cha’s works were well-received, as they expanded the scope of research on Chinese literature in South Korea, and set the direction for future research on Chinese literary theories, which was lacking at the time. Cha Chu-whan (1920–2008) Cha Chu-whan translated and annotated Sihwa wa mallok (Notes on Poets and Poetry 1966). Strictly speaking, Sihwa wa mallok is not about Chinese literary theories. It is highly recognized as a product of the development of research on Chinese classical literary theories. The book introduces various literary theories from the Goryeo period (918–1392) to the late Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910). Inspired by this work, South Korean researchers have since adopted various methods to study Chinese literature, which has yielded fruitful results. Cha Chu-whan’s accomplishments cannot have been achieved without his long-term pioneering research into Chinese literature. His key research achievements include Emendations of Zhong Rong’s Ranking of Poetry (1960), Emendations of Zhong Rong’s Ranking of Poetry (1961), Emendations of Zhong Rong’s Ranking of Poetry (1963), Annotations and Commentaries on the Classical-Style Poems in Zhong Rong’s Ranking of Poetry (1963), Liu Xie and His View of Literature: On Dragon-Carving and the Literary Mind (1964), Xie Lingyun and His Poems::Based on Zhong Rong’s Review (1965) and Emendations of Zhong Rong’s Ranking of Poetry (1968). These works reveal the features of early Chinese literary criticism, with the purpose of restoring the original Chinese texts. Though briefly touching on the features of literary criticism, these works have inspired further research on Chinese literary theories in the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, in which major findings of Chinese classical literary theories have been presented. Cha Chu-whan, along with Cha Sang-won, is celebrated for blazing the path for early Chinese literary theory research. Yi Chang-u (1940–) Beginning with his Master’s thesis entitled Research on Han Yu’s Prose, which he completed at Seoul National University in 1965, Yi Chang-u published numerous papers on literature of the Tang and Song Dynasties. Yi translated quite a few works on poetic criticism of the Tang Dynasty, contributing enormously to the understanding of the principles and features of Chinese poetry. His translations of Liu Ruoyu’s Chinese Literary Theories and Chinese Poetics were published in 1976 and 1978 respectively, which proved helpful in diversifying the research methods in this field. Readers’ differing perspectives led to varying assessments of the translations’ contributions. Researchers published numerous relevant treatises on these translations, scrutinizing and quoting them at length, which shows that Yi’s translations claimed significant attention amongst researchers at the time.

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Yi’s translations were published at a time when research on literary theories flourished. The translated works were of integral importance, in that they contributed to diversified research methods and perspectives on Chinese literature. Though he was born in China, the original author Liu Ruoyu wrote in English. Thus, the original works also influenced researchers outside South Korea. Yi Chang-u, Cha Chu-whan and other South Korean scholars compiled the Preliminary Version of the History of Research on Chinese Literature through funding from the South Korea Research Foundation. This work is an all-inclusive record of the treatises, academic documents and trends of overseas research on Chinese classical literature since the Three Kingdoms period (57–668) on the Korean Peninsula, and provides valuable information and academic references to aid the compilation of the History of Research on Chinese Literature. The work is to be published periodically in the Chinese Literature Series. Choi Sin-ho (1940–) Choi Sin-ho’s translation of Liu Xie’s Dragon-Carving and the Literary Mind was issued by Hyeonamsa publishing in 1975. Though Cha Chu-whan had conducted research on the literary theory and textual aspects of Dragon-carving and the Literary Mind as early as 1966 and 1967, Choi’s translation was the first Korean version of Liu Xie’s work. Choi’s translation included all fifty chapters contained in the original, from On Tao, the Source to The Capacity of a Vessel. The publication of the Korean version of Dragon-Carving and the Literary Mind, which covered an unprecedented amount of literary theories in the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties, spurred a fresh wave of research. Before that, researchers could only carry out cross-sectional analysis rather than holistic research, for they could only acquire the original work from Taiwan, China. However, the versions procured tended to be spotty, which made wading through such an abstruse work a tall order indeed. As such, researchers found it difficult to fully comprehend the work, even if they had referred to the Chinese annotations. The publication of this Korean version offered a solution to the predicament, satisfying many researchers’needs. Kim H˘ung-gyu (1948–) Kim H˘ung-gyu’s 1982 book entitled Changing Views on the Book of Odes and the Emergence of New Concepts of Poetry in the Late Yi Dynasty Korea was an important work on the prevailing research methodologies for Chinese poetry at the time. The compilation of this work was spurred by the sudden mushrooming of South Korean universities and researchers. Surging research activities and broader research scopes led to budding research on “classical” literary theories.

2.2.3 Collation of and Research into Ancient Chinese Books Ancient Chinese books are among the most important forms of cultural heritage worldwide. The Chinese books preserved in South Korea, a Sinosphere country

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as well, constitute an indispensable part of the valuable legacy, which is even more precious considering that some long-lost Chinese classics are housed in South Korea. South Korea has long attached major importance to the collation of and research into Chinese books, especially the ancient ones. In recent years, South Korea has devoted a tremendous number of material, human and financial resources to the collation and study of Chinese books, creating databases and websites. There are four main sources of Chinese books preserved in South Korea: Chinese originals circulated in South Korea, Chinese books written by Korean or Japanese and published in South Korea, Chinese books annotated by Korean or Japanese, and Chinese books compiled, reprinted or copied by Japanese rulers. The Chinese books preserved in South Korea may be characterized as follows. First, the books cover a broad time span. The earliest Chinese books stored in South Korea date back to the Spring and Autumn Period. Second, the ancient Chinese books housed in South Korea are numerous in quantity, and extensive in scope. The books include classics, histories, philosophies, literature and book series. Third, numerous versions have been preserved. The Chinese books take dozens of forms, including wood-block printed books, manuscripts, lithographic books, letterpress books, imperial selections, Jeongjoksan version of the history of Chosun Dynasty, Oksanseowon Confucian Academy (Gyeongju) Series, Sinku Sorim Series, HanNamSeoRim Series, and the Shanghai Commercial Press Series. Apart from the Chinese books circulating in South Korea, there are also Chinese master copies stored in South Korea, Chinese books introduced from Japan and circulating in South Korea, and even many private collections. The supporting examples are as follows. During the Japanese occupation of the Korean Peninsula, representative ancient Chinese books from all ages were compiled and published. In 1932, the GovernmentGeneral of Korea decided to officially publish A Collection of Historical Material compiled by the Committee for the Compilation of Korean History and printed by the Government-General of Korea. According to information provided, altogether twenty-one volumes of the Collection have been published. Korea University’s Catalogue of Chinese Books contains sixteen Chinese books that are included in A Collection of Historical Material. Only five of these books are stored in the National Library of China: Korean History, Records of Military Officials, Strategies for Victory, A Treatise on Korea and Records of the Office of Translators. However, none of the remaining eleven books, including Records of Countries in East Sea, can be found in the libraries of the Chinese mainland. The Chinese books preserved in South Korea are mainly distributed via the National Library, universities and local libraries. Each library has set up specialized bodies or assigned staff dedicated to preserve the ancient books, and to compile and publish catalogues of the ancient books in various forms. In 1956, the Center for East Asian Studies of Seoul National University published A Catalogue of the South Korean Books Stored by Kyujanggak Library, Commentary on Korean Books and Classified Catalogue of the Korean Books of Toyo Bunko. Since 1980, the editorial office of South Korea’s New East Asia Monthly has entrusted

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renowned scholars with the task of introducing The Analects of Confucius and other ninety-nine ancient Chinese masterpieces, including classics, histories, philosophies and literature. Moreover, institutions of higher learning have opened Confucian courses. Yonsei University, for instance, offers a course entitled Selected Readings of Confucian Classics. To foster Sinology research, Sungkyunkwan University has established the Academy of East Asian Studies; Korea University set up Asiatic Research Center; Hanyang University launched the Department of Chinese Studies; and Hansung University organized the Chinese Language and Literature Society. These institutions have published a considerable number of articles and monographs. In September of 1993, fifty individuals from the press, the academia and the cultural circles founded the “Society for Publishing One Hundred Eastern Asian Classics”, which later selected and published one hundred volumes of Eastern Asian classics from the Chinese and Korean historical books. So far, Essentials of Governance in the Essentials of Governance in the Zhenguan Reign [贞观政要], The Book of Songs, Outline of the Eighteen Histories [十八史略], The Elementary Learning [小学], The Great Learning [大学], The Doctrine of the Mean [中庸] and The Analects of Confucius have been published, with The Book of Songs, Outline of the Eighteen Histories and Essentials of Governance in the Zhenguan Reign exceeding 15,000 volumes. After four years of hard work, Jung Bum Jin, President of the Sungkyunkwan University, along with over fifty students, completed the translation of Historical Records in seven volumes in 1996. Professor Jeon In Cho and his students considered this Chinese historical classic a treasure trove of Chinese thoughts and culture, covering philosophy, literature, geography, astronomy, myths and legends. In February 1996, the Seoul Culture Magazine opened a large Chinese bookstore, offering over 100,000 volumes divided into more than 10,000 categories of Chinese books, covering Chinese literature, philology, history, archaeology, philosophy, epigraphy and medicine. In this respect, China’s and South Korea’s connected ancient civilization and cultural heritage presents an ocean of potential for cultural exchanges between the two nations. According to A Complete List of the Classics Related to China in South Korea (hereinafter referred to as A Complete List of Chinese Classics) compiled by Jun In-cho of Yonsei University in September, South Korea’s libraries store 12,500 categories of Chinese books, which are included in South Korean libraries’ twenty-eight catalogues of ancient books. Many South Korean institutions house Chinese ancient books, notably, the National Library of South Korea, Gyujanggak Library, Janseogak of the Academy of South Korean Studies, Jongyeonggak of the Academy of East Asian Studies at Sungkyunkwan University, the Central Library of Korea University, the Central Library of Yonsei University and the Yeungnam University Central Library. Others include the National Assembly Library of South Korea, the National Institute of South Korean History and the Central Library of Seoul National University. Below is an introduction to the libraries storing the Chinese books.

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The National Library of South Korea The National Library of South Korea was founded in 1945. By the end of 2002, the library’s collections comprised some 249,616 volumes. The library’s catalogues of ancient book collections include A Catalogue of Korean Ancient Books and A Catalogue of Foreign Ancient Books. According to A Catalogue of Ancient Foreign Books, the library’s collections comprise 1930 categories of Chinese ancient books, 70% of which consist of woodblock-printed books The Chinese ancient books were mostly published in the Qing Dynasty, especially during the reign of the Emperor Guangxu (Reigned 1871–1908); a good number of them were published in the Ming Dynasty. The National Library of South Korea has digitized its main collections and built a database, keeping written records of the catalogues and photocopies of the full texts. By the end of 2003, the library boasted a collection of 68,896 volumes, containing 10,244,755 pages. For more information, readers may visit the National Library of South Korea’s website (http://www.nl.go.kr/nlch/index.htm) and the website of the National Digital Library (http://dlibrary.go.kr/). Gyujanggak Library Gyujanggak Library used to be a royal library, housing royal documents from previous dynasties. It boasts a vast collection of ancient books, totaling some 273,956 volumes. According to the Catalogue of Korean Books and Manuscripts in the Kyujang-gak Collection and the Catalogue of Chinese Books and Manuscripts in the Kyujang-gak Collection, the library houses 7530 categories of Chinese ancient books, totaling 87,963 volumes. Many of the Chinese ancient books housed in the library are of significant value, which bodes well for filling in the gaps in present research. As Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910, the library’s collections were possessed by the Government-General of Korea before being transferred to Keij¯o Imperial University’s newly built library in 1930. In 1946, Keij¯o Imperial University was renamed as Ky˘ongs˘ong University (precursor of Seoul National University), and the collections were included in the Central Library of Ky˘ongs˘ong University. Since 1873, and on more than ten occasions, Gyujanggak Library has compiled various catalogues of its collections. Since 1977, Gyujanggak Library has been publishing the academic annual Gyujanggak, the first twenty-four volumes of which are available on the library’s official website (http://hyujanggak.snu.ac.kr/bha/kyu-i.htm). In 1977, Gyujanggak Library built a database of the catalogues of its collections. The library has long been digitizing its collections and developing a database of the full texts. It has opened a website (http://www.kyujanggak.snu.ac.kr) where readers can search the catalogues of the library’s 175,000 categories of literature. Janseogak of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS) The predecessor of the Academy of Korean Studies was the Research Academy for Korean Culture and Thought, established in 1978. In February of 2005, the

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Research Academy became known by its current name, the Academy of Korean Studies. As AKS’s library, Janseogak houses 107,927 volumes of ancient books, among which 82,749 are transferred books (including 42,662 volumes of Korean books, 27,313 of Chinese books and 12,874 of woodblock-printed books), 23,122 are general ancient books, and 2056 are classified into the category of book series. According to Janseogak’s Catalogue of Chinese Books, Janseogak houses 1200 categories of Chinese ancient books, totaling 25,839 volumes. These ancient books were mostly published during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, some of which have been long-lost in China and are of great documentary value. Seven categories out of Janseogak’s Chinese collection have been designated as national treasures of South Korea. Readers can visit AKS website (http://www.aks.ac.kr) and Janseogak website (http://www.aks.ac.kr/akaenrices.asp? http://lib.aks.ac.kr) for more information. Jongyeonggak of the Academy of East Asian Studies at Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU) Founded in 1398, Sungkyunkwan was the top educational institution established by the royal family in the seventh year of King Taejong’ reign, and was transformed into a modern university late in the 19th century. In 1475, the sixth year of King Seongjong’s reign, Sungkyunkwan established Jongyeonggak, the first library in Korean history. After World War II, part of Jongyeonggak’s collections were moved to SKKU’s Central Library. In 2000, SKKU founded the Academy of East Asian Studies (still named after Jongyeonggak), whose documentation center housed collections from SKKU’s Central Library and Dadong Institute for Korean Studies. Jongyeonggak boasts a collection of over 250,000 books, 70,000 volumes of which are ancient books. There are a good many rare books among the Chinese ancient book collection. Jongyeonggak compiled three volumes of Catalogue of Ancient Books in 1979, 1981 and 2002, respectively, indexing all its collections printed or hand-copied by South Korean, Chinese and Japanese. Jongyeonggak has constructed a database. Readers may visit Jongyeonggak’s website (http://east.skku.ac.kr) to browse the list of its some 10,000 books and 410,000 pages of ancient manuscripts. Korea University (KU) Library The quantity and quality of KU Library’s collections are most impressive: by the first of March, 2003, KU Library housed 98,978 Chinese books, among which 5268 volumes were rare books and three categories were designated as national treasures by the South Korean government. Since 1966, the library has compiled and published the Catalogue of Chinese Ancient Books and the Comprehensive Index of Chinese Ancient Books. According to the latter, the library boasts a collection of over 106,000 ancient books. To commemorate the 100th anniversary of KU, the library has been developing the Digital Library of Precious Books in three phases since 2001. After phase one, the library has digitized 493 Chinese books and 930 periodicals. The digital library’s website may be located at the following URL: http://163.152.81.89/ arbook. And the KU Library URL is as follows: http://library.korea.ac.kr.

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Central Library of Yonsei University The Central Library of Yonsei University houses 8763 categories of Chinese books, comprising some 65,400 volumes in total. There are large numbers of books produced using movable-type printing, rare books and precious manuscripts. Many rare books, documents and other important material are exclusively owned by the library. According to the second volume of Catalogue of the Ancient Books Housed by the Central Library of Yonsei University, the library stores 949 categories of precious ancient books. The Chinese books preserved by the library are mostly published by North Korean publishers. In 1986, Professor Heo Pyog from Yonsei University published the Catalogue of the Chinese Rare Books Housed by the Central Library of Yonsei University in two volumes. Despite recording 422 categories of ancient books, the Catalogue did not include all the ancient books stored in the library. In 1977, the first volume of the Catalogue did contain the ancient books published by South Korea, China and the ancient woodblock-printed books, yet over 20,000 ancient documents were not included. The second volume of the Catalogue, published in 1987, recorded the ancient documentation omitted by the first volume and 18,892 volumes of 5324 categories of ancient books. To access the library website, please navigate to the following: http://library.yonsei.ac.kr/dLgearch/CGUIIIheme/yonsei lmain.asp. Yeungnam University (YU) Library To celebrate the 50th anniversary of Yeungnam University, YU Library held an exhibition of ancient books and documentation in May of 1997. In September of the same year, the library established an Ancient Books Room, committed to collecting and collating the ancient books and documentation, and publishing the ancient-book catalogue. By the first of September, 2003, the library housed 65,573 volumes of ancient books, 2500 of which were general Chinese books and few were Chinese ancient books. Readers may access the library website by navigating to the following: https://slima.yu.ac.kr/SlimaDU. National Assembly Library (NAL) of South Korea Since its establishment in 1952, NAL has collected 1,500,000 books. Since July 2000, NAL’s partner libraries have been accessing its website (http://www.nanet. go.kr) to acquire the 3,400,000 bibliographies and 4300 pages of original texts. In 1995, NAL published the Catalogue of the Ancient Books, which contained the 2387 categories of thread-bound ancient books totaling 13,962 volumes before 1994. National Institute of South Korean History (NIKH) The NIKH was founded in 1946. In 1983, NIKH published the Catalogue of the Ancient Books, which contained 4175 categories of books totaling 19,569 volumes, including: 2134 categories of ancient books totaling 12,989 volumes, 1508 categories of the 4773-volume books owned by the Central Advisory Institute of the Government–General of Korea, 299 categories of the 902-volume photocopies of

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ancient books and 234 categories of photocopies totaling 905 volumes. For more information, readers may visit NIKH’s website at http://kuksa.nhcc.go.kr. Dongguk University Central Library The previous ancient books stored by Dongguk University Central Library were almost lost in wartime. The current ancient books were all collected after the war, comprising complete Buddhist documents. In 1981, the library published Catalogue of the Ancient Books, the contents of which are available at the library’s website (http:// lib.dgu.ac.kr). Since the library opened the Buddhism Documentation Center in 1985, the center has collected over 40,000 books. Readers may access the Dongguk University Central Library website using the following link: http://lib.dongguk.edu. Central Library of Seoul National University (SNU) SNU’s Central Library used to be a parent body of Gyujanggak. As Gyujanggak broke off from SNU’s Central Library in 1992, the Chinese ancient books collected by SNU’s Central Library date back to the very same year. The library houses 620 volumes of ancient books, including one hand-copied book of Kum¯araj¯ıva’s Brahmavi´ses.a- cint¯ı-paripr.cch¯a in the Later Qin period (384–417), one printed book of Jing Shan’s Treasured Instructions of Chan Temples during the Ming dynasty, one handcopied book of Hou Jiguo’s Fudoki of Japan in the Ming Dynasty, eight printed books of the Belgian Jesuit Ferdinand Verbiest’s Map of the Whole World in the thirteenth year of Emperor Kangxi’s reign (1674) and 25 volumes of the copperplate engraving Receiving the Surrender of the Yili compiled at the order of Emperor Qianlong (Reigned 1736–1796). The library’s website may be accessed through the following link: http://library.snu.ac.kr. Pusan National University (PNU) Library The PNU library boasts a collection of over 1,000,000 books. By July 2004, the library housed 16,696 volumes of Chinese ancient books and 3,932 ancient documents. The PNU library website may be accessed using the following: http://ulip.pusan.ac.kr. Gyeongsang National University (GNU) Library In 2001, Gyeongsang National University established Muncheongak, a Chinese archives room housing 28,757 volumes of Chinese books. The Gyeongsang National University Library’s Catalogue of Chinese Books Stored in Muncheongak published in 1996 recorded 12,633 volumes of books. The PNU library website may be accessed using the following URL: http://library.gsnu.ac.kr. and the Muncheongak website http://203.255.20.163. Chungnam National University (CNU) Library CNU Library houses 1,100,000 volumes of books. In 1993, the library published Catalogue of Ancient Books, recording 3250 categories of thread-bound books, totaling 17,000 volumes. The CNU website may be accessed using the following: http://168.188.11.60/dlaearch/TGUI/Theme/Chungnam/main.asp.

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Laudable achievements have been scored over the course of Sinology research and the introduction of Chinese culture in South Korea. Throughout the long history of Sino-Korean exchanges, South Korea has absorbed and passed down the very essence of Chinese culture. As a result, Chinese and South Korean cultures now share much in common, which lays a foundation for deepening the intercultural relationship between the two countries. Since the 1990s, especially the establishment of the diplomatic relations between China and South Korea in 1992, “Chinese Culture Fever” and “China Fever” swept South Korea and reached a peak in no time. One of the most notable factors contributing to this phenomenon is that South Korean people identify with Chinese culture, owing to similar cultural histories and values. Just like Sinology research in South Korea, Korean Studies in China has burgeoned since the 1990s. In South Korea, Sinology research has cemented its status as the most important research field within Regional Studies. South Korea cherishes a long tradition of assimilating and developing foreign cultures. The Chinese culture has spread to the Korean Peninsula, be it in the form of thoughts, systems or behavior. Confucianism has profoundly influenced Korean politics, thoughts, ethics, morals, and education. The Chinese cultural essence has accompanied Korean people to the present day, making Korean culture the culture most akin to Chinese culture within the entire Sinosphere. Collecting material about and reflecting on Sinology research, and the dissemination of Chinese culture in South Korea, will help China and South Korea learn from each other’s cultures. Such efforts will also lay a solid foundation, both for the common prosperity of Chinese and Korean culture, and for Chinese culture’s “going global”.

References 1. Lim H-T ( 1998) The study of classics from the perspective of Western scholarship. In: Byunghyu A (ed) The development and characteristics of classical studies in late Chosun period. Daedong Institute of Korean Studies, Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul 2. Lee G-W (1959) A history of Chinese literary movements. Ilchokak Publishing, Seoul

Chapter 3

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia Yingying Su

3.1 Overview of the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia Geographically south of China and surrounded by oceans, Southeast Asia was referred to as “Nanyang” or “South Sea” in ancient times. Contact between China and Southeast Asia can be traced back to around year zero. The “Treatise on Geography” volume of the Book of Han [汉书], an important document for tracing the histories of Sino-foreign relations and Southeast Asia, recorded a maritime transportation route. Some of the place names along the route have yet to be confirmed, despite Chinese and foreign scholars’ decades-long research. However, most scholars believe that several places under research are situated in the ancient Nanyang region, or today’s Southeast Asia. Between the third year of the Emperor Yongle’s reign and the eighth year of the Emperor Xuande’s reign (1405–1433) in the Ming Dynasty, the Chinese navigator Zheng He (1371–1433) conducted seven maritime expeditions to the Western Ocean. Southeast Asia was the primary destination of Zheng’s first three voyages and the path essential to his latter four voyages. It was in Southeast Asia that Zheng’s treasure fleet left the most footprints and remained moored for the longest time. Thus, it can be concluded that China and Southeast Asia have a long history of contacts, maintaining close ties over a significant period.

Y. Su (B) School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_3

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3.1.1 Southeast Asia: One of the Settlements of Overseas Chinese The Chinese people have long been migrating abroad, especially to Southeast Asia. According to Random Notes of Xishan [西山杂记] by the scholar Cai Yongjian (1776–1835) in the Qing Dynasty, the emigration of Chinese to Southeast Asia dates back to the Tang Dynasty. As Chinese foreign trade stretched from the Song Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, a considerable number of Chinese people living on the southeast coast emigrated to Southeast Asia. During the late Ming and the early Qing Dynasty, apart from those engaged in trade, countless Chinese people also moved to Southeast Asia for political reasons. More precisely, since the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, the defeated anti-Qing activists fled China for fear of being killed by the Qing army, or for making a living outside the war-torn country. The activists left their footprints in the Philippines, Siam and Java. Vietnam and Cambodia became their prime destinations, thanks to these countries’ favorable localities and stable political climate. Since European colonization of Southeast Asia began in the 16th century, especially since the Opium Wars, western colonists had been exploiting mineral resources, and constructing farms and infrastructure in this area. The colonists hired numerous “Chinese contract workers” to fill their demand for cheap labor, encouraging largescale migrant flows into Southeast Asia. These displaced workers from the lower classes were often called “coolies”. Statistics show that from 1840 to 1940, the annual average number of Chinese labors flooding into Southeast Asia reached over 100,000. Therefore, Southeast Asia is the area in which overseas Chinese first set foot, and also the area with the largest population of overseas Chinese worldwide. Inhabited by approximately ten million Indonesian Chinese, who account for 3.7% of its overall population, Indonesia boasts the largest absolute number of overseas Chinese among all Southeast Asian countries. Malaysia’s 2010 national population census reported that the number of overseas Chinese reached over 6.96 million accounting for 24.6% of the country’s overall population. In Malaysia, the Chinese have always been the largest ethnic group, second only to the Malaysian. According to Vietnam’s 2009 population census, the number of Vietnamese Chinese (Hoa people) totaled 823,071, accounting for 0.96% of the country’s overall population. Vietnamese Chinese constituted the sixth largest ethnic group in Vietnam. In 2007, the number of Thai-Chinese was around seven million, making up 11% of Thailand’s overall population. The 200,000 or so Laotian Chinese mainly reside in the central and southern parts of Laos, particularly in Vientiane and the provincial capitals. The data updated by the Chinese Foreign Ministry in June 2013 revealed the number of overseas Chinese in Cambodia as totaling 700,000, 80% of which were native to Chaozhou city in Guangdong province. So far, most overseas Chinese in Cambodia have obtained Khmer nationality. They live in economically developed areas, including Phnom Penh, Battambang, Kandal and Kampot. There were

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2,470,000 Burmese Chinese in 2001, accounting for 5% of Myanmar’s overall population. The former Burmese presidents Ne Win, San Yu and Thein Sein are all of Chinese ethnicity.

3.1.2 Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Southeast Asia China and many Southeast Asian countries are connected by mountains and rivers. Continued Chinese immigration into Southeast Asia has brought Chinese utensils, science, technology, language, art, religion, lifestyle, values and institutions to Southeast Asia, and boosted the cultural development in the region. For a lengthy period in ancient history, Chinese culture was integrated into and akin to the cultures of some Southeast Asian countries, which affected their historical and cultural development in profound ways. In modern history, up until the first half of the 20th century, traditional Chinese culture was naturally introduced, communicated and accepted in Southeast Asia. The influence of Chinese literary works and opera is a case in point.

3.1.2.1

Chinese Literature

Though introduced to Southeast Asia later than poetry, the ancient Chinese classics have exerted a broader impact on this region. The Romance of the Three Kingdoms [三 国演义], a historical novel widely celebrated in Southeast Asian countries, is a case in point. After its publication, the Chinese edition of the novel was circulated in Vietnam before being rendered into and published in many Southeast Asian languages. The Thai edition was the earliest completed edition in this region. In 1802, Rama I of the Kingdom of Thailand’s Chakri Dynasty appointed Chaophraya Phrakhlang (Hon), the finance minister and poet to translate the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which was finished in 1805. The translation of Romance of the Three Kingdoms sparked the circulation of Chinese literature in Thailand and heralded the “Three Kingdoms Period” in Thai literature. Moreover, the Thai edition was authored by ministers of great literary attainments, based on the Thai-Chinese’s account of the original book in Thai. This edition, which inherited neither the literary style of the original work nor that of Thai literature, was widely accepted in Thailand and integrated into the Thai literature. The Thai edition also forged the “Three Kingdoms Style”, which was acclaimed and imitated by numerous writers. The Malay edition of Romance of the Three Kingdoms was rendered from 1883 to 1885, the Japanese edition, 1890–1894, the Vietnamese edition, 1901, and Cambodian edition, the 1930s. Outlaws of the Marsh [水浒传] was translated into Thai and Malay languages in 1867, and 1885 respectively. Wonders Old and New [今古奇 观] was rendered into Malay language in 1884 and Vietnamese language during the early 20th century [1: 81].

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Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam has been most profoundly and comprehensively influenced by the Chinese culture. Thanks to Vietnam’s longterm use of Chinese characters, the country fully assimilated Chinese culture, thus becoming the greatest beneficiary of Chinese culture in this region [2: 93]. Before applying the structural and formation principles of Chinese characters to develop Ch˜u, Nôm (“Southern characters”), the Vietnamese had long been using the Chinese characters. As Ch˜u, Nôm are mostly used in literary works, the Chinese characters still play an important role in the Vietnamese society. Besides, Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism are popular in Vietnam. The circulation of Chinese literature in Vietnam dates back to China’s Qin Dynasty (221–206 BCE). The ancient Vietnamese writers writing in Chinese and Ch˜u, Nôm were all exposed to the Chinese culture to varying degrees. Vietnam was also an important destination of the circulated ancient Chinese novels. According to statistics, Vietnam housed more than 300 translations of ancient Chinese novels prior to the 1960s [3: 208–236]. The Chinese novels were introduced into Indonesia centuries ago. As early as 1595–1598, the Dutch people brought Eastern books on their first journey to the East Indies, with a transcript of Outlaws of the Marsh prominent among these works. The 1828 edition of the translated Complete Story of Pacifying the Min Area [平闽 全传] was found in Semarang. This work comprises 52 chapters, prefaced by Luo Maodeng, a novelist of the Ming Dynasty, and published in Xiamen. According to the French Sinologist Claudine Salmon (1938–), during the 1870– 1960s, there were 806 Chinese-Indonesian writers and translators, who produced and translated 2757 works. The total number of the original and translated works reached 3005, including the 248 works by unknown writers, and various reprinted editions. The original works comprised 73 plays, 183 collections of poems, and 1398 novels and stories. During this period, 759 Chinese works were translated into Indonesian, whereas only 233 Western works were introduced to this area [4: 115–116]. According to the statistics provided by the Singaporean scholar Yang Quee Yee (1931–), 75 ancient Chinese classic novels were rendered into the Romanized Malay from 1889 to 1950, including the re-translations and reprints of certain novels in various ages. Yang pointed out that he“may have overlooked a few novels, but this list is nearly exhaustive” [5: 93]. A significant number of Chinese classics, especially the historical novels, were popular in Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries for quite some time. These classics were widely-read among the Chinese and some indigenous groups in these countries.

3.1.2.2

Opera

Local Chinese operas comprise a wide variety of genres with numerous traditional plays applauded for the high-caliber performances therein. Various Chinese troupes have been traveling across the oceans to Southeast Asia for centuries, keeping pace with the ever—increasing Chinese population, and bringing with them local Chinese operas, especially the Cantonese and Min operas.

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Local Chinese operas were introduced to Myanmar in the early Ming Dynasty. According to historical records, in the early Qing Dynasty, a diplomatic envoy sent by Louis XIV of France watched Chinese comedies and puppet plays during his stay in Siam. During the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, Taksin the Great (of Teochew Chinese descent) of the Thonburi Kingdom (1769–1782), was fond of watching Teochew opera. At that time, many Teochew opera troupes traveled to Siam, and their performances were well-received by the royal family and the Siamese people [6]. During the reign of the Emperor Daoguang (Reigned 1821–1850), the Gaojia Opera Troupe from China’s Fujian province performed in Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore, Malaya, Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries and regions. After the defeat of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (1851–1864), some Cantonese opera artists who had participated in the rebellion sought refuge in Southeast Asia, for fear of being killed by rulers of the Qing Dynasty. Exiled Cantonese opera performers in Singapore formed troupes and later established the Liyuantang troupe association. So widely-circulated and enormously influential were these local operas that they had been integrated into the diversified cultures of some Southeast Asian countries [7: 3].

3.1.3 The Inheritance and Adaptation of Chinese Culture in South–East Asia As overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia came to embrace their Chinese roots, traditional Chinese culture evolved and was passed down. Early Chinese immigrants never ceased longing to return home with wealth and honor. This “sojourner” mentality made overseas Chinese unable to settle down in the countries of residence, or to adapt to local life. Early overseas Chinese preserved and inherited various forms of traditional Chinese culture, which served as their way of identifying with their homeland. As the Southeast Asian countries achieved independence in succession during the 20th century, most overseas Chinese were naturalized in their respective countries of residence. Marginalized and subjected to local rule, Southeast Asian Chinese had to rely on their inherited cultural backgrounds to help identify themselves culturally, gain a sense of spiritual belonging, and unite with their compatriots abroad. Meanwhile, maintaining their unique cultural identity when engaging with the mainstream ethnic groups enabled overseas Chinese to win the respect of the indigenous people. The development of Chinatowns, in which the population was predominantly of Chinese origin, enabled the long-term preservation of Chinese culture. Overseas Chinese formed groups according to their kinship, geographical and dialectical ties. They valued ancestor worship, displaying a strong sense of kinship. Schooled in traditional Chinese culture, most of their descendants preserved the Chinese folkways and social customs to varying degrees. Overseas Chinese founded Chinese schools, newspapers and associations in almost all Southeast Asian towns and cities, which

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proved strong ties for binding the overseas Chinese society and inheriting traditional Chinese culture [8: 149–150]. During the twentieth century, overseas Chinese paid a heavy price for inheriting and spreading ancient Chinese culture in Southeast Asia. To maintain the dominant role and protect the core interests of the locals, governments of most Southeast Asian countries imposed strict or modest measures to curb the spread of Chinese culture and to assimilate Chinese people to varying extents. Long-held Sinophobia inevitably caused traditional Chinese culture in Southeast Asia to adapt. Many large-scale anti-Chinese incidents, including some horrific bloody conflicts, have occurred throughout Indonesian history. Since independence, the country imposed restrictions on Chinese schools, newspapers and communities. After naturalizing Indonesian Chinese, Indonesia adopted various measures to assimilate them into the indigenous society as soon as possible. During Suharto’s 32-year presidency (1967–1998), the Indonesian government marginalized Chinese language and culture, leaving most Indonesian Chinese who are now under the age of 40 unable to speak or write in Chinese, let alone comprehend Chinese culture. Thai rulers, however, had always pursued policies to assimilate rather than exclude overseas Chinese. Thai-Chinese enjoyed equal rights to vote and be elected, and were allowed to serve as government officials, even as the Prime Minister. As intermarriage between Chinese and Thai people become more common, their descendants have gradually lost their cultural identity as Chinese, becoming so-called Thai-Chinese who practice Thai culture while maintaining certain Chinese customary practices. Most overseas Chinese settling in Vietnam before modern times were assimilated into Vietnamese society thanks to the country’s polices toward Vietnamese Chinese and the fact that Vietnamese culture was profoundly influenced by Chinese culture. The two neighboring countries shared similar national conditions and customs, having long been considered homogenous from the perspectives of culture and language. Without cultural, religious, or racial barriers, overseas Chinese were more promptly and smoothly integrated into indigenous communities than in other Southeast Asian countries. In modern times, the compulsory measures introduced by Vietnamese authorities notably accelerated the integration of Vietnamese Chinese into Vietnamese society. Especially in 1976, after the country’s national reunification, the Vietnamese government classified overseas Chinese as a minority group, successfully reshaping the ethnic identity of Vietnamese Chinese [9: 327]. In Singapore, where Singaporean Chinese constituted a substantial part of the population, the bilingual education policy contributed to more a more westernized pool of overseas Chinese. Malaysia is one of the Southeast Asian countries that have been most successful in preserving traditional Chinese culture. Rather than fully accepting the various ingredients of traditional Chinese culture, Malaysian Chinese have been developing the fine Chinese culture in their lives and political struggles, and transforming traditional Chinese culture into a social and political forces. The Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), the Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Malaysia (ACCCIM), the United Chinese School Committees’Association of Malaysia, the United Chinese School Teachers’Association of Malaysia (UCSTAM), and other

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Chinese societies in Malaysia function not only as Chinese cultural organizations, but also as political groups that vigorously protect the rights and interests of overseas Chinese [8: 151].

3.1.4 The Integration of Peoples and Cultures As ethnic minorities, Southeast Asian Chinese must adapt to local cultural environments to survive and thrive. For this reason, ancient Chinese immigrants living in this region had been integrated into the local societies, and intermarriage between overseas Chinese and indigenous peoples became increasingly commonplace. The descendants of overseas Chinese are referred to differently in Southeast Asian countries: they are known as peranakan in Indonesia, baba nyonya in Malaysia, Chinese mestiso in the Philippines, gwe chia in Myanmar and Minh Hu,o,ng in Vietnam. With low educational attainment, early Chinese immigrants could hardly make conscious efforts to carry on ancient Chinese classics. The Chinese culture they propagated mainly took the form of language, religions, traditional festivals, lifestyles and customs. In the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, inspired by China’s democratic revolution led by Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925), and spurred by Chinese intellectuals’ flocking to Southeast Asia, overseas Chinese became more culturally literate, and their nationalism surged to new heights. During this period, overseas Chinese in this region consciously pursued ethnic autonomy and zealously promoted Chinese culture. The influence of Western culture on Southeast Asia underwent a salient decline after the Second World War. Having achieved political independence, Southeast Asian countries were tasked with building themselves into modernized states, which included political, economic and cultural constructions. A modernized country’s culture cannot be fostered by replacing other peoples’ traditional cultures with the culture of the dominant people. Instead, modern culture is created via exchanges and assimilation between different cultures. Over time, both the dominant indigenous peoples and descendants of Chinese immigrants became more open to and tolerant of each other’s cultures. Therefore, Chinese schools, communities, newspapers and magazines witnessed unprecedented development in many post-war Southeast Asian countries. Beginning in the mid-1960s, the nationalist regimes in the independent Southeast Asian countries were consolidated after years of political turmoil. The rising nationalist sentiments among the indigenous peoples and their political doubts about China prompted their governments to severely restrict the diffusion of Chinese culture, which diminished the influence of Chinese culture. During the 1980 and 1990s, China’s accelerated Reform and Opening-up was accompanied by its steadilyincreased composite national strength, multilevel and multifaceted diplomacy, especially in-depth exchanges and deepened cooperation between China and Southeast Asia, and enhanced the influence of Chinese culture, represented by the “China fever”. These enabling factors contributed to the development of overseas Chinese

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culture in Southeast Asia and the shared prosperity of Southeast Asian and Chinese cultures. Chinese culture in Southeast Asia remains in constant flux, owing to the influence of various Western and Eastern cultures in this globalized era. Overseas Chinese in the region are sure to continue passing down and developing traditional Chinese culture. Such culture, however, can no longer be considered as the “original”, or “pure” Chinese culture, but rather a complex hybrid culture based on Chinese culture and assimilating alien cultures [10: 32–35]. Rooted in the Chinese civilization and budding in Southeast Asia, overseas Chinese culture has been increasingly accepted and respected by the indigenous people for its profundity and inclusiveness.

3.2 The Influence of Ancient Chinese Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century: From Malaya to Malaysia At the end of the 19th century, continuous wars and frequent natural hazards plunged the Qing Dynasty into a state of turmoil. The Qing Dynasty’s bitter defeat in the Opium Wars entitled the colonial states to recruit workers in China. Social unrest and extreme poverty forced numerous Chinese to leave their homes and make a living abroad. Throughout the twentieth century, especially in the first half of the century, overseas Chinese numbered in the millions, including those who fled to Southeast Asia. Overseas Chinese were found everywhere in the region, hence the popular saying: “wherever the sea flows, there the overseas Chinese have left their footprints”. With so many overseas Chinese living in Southeast Asia, the classical Chinese culture inevitably took root in the region. The Singapore–Malaysia region (here referring to both the Malaya before Singapore was separated from Malaysia in 1965, and today’s Malaysia) is undoubtedly an extremely important region for the seeding, budding and blossoming of classical Chinese culture. The Singapore–Malaysia region serves as the main transportation route between the East and the West, and has maintained close connections with China since ancient times. Singapore is home to the largest number of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, which constitute the highest proportion of its overall population. It was also one of the cities most frequented by Chinese scholars in modern times, and where Chinese culture first sprouted and thrived. Malaysia has established the first comprehensive and complete overseas Chinese education system in the world. Therefore, studying the influence of classical Chinese culture in Malaysia (including Singapore before it separated from Malaysia in 1965) in the 20th century is of archetypal significance. We will approach this issue by analyzing various circulation channels and their influence, such as the establishment of Chinese newspapers and schools, the translation of classical novels, and the spread of Chinese opera.

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3.2.1 The Establishment of Chinese Publications The overseas Chinese-language media traces its inception back to the establishment of the Chinese Monthly Magazine, the world’s first modern Chinese-language magazine, in Malacca in 1815. As of the end of the 20th century, a total of 52 countries and regions had published approximately 4000 newspapers and magazines in Chinese or Chinese-foreign languages. Before the 1950s, Chinese-language newspapers and magazines were mainly concentrated in Southeast Asia. It is fair to say that Southeast Asian countries had an overwhelming advantage in this regard [11: 25]. Statistics show that during the 60 years from 1881 to 1941, 70 Chinese-language newspapers and around 300 Chinese-language publications (including journals and non-journals) were established in the Singapore–Malaysia region [12]. The Chinese-language publications in the Singapore–Malaysia region are characterized by two major features. First, they boast a far-reaching history and a wide scope of circulation. Many Chinese-language newspapers and magazines in Malaysia have a long legacy and great sphere of influence. For instance, Nanyang Siang Pau (est. 1923) and Sin Chew Daily (est. 1929), two well-known Chinese-language newspapers, trace their roots back to nearly a century ago. The Chinese-language ones enjoy the widest circulation among today’s Malaysian newspapers, with their daily circulation totaling one million copies. Second, the Chinese-language publications in the Singapore–Malaysia region play a pivotal role in promoting Chinese culture. As an information dissemination tool, overseas Chinese-language media evolves as Chinese societies form and expand. Among the various functions of the overseas Chinese-language media, promoting Chinese culture is undoubtedly of primary importance. Many Chinese-language newspapers and magazines have published special editions and columns to serialize Chinese novels or translations of classical Chinese literary works. And some newspapers and magazines are committed to Chinese-language education, helping local Chinese schools promote Chineselanguage teaching through special editions and columns. The Straits Chinese Magazine, co-established by Song Ong Siang and Lim Boon Keng in 1897, introduced at length classical Chinese literature, which reflected the local Chinese community’s pronounced interest in classical Chinese literary works. Each year, the magazine dedicated at least one section to introducing or presenting translated classical Chinese literature. For instance, in “Some Genuine Chinese Authors”, a literary article in the first issue, Tan Teck Soon focused extensively on Chinese literature. He introduced the philosophy of Chuang Tzu, translated and discussed several classical Chinese poems, including Lady Ban’s (c. 48–c. 6 BCE) Song of Autumn Fan [秋扇歌], Cao Zhi’s (192–232) Seven Steps Verse [七步诗] and Wang Wei’s (699–759) poems. In the V and VI issues, Lin Wenqing published his abridged translation of The Commentary of Zuo [左传]. In the V issue, P. C Tsao published The Wars of the Gods [封神榜 ], and K. T. T published“Chinese Literature and Philosophy” [13: 63].

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These Chinese-language publications traced the history of Southeast Asian people, especially that of the overseas Chinese, from multiple perspectives. They provided first-hand information on studying local Chinese communities, and countless papers on Chinese language, literature, art, history, culture, among other fields, which played an instrumental role in promoting and popularizing traditional Chinese values and guiding Sinology research.

3.2.2 The Establishment of Chinese Schools and Chinese Departments in Colleges and Universities The Chinese pride themselves on the time-honored virtues of respecting teachers and valuing education. Overseas Chinese have a tradition of prioritizing mother-tongue education. The notion that “Chinese people must learn Chinese language” is deeply entrenched in the minds of overseas Chinese. Before the bonafide establishment of Chinese schools, Chinese language was taught in the old-style private schools during the nascent period of Chinese education in Malaya. The initially privately-funded schools were financed by Chinese communities. The Five Fortune Hall, established in Penang Island in 1819, was the earliest private school in Malaya [14]. During the late 19th century, Chinese private schools emerged in succession, with the Cuiying School, Peiyi School, Yuyi School, Yangzheng School, and Leying School notable among them. These private schools offered courses touching upon traditional primers, such as The Book of Songs [诗 经], Three Character Classic [三字经], Hundred Family Surnames [百家姓], Thousand Character Classic [千字文] and Children’s Knowledge Treasury [幼学琼林], and Confucian Classics, including Four Books [四书], Five Classics [五经], historical and philosophical works [15: 66]. While offering language and math courses to overseas Chinese, these private schools also shouldered the responsibility of passing down traditional Chinese culture and values. At the beginning of the 20th century, modern Chinese-language schools appeared in overseas Chinese communities in Malaya. In 1905, Chen Chunan and others founded the Yeung Ching School, the first modern Chinese-language school (later renamed the Chong Cheng School) in Singapore, ushering in an era in which numerous modern Chinese-language schools were established by local overseas Chinese communities. Over the following two decades, more than ten Chineselanguage primary schools were opened in Malaya. Throughout the 20th century, Malaysian Chinese founded a number of Chinese language primary and secondary schools using Chinese as the language of instruction, enabling the Chinese language to be preserved and promoted in the region. From Malaya to Malaysia, thanks to generations of overseas Chinese’s unremitting efforts, a comprehensive Chinese education system came into being, comprising Chineselanguage primary schools, independent high schools, universities, and professional

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training colleges. These Chinese-language schools contributed tremendously to the inheritance and propagation of Chinese culture in Malay. At the end of the 20th century, Chinese language education in Malaysia reached a historic turning point on the road towards developing a higher education system. The New Era University College, which used Chinese as the primary language of instruction, was established in February of 1998. On August 13, 2002, University Tunku Abdul Rahman, the first Chinese university in Malaysia, was inaugurated by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and his wife, Dr. Siti Hasmah Mohd Ali. Since its inception, the university has been dedicated to promoting the development of Chinese-language higher education in Malaysia. Moreover, respected Malaysian universities such as the University of Malaya (UM) and the University Putra Malaysia (UPM) have established Chinese language departments dedicated to higher-level Chinese education and research. Established in 1963, UM’s Chinese Department remained the highest-level educational institution for Chinese studies in the country. From its inception to 2000, the department produced 1439 Bachelors, 52 Masters and 7 Doctoral graduates. In terms of undergraduate-level curriculum, the department offered two academic tracks: Language and Literature and Culture and Society. The former mainly focused on Chinese Studies and Classical Literature. Courses related to classical Chinese culture include: History of Chinese Literature; Introduction to Chinese Studies; Appreciation of Classical Chinese Poetry; Selected Works in the Tang and Song Dynasties; Traditional Chinese Novels; Selected Poems in the Tang Dynasty; Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty; Selected Works of the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties; Classical Drama; Chinese Characters; Ancient Philology. The latter mainly focused on Sinology and Practical Chinese. In this series, courses related to Classical Chinese Culture include: Introduction to Chinese Culture; History of Pre-Qin and Han Periods; Introduction to Chinese Religions; Introduction to Chinese Literature; History of the Tang and Song Dynasties [16: 161–162]. The establishment and development of the local Chinese language departments, represented by the Chinese Department of the University of Malaya, played a crucial role in spreading Chinese cultural classics amongst the main Malayan ethnic groups, and in boosting overseas Sinology research in Malaya.

3.2.3 The Translation and Circulation of Classical Chinese Literary Works From the late 19th to the 20th century, classical Chinese literature circulated in Malaysia, facilitated by massive influx of Chinese immigrants. The literary works translated consisted mainly of ancient poems, folk songs, novels, stories, and essays, including works translated into Malay, and classics, prefaces and inscriptions. The three main dissemination channels included: oral dissemination by folk storytellers, translations by the Peranakan Chinese, introduction of certain traditional Chinese novels, and the spread of Chinese literature in a broad sense.

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3.2.3.1

Oral Dissemination by Folk Story Tellers

The oral Chinese literary works circulated in the Singapore–Malaysia region were essentially rustic literature. Mo Jiali believes that such literature assumed two main forms. Jianggu [讲古], which is popular among low-status workers, and the ballad style called Guofan Ge [过番歌] [15: 67]. In Min and Teochew dialects, Jianggu means storytelling. Early Chinese immigrants in the Nanyang region were mainly laborers, most of them illiterate. After a day of backbreaking toil, these laborers passed the time by listening to stories, which also served as a consolation to them when they were gripped by homesickness. Therefore, Jianggu was embraced by the lower-level workers. Guofan means “going abroad” in the Min and Teochew dialects. Guofan Ge denotes a type of ballads, mostly depicting the sorrow of a lonely man who was forced to leave his family and work abroad. Sung in dialects, the ballad is distinctively folkloric. One particular ballad goes: Without firewood and rice, I’m going to starve to death. What else could I do, other than selling myself as a Coolie....the steam boats ploughing past the Seven Islands, no longer was my hometown in sight. I do not know what lies in store for me, nor when I will get the chance to return home.

This ballad conveys the sadness and hopelessness of the Chinese people who travel across the sea to support their families, and the Seven Islands refer to the islands located in the sea southeast of China’s Hainan province. Passing by the Seven Islands, the Chinese immigrants leave their homeland to greet an uncertain future. Guofan Ge captures their loneliness and bitterness through dialects, connecting two distant spaces—the foreign and ancestral lands, thus encapsulating the metaphor of “dreaming of returning home” for the laborers who are unable to return to their hometowns [15: 67].

3.2.3.2

The Peranakan Chinese community’s Translation and Introduction of Traditional Chinese Novels

The Peranakan Chinese are called Cína Peranakan in Malay, and are commonly known as Baba Nyonya. They are an ethnic group peculiar to Southeast Asia, descendants of the original male Chinese settlers and Malay women.“The Peranakans in the Singapore–Malaysia region refer to the ethnic group with a certain degree of indigenous blood, and a special identity and cultural background” [14: 32]. The Peranakan Chinese mainly settled in Singapore, and in Malacca and Penang in Malaysia. As these three regions are all former British straits settlements, the Peranakan Chinese settling there are also called “Straits-born Chinese”. Although they have assimilated many Malay ethnic customs, the Perankan Chinese carry on numerous Chinese cultural traditions. For instance, they value filial piety and respect for the elders, and

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observe wedding and funeral customs evoking traditional Chinese rituals. They are, indeed, fairly “Sinicized” in a religious and cultural sense. Within this special ethnic group of mixed races and cultures, certain elites have contributed enormously to the translation of classical Chinese literature. From the late 19th century to the early 1950s, the elites translated a good many classical Chinese novels into Malay, including Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Outlaws of the Marsh and Journey to the West. However, only a few dozen of these translations have been preserved this day, some of which have been stored in countries outside Malaysia, such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, France and even Russia. Apart from those housed in the National Library of Malaysia and libraries of universities, some existing translations in Malay are stored in private collections (Yang 2001, 1: 14–25). In her paper entitled On Malaysian Chinese’s Translations into and Writings in Malay, Claudine Salmon, who has long researched the history and culture of Chinese Indonesians and Malaysian Chinese, presents a catalogue of 94 Chinese novels translated by overseas Chinese into Romanized Malay. Among these novels, 71 are translations of classical Chinese literary works. And 59 out of the 71 translations were published during the 20th century, or more specifically, from 1902 to 1950, the retranslations and reprints included. Among the 59 works, 43 were translated and published in the 1930s. Therefore, it is fair to say that the 1930s witnessed the heyday of the translation of classical Chinese novels in Malaya (Salmon 1989: 349–362). The classical Chinese literary works rendered by the Peranakans are mainly popular novels recording stories or folklore set against historical backgrounds, such as romances, folktales and fictions. These works cover five major genres of ancient and modern Chinese popular novels: historical romances, crime-case fictions, chivalrous novels, ghost stories and romantic novels. Of the translations, historical romances account for the highest proportion, followed by crime-case fictions and chivalrous novels; ghost stories and romantic novels account for only a fraction of the translations [15: 70]. The Peranakans mainly translated historical novels, such as The Battle of Wits between Sun and Pang [孙庞演 义] and The Wars of the Gods set in the Pre-Qin Dynasty; Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Western Han [西汉] and Wang Zhaojun [ 王昭君和番] set in the Han Dynasty; Anti-Tang Dynasty Romance [反唐演义], Xue Rengui Conquers the East [薛仁贵征东], The Wise Emperor [红面君主] and Luo Tong Pacifies the North [罗通扫北] set in the Tang Dynasty; Wanhua Tower [万 花楼], The Complete Biography of Yue Fei [精忠说岳], Latter Military Romance of Di Qing—The Five Tigers Pacify the South [狄青五虎平南] and General Yang Wenguang Conquers the Southern Min [杨文广征南闽] set in the Song Dynasty; Meng Li Jun [孟丽君] and Chou Tou Hong Wu Jun [臭头洪武君] set in the Yuan Dynasty; Zheng De Jun Travelling to Regions South of the Yangtze River [正德君游 江南] set in the Ming Dynasty; Hong Xiuquan [洪秀全] and Emperor Qianglong’s Visits to Regions South of the Yangtze River [乾隆君游江南] set in the Qing Dynasty. The principal reasons why Peranakan Chinese mainly translated historical novels may include.

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First, the historical novels embody innumerable Chinese cultural elements, and reading historical novels enables one to better understand Chinese culture. Second, the historical novels prove excellent textbooks for family education, as they reflect the traditional Chinese ethics and morals [13: 74–75]. Some scholars have pointed out that the Peranakans translated classical Chinese novels with the aim of “helping the Malays understand classical Chinese literary works”. For quite some time, such literary works were mainly targeted at the Peranakan Chinese themselves. “Zeng Jinwen once mentioned in his preface to The Romance of the Three Kingdoms that his purpose in translating Chinese literature was mainly to provide useful readings for his fellow countrymen in Malaya. Through these translations, Zeng also wanted to help the Perankans who couldn’t understand Chinese approach the Chinese literary classics” [13: 72]. The translations are written in Peranakan Malay, a systematic language based on Malay, yet distinct in its own right. Peranakan Malay features Hokkien dialects, Malay words with changed pronunciations and Malay sentences arranged according to Chinese grammatical rules. The translations, written in a language different from Malay and brimming with Chinese cultural allusions, posed considerable difficulties for the Malays who were used to reading the standard Malay written in Jawi script. The translations were, therefore, hardly well-received amongst the indigenous people. This may explain why a large number of the translations were serialized in newspapers founded by Peranakan Chinese before being officially published. After all, the Peranakan community formed the mainstay of such newspapers’ readership. It was through extensively reading the popular novels that the Peranakans came to learn the history of the Chinese nation, and to appreciate the Chinese culture. From the late 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, the Peranakans established a number of publishing houses and bilingual or monolingual Malay newspapers, which served as important platforms for the publication of classical Chinese literary translations. Prestigious publishing houses at the time included Baohuaxuan, Koh Yew Hean Press and Jinshizhai. The Kabar Slalu, co-founded by Goh Cheng Lim and Wan Boon Seng in Singapore in 1924, was the first newspaper to serialize classical Chinese literary translations. During the same year, The Legend of the White Snake [白蛇与黑蛇], Er Du Mei [二度梅], and Xue Rengui Conquers the West [薛 仁贵征西] were serialized in the newspaper [13: 53]. Other later-emerging influential newspapers included the East Star, Saturn, Peranakan Chinese Newspaper, Peranakan Chinese News, Yang Ming Newspaper, Daily News and Story Paper. Before being published in separate editions, the translated works were serialized in these newspapers. From the late 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, writers engaged in translating classical Chinese literature into Malay were mainly Westernized Peranakans; during the latter half of the 20th century, Sinicized Peranakans took over the task. While they might not rival the Westernized Peranakans’ translations in number, the works rendered by Sinicized Peranakans were more diverse, encompassing classical works, legends, folktales and old verses in modern Malay.

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The translations published in separate editions included: Six Chapters of a Floating Life [浮生六记] (1961), The Epic Story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai [山伯英 台史诗] (1963), Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai (The Butterfly Lovers) [梁山伯与 祝英台 (蝴蝶的故事) ] (1964), A Collection of Classical Chinese Poetry [中国古典 诗词选] 1981), Sun Tzu’s Art of War [孙子兵法] (1986), Comics of Romance of the Three Kingdoms [三国演义] (1992), The Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean [大学中庸] (1994), Tao Te Ching [道德经] (1994), Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio [聊斋故事选] (1994) and Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai [梁山伯与祝英台] (1994). The 1990s saw several classical Chinese literary works rendered by the Malays, including Legend of the White Snake [白蛇传] (1990, translated by Rusnah Talib), Birth Mother [前娘] (1990, translated by Alauyah Bhd. Rahyman), Mencius [孟子] (1994, translated by Obaidellah Hj. Mohamad)and The Analects of Confucius [孔子 的学说论语] (1994, translated by Obaidellah Hj. Mohamad), wherein the former two were rendered from the English translations, the latter two from Chinese originals by Obaidellah Hj. Mohamad, a professor in the Chinese Department at the University of Malaya. Mr. Obaidellah’s two translations were published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Institute of Language and Literature), the highest-ranking official publishing agency in the country.

3.2.3.3

The Influence of General Literature

Overseas Chinese gradually formed various Chinese societies to foster community cohesion and reciprocity. Malaysia is home to the largest gathering of overseas Chinese societies in the world. According to statistics published by the Registry of Societies of Malaysia in June 2001, the number of overseas Chinese societies in Malaysia in 2001 stood around 7276. That number is expected to reach nearly 9000 at present. Overseas Chinese societies, Chinese-language education and Chinese newspapers form the three pillars of these Malaysian Chinese communities. Malaysian Chinese societies mainly promote geographical, kinship, academic, recreational, religious and philanthropic connections, among which geopolitical societies, such as associations of fellow provincials or townsmen, and consanguineous societies such as ancestral halls, are most numerous and long-lived. The group activities of overseas Chinese in the Singapore–Malaysia region are mainly organized by the Chinese societies. When establishing associations, ancestral halls and schools, and holding philanthropic activities, overseas Chinese would follow their homeland’s traditions; that is, inscribing articles on steles. The inscriptions are written in classical Chinese prose, many endowed with literary grace [12: 68]. The inscriptions of “miscellany”, “preface” and “afterword” are undoubtedly of high value for studying the influence of Chinese culture in Malaya, as they can be deemed as classical literature in a broad sense. German Sinologist Wolfgang Franke (1912–2007) devoted his life to studying Chinese inscriptions in Southeast Asia, collecting and compiling a large amount of extremely valuable material. Franke was employed twice in the Chinese Department at the University of Malaya in the 1960

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and 1970s, during which he collected a large number of inscriptions from the Singapore–Malaysia region. In 1978, he co-authored and published Chinese Epigraphy in Malaysia with Professor Chen Tieh Fan of the University of Malaya. Franke’s other Chinese works in this field include A Collection of Chinese Inscriptions in Malaya, Chinese Epigraphy in Indonesia and A Collection of Chinese Inscriptions in Thailand, which have proved valuable material for further research.

3.2.3.4

The Popularization of Traditional Chinese Operas

Living in dire conditions, the early overseas Chinese often pined after their homelands and loved ones. To soothe their homesickness, the early emigrants created folk songs sung in strong local accents, well-known operas, ethnic costumes, Chinesestyle architectures and spiritual beings worshiped in their hometowns, weaving these vestiges of traditional Chinese culture into their lives abroad. The growing Chinese community also provided fertile ground for the emergence and growth of Chinese arts. As the overseas Chinese society’s presence increased in the Nanyang (Southeast–Asian) countries, the Chinese arts were introduced into and came to blossom in the region. Among the various art forms, the traditional Chinese operas enjoyed the most widespread popularity, the largest audience base and the greatest influence in the region. During the traditional Chinese festivals or religious ceremonies, the overseas Chinese would hire troupes from home to put on performances, and set up local entertainment groups. The Chinese operas introduced into the Nanyang region mainly comprise Gaojia opera, Cantonese opera, Teochew opera, Min opera, Qiong opera, Peking opera, Gezai opera (Xiangju opera), Nanguan opera, Puxian opera, Shifan opera, glove puppetry, shadow puppetry, and so on. It can be seen from the above that the most widely-spread operas in the Nanyang region hailed from Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The Hokkiens and Cantonese account for a large proportion of the overseas Chinese living in the region; thus, these two provinces boast extremely vibrant traditional operas. In Fujian, for instance, the province’s local operas’ show repertoire totals over 15,000, hence Fujian was dubbed “the province of arts . Before the Second World War, traditional Chinese operas were highly popular among the Singaporean and Malaysian Chinese, and Fujian opera, Cantonese opera and Teochew opera were most widely applauded. This may be attributed to the fact that traditional operas are more entertaining and acceptable than traditional novels for the general public. This is especially true for the illiterate, as operas prove a more approachable form of culture, and a window to China’s literary heritage [13: 59]. According to Huang Lianzhi, the traditional plays performed in the Nanyang region mainly comprise the following four categories: (1) (2) (3)

The rulers’ achievements and anecdotes; Romances between young talents and “beauties”; Ghost stories; and

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Stories on conquering barbarians [17: 122–123].

One can easily find that the genres and titles of the Malay translations frequently overlap with the above operas, such as Zheng De Jun Travelling to Regions South of the Yangtze, Emperor Qianlong’s Visits to Jiangnan, Meng Li Jun, The Wars of the Gods, Xue Rengui Conquers the East and so on. It is self-evident that the traditional Chinese operas have exerted a profound influence on the Peranakan translation literature [13: 60]. Gaojia opera, one of Fujian province’s main local operas, was the brand of traditional Chinese opera most frequently performed in Singapore and Malaysia. During the first half of the 20th century, or more precisely, between 1902 and 1942, before the outbreak of the Second World War, more than a dozen Gaojia opera troupes from Fujian province toured Singapore and Malaysia all year round. In 1912, for example, the Fujian Gaojia opera group called the Jinhexing troupe travelled to Malaya, delivering performances including Expedition against Zidu [伐子都], The Death of Gaochong [失高宠], Lady Meng Jiang [孟姜女], Slaying Zheng En[杀郑 恩]and Ambush at XiaoShang River [小商河] from 1912 to 1942. Puppetry from Fujian and Guangdong provinces also frequently graced Singapore’s and Malaysia’s stages, second only to Gaojia opera. According to historical records, in 1908 and 1914, respectively, Cai Qingyuan, the head of a Quanzhou sting puppetry troupe who was born into a puppeteer family, was invited by local overseas Chinese to the Nanyang region, staging performances in Singapore, the Philippines and other countries for several months. The troupe’s vivid performances were widely celebrated by the overseas Chinese there, inaugurating Quanzhou’s sting puppetry performances abroad. Ding [18: 112]. The troupe’s feats sowed the seeds for the development of puppetry in Singapore and the Philippines. Between 1916 and 1922, Zheng Shoushan, a renowned puppeteer from Guangdong province, often toured Singapore and Malaysia. Zheng delivered convincing artistic renderings of martial roles in such shows as The WuJia Beach [ 五架滩] and Insulting Zhou Yu Thrice [三气周瑜], and mastered the exquisite, nuanced female roles in Diao Chan Praying to the Moon [ 貂蝉拜月], Beating Hands [西蓬击掌], etc. [6: 274–275]. With his superb performances, Zheng amassed a broad puppetry audience base and brought remarkable puppetry techniques to various Chinese communities in Malaysia, thus propelling puppetry to new heights. Cantonese opera, dubbed“love tokens of the southern land”, is a major category of Guangdong local opera. The opera traces its history back to more than three hundred years ago in the early Ming dynasty. Cantonese opera was popularized in Southeast Asian countries beginning in the mid-19th century. During the early 20th century, a large number of Cantonese opera troupes staged performances in Southeast Asia. From 1921 to 1941, the opera enjoyed its heyday in Malaysia. Celebrated actors from major Cantonese opera troupes, including Sit KokSin, So Siu Tong, New Cabbage (stage name for a female role performer), Bai Jurong (known as “the best male role performer”), and Shao Kunlun (a martial role performer of great renown), all travelled to Malaysia to deliver performances [6: 215]. In Singapore and Malaysia, a

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plethora of Cantonese opera performers established troupes that enjoyed widespread popularity. In Singapore, eminent Cantonese opera troupes include the Yongshounian troupe, the Puchangchun troupe, the Qingweixin troupe and the Xinjiaxiang troupe. In Malaysia, Cantonese opera blossomed in Kuala Lumpur and Penang with the rise of local troupes, encouraged by the major Singaporean troupes’frequent performances in the areas. Some Cantonese opera troupes were established in Seremban, Kampar, Taiping, Melaka and Paloh, as well, and the famous Cantonese opera actors Xin Hua and Jing Yuanheng once joined the troupes for touring shows [16: 38]. Qiong opera, formerly known as Hainan opera, traces its roots back more than 350 years ago, since its emergence in Hainan Island during the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties. In Malaysia, “Hainanese, together with Cantonese, Hokkiens, Teochew and Hakka people, formed five major Chinese communities, hence Qiong opera, along with Cantonese opera, Min opera and Teochew opera, became most celebrated among the overseas Chinese in the country” [19: 6]. The Qiong opera troupes from Hainan set foot in Malaya at least 160 years ago, and Singapore became the base camp for the Qiong opera artists in Southeast Asian countries [16: 38]. The 1930s marked a golden era for the development of Qiong opera in Malaysia. According to an article published on the Sin Chew Daily in 2004, “all the thirteen states in Malaysia established Hainan associations, and Qiong opera troupes were formed in the major associations to deliver regular performances”. Over the past two centuries, a good many traditional Chinese operas have been integrated into local Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, figuring prominently in religious sacrifices, festivals and folk custom activities, thus filling the need of entertaining spiritual beings and people alike. Traditional Chinese operas thrived in the Malaya soil with their unique charm, lingering tunes and enthralling performance forms.

3.2.3.5

The Blossoming of Other Traditional Art Forms

Painting Malaysian Chinese are custodians of Chinese traditional painting. Chinese ink painting is highly popular in Malaysia, and the teaching, connoisseurship and collection of ink paintings are also quite popular. Malaysian Chinese painters use lines and contours to highlight the relations between lights and shades, yet they seldom rely on hues to bring their artwork to life. Ink landscape paintings encapsulating the harmony between man and nature constitute a major part of Malaysian Chinese artists’works. Liu Kang (1911–2005), Cheong Soo Pieng (1917–1983), and Chen Chong Swee (1910–1985) are among the cohort of renowned Malaysian Chinese painters. Calligraphy Chinese calligraphy also enjoys widespread popularity in Malaysia. Malaysian Chinese often celebrate the New Year by writing Spring Festival couplets and holding calligraphy contests. People of other ethnicities are keen on learning calligraphy, as

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well. The Malaysian Chinese have established a calligraphy association dedicated to the promotion and research of calligraphy. Music Malaysian Chinese carry on China’s rich musical legacy. Chinese national musical instruments and songs are highly popular in Malaysia. A considerable number of Malaysian Chinese are learning to play the Chinese zither (guzheng), the Chinese violin (erhu) and other national musical instruments. To improve the performance of Malaysian Chinese players, the Central Conservatory of Music & Arts in Malaysia and the Central Conservatory of Music in Beijing, China have been co-organizing the Grade Examinations of Chinese Musical Instruments since the 1990s, for which Chinese specialists are designated as examination supervisors. Such overseas examinations on Chinese music instruments only take place in Malaysia and Singapore. Each year, hundreds of Malaysians and Singaporeans sit examinations for the Chinese violin, the Chinese lute (pipa), the Chinese zither, the Chinese hammered dulcimer (yangqin), and the Chinese transverse flute (dizi). Talented Malaysian Chinese have even created a new form of musical performances called the Twenty-four Festive Drums, in which performers strike drums tagged with the respective names of the twenty-four solar terms. Many Chinese-language secondary schools have convened Twenty-four Festive Drums teams to deliver performances during large-scale events. Dance Lion and dragon dances, among many other traditional Chinese dances, are wellpreserved and highly celebrated in Malaysian Chinese communities. Many Chinese associations have created lion or dragon dance teams to provide entertainment during festivals, celebrations and ceremonies. Moreover, the Malaysian Chinese Association established the Lion Dance Federation of Malaysia, under which many high-level lion dance teams have won the Lion King Awards in the International Lion Dance Competitions. Spoken and Sung Arts (Quyi) Nanyin has been hailed as the most vibrant and popular art form of Chinese singing and telling arts transmitted to Southeast Asian countries. With roots in Quanzhou, Fujian province, Nanyin is greatly favored by the overseas Chinese and local people in Southeast Asia for its melodious rhythms. As the Fujianese (mainly hailing from Southern Fujian), account for the largest proportion of Malaysian and Singaporean Chinese, it is only natural for Nanyin, the traditional performing art from southern Fujian, to have accrued a broad audience base in the area. The Renhe Association established in 1887 is the earliest documented Nanyin association in Malaysia, while the Hengyunge Association, founded in the late 19th century, is the earliest Nanyin community in Singapore. In the 1930s, the Qinlange Association, Yunlinge Association, Taoyuan Club, Tong Ann Dan Kim Hah Association, Fishery Union and other Nanyin associations were established in Malaysia. In 1940, the Siong Leng Musical Association was founded in Singapore, boasting

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numerous renowned artists with consummate skills. The society still stands as the major Nanyin association in Singapore today [20: 80]. Crosstalk (Xiangsheng), a form of traditional Chinese folk arts, is also favored by Malaysians. A batch of distinguished Chinese crosstalk artists have been invited to perform in Malaysia. In 2004, Ma Ji, Zhao Yan, Li Jindou, Li Jianhua and other renowned Chinese crosstalk artists staged performances in the country. Numerous Malaysian Chinese are also keen on performing crosstalk. They dedicate themselves to the research, creation and performance of the art, and exchange views with their Chinese counterparts from time to time. Celebrated Malaysian crosstalk artists include Yao Xinyuan (student of the renowned Chinese artist Ma Ji), Ji Qingrong and Su Weisheng. Martial Arts Chinese martial arts (Wushu), such as Tai Chi, Wing Chun, Hong Quan and Qi Gong, are commonly practiced by Malaysian Chinese. A number of organizations, including The Wushu Federation of Malaysia and the Federation of Chin Woo Association Malaysia, are engaged in martial arts activities, setting up branches throughout the country. Martial arts have secured many medals for Malaysia in international sports competitions. For example, He Nuobin, a Malaysian martial arts champion, was awarded two gold medals and one silver in the 2004 Asian Wushu Championships.

3.2.3.6

Sinology from Malaya to Malaysia

Modern Sinology in Southeast Asia constitutes a unique and crucial chapter in the history of International Sinology. This particular brand of Sinology is closely related to Western colonization and invasion of Southeast Asia, and the influx of Chinese immigrants in modern times. Modern Southeast Asian Sinology studies have been orchestrated by Westerners, overseas Chinese and locals with various cultural backgrounds, needs and purposes. The main features or the core of Sinology research by overseas Chinese include: the study of Confucianism based on the Chinese culture; the simplification and popularization of Confucian classics and thoughts, and the translation of ancient Chinese classics and literary works into English and Southeast Asian languages (He Shengda 1994: 63–73). Living under colonial rule outside their homelands, many Southeast Asian Chinese understood little to no Chinese. Simplified Confucianism proved an easier way for them to approach profound Confucian thoughts. The “deliberate” simplification was aimed at preserving the spirit of Chinese culture and adapting to the actual needs of overseas Chinese. Works written by the early champions of the Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore expound upon Confucian ethics with popular vernaculars. Examples are The Plain Characters [浅字文] (1899) and The New Thousand Character Classic [新出千字文] (1902) compiled by Khoo Seok Wan, and The Essence of Confucianism in Vernacular [孔教摄要白话] compiled by Zhang Kecheng. The latter is the earliest vernacular Confucian literary reading in Southeast

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Asia. With these lucid Confucian readings coming to light, the essence of Confucianism become“easily grasped by the literate, passed on to the public, and wellknown to people in all walks of life” (Leung Yuen Sang 1995: 167–168), which has undoubtedly facilitated Sinology research and the circulation of classic Chinese culture in the Singapore–Malaysia region. The past sixty years will go down in history as a time of sweeping changes for Southeast Asia. During the twentieth century, with the arrival of large numbers of Chinese immigrants, classic Chinese culture took root, budded and blossomed in the Singapore– Malaysia region. From the time of Malaya to Malaysia, as Chinese newspapers were established, Chinese-language schools founded, classic Chinese literary works translated, traditional Chinese operas popularized, and Sinological studies conducted in the region, the blossom of classic Chinese culture bloomed on this foreign soil, bearing a unique charm and profound cultural heritage. During this century, classic Chinese culture circulated in Malaya and Malaysia thanks to the efforts of countless Southeast Asian Chinese pioneers. These cultural custodians kept traditional Chinese culture alive among the local Chinese communities, especially those born in the countries of residence. This chapter can hardly do justice to the influence of Chinese culture in Malaya and Malaysia during the twentieth century. Hence, this section only provides a summary of previous scholars’ research and the authors’ findings, to pay homage to Southeast Asian Chinese path-blazers and scholars.

References 1. He SD (1992) The influence of Chinese ancient culture in Southeast Asia. Thinking (5):76–82 2. Shi JZ (2000) The oriental culture circle and Southeast Asian culture. Guizhou Ethnic Studies (3):91–99 3. Yan B (1989)The influence of Chinese novels on Vietnamese literature. In: Traditional Chinese novels in Asia. International Culture Press, pp 208–236 4. Salmon C (1981) Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: a provisional annotated bibliography. Editions de la Maison des Sciences del’Homme, Paris. http://www.guoxue.com/? p=2970 5. Yang GY (1995) The rise and down of translation literature by Peranakan Chinese in Singapore. In: Literature and Culture of Chinese People in Southeast Asia 6. Lai BJ (1993) Summary on Southeast Asian Drama. China 7. Rao PZ (1999) Chinese literature in Southeast Asia. Forum on Chinese Literature of the World (2):3–6 8. Gao WG (2005) The Inheritance and variation of Chinese traditional culture in Southeast Asia. Jiangxi Social Sciences (4):149–151 9. Xu SF and Lin MH (2011) History of Chinese people in Vietnam. Guangdong Higher Education Press 10. Liang YM (2006) Cultural exchanges and national integration: a case study of Southeast Asian countries. J Overseas Chin Hist Stud (4):32–35 11. Cheng ML (2001) Developing strategies of overseas Chinese media. Chin J Journalism Commun (3):25–30

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12. Chen YB (2011) The history and features of the transmission of Chinese culture in Singapore. Guoxue Website, http://www.guoxue.com/?p=2970 13. Huang HM (2003) Research on baba literature in Singapore and Malaysia. M.A. Thesis, National Chengchi University Ethnology, Taipei 14. Lin YH (1981) Schools for overseas Chinese before the independence of Malaya. In: Collected papers on overseas Chinese history. Academy of Overseas Chinese Studies of Jinan University 15. Mo JL (2001) The spread of traditional Chinese literature in Singapore and Malaysia: the role of straits born Chinese. J Overseas Chin Hist Stud 3:65–74 16. Kang HL (2006) The circulation and development of Cantonese Drama in Malaysia. Sichuan Drama (2):37–39 17. Huang LZ (1971) Introduction to social history of Malaysian Chinese. Singapore Wanli Culture Company 18. Ding YZ (1991) History on Chinese puppet. Xuelin Press 19. Zhao KT (1998) On Qiong opera culture. China Theatre Press 20. Zheng CL, Wang S (2005) Nan Yin. Zhejiang People’s Publishing House

Chapter 4

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Culture Classics in South Asia Jiameng Tong

The Chinese and South Asian civilizations are geographically and culturally linked, enabling close and frequent cultural exchanges over the years. Relevant academic research also has deep roots. This chapter explores “Chinese culture in South Asia”. However, separating the “inflow” and “outflow” in cultural interactions between the two areas based on the pertinent academic history and research documents is no easy task. Most documents under discussion adopt the perspective of “exchanges” rather than sheer one-way dissemination. Chinese academicians have focused on the “inflow” rather than the “outflow” of Chinese culture. This research trend may be attributed to the following factors: First, the splendid ancient Chinese culture is inclusive enough to assimilate a plethora of foreign cultures. Second, introducing a culture abroad will not inflict any losses upon the culture itself, but only cement its status as a dominant culture; in turn, embracing a foreign culture will enrich the local culture. Thus, one may readily observe the foreign culture introduced into their own country, but pay little heed to the circulation of their own culture overseas. In this light, the topic Chinese culture in South Asia is particularly relevant, for this issue is easily overlooked in academic research.

4.1 Arc of Influence in South Asia We begin our historical examination two millennia ago, a time which does not, however, necessarily mark the initiation of cultural communication or exchanges between ancient China and South Asia. A closer look reveals that the communication between peoples and ethnic groups in different regions can certainly be traced back to the dawn of time, the evidence for which might eventually fade into oblivion. Cultural exchanges aside, there were bound to be genetic exchanges back then, given the fact J. Tong (B) School of Asian Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_4

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that the South Asian subcontinent remains an “ethnographic museum”, and that Central Asia has played a crucial role in linking South Asia with ancient China. In this sense, we should approach cultural communication from a broader perspective. A case in point would be Peking University Professor Chen Yan’s research on the Maritime Silk Road, which casts light on the archaeological excavations of cultural sites. Records of cultural exchanges emerged and blossomed at the turn of the centuries BC and AD. Hence our discussion begins with this period. Judging from the early historical materials, the ancient people harbored burning curiosity about foreign cultures, and would record any tidbits on foreign life they overheard, even if they had not witnessed those events firsthand. Historical Records touched on the Shu cloth [蜀布] and bamboo canes of Qiong [邛竹杖] that the Chinese explorer Zhang Qian (164–114 BC) heard about, which were regarded as evidence of cultural exchanges between China and South Asia and cited repeatedly throughout history. Today, people may find these insignificant compared with the pervasive Chinese-made products worldwide. However, all magnificent things in history have evolved from scratch. The same is true of the trajectory of cultural exchanges, which covers vast distances with small steps at a time. Chinese culture transcends national borders, and often makes its way into other countries and regions. Even during the era of seclusion and closed-door policies, China was observed and analyzed by the outside world through various channels. Today, as China’s presence mounts in the international arena, there is an urgent need to take a step back and look into history, to trace the path of Chinese culture abroad, to examine the impressions it has left and the influence it has exerted on foreign lands. This is crucial for China to map out a better cultural communication strategy and present a better cultural image to the world. As inconsequential as they may seem, the Shu cloth, bamboo canes and other signs of early communication constitute an invaluable component of Chinese culture in South Asia, remaining memorable and precious indeed. The cultural exchanges between China and South Asia reached a fever pitch during the Eastern Han dynasty, mainly due to the debut of Buddhism in China. Such milestones in the history of Chinese culture and religion prompted China to proactively study South Asia. The Chinese showed particularly keen interest in exploring South Asian culture and customs. A growing number of Chinese braved perilous journeys to South Asia, traveling, studying, trading or settling down in the region. The same was true of South Asian people in China. Among these travelers, the monks were most celebrated for their tremendous contributions to cultural exchanges. Wellversed in Buddhist scriptures, the monks naturally undertook the mission of cultural exchanges, whose documentation proved invaluable resources for researchers of later generations. The chapter “Exchanges of Buddhism between China and South Asia” mainly expounds the monks’ contribution to introducing the Chinese culture into South Asia.1 Given the importance of Buddhist cultural exchanges, the authors

1

Translators’Note: The “chapter” here refers to the monograph entitled Chinese Culture in South Asia, Published in 2017 by the Elephant Press.

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devote one chapter to the topic, knowing full well that a single chapter can hardly do justice to such a difficult and complex issue. The Buddhism-themed interactions between China and South Asia serve as a paragon for cultural exchanges worldwide. Such a remarkable cultural phenomenon featuring perennial, extensive and thorough exchanges offers us extensive historic academic resources to tap into, as well as a well of inspiration for today’s cultural exchanges. The journey of a country or region in offering its unique cultural or religious thoughts to foreign lands is often beset with difficulties. For instance, the missionary activities carried out as Portugal discovered the sea route to India were sometimes accompanied by bloodshed. Faced with foreign cultures, particularly religion, one may become vigilant or even defensive. Yet the introduction of Buddhism into China was relatively smooth despite certain difficulties, thanks primarily to the official support. From the Wei and Jin period (220–589) to the Song Dynasty (960–1279), Chinese and South Asian monks were earnestly engaged in Buddhism exchanges out of their pious religious beliefs, a process in which official assistance played an especially crucial role. Aside from cultural exchanges represented by Buddhism, economic activities were also woven into the history of China’s external communications. Trade activities, initially conducted for profit, turned out to contribute to the exchanges between China and South Asian countries, exerting effects beyond economic benefits on both the goods’ places of origin and destinations. The cultural effects brought about by economic activities are also a subject of close examination in this section. In the case of the tributary trade and the Maritime Silk Road, the profits reaped and the losses incurred, the glory of being paid tribute for the country’s greatness and military strength have all been washed away by history. Today, probably no one will remember the returns generated from a ship fully-loaded with porcelain in the distant past. Gone are the days people dwell over a fleet travelling long distances to capture a foreign ruler. Yet culture remains deeply engraved in these historical events. The reason that the Silk Road proves an iconic image of cultural exchange, lies not in the goods which have been transported by numerous camel caravans to distant lands, but in the pioneering spirit of the trailblazers who have braved the scourging sun and torrential rain throughout their arduous journeys. To some extent, the Silk Road and the Buddhism-themed exchanges between China and South Asia relied upon the cultural exchange hub of Central Asia. In the Song and Ming Dynasties, however, sea exchanges became increasingly frequent and in-depth. Such a shift of communication channels from land to sea seems to presage a major turning point in China’s cultural process. China’s prosperous maritime trade throughout the Song dynasty and Zheng He (1371–1433)’s voyages to the shores of Africa in the Ming Dynasty are indicative of the ocean’s progressively vital role in the country’s international exchanges. While the West had yet to discover the maritime route to India, and many parts of the world remained unknown to Europe back then, the Eastern countries had already embarked on large-scale voyages. In the chapter “Maritime Silk Road and South Asia”, the authors discuss the exchanges between China and South Asia from the Han Dynasty to the Ming Dynasty. Given that geopolitical concepts hinge heavily on associated academic research, a deeper

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appreciation of the history of the Maritime Silk Road will undoubtedly enable us to discern truth from facts. For instance, the contentious “String of Pearls” theory, referring to China encircling India in the Indian Ocean via a network of military and commercial facilities, has prevailed for quite some time, whereas in reality, the maritime routes, trade and exchanges between China and South Asian countries boast deep historical roots. For such issues, one can only gain insights from the perspective of dialogue among civilizations and cultures, rather than basing one’s judgement of history on narrow geopolitical interests.

4.2 Selected Documentation In discussing “Chinese Culture in South Asia”, the authors mainly reference the following materials: ancient Chinese books, scholarly research on relevant ancient books, and histories of cultural exchanges penned by contemporary scholars. Ancient Chinese books remain unparalleled as a fountain of knowledge on ancient Chinese culture, not to mention that they also provide detailed records of China’s frontier regions, surrounding areas and neighboring countries. Nowadays, discussion on Sino-foreign cultural exchanges would be impossible without ancient Chinese books. Second, scholars’ research on relevant ancient books is indispensable for researching Chinese culture’s inroads into South Asia. The most notable work on “Chinese Culture in South Asia” is Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources by Peking University Professor Geng Yinzeng. This work proved instrumental to research in the field, especially before the introduction of electronic retrieval. Third, the authors reference histories of cultural exchanges written by contemporary scholars, with Peking University Professor Ji Xianlin (1911–2009)’s History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange prominent among them. Contemporary research on Chinese-foreign cultural communication is marked by a diversification of perspectives. Chinese researchers value their own historical documentations as well as the research materials and achievements of other countries. Among the multitude of books recording cultural exchanges between ancient China and other countries and regions, the authors draw primarily upon the “TwentyFive Histories”. The official histories, from Historical Records to The Draft History of Qing. [清史稿], record facts about Sino-foreign exchanges, offering precious historical materials to the realm of world history. Especially for countries without official histories or whose histories faded into oblivion for various reasons, the extensive records in China’s official histories have become treasure troves for historical research. Apart from the official histories, there are also travel logs, local records and miscellaneous works about South Asia. The innumerable Chinese books are so perplexing that omissions inevitably occur in the observations of undiscerning researchers. For this reason, contemporary scholars expound upon the significance of ancient books in shedding light on the cultural exchanges between China and South Asia. These scholars’ detailed collations, annotations and comments now serve as essential materials for relevant studies.

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In this regard, the authors highly recommend Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources and Collections of South Asian Historical Materials from Chinese Sources by Geng Yinzeng. The quotations in this chapter mainly emanate from these two works. Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources “emends, classifies, expounds upon and evaluates the Chinese-language historical materials on South Asia, with the aim of systemically sorting out these materials.” As stated in the book’s introduction: South Asian historical data from Chinese sources are unparalleled worldwide, proving a treasure trove for the South Asian people who resort to fables, myths and legends due to the notable lack of historical materials. These data are of incalculable value for research on the history and culture of Asia, especially South Asia, and for research on the relation between China and South Asia [1: 1].

In the preface to his work, Ji Xianlin notes that “Professor Geng Yinzeng...worked tirelessly to finish this great work, filling in the persisting gaps in research and facilitating future research on Sino-Indian cultural exchanges.” Ji’s comments are highly pertinent. In discussing “Chinese Culture in South Asia”, the authors’ reference, citation and discussion of the relevant ancient books are all based on Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources. Professor Geng Yinzeng also compiled Collections of South Asian Historical Materials from Chinese Sources, which proved a useful tool for researchers examining the cultural communications between ancient China and South Asia. In the book’s preface, Ji Xianlin reveals: “Geng Yinzeng perused numerous ancient works, toiling day in and day out to craft this masterpiece.” Ji’s remarks reveal the difficulties of the compilation and its significance for relevant academic research. Nowadays, scholars can directly acquire useful materials from this compilation, and are hence spared the onerous search through multitudinous works. The compilation serves as a valuable source of inspiration for the chapters “Cultural Exchanges on Buddhism and South Asia”, “Maritime Silk Road and South Asia” and “Zheng He and South Asia”. If classified based on countries and regions in South Asia and rendered into the corresponding target languages, Collections of South Asian Historical Materials from Chinese Sources and Historical Data of South Asia from Chinese Sources will undoubtedly go down in history as classics introducing Chinese culture into South Asia. In the case of Sri Lanka, these two works do touch upon ancient Chinese books’ records of the country, although systematic research on the subject remains lacking. Hence, translations of the records of Sri Lanka, will be an encouraging step for bringing Chinese culture to Sri Lankans. Apart from sorting out and compiling ancient Chinese books, contemporary scholars have also carried out in-depth research and discussions on the cultural exchanges between China and South Asia. The authors reference such works as The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange by Ji Xianlin, The History of Cultural Exchanges between China and India Xue Keqiao, Maritime Silk Road and ChineseForeign Cultural Exchanges by Chen Yan and Changes of the Silk Road from the Third to the Sixth Century by Beijing Foreign Studies University Professor Shi Yuntao. Ji Xianlin notes that The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange “indeed touches upon a large topic…with just 120,000 words, I am forced to zone in on certain

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aspects of the history…due to space constraints, I have found myself dancing in shackles…in writing The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange [2: 2].” Though not exhaustive in scope, this work nevertheless breaks new ground for academic research in this field. Its analysis of issues such as Buddhist exchanges and the import of paper and silk, provides reference for future research. The book is particularly instructive when it comes to “Chinese culture in South Asia”. In this concise volume, Ji has established a framework for examining the issues in cultural communication. For instance, to pinpoint the origin of cultural exchanges, Ji cites the records of “Cina” in Mahabharata and Ramayana; to expound upon the progress of cultural exchanges, he divides the stages into “origin”, “blooming”, “heyday”, “declining”, “recovery” and “transformation”. The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange paved the way for a plethora of works themed on Cultural Exchanges between China and South Asia. Amongst these works, the authors draw most heavily upon Xue Keqiao’s The History of Cultural Exchanges between China and India. In the preface, Xue points out the significance of research on Sino-Indian cultural exchanges: “Researchers at home and abroad have long been committed to Buddhism, Tibetan Studies, Mongolian Studies, Dunhuang Studies, Turpan Studies and Silk Road Studies…But when you think about it, every one of these studies falls under the overarching theme of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges [3: 3].” From Xue’s remarks, one can discern the academic importance of cultural exchange research. This 400,000-word magnum opus detailing the history of Sino-Indian cultural is the very monograph on the History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange that Ji Xianlin had long hoped for. Without a doubt, the plethora of high-caliber works on cultural exchanges underscore the importance of this field. The authors have selected the most representative sources to guide our discussion on this topic. Here, the authors wish to emphasize that China and South Asia have cherished the tradition of cultural exchanges since ancient times. The ancient Chinese Buddhist monks Faxian and Xuanzang endured immense hardships to blaze the trail for cultural communication, and today’s researchers work industriously to keep this tradition alive. Both practitioners and researchers alike have left lasting marks on the history of cultural exchanges.

4.3 Cultural Exchanges Between China and South Asia from Modern Times to the Twentieth Century Since modern times, both China and South Asia have undergone profound changes; though they ultimately blazed their own paths, both regions share common historical roots. China and South Asia’s shared experiences may be summarized as follows: Once subjected to colonial rule, China and India broke free of the shackles of feudalism, imperialism and colonialism through enlightenment and national liberation movements, thus embarking on the path of independent development.

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As Tan Zhong comments in India and China—Interactions between Two Great Civilizations: “Since the mid-nineteenth century, China and India both suffered from forms of colonial rule, with India as a colony and China a semi-colony” [4: 17]. Not until the mid-twentieth century did China and South Asia triumph over colonialism to achieve national independence and liberation. Shared historical conditions prompted mutual sympathy and concern, creating possibilities for Sino-Indian cultural exchanges. A group of early-awakened Chinese and South Asian intellectuals fostered cultural communication between the two regions, kindling aspirations for national rejuvenation and the renewal of Eastern civilizations. The once-slackening Sino-Indian cultural exchanges found new life, enabling the introduction of Chinese culture into South Asia in modern times. In the wake of the First Opium War (1839–1842), a number of Chinese intellectuals, vigilant against adversity and soliciting national resurgenc, closely observed China’s internal and external conditions. These intellectuals also cast their eyes upon India, one of China’s neighbors colonized by Great Britain. Knowledgeable Chinese intellectuals such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Liang Qichao (1873– 1929) had long devoted attention to Indian issues. Kang Youwei, who once lived in India for one year and a half, authored A Study of Brahman, and Sun Yat-sen, Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936) and other revolutionary pioneers all empathized with the Indian people. The China-India Society, established in 1933 at the initiative of the Chinese intellectuals led by Tan Yunshan (1898–1983), and the Department of Chinese Language and Culture at the International University of India (founded in 1937), served as crucial platforms for Sino-Indian cultural communication. After the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931–1945), numerous Chinese scholars, including Chang Renxia (1904–1996), You Yunshan, Jin Kemu (1912– 2000), Wu Xiaoling (1914–1995) and Xu Fancheng (1909–2000), traveled to India for lectures and research, and later returned home to form the backbone of Indian studies in China. From the 1911 Xinhai Revolution to the establishment of People’s Republic of China in 1949, Chinese scholars published a plethora of works on Indian studies. This wave of revolutionary pioneers, scholars and intellectuals pondered over the future of both China and India, serving as a bridge connecting these two country’s cultures. Aside from introducing Indian culture to China, these trailblazers were deemed the icons of Chinese culture by the Indian people by virtue of their profound knowledge and charisma. After the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the Indian people worked unremittingly towards national independence. During this period, Indian thinkers and political leaders also devoted considerable attention to Chinese civilization and China’s future. The Chinese culture was celebrated by the early socio-religious reformers Ram Roy (1772–1833) and Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902), the leaders of the Indian independence movement Gandhi and Nehru, and Tagore, a prestigious poet who contributed tremendously to Sino- Indian cultural exchanges. At the invitation of Tagore, the Chinese scholar Tan Yunshan traveled to the International University of India to found the Department of Chinese Language and Culture, which marked a milestone in the resumption of Sino-Indian cultural interactions in modern times. The establishment of the Department raised an upsurge of Chinese scholars studying

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India and Indian scholars researching China. The Department kicked off Sinology research in the modern era, and cultivated a number of Sinologists such as Prabodh Chandra Bagchi, who endeavored to bring the Chinese culture to South Asia, thus promoting exchanges between Chinese and South Asian civilizations. In the mid-twentieth century, China and South Asia’s historical conditions changed with the independence of India in 1947 and the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. After shaking off the shackles of colonial rule, China and South Asia embarked upon independent development paths. For this reason, it was not until the twenty-first century that Sino-Indian cultural communication was revitalized. As different historical situations resulted in changes in diplomatic relations, the cultural interactions between China and South Asia took on a new look. In The History of Cultural Exchanges between China and India, Xue Keqiao divided SinoIndian cultural communication since 1949 into “heyday”, “interruption”, “recovery” and “stable development” periods, which proved a highly pertinent summary. Propelled by the evolving historical circumstances, the cultural interactions between China and South Asia soared to new heights. Beginning in 1949, the bilateral relations embarked on a honeymoon period, and Sino-Indian cultural exchanges reached a historical peak. A series of University of Delhi-sponsored initiatives fostered extensive scholarly research on China. Indian international students in China constituted the backbone of Chinese studies in India. Meanwhile, the Chinese courses offered by Indian universities became the primary channel for promoting Chinese culture in India. Chinese universities, with Peking University foremost among them, began offering courses and majors on the subject of Indian culture. With the support of the Chinese government, Chinese students and cultural exchange delegations were assigned to India, thus facilitating the dynamic development of Indian Studies. Thanks to joint efforts on both sides, China and India restored diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level in 1975, ushering in the normalization of bilateral cultural exchanges. In 1988, then-Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to China eroded barriers between the two countries, heralding the comprehensive improvement of Sino-Indian relations and the stable development of bilateral cultural interactions. Since the beginning of twenty-first century, cultural exchanges between the two countries have become more frequent, and scholars’ research has come to cover a more diverse scope of subjects, encompassing literature, religion, art, politics, economy, and other fields. Chinese culture has made deeper and broader inroads into India, and has been increasingly celebrated by the Indian people.

4.4 The Circulation and Influence of Chinese Culture in South Asia Since Modern Times China’s research on the history of its cultural relations with South Asia has deep roots, and numerous relevant works have been published. In The History of Cultural Exchanges between China and India, Xue Keqiao combs through research on the

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history of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges since modern times. From Xue’s work, it is clear that previous research often touched upon the spread of Chinese culture in South Asia when exploring the Sino-Indian cultural interactions since modern times. Scholarly writings such as Jin Kemu’s Sino-Indian Friendship between the Peoples and Essays on Indian Culture, Ji Xianlin’s The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Relations, Buddhism and Sino-Indian Cultural Exchanges and The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange, and Lin Chengjie’s History of the Friendly Relations between the Peoples of China and India, provided evidence of Chinese cultural influence in South Asia. These pioneering studies on the history of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges provide key references for research on “Chinese Culture in South Asia”. Based on the materials the authors have collected, the works on Sino-Indian cultural communication involving Chinese culture in South Asia may be categorized as follows: The first category is devoted to scholarly works on the history of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges. In The History of Sino-Indian Cultural Relations, Ji Xianlin mainly focuses explores bilateral cultural interactions in light of the influence of Indian culture on Chinese culture. However, the notion Ji espouses of “Sino-Indian Cultural Exchanges” as two-way rather than unilateral, provides a theoretical premise for analyzing the “Circulation of Chinese Culture in South Asia.” Lin Chengjie’s History of the Friendly Relations between the Peoples of China and India introduces in great detail interactions between Chinese and South Asian intellectuals during their struggles for national liberation in modern times, providing a wealth of materials for studying the Indian intellectuals’ attitudes toward Chinese culture, for assessing both sides’ intentions, and for tracing how Sino-Indian cultural communication played out during this period. Xue Keqiao’s The History of Cultural Exchanges Between China and India elaborates on modern and contemporary Sino-Indian cultural exchanges. A significant portion of this work is devoted to the interactions between Chinese and South Asian intellectuals and the particulars of the introduction of Chinese culture into South Asia since modern times, with a separate chapter describing the “Status of Chinese Studies in India”. Xue has provided numerous vital clues for research on the spread of Chinese culture in South Asia since modern times, especially concerning the history of contemporary Sino-Indian cultural exchanges. Indian Classic Works and Chinese Classics: Indian Writers and Chinese Literature, authored by Shenzhen University Professor Yu Longyu et al., stands as one of the few Chinese writings exploring Chinese culture’s presence in India. Yu et al. approach the friendly Sino-Indian exchanges from the perspective of Chinese cultural influence on Indian writers. Yu’s The History of Sino-Indian Exchanges on Literature (2015) expounds upon the influence of Chinese literature on Indian culture, transcending the literary realm to shed new light on research on Chinese cultural presence in South Asia. Tan Yunshan and Sino-Indian Cultural Exchanges edited by Tan Zhong and India and China—Interactions between These Two Civilizations co-authored by Tan Zhong and Geng Yinzeng, also provide detailed information for studying “Chinese Culture in South Asia”.

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Still other works, though not dedicated to the history of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges per se, constitute important writings on “Chinese Culture in South Asia”. For instance, China in the Eyes of the World: A Study of China’s Images Abroad edited by Zhou Ning devotes a separate chapter to “China’s Images in India”. Yin Xinan, the chapter’s author, focuses on China-related Indian intellectuals and their key writings, exploring Indian research trends of Chinese culture since modern times. Yin introduces almost all the Indian intellectuals related to Chinese culture, and expounds upon their speeches and works, presenting a full picture of China’s image in India. The chapter “China’s Images in India” remains a vital source of information for studying “Chinese Culture in South Asia” since modern times. In recent years, scholars have begun to cast light on the issue of “How India Observes China and Assimilates Chinese Culture”, presenting a series of research papers devoted to the circulation of Chinese culture in India, especially Chinese studies in India. Relevant works include A Study on India Sinologists’ Research on Modern Chinese Literature, Indian and Chinese Culture in the 20th Century, “Tortuous Change of Indian Perception of China in the Last 100 Years” and Scholars’ Cross-Cultural Dialogues in the New Century. Interviews with Indian Scholars, all authored by Professor Yin Xinan from the Institute of South Asian Studies at Sichuan University, to name just a few. These materials pave the way for a deeper understanding of the research on and the acceptance of Chinese culture in South Asia. The existing studies on “Chinese Culture in South Asia” since modern times lay a sound foundation for future research. Despite covering similar topics, the scholarly writings adopt varying perspectives and serve disparate purposes. Apart from a culture’s inherent appeal, the influence of a culture overseas hinges chiefly upon smooth channels of cultural communication and cultural proponents’ earnest promotion of the culture under specific historical conditions. After summarizing the academic achievements of previous scholars and reviewing the history of cultural interactions between China and South Asia since modern times, the authors have concluded the following: In ancient times, the circulation of Chinese culture in South Asia was primarily achieved through exchange visits between envoys and the exchange of skilled craftsmen and intellectuals at the ruling class level, and partially attributable to trade, economic interactions and other civilian exchange forms. The same was true for the cultural exchanges since modern times, albeit with a few exceptions. In the first half of the twentieth century, as China and South Asia were subjected to semi-colonial (in the case of China) and full-blown colonial rule (in the case of South Asia), cultural exchanges at the official level were primarily conducted by certain enlightened and patriotic intellectuals. Cultural exchanges between China and South Asia during this period came to be dominated by interactions between upper-class intellectuals in salvaging their nations from subjugation. In the second half of the twentieth century, as both China and India attained independence, cultural exchanges at the government level prevailed. Despite, or perhaps because of, the complex political factors involved, those intellectuals who acted zealously on behalf of their governments remained the mainstay of cultural communication. Hence, the specific form that

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cultural circulation took on depended to a large extent on the intellectuals’ attitudes toward the cultural output, and their need for, and acceptance of, foreign cultures.

References 1. Geng YZ (1990) Historical data of South Asia from Chinese sources. Peking University Press 2. Ji XL (2008) History of cultural exchanges between China and India. China Social Sciences Press 3. Xue KQ (2008) History of cultural exchanges between China and India. Kunlun Culture Press 4. Tan Z, Geng YZ (2006) India and China—interaction between two civilizations. The Commercial Press

Part II

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Europe and the United States

Chapter 5

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in England Zhen Li

Though China and England are located at opposite ends of the Eurasian continent, bilateral cultural encounters have gradually drawn the two nations together. Indeed, like other European countries, England came to understand China over the centuries via cultural exchange. As Anglo-Sino relations sprouted, and Sinology emerged in England, Chinese culture began to take root in England. Research on ancient Chinese classics are an integral component of Sinology, and the development of Sinology has historically served as a vessel transmitting traditional Chinese culture abroad. Thus, before delving into the 20th century influence of ancient Chinese cultural classics in England, a summary on the history of British Sinology over the past four centuries lies in order. England lies off the western coast of Europe in the eastern portion of the Atlantic Ocean, with the English Channel separating the island from mainland Europe. Such geographical isolation bred England’s historical “island mentality”, characterized by strong ethnocentrism, xenophobia, and intolerance towards foreign cultures. This mentality also explains why the portrayal of Chinese culture in British Sinology has differed markedly from the image imparted by European Sinology. Prior to the age of geographical discovery, Europeans’ only impressions of China stemmed from the accounts chronicled in the travelogues The Travels of Marco Polo and The Travels of Sir John Mandeville. The descriptions of the marvelous Eastern World contained therein both quenched Europeans’ curiosity about exotic cultures, and sparked the exploration of new lands. In The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, the British writer John the Beard (pen name Sir John Mandeville) narrated his overseas travel experience since leaving England in 1322, and provided an eyeopening account of Zhendan (then China). Historically regarded as a travel memoir, recent accounts have exposed the work as an imaginative literature compiled from Z. Li (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China

© Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_5

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books such as The Travels of Marco Polo, Speculum Majus,1 Travels of Friar Odoric by Odoric of Pordenone (1286–1331), and Les Fleurs des Histoires d’Orient by Frère Hayton (c.1240-c.1314). Besides chronicling historical occurrences, Sir John Mandeville also threw in fantastical adventures to entertain readers. The work accrued extraordinary clout rivaling that of The Travel of Marco Polo, thanks to translations thereof into major European languages, and became the most influential book from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance Era that constructed a half-true-to-life, halffantasy Eastern world for Western Europeans [1: 161]. It seems that this is the earliest image of China in British literature, one which serves as a canonical description of China in European literature [2: 25]. In the 16th century, new travel routes opened direct channels by which Westerners could gain a more factual, objective perspective on China. Many of those who came to China in the 1500s were missionaries sent by the churches. Although their primary mission lay in disseminating Roman Catholicism within China, they also produced unexpected treasure troves of early scholarship on China. Europeans also gained a comprehensive understanding about China from 1550 to 1600, when these early missionaries pioneered the field of Sinology, with research accounts including travelogues, letters, reports, memoir, and translations of Chinese works into other languages. Thanks to the scholarship of such early missionary-Sinologists, especially that of Jesuit missionaries, Europe’s knowledge about China evolved from a cursory cognizance to an in-depth, comprehensive understanding. Sinology research gradually expanded to include not only Confucian classics, but also Taoism, history, literature, and philosophy. England, however, did not keep up with the mainland Europe in terms of China studies, owing to geographical constraints, and the English Reformation that enabled the Church of England to break away from the authority of the Roman Catholic Church. Unlike mainland European missionaries, domestic Sinologists were unable to travel to China, and Britain thus collected limited knowledge on China via secondhand materials collated by its neighbor countries, including the English translation of Galeote Pereira’s Algumas Cousas Sabidas da China [Some Things Known about China] (1577) and Juan Gonzalez De Mendoza (1545–1618)’s Historia de las Cosas más Notables, Ritos y Costumbres del Gran Reyno de la China [The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof ] (1588). In 1592, an English fleet captured the Portuguese ship Madre de Deus and obtained a Latin document printed in Macau in 1590, containing valuable information on the Eastern world. After the English geographer Richard Hakluyt (1553–1616) obtained the book, he had the part on China translated, which, together with the book on the island of Corvo, was compiled into the second version of his The Principal Navigations, Voiages, Traffiques and Discoueries of the English Nation. The work delved into China’s geographical size, territory, customs, educational system and imperial power system. It was the first book written by Westerners that provided a fairly accurate description of Chinese Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism [3: 161]. 1

Authors’ Note: An encyclopedic work compiled by Vincent of Beauvais (C.1190-C.1264), originally written in Latin and translated into French circa 1330.

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The early impression that English people had about Chinese literature also stemmed from second-hand material. In 1589, the English writer George Puttenham (1529–1590) introduced Chinese classical pattern poems in his work The Arte of English Poesie, thus giving English readers their first taste of Chinese classical literature. Puttenham recounts how he met a Chinese gentleman in Italy who showed him how Chinese short poems are presented in identical-length lines with ending rhymes, similar to verses in Europe. In his book, Puttenham translated two love poems in a word-for-word fashion to expose the original forms. In 1684, England set up commercial centers in Guangzhou to facilitate trade with China. Though commercial contact certainly sparked some interest in Chinese culture and enhanced mutual understanding, such encounters remained seldom. During the 17th century, works about China in non-English European languages still served as the main channel for English people to acquire knowledge on China. For instance, the English version of Italian Jesuit priest Matteo Ricci (1552–1610)’s De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas provided a reliable overview of China. Ricci’s successor, Belgian Jesuit Philippe Couplet (1623–1693), translated part of The Great Learning and the Confucian Analects from Chinese into Latin. The translated version, Sapientia Dinica, was published in 1662. In 1687, on the basis of the Sapientia Dinica, the work Chinese Philosopher Confucius was published to include the translation of The Doctrine of the Mean, along with the afore-mentioned two canons. Phillipe Couplet’s magnum opus proved instrumental in exposing European readers to Confucianism. In the 18th century, the Chinese influence in the European mainland swept to Great Britain. Arts and crafts, as well as garden design, were the areas that embodied the most distinct influence of Chinese traditions. Though Chinese products gained popularity in British households in the 18th century, appraisals from the literature circle and the intellectual world on China seemed to be on the decline. In the latter half of 18th century, the Industrial Revolution transformed Great Britain into a capitalist powerhouse. Meanwhile, Britain turned her eyes eastward, and strengthened trade relations with Asian countries. Despite the growing frequency in diplomacy and trade between China and Great Britain, British Sinology made few headways. Two influential works with encyclopedic accounts on China appeared in Europe: French Jesuit Louis le Comte (1655–1728)’s Nouveau mémoire sur l’état présent de la Chine [New Memoirs on the Present State of China], published in 1696, and Du Halde (1674–1743)’s Description Geographique Historique, Chronologique, Politique, et Physique de l’Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise [Geographical, Historical, Chronological, Political, and Physical Description of the Empire of China and Chinese Tartary], published in 1735. English versions of the two works were soon published, becoming the main source for British people to gain familiarity about China. But eighteen-century Englishmen had no equivalents in their own language. Instead of adopting a comprehensive research approach like other European scholars, British Sinologists continued to see China through an alien and mystified lens clouded by second-hand material [4: 7–28, 113–152]. In 1719, the British merchant James Wilkinson (1757–1825) translated The Pleasing History [好逑传], a Chinese novel chronicling the romances between young

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scholars and beauties, into English. In 1761, the version was published by Bishop Thomas Percy (1729–1811) and was the first ever Chinese novel available for English readers. Chen [4: 202–230] directly translated from the original Chinese version into English without relying on a second language, this book qualifies as a bonafide translation. The later French and Dutch versions based on the English version evidenced the increasing influence of British Sinology. The Orientalist William Jones (1746–1794), was a jurist and philologist conversant in more than ten languages. Jones is acclaimed for his comparative studies on phonetics of Sanskrit, Greek and Latin languages, which served as a cornerstone of modern Comparative Linguistics. He developed great interest in Chinese in his 20s. After reading Jesuit translations of The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, Confucian Analects, and the Book of Songs, Jones attempted to translate pieces in the Book of Songs, such as the poem“Qi’ao”in the Weifeng chapter. He attached great emphasis to Confucius’scholarship, and compared him to Socrate (c.470 B.C.-399 BC) and Plato (c.423 BC-c. 347 BC). Though his premature death ruptured his plans to conduct in-depth research on China, William Jones nevertheless contributed to the nascent field of British Sinology. In 1793, Earl George Macartney (1737–1806) led Britain’s first formal mission to China with the aim of forging diplomatic ties with China, and strengthening commercial exchanges. However, Earl George Macartney refused to kowtow (perform a ceremony of prostration) in the presence of Emperor Qianlong, which caused this ambassadorial mission to end in failure. However, the delegation did succeed in gaining a genuine impression of the ancient Chinese empire, providing first-hand observations for British people. In 1816, the Lord Amherst (1773–1857)’s delegation arrived in China to make amends in the wake of the failed Macartney Mission. However, Amhert’s delegation did not fare any better, as Lord Amherst once again failed to kowtow to the Emperor in the official reception. It seems that this “dialogue of the deaf” was doomed to fail. After all, China and Britain ascribed to competing world views: China refused to open itself up to the world, while Britain demanded unrestrained exchanges worldwide, without considering other countries’ qualms. Each considering themselves the center of the world, both sides painted the other as barbarians. In the following half-century, cultural collision boiled into animosity between the two empires at the opposite ends of the Eurasian continent. British Sinology was first recognized as an independent discipline in the 19th century. After the British legation was established in Beijing in 1854, a more urgent need for Chinese studies arose in Britain. Missionaries and diplomats played an important role in the initial establishment and successive development of British Sinology in the 19th century. They took the lead in Sino-British exchange through their first-hand experience of living and conducting field research in China, which resulted in abundant academic works in Chinese studies. These achievements laid the foundation for the fully-fledged British Sinology in the latter half of the 19th

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century. Whether their initial intentions were to propagate Christianity, do business, or conduct academic studies, these missionary- Sinologists and diplomatSinologists made substantial contributions towards developing British Sinology and in introducing Chinese cultural classics to Britain. Language differences pose an immediate barrier in cultural communication. The British protestant missionaries and diplomats who came to China in the 19th century made a conscious effort to learn Chinese in order to clear the barriers in the cultural intercourse. Their research interest in the Chinese language stemmed not from pure admiration of Chinese literature, nor a sincere love for Chinese culture, but was rather motivated by practical needs, but their knowledge of the language enabled them to dabble into a wider range of Chinese classics and gain a deeper understanding of the essence of Chinese culture. Some of them even fell in love with Chinese culture and literature in the process and embarked on translating the classics into English, thus imparting the charm of Eastern literature upon British readers. The iconic British scholars James Legge (1815–1897), Sir John Francis Davis (1795– 1890), and Herbert Allen Giles (1845–1935) were instrumental in bringing Chinese ancient cultural classics to Britain, and have been collectively dubbed the “big three” of 19th century British Sinology. In the latter half of the 19th century, British Sinology began to take shape and achieved rapid development in the following aspects: (1) British Sinology advanced both in scope and depth thanks to the joint efforts of missionaries and diplomats; (2) Bonafide Sinologists, as opposed to missionary-Sinologists and diplomatSinologists, composed a number of academic works; (3) Sinology emerged to be independent academic discipline; (4) Specialized institutions for Sinology were established with lectures offered on Sinology; (5) Chinese books and literature in wider scope and larger quantity were translated into English. Though British Sinology did fare better in the latter half of the 19th century, with a plethora of Sinologists and their academic works making their debut, the studies were mired by a traditional pragmatic-oriented approach, with minimal stress on theoretical research. Unlike the academically-oriented Chinese studies in France and Germany, British Sinology exhibited a pragmatic nature from the very start, emphasizing Sinology’s role in advancing diplomacy and trade, while doing little to further Sinology as an academic discipline. Based upon the above synopsis on the history of British Sinology from late 16th century to the early 20th century, the distinguishing features of early British Sinology may be summarized as follows. First, pragmatism was the guiding concept throughout the early development of British Sinology. In his book Chugoku shiso no furansu seizen [The Introduction of Chinese Thoughts into France], Goto Sueo (1886–1967) wrote: “The French came to know China through Catholic missionaries in China, while Britain gained theirs via mariners and merchants.” The French public first saw China through the eyes of the missionaries, and the comprehensive first-hand materials on China contained in their writings. Indeed, the missionaries’ books touched upon Chinese society, culture, religion, and philosophy. These materials served as a catalyst for the Age of

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Enlightenment in France. To a certain degree, by incorporating studies of China into its intellectual history, France accredited academic status to Sinology. Unlike France, in which Sinology accrued significant academic clout, Sinology in Britain was born to fill practical needs. With colonial expansion in full swing, and national strength building, Britain faced a surging demand for Sinologists in diplomacy and commerce. This led the British Sinology to be short-term based and practice-oriented from early on. The practical benefits that Britain could obtain in China were emphasized, while long-term, systematic academic research was overlooked. Herbert Giles explained why British Sinology was lagging behind other countries: “‘TRADE’, is written large in the history of the British contact with China. The demand was for an efficient understanding of the oral and written language. If commercial treaties can be signed and official documents can be deciphered there is no need for further study” [5: 86]. Second, British Sinology is bogged down by amateurisation, meaning that those engaged in Sinology research were oftentimes not trained in historiography and cataloging. Amateurization in Sinology can be traced back to the 17th and 18th centuries, when mathematicians, scientists, architects, and litterateurs devoted themselves to Sinology out of interest in China. In the 19th century, when various institutions started to offer lectures on Sinology, lecturers and researchers consisted mainly of retired missionaries and diplomats. Lacking rigorous academic training and pressed for time, they merely offered their own observations, and selected divergent topics based on their own interests. Early British Sinology, therefore, was not as systematic and specialized as, say, French and German Sinology. For instance, British Sinologist Samuel Beal (1825–1889) translated early Chinese records of Buddhism, and earned the same amount of academic recognition as his French contemporary Stanislas Julien (1797–1873). While serving as Professor of Chinese at the University College, London, Samuel Beal also attended to his duties as Rectors of a number of parishes. However, in the same era, France already boasted scholars specializing in Sinology research, including such well-known figures as Jean Pierre Abel Rémusat (1788–1832), Stanislas Julien (1797–1873) and Antoine Bazin (1799–1863). Their rigorous scholarship and monumental achievements have maintained France’s reputation as a leader in Sinology in Europe. Britain, in contrast, only produced specialized second-generation Sinologists in the mid-20th century. Third, British Sinology research was hampered by a lack of a carefully orchestrated scheme of Chinese collections, with the collections largely built via individual private donations. The Bibliothèque Nationale de France housed the largest and the most extensive Chinese collection and compiled the first comprehensive bibliography on Chinese literature in Europe. Yet in Britain, the development of Sinology library collection remained sluggish for quite some time. Until the late 19th century, Chinese collections at such major institutions as the Bodleian Library, SOAS Library University of London, Cambridge University Library, British Museum, Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland were built through private donations, rather than through systematic collection plans. Robert Morrison (1782–1834) donated his Chinese collection to the SOAS Library, and the Bodleian Library formed its

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Chinese collection through purchasing books from Dutch scholars, and British Sinologist Alexander Wylie (1815–1887). Meanwhile, the British diplomat and Sinologist Thomas Francis Wade (1818–1895) donated large volumes of Chinese books to Cambridge University Library. The lack of an overarching collection development plan posed difficulties to both book cataloging and Sinology research, which hampered the growth of early British Sinology study. From the 20th century forward, Sinology in Great Britain encountered its fair share of trials and tribulations. In the aftermath of the First World War, Great Britain gradually fell from world dominance, and the country’s territorial interests in the Far East faced challenges posed by the emerging powers. The rapid development of Sinology in the United States and Japan overshadowed British Sinology. Whereas Sinology in Europe ushered in a new age where equal exchange with the Chinese academia was favored, British Sinology took a back seat in the meantime. It was not until the end of the Second World War that the British government finally stopped turning a blind eye to Sinology, and thus turning the page on centuries of sluggishness in China Studies. Thereafter, the discipline witnessed significant breakthroughs in its development. The 1947 Scarborough Report and 1961 Hayter Report came to light, various schools of scholars emerged, and Chinese British scholars made their debut in British Sinology. Such developments certainly changed the face of British Sinology. Yet compared with Sinology in other European countries, the United States, the former Soviet Union and Japan, British Sinology still had a long way to go. During the two World Wars, the Chinese collection in the British Museum was gradually enriched, especially after the inclusion of large volumes of Chinese manuscripts brought back by Sir Mark Aurel Stein (1862–1943) from his expeditions to the “Cave Temples of the Thousand Buddhas” (Qianfodong, known today as the Mogao Grottoes) in Dunhuang. Lionel Giles (1875–1958), the son of Herbert Giles, compiled and published a descriptive catalogue of Stein’s collection. The expanded resources promoted the specialization of British Sinology. Arthur Waley (1888– 1966), arguably Britain’s most prominent second-generation Sinologist, worked at the British Museum from 1913 to 1930, where he compiled the catalogue of paintings in Stein’s collection. Waley was a student of Herbert Giles, and although he never once traveled to China, or even Asia for that matter, Waley nevertheless made remarkable contributions to Chinese studies and Oriental studies. He was awarded the Queen’s Gold Medal for Poetry, and became the best-known British Orientalist of the 20th century. This prolific scholar published 27 translation works and original works on Chinese literature and culture, nearly 60 papers covering a variety of topics, including literature, art, religion, philosophy, Tunhuangology, and Sino-Indian and Sino-Japanese cultural exchanges. Arthur Waley’s translation works exposed English-speaking readers to the treasure trove of oriental cultures. Despite Waley’s staggering contributions to British Sinology, the discipline did not fare well until the outbreak of the Second World War. In Britain, the war spurred a need for professionals fluent in oriental languages, thereby casting the spotlight on Sinology. Universities that offered Sinology lectures, including the University of Oxford, the University of Cambridge, and the University of London, expanded their library collections of Chinese books. After William Edward Soothill (1861–1935)

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passed away, no successor could fill his shoes. In 1936, the University of Oxford employed the Chinese scholar Xiang Da (1900–1966) to compile a report on the library’s Chinese collection and spent hundreds of pounds procuring the missing books. In 1938, after Arthur Christopher Moule (1873–1957) retired, the University of Cambridge appointed German scholar Gustar Haloun (1898–1951) to serve as Cambridge’s Sinology professor residing in London. Haloun graduated from the Department of Sinology at the Universität Leipzig. He orchestrated a comprehensive library collection scheme for the University of Cambridge. The German scholar Simon Walter (1893–1981) organized the Chinese collection at the SOAS Library, University of London, into categories, developed a collection scheme, and even spent a year traveling to China and Japan to purchase books. Thanks to his efforts, the Chinese collection at the SOAS Library was well-planned, extensive, and systematic. In 1931, China reached an agreement with the British government on allocating a certain amount of Boxer Indemnity funds to cultural exchanges between the two countries. The Universities’ China Committee was established to take charge of Chinese cultural affairs in Britain. The Committee consisted of vice presidents of universities, representatives from the Foreign Office, well-known Sinologists and scholars from both China and elsewhere, and aimed at supporting Chinese students studying in Britain under the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship program, funding Sinology professors at the University of Oxford, the University of Cambridge, and the University of London, organizing seminars on Sinology, publishing books and journals on Chinese studies, and providing grants to British scholars for their Sinology research. To boost Sinology research, the Ministry of Education in China ran a three-year Chinese Culture Scholarship between 1943 and 1946 at the University of Oxford, University of Cambridge, and the University of London. After the Second World War, British students developed a renewed interest in Chinese studies, and more students took up Chinese language and cultural studies in universities in Oxford, Cambridge, and London. Young blood pumped new vigor into Sinology research, laying the foundation for the systematic development of the discipline. In 1960, more than half of the Chinese teachers at British universities offering Sinology courses and lectures were university graduates with degrees in Sinology. Thus, the main academic pillar underpinning Sinology shifted from missionaries and diplomats to specialized university scholars. In the two decades after the Hayter Report was published, the British government turned a blind eye to Oriental Studies. Thatcherism also plunged British Sinology into academic backwater. Meanwhile, enormous changes were unfolding in China. After China implemented the Reform and Opening-up policy in 1978, the country took on a new look in politics, economy, and culture. In the face of these sweeping changes, it began to dawn on the British government that Chinese studies was in doldrums, yet it was not until the Parker Report (1986) criticized the insufficient development of British Sinology that the discipline showed signs of rebound. Generally speaking, however, contemporary British Sinology was still fettered by its pragmatic nature, which limited the depth and scope of its development. Moreover, as few outstanding sinologists emerged in contemporary Britain, the discipline’s succession plan lay in tatters.

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Contemporary British Sinology research focuses mainly on Chinese classic literature and contemporary Chinese issues. Research on the Ming and Qing Dynasties mainly centered upon literature, to the exclusion of other areas of study. However, this is not to discount the legion of Sinologists devoted to translating the works of representative figures in contemporary Chinese literature, including Lu Xun (1881–1936), Lao She (1899–1966), Shen Congwen (1902–1988), Wen Yiduo (1899–1946), Xu Zhimo (1897–1931), and their works to English readers. Works by modern Chinese writers and poets, such as Wang Meng (1934), Liu Xinwu (1942), Gao Xiaosheng (1928–1999), Gu Cheng (1956–1993) and Bei Dao (1949) were also translated. These translations provided the Sinologists and British readers alike with a glimpse into China’s sweeping social changes. The development of British Sinology from the early 20th century onwards was anything but smooth, and these bumps along the road made British Sinology pale in comparison to the discipline in the United States, France, and Japan. Generally speaking, British Sinology was a late-bloomer compared with Sinology in the rest of the Europe, suffered mid-term stagnation, and suffered from a lack of dynamism in the later period. This trajectory of disciplinary development shaped the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics and their influence in Great Britain: Chinese literary works and classics were not translated until the latter half of the 19th century, and after a short-lived boom from the late 19th century to early 20th century, another downturn ensued until the end of the Second World War when British Sinology managed to recover. The distinguishing features of the translation and spread of ancient Chinese cultural classics in Britain in the 20th century may be summarized as follows: First, ancient Chinese cultural classics came to Britain mainly in the form of translations, rather than via research findings. Yet such translations could hardly be called systematic and comprehensive, as they covered only a proportion of the iconic masterpieces, and those translations available were often only selections of the Chinese original. Second, British translators gravitated towards ancient classics, which was a symptom of a pervading sentiment in Western literature research contending that only classical works were worthy of academic attention. Before the 1960s and 1970s, the trend was especially pervasive, and did not abate until after the 1980s, when the research focus turned towards contemporary and modern Chinese literature. Third, both the European and Chinese academic traditions influenced the research methodologies adopted by the 20th century Sinologists. For instance, the emphasis on textual research since the reign of the Qing dynasty emperors Qianlong and Jiaqing (Reigned 1796–1820) is quite similar to the positivist method employed in Western literary criticism. The combination of the two methods became a paradigm in the translation and introduction of Chinese ancient culture classics to Britain at that time. Fourth, British Sinologists drew heavily upon research strategies employed in Japanese Sinology. Japanese scholars tend to focus on narrow, well-focused topics, ground their research on evidence, and base their analysis and conclusions on wellorganized and well-classified literature. Therefore, conducting further research based on Japanese academic research findings enabled British Sinologists to achieve twice

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the result with half the effort. Arthur Waley, for instance, translated both Chinese and Japanese literature, and earned the titles of both Sinologist and Japanologist. Touching upon both areas thus became a tradition in the British Sinology circle. Over the past centuries, a multitude of scholars have shed light on the influence and translation of Chinese literature and culture in Britain. Classical works written by Chinese scholars including Chen Shouyi (1899–1978), Qian Zhongshu (1910–1998), Yang Zhouhan (1915–1989), Fan Cunzhong (1903–1987), Fang Zhong (1902–1991), and Zhou Jueliang (1916–1992) have become paragons for later academia. The contemporary Chinese scholar Ge Guilu conducted in-depth studies on Chinese and British literature and cultural relations, and collected a large volume of academic documents. Following the trail blazed by pioneering British Sinology scholars and translators, the authors have assembled materials pertaining to the influence of ancient Chinese cultural classics (including literature, religion, philosophy, history, language) in Britain over the past century, in a bid to chart the history of these classics’ debut and influence in the region. It is our hope that the framework provided in this section will help spur new waves of research on the subject.

References 1. Zhou JL (1994) Collected essays by Zhou Yuliang. Foreign Languages Teaching and Research Press 2. Ge GL (2002) Distant sound out of the mist: English authors and culture. Ningxia People’s Publishing House 3. Qian ZS (1941) China in the English literature of the eighteenth century. Quarterly Bulletin of Chinese Bibliography (new series), II 1–4, pp 7–48, 113–152 4. Ch’en S-I (1936) Thomas Percy and his Chinese studies. Chin Soc Politics Sci Rev 20(2):202– 230 5. Giles HA (1931) One generation of Chinese studies in Cambridge. Chin Soc Politics Sci Rev 15:78–91

Chapter 6

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in France Isabelle Rabut

If we can locate any vestiges of the sinophile in Michel de Montaigne (1533–1592), then the real contact between France and “the Central Empire”may be traced back to the late seventeenth century when Louis XIV sent Jesuit missionaries to the imperial court ruled by Emperor Kangxi (1662–1722). Thanks to these exchanges, the socalled “chinoiseries”—porcelain, jade ware, lacquer ware, screens, and fans—made their way into the French royal family’s residence. Other writings from China— dictionaries, encyclopedias, Chinese historical geographies, inscriptions, and bibliographic collections—have formed the material basis for the birth of French Sinology. In 1697, the French Jesuit priest Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730) returned to Europe from Beijing, bringing with him more than 50 books that Emperor Kangxi gifted to Louis XIV. These books were incorporated into the Royal Library and formed the foundation of the museum’s Sinology collection. This series quickly amassed thousands of volumes. In the eighteenth century, when Chinese sensibilities were mainly displayed in the decorative arts, Chinese literature came to France via a 13th-century Yuan Dynasty play called The Great Revenge of the Orphan of Zhao (L’Orphelin de la famille Tchao). Voltaire was inspired to write a tragedy based on this masterwork, and the original drama was passed on to future generations. More broadly speaking, Age of Enlightenment philosophers drew upon China as an ideal example in their discussions on religions, the state, and morality. In the nineteenth century, a France interested in China was replaced by a powerful empire that exerted its rule by force. The looting of the Old Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan, or the Garden of Perfect Brightness) in 1860 is one of the most well-known ransackings in Chinese history. However, it was also in the nineteenth century that French institutions focused on Sinology research were founded. In 1814, the French Academy established the “Chair of Chinese, Manchu and Tartars Languages and Literatures”. Thirty years later, in 1843, the Chair of Modern Chinese was established I. Rabut (B) Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris, France © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_6

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in the School of Oriental Languages. At that time, instructors’ knowledge of Chinese language and literature emanated from books, and they particularly valued ancient Chinese or dialect literature. At the beginning of the twentieth century, various translations of the stories from Pu Songling (1640–1715)’s Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio surfaced. We outline the process of France’s acceptance of Chinese culture in the twentieth century in three aspects, namely, the catalogue of historical papers, articles, and works (including translations) on ancient China, the chronicles of significant events marking the historical development of Sinology and institutions (magazines and Sinology centers), as well as the remarks in major works and biographies of the most famous Sinologists. The Chronology on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in France in the 20th Century, published in 2018 does not provide an exhaustive list of all the French Sinology works in the twentieth century. In keeping with the stylistic rules and layout of the Series,1 we have selected studies involving ancient Chinese works (as of the end of the Qing Dynasty), including texts, inscriptions, paintings, sculptures, and so forth. Nonetheless, a significant amount of research on Chinese history or diplomacy has been excluded. Works in the domains of philosophy, science, law and other fields have been considered only when they are based on explicit texts or translations that include such texts. Although far from complete, this book still faithfully presents the interest of French researchers (or researchers who published works in French) and the way they engaged in Chinese cultural studies. Notably, a significant portion of French Sinology (especially some doctoral thesis) was completed by Chinese students who studied in France. In the first two decades of the twentieth century, the majority of doctoral students who completed their dissertation defenses specialized in preferred political, diplomatic, and legal subjects. The arrival of the first Chinese students and the subsequent establishment of the Institut Franco-Chinois de Lyon in 1921 triggered a wave of Chinese students completing university papers in France, mainly in Lyon and Paris. In the 1920s and 1930s, Chinese students completed an overwhelming majority of the papers on China. It was not until the mid-1950s that research conducted by non-Chinese began to equal or exceed the number of papers completed by their Chinese counterparts. The late 19th and early twentieth centuries ushered in an era of exploration. In 1906, Jacques Bacot (1877–1967) traveled to Tibet from Tokyo; from 1906 to 1909, Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) completed a lengthy journey in Central Asia. At the turn of the century, archaeology became an important field thanks to the contributions of Paul Pelliot and Edouard Chavannes (1865–1918). Victor Segalen (1878– 1919)also participated in the 1914 archaeological group. As in other parts of the world, military personnel involved in colonial expansion sometimes took up exploration. General Henry d’Ollone (1868–1945), who completed several studies on non-Han ethnic minority groups in China, serves as a case in point. Although the First World War somewhat hampered the progress of Sinology, the discovery of the 1

Translators’Note: The Series of books on the influence of Chinese culture abroad published by the Elephant Press.

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Dunhuang Grottos has continued to inspire Sinology research, in the realms of religious studies, medicine, literature (such as Paul Demiévile’s (1894–1979) research on the origin of Chinese vernacular literature in the 1950s), and even economics. The Sinologists in the first half of the twentieth century included a sizeable cohort of missionaries, who completed ethnographic writings on non-Han ethnic minorities (especially in Yunnan Province). Père Alfred Liétard (1872–1912) from the Foreign Missions, for instance, conducted an in-depth study on the Axi Yi people. Similar studies were carried out in French Indochina, such as a study of the Yi minority of Haut-Tonkin. Some published works were also penned by missionaries, such as Monumenta Serica (1935–1948), launched in 1935 by Fu Jen Catholic University. Religious workers’ contributions to Sinology research extended into the second half of the twentieth century: François Houang (Huang Kia-tcheng) (1911–1990) translated the Tao Te Ching (published in 1949) in addition to works on Buddhism and Christianity and a translation of Yan Fu’s (1854–1921) dissertation (published in 1977). Several local institutions have engaged in Sinology research and publication: The École française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), or French School of Asian Studies, was founded in 1900, formerly the Mission archéologique d’Indo-Chine, and soon to be moved to Hanoi. The Centre d’études sinologiques de I’Université de Paris à Péki (n the Center of Sinological Studies of the University of Paris in Beijing) was established in the 1940s. Perhaps, we should connect historical colonial expansion and trade with Sinologists’ particular interests in China’s neighbors in the first half of the twentieth century: it was no coincidence that the Frenchman Paul Pelliot manifested an interest in Central Asia, while Louis Hambis (1906–1978) was keen on Mongolia. Their interests had been sparked by the new links opened up between China and India, as well as the Arab-Persian World. In fact, the study of ancient China was carried out in a broader context, extending from Central Asia to Southeast Asia and extending to India via Buddhism. This was also the case in the early twentieth century. In the first half of the twentieth century, many famous Sinologists, such as Paul Demiévile, were also Sanskrit writers, just like Stanislas Julien in the nineteenth century. The research published on the T’oung Pao, founded in 1890, covered Korea, Japan, Indochina and Central Asia. The Journal Asiatique was established in 1822, with the title clearly highlighting its focus on Oriental Studies. The study of philosophy and religions was once the exclusive domain of French Sinology. Missionaries, including Séraphin Couvreur (1835–1919) and Léon Wieger (1856–1933), contributed a great deal to this, but they were not the only researchers. China has three philosophies: Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Considerable research has been conducted in Taoism and Buddhism, while the research on Confucianism has been obscure at best, aside from some relevant research triggered by the revival of Confucianism at the end of the twentieth century. Located somewhere along the spectrum between philosophy and mysticism, the Book of Changes is the most widely discussed subject in French Sinology, and at least nine works are devoted to this. Scholars have also devoted considerable attention to Chuang-tzu’s teachings. The relationship between literature and philosophy (especially Taoism and

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Buddhism) is still a subject that merits continuous attention, and Paul Demiévile was a pioneer in this field. Some studies also involve foreign religions in China beyond Buddhism, such as Manichaeism and Islam. French Sinologists also manifested an affinity for calligraphy and art (painting, ceramics, sculpture, music, and so forth). Studies of art developed from on-site records from travels in China, such as the case of the Swede Osvald Siren (1879– 1966) or from French Museum (especially the Cernuschi Museum or the Guimet Museum) collections and private collections. Later on, literature became the subject of much research, although scholars such as Stanislas Julien manifested an interest in Chinese literature as early as the nineteenth century. Beginning in the 1920s, and especially in the 1930s, literature began to occupy a position outside mainstream university research on legal or diplomatic relations. At that time, such research was mainly carried out by Chinese students. In 1923, Zeng Zhongming (Tsen Tsongming) completed a monumental paper on Chinese poetry while Wu Yitai (Ou Itaï) a comprehensive study on Chinese novels in 1933. Around the same time, an early thesis on ancient Chinese drama, a thesis on The Unofficial History of Scholars [儒林外史] were completed, followed by those on The Romance of the Western Chamber [西厢记] and A Dream of Red Mansions [红 楼梦]. George Soulié de Morant (1878–1955) and Georges Margouliès (1902–1972) authored the first introduction to Chinese literature written by non-Chinese persons, followed by in-depth studies on a particular work or author. Generally speaking, literary studies have occupied an important position in French Sinology since the 1950s. Missionaries were also involved in such research, such as Henri Tosten (1843– 1921) from Aurora University (Université L’Aurore) and Bruno Belpaire (1885– 1979). We must also mention the Jesuits’ and Scheutistes’ pioneering role in research on modern Chinese literature. Considering the difficulty of the original texts, French Sinologists’ achievements in translation are quite impressive: in the early twentieth century, poetry (sometimes written by anonymous authors) and short stories (especially from Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio or stories from Wonders Old and New) were the main objects of translation. In the late 1960s, translators expanded their repertoire to classical novels. The translation of ancient classics began with Serephin Couvreur’s (1835–1919) versions of the The Book of Rites [礼记], The Book of Songs and The Four Books and Edouard Chavannes’ version of Historical Records. At the end of the twentieth century, the translations of the two were re-published, and some new versions were also introduced to the French public, such as Liezi [列子], Xunzi [荀子], Han Feizi [韩非子] and The Spring and Autumn Annals [ 春 秋]. A plethora of Buddhist and medical translations should be included in this list of Chinese works rendered by French translators. Throughout the twentieth century, in addition to poetry(especially Tang poetry)and vernacular novels (especially Pu Songling’s works), the most frequently translated texts tended to be of philosophical classics (such as, The Book of Changes, Tao Te Ching, The Analects, Chuang-Tzu [庄子], and Sun-Tzu [ 孙子]) each having multiple complete and selected translations. The prize for the most significant contribution to the translation of classical literature or philosophical works goes to the Connaisance de L’Orient, a series established by the comparatist René Étiemble

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(1909–2002) in 1956, and published by Groupe Gallimard. As of 1999, thirty types of books had been published, not including those of modern Chinese writers such as Lu Xun and Guo Moruo (1892–1978). Since then, four types of works were added to the series, which included the masterpieces, poetry collections and vernacular novels of Xu Xiake (1587–1641), Gan Bao (315–336), Zhang Dai (1597–1684) and Li He (790–816). Other publishers such as Philippe Picquier in Arles and Zulma in Paris also published several classical works. Sinologists also ventured into many other fields of Sinology with a multidisciplinary perspective such as social history, administrative political history, medicine, science and technology, mathematics (a particularly well-grounded field), and divination. China has exerted a long-lasting influence on Europe, beginning in the Age of Enlightenment, an influence that has been studied from multiple disciplinary perspectives, with philosophy foremost among them. The publication of Virgile Pinot’s (1883–1936) dissertation in 1932, La Chine et la formation de l’esprit philosophique en France, 1640–1740 marked an important contribution to philosophy-centered French Sinology. Next came the field of decorative art, with Hélène BelevitchStankevitch’s 1910 paper Le gout Chinois en France au temps de Louis XIV as a pioneering work within this disciplinary focus. Hung Chengfu focused his doctoral thesis (completed in 1934) on Chinese influence on French literature, focusing on the period from 1815 to 1930. Naturally, some studies have also taken an opposite approach, discussing the impact of France on China. In 1902, Eugène Ballero (1877–1934) successfully defended his dissertation entitled Ouverture de la Chine à l’influence franaise au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles at the Université de Paris. Bonafide comparative study began later, as evidenced by discussions on ancient Chinese and Greek sophists. There also emerged some “Chinese-style works” in the literary realm, such as Jérôme Leroy’s Histoires de Chine published in 2000, and Henri Ghéon’s Les trois sageses du vieux Wang, published in 1934 and premiered at the Théatre de L’Atelier on December first, 1926. In the first decades of the twentieth century, Sinology research was largely unsystematic and sporadic, for instance, scholars might write articles about a specific inscription or a particular ancient Chinese novel. The frequent discoveries of new materials fed the advance of French Sinology on such papers published on the T ’oung Pao or the Bulletin de l’école franaise d’Extrême-Orient. This approach, which focused on narrow subjects, prevailed, despite a contending research approach that was holistic in nature. At this stage of development in Sinology, bibliographic list works (whether consisting of Chinese or Western sources) also played an important role in French Sinology, as in the case of Henri Cordier (1849–1925) who wrote Bibliotheca Sinica. In the 1950s, with a series of radio broadcasts dubbed Aspects de la Chine, Chinese culture began to branch out from the narrow circle of scholars. The broadcast transcripts were later published by Presses Universitaires de France. Since then, the Encyclopedia Universalis, whose publication began in 1968, has become a prelude to other encyclopedic works. Throughout the past century, French Sinology has undergone continuous evolution: at the beginning of the century, it was closely linked to French forces in Indochina and China, scientific expeditions, and missionary work. French Sinology

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exists to a large extent in the form of field study Sinology; by the second half of the twentieth century, it had been essentially transformed into a university-oriented academic discipline. In the 1920s and 1940s, research on China’s influence on France was confined to doctoral-level theses produced by Chinese students studying abroad in France. However, from the 1960s to 1970s, as more and more French students began learning Chinese, French students and later Sinologists took up higher quality research. In terms of the discipline itself, French Sinology initially focused largely on law, ethnography, archaeology or international relations, and slowly extended to philosophy, literature and art. Nevertheless, French scholars cherished a long-standing interest in (especially their taste for) such ancient Chinese works as classical poetry, the Tao Te Ching and The Book of Changes. French scholars’ affinity for the study of ancient Chinese culture and literature persists, in spite of a mounting scholarly interest in modern and contemporary Chinese studies. In short, the purpose of compiling the Chronology on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in France in the 20th Century is not only to reveal how Chinese culture is understood in France, but also expose readers to view China’s literature and culture through the eyes of these pioneering French Sinologists.

Chapter 7

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Italy Suna Wang

In the Preface to Sinology Research in Europe and North America: Past and Present, Professor Zhang Xiping, the lead author of this volume, writes: Italy is the cradle of Sinology. When it comes to introducing Chinese culture to the Western world, Marco Polo’s popularity is second to none. Italian missionary-Sinologists such as Michele Ruggieri, Matteo Ricci, Giulio Aleni, Martino Martini, were pioneers in the history of early European Sinology. Today, however, we have little knowledge about Sinology’s development in modern Italy. (Zhang 2009: 4)

The above remark conveys two messages. First, European Sinology originated from time-honored Italian Sinology. For centuries, Italian Sinologists have been working sedulously and laid a solid foundation for the further development of Sinology in Europe. Second, in modern times, the look of Italian Sinology has been bleak. Especially during the two World Wars, the translation of Chinese cultural classics by Italian Sinologists ground to a brief halt, and Italian Sinology now paled in comparison to the burgeoning discipline in France, UK, and the US. This Section will shed light on the leading role Italian Sinology played in early times, as well as its modern trajectory.

7.1 Scope of Research and Relevant Reference Works This part describes books, papers, translations, encyclopedia, and dictionaries on “ancient Chinese culture” (prior to the 1911 Xinhai Revolution) published in Italy from 1900 to 1999. Most of these works were written by Italians, and a handful were penned in English and French by international authors, or written in other languages and then translated into Italian. S. Wang (B) School of European Languages and Cultures, Beijing Language and Culture University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_7

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After defining the scope of research and subject, the next priority is selecting pertinent reference works. Just as Zhang Xiping noted in the aforementioned quote, Chinese scholars have limited knowledge about contemporary Italian Sinology. For now, Chinese Studies in Europe (2005), edited by Huang Changzhu, Sun Yuesheng and Wang Zuwang, provides relatively comprehensive information on Italian Sinology. The book covers Sinology studies spanning some 14 European countries, including the UK, France, Germany, and Italy. The Italy chapter compiled by Bai Yuying and Wang Zuwang consists of three parts, namely, the History and Overview of China Studies, the Name List of Sinologists, and Sinology Teaching and Research Institutions. The second part offers detailed biographies and research overviews of well-known Italian Sinologists spanning from the era of Matteo Ricci to modern times, and further lists these Sinologists’major works. Nevertheless, the information in the book is hardly well-organized—the Chinese translations and original texts in foreign languages are mixed up, and the bibliographical information lacks consistency in format and integrity in content. For example, some entries provide complete publication information, while others merely provide titles in foreign languages and the Chinese translation, but with journals’ names missing. Additionally, book names listed under each Sinologist are not organized in Chronological order, and seem more like supplementary biographies on each author. Thus, the work fails to provide readers with a panoramic overview of the history of Italian Sinology. Yet despite all these shortcomings, the work still provides a plethora of information on this author, and serves as a reliable reference for the chronicle catalog and list of major historical events. Selecting appropriate Italian reference works is perhaps even more important than choosing Chinese bibliographical materials. This author perused the following nine bibliographies of Chinese literature published by distinguished Italian Sinologists and Sinology institutions from the early 20th century to the present. (1)

(2)

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Gli studi orientali in Italia durante il cinquantenario 1861–1911 [Fifty Years of Oriental Studies in Italy from 1862 to 1911], written by C. A. Nallino (1872–1938) and published in Rivista degli Studi Orientali (1913–1927). Gli studi orientali in Italia durante il cinquantenario 1861–1911: VIII, Asia Orientale [Fifty Years of Oriental Studies in Italy 1861–1911 VIII, East Asia], written by Giovanni Vacca (1872–1953) and published in the Rivista degli Studi Oriental(iJournal of Oriental Studies). The paper lists the complete works by Italian Sinologists published from 1861 to 1911. Bibliografia degli studi orientalistici in Italia dal 1912 al 1934 [Bibliography of Oriental Studies in Italy from 1912 to 1934], written by Giuseppe Gabrieli (1903–1987) and published in Rome in 1935. In the Preface, Gabrieli wrote that prior to 1934, only two books on Italian Oriental Studies were published and both were indexed in 1911. Therefore, this book was written to fill in the 23-years gap in publications from 1912 to 1934. “Cina, Corea e Mongolia”in Contributo italiano alla conoscenza dell’OrienteRepertorio bibliografico dal 1935 al 1958 [“China, South Korea and Mongolia”, in the Italian Contribution to the Knowledge of the East, Bibliographic

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Directory from 1935 to 1958], written by Lionello Lanciotti (1925–2015) and published in Florence. Partially based on Giuseppe Gabrieli’s bibliography, the work extended to include writings on science and missionary history in China. Bibliografia sinologica italiana (1959–1987) [ Italian Sinological Bibliography (1959–1987)], written by Giovanni Vitiello and published in Rome in 1988. Bibliografia delle opere cinesi tradotte in italiano (1900–1996) [Bibliography of Chinese works translated into Italian (1900–1996)] was written by Marina Miranda in 1998 and published in Naples. The bibliography included Chinese works that had been translated into Italian from 1900 to 1996, covering a variety of subjects including philosophy, history, classic literature, contemporary literature, and political commentary. The Libri sulla Cina [Books on China] series by Lionello Lanciotti and Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2001), was published in the journal Cina (China) in 1957, 1958, 1959, and 1961. Bibilografia sulla Cina [Bibilography on China] series by Marcello Fiorentini was published in Cina in 1963, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, and1979. La Cina in Italia—Una Bibliografia dal 1899 al 1999 [China in Italy—A Bibliography from 1899 to 1999], written by Francesco D’Arelli in 2007 and published in Rome by the Italian Institute for Africa and the Orient.

Among the nine Sinology bibliographies, the most important one was La Cina in Italia—Una Bibliografia dal 1899 al 1999 compiled by Francesco D’Arelli and published in 2007. In 1998, the Italian Association for Chinese Studies commissioned the well-known Sinologist Francesco D’Arelli to proofread the Bibliografia sinologica italiana (1959–1987) written by Giovanni Vitiello and extend the bibliography to cover works from 1959 to 1999. D’Arelli, however, decided to broaden the list to include publications from 1899 to 1999, encompassing books and studies on Chinese history, art, literature, philosophy, religions, science, and so on. The work published in 2007 serves as the most recent and comprehensive bibliography of Italian Sinology. The reference works listed therein encompass the entire sweep of the 20th century, which coincides with the time span covered in this volume. Thus, La Cina in Italia—Una Bibliografia dal 1899 al 1999 provides the major foreign-language reference for this section.

7.2 Italian Sinology: Past and Present The renowned 20th century Italian Sinologist Lionello Lanciotti once remarked that “Italian Sinology is the oldest, yet the youngest Sinology discipline in Europe.” [2]: Lanciotti’s apt remark was endorsed by his contemporaries and Sinologists of later generations. As Italian Sinology has a time-honored history, confining the topic to the narrow range of the 20th century would hardly paint a comprehensive picture

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of its historic evolution through the ages. In a bid to clearly outline the historical context of Italian Sinology, we must trace back to the origins of European Sinology. This section elaborates on three phrases of Italian Sinology: (1) travel accounts by Sinologists and missionary—Sinologists; (2) the transition phrase from missionarySinologists to professional/specialized Sinology; (3) the establishment and development of specialized Italian Sinology. By introducing and analyzing the characteristics of each phase, major Sinology institutions as well as leading Sinologists and their works, we aim to present the “oldest” and the “youngest” Italian Sinology Lanciotti described.

7.2.1 Travel Accounts by Sinologists and Missionary-Sinologists 7.2.1.1

Travel Account Sinology

Europe and China lie at the two ends of the Eurasian continent. Separated by distance and without the convenience of modern transportation, for much of human history, each was relatively unknown to the other. Europe gained fleeting glimpses of China from the oral accounts of merchants and travelers, and the historical materials are basically hearsay. With the emergence of the Mongol Empire sprawling across Eurasia, a safe route was blazed for European traders and envoys to reach the East, enabling them to gain a first-hand understanding of Chinese politics, economy, and social customs. Recollections on the road were recorded and brought back to Europe in the form of travel literature and correspondence. By reading these accounts, Europeans and European scholars developed an interest in the East and Chinese culture. Italian travelers such as Marco Polo were the most powerful initiators in the encounters between Europe and China. From the Middle Ages to modern times, the Venetian merchant Marco Polo and his The Travels of Marco Polo have attracted a robust following in the East and the West. Nevertheless, doubts have been raised about Marco Polo’s presence in China, and skeptics have pointed out that Polo may have cobbled together information from Persians and Arabian“guidebooks” on China instead of chronicling his firsthand experience during the Yuan Dynasty. Notwithstanding, The Travels of Marco Polo is credible in the academic sense, and narrations on certain historical events in the book mirror those documented in The History of Yuan and Jami’al-tawarikh, and brim with unique insights. The Travels of Marco Polo was undeniably a groundbreaking work on China. It triggered Europeans’greed and lust for Eastern wealth, inspired great geographic discoveries, and was read by every Jesuit missionary who came to China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Apart from Marco Polo, several other Italians who came to China during the Pax Mongolia made leading contributions to the historical

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cultural encounters between China and the West. Thus, a brief introduction to these trailblazing Italian explorers and pioneers. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine (1180–1252) and Historia Mongslorum In 1245, Pope Innocenzo IV appointed Italian Franciscan Giovanni da Pian del Carpine to head a diplomatic mission to the Mongolian Empire. The envoys were sent partly to gain information regarding the Mongolian military movements, and partly in protest at the Mongol massacre of Christians. In addition, the Pope intended to thaw tensions between Europe and the Mongolian Empire, as well as persuade the Khan to convert to Christianity. In July of 1246, Giovanni da Pian del Carpine arrived near Karakorum and witnessed Khan Güyük’s ascension to the throne, and presented the two letters from the Pope during the ceremony. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine returned to France to report back to the Pope in 1247. In the wake of his journey, he compiled the book Historia Mongslorum, which contains two detailed accounts of Cathay. In the book, Cathay refers to northern China, and was mistaken for being a nation. It was not until four hundred years later that Jesuit Matteo Ricci and Bento de Goes (1562–1607) corrected the historical misunderstanding. Louis Hambis (1906–1978), a French scholar specializing in the history of Mongolia and Central Asia, recognized Giovanni da Pian del Carpine’s description of Cathay as unprecedented, and credited him with being the first to give Europeans a taste of Chinese language and literature. Giovanni da Montecorvino (1247–1328) and his letters Franciscan Giovanni da Montecorvino arrived at the court of Khan in the capital of Yuan Dynasty Khanbaliq as an envoy commissioned by Pope Nicholas IV in 1294. Da Montecorvino earned the approval from the Emperor of Yuan Dynasty to preach in China. After more than thirty years of arduous efforts, he finally won the confidence of the Khan, and built two churches at Khanbaliq (now Beijing), attracting a mushrooming assembly of Chinese believers. Da Montecorvino also familiarized himself with Mongolian language and translated the New Testament into the native language. In 1307, highly pleased with the missionary’s success, Pope Clement V commissioned Giovanni da Montecorvino as the archbishop of Peking, and sent several Franciscans to consecrate him. The archbishop passed away in Peking in 1328, at the age of 81. Giovanni da Montecorvino played an important role in the history of Catholic missionaries in China, and could be deemed the pioneer of Catholicism in China. The letters between him and the Pope of Rome during Giovanni da Montecorvino’s stay in China exposed Europeans to China in medieval times, and their legacy has stood the test of time. Odorico da Pordenone (1280–1331) and Itinerarium Terrarum Odorico da Pordenone was an Italian Franciscan friar and one of the four medieval explorers along with Marco Polo. He set out from Venice to the East in 1314, and reached the Chinese coastal city of Guangzhou in 1322, 47 years after Marco Polo. In

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six years, he visited Quanzhou, Fuzhou, Mingzhou, Hangzhou, Jinling, Yangzhou, and Beijing and finally returned to Italy via Tibet. Da Pordenone related the story of his travels before on his deathbed, which was taken down in Latin by a friar, in what would later become the epic Itinerarium Terrarum. The book records details of Guangzhou, Hangzhou, Yangzhou, Beijing, and other major Chinese metropolises. Da Pordenone described Hangzhou as three times the size of Venice and portrayed Yangzhou as a magnificent city. Itinerarium Terrarum was well-received by international audiences. More than seventy versions of manuscripts were published in Latin, Italian, French, and other European languages. Together with The Travels of Marco Polo and The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, the book has been hailed as the three medieval Eastern travel accounts. Giovanni de’Marignolli (1290–1360) and Itinerary Johannes Marignolli At the invitation of Toghon Temür (reigned 1333–1368), or Emperor Shun of the Yuan Dynasty, Italian Franciscan friar Giovanni de’Marignolli set out for China as the Pope’s legate. He arrived at the Emperor’s court in Khanbaliq in 1324, and presented exotic treasures brought from the West, including a black horse 11.5 feet long and 6.6 feet high, with two white hind hoofs. The Emperor was pleased with the gifts, and asked the imperial painter to portray the horse, and his court officials to write poems about the magnificent creature. The most well-known Yuan Dynasty poets including Jie Xisi (1274–1344), Wu Shidao (1283–1344), Guo Yi (1305–1364), Xu Youren (1287–1364), Zhang Yu (C.1289–C.1380), Fan Qi (1296–1370) and Lu Ren composed well- received poems at Khan’s request. Marignolli and the envoys stayed in Khanbaliq for three years or so, in what would become the last European mission commissioned by the Pope to visit China, and traveled back to Europe in 1346. In 1353, De’Marignolli arrived in Rome and compiled the Annals of Bohemia at the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV’s behest. He recorded his mission to China in the final volume of the chronicle. In 1820, German scholar Klaus Mehnert published the last volume as Recollection of Travel in the East by John de’ Marignolli. Genghis Khan (1162–1227) and his descendants conquered the Eastern Europe, Asia Minor, Arabian Peninsula and other countries in the west; Sakhalin in the east, the North Sea and the South Sea and set up the Mongolian Empire that stretched across the Eurasia. During the Pax Mongolica, most of the travelers to China were Italians. Among them, the merchant Marco Polo served as the messenger traveling between Kublai Khan (reigned 1260–1294) and Pope Gregory X, and the other four were Franciscan friars. From this point forward, envoy exchanges between the Catholic Church and Yuan Dynasty constituted the major cultural encounter during this period. The envoys appointed by the Church traveled to China to convert the Mongolian nobles to Catholics. The Yuan Dynasty Khans were highly tolerant of foreign religions. Given that many Mongolian nobles were evangelized by Christian Nestorians, the court issued favorable policies for Catholicism. The Yuan Dynasty saw Catholicism thriving across the territory, especially in Khanbaliq. Yet during the Yuan Dynasty, most of the Catholic missionaries were commissioned by the Pope to communicate with the nobles, and were based in Khanbaliq. Therefore, though

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Catholicism enjoyed its heyday with the support from the Khans, the religion finally faded after the death of the Yuan Dynasty. The multi-ethnic, multicultural and multi-religious Mongolian Empire, graced by unprecedented power and wealth, was rarely seen in human history. Yet throughout the reign of the Yuan Dynasty, tensions ran high between the ruling nobility and the Han people, China’s major ethnicity, due to the fact that the ruling Mongolians had not yet been sinicized during their short-lived foreign reign. After conquering the Central Plain of China, Kublai Khan reformed his governing methods in order to make his reign a continuation of precedents established in historical China. Yet in reality, only several Mongolian nobles had limited knowledge of Chinese language, and others had spotty understandings of Chinese culture. The caste system in the Yuan Dynasty divided people into four classes, which in descending order were the Mongolians, the Semu (foreigners with different eye colors from the Mongolians and Han), the Han inhabitants under the reign of the Liao and Jin dynasties, and the Southerners, Han people from the former Northern Song Dynasty. The grading sequence offers some clues to the inferior social status of Han people and their culture during the Yuan Dynasty. On this front, the non-Han emperors of the Qing Dynasty did a better job. Although the Qing government also suppressed intellectuals through literary inquisition, such persecution was only due to the foreign emperors’ diffidence when ruling a nation dominated by its aboriginal Han culture. Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong, as well as their successors, all studied Chinese language since childhood, and were well-versed in Chinese classics and advocated Chinese culture. Rather than speaking Manchu and Mongolian, the emperors and the nobility adopted Chinese in their harems. Yet during the Yuan Dynasty, most of the Catholic missionaries were commissioned by the Pope to communicate with the nobles, and were based in Khanbaliq. Therefore, though Catholicism enjoyed its heyday with the support from the Khans, the religion finally faded after the death of the Yuan Dynasty. Indeed, travelers’ accounts in this period vividly portrayed many Chinese cities and introduced Chinese religions and local customs. Neither Marco Polo, nor the four Franciscan friars, had the opportunity to study Chinese and the cultural classics. Therefore, they could hardly be called Sinologists. It was not until two hundred years later that bona fide missionary-Sinologists made their debut.

7.2.1.2

Missionary-Sinology

Pax Mongolica made it possible for merchants and travelers to spread first-hand information about the prosperous Eastern empire in Europe, which inspired many other adventurers and merchants to chart a passage to the Far East in search of its legendary wealth. In 1368, the fall of the Mongolian reign in China’s Central Plain led to the discontinuation of the Eurasian route. In 1453, the Ottoman Empire, an Islamic-run superpower, conquered Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire. Europeans could no longer follow the historical route blazed by

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their ancestors, a route which led to India and China via the Persian Gulf. The once prosperous and unimpeded Eurasian channel was now closed off. The Eastern dream inspired by travelers such as Marco Polo haunted the Europeans. In the 15th century, the notion of a spherical Earth was widely endorsed by the Europeans, the geographic treatise of Ptolemy (100–170) was discovered and translated, and major strides were made in such realms as cartography. These scientific advancements all laid the theoretical foundation for the Age of Discovery, and the enrichment of nautical knowledge and the progress in shipbuilding provided the technical support propelling these new developments. Since the end of the 15th century, navigators and explorers, with Christopher Columbus (1451–1506), Vasco da Gama (1460–1524), Bartolomeu Dias (450–1500), Ferdinand Magellan (1480– 1521) prominent among them, began to set sail to the Far East, kicking off the Age of Discovery. Vasco da Gama’s expedition set sail from Lisbon in 1497, charting a new course from Europe to India via the Cape of Good Hope. In the early 16th century, Catholic missionaries boarded European merchant ships bound for the Far East. Wang Suna writes, In the 16th century, Martin Luther initiated the Protestant Reformation, and other schisms emerged, bringing unprecedented crisis to the Catholic Church. The Society of Jesus, advocates of Catholic reforms, devoted themselves to school education. By nurturing devout talents with firm religious belief and professional competence in literature, natural sciences, philosophy and theology, the Jesuit order aimed to evangelize outside of Europe and convert people of different races and cultures to Catholicism. Thus, that particular brand of Catholicism won back many of the European believers who had been lost to Protestantism [2: 126].

From the late 1500 to 1650s, the Catholic missionaries arriving in China were predominantly Jesuits. According to The Biography of Jesuit Missionaries in China and Bibliography written by Louis Pfister (1833–1891), four hundred Jesuits missionaries came to China during the two hundred years from 1552, when Francis Xavier (1506–1552), co-founder of the Society of Jesus, passed away in the Shangchuan island near Guangzhou, to 1773, when the Vatican issued the Suppression of the Jesuits. Among them, Italian missionaries such as Matteo Ricci were founders of Sinology who significantly contributed to the unprecedented height of cultural communication between the East and West, and kick-started the Missionary-Sinology Period. During this historical phase of Sinology, the Jesuits in China were overwhelmingly Catholic missionaries, as well as envoys who facilitated Sino-Western cultural communication. These Jesuits were later deemed by historians as the first Sinologists in Europe. Many Italian Jesuit missionaries were proficient in Chinese, and possessed a thorough command of Confucian classics. We have selected a few representative figures to examine in detail. Below, we highlight these pioneering Sinologists’ prominent contributions to Sinology. Michele Ruggieri Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) arrived in Macau in 1579. Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606), the supervisor of the Jesuit missions in the Far East, instructed Ruggieri

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to familiarize himself with local customs. Ruggieri began learning Chinese from the day he first arrived in China. In 1581, he went on three trips to Canton, accompanied by Portuguese merchants, and became the first Jesuit missionary to set foot on China’s mainland. Ruggieri impressed Chinese local officials with his modest manner, laying the foundation for later missionary expeditions in the hinter-land. Being the first to learn Chinese at the request of Valignano, Ruggieri made quick progress, and founded a mission site in Macau called the St. Martin School, the first institution specializing in teaching Chinese to foreigners. He worked alongside Matteo Ricci in compiling a Portuguese–Chinese dictionary, in which they transcribed Chinese words using the Latin alphabet, and provided meanings in Portuguese. The dictionary was widely used by missionaries in China for language learning. In 1582, Ruggieri translated the Catholic catechism into Chinese during his stay in Canton, and called it the Ten Commandments Handed Down from the Ancestors [祖传天主十诫]. The catechism was published in Zhaoqing the following year. In 1584, the The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven [天主实录] Ruggieri compiled was published in Canton. When the book was reprinted shortly after, the work was re-titled the Tianzhu Shengjiao Shilu [ 天 主 圣 教 实 录], the first Chinese catechism. In 1588, Ruggieri returned to Europe to ask the Pope to send an embassy to Peking. But nothing came out of it, as the new Popes did not last long, the Vatican was wracked by frequent power shifts, and political upheavals were on the rise in Europe. Thus,the Church had little time to spare for sending missionaries to China. Eventually, the weary Jesuit retired to Salerno, where he met his maker in 1607, never to set foot in China again. Nevertheless, during his stay in Europe, Ruggieri left his mark on the history of Sinology history by publishing the Atlas of China in the West, and by translating part of the Confucian canon The Great Learning into Latin, and published the translation in Rome, becoming the first to translate Confucian classics into European languages. Michele Ruggieri enjoys many “firsts” in the history of Sinology history. He is one of the founding figures of the Catholic mission in China in the Late Ming Dynasty, and the pioneer of Western Sinology. He has gone down in history as the first Jesuit to learn Chinese, and the first Sinologist-translator in Europe. He is credited as the first to have compiled and translated catechism into Chinese, the first to translate Confucian classics into European languages, and the first to publish a comprehensive atlas of the Chinese provinces in Europe. Thus, Ruggieri’s groundbreaking accomplishments afforded him an unrivaled reputation in the history of Sino-Western cultural communication, the history of the Catholic mission in China, and in the history of European Sinology. Matteo Ricci The historian Fang Hao (1894–1955) recognized Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) as a pioneer in fostering Sino-Western cultural communication in the Late Ming Dynasty. Ricci is also one of the founding fathers of Western Sinology, a significant figure in the history of the Catholic mission in China, Sino-Western communication, and Western Sinology. Ricci was born on October 6th, 1552 in Italy, the cradle of humanism and the Renaissance, and from the tender age of nine, received humanistic education in

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the Jesuit school in Macerata. From 1772 to 1577, Ricci studied at the famed Collegio Romano, where he received a comprehensive Jesuit humanistic education, and developed expertise in both Western humanities and natural sciences, spanning topics such as poetry, rhetorics, logic, nature, ethics, metaphysics, and mathematics. Ricci’s readings included works of ancient Greece poets, ancient Rome poets, philosophers, and historians. Notably, his math teacher the distinguished European mathematician Cristoforo Clavio (1538–1612) republished the Tractatus de Sphaera [On the Sphere of the World], originally written by Giovanni de Sacrobosco and Euclid’s Elements. Cristoforo Clavio provided large number of insightful comments in his new iterations. Ricci and Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) co-translated the first six volumes of Euclid’s Elements based on Cristoforo Clavio’s versions, and co-authored the The Measurement of Comparisons between Areas and Volumes [圜容较义] alongside Li Zhizao (1565–1630). In Cristoforo Clavio’s laboratory, Ricci learned to fashion an array of scientific instruments such as maps, the astrolabe, quadrant, sextant, sundial, mechanical clock, the globe, and the armillary sphere. In 1582, Matteo Ricci arrived in China at the age of thirty, and lived out the remainder of his days in China. Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606), the supervisor of the Jesuit missions in the Far East, assigned Ricci to learn Chinese language and Confucian classics. Thanks to his experience living and learning in China for 28 years, Ricci developed an insider’s perspective on Chinese civilization, and came to realize that Confucianism and Confucian rituals had become ingrained in Chinese society. In 1594, Jesuits in China were allowed to let their hair and beards grow long and wear Chinese- style robes. Dressing like the Chinese, they began to adopt the title of Xi Ru (Western literati) to proactively associate with gentlemen from the ruling class, and were no longer deemed Fan Seng (foreign monks). In 1601, Matteo Ricci was invited to the court of the Emperor Wanli (Reigned 1572–1620)and settled in Peking, where he lived until he passed away in Peking in 1610. The Catalogue to the Imperial Collection [四库全书总目] recorded the following: “Matteo Ricci sailed to Canton during the Wanli period, and is recognized as the first to introduce Western culture to China. Ricci is proficient in both European languages and Chinese, and therefore writes in Chinese without any need for translation.”Ricci was recognized by Chinese scholars as Taixi Rushi (a Western scholar of Confucianism), as the first to develop a comprehensive understanding of Chinese and Western cultures. Ricci will go down in history as the first Sinologist in Western history, fluent in Chinese, and well-versed in Chinese classical works such as The Four Books and Five Classics. Ricci authored the book De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate Iesu Suscepta [On the Christian Mission among the Chinese by the Society of Jesus, 1615]. His letters from China, as well as his Latin translation of the The Four Books, provided Europe with a systematic panorama of China in the Late Ming Dynasty. Ricci’s efforts helped Europeans gain a brand-new understanding of China, and inspired many future Sinologists to engage in pertinent research. Moreover, thanks to the high-quality Catholic humanistic education he received in Europe, Ricci amassed comprehensive knowledge in theology and Western classical culture, and studied modern Western science under the guidance

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of many eminent instructors. During the 28 years he spent living in China, Ricci made a place for himself in the Chinese scholarly community by dressing and behaving in a Chinese manner. With help from the locals, Ricci wrote many books chronicling his first-hand encounters with Chinese culture, which set a historic precedent for deepening Westerners’ understanding of China, and for bringing Western learning to the East. Martino Martini Martino Martini (1614–1661), the Italian Jesuit missionary who traveled to China on the cusp of the birth of the Qing Dynasty, is recognized as an outstanding Sinologist, geographer and historian. He arrived in China in 1643, and conducted missionary work mainly in Zhejiang Province. In the second year after his arrival, Martini witnessed the Empire’s transition from the Ming to Qing Dynasties. The Ming empire fell to Li Zicheng’s Dashun regime and eventually transitioned to the Qing Dynasty. In order to win the support and protection from the officials in southern China who were loyal to the Ming Dynasty, Martini went by the Chinese name Wei Kuangguo [ 卫匡国], which literally means supporting and restoring the Ming Dynasty. At first, Martini was sent to the most important Hangzhou Catholic mission station in the Late Ming Dynasty, yet war later forced him to southern China, where he traveled through Nanjing, Shaoxing, Jinhua, Fujian, and Canton. Despite the national chaos surrounding him, Martini never gave up studying Chinese language and culture. He took advantage of his extended tour of southern China and managed to conduct in-depth research on Chinese geography, history, and customs, which laid the foundation for his achievements in Chinese geography, history, and Sinology. Not long after Matteo Ricci’s passing, the Society of Jesus was divided on the Chinese translation of Dio (God), and whether Catholics could practice traditional ancestor worship and worship of Confucius in China. The Dominican Order and the Order of Friars Minor who came to China right after the Jesuit Order both forbade Chinese Catholics from worshiping ancestors and Confucius, deeming the practices superstitious. In the Jesuit Order, however, most of the Jesuits followed the tradition established by Matteo Ricci and considered the worship a custom for paying tribute to one’s ancestors and the sage Confucius. As the worship disagreement between the orders rumbled on, the orders sent delegates back to Rome to defend traditional Chinese rites in front of the Pope. In 1651, Martino Martini returned to Rome to as a representative of the Jesuit Order to advocate for Chinese traditional rites, bringing many documents and more than fifty types of Chinese books. In 1654, Martini arrived in Vatican, and participated in a debate on Chinese rites in the court of Pope Alexander VII. After five months of heated debate, Martini emerged victorious at last. On March 23rd, 1656, the Pope issued a decree in favor of the Jesuit Order, and allowed Chinese Catholics to practice Confucianism and ancestor worship. In early 1657, Martini completed the mission, and boarded a Portuguese ship together with Prospero Intorcetta (1626– 1696), Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688), and other 17 Jesuits, arriving in China the following year. In 1659, Martini was called onto the court of Emperor Shunzhi (Reigned 1644–1661) and reported his debate in Europe to the head of the Peking

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Jesuit Mission Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1591–1666). In 1661, Martino Martini died of cholera in Hangzhou. Martino Martini penned two major works in Chinese: the theological work Rational Proofs of the Existence of the True Lord and of the Immorality of the Soul [ 真主灵性理证] (1659), and the Treatise on Friendship [逑友篇] (1647), a collection of Western theories on the theme of friendship Ricci explored in his Essay on Friendship [交友论] (1595). Martini’s reputation as a historian, geographer and Sinologist is thanks to his other five works written in Latin: De Bello Tartarica Historia [The History of the Warres of the Tartars in China], Sinicae Historiae Decas Prima [A History of China in Ten Parts], Brevis Relatio de numero et qualitate Christianorum apud Sinas [Brief Report on the Number and Quality of Christians in China], Novus Atlas Sinensis [The New Atlas of China] and Grammatica Sinica [Chinese Grammar]. De Bello Tartarica Historia is a history of ancient China from 1644 to 1654 based on Martini’s first-hand experience, and that of other Jesuits in China. The work described the development of Christianity in China and missionaries’ lives in warring times during the Ming-Qing transition period. The book was published in many European countries, and achieved far-reaching influence. Martini completed the annal Sinicae Historiae Decas Prima in 1658, which recorded the history of Chinese politics prior to the common era. The book was recognized as the first scientific, serious, detailed, and systematic Western work on Chinese history. The Novus Atlas Sinensis is illustrated with 17 maps of China, earning Martino Martini the name of founding father of Chinese geography. From 1653 to 1657, Martini completed the Grammatica Sinica, which was heralded as the world’s first Chinese grammar book, between 1653 and 1657. Martini was the first scholar to compare Chinese with Western grammar, and to examine Chinese language from the perspective of Western grammar. Because of the above works, Martino Martini is considered second only to Matteo Ricci. Prospero Intorcetta Prospero Intorcetta (1625–1696), also known as Yin Duoze [殷铎泽], arrived in China together with Martino Martini in 1659. Intorcetta is known for introducing Confucius and his philosophy to Western audiences, and for his translations of numerous Confucian classics. He was the first to translate The Doctrine of the Mean into Latin, and his translated version was named Sinarum Scientia Politico-Moralis and published in Canton in 1667 and Goa in India in 1669 with a preface of Confucci Vita [Biography of Confucius]. Before that, Intorcetta co-translated the Da Xue alongside Portuguese Jesuit Ignatinus de Costa, and published the work in Jiangxi Province in 1662. Together with Philippe Couplet (1623–1693), Christian Herdtricht (1624– 1684), and Francois de Rougemont (1624–1676), this renowned Italian Sinologist translated three books in The Four Books, namely The Doctrine of the Mean, The Great Learning and The Confucian Analects) into Latin, and published the works in the book Confucius Sinarum Philosophus [Chinese philosopher Confucius] in Paris in 1687. In short, Prospero Intorcetta made notable contributions in translating Confucian classics into European languages.

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Matteo Ripa Matteo Ripa (1682–1745), also known as Ma Guoxian [马国贤], was an Italian Catholic missionary who arrived in China in 1710. After his arrival, he studied Chinese language and worked as an imperial painter in the court of Emperor Kangxi (Reigned 1661–1722) since 1711. In 1723, Ripa left Peking for Europe, travelling with four young Chinese Christians and one Chinese teacher. In 1732, they set up a Chinese College in Naples called the Collegio dei Cinesi, with the aim of nurturing Chinese missionaries and teaching Chinese language and culture to European missionaries preparing for work in China. The Jesuits were in charge of the teaching and management affairs in the college, which later developed into the well-known Sinology teaching and research base in Italy, Naples Eastern Univeristy. Collegio dei Cinesi (Chinese College) was the first Sinology teaching and research base in Europe, indeed a milestone in the history of European Sinology. In 1743, Matteo Ripa began writing the book Storia della fondazione della Congregazione e del Collegio dei cinesi, sotto il titolo della sagra famiglia di G.C. [History of the Foundation of the Congregation and Chinese College of Naples under the Patronage of the Sacred Family] (1832), in which he described his experience during his voyage to China and the 13 years he spent living in China. Rip a recorded the history of Catholic mission in China in early Qing Dynasty, and the aforementioned account about the debate on worship as rites or superstition served as an important firsthand material for later research. The 14 Facsimile Documents Concerning Emperor Kangxi and the Embassies of Rome contained in the book provide valuable historical materials. The first volume of the book was published in London in 1844, under the title of Memoirs of Father Ripa during 13 years’Residence at the Court of Peking in the Service of the Emperor of China. The original version was published one and a half of centuries later in 1996 by the Istituto Orientale di Napoli. To this day, the work stands as the cornerstone of European Sinology. The missionary-Sinology phase is characterized by two-way cultural communication between the East and the West, with Catholic missionaries, especially the Italian Jesuits, as the main initiator of such communications. They were engaged in two missions. First, these missionaries comprised the first generation of European Sinologists. Drawing upon their proficiency in Chinese and broad knowledge of Confucian classics, they translated Confucian canons into Western languages and introduced ancient Chinese culture to Europe. Second, they co-translated many European books on science, philosophy, and religion alongside Chinese scholars. Although their Chinese counterparts undertook part of the translation and writing work, they were passively receiving Western culture instead of actively studying it. The European missionaries represented the dominant power in Sino-Western cultural communication at that time. Therefore, for both directions of cultural communication, Western missionaries had the power of interpreting both the Chinese and Western cultures, while Chinese scholars played mainly participatory roles. Why have travel account Sinology and missionary-Sinology both been identified as comprising first phase of Italian Sinology? During this time, European travelers and Sinologists in China all had religious affiliations, either as envoys of the Pope,

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or missionaries appointed by the Church. Thus, the development of Sinology during this historical period was largely powered by the Vatican’s ambition in the East. Sinological works were consequently religious in nature. For instance, the history books at that time were mainly histories of Catholic missions in China. Yet aside from their overwhelming focus on Catholic missions, these materials also exposed Europeans to Chinese politics, economy, culture and social customs. Besides, Jesuit missionaries such as Matteo Ricci were dedicated to the study and translation of ancient Confucian classics partly because they were eager to relate Occidental culture with Confucian culture. They attempted to use Dio in Catholicism to interpret the rather vague ancient Chinese concepts of Tian (Heaven), Shangdi (God), and Tiandi (God of the Heaven) by positing connections between these notions and Dio. This attempt was in line with Matteo Ricci’s philosophy in mission: Heru (Linking Catholicism with Confucianism), Buru (Complementing Confucianism), Chaoru (Transcending Confucianism). Matteo Ricci and other scholars found that like many schools of natural and ethic philosophy in ancient Greece and Rome, Chinese Confucianism also contains pearls of human wisdom, which hardly contradicts the Catholic doctrine. The missionaries reinterpreted Confucian classics through the prism of Catholicism. Just as the Scholastics constructed theology by applying ancient secular theory, the missionaries provided Chinese Catholics with a Catholic humanistic education by drawing upon Confucianism. The aforementioned characteristic shared by travel account Sinology and missionary- Sinology seems to echo with the remarks made by Peking University Professor Yang Xusheng in his essay entitled “Chinese vs. Western Scholarship on China”: “After all, the history of Western Sinology is a Sino-Western cultural dialogue initiated by Christian civilization.” On November 20th, 1704, Pope Clement XI (1649–1721) banned Chinese Catholics from worshiping ancestors and Confucius, which led to escalating disputes between the Vatican and Peking. Enraged, Emperor Kangxi declared an end to Western missions in China. At that moment, the Jesuit Order had officially lost the prolonged debate on Chinese worshiping rites. In 1773, the Vatican dissolved the Jesuit Order, which kicked off missionary-Sinology’s decline. Italian Jesuit missionaries and other European missionary-Sinologists consequently faded from the history of Sinology, and the 200-year missionary-Sinology period came to an end.

7.2.2 The Transition from Missionary to Professional Sinology The decline of Italian Sinology during the late 18th and early 19th century was mainly due to three factors. To begin with, the Roman Catholic Church lost trust in the Society of Jesus after its failure in the dispute over Chinese worshiping rites. The Church eventually shut down the Jesuit Order in 1773. This marked the end of a prosperous era of missionary Sinology, led by Michael Ruggieri, Matteo Ricci, Martino Martini,

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Prosper Intercetta and other members of the Society. Not a single Sinologist from the Society remained. Moreover, the tension between the Court of Qing and the Catholic Church escalated, owing to the aforementioned dispute. Therefore, Emperor Kangxi banned the spread of Catholicism. Later, Emperor Yongzheng (Reigned 1723–1735) and Emperor Qianlong adopted an even harder stance against Catholicism, exiling all but a few missionaries working in the Bureau of Astronomy. The communication between China and the West, which ranged from the time of the Mongol Empire to Late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, and was led by the Roman Catholic Church, also ground to a halt. Last but not least, the Age of Discovery during the 15th century has opened up several new trading routes to the East. The European trading centers, therefore, moved from the Mediterranean coast to the Atlantic coast. As a result, many Italian cities which used to serve as distribution centers and benefited greatly from trading, now played a much less significant role in Sino- European trade. “Italy”has long stood as a geographic concept. Compared with the powerful West European nations along the Atlantic coast, Italy was united rather late. It was not until 1861 that the Kingdom of Italy came into being. Without the support of the Roman Catholic Church, communication between Italy and China froze until 1866, when the Italian government and the Qing government formed diplomatic ties. Therefore, the relationship between Italy and China was a late bloomer, also limiting the development of Italian Sinology.

7.2.2.1

The Rise of Professional Sinology in France and the Gaps in Italian Sinology

France is the birthplace of modern professional Sinology in Europe. On December 11th, 1814, the Collège de France in Paris founded the Professorship in “ChineseTatar- Manchurian Languages and Literatures”. Professor Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat (1788–1832) who studied the Tatar language and Chinese literatures was the inaugural Chinese-Tatar-Manchurian Languages and Literatures Professor. His fame in European Sinology rose after publishing several well-received essays and translation works. In 1832, Rémusat’s student Stanislas Julien (1797–1873) succeeded him, and was placed in charge of teaching Chinese in the Collège de France. Julien focused on the study and translation of Chinese popular literature. He has translated The Orphan of Zhao [赵氏孤儿], Romance of the Western Chamber [西厢记], Iu-Kiao-Li or, the Two Fair Cousins [玉娇梨], Ping Shan Leng Yan [平山冷燕], and Legend of the White Snake [白蛇传]. During this time, two Italian Sinologists, Alfonso Andreozzi (1821–1894) and Severini Antelmo (1828–1909), learned Chinese from Julien and studied vernacular Chinese literature. Andreozzi published his Latin translation of Outlaws of the Marsh, the first version in European languages. In the late 19th century, Antelmo became Professor of Chinese in the Royal Institute of Advanced Studies of Florence, which was the first university in Italy to establish a Professorship in Chinese, followed by the Sapienza University of Rome and the Naples Eastern Univeristy. Carlo Puini (1839–1924), Antelmo’s student, was later appointed his Professor’s successor. Puini

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produced many works on Chinese literature, ancient political and judicial systems. He has translated the 23rd and the 25th chapters of the Book of Rites. In 1872, he published his seven adapted short stories titled Novelle cinesi tolte dal Long-tukung-ngan [Chinese Novel Long-tu-kung-ngan] based on the Chinese original piece Longtu’s Crime Cases [龙图公案]. In 1903, Lodovico Nocentini (1849–1910), another student of Antelmo, together with Ignazio Guidi (1844–1935) and Schiapparelli Celestino (1841–1919), established the Eastern School of the University of Rome, which belonged to the Literature and Philosophy Department at the University of Rome. The history of Chinese teaching at the University of Rome may be traced back to 1876, when the shortterm Professor Carlo Valenziani (1831–1896) was the only one teaching Chinese. In 1877, Professor Carlo donated a portion of his personal book collection to the Rome National Central Library, including books from a rare Chinese collection and literature on Chinese studies in Western languages. The establishment of the Eastern School of the University of Rome provided strong momentum for Chinese teaching and research in Italy. Following Lodovico, Giovanni Vacca (1872–1953) became Professor of Chinese at the University of Rome. His research covered a broad range of disciplines. He has studied the manuscript of The Travels of Marco Polo and conducted research on Chinese religion, geography and calendar studies. In terms of literature studies, Vacca published an essay in 1911 introducing the Tang Dynasty poet Han Yu, and two more in 1931: The Biography of Five-Willow Gentleman of Tao Qian, and On Ode on the Red Cliffs by Su Shi. In 1890, Lodovico was transferred to the Istituto Orientale di Napoli to serve as Professor of Chinese, the same institution where his student Guido Amedeo Vitale di Pontagio (1872–1918) would later be appointed a teaching a position in 1914. In 1924, Volpicelli Eugenio Felice Maria Zanoni (1856–1936) taught for a short period of time at the Royal Eastern Institution of Naples. As for the University of Rome, Pasquale D’Elia (1890–1963), a well-known 20th century known Sinologist, took over Vacca’s position.

7.2.2.2

The Naples Eastern University: Traditions Meet Modernity

The Naples Eastern University, one of the oldest Sinology research institutions in the West, bore great importance for modern professional Sinology. Its precursor was the Chinese College (Collegio dei Cinesi) founded by the priest Matteo Ripa in 1732. In 1868, the University was renamed the “Real Collegio Asiatico” [Royal Asian College] (1868–1888), and later took on the name of the “Istituto Reale Orientale di Napoli” (Royal Eastern Institution of Naples). In 1925, it was upgraded as the Naples Eastern University, which marked the transformation from a religious institution aiming at training Chinese missionaries and teaching Chinese to European missionaries bound for China, into a modern multi-disciplinary university researching Oriental languages and cultures. Several prominent Italian Sinologists completed their studies at the Naples Eastern University, including Lionello Lanciotti and Paolo Santangelo (1943–), who are both highly respected in the field of Western Sinology. From the Chinese College to The Naples Eastern University,

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Sinology research continued in Naples, in spite of the fact that Italian Sinology hit rock bottom. Later on, when modern professional Sinology flourished, Naples would make significant contributions to the spread of Chinese language and culture, translation and studies of ancient and modern Chinese classics.

7.2.2.3

Two Jesuit Missionary-Sinologists from the Late 19th to Early Twentieth Century

Italian Sinology’s progress slowed from the late 18th century to the end of the Second World War. Still, there emerged two outstanding Jesuit missionary-Sinologists: Angelo Zottoli (1826–1902) and Pasquale Maria D’Elia (1890–1963). Angelo Zottoli (1826–1902) As the Society of Jesus was reestablished in 1814, missionaries from the Society returned to China. Angelo Zottoli was the only outstanding Sinologist in the 19th century among these missionaries. He came to China in 1848, and conducted missionary work around Xujiahui, Shanghai until he passed away in 1902. Zottoli possessed extensive knowledge in the field of classical Chinese literature. He once compiled five volumes worth of selected works in Chinese literature, entitled Cursus litteraturae sinicae [Chinese Literature Course] (1879). The books contain Latin versions of selected pieces, and were published in Shanghai from 1879 to 1883. Zottoli selected a wide range of classic works, including The Four Books and Five Classics, Three Character Classic, Hundred Family Surnames and Thousand Character Classic, to verses, ditties, odes, songs, novels and operas. Until the 1850s, the book series marked the Western collection with the largest number of Chinese classical works to date. Since Zottoli’s Latin versions were rather difficult to understand, the Society of Jesus decided to publish its French translation in Europe, because in the early 19th century, modern professional Sinology had already emerged in France, and French Sinologists during this period were keen to study Chinese vernacular literature. This tendency had its impact on the Society, as well. Many French missionaries from the Society later became acclaimed Sinologists who devoted their careers to the translation of Chinese literature, with Léon Wieger (1856–1933), Séraphin Couvreur (1835–1919), and Henri Doré (1859–1931) prominently among them. Zottoli, the only Italian Sinologist from the Society during this period, was also deeply influenced by French professional Sinology. Clearly, Sinologists from the Society at this time were much more professional and their focus was drastically different from the outlook adopted by Italian Sinologists living during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Pasquale Maria D’Elia (1890–1963) Pasquale Maria D’Elia was a key figure of Italian Sinology in the early 20th century. He was a member of the Society of Jesus, and possessed an astonishing command of Chinese. He inherited the tradition of “Missionary-Sinology” established by Matteo Ricci, and brought the tradition full circle. At the same time, D’Elia taught in

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modern universities. He was employed by Pontifical Gregorian University in 1934 as Professor of Missionary History, and in 1939 as Professor of Sinology. At the same time, he also served as Professor of Chinese Language, Literature and History at the University of Rome. Because of his extensive teaching experience, D’Elia was able to make a great impact on Italian professional Sinology. Giuliano Bertuccioli and Lionello Lanciotti, the two figureheads of Italian professional Sinology, were both students of D’Elia. Bertuccioli praised him as “the most important figure of Italian Sinology during the 20 years between the two World Wars”in his piece Gli studi sinologici in ltalia dal 1600 al 1950 [Sinology in Italy 1600-1950]. A missionary himself, D’Elia laid the foundation for Italian professional Sinology, becoming a key feature in the transition from missionary to professional Sinology in Italy. D’Elia was extremely productive in his writing and research. He was most famous for works on missionary history and the relationship between China and the West. Most of his works were written using materials from the Vatican Apostolic Library and the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus after his return to Italy. Three of his most famous and influential works were: Il Mappamondo cinese del P. Matteo Ricci (Terza Edizione- Pechino 1602) conservato presso la Biblioteca Vaticana [The World Map in Chinese by Priest Matteo Ricci (Third Edition, Beijing, 1602), Conserved in the Vatican Library], Le origini dell’arte cristiana cinese (1583–1640) [The Origin of Christian Art in China (1583–1640) ], and Fonti Ricciane [Resources of Matteo Ricci]. The last of these works marked an ambitious attempt to include all of Ricci’s published and unpublished works in order to replace the Opere storiche del p. Matteo Ricci S. I., I-II [Historical Works of Priest Matteo Ricci] (1911) published by priest Tacchi Venturi (1861–1956). This project was funded by Royal Academy of Italy. However, D’Elia only succeeded in publishing Storia della introduzione del cristianesimo in Cina [History of the Introduction of Christianity in China]. This was a three-volume work, published in Rome in 1942 and 1949, respectively. Eventually, Priest Venturi’s work and D’Elia’s Fonti Ricciane, together replaced Nicolas Trigault (1577–1628)’s De Christiana expeditione apud sinas suscepta ab Societate Jesu. Ex P. Matthaei Riccii eiusdem Societatis commentariis Libri V: Ad S.D.N. Paulum V. In Quibus Sinensis Regni mores, leges, atque instituta, & novae illius Ecclesiae difficillima primordia accurate & summa fide describuntur [On the Christian Mission among the Chinese by the Society of Jesus] (1615). Trigault’s book was once a popular and influential work that was translated into multiple languages. Yet Trigautio was not the author, though his name was featured on the cover. Trigault simply translated Priest Ricci’s manuscript into Latin and made random deletions, additions and revisions. In the foreword to his Opere storiche del p. Matteo Ricci, Priest D’Elia clearly stated that Trigault’s work reeked of plagiarism, and that Ricci’s manuscripts carried much higher literary and historical value than the Latin version. D’Elia’s Fonti Ricciane was highly praised by Chinese and foreign academia alike. This book was well-organized and informative, and D’Elia’s encyclopedic notes on Ricci’s manuscripts provided first-hand research materials for Chinese and foreign scholars alike. This stellar work was a byproduct of D’Elia’s excellent command of Chinese, language skills which Trigault and Venturi lacked. Yet the book and other related essays were also met with doubt and criticism from some acclaimed

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Sinologists. Firstly, the tremendous size of the book and the large number of notes made mistakes inevitable. These mistakes were identified and corrected by successive Sinology scholars. Secondly, some found his Foreword quite tedious. Last but not least, the phonetic annotation of Chinese characters was not well-accepted. As Giuseppe Tucci put it, only D’Elia himself could understand the annotations. Owing to limited funding, only three volumes of Fonti Ricciane were published, and the fourth, which was planned to be Ricci’s letters, was left unfinished. The materials and manuscripts prepared by D’Elia for the fourth volume were stored in the Archive of Pontifical Gregorian University after D’Elia’s death. D’Elia has also published several essays on Ricci’s Chinese works, including De Amicitia [Il Trattato sull’Amicizia. Primo libro scritto in cinese dal p. Matteo Ricci S. I. [The Treatise on Friendship. First Book Written in Chinese by P. Matteo Ricci S. I.] (1595); Further Notes on Matteo Ricci’s《De Amicitia》 ; Sunto poetico ritmico di《I Dieci Paradossi》 di Matteo Ricci S. I. [Ten Treatises by an Abnormal Person]; and Musica e canti italiani a Pechino [Italian Music and Songs in Beijing]. In the 19th century, Italian professional Sinology emerged under the influence of the flourishing discipline of European professional Sinology, yet its lack of standout Sinology works caused the discipline to pale in comparison with its counterparts in France, Britain and Germany. During the early stages of professional Sinology, Chinese teaching in Europe left much to be desired, and few Italian professional Sinologists of that particular era had experienced extended stays in China. Therefore, most professional Italian Sinologists at the time were weak in oral Chinese, forming a stark contrast with the Jesuit Sinologists, who possessed an excellent command of both written and oral Chinese. French professional Sinology stood out in Europe during this period. French studies and translations of Chinese vernacular literature became the mainstream in European professional Sinology. Under this influence, Italian and professional missionary—Sinologists delved into Chinese vernacular literature, a genre never touched upon during the era of missionary-Sinology. Although Italian Sinology was at its low ebb, Naples Eastern University brought the traditions of Italian missionary-Sinology into the modern era. Pasquale D’Elia was the most eminent Italian Sinologist in the early 20th century. As a member of the Society of Jesus and a professor of Chinese, he served as a prime example of missionary-Sinology and laid the foundation for Italian professional Sinology.

7.2.3 The Establishment and Development of Italian Professional Sinology From the late 19th to the early 20th century, the Institute of Higher Studies in Florence, University of Rome, and the Naples Eastern University established a Professorship in Chinese. Chinese as a subject was therefore officially listed within the Italian tertiary education system, which marked the official establishment of Italian professional Sinology. Further research of this nascent discipline, however, was interrupted by

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the two World Wars. In the post-World War era, the University of Rome and the Naples Eastern University were the only remaining Chinese teaching institutions in Italy, and Pasquale D’Elia was the only faculty member specializing in Chinese teaching and research at that time. “There were very few students and some of them did not intend to finish their Chinese studies.” Besides, a limited selection of academic materials in Sinology could hardly support serious Sinology research, and as a result, Sinology in Italy fared badly. After experiencing an arduous restoration period, Italian Sinology was finally revived in the 1960s. China forged diplomatic relations with Italy in 1970, and as a result, political, economic, and cultural encounters between the two countries blossomed. The following initiatives strengthened ties between Chinese and Italian Sinologists: government-led student exchange programs sent twenty Italian students to China every year, and a growing cohort of Chinese scholars traveled to Italy to attend academic activities hosted by Sinology institutions such as the Ca’Foscari University of Venice. Since China kicked off the Reform and Opening up process in 1978, bilateral exchanges between China and Italy have flourished. With China’s rising prominence on the world stage in the 21st century, Chinese language enjoys growing popularity in Western countries such as Italy. Indeed, the number of students learning Chinese language and culture has surged. In 1947, only two institutions in Italy offered Chinese courses, namely the University of Rom and Naples Eastern University, where just one Chinese instructor taught a limited pool of students. In 1967, Ca’Foscari University of Venice launched a major in Sinology. Together with the University of Rome and the Naples Eastern University, the Ca’Foscari University of Venice served as one of the most important Chinese teaching and research institutions in the aftermath of the World War II. In the 1990s, the University of Turin, University of Milan, University of Milan-Bicocca, and the University of Bologna followed suit. Since then, seven universities in Italy have established Chinese majors. In the early 21st century, eight universities including the University of Treviso, University of Florence, University of Siena, and the Third University of Rome began offering majors in Chinese, and the total number rose to fifteen. Undergraduates enrolled in Chinese classes soared to five thousand. The University of Rome, Naples Eastern University, and Ca’Foscari University of Venice offered Chinese bachelor, master’s and doctoral degrees. The Third University of Rome, University of Milan, University of Urbino offered Chinese bachelor and master’s degrees. As of the early 21st century, twelve professors, nineteen associate professors, and more than ten researchers worked in the Chinese Language Department in Italian universities. In 2006, the National Office for Teaching Chinese as a Foreign Language of China and the University of Rome co- established the first Confucius Institute in Italy and appointed Prof. Federico Masini (1960–) as the Italian Director. By 2014, eleven Confucius Institutes had been set up in Italy. Confucius Institutes made Chinese teaching resources available across Italy, and enhanced the popularity of Chinese language and its culture in the nation.

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The increasing number of students learning Chinese piped new blood into Sinology research. Sinology studies grew in depth and breadth, covering areas ranging from linguistics, literature, philosophy, and religion to archaeology, and art history. Italian Sinology flourished as never before.

7.2.3.1

Research on Chinese Linguistics

Maurizio Scarpari (1950–), a scholar specializing in classical Chinese, serves as a professor at the Università Cafoscari Venezia. Scarpari currently serves as the chief editor of the Studi di cinese classico, a top journal in the field in Italy. Many of his essays published in the journal are of high academic merit, notable among them Le negazioni del cinese arcaico [Negative Words in Ancient Chinese] (1979), Il verbo qu in cinese classic [The Verb qu in Ancient Chinese] (1981), Filologia e linguistica negli studi sinologici [Philology and Linguistics in Sinology] (1983) and Suo e il passivo in cinese classic [Passive Use of His in Ancient Chinese] (1983). Scarpari went on to compile A Course in Ancient Chinese in 1982. Fracasso Riccardo (1955–) is an authority on the oracle bone script, and author of A Technical Glossary of Oracle Bone Studies, published in 1988. Riccardo also penned multiple essays on the oracle bone script, such as: Rainbow on the Oracle Bones (1988), Appendix to A Technical Glossary of Oracle Bone Studies (1990) and Jiaguwen as Historical Document (1995). Many influential scholars also contributed extensively to the study of modern Chinese. Lionello Lanciotti helped compile the Modern Chinese Oral Dictionary and the Chinese-Italian Dictionary. Luciana Bressan, member of European Association for Chinese Studies, joined the Chinese–Italian dictionary compilation team in 1983. Bressan’s publications include: Discussions on the Symposium on Chinese Character Reform in the P.R. China, Guidelines for Using Chinese Dictionaries and A Handbook of Chinese Conversation. Federico Masini (1960–) from the University of Rome studied vocabulary in the 20th century Chinese newspaper and loanwords in Chinese. In 1996, Bressan published a research paper on Chinese dictionaries compiled by missionaries: Some Preliminary Remarks on the Study of Chinese Lexicographic Materials Prepared by Jesuit in the XVIIth Century.

7.2.3.2

Research on Chinese Literature

Italian Sinology’s greatest contributions lie in the realm of Chinese literature research, with multiple works addressing the history of Chinese literature. During the World Wars, Michele Suppo published his translation Sommario Storio di Letteratura Cinese [Summary of Chinese Literature History] (1943), which introduces the entire collection of Chinese literature, ranging from the classical Four Books and Five Classics, to the modern works of Lu Xun and Liang Qichao. The work was the first to introduce the history of Chinese literature to an Italian audience, albeit in a translated version. Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2001) was the first Italian Sinologist to publish

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on the history of Chinese literature in the post-World War period. In 1959, Bertuccioli penned La Letteratura Cinese[Chinese Literature] based on first-hand material he collected in China, wherein he systematically introduces Chinese classical and modern literature. The work was quite influential in the realm of European Sinology. When La Letteratura Cinese was reprinted in 1969, the well-known French Sinologist Paul Demiéville (1894–1979) wrote a letter congratulating Giuliano Bertuccioli and recognized him as second to none in the field of Sinology. A decade after the first version of La Letteratura Cinese, the younger scholar Lionello Lanciotti wrote Letteratura Cinese (2007), a high-level and widely circulated work on the history of Chinese literature after La Letteratura Cinese by Giuliano Bertuccioli. Based on his wide knowledge in Chinese vernacular fiction, Lanciotti introduced chuanqi (tales of marvels) of the Tang Dynasty and huaben (vernacular stories) of the Song Dynasty and Yuan Dynasty in great detail. Lanciotti published another essay on the history of Chinese literature entitled La Storia della Letteratura Cinese: sue Interpretazioni in Cina e in Occidente [The History of Chinese Literature: its Interpretations in China and in the West] (1990). Almost around the same time, Piero Corradini (1933–), a professor in East Asia History at the University of Rome, published Storia della Letteratura Cinese [History of Chinese Literature] (1978). In the following year, Piero Corradini published Antologia della Letteratura Cinese [Anthology of Chinese Literature] (1979) as a supplement to the previous book. To sum up, in addition to illuminating the history of Chinese literature, twentieth century Italian Sinologists also devoted considerable attention to the translation of Chinese classical literature. Notable among the classical Chinese poetry and prose translated into Italian, are works of the eminent Tang Dynasty poets such as Du Fu (712–770), Li Bai (701–762), Wang Wei (692–761), Bai Juyi (772–846), Yuan Zhen (779–831), Meng Haoran (689/691–740), and Cui Hu (772–846). Nino De Sanctis was the first to translate works of the Warring States period poet Qu Yuan (340–278 BC). In 1900, Nino De Sanctis published Kiu-youen Li Sao: grande poema cinese del III secolo a. C. [Ou Yuan: the Great Chinese Poet of the 3rd Centruy BC] in Milan. The Italian version of Li Sao [离骚] was not translated from the original Chinese text, but rather from the translated version of French Sinologist Havey de Saint Denys (1822–1892) in 1870. De Sanctis’was the first of various Italian translations, including those versions completed by Gabriele M. Allegra (1907–1976), Benedetto Valle OFM (1895–1974), and Vilma Costantini (1939–) in 1870, 1973, and 1989, respectively. Professor Giuliano Bertuccioli is an expert on Tao Yuanming (365–427), a wellknown poet in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. In 1945, Bertuccioli published his first work translated from Chinese into Italian, Tre canti funebri [Three Funeral Chants], poetry by Tao Yuanming.Margherita Guidacci (1921–1992) also took a special interest in Tao Yuanming’s works and translated Ode to Leisure [闲情赋] in 1956. M. Calcagno translated A Short Song [短歌行] written by Cao (155–220), a military dictator in the Eastern Han Dynasty. In 1973, Benedetto Valle translated the Ballad of Mulan [木 兰辞], adopting the first-ever-used title Mu-lang si arruola dell’esercito in luogo di suo padre. In 1991, Anna Bujatti (1937–) published her re-translation of the Ballad of Mulan.

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Maurizia Sacchetti (1926–) published two papers on the Tang dynasty poet Liu Zongyuan (773–819), in 1981 and 1997, respectively. One introduces Liu Zongyuan’s essay On Disparaging the Macaque [憎王孙文]. In 1982, Paola Mirti translated nine poems written by Wei Zhuang (836–910), a late Tang Dynasty poet. In 1985, Anna Bujatti translated six works of the Song dynasty poet Li Qingzhao (1084–1155), and translated her acclaimed poem As If Dreaming [如梦令]. In 1994, Maurizia Sacchetti completed his translated version of Excursion to the Pavilion of Joy and Abundance [丰乐亭游春三首], three quatrains written by the Song Dynasty poet Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072). Moreover, in 1903, Angelo De Gubernatis (1840–1913), G. Bindi, L. Nocentini co-translated the Book of Songs and other poetry from the Pre-Qin time (before B.C. 221). Pasquale D’Elia also translated some chapters from the Book of Songs, which were published in the book Antologia cinese, dalle origini ai nostri giorni [Chinese anthology, from its origins to our days] (D’Elia 1944) and Poesia-Quaderni Internazionali [Poetry-International Notebooks] (Enrico Falqui, 1945–1948). Errante Vincenzo and Mariano Emilio co-published the work Orfeo. Il tesoro della lirica universale interpretato in versi italiani [Orfeo: Italian Translations of International Treasure of Poetry] in 1949. The book contains a partial translation of the Book of Songs, as well as translations of verses written by Chinese poets Qu Yuan, Tao Yuanming, Du Fu, Bai Juyi, and Yuan Zhen. In 1957, Professor Lionello Lanciotti published his translation of various poems excerpted from Guo Feng [Airs of the States, a chapter of The Book of Songs] and Xiao Ya [Lesser Court Hymns, another chapter of The Book of Songs] in the journal Cina. In the twentieth century, an extensive batch of Chinese ancient novels and dramas was translated into Italian. In the Late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, three of the four great classical Chinese novels, excepting the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, found their way into Italian. Bovero’s translated version of Outlaws of the Marsh in 1956 was a retranslation from the German version I Briganti (The Brigands) rendered by Franz Kuhn (1884–1941) in 1934. In the following year, Bovero published his Italian translation of the first chapter of Outlaws of the Marsh on Cina. In 1957, Martin Benedikter (1908–1969) published his essay I Briganti—“ShuiHu-Chuan”: Antico Romanzo Cinese (The Brigands:“Shui-Hu-Chuan”: Ancient Chinese Novel) in Cina. In 1960, Adriana Motti (1924–2009) retranslated Journey to the West into Italian based on Arthur Waley’s (1889–1966) English version Monkey (1942). The Italian translation was published under the title of Lo Scimmiotto [The Scimmiotto] (1960). The Italian version made a number of improvements upon the preceding English translation, including correcting various mistakes and adding a chapter introducing different translated versions and studies on the original Chinese author Wu Chengen (1506–1582). Serafino Balduzzi penned another Italian version Viaggio in occidente [Journey to the West], which was published in Milan in 1998. The twentieth century saw two Italian versions of A Dream of Red Mansions. The 1958 version was retranslated by Clara Bovero and Carla Pirrone Riccio from the German version by Franz Kuhn. This version maintained the chapter sequence of Kuhn’s version and added 27 delicately painted character portraits created by the renowned Qing Dynasty painter Gai Qi (1774–1829). In the preface to the book,

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Franz Kuhn claimed that his translation made reference to two original Chinese versions, the 1832 version and the version published by the Commercial Press in Shanghai. LüTong Liu (1938–2005), a late researcher with the Institute of Foreign Literature at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, published the translation of the preface to the work translated by Clara Bovero and Carla Pirrone Riccio, as well as biographies of the two translators and of the preface author Martin Benedikter, in the journal Studies on “A Dream of Red Mansions”. In 1964, Edoarda Masi (1927– 2011) translated another Italian version of Hong lou meng from the original Chinese work. In 1963 and 1976, Edoarda Masi (1927–2011) and Piero Corradini (1933–) co-published essays on A Dream of Red Mansions on Cina. The Plum in the Golden Vase [金瓶梅], one of the most popular etiquette novels in the Late Ming Dynasty, was another major research focus for Italian Sinologists. In 1930, German scholar Franz Kuhn published his German translation of The Plum in the Golden Vase in Leipzig. The well-translated version was developed based on detailed and accurate materials, and was therefore quite well-received in Europe. Research on the novel after the Secored World War were mostly based on Kuhn’s translation. In 1955, Piero Jahier (1884–1966) and Maj-Lis Rissler Stoneman and other translators jointly published their version entitled Chin P’ing Mei (1955) in Turin. This version was translated from the British scholar Bernard Miall’s (1876– 1953). The Adventurous History of Hsi Men and His Six Wives, published in New York in 1940. In 1956, Piero Jahier published a translation excerpt from his translation under the title of Una strana morte (dal Chin P’ing Mei) [A Strange Death (from Jin Ping Mei) ] on Cine. Another focus of joint interest among Italian Sinologists is the Chinese vernacular novel Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio. Ebe Colbosin translated twenty-six tales in the book into Italian and published his work in Rome. Ludovico Nicola di Giura (1868–1947) published 99 tales translated into Italian in the collection of Fiabe cinesi [Chinese Tales] in 1926. In 1995, based on a Chinese edition of Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio published in 19th century China, Nicola di Giura translated all 435 tales into a complete Italian edition under the title I Racconti fantastici di Liao. In 1979, Gianni Guadalupi (1943–) translated one tale from Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio and published the translation in Milan under the title of L’ospite tigre [The Tiger Host]. In 1986, an anonymous scholar translated another tale from this Chinese novel and published the translation under the title of Heavenly Island. Anna Maria Thornton adapted a tale into The Story of Beautiful Hongyu and in 1992, Bonino Gabriella published a full Italian translation of the novel. In the 20th century, a treasure trove of tales contained in both ancient novels and more recent ones were translated into Italian, including Legends of the Tang Dynasty [唐代传奇], Stories to Awaken the World [醒世恒言], Wonders Old and New and Miscellaneous Records from the Wooden Bridge [板桥杂记]. In terms of drama translation, the famed 18th century Italian playwright Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782) adapted The Orphan of Zhao into the Italian play L’eroe cinese [The Chinese Hero]. Constrained by limited performance time, Pietro Metastasio boldly pruned some of the plotlines and rewrote the tragic ending into a happy one. The Italian play was published in Italy in 1948. In 1908, Giuseppe Barone’s

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(1866–1946) translation Tsao-si-ku-el, a Chinese Tragedy Imitated by Voltaire and Metastasio was published in Sarno. In Lionello Lanciotti’s essay Un Instancabile Sinologo all’Ombra del Vesuvio [An untiring Sinologist at the Shadow of Vesuvius], Giuseppe Barone is described as “a prolific writer and researcher in Literature and Philosophy and in Oriental Languages”. With profound knowledge in Chinese literature, Barone rendered the well-known translation of The Orphan of Zhao in 1908. In 1988, Giuliano Bertuccioli and other scholars co-translated Occasional Recordings of Leisure Hours [闲情偶寄], the earliest theoretical monograph on Chinese opera, which was published in the journal Mandarini e cortigiane. A great deal of Chinese prose was rendered into Italian, including the 1955, 1993, and 1995 translated versions of Shen Fu’s (1763–1807) Six Chapters of a Floating Life [浮生六记], and the 1994 version of Ouyang Xiu’s (1007–1072) Mountains and waters in Fucha [浮槎山水集], as well as a host of translations published in 1988, namely Mao Xiang’s (1611–1693) Memories from the Yingmei Nunnery [影 梅庵忆语 ], Chen Peizhi’s (1794–1826) Reminiscences of The House of Fragrant Orchids [香畹楼忆语], and Zhang Dai’s (1597–1684) Romance on the Twenty-Four Bridges [扬州二十四桥风月], Watching Snow at the Pavilion in the Heart of the Lake [湖心亭看雪记], and Self -written Tomb Epitaph [自为墓志铭]. In terms of Chinese aesthetic research and literary and art criticism, the younger generation of Italian scholars scored impressive achievements. Alessandra Cristina Lavagnino, a professor employed with the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Milan, began translating Liu Xie’s (465–520) Dragon-Carving and the Literary Ming [文心雕龙] in 1979. Written in the early sixth century, this monumental work marks the first comprehensive work of literary criticism in China. After six years of paintaking labor, Alessandra Cristina Lavagnino finally published her translation in 1984, making her the first scholar to translate the book into a European language. She made reference to the annotated editions penned by Guo Shaoyu (1893–1984), Fan Wenlan (1893–1969), and Wang Yuanhua (1920–2008), and compared Chinese aesthetic traditions with Western ones via in-depth analysis of Chinese literary aesthetics and traditional rhetorical theories. Lavagnino also published a dozen papers of high academic caliber on the book in 1982, 1985, 1989, 1992, 1995, and 1996 respectively [3: 803]. In 1996, Lionello Lanciotti and Marica Larocchi (1942–) also published articles on Dragon-Carving and the Litergry Mind in Culture, the annual publication of the Language Research Institute at the University of Milan’s Department of Political Science. Also notable is the depth of Italian Sinologists’ research on Chinese modern and contemporary literature. The works of many contemporary writers, including those of Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Liang Qichao (1873–1929), Hu Shi (1891–1962), Yu Dafu (1896–1945), Lin Yutang(1895–1976), Qian Zhongshu (1910–1998), Mao Dun (1896–1981), Lu Xun (1881–1936), Guo Moruo (1892–1978), Lao She (1899–1966), Ba Jin (1904–2005), Bing Xin (1900– 1999), Zhu Guangqian (1897–1986), Wang Meng (1934–), Wang Shuo (1958–), and Mo Yan (1955–), have all been translated into Italian.

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Research on Chinese Philosophy and Religion

The reason why we lump philosophy research and religion research into the same category is because for many years European scholars have considered Chinese mainstream philosophy, namely Confucianism and Taoism, as both philosophical and religious schools. Confucianism is often called Rujiao or, the Confucian religion instead of Ruxue or, the Confucian learning). Twentieth-century Italian Sinologists delved into the following areas of Chinese philosophy and religion: Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, Christianity (including Catholicism and Nestorianism), Shamanism, Islamism, Manichaeism, Pre-Qin Dynasty philosophies, and mythology. Research on Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism serves as a time-honored tradition dating back to the missionary-Sinology period and continuing after the Second World War. Among the three schools, Confucianism has been most extensively researched. Italian Sinologists translated Confucian canons including The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, The Confucius Analects, Mencius, The Classic of Filial Piety [孝经], Master Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals and The Book of Changes. In 1924, Alberto Castellani published the first Italian version of The Confucius Analects translated from the original Chinese text. In 1989, Fausto Tomassini published his work Confucio Opere (Confucius’Works) in Milan, which includes some chapters of the Italian translation of The Great Learning, a complete translation of The Confucius Analects, as well as translations of the Confucian classics Mencius and The Classic of Filial Piety. Fausto Tomassini’s high-quality translation of the Confucian canons would later become an indisposable reference for future academic researchers. Some Italian Sinologists took the liberty of comparing different schools of thoughts, zoning in on Confucianism versus Taoism, Confucianism versus Legalism, Confucianism versus Mohism, and between Confucianism versus Christianity. Pasquale M. D’Elia and Paolo Santangelo conducted research on the philosophy developed by Zhu Xi (1130–1200). Paolo Santangelo emphasized Zhu Xi’s theories on emotions and published works including: Is the Horseman Riding the Horse, or the Charioteer Driving the Two Steeds? Some Preliminary Remarks on Zhu Xi’s Inheritance Concerning “the Seven Emotions and the Four Origins” (1993), and La psicologia morale di Zhu Xi (1130–1200) [The Moral Psychology of Zhu Xi (1130– 1200)] (1996). Moreover, Paolo Santangelo published several articles discussing the Neoconfucianist view on the good and evil in human nature. Based on their research on Confucianism, the Italian Sinologists provided a snapshot of the developmental trajectory of Confucianism in Chinese history. Among Italian Sinologists’research of Chinese Buddhist texts, the most wellknown ones were Giuseppe Tucci’s translations of Lank¯avat¯ara S¯utra (1923) and Chinese Scriptures in Mahayana Buddhism (1925), Stefano Zacchetti’s Dharmagupta’s Unfinished Translation of the “Diamond-Cleaver” (1996), as well as research on Dunhuang literature conducted by scholars such as Antonino Forte (1940–) and Michela Bussotti.

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Italian Sinologists also studied the history of Buddhism in China, its domestication and influence on Oriental cultures, and policies towards Buddhism in certain ancient Chinese Dynasties. Giuseppe Tucci (1894–1984) is an important figure in Italian Tibetology. In 1929, Tucci was nominated as a member of Italy’s Royal Academy, and was later assigned to the position of Chair of Chinese at the Oriental Institute in Naples, and soon became a professor of Religions and Philosophies of India and the Far East at the University of Rome. Being an enthusiastic Tibetologist, Tucci made eight trips to Tibet in China during between 1928 and 1948. At the same time, he proved his worth as a productive scholar, and published many works on Tibetology, namely: Indo-tibetica 1: Mc’od rten e ts’a ts’a nel Tibet indiano ed occidentale: contributo allo studio dell’arte religiosa tibetana e del suo significato [Indo-Tibetan 1:“Mc’od Rten”and “ts’a ts’a”in Indian and Western Tibet: Contribution to the Study of Tibetan Religious Art and Its Meaning] (1932), Indo-tibetica 2: Rin c’en bzan po e la rinascita del buddhismo nel Tibet intorno al Mille, Roma, Reale Accademia d’Italia [Indo-Tibetan 2: Rin-chen-bzan-po and the Renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet around the Millennium] (1933), Indo-tibetica 3: I templi del Tibet occidentale e il loro simbolismo artistico [Indo-Tibetan 3: Temples of Western Tibet and Their Artistic Symbolism] (1935–1936), Indo-tibetica 4: Gyantse ed i suoi monasteri [Gyantse and Its Monasteries] (1941), and Tibet paese delle nevi [Tibet: Snow Land] (1968). Following in Giuseppe Tucci’s footsteps, Luciano Petech (1914–2010), Giuseppe Tucci’s student also devoted himself to academic research on Tibetan culture. Speaking of Taoism studies, Italian Sinologists developed translated versions for many Taoism canons, including Tao Te Ching, The Hidden Talisman Classic [阴符 经], Chuang-tze, The Book of Changes, Liezi and Fallacy in Taoist Tales [道虚篇], which is the 24th Chapter of the Discourses in the Balance [ 论衡 ] written by Wang Chong (27–97). Lao-tze and Tao Te Ching are the most studied topics in the field, with Chuang-tze and his works trailing close behind. Lionello Lanciotti conducted research of distinctive value on the Tao Te Ching script unearthed in the Mawangdui Han Tomb. The promising Italian Sinologist Alfredo Cadonna studied Taoist scriptures found in Dunhuang and published a number of articles including: La Madre che è Re in Occidente (Xiwang mu)in tre brevi episodi conservati in due manoscritti di Dunhuang della collezione Pelliot [The Mother King of the West (Xi Wangmu) in Three Short Episodes Preserved in Two Dunhuang Manuscripts from the Pelliot Collection] (1982), “Astronauti” taoisti da Chang’an alla luna (Note sul manoscritto di Dunhuang S6836 alla luce di alcuni lavori di Edward H. Schafer) [“Taoist Astronauts” from Chang’an to the Moon (Notes on the Dunhuang S6836 Manuscript in the Light of Some Works by Edward H. Schafer) ] (1984), and Il Taoista di Sua MaestàDodici episodi da un manoscritto cinese di Dunhuang [His Majesty’s Taoist-Twelve Episodes from a Chinese Manuscript of Dunhuang] (1984). Notably, in 1979, the Institute of the Far East of Collège de France and Documentation and Study Center of Taoism jointly undertook the Tao-tsang Project initiated by the European Science Foundation. Four research teams in Paris, Rome, Würzburg, and Zürich have been set up to facilitate the project. Giuliano Bertuccioli and Lionello Lanciotti chaired the Rome research team based at the Italian Institute for the Middle and Far East, and the young scholars Alfredo Cadonna and Fabrizio Pregadio (1957–) participated

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in the research and translation work. The project culminated in the publication of two monumental works, namely: An Analytic and Descriptive Catalogue of the Taotsang in English, The Handbook of the Taoist Canon, published by the University of Chicago Press in 1996 and The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, published in 2004. Aside for select theses on Nestorianism, the 20th century studies on Christianity in China mainly focused on Sino-Western cultural exchange history in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties, the spread of Catholicism in China, as well as Catholic missionaries and their works.1 In the aforementioned studies, travel accounts by Sinologists and missionary-Sinologists were highlighted throughout. As illustrated above, during the Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties, the Roman Catholic Church played a crucial role in promoting Sino-Western cultural exchanges. Given the close ties between Italy and the Roman Catholic Church, Catholic missionaries and travelers who came to China in this period of time were mainly Italian, which propelled Italy to the forefront of European Sinology research. Italian missionary-Sinologists and travelers who came to China left a substantial mark on studies on Christianity in China. Representative Catholic missionarySinologists include: Giovanni da Pian del Carpine, Giovanni da Montecorvino, Odorico da Pordenone, Alessandro Valignano, Michele Ruggieri, Matteo Ricci, Lazzaro Cattaneo (1560–1640), Nicholas Longobardi (1559–1654), Nicolas Trigault, Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), Johann Adam Schall von Bell, Martino Martini, Ferdinand Verbiest, and Matteo Ripa. Among the aforementioned missionarySinologists, Matteo Ricci and Martino Martini produced the most papers, works and translations. From October 22–25, 1982, the International Convention of Ricci Studies was held in Macerata and Rome to celebrate the four hundredth anniversary of Matteo Ricci’s arrival in China. The Convention was jointly organized by the University of Macerata, Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, and the Macerata Research Center of Matteo Ricci. Scholars from Italy and elsewhere participated in the Convention and presented their research on Matteo Ricci. In 1984, The Proceedings of the International Convention of Ricci Studies that recorded all presentations during the symposium was published, including Giuliano Bertuccioli’s Matteo Ricci e il Taoismo [Matteo Ricci and Taoism], Pang P.’s Il significato dell’opera di Matteo Ricci per gli studi cinesi [The Meaning of Matteo Ricci’s Work for Chinese Studies], Luciano Petech’s Considerazioni conclusive e indicazioni di ricercar [Conclusive Considerations and Research Indications], and Robert Ruhlmann’s Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Ricciani [Proceedings of the International Convention on Riccian Studies]. In 1983, The Proceedings of the International Convention on Martino Martini was published by the Museum of Natural Sciences of Trento in Italian as Martino Martini geografo, cartografo, storico, teologo (Trento 1614-Hangzhou 1661, atti del Convegno Internazionale) [Martino Martini Geographer, Cartographer, Historian, Theologian (Trento 1614-Hangzhou 1661, Proceedings of the International 1

Authors’ Note: We will not touch upon studies on the development and current landscape of Christianity in contemporary China, as this book focuses on ancient Chinese cultural classics.

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Convention). The Proceedings included papers such as Validità cartografica e fortuna dell’Atlas Sinensis di Martino Martini [The Practicability of Martini’s Cartography and His Success of Chinese Atlas] written by Osvaldo Baldacci, Professor at the University of Rome; I contenuti geografici delle opere storiche di Martino Martini [The Geographical Contents of Martino Martini’s Historical Works] written by Alessandro Cucagna, Professor at the University of Trieste; Problematic Questions on Geography Revealed by an Examination of the ‘Novus atlas Sinensis’ written by Professor Giuseppe Staluppi at the University of Trento; Il Giappone nell’opera di Martino Martini [Japan in the Martino Martini’s Work] written by Professor Adolfo Tamburello at the Oriental Institute in Naples; Martino Martini storico della Cina: il “De Bello Tartarico” [Martino Martini, historian in China: “De Bello Tartarico”] written by Professor Piero Corradini at the University of Macerata; Il methodo storiografico di Martino Martini [The Historical Methods of Martino Martini] written by Carlo Ghisalberti; La Cina ai tempi del Martini [China at the Time of Martini] written by the East Asian History Professor Luciano Petech at the University of Rome; Martino Martini written bythe Italian writer Bonifacio Bolognani; The Roman College in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century and the Cultural Formation of Martino Martini written by professor Maria Rosa Di Simone at the University of Rome; Martino Martini nella sua città [Martino Martini in His Town] written by Frumenzio Ghetta (1920–2014), researcher at the Trento Institute of History ans Sciences; La cristianità in Cina secondo la ‘Brevis Relatio’ [Christianity in China according to the‘Brevis Relatio’] written by Professor Lazzarotto Angelo S. (1925–) at the Pontifical Urbaniana University; Martino Martini’s Travels in China written by professor Giorgio Melis at the University of Lecce; Il ruolo di Martino Martini nella controversia dei Riti Cinesi [The role of Martino Martini in the controversy of the Chinese Rites] written by Sebes Joseph (1915–1990) from the Roman Archives of the Jesuits; Ragioni storico-culturali della controversia dei riti Cinesi [Historical-Cultural Reasons of the Controversy of Chinese Rites] written by Professor Pietro Tchao at the Pontifical Urbaniana University. Additionally, many renowned 20th century Italian Sinologists such as Pasquale M. D’Elia, Giuliano Bertuccioli, Piero Corradini, and Federico Masini have conducted extensive in-depth research on Jesuit missionaries who came to China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Such secondary research focusing on missionary-Sinology and based on missionary literature forms an integral part of 20th century Italian Sinology. Twentieth century Italian Sinologists also published countless works on the history of Chinese philosophy. The most well-received are Storia della Filosofia Cinese Antica (1922) written by Giuseppe Tucci, Linee del pensiero cinese antico (1961) written by Paolo Beonio Brocchieri, and Riflettere sulle cose vicine: lineamenti di filosofia cinese antica written by Fidelio Avanzini. Edoarda Masi also translated Feng Youlan’s A History of Chinese Philosophy into an Italian version entitled Sommario di storia della filosofia cinese (1971–1972).

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Research on Chinese History

Research on Chinese history is also an important component of Italian Sinology. In terms of dynastic research, the Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties are the most extensively studied historical time periods. A limited selection of articles and other works focus on other historical periods. For instance, Antonio Ammassari published an article on Shang Dynasty Jiaguwen (oracle bone script), Giovacchini Silvano published two works on Chinese dynastic history: La Cina dalle origini al regno Chou [China from Its Origins to the Chou Kingdom] (1973)and La Cina dai Chou agli Han occidental [China from the Chou to the Western Han] (1973). Mario Sabattini wrote a chapter focusing on the history from the Warring States Period (475–221 BCE) to the Qin Dynasty (221–206 BCE) in Storia della Cina dalle origini alla fondazione della repubblica [History of China from Its Origins to the Foundation of the Republic] (1986), which illustrated Chinese history from the Warring States period to Qin Dynasty, and Daniela Tozzi Giuli compiled a work on the history of Sui Dynasty entitled La dinastia Sui: profilo storico e caratteri generali [The Sui Dynasty: Historical Profile and General Characteristics] (1986). In addition, a small batch of articles highlighted the history of the Zhou Dynasty, Western and Eastern Han Dynasty, the Sui Dynasty, Tang Dynasty, the Five Dynasties, and the Song Dynasty. Some general Chinese histories also need to be highlighted: Cavagliotti, M.’s The Birth and Development of Chinese Civilization (1941), Luciano Petech’s Ancient Chinese History (1962), Storia della Cina [Chinese History] (1964) written by Sandro Cassone, Storia della Cina [The Chinese History] (1969) authored by Franco Martinelli, La storia nella civiltà cinese antica [History of Ancient Chinese Civilization] (1982) compiled by Piero Corradini, and the Storia della Cina dalle origini alla fondazione della repubblica [History of China from Its Origins to the Foundation of the Republic] (1986) co-authored by Paolo Santangelo and Mario Sabattini. Besides the aforementioned fields, twentieth century Italian Sinologists also left lasting marks in on, architecture, archaeology, music, science and the history of science. Improved Chinese teaching in Italian universities spawned an increasing number of Chinese faculty in Italy in the 20th century. This, in turn, enabled a cohort of young Sinologists to hone their language proficiency, as well as ability to conduct research in Sinology. Since the 1980s, these budding scholars began leaving distinctive marks on the field of Italian Sinology. Firstly, they revolutionized the Italian translation of Chinese works. In the early 20th century, hampered by limited language skills, Italian Sinologists could only re-translate Chinese works based on other Western language versions. Yet following the Second World War, especially since the 1980s, most of the Italian translations were developed directly from the original Chinese works, which substantially boosted the translations’ academic value. Secondly, the younger scholars shifted the focus from ancient to modern China. In line with trends in other European countries, Italian Sinology refocused from classical Chinese literature, ancient history, and ancient philosophy to contemporary Chinese society, culture,

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and life. Looking ahead, the “youngest Sinology”, as Lionello Lanciotti put it, will definitely scale new heights based on the legacy built up by its esteemed forerunners.

References 1. Zhang XP (2006) Current status of Sinological research in European countries and the United States. Zhengzhou: Elephant Press 2. Wang SN (2012) Matteo Ricci’s family education and Jesuit school’s humanistic education. J Beijing Adm Inst (1):125–128 3. Huang CZ, Sun YS, Wang ZW (2005) Chinese studies in Europe. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press

Chapter 8

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in the United States Jun Gu

Prior to the twentieth century, amateur missionary-Sinologists were at the forefront of Sinology research in the United States. On February twenty-second, 1784 (the fifty-second anniversary of President Washington’s birthday), Major Samuel Shaw and his crew boarded the Empress of China, which would become the first American merchant vessel to enter Chinese waters. Shaw chronicled his first impressions of China in The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, the First American Consul at Canton. American Sinology was born with the emergence of direct trade between China and the United States. Though American merchants arrived in China early on, they came and went in haste, without pausing for a closer look. Fifty years after the United States began trading with China, still not a single American merchant understood the Chinese language, making research on Chinese culture out of the question. It was not until the missionary expeditions in 1830s that Americans showed a bonafide interest in Chinese language and culture. Before the first Opium War, few American missionaries came to China, with only Elijah C. Bridgman (1801–1861), Samuel W. Williams (1812–1884), Peter Parker (1804–1888), and Edwin Stevens (1802–1837) making extended stays in Guangzhou and Macao. After 1842, the number of American missionaries to China spiked, reaching 88 in 1850, and increasing to 210 in 1877, the 70th anniversary of the Protestantism in China, and the occasion of the first Protestant Conference [1: 367]. These missionaries were committed to learning the Chinese language and studying China. Their writings became the main source of information on China in the 19th century. American missionaries spearheaded Sinology research in the United States for nearly a century, and this initial missionary-Sinologist cohort gradually gave way to professional Sinologists after the 1920s. In 1877, Yale University became the first to set up a Sinology professorship, with former missionary Samuel W. Williams named the inaugural Professor of Chinese J. Gu (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_8

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Language and Literature. Williams’ professorship may be interpreted as a token of the establishment of American professional Sinology. However, the discipline was slow to take off in the late 19th to early 20th centuries. In 1918, Kenneth S. Latourette wrote: In America itself our colleges and universities, in spite of the fact that their hospitable curricula have made room for nearly every field of human knowledge, have paid but scant attention to China. In perhaps thirty institutions the subject is touched on in some way, but usually only in a semester survey course of the Far East. In only three can there be had anything approaching an adequate preparation for a thorough study of the Chinese language, institutions, and history. So great has been the dearth of American sinologues that two of these three institutions have had to go to Europe for scholars to fill their chairs of Chinese [2: 99].

A case in point was University of California, which came on the heels of Yale University and established the Sinology professorship in 1890. However, it was not until after 1896 that John Fryer (1839–1928), a well-known British EnglishChinese translator, was appointed as Professor of Sinology. Fryer was employed by the Jiangnan Arsenal’s Translation Bureau in Shanghai for 28 years (1868–1896), during which time he translated over one hundred books on Western science and technology into Chinese, yet never developed proficiency in Sinology research. The American academic community gradually came to realize that its Sinology discipline was in dire straits. In February of 1929, the American Council of Learned Societies (a nation-wide organization for the promotion of learning, established in 1919) set up the standing Committee on the Promotion of Chinese Studies to bring Chinese Studies up to speed with other disciplines. In 1929, the Harvard-Yenching Institute, founded in 1928, sent exchange students to study in China. The Institute thus played an extremely important role in propelling the development of professional Sinologists in the United States. It was not until the late 1920s that American Sinology emerged as a bonafide professional discipline. The half-century from 1877 to 1928 (the establishment of Harvard-Yenching Institute) or 1929 (the establishment of Committee on the Promotion of Chinese Studies) might be most aptly dubbed a transitional period from amateur to professional Sinology. In 1958, America passed the National Defense Education Act (NDEA), which required that universities set up foreign language and regional research centers to train and foster experts in regional studies. Accordingly, the American government allocated more than $15 million for research on China from 1959 to 1970. Meanwhile, the major American foundations contributed about $26 million to the cause. Statistics show that during this period, American public and private funds invested in China research totaled approximately $70 million, 19 times more than the total expenditure of the 13 years from the end of the Second World War to 1958 [3]: addenda 5. As a result, American Sinology has experienced a period of rapid growth since the 1950s. By the 1970s, the United States had established hundreds of research institutions focused on Chinese Studies. Though these institutions varied greatly in terms of research scope and scale, they nevertheless shared the common mission of sparking interest in China research in their respective universities, thus jointly promoting

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Chinese Studies in the United States. The Center for East Asian Research at Harvard University, led by John King Fairbank, made a special contribution to furthering Chinese Studies, especially historical research on China, in the United States. As compared with the pre-1928 era, post-1970s Chinese Studies in the United States has improved by leaps and bounds in terms of research materials, research teams and overall organization. Contemporary American Chinese studies have undergone profound changes in terms of external research conditions and internal academic guidelines. For instance, researchers now draw heavily upon methodologies in social sciences, and their research exhibits pronounced vestiges of postmodernism. From the above, we can see that although Sinology as an academic discipline in the United States debuted later than that in Europe, it nevertheless quickly made up for lost ground. After the Second World War, thanks to the specialization of Sinology research and the establishment of a large number of Sinology research institutions, American Sinology research has veered over to the fast lane. Today, whether in capital investment, academic resources, research mode, or personnel training, the United States enjoys a dominant position in Western Sinology research, and its relevant research and publications are exerting an enormous influence on Chinese scholarship in the same fields. American missionaries blazed the path for ancient Chinese cultural classics to reach American readers. Indeed, these missionaries were the first to read, introduce and translate Chinese classics. Although their work was fragmented and just began to scratch the surface, ancient Chinese cultural classics nevertheless began to exert a lasting influence in the United States. We begin by analyzing Walter Macon Lowrie’s translation of the Book of Songs. Walter M. Lowrie (1819–1847) was the first missionary sent to China by the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (PCUSA). He came to China in 1842, but drowned in an affray with pirates on his way from Shanghai to Ningbo in 1847. That same year, Lowrie’s article Readings in Chinese Poetry; translations of two odes from the Shi King was published in Chinese Repository, (Volume 16, Issue 9) [4: 454], which was founded by Elijah Coleman Bridgman(1801–1861) in 1832. In this article, Lowrie translated two poems in Songs Collected South of the Capital, Modern Shaanxi and Henan [ 诗经· 周南], namely, Cooing and Wooing [ 关雎] and Mutual Longing [卷耳], and provided brief commentaries to accompany the poems. This is the earliest documented translation of the Book of Songs in the United States, as well as the first English version of the two poems directly translated from the Chinese Original. The translation of Cooing and Wooing is analyzed as an example. To facilitate our analysis, the original text and the translation are juxtaposed as follows: The harmonious voices of the sacred water-birds, Are heard from their river island home. This excellent damsel, retiring and mild, Is a lovely mate for our virtuous

124 prince. 关关雎鸠, 在河之洲。 窈窕淑女, 君子好逑。 On the waves of the river’s running stream, The Hang plant’s stalks uneven stems, Are swaying to and fro. This excellent damsel retiring and mild, When waking and sleeping, our prince was seeking. While seeking, but not having found, His troubled thoughts waking and sleeping exclaimed, How long! Oh how long! He turns him around on his bed, and turns back, He turns him all around, and returns. 参差荇菜, 左右流之。 窈窕淑女, 寤寐求之。 求之不得, 寤寐思服。 悠哉悠哉, 辗转反侧。 The Hang plant’s stalks uneven stems, Are swaying to and fro, he gathers them now. This excellent damsel retiring and mild, With lutes and guitars he welcomes her home. The Hang plants’ stalks uneven stems, Are swaying to and fro, they are fit for offering now. This excellent damsel retiring and mild, With music of bells and of drums come welcome her home. 参差荇菜, 左右采之。 窈窕淑女, 琴瑟友之。 参差荇菜, 左右芼之。 窈窕淑女, 钟鼓乐之。

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In general, the translation conveys the meaning of the original text. Yet the translation is burdened by its fair share of misinterpretations, which is understandable given that this was the first attempt to translate the poem. For instance, in the first chapter, “雎鸠” is rendered as water-bird, which is inaccurate. In the commentary, Lowrie explains that the literal translation of the first sentence is as follows: Mandarin ducks quack-quack. He dismisses “雎鸠” as Mandarin duck, adding the word “sacred” prior to “water-bird” in order to hint that this is not a common waterfowl, but rather a Mandarin duck. In fact, the bird in question is an osprey, as stated in Explanation of Birds from the Erya [尔雅] (literally, Approaching the Correct, a dictionary-like encyclopedia from the Han Period, and one of the thirteen Confucian Classics): turtledoves are ospreys. Guo Pu (276–324), the historian, poet and writer of the Eastern Jin period (317–420), noted that ospreys, turtledoves inhabiting an area on the south of Yangtze River beyond Fuhu and Nanjing, prefer to feed on fish on the island of the river or near the mountain. According to legend, unlike ordinary birds, ospreys are spoony birds. Mandarin ducks always swim in pairs, yet they are clearly different from ospreys. As quoted in the Book of Songs, “Flying love- birds need rest/When large and small nets spread”. (The Love-birds from the Book of Songs [小雅·鸳鸯] ) In poetry, the sentence structure often eclipses the words themselves. In the original text,“参 差 荇 菜” is followed by three sentences with the same structure and similar meanings: “左右流之, 左右采之, 左右芼之”. “流” and “芼” mean “picking and choosing”. However, the translator only renders the last two sentences into lines that are radically different in structure, i.e.,“he gathers them now”and“they are fit for offering now”. This is of course not a question of words and phrases, but of an underlying understanding of the poem. According to the commentary, we know that Lowrie understands “参 差 荇 菜, 左 右 流 之” as analogies [ 兴 ]: The leeks’bobbing up and down in the water is analogous to the gentleman’s restless tossing and turning. Thus,“swaying to and fro” is an interpretation of “左右流之”. If this is the case, are “参差荇菜, 左右采之” and “参差荇菜, 左右芼之” analogies or not? Lowrie did not provide an explanation on this point, but according to his translation, they are clearly not. In these two sentences, the leek has become an object that people collect and consume. In other words, these sentences are descriptions [赋], rather than analogies. This is a far-fetched explanation, though novel and rational to some extent. According to a conventional interpretation, the first two sentences in Cooing and Wooing are analogies while the following sentences are descriptions. Lowrie notably translated “左右采之” as “he gathers them now”. Now then, whom does “he” refer to in this case? According to the translation’s context, “he” is none other than “the virtuous prince”, the hero of the poem. From Lowrie ’s commentary, we know that his understanding of the whole poem was based on Zhu Xi’s Biography of Poetry [诗集传]: “King Wen of Zhou, born with saintly virtues, married Sishi. The courtesans admired her virtue of being gentle and demure and wrote this poem in honor of the pair.” Thus, Lowrie translated “ 君子” in the first chapter into“virtuous prince” (meaning a man of great virtue). All the “he’s” in the following translation refer to King Wen of Zhou, which makes sense. But problems arise when it comes to “he gathers them now”. It was not impossible for King Wen to pick the leeks on the

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water, but incompatible with his high social status. Moreover, in the Book of Songs, it was women who picked wormwood, duckweed or chickweed. Men did not engage in such activities, let alone a king. The Song dynasty scholar Zhu Xi’s annotation of the Book of Songs was highly influential. This authoritative explanation is a big step forward when compared with that of Mao Zhuan [毛传] and Zheng Jian [正笺], yet it nevertheless proves to be more or less biased or even absurd in certain aspects. In terms of Cooing and Wooing, the Qing Dynasty writer Fang Yurun (1811–1883) denied the predecessor’s authoritative interpretations in his book entitled Research on Book of Songs [诗经原始]: Preface to Cooing and Wooing mentions‘the virtue of imperial concubines’, while Commentaries on Poetry (集传) mentions that the courtesans praise Queen Tai Si and King Wen of Zhou. These interpretations have not yet proven to be historically accurate, however. Not a single word in the poem mentions the imperial court, much less the King of Zhou and Queen Sishi. The poems in Folklore come from folk stories. If you’re talking about kings and concubines, it is better to use the literary ode form.

The contemporary Chinese scholar Yu Guanying (1906–1995) strikes me as the most reasonable: “This poem is about love between men and women. A man falls in love with a girl picking leeks by the river. He cannot forget this slim young girl. And welcoming her home with music has become his long-cherished dream. The beauty picking the Hang plant works diligently, which makes him more willing to pursue her” [5:3]. Cooing and Wooing is the first poem in the Book of Songs because it delivers “a joyful passion free from indulgence, and a piteous mood free from over-distress” according to The Analects. The superb artistic techniques contained therein may be another reason for the poem’s prominence. Lowrie’s understanding of the meanings and techniques imbedded this poem is superficial at best, but he still deserves credit for being the first to translate the poem. By the twentieth century, as professional Sinology attained new heights, American academia made great strides in the translation of Chinese cultural classics, and a plethora of translations and research monographs came to light. The following translation excerpts reveal the breadth and depth of 20th century American Sinology. American Sinologists produced copious translations of Chinese philosophical works, including numerous versions of The Analects and Lao-tzu. The main translations of The Analects are: The Best of Confucius (Garden City, NY: Halcyon House, 1950) by James R. Ware; Confucian Analects (New York: Kasper & Horton, 1952) by Ezra Pound; Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York: Ballantine Publication Group, 1998) by Roger T. Ames; Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998) by E. Bruce Brooks; Confucius: The Analects (Washington, D. C.: Counterpoint, 1998) by David Hinton, and The Analects of Confucius: A New -Millennium Translation (Bethesda, Md.: Premier, 1999) by David H. Li. The main translations of Laozi are: A Translation of Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Commentary (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1977) by Paul J. Lin; The Commentary on the Lao tzu by Wang Pi (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1979) by Ariane Rump; Tao Te Ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way,

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Lao Tzu (New York: Bantam Books, 1990) by Victor H. Mair, and The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao–te Ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998) by Richard J. Lynn. In historiography, the main translations are Burton Watson’s Record of the Grand Historian of China translated from Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Shih Chi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961); William H. Nienhauser’s The Grand Scribes Records (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), and Homer H. Dubs’The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Baltimore: Waverley Press, 1938–1955). In literature, the main selected translations are Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994) edited by Victor H. Mair and Anthology of Chinese Literature (Beginnings to 1911) (New York: W.W. Norton, 1996) edited by Stephen Owen. There are many cover-to-cover translations, such as Ezra Pound’s The Classic Anthology Defined by Confucius (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954) , and Anthony C. Yu’s translation of The Journey to the West (The Journey to the West, University of Chicago Press, 1977–1983). In the 20th century, the United States produced a large cohort of Sinologists engaged in the translation of Chinese classics, with Burton Watson (1925–2017) prominent among them.Watson received his Ph.D. from Columbia University in 1956, and completed his doctoral dissertation Ssu-ma Ch’ien: The Historian and His Work. Later, Watson devoted himself to translation. He translated the works of such pre-Qin philosophers as Zhuangzi, Mozi, Xunzi and Hanfei zi. As for historical works, Watson translated Historical Records and the Tsuo Chuan [左传] . In terms of literary works, he translated a wide range of poems, including those by Du Fu, Su Dongpo (1037–1101), Lu You and others. Watson is hailed as one of the best translators in the English-speaking world today. We will now examine translations of three classic works, to showcase the influence of Chinese culture in the United States.

8.1 Chuang Tzu Since its publication in 1964, Burton Watson’s Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings [庄子菁 华] has attracted a robust readership. The so-called Basic Writings denotes that this is not a cover- to-cover translation, but rather a selection of Chuang Tzu’s representative works. Watson translated “Free and Easy Wandering” [逍遥游]; “Discussion on Making All Things Equal” [齐物论]; “The Secret of Caring for Life” [养生主]; “In the World of Men” [人间世]; “The Sign of Virtue Complete” [德充符]; “The Great and Venerable Teacher ” [大宗师]; “Fit for Emperors” [应帝王] from the Inner Chapters, and“Autumn Floods” [秋水]; “Perfect Happiness” [至乐]; “Mastering Life” [ 达生] from the Outer Chapters and “External Things” [外物] from Chuang Tzu’s Miscellaneous Chapters. From 1850 onwards, the English-language world has witnessed the debut of numerous translations (varying considerably in quality) of Chuang Tzu. Such renditions provided material for Burton Watson to draw upon in his own translation. The

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first translation was Frederic H. Balfour (1846–1909)’s The Divine Classic of Nanhua: Being the Works of Chuang Tsze, Taoist Philosopher, published in 1881. As an Englishman, Balfour initially came to China to trade in silk and tea in 1870. Later on, he abandoned business and served as a leading writer for newspapers such as The China Times [通闻西报] , The Celestial Empire [华洋通闻] and North China Daily News [字林西报]. Balfour harbored a special affinity for Taoism, as he translated Laozi as well as Chuang Tzu. Herbert A. Giles, the eminent Sinologist and the second Professor of Sinology at Cambridge University, did not think highly of Balfour’s translation of Chuang Tzu, remarking that the“knowledge of the Chinese language possessed by the translator was altogether too elementary to justify such an attempt” [6: 18]. In contrast, James Legge, another renowned Sinologist and the inaugural Professor of Sinology at Oxford University, was much more tolerant. He believed that translating Chuang Tzu was such an operose undertaking that“it was no small achievement to be the first to endeavor to lift up the veil from Kwang Tze” [7: 25]. Balfour’s translation does not hold up to close inspection—many bizarre mistakes surface at a closer look. For instance, in “介者侈画,外非誉也”, 介 is equivalent to 兀, referring to the person whose feet were chopped off; 侈 means abandoning; and 画 refers to ornamentation, or commendation. Roughly translated, the phrase means that a person who suffered from having his feet removed does not care about“slander”and“praise”. Yu Yue (1821–1907), a prominent Qing Dynasty scholar of philology and textual studies, explained this point in Comments on Chuang Tzu, and his explication is generally considered the most accurate. Chen Guying (1935) rendered the words into“a person whose feet were chopped off would never be constrained by slander and praise” [8: 666], which is precisely to the point. Balfour did not understand the original text, and translated it as“Servants will tear up a portrait, not liking to be confronted with its beauties and its defects”, which is plain unintelligible. Balfour was not proficient in the Chinese language, but there might be another reason why Giles did not think highly of him: As the second translator of Chuang Tzu, Balfour inevitably suffered from the “anxiety of influence”. Giles’s Mystic, Moralist, and Social Reformer, The translation of Chuang Tzu, published in 1889, exhibited greater expertise in translation, rendering “介者侈画, 外非誉也” as “a one-legged man discards ornament, his exterior not being open to commendation”, which is more faithful to the original text. On the whole, Giles was able to grasp the spirit of Chuang Tzu, and thus Watson took Giles’s translation as his first main reference. However, Giles’s translation is far from perfect. Watson, for instance, believed that Giles excessively catered to the taste of the Victorian British. For example, “ 北 冥有鱼, 其名为鲲 ” is rendered into “in the northern ocean there is a fish, called the Leviathan”. The Erya explains that “鲲” means “roe”, and the Ming Dynasty scholar Fang Yizhi (1611–1671) revealed in the Yao-di Pao Zhuang [药地炮庄] that 鲲 was the name of a small fish, while Chuang Tzu used it to denote a big fish. However, a fish, no matter what its size, cannot possibly correspond to a Leviathan, a fearsome Biblical sea creature possessing monstrous ferocity. During the Geyi (Analogical Interpretation [ 格义] ) period, when Buddhism was first introduced to China, people

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frequently compared Chinese philosophy, especially Taoism, to Buddhist teachings. Here, Giles compared Christianity to Taoism. Interestingly, it was Legge, Chuang Tzu’s third translator, who gave credit to Balfour for being the first translator. In his early years as a translator, Legge buried himself in Confucian classics and translated the Four Books and Five Classics into English, which exerted an enormous societal impact. It was not until in Legge’s late years that he began to translate Taoist works. His translation of Chuang Tzu was published in 1891 in the series The Sacred Books of the East [东方圣书] . Legge was proficient in Sinology, and his translation was faithful to the original text. However, Watson believed that he missed Chuang Tzu’s point rather often because he had been immersed in Confucianism for too long. In the twentieth century, several other translations of Chuang Tzu came to light, which Watson also drew upon for his own translation. Feng You-lan’s 1933 translation Chuang Tzu, A Newly Selected Translation with an Exposition of the Philosophy of Kuo Hsiang, was unique in that it contained the annotations of Guo Xiang (252–312). Arthur Waley’s translation came out in Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China (1939). Although Waley translated just a few chapters, they are of high quality and worth learning from. However, Watson was disappointed by The Sayings of Chuang Chou (1963), the translation by his fellow countryman James R. Ware (1832–1909). In the preface, Ware even mentioned that Chuang Tzu belonged to Confucian school, a progressive and energetic one, which puzzled Watson, to say the very least. Given such a lapse of understanding, Ware’s translation was bound to stand as a failed translation. In addition to Chuang Tzu, Watson also translated Mozi [墨子], along with several other Confucian classics, in the 1960s. He essentially used free translation style and did not let himself become constrained by the original text. However, Watson was quite cautious when translating Chuang Tzu, keeping his translation as faithful as possible to the original text. In Watson’s view, although Chuang Tzu wrote prose, he possessed a poet’s precise command of words. For example„ “The Sign of Virtue Complete” [德充 符] states that: “If you can harmonize and delight in them, master them and never be at a loss for joy, if you can do this day and night without break and make it be spring with everything, mingling with all and creating the moment within your own mind–this is what I call being whole in power.” “Make it be spring with everything” ( 与物为春) is a poetic expression, which Giles rendered as “live in peace with mankind” while Feng You-lan’s translation is “be kind with things”. Watson argued that their translations did not capture the original image, and thus readers tended to believe that Chuang Tzu used “clichés”. In fact, Chuang Tzu wrote in a style that people had never seen before. Watson translated the phrase as “make it be spring with everything”. He translated poems in a poetic way, surpassing his predecessors. Watson’s “Translator’s Preface” mainly discusses problems he encountered in the translation process, also touching upon the theme of Chuang Tzu, which can be summed up as “freedom” [ 自由]. The ancient Chinese philosophers were concerned with the same question, namely, how to survive in a chaotic and painful world. Various philosophers proposed some specific guidelines, and Chuang Tzu’s answer was “Free

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yourself from the world”. In Watson’s view, Chuang Tzu’s expression of this morbid and fearful era was best reflected through such a metaphor in the “Heaven and Earth” [天地]: “When the leper woman gives birth to a child in the dead of the night, she rushes to fetch a torch and examine it, trembling with terror lest it look like herself.” Thus, Watson rendered the name of the first chapter as “Free and Easy Wandering”. In 1993, Thomas Cleary simply translated the first chapter as“Freedom”. In addition to Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings, Watson also translated Mozi, Xunzi and Hanfei zi in the Basic Writings series. In Watson’s view, the political and moral issues discussed therein bear universal significance, but they were more entwined with the politics and society of the time. By contrast, the strokes of brilliance contained in Chuang Tzu were not confined to the author’s time, but rather applicable to all ages and all people. Watson maintained that Chuang Tzu was the most difficult to translate, but also the most worthwhile, because it stood as“a text of timeless import”. This has also been the case when it comes to the sales of translations. In the preface of the new edition of Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings, Watson wrote that, over the past three decades, the readers of the English translations of Mozi, Xunzi and Hanfei Zi were mainly students studying Asian culture, whereas the translation of Chuang Tzu enthused a much broader following.

8.2 Chu-Fan-Chï The Chu-fan-chï (Description of the Barbarous Peoples) is an ancient Chinese book recording overseas geography in ancient China. Written in the first year of Emperor Lizong of the Song Dynasty (1225), Chu-fan-chï is divided into two volumes. The first volume, Zhiguo [志国], records the local customs and practices of overseas lands such as Zhancheng (Champa Kingdom), Zhenla (Kmir), Daqin (Cippus), and Dashi (Arab Empire). The second volume, Zhiwu [志物], describes commercial products and mineral resources (such as frankincense, myrrh, aloe, and rhinoceros horn) imported from these lands, and serves as an important body of literature for studying foreign trade in the Song Dynasty. The author Zhao Yushi (1170–1228) was an eighth-generation descendant of Emperor Taizong of Song (Reigned 976–997). Zhao formerly served as the Minister of Fujian Province’s Shipping Agency in Quanzhou City, which coordinated the commercial shipping lines operating from the port city Quanzhou. Zhao studied and recorded the geographical conditions and social customs of many foreign countries. The Bibliography of the General Catalogue of the Imperial Collection [四库全书 总目提要] reveals: “The author himself has to confirm all the information in this book, which is described in detail to provide reference for future historians.” The original volume was lost, and the current version was edited from Volume 4262, with the name of “Fan”, from the Yongle Encyclopedia [永乐大典]. The two versions collected in Han Hai [函海] and Xue Jin Tao Yuan [学津讨原] stand as two ancient editions of the original volume, with Feng Chengjun’s The Book of Collation and Annotation of Chu-fan-chi (Commercial Press, 1940) as the modern version.

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As an important masterpiece in Sino-foreign relations, the Chu-fan-chï claimed Western scholars’attention as early as in the late 19th century. The first scholar to manifest interest in this book was Friedrich Hirth (1845–1927), who came to China in 1870 and resided there for more than 20 years, serving in customs offices in Xiamen, Shanghai, Zhenjiang and Chongqing. During his stay in China, Hirth studied the history of Sino-foreign trade and the ancient history of China, and penned The East of China and the Romans (with Zhu Jieqin’s selected translation, renamed China and the Roman Orient [大秦国全录]: Researches into their Ancient and Medieval. Relations as Represented in Old Chinese Records, Commercial Press, 1964), Maritime Trade in Ancient China, The Foreign Influences in the Chinese Art and many other works. In light of his outstanding achievements, Hirth was elected as President of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1886 to 1887. In 1901, Columbia University held its inaugural lecture in Sinology, and hired Hirth as the debut professor in 1902. He taught at Columbia University for 15 years, during which time he published a book entitled The Ancient History of China, to the End of the Chou—Dynasty, which exerted a far–reaching impact. In 1890, Hirth began translating the Chu-fan-chï, but discontinued his efforts after translating a few paragraphs. After Hirth, the American Sinologist William Woodville Rockhill (1854–1914) developed an interest in the Chu-fan-chï. Rockhill came to China in 1884, and served as the U.S. Minister to China from 1905 to 1909. During his lengthy stay in China, Rockhill first conducted an in-depth study of the geography of China’s border areas. He visited Tibet twice. At the turn of the 20th century, Rockhill began examining Sino-foreign relations, and successively published China’s Intercourse with Korea from XVth century to 1895 and Diplomatic Audiences at the Court of China. In 1900, he also translated The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World from Latin into English. In the 13th century, William of Rubruck was dispatched by Louis IX to China, where he rendered a precious first-hand record of his experiences. The Chu-fan-chï also debuted in the 13th century, providing the Chinese people with a window into foreign countries. Given the work’s enormous value, Rockhill’s decision to translate the work into English should come as no surprise. In 1904, upon learning that Rockhill planned to translate Chu-fa-chï into English, Hirth immediately wrote to manifest his interest in co-translating the work, and so began the two prominent Sinologists’collaborative translation. Although the Chu-fanchï was hardly a lengthy book, the co-translation took six years to complete, mainly because neither Rockhill nor Hirth could devote their full attention to the project. Hirth was engrossed in his teaching, while Rockhill had his plate full with official business as an envoy to China. After 1909, Rockhill served as the U.S. Minister to Russia, leaving scant time for academic research. According to P.A. Varg,“The correspondence of the two men shows that Hirth did the first translation and then sent it to Rockhill for his comments. Rockhill wrote the long introduction and the explanatory notes” [9: 129].

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Translating this book was no easy task; compiling explanatory notes and composing the introduction demanded especially thorough scholarship. As commented by Varg, P. A. in Open Door Diplomat: The Life of W. W. Rockhill: In the introduction Rockhill surveyed China’s relations with the outside world from the time of Alexander the Great down to the twelfth century. Nothing demonstrates Rockhill’s thorough and indefatigable scholarship more than this introduction. It is a carefully documented study based on the writings of the ancient Greeks, the Arabs, medieval Europeans, and draws heavily on Chinese dynastic histories. In the explanatory notes, he incorporated critical analysis of the original document, compared collateral accounts in great detail, and ranged over the whole field of German, French, and English historical writing on Chinese subjects. His thoroughness aroused the enthusiasm of Hirth who had been trained in the best German tradition of scientific history” [9: 129].

After the behemoth work was completed, securing a publisher was a difficult task, too. Rockhill and Hirth hoped the book could be presented as a bilingual edition, because only in this way could readers, particularly scholars, fairly appraise the soundness their translations and annotations. However, at that time, no publishing house in the United States had Chinese type, and Rockhill and Hirth were thus forced to seek solutions outside American borders. As the U.S. Minister to Russia, Rockhill finally enlisted the assistance of the Imperial Academy of Sciences Publishing House at St. Petersburg, and the book was printed in September of 1911. Shortly afterwards, Rockhill left Russia to serve as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey. Upon publication, the book’s title was changed to Chau Ju- kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fanchï, so as to provide essential background for Western readers. The two Sinologists did not harbor great hopes for the book’s initial reception, as the highly specialized work demanded an intimate familiarity with Chinese history, ethnology and geography. The pair figured that it would exert only a limited influence in the small coterie of Sinologists—the overwhelming attention accompanying publication thus came as a big surprise. On December 29, 1912, the Sunday edition of the New York Times devoted a full page to the highlights of the book, speaking highly of the two translators. A writer for the New York Sun, in a two-column story, later observed that in the case of Rockhill, “the Department of State made its first experiment of appointing a foreign Minister on grounds of manifest fitness rather than a reward for political services.”For all its sarcasm, this remark is not limited to the realm of American politics. Rockhill measures up to the ancient standard of“A good scholar will make a good official, and a good official will also make a good scholar”.

8.3 Outlaws of the Marsh Pearl S. Buck (1892–1973) was the first Western writer to win the Nobel Prize in Literature for a piece on China (1938). She held Chinese literature in high esteem, particularly Chinese novels. Buck’s favorite classical Chinese novel was the Shui Hu

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Zhuan. From 1927 to 1932, she spent four years translating the complete text of the edition covering seventy chapters, which was the first cover-to-cover translation of the work in the Western world. In 1933, this edition was published in New York and London as All Men Are Brothers, and became a big hit in Europe and the United States. The book was republished in England and the United States in 1937, 1948, and 1957, and was later rendered into other languages. Despite being the first cover-to-cover translation of Shui Hu Zhuan, Buck’s was not a verbatim translation. In fact, she opted not to translate most of the poems. The vivid poems and songs describing the characters’appearance, fight scenes, scenery, and daily necessities posed major difficulties for the translator. Of course, this does not mean that Pearl S. Buck was incapable of rendering them. For instance, Buck faithfully rendered the lines of verse in the Prologue. Another example is the wellknown poem “Three miles long is the mountain - it looks on old battlefields. At its foot a small cowherd an old battle axe wields. The kind wind ruffles the waters of the River Wu, it seems the voice of I Chi, weeping her lord the day through” [10: 43]. Pearl S. Buck once explained, “Indeed, in translating this novel I have had no academic interest at all, and no purpose beyond my delight in the original as an excellent tale decently told” [10: xxi]. Excluding the lines of poetry that interrupt the narrative works ensures a smooth storyline. Buck did, however, translate all the poems closely related to the storyline. Excluding the abridgment noted above, Pearl S. Buck’s translation is essentially a verbatim translation. Buck expressed this aspiration in her preface: I have translated it as literally as possible, because to me the style in Chinese is perfectly suited to the material, and my only effort has been to make the translation as much like the Chinese as I could because I should like readers who do not know that language to have at least the illusion that they are reading an original work. I say effort, for although I do not pretend to have succeeded, I have attempted to preserve the original meaning and style even to the point of leaving unenlivened those parts which are less interesting in the Chinese also [10: xxi].

Despite the onerous task of translating Shui Hu Zhuan, Pearl S. Buck hardly neglected her own writing. Her masterpiece The Good Earth was published before the translation was finished, earning her great acclaim. Writer-translators often itch to make corrections and additions in places where the original text disappoints. The late Qing Dynasty translator Lin Shu (1852–1924) is a classic example (see Qian Zhongshu’s “Lin Shu’s Translation”from A Collection of Seven Compositions). But this was not the case with Pearl S. Buck. Her translation remains quite faithful to the original text, and is sometimes even overly rigid and constrained. For example, 路 不拾遗, 夜不闭户 is rendered as, “If aught was dropped upon the road, none picked it up, nor were the doors of houses locked at night”; “三魂荡荡, 七魄悠悠” as “His three souls floated from his body and his seven earthly spirits left him”; 四面八方 as “four directions and eight parts”; “三十六计, 走为上策” as “To extricate yourself from a difficulty there are thirty-six ways but the best of them all is to run away”. Buck adopted the same translation method in translating the nicknames of the 108 soldiers. For example, “及时雨” is translated as “The Opportune Rain”; “豹子头” as “The Leopard Headed”;

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“ 霹雳火” as The Fire in the Thunder Clap; “没遮拦” as “He Whom No Obstacle Can Stay”; “浪里白条” as “White Stripe in the Waves”; and “鼓上蚤” as “Flea on a Drum”. Buck’s All Men Are Brothers stands as a first-rate translation. Buck was well-versed in both Chinese and English, and sought out assistance from her Chinese friends when in doubt. Mr. M. H. Lung, a scholar of the old school, and yet one freed from the ancient prejudice of that school against the novel, provided many useful suggestions to Pearl S. Buck during the translation, including explaining old customs and costumes and weapons as well as terms now obsolete. Buck recalls their unique collaboration method: First I re-read the entire book carefully alone. Then Mr. Lung read it aloud to me while I translated as accurately as I could, sentence by sentence. I found that by following his reading I could translate more quickly but at the same time I kept my own copy of the original open beside me for constant reference. After the translation was complete Mr. Lung and I went over the entire book again comparing the translation word for word with the original [10: xxiii].

This mode of collaboration immediately evokes Lin Shu and his co-translators, but perhaps the joint efforts of missionary-translator James Legge and the late Qing literati Wang Tao in co-translating Confucian classics better resemble the BuckLung partnership. Although we have yet to uncover the details of the Legge-Tao collaboration, a foreigner well-versed in Chinese translating alongside a Chinese scholar intimately familiar with the nuances of the Chinese language seems an ideal mode of cooperation, one which spelled success for Pearl S. Buck’s rendition of All Men Are Brothers. Hu Shi once divided the ancient Chinese novels into two categories, the first comprising“novels gradually evolved from history” (such as Shui Hu Zhuan), and the other“novels written by a certain writer” (such as Hong Lou Meng). As for the first category, Hu Shi penned Textual Research on Shui Hu Chuan, “collecting early editions and tracing their evolution from a patchwork quilt of plain stories, to an acclaimed literary classic” [11: 194]. He used the same method to examine how the story of Empress Li Chen (987–1032) evolved throughout the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties, and put forward the famous“snowball”theory: We can learn an important lesson from this story’s evolution throughout its 900-year history. The growth of the legend, like a snowball, accumulates layer after layer. A story gradually develops from a motif into a novel when plots and scenes are added. Later on, the story takes on richer content, more refined plots, twists and turns, and more vivid characters, as a result of oral transmission, storytellers’embellishment, dramatists’trimming, and novelists’modification” [12: 1193].

Pearl S. Buck was deeply aware of this snowball effect. In her preface, she points out that “The story of the growth of Shui Hu Chuan into its present form is an interesting one. Like many of the Chinese novels it developed rather than was written, and to this day its final author is unknown ”(Buck 1938: xxii). In her article entitled “The Chinese Novel” (1939), she put forward the profound idea that“the people created the novel”, which echoes and builds upon Hu Shi’s perspective. The novel’s plotline developed layer by layer, and the characterizations are intricate, producing

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a plethora of different versions. There are seven different versions available, all with different number of chapters. They can be divided into detailed and simplified editions, according to the nature of the language and descriptions used. Pearl S. Buck chose to translate the edition consisting of seventy chapters, not because it was the shortest version, but because she believed that this edition represented the true spirit of Shui Hu Zhuan. In the preface, Buck insightfully explains, In the present day there now remain four chief editions of the novel, although there are other enlarged or fragmentary editions. The first has seventy chapters, with an epilogue which is known to be added by another man than the author; the second has one hundred and fifteen chapters; the third has one hundred and twenty chapters; and the last one hundred chapters. I have chosen the first-named edition for translation because there seems less question that these chapters, at least, are written by one eclectic author. The additional chapters in the other editions give the story of the downfall of the robbers and their eventual capture by the government, the evident purpose having been to remove the novel from the field of revolutionary literature and end it with a moral to suit the governing class. As might be expected, these lack the spirit and vitality in both matter and style of the seventy chapters [10: xxii].

In 1920, when the Shanghai Yadong Library announced it would be printing classical novels with new punctuation marks, Hu Shi recommended the seventychapter edition of Shui Hu Zhuan for publication. Throughout the twentieth century, ancient Chinese cultural classics were widely translated and circulated in the United States, enabling Chinese culture to take root in American soil.

References 1. Williams SW (1883) The middle kingdom, vol. 2. New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons 2. Latourette KS (1918) American scholarship and Chinese history. J Am Orient Soc 38: 97–106 3. Lindbeck JMH (1971) addenda 5, Understanding China: an assessment of American scholarly resources. Paraeger, New York 4. Lowrie WM (1847) Readings in Chinese poetry; translations of two odes from the Shi King. Chinese Repository, Issue 16: 454-455 5. Yu GY (2012) Selected poems from Shijing. Zhonghua Book Company 6. Herbert AG (1889) Chuang Tzu: mystic, moralist, and social reformer, London, Bernard Quaritch 7. Legge J (1891) Sacred books of the East: the texts of Taoism, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press 8. Chen GY (2009) Modern interpretations and translation of Zhuangzi, Zhonghua Book Company 9. Varg PA (1952) Open door diplomat: the life of W. W. Rockhill, Urbana: The University of Illinois Press 10. Buck PS (1933) All men are brothers. New York: The John Day Co 11. Hu S (1981) An oral autobiography of Hu Shi, Taipei: Biographic Literature Press 12. Hu S (1988) A collection of Hu Shi’s research on Chinese classical literature, Shanghai Classics Publishing House

Chapter 9

The Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics in Central and Eastern Europe Chao Ding

Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is generally a collective reference to the countries and regions in Eastern and Central Europe, but in this Chapter, we refer to the CEE as a political construct bearing geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, rather than a purely geographical concept. The concept of CEE builds upon the political construct of the Cold War-era Socialist Bloc in Eastern Europe. After 1989, the Chinese government adopted the concept of CEE as a way to avoid ideology or social system-related polemics. CEE is endowed with both geographical and political relevance, and fits in with the terminology used in international politics studies. In this sense, CEE refers to the following sixteen countries: Albania, Estonia, Bulgaria, Poland, Bosnia and Herzgovina, Montnegro, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Hungary. These countries cover an area of 1.35 million square kilometers, and encompass a population of 123 million. CEE has bred a diverse array of ethnicities, cultures and histories. It boasts highquality education and sciences, and has played a crucial role in advancing world civilization. Categorized as part of the Western civilization, CEE bridges Western and Eastern civilizations, and has enjoyed a far-reaching, resplendent history of exchanges with Chinese culture. Many CEE countries began researching China in the 20th century, concentrating their efforts on the translation and presentation of ancient Chinese cultural classics. Thanks to the undertakings spearheaded by thinkers, writers and Sinologists alike, CEE countries have made enormous strides in their research on China, expanded their understanding of China, and increased bilateral cultural exchanges with China.

C. Ding (B) School of European Languages, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_9

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9.1 Cultural Exchanges Between CEE Countries and China (Pre-20th Century) Cultural exchange between CEE countries and China dates back to early history, with the nomads serving as the first go-betweens. Zhang Qian, an imperial envoy and explorer during the Han Dynasty (206BC-220AD), kicked off China-CEE exchanges with his initial forays into Central and Western Asia. As a result, the ancient Silk Road gradually took shape, through which trade and cultural exchanges grew. The Silk Road’s influence extended to the coast of the Black Sea and the Danube River Basin. Indeed, the CEE public formulated their initial images of the Eastern world via the exchanges of knowledge and commodities between the Roman and Chinese empires.

9.1.1 Hungarians’ and Bulgarians’ Eastern Genes According to Hungarian and Bulgarian historians, the Huns were driven westward after suffering defeat at the hands of the Han armies. Historical record has it that the Huns moved into Eastern Europe by the end of the fourth century. Chinese historian Chen Xujing (1903–1967) touched upon this history of the Northern Huns in his book A General History of the Huns. Despite academic controversy over whether the Huns who entered Eastern Europe were the same as those who left the steppes north of China, scholars agree that the Huns and Hungarians trace their ancestry back to the East. Hungarians’Eastern Genes are evidenced by research in anthropology, language and culture. Bulgarian Orientalists such as Yuri Alexandrov believed that the ancient Bulgarians originated from a Hun tribe. These early Bulgarians resided in Central Asia and had exchanges with many peoples, including the Chinese. From the 4th century onward, waves of ethnic migrations swept the Balkan region. The Pannonian Avars, who succeeded the Huns, controlled the Balkan peninsula and the Hungarian plains for over two hundred years. Some scholars, including Zhang Xinglang (1889–1951), a historian specializing in Sino-Western exchanges, argued that the Avars were none other than the Rou-ran (柔然), a fierce people on the Mongolian Plateau. The early research portrayed the earliest contact and integration between China and CEE countries.

9.1.2 The CEE Countries Discovers the East Through 13th-Century Wars and Travels In the thirteenth century, the Mongols’military expeditions, Polish Franciscan missions to the Mongol empire, and Marco Polo’s travels provided the CEE public with their first glimpses into the Inscrutable East.

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The Mongols’military expeditions marked the first of these three milestone events. In 1237, following the death of Genghis Khan, Generals Batu (1209–1256) and Subedei (1176–1248) commanded 150 thousand Mongolian soldiers in attacks against the Turkish nomads on the Russian steppe. After conquering the nomads in two battles, the Mongolians went on to attack the vassal states of the Russian empire and waged battle all the way to Krakov, Poland in 1241. The Mongolian soldiers were drawn into fierce combat with the army commanded by Polish Grand Duke Henrik II of Silesia (1196–1241) in the vicinity of Legnica, and invaded Moravia soon after. The other Mongolian army under the command of Batu and Subedei invaded Hungary, defeated King Bella IV (Reigned 1235–1270), and occupied and set fire to the Hungarian city of Pest. Almost half of the Hungarians residing there were slaughtered or enslaved. The Mongolian army also conquered Romania and Croatia. The harnesses, weapons, blunderbusses and military tactics employed by Mongolians were technologically unsurpassable at the time. Yet for all their violent slaughtering and plundering, in retrospect, the Mongolians also forcefully broke down the barriers between the East and the West. The slaves, artisans and interpreters during the wars facilitated the cultural exchanges. Second, the mission to the Mongol Empire headed by Jean de Plan Carpin (1180– 1252) and Benedykt Polak (1200–1251) also helped to bring the East under CEE radar. The Mongolian invasion shocked the Western European countries. In order to understand the military and political prowess of the (Mongols and prepare for further attacks, Pope Innocent IV (1195–1254) convened a European conference of bishops in Lyon and decided therein to send missions to the Mongol Empire. Jean de Plan Carpin departed from Lyon in April, 1245, and reached Qara-Qorum in August of 1256. He was present at the enthronement of Güyük Khan (Reigned 1246–1248), and presented to him the letter from the Pope. Benedykt served as Carpin’s interpreter during the mission and became the first Polish person to visit the East. Third, Marco Polo’s travels proved instrumental in acquainting the CEE public with Eastern culture. Marco Polo arrived in China in 1275, thirty years after Jean de Plan Carpin’s mission. Historians commonly hold that Marco Polo was an Italian born to a family of Venician merchants on the Korcula Island, now part of Croatia. The Croatians take pride in Marco Polo and hold him as an emblem of international cultural exchanges. Marco Polo’s travels contributed to establishing early China-CEE relations.

9.1.3 The Jesuits from CEE Countries The Jesuits came to China during the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties. They toured inland China and disseminated Western religion and science on the one hand, and established camaraderie with Chinese literati-officials on the other. The Jesuits studied Chinese culture and extended their influence within the imperial court. Soon, a wave of Western learning had surged to the East. Some Jesuits hailed from CEE countries, such as Johann Ureman (who came to China in 1616), Wenceslav

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Pentaleon Kirwitzer (1619), Johannes Nikolaus Smogulecki (1645), Michal Boym (1646), Karel Slavicek (1716), Ignaz Sichelbarth (1745) and August von Hallerstein (1738). These missionaries were well-trained in science, conversant with mathematics, astronomy and music, and made extensive contributions to Chinese society and scholarship. The Polish Jesuit missionary Michal Piotr Boym (1612–1659) designed maps of Chinese provinces, and compiled the first Latin-Chinese dictionary by annotating and translating the Nestorian Stele, a block of stone erected in 781 and inscribed with Chinese and Syriac. Boym served as a special envoy for the Southern Ming Dynasty to the Vatican and played a unique role in fostering political and religious relations between China and Europe. Karel Slavicek (1678–1735), hailed as the first Czech Sinologist, was favored by the emperor and princes because of his high achievements in music. He also participated in the astronomical observation and mapping and sent back scientific information and materials to Europe. The Austrian missionary August von Hallerstein (1703–1774) was an outstanding mathematician who won the favor of Emperor Qianlong, served in the Directorate of Astronomy for thirty years, and was endowed with a high official rank. He loyally served the Qing court and made important contributions in the fields of astronomical observation, calendar making, geographical mapping and demographic studies. Following in the steps of Ignatius Koegler (1680–1746), von Hallerstein presided over the compilation of the Notes on the Astronomical Instruments in the Imperial Observatory [灵台仪象志], which chronicled both Chinese and Western achievements in astronomical observation. When the Notes was published in 1757, it won considerable acclaim from the academia in Western Europe. Emperor Qianlong dubbed the celestial globe, for which he presided over the design and manufacturing, the Elaborate Equatorial Armillary Sphere [玑衡抚辰仪] and is currently displayed at the Ancient Observatory in Beijing. Nicolae Milescu Sp˘atarul (1636–1708) was sent to China by the Russian Tsar in 1676 as the Muscovite envoy to China. He authored three books on China recording his travels therein and providing special insights into Chinese society. Milescu Sp˘atarul unlocked Chinese culture for European courts and society. These outstanding figures served as pioneers for their compatriots’understanding of China and left important footprints in the history of China-CEE relations.

9.1.4 Chinese Culture in CEE Countries During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries CEE countries enjoyed fine traditions in education, culture and the arts. In the twelfth century, historiography originated in Poland, and in the 14th century, the earliest chronicle of the Czech came to light. By the seventeenth century, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria all had their own encyclopedic chronicles, which recorded geographical

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changes, ancestral achievements, dynastic changes, wars, religious dissemination and cultural creations, including initial facts about the East and China. The Romanian historian Grigore Ureche (circa. 1590–1647) provided a description of the Polish, Hungarian, Tartar and Turkish peoples, with the chapter entitled The Tartar Empire, Its Customs and Territories an example in point. Yet for quite some time, people in CEE countries harbored quite vague impressions of China. From 1650–1700, influenced by the China fever emerging in Western Europe, growing interest in the East sprouted in Central European countries such as Poland, Czech and Hungary. Chinese artifacts, architectural and decorative styles all became highly coveted amongst the royal princes and aristocrats. King Jan III Sobieski (Reigned 1674–1696) of Poland was especially fond of Chinese culture. His collection of Chinese artifacts through wars, marriages and missionaries kindled his interest in China. The King sent a letter of greetings to Emperor Kangxi through Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688). In the early 1680s, he set up a China Pavilion in his suburban Palace of Wilanow, which exhibited porcelain, lacquerware, furniture, paintings and other Chinese treasures. Chinese gardening influenced not only Poland but also the neighboring Czech lands and Hungary. In 1785, Confucius thoughts and Confucianism were taught at the University of Yaguevoin. At the end of 18th century, Voltaire’s The Orphan of China (L’Orphelin de la Chine) was staged in Warsaw. The aforementioned cases reveal the extent to which the Polish people absorbed Chinese culture.

9.1.5 Exploration and Absorption of Chinese Culture in Nineteenth Century In the 19th century, the CEE countries, influenced by the European revolutionary movement, heightened their awareness of national independence and freedom from imperial control. Increasing importance was given to national languages, culture and education. Such circumstances facilitated research on world issues, and two trends emerged in the understanding of the East and the absorption of Chinese culture. First, exchanges between CEE countries and China became more frequent. The Hungarian Sinologist K˝orösi Csoma Sándor (1784–1842) visited Tibet in 1819, and in 1834, he published the first A Tibetan-English Dictionary and A Grammar of the Tibetan Language. Sándor founded International Tibetan Studies, and figures amongst the pioneering Hungarians who first visited China. In February, 1867, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was founded, covering Central, Eastern and Southern Europe, encompassing a territory second only to Russia. Hungary, Czech, Slovakia, Croatia and Slovenia, the Silesia region of Poland and the Transylvania region of Romania all belonged to the Empire. In 1869, the Empire signed a peace treaty and trade agreement with the Qing government, and the two sides exchanged envoys. The Empire set up consulates in dozens of Chinese cities and exploited China for economic and strategic purposes by joining hands with other powers. The expansion

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in political, military and economic power drove its citizens to journey to China and other Asian countries. The largest-scale expedition was made by the two warships Danube and Grand Duke Friedrich, which embarked on its East Asian trip in October 1868. Second, Sinology sprouted in some CEE countries where people’s understanding of Chinese culture had already been broadened by the research conducted by French and German Sinologists. These Europeans gained exposure to Chinese culture through various genres and mediums. Throughout the 19th century, nuggets of wisdom from The Analects and the Tao Te Ching, as well as literary essays, poems, and other writings on China and the East came to light. The Czech people were reading about Chinese philosophy and literature in Latin as early as the 16th century, and were among the first nationalities to gain exposure to Eastern culture. In 1881, based on his reading of Chinese mythology and history, Czech writer Julius Zeyer (1841–1901) began writing “Chinese- style stories”, including Treachery in the House of Han and The Heart of Bi Gan. The Czech Orientalist Rudolf Dvorak (1860–1912), published the Life and Teachings of Confucius between 1887 and 1889. Dvorak collaborated with the poet Jaroslav Vrchlicky (1853–1912) to translate 160 poems from The Book of Songs on the basis of the English version, publishing the Czech translation in 1897. The celebrated Romanian writer Titu Maiorescu (1840–1917) translated the story “Zhuangzixiu Became Immortal through Drum-beating” [ 庄子休鼓盆成大道] from the 20th Volume of Wonders Old and New, from the German and published it in Literary Conversation. The Moldavian statesman and writer Vasile Alecsandri (1818–1889) wrote two poems on China, namely, “The Mandarin” and “Chinese Scenery”. The Romanian poet Mihai Eminescu (1850–1889) and novelist Ioan Slavici (1848–1925) studied Eastern philosophies during their stay in Vienna. They became enraptured with Lao Tzu and Confucius, and later integrated their thoughts into their own writings. By the late 19th century, information on Chinese society and culture circulated amongst the populace of Balkan countries such as Bulgaria. The above synopsis provides a glimpse into the history of Chinese culture’s first inroads into CEE countries and regions.

9.2 The Dissemination of Chinese Culture in CEE Countries During the First Half of the 20th Century In the early 20th century, CEE countries fought for their freedom and national independence in the face of imperialism. In 1917, the Bolsheviks assumed power in Russia. In 1918, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia declared independence, and in the same year, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, resulting in enormous changes to the political structure of CEE. Czechoslovakia declared independence from the Austro- Hungarian Empire, and Poland restored its independence. The Kingdom of Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia was founded, and the Hungarians founded the first

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Soviet Republic of Hungary under the leadership of the Hungarian Communist Party. In South-Eastern Europe, meanwhile, the disintegration of the Empire consolidated the nation-state status of Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. In the 1920s and 1930s, the CEE countries’booming economic, educational and cultural sectors flourished, only to be brought to an abrupt halt by the Second World War. In the first half of the 20th century, the CEE public became increasingly familiar with Chinese society and culture.

9.2.1 CEE Residents Gain Insiders’ Perspectives on China Through First-Hand Visits The CEE residents who visited China during this period may be divided into four categories: The first category encompassed engineers and their families who came to China to help build the China Eastern Railway, a project proposed by Russia to exploit resources in Northeast China. 1898 marked the beginning of construction efforts, drawing a wave of Russian engineers and their families, as well as businesspeople, teachers, doctors and lawyers. At the same time, many Polish engineers, out of work after Russia acquired the eastern section of the Warsaw-Vienna Railway, also flocked to China to seek employment on the railroads. More Polish people came to China ever since and established their own community in Harbin. By 1920s-30s, more than 10,000 Polish people resided in Harbin, along with people hailing from Czech Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Serbia. These people brought Chinese culture back home with them. Edward Kaydanski (1925-), the Polish diplomat and historian born in Harbin, cherished a deep love of China and throughout his career. Kaydanski went on to score outstanding achievements in Oriental Studies, specializing in Sino-Polish relations. The Hungarian engineer Gubányi Károly (1867–1935) resided in China from 1897 to 1904, and participated in the building of the Suifenhe-Harbin section of China Eastern Railway. His book entitled Five Years in Manchuria recorded his life and work in China. The second category of China-bound CEE citizens comprised diplomats from CEE countries. In the first half of the 20th century, China established diplomatic and trade relations with CEE countries. From 1909 to 1942, Poland ran a consulate in Harbin. On September 18th, 1929, the governments of China and Poland signed the China-Poland Treaty of Amity and Commerce and formally launched diplomatic ties. In the same year, the General Consulate of Poland was set up in Shanghai. In 1931, China and Poland set up legations in each other’s capitals. On February 12, 1930, China established diplomatic relations with Czechoslovakia, and the two sides signed the China-Czech Slovakia Treaty of Amity and Commerce. In 1939, the government of China suggested that the Romanian government establish SinoRomanian bilateral ties, and received a positive response. Later that year, the ROC sent Chinese Minister Plenipotentiary to Bucharest.

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The third category denotes scientific and artistic-minded people who came to China for official visit, research and study. At the time, the Hungarians conducted the most prominent scientific expeditions in China, with the Hungarian-British archaeologist and Orientalist Aurél Stein (1862–1943) notable amongst these Hungarian scientists. With the support of the British and Indian governments, he explored China’s Xinjiang and Hexi regions from 1900–1901, 1906–1908, 1913–1915, and in 1930. On the one hand, Stein achieved a great deal, and published books such as the Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, Serindia and Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia Kan-su and Eastern Iran, which drew considerable attention in the global academia. But he was also criticized for damaging the ancient ruins, and for removing tens of thousands of historical documents and cultural relics from the Mogao Grottoes (also known as the “Caves of the Thousand Buddhas”). Another Hungarian Lajos Ligeti (1902–1987) traveled to Inner Mongolia via Beijing from 1928 to 1931. He began teaching Chinese language and culture in Hungary after returning home, and went on to make significant contributions to Oriental Studies. In the field of literature and art, the Czech artist Bohuslav Koˇcí (1892–1953) came to China from Vladivostok in 1920, and lived in Shanghai from 1922 onwards. In 1929, he sculpted the lying statue of Sun Yat-sen for Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum in Nanjing. The Czech Sinologist Jaroslav Pr˚ušek (1906–1980) went to China for a two- and-a-half-year academic visit in 1932, and established friendships with wellknown figures in China’s cultural circle including Lu Xun, Guo Moruo, Mao Dun and Bing Xin and others. Pr˚ušek later breathed life into Czech Sinology, and helped it to take flight. The Polish scholar Witold Jablo´nski (1901–1957) came to China in 1930, served as an adviser to the China Education Reform Commission attached to the International League, and taught French and French literature at Tsinghua University. These figures and their achievements reflect the heyday of scientific research and cultural exchanges between China and Central Europe in that era. The fourth category included missionaries, travelers and businessmen. There were many Hungarians among the missionaries who went to China. Erdélyi Ignac (1828– 1885) was sent to China as early as the mid-19th century. He stayed in China for a quarter century, and wrote many letters detailing the conditions in China. In the 20th century, another Hungarian Kunst Irén (1869–1934) joined the Scottish missionaries who came to China. He was engaged in education and health services alongside missionary work, and published many communications and reports on Chinese society. In 1910, four Romanian youths studying in Paris seized the opportunity presented by French Tour Club-organized competitions to come to China and travel. In 1936, the Romanian I. Vasilescu-Nottara conducted a six-month journey in China, culminating in his book A Journey from Shanghai to Peking across China. In the 1930s and 1940s, there were a number of Romanian nationals in Shanghai, and organizations such as the Romanian Far East Chamber of Commerce was also set up. The fifth category comprised international friends who came to support the Chinese people in their revolutionary struggles. In the late 19th century, with the international workers’movement surging in some CEE countries and socialist thoughts

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catching on, the resistance to imperialism and struggle for national liberation gradually became the dominant form of social movement. The movements in the CEE countries were in support of the Chinese people who were suffering. In the 1920s and 1930s, CEE countries saw the founding of Communist Parties. Under the leadership and influence of the Communist International, communists of all countries carried out a large number of international activities. In particular, during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, a group of communists and progressives from CEE countries came to China to support the Chinese revolution. The Polish-born Internationalist journalists Hans Shippe (1894–1941) and Israel Epstein (1915–2005) linked their own futures to China’s welfare. In 1939, communists from Poland, the Czech Republic, Germany, Austria, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Soviet Union formed an international medical team and directly participated in the Chinese people’s War of Resistance against Japan. After the war, they returned to their home countries, became ambassadors of friendship with China, and helped to sow the seeds of Chinese culture in their respective countries.

9.2.2 The Emergence of Oriental Studies and Sinology In the first half of the 20th century, early Oriental Studies and Sinology emerged in Central European countries such as Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, whose strong cultural and educational foundations rendered them fertile grounds for Sinology to sprout and flourish. Some scholars engaged in Oriental Studies and Sinology drew upon mainstream European academia in Germany, France and Britain, and some of them even integrated themselves into the mainstream academia. Beginning in 1919, Oriental Studies and Sinology began to sprout in Poland. Bogdan Richter (1891–1980), a graduate of Leipzig University, taught the history of East-West relations and the Far East at University of Warsaw and founded the Far East Teaching and Research Section (which was later renamed the Far East Culture Teaching and Research Section). Richter taught Chinese and Japanese from 1921 to 1932. In 1932, University ofWarsaw established the Oriental Studies Institute, at which Jan Jaworski (1903–1945), who studied Sinology and Japanese Studies in Paris and obtained a senior doctorate in Sinology from University of Warsaw, served as an assistant professor. In 1933, the Oriental Studies Institute set up a Chinese Teaching and Research Section. Jablo´nski, who worked in China and lectured at Tsinghua University, served as a lecturer at the Oriental Studies Institute beginning in 1934, and helped Jaworski to set up a Chinese teaching and research section. In 1935, Jablo´nski passed the defense for his doctoral thesis entitled Research on Chinese Folk Songs. In the 1930s and 1940s, Jablo´nski engaged in a wide variety of research projects, covering diplomacy with China and Sino-Polish relations. In 1922, with the support of Czechoslovak President Tomáš Masaryk (1850– 1937) and the advocacy of a group of early Orientalist scholars, the Oriental Studies Institute, an independent academic institution dedicated to cultivating scientific and

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economic ties with the Eastern countries, was established in Prague. In 1927, President Masaryk appointed the first cohort of 34 members of the Institute, including scholars of Hittitology, Indian Studies, Egyptology, Arabic Studies, Iranian Studies, and so on. Not a single Sinology scholar was appointed because Rudolf Dvorak had passed away, and Pr˚ušek was still too young. In 1929, the Institute launched the quarterly journal Archív Orientální [Oriental Archive], which pooled together myriad achievements in the research of the history, culture and society of Asian countries. The articles were published in English, French and German, accrued international acclaim, thus helping to distinguish Czechoslovakia’s Oriental Studies. Since September of 1945, the Institute has been publishing a monthly magazine entitled New Orient, which reports on Asian countries, including China, through the lenses of academic papers and popular accounts. Czech Sinology owes its prolific legacy to Pr˚ušek. After graduating from Charles University in Prague in 1928, Pr˚ušek traveled to Sweden to study under the guidance of Bernhard Karlgren (1889–1978). Later, he underwent further study in Germany. Pr˚ušek visited China in 1932 and studied in Japan in 1934. He returned to the Czech Republic in 1937 and worked in the Oriental Studies Institute and Charles University, translating Lu Xun’s Scream [呐喊] and Confucius’s Analects. In 1939, when the Germans annexed Czechoslovakia, the Czech Universities were closed and the Oriental Studies Institute was paralyzed. Pr˚ušek, however, did not give up his research on China. In extremely difficult circumstances, he held a Chinese language workshop and prepared an Oral Chinese textbook. After the Second World War, he became a professor at Charles University, and head of the Far East Department of the School of Philosophy. In addition, he also taught Chinese, Chinese history and culture on a part-time basis at Palacky University in Olomouc, cultivating a new generation of Czech scholars in Oriental Studies. During this period, Gustav Haloun (1898–1951) was another influential figure in the study of Chinese philosophy. Born in the Czech Republic, he taught at the Charles University, Martin-Luther-Universitaet Halle-Wittenberg, Göttingen University and Cambridge in the 1920s and 1930s. He was engaged in Sinology and mainly focused on ancient Chinese classics, especially the restoration of the works of Chinese philosophers in the pre-Qin period. His research also covered the historical inquiry of the Hellenic kingdom of Bactria in ancient books, and research on the Kushan Empire and Guanzi, a collection of various philosophical treatises on statecraft during the Spring and Autumn Period (770–446 BCE). In 1923, the Institute of East Asia was founded at Eotvos Lorand University. Lajos Ligeti was a key figure behind Hungarian Sinology in the 20th century. Ligeti was an internationally renowned linguist, Orientalist, professor, and academician of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, specializing in the Mongolian, Turkic and ManchuTungusic languages. He pursued Oriental Studies under the supervision of the French Sinologist Paul Pelliot from 1921 to 1927. From 1928 to 1931, Ligeti conducted on field visits to Inner Mongolia and the Mongolian communities in Northern Mongolia, frequenting Afghanistan from 1936 to 1937, and Japan in 1940. Beginning in 1931, he taught at the University of Budapest, the Oriental Language school in Paris, and was elected as a member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1938. In 1947,

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Ligeti founded the Acta Orientalia Hungaricae and served as the editor-in-chief until 1976. In the 1930s, the University of Budapest set up the Section for Inland Asia where Ligeti taught, and later served as the head of the Section, charting a new course for Oriental Studies and Sinology in Hungary. In early 1940s, the Chinese doctor Zhao Dongsheng (1913–2006) traveled to Hungary from Shanghai, practiced medicine in Budapest, and taught Chinese at the University of Budapest. Ligeti, Jablónski and Pr˚ušek had all received sound education and academic training in Europe. When they turned to the broad field of Oriental Studies, they proceeded with their academic inquiries under the guidance of stringent scientific methods, and thus gradually rendered due disciplinary status and proper quality to Oriental Studies and Sinology in their own countries.

9.2.3 The Translation of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics In CEE countries such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary and Romania, scholars and translators overcame a myriad of difficulties to translate Chinese history books and ancient cultural classics with the help of the existing translations done in other European languages. Preliminary results were achieved. In 1912, Ši-king VII-XV [The Book of Songs] translated by Rudolf Dvorak and Jaroslav Vrchlick (1853–1912) was published in Czech. In 1920, the Tao-tek-king translated by Dvorak and Ze staré cˇ ínské poesie [State of Chinese Poetry] compiled by Jaroslav Pšeniˇcka (1865–1954) also came to light. Bohumil Mathesius (1888–1952) ˇ translated a number of ancient Chinese poems published as Cerná vˇež a zeleny džbán ˇ [Black Tower and Green Pitcher], Zpˇevy staré Cíny [Chants of Old China], Nové ˇ zpˇevy staré Cíny [New Chants of Old China], via Russian, German and French. From 1936 to 1937, the two-volume Všichni lidé jsou bratˇri [Outlaws of the Marsh] was published in Prague, translated by Marie Nováková, M. Matoušová and Zd. Vanˇcura via the Pearl Buck’s English edition. In 1940, Pr˚ušek collaborated with Indianologist Vincenc Lesny (1882–1953) to translate the Analects. Pr˚ušek also translated many ancient Chinese classics, including Šest historií prchavého života [Six Chapters of a Floating Life], Podivuhodné pˇríbˇehy z cˇ ínskych tržišt’a bazar˚u [Wonderful Stories from Chinese Marketplaces and Bazaars] and Putování starého Chromce [Wandering Old Chromce] in the 1940s. Pr˚ušek’s lengthy preface to the Wandering Old Chromce was quite influential in the field. In Poland, research and publications mainly involved Chinese ethnicities, history, literature, society and customs, additionally shedding light on Northeast China. Not many ancient Chinese cultural classics were translated into Polish. Jan Wypler (1890– 1965) figured as another prominent translator and researcher, translating poetry by Li Bai, Li Qingzhao (1084–1155) and Du Fu, and publishing Czuang-dze, My´sli wybrane [Chuang-tze, Thought Selected]. In Hungary, a number of books on Chinese history and culture were published. In 1903, Ludwig Erno published a selected translation of A Collection of Chinese

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Jokes [笑林广记] and entitled it Khinai mesék [Chinese Stories]. In 1907, Stojits Iván (1866–1932) produced the earliest known Hungarian translation of the Tao Te Ching. The various literature histories written by Hungarian scholars at the time all included introductions to ancient Chinese literature. In addition, many translations of ancient Chinese poetry, such as [One Hundred Chinese Poems] Száz Kínai vers, translated and published by Ágner Lajos (1878–1949) in 1937, which collected poems authored by Tao Yuanming, Meng Haoran and Wang Wei, Li Bai, Du Fu, Bai Juyi, Li Shangyi (n 813-circa. 858), Han Yu (768–824), Wang Anshi (1021–1086) and Su Dongpo, as well as selected pieces from The Book of Songs. In Romania, the poet-translator S, t. O. Iosif (1875–1913) translated Li Bai’s poem Clar de luna [Moonlight] via German in 1907, and in 1938, Alexandru Teodor Stamadiad (1885–1956) translated and published a collection of Chinese poems entitled Din flautul de jad [From the Jade Flute]. Confucius’ideas and sayings were greeted with sustained acclaim. Gheorghe Dihoiu translated Vieat, a lui Confucius (Krong T, e) [Confucius’s Life] by G. Soulié de Morant (1878–1955) from French from 1941– 1942, and George Dulcu (1904–1988) translated the Preceptele lui Confucius (Krong T, e) [Precepts of Confucius] in 1938. In 1937, the Serbian edition of Outlaws of the Marsh was published, and in Slovenia, sporadic translations of ancient Chinese poetry also cropped up.

9.2.4 Research on Ancient Chinese Culture Acclaimed scholars from CEE countries dabbled in the study of ancient Chinese culture to varying degrees. Their profound learning and unique perspectives played a vital role in the interpretation of Chinese civilization and the expansion of its influence. In Romania, for example, the historian and statesman Nicolae Iorga (1871–1940) developed a pronounced interest in the politics and society of early 20th century East Asia. His book entitled R˘azboiul din Extremul Orient. China, Japonia, Rusia asiatic˘a [The Far East War: China, Japan and the Asiatic Russia] was published in 1904, providing profound commentaries on Chinese history, culture and tradition. In 1942, the Romanian philosopher Lucian Blaga (1895–1961) published Religie s, i spirit [Religion and Spirit], which contained a chapter entitled Tao that dealt with Chinese culture and art. In 1943, the literary critic and historian George C˘alinescu (1899–1965) published a five-act, mythology-themed drama entitled S, un sau Calea neturburrat a˘ [Shun Di Peace Avenue] on the basis of Marcel Granet’s works of Chinese mythology, religion and civilization. In the 1920s and 1930s, Mircea Eliade (1907–1986), an internationally renowned scholar of world religious history, also discussed Chinese culture. Similar trends emerged in other CEE countries.

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9.2.5 Wider Interest in Chinese Culture Continuous enthusiasm for collecting Chinese cultural and art relics, the establishment of Chinese collection rooms and museums, coupled with special exhibitions, provided a fantastic window for the CEE public to understand China’s ancient culture. Hungary is a striking case in point. As early as 1871, the natural collection hall of Hungarian National Museum held an exhibition of Far Eastern artifacts collected by Xántus János (1825–1894), a natural scientist who participated in the AustroHungarian fleet’s scientific expeditions. Eight hundred and seven of the exhibits were from China. (Fajcsák, 2007: 129–154) Hopp Ferenc (1833–1919) traveled around the world and visited China on multiple occasions, and his massive collection was donated to the East Asian Art Museum named after him. In the first half of the 20th century, Hungarians held numerous exhibitions about the East. In 1901, Count Zichy Jenö (1837–1906) set up a private museum in Budapest, which exhibited Chinese bronze ware and porcelain collections. In 1913, the Museum of Applied Arts held an exhibition of Chinese paintings, bronze ware, glassware, pottery, brocade, cosmetic boxes and jewelry, totaling some 172 pieces from Mrs. Olga Julia Wegener (1863– 1939)’s Chinese Collection. The National Hotel held a modern Chinese painting exhibition in 1930, featuring Tibetan thangkas and works of modern Chinese painters such as Qi Baishi (1864–1957). An art exhibition of Chinese crafts and applied arts was also held in 1938. The historical accounts above portray the influence of ancient Chinese culture in certain CEE countries in the first half of the 20th century, and paint a picture of the various cultural and academic exchanges between the two sides. These achievements have laid a profound foundation for the study of China by CEE countries after the establishment of diplomatic ties with the People’s Republic of China in 1949.

9.3 The Translation of Chinese Cultural Classics in the Socialist Era (1949–1989) After the founding of the People’s Republic of China on October first, 1949, CEE countries were among the first to establish diplomatic relations with China, with Bulgaria on October fourth, Romania on the fifth, Czech Slovakia and Hungary on the sixth, Poland on the seventh, and Albania on November 23rd. Under the banner of Socialist ideology, China, the Soviet Union and the CEE countries entered a brandnew era of comprehensive ties. A wide variety of delegations were organized among the countries. The translation of books was one of the priorities in the field of cultural exchanges. In 1950, student exchange programs were launched between China and CEE countries, cultivating a flock of experts familiar with each other’s languages and cultures. Students from CEE countries mainly studied at Tsinghua University and Peking University, where they were taught by well-known professors in the fields of

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language, literature and history. Many students mastered the Chinese language very quickly and later became the backbone for diplomatic exchanges with China. Some of the students later became teachers of Chinese, researchers of Chinese culture or translators of Chinese classics. From 1949 to 1989, Eastern European countries adopted a socialist regime. Due to the complex international environment, relations with China fluctuated considerably. It is hard for us to provide A historical evaluation of the period involves complexities we will not delve into here. For this section, we have chosen to focus exclusively on the translation of Chinese cultural classics.

9.3.1 Poland Witold Jablónski was a prominent figure in Polish Sinology in the 1950s. After returning from his post as a diplomatic attaché to China, he successively assumed positions as Head of the Sinology Section, Dean of the Humanities, Dean of the Philosophy Department, and Dean of the Oriental Studies Institute at the University of Warsaw. He also served as a member, and later the president of the Committee on Oriental Studies at the Polish Academy of Sciences. Jablónski visited China three times in the 1950s, and his insights on Chinese culture and European Sinology were embodied in his works on Chinese history, ideas and institutions. Among his translations were Kaligrafia chi´nska [Chinese Calligraphy] (1950), Prawdziwa ksi˛ega południowego kwiatu [A Real Book of Southern Flower] (1953), M˛adro´sc´ Pa´nstwa ´ Srodka [Wisdom of China] (1958), and Pie´sni z Czu [Songs from Chu] (1958). He also collaborated with a young Sinologist named Janusz Chmielewski (1916–1998) in compiling the Antologia literatury chi´nskiej [Anthology of Chinese Literature] (1956) and Z dziejów literatury chi´nskiej [History of Chinese Literature] (1956). In 1953, the World Peace Council selected Qu Yuan as one of the eminent world cultural figures, and held a series of commemorations in Poland and other Eastern European countries. Translations of ancient Chinese literary works such as Opowie´sci znad brzegów rzek [Stories from the Riverside] (1952), Mał˙zonek nikczemny i inne opowiadania chi´nskie [Nefarious Spouses and other Stories from China] (1958), and a selected translation of the Mencius (1955) were published in Poland. In the 1960s, Mieczyslaw Jerzy Künstler (1933–2007) scored great achievements in Sinology. He served as a member of the Committee on Oriental Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, and assumed presidency of the Committee from 1993 to 2006. In 1978, Künstler was promoted to professorship at the University of Warsaw. Künstler harbored a broad scope of academic interests, covering the philosophies of Confucius and Mencius, research on Chinese language, history, art and architecture. He penned Sprawa Konfucjusza [The Cause of Confucius] (1983), Pismo chi´nskie [Chinese Script] (1983), and Pierwsze wieki cesarstwa chi´nskiego [First Century of the Chinese Empire] (1972). He translated the Dialogi konfucja´nskie [The Analects]

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(1976), a selection of the Historical Records, Cywilizacja chi´nska [Chinese Civilization], (1973) by Marcel Granet, Sztuka chi´nska. Wprowadzenie [Introduction to Chinese Art] (1975) by Prodan Marcel, Powstanie chi´nskiej my´sli politycznej i filozoficznej [The Origin of Chinese Political and Philosophical Thought] (1978) by Bykow F., and Sztuka i architektura w Chinach [Traditional Chinese Architecture and Chinese Art and Architecture] (1984) by Laurence Sickman (1907–1988) and Aleksander Soper (1904–1993). Also translated into Polish were Pu Songling’s Mnisi-czarnoksienicy, czyli Niesamowite historie o dawnych ludziach [Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio] by Bozena Kowalska (1930–) in 1961, Dzieje Trzech Krolestw [Romance of Three Kingdoms] by Natalia Billi in 1972, and the second volume of Wedrowka na zachod [Journey to the West] by Tadeusz Zbikowski (1930–1989) in 1984. In 1978, the Polish Academy of Sciences set up a research center on non-European countries which covered Chinese Studies. Apart from the University of Warsaw, Jagiellonian University in Krakow and Adam Mickiewicz University in Posnam also established programs in Chinese teaching and research. These also helped boost China’s influence in Poland.

9.3.2 The Republic of Czechoslovakia (1918–1992) Sinology in Czechoslovakia made substantial progress under Jaroslav Pr˚ušek. In 1952, the Academy of Sciences was established and the Oriental Studies Institute was attached to the Academy. Pr˚ušek left Charles University to serve as the Head of the Institute. He was soon to be promoted to the position of academician. In 1950, Pr˚ušek headed a delegation to China and received a great number of modern and literary works presented by the Chinese government, such as the Twenty-five Histories of China, ancient Chinese play scripts, collections of the New Youth [ 新青年] and Xiaoshuo Yuebao [小说月报], folk literature, local histories, religious classics and all kinds of newspapers. As a result, the Oriental Studies Institute topped the CEE region with a collection of 66,000 Chinese books in its Lu Xun Library. In the 1950s, a dozen Sinologists conducted studies at the Institute and later formed the school of Prague Sinology in the 1960s. The following is a list of works translated, edited or written by Sinologists in Czechoslovakia from 1949 to 1989. Jaroslav Pr˚ušek translated Treti zpevy stare Ciny [The Old Chants of Ancient China] (1948), Oumˇení váleˇcném [About the Art of War] (1949) and Zkazky o šesteru cest osudu [Tales of Six Different Paths of Destiny] (1955), edited Slovnik spisovatelu: Asie a Afrika I: A-J, II: K-Z [Asia and Africa] (1967), Dictionary of Oriental Literature, I-III (1974, with Zbigniew Slupski), and published The Lyrical and the Epic: Studies of Modern Chinese Literature (1980). Augustin Palát (1923–) translated Nefritová flétna [Jade Flute] (1954), Pavilon u zelených vod (1947) and Pˇríbˇehy od jezerního bˇrehu [Outlaws of the Marsh] (1962).

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Josef Kolmaš (1933–) translated Drak z cˇ erné t˚unˇe [Dragon from the Black Pool] (1958)and Zápisky o buddhistických zemích [Records of Buddist Countries] (1972). ˇ Oldˇrich Král (1930–) translated TAO - texty staré Cíny: Antologie [TAO-Texts of Ancient China: Anthology] (1971), Literáti a mandaríni [Mandarin Literati] (1962) and Sen v cˇ erveném dome [A Dream of Red Mansions] (1986–1988). Dana Kalvodová (1928–2003) translated Letní sníh a jiné hry [Snow in Midsummer] (1960) and Vˇejíˇr s broskvovými kvˇety [The Peach Blossom Fan] (1968). Marta Ryšavá (1933-) translated Mˇesíc nad pr˚usmykem [The Moon Over the Mountain Pass] (1977), Trojzvuk [Triad] (1987) and Nad nefritovou t˚uní jasný svit [Bright Sunshine above the Jade Pool] (1987). ˇ Timoteus Pokora (1928–1985) translated Cchin Š’-chuang-ti [First Emperor of Qin] (1967) and Kritická pojednání [Discourses Weighed in the Balance (Lun Heng)] (1971). Jaromír Vochala (1927–) translated Zpˇevy od Žluté rˇeky [Songs from the Yellow River] (1987). Vˇenceslava Hrdliˇcková (1924–2016) and Zdenˇek Hrdliˇcková (1919–1999) coedited Cínské klasické literatury [Chinese Classical Literature] (1980) and Dejiny cínské klasické literatury [History of Chinese Classical Literature] (1989). Milena Doleželová-Velingerová (1932–2012) moved to Canada and taught ancient and modern Chinese literature at University of Toronto after 1969. Marián Gálik (1933–) became internationally recognized as an authority on modern Chinese literature. Both of them made significant contributions to boosting the influence of Chinese culture.

9.3.3 Hungary Fruitful results were achieved in Hungary in the translation and research of ancient Chinese culture, covering Chinese language, philosophy, literature, history and society. Gyorgi Ligeti was elected a member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and assumed vice presidency of the Academy from 1949–1969. Under his leadership, a new generation of Sinologists, represented by Tökei Ferenc (1930–2000), was born, and together they helped Chinese culture take root in Hungary. Ferenc was the most important Sinologist after Ligeti, as well as a philosopher and literary theorist. He developed an interest in Chinese culture in his studenthood, studying Chinese at Eotvos Lorand University from 1949 to 1953. Upon graduation, he earned his doctoral degree in Literature with a minor in Linguistics. In 1954, Ferenc published an article entitled “Ancient Chinese philosopher Lao-tze and his teachings” in the Acta Orientalia (Journal of Oriental Studies). In 1956, he published the article “Ancient Chinese philosophy”, on the basis of which he translated the Tao Te Ching, which was published under the title Lao-ce: Azútés Erény Könyve in 1958. Ferenc began to translate Qu Yuan’s poetry in 1953 under the influence of the commemorations held by the World Peace Council and A Selection of Qu Yuan’s Poems was published in 1954. He also published A kínai elégia szuletése: Ku Juan es kora [The

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Birth of Chinese Elegy: Qu Yuan and His Era] in 1959, Dalok Könyve [Book of Songs] in 1957, Tou O ártatlan halála: Csao Pen-er, a ment˝oangyal [Injustice to Dou’e] in 1958, and A nyugati szoba [Romance of the Western Chamber] in 1960. Ferenc also annotated the Hungarian texts of a number of Chinese cultural classics. In the 1960s, he presided over the translation of ancient Chinese stories, which were compiled into Klasszikus kínai elbeszélések [Classic Chinese Short Stories]. He also translated and compiled Kínai filozófia: ókor I-III: Szöveggyöjtemény [Ancient Chinese Philosophy] which is a comprehensive introduction to ancient Chinese philosophy, and the first of its kind in Hungary. He further compiled A kínai irodalom rövid története [An Outline of Chinese Literary History] in 1960, and M˝ufajelmélet kínában a III-IV. Században: Liu Hie elmélete a költ˝oi m˝uifajokról [Chinese Literary Theory from 3rd to 4th Centuries: A Research on Liu Xie’s Poetic Theory] in 1967. Ferenc served as the Head of the Institute of Philosophical Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and was elected academician in 1985. He led the publication of a series of books pooling research in Oriental Studies and Sinology. Sixteen books were published from 1985 to 1998. Ferenc was the chief editor of the series, and often wrote prefaces and epilogues to the books himself. He published important papers such as “Some controversies over the Asiatic mode of production” and “On issues concerning the lifestyle of nomads”. His earlier works were translated and published in English in succession. Csongor Barnabás (1923–2017) graduated from Eotvos Lorand University. He studied Chinese under Zhao Dongsheng (1913–2006) and stayed on to teach after earning his doctoral degree in Chinese Language. From 1963 to 1983, Barnabás served as the Head of the Section for China and East Asia. Since the 1950s, he has assisted Weöres Sándor (1913–1989) in translating the poems of Qu Yuan, Dufu and Li Bai, and published Po Csu-ji versei [Bai Juyi’s Verses] (1952), Tu fu versei [Du Fu’s Verses] (1955), Li Taj-po versei [Li Bai’s Verses] (1961) and participated in the compilation of Klasszikus kínai költök I-II[Chinese Classical Poems, I-II] (1967). Barnabás also translated the Outlaws of the Marsh, which was published in 1977 under the title Vízparti történet I-III and sold 150,000 copies, a remarkable feat for an Eastern European country at the time. Barnabás studied ancient Chinese novels at Peking University in 1984, and published a series of papers on Chinese novels, often focusing on the Outlaws of the Marsh, such as “Narrative scope of ancient Chinese novels” (1981), “Comparative analysis of the Outlaws of the Marsh and Journey to the West” (1975) and “Background of the figures in the Outlaws of the Marsh” (1985). The art historian and Sinologist MiklósPál (1927–2002) graduated from Eotvos Lorand University, and studied in China in the 1950s, majoring in art history. He served as the curator of the Felenc Hopp Museum of East Asian Art, and later taught history of Chinese art at Eotvos Lorand University. He published [The Thousand Buddha Cave in Dunhuang, 1959] A tunhuangi Ezer Buddha Barlangtemplomok) and conducted research on Qi Baishi, Guo Moruo Lao She and Cao Yu (1910– 1996). Pál translated many modern literary works from China and collaborated with Tökei Ferenc in compiling An Outline of Chinese Literary History. He also studied Buddhism on the side.

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Galla Endre (1926–2008), a graduate of Eotvos Lorand University, majored in Hungarian and German Language and Culture. He took up a teaching post at Eotvos Lorand University in 1950, and joined the first cohort of Hungarian students to study abroad in China. Endre studied for two years at Tsinghua University, before earning his Masters in Literature at Peking University. Upon graduating in 1955, Endre went to work in the Foreign Ministry. He later returned to Eotvos Lorand University to serve as Dean of the Department of Chinese and East Asian Studies. Endre made substantial contributions to the teaching and research of Chinese language and culture. He also participated in the translation of the Chinese Classical Poems, and wrote Világjáró Magyar irodalom: A Magyar irodalom Kínában [Hungarian Literature in China] (1968). Ecsedy Ildikó (1938–2004) served as professor at Eotvos Lorand University and academician of Roman Academy of Europe. She graduated from Eotvos Lorand University in 1961, and published Nomads and Dealers on China’s Borders [Nomads and Dealers on China’s Bordersx] (1979), A kínai állam kezdetei [The Beginning of the Chinese State] (1987), Western Turks in North China. VII Century [Nyugati türkök Észak- Kínában a VII. század közepén] (1979), and Far Eastern Sources on the History of Steppe Region (1981), and Chronology in China [Kína id˝oszámítása] (1983). Ildiko also compiled Magyar szerz˝ok Ázsiáról és Afrikáról 1950–1962 [Hungarian Works on Asia and Africa 1950–1962], and annotated The Unofficial History of the Scholars in Hungarian. Ildikó planned to translate Romance of the Three Kingdoms, but owing to publication difficulties, she was only able to translate six chapters. Other important works in Hungary in relevant fields are as follows: A vörös szoba álma I-II [A Dream of Red Mansions] (1959) by Lázár György, Virágos gyertyák, avagy egy jó házasság története: Kínai regényhez a XVII [Floral Candles, or a Good Marriage History: The Chinese Novel in the Seventeenth Century] (1961) by Varga Ilona, Írástudók [The Unofficial History of Scholars] (1966) by Polonyi Péter, Titkos találkák: részlet a Szép asszonyok egy gazdag házban cím˝u XVI [Secret Meetings: A Beautiful Women in a Rich House, XVI] (1989)by Mátrai Tamás, A szerelem imasz˝onyege - Erotikus regény a Ming-korból [Prayer of Love - Erotic Novel from Ming Dynasty] (1989) by Kiss Imre and multiple translations of the Tao Te Ching. Sinologists who focused their research on modern and contemporary China are not featured here. Oriental Studies in Hungary stands out for the breadth of its research, especially in the fields of Tibetan and Mongolian studies.

9.3.4 Romania In 1950, China sent students to Romania, and vice-versa. Student exchange programs established a solid foundation for the comprehensive development of bilateral ties and mutual learning in the cultural sphere. In the 1950s, Romanians’only window into Chinese culture came through Chinese literature translated into Romanian. At the

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time, Sinology in Romania was not well-developed, and many Chinese books were translated through Russian or English. As most of the translations were revolutionary works, readers had very little exposure to China’s ancient classics. In 1953, Romania held commemoration activities in honor of Qu Yuan. The writer Geo Boza (1908– 1993) even wrote an article entitled Ciu-Yuan to introduce this ancient Chinese poet. Eusebiu Camilar (1910–1965) was a novelist, poet and translator. He resided in China for three months in 1954, and with the assistance of Qiu Zudi, a translator in China’s Foreign Ministry and one of the first cohort of Chinese students who were sent to Romania in 1950, he translated ancient Chinese poems which were later collected and published in 1956 under the title Din poezia chinez˘a clasic˘a [From Classical Chinese Poetry]. He later translated 54 poems by Li Bai and published them as Li-Tai-Pe. Adrian Maniu (1891–1961) was another translator of Li Bai’s poems. He translated 101 poems and published them as Din cintecele lui Li-Tai-Pe in 1957. Romulus Vulpescu (1933–) presided over the compilation of Antologia poeziei chineze clasice [Anthology of Classical Chinese Poetry] (1963) which collected ancient Chinese works from 11th century B.C to 1911, totaling 239 poems and including selected poems from the Book of Songs and poems by poets in the Late Qing Dynasty. In compiling this anthology, Vulpescu referred to the four-volume anthology of Chinese poems published in Moscow in the 1950s which was co-edited by Guo Moruo and N. T. Fedorenko (1912–2000). The earliest Romanian translation of an ancient Chinese novel was Pe malul apei [Outlaws of the Marsh] (1963), which was translated by S, tefana Velisar Teodoreanu (1897–1995) and Andrei Bantas, (1930–1997) on the basis of Pearl Buck’s English translation. Two books on ancient Chinese philosophy were published in the 1950s, the first being Filosoful antic chinez Lao-T, zi s, i inv˘at, a˘ tura sa [A Philosopher in Ancient China, Laozi and His Doctrines] (1953) authored by Yang Xingshun (1904–1987), and translated from Russian into Romanian, and the second Van Ciun, materialist s, iiluminist al Chinei antice [Wang Chong: Materialist and Enlightener in Ancient China] (1958) authored by Apollo Alexandrovici Petrov and translated by Madeleine Fortunescu (1927–2002). Since the mid-1960s, more translators of Chinese literature emerged out of the generation of students who studied in China, and an increasing number of ancient Chinese cultural classics was translated into Romanian. Toni Radian (1930–1990) came to China in 1950 and studied at Tsinghua University and Peking University. She established the Chinese language program at Bucharest University and dedicated herself to teaching Chinese. In 1966, she translated 15 stories from Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio and published them under the title Duhul crizantemei, which marked the first independent translation of Chinese literature by a Romanian. In 1983, more stories from Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio were translated. She also translated Intîmplâri uimitoare din zilele noastre si din vechime [Wonderful Stories Old and New] (1982) and presided over the translation of Nuvela chinezâ medivalâ [Chinese Medival Novels] (1989).

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Ileana Hogea-Veliscu (1936-) studied at Peking university from 1955–1962. She taught at Bucharest University after returning to Romania. Her main translations include Visul din pavilionul ros, u [A Dream of Red Mansions] (1975, 1985), in collaboration with Iv Matinovici (1924–2005), Qu Yuan and Poeme (1974). Hogea-Veliscu also compiled Dict, ionar de literatur˘a chinez˘a clasic˘a s, i modern˘a [Dictionary of Ancient and Modern Chinese Literature] (1983). Constantin Lupeanu (1941–) was the most prolific Romanian translator of Chinese literature in the 20th century. He graduated from the Chinese program at Bucharest University in 1966 and served as a diplomat ever since. He worked in Romanian embassies to China, Thailand, Singapore and Vietnam. In 2015, Lupeanu assumed directorship of the Romanian Cultural Center in Beijing. He collaborated with his wife Mira Lupeanu (1944–2006) to translate around 40 Chinese works, including Cartea peomelor Shijing [The Book of Songs] (1985), Întâmpl˘ari din lumea c˘arturarilor [Stories from the Scribes] (1978), Lotus de Aur, Vaza s, i Prunis, or de Prim˘avar˘a [Golden Lotus, Vase and Spring] (1985), Întâmpl˘ari din lumea mandarinilor [Stories from the Mandarin World] (1986) and Osândi¸tii mlas, tinilor [Murderers of the Swamps] (1987–1989).

9.3.5 Bulgaria Bulgaria sent students to China in 1950. In February, 1953, a Chinese workshop was convened at Sofia University, and 22 Bulgarians studied Chinese there. Madame Zhang Sunfen (1918–2010), a path-blazer of Chinese teaching in Bulgaria was invited to join the faculty. She established the Chinese teaching program in Bulgaria alongside Zhu Dexi (1920–1992), the Chinese linguist, grammarian and educator, who was sent to Bulgaria by the Chinese government. Bulgaria was one of the four countries to which China sent Chinese teachers after 1949. In the 1950s, the Bulgarian cultural circle translated political and cultural works from China mainly through the Russian editions. Below are some of the prominent figures and their representative works. Bora Belivanova (1934–) attended the Chinese workshop in 1953 and completed her doctoral thesis at Moscow University in 1964. She taught ancient Oriental literature and history of Chinese literature at Sofia University. Belivanova published Chinese Novels in the Middle Ages (1967), Biography of Li Tai Bai (1972), History of the Ancient Orient (1978), Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio (1978), Lao-tze Annotations (1980), and The Classic of Mountains and Rivers and Heavenly Questions (1985). She wrote “On the rhythms of ancient Chinese folklore, the case of the Book of Songs” (1966) and “On the issue of circularity in ancient Chinese literature” (1974). Belivanova also compiled an anthology of ancient Chinese literature (1979) and a historical outline of Chinese literature. Desislava Ivankova Ivanova completed a doctoral thesis on the Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio. Sofia Ferdinandova Kadrova (1943–) came to China in 1962 and studied in the Chinese Department at Peking University. In 1967, she went to study at Moscow

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University and obtained her master’s degree in 1970. Kadrova earned her Ph.D. in Moscow, writing her dissertation on the syntax of Zhuangzi. She also translated the ancient Chinese novel In Search of the Supernatural [搜神记] in 1986.

9.3.6 Yugoslavia Dejan Razi´c (1935–1995) set up an optional Chinese course at Belgrade University in 1974, which developed into a Chinese major in 1985. He was a pioneer of Sinology in Yugoslavia and taught Chinese language and literature, with a focus on contemporary literature. In the 1980s, Slovania began nurturing Chinese languages instructors and scholars, which laid the foundation for the establishment of the Chinese major and research on China. Two prominent scholars in this period were Mitja Saje (1947–) and Maja Miliˇcinski (1956–). Saje studied abroad in Japan in the 1960s and enrolled in Chinese courses at Belgrade University in 1976. He came to China in the 1980s and wrote Kitajsko slikarstvo dinatij Ming & Qing [Chinese Painting in the Ming & Qing Dynasties] (1988). Milicinski studied at Nanjing University in 1983 and majored in Chinese philosophy at Peking University in 1984, before studying the history of world religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). Saje went on to teach ancient Chinese philosophy at Ljublijana University. His translations Konfucij [Confucius] (1988) and Stara kitajska modrost [Wisdom of Ancient China] (1988) feature selections from The Great Mean, The Great Learning and Mencius.

9.3.7 Albania Chinese culture came to Albania in 1949, after Albania established diplomatic relations with the PRC. In the 1960s, Andrea Varfi (1914–1992) translated Qu Yuan’s poem Li Sao and published under the title Li Sao apo brenga e internimit (1960). Ismail Kadare (1936–) published Tang Poems (1961), and Jorgo Bllaci (1938–) published For Whom my Heart Hurts - A Selection of Du Fu’s Poems (1962). Yet owing to a lack of translators of Chinese, the translation of Chinese works remained limited. There was a period of stagnation from 1978 to until the 1990s, during which Chinese culture was no longer on Albanian readers’radar. It was not until the 1990s that the Albanian readership’s interest in Chinese culture was rekindled.

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9.4 Reception of Traditional Chinese Culture in the 1990s Transitioning domestic institutions and international political turmoil circa 1989 brought fundamental changes to Eastern European countries, ushering in an era of comprehensive transformation. In the 1990s, China continued to develop friendly relations with CEE countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Since 1990, the Communist ideology was abandoned in CEE countries. Freedom was guaranteed to the cultural and academic circle, as well as the press. Under the goals of democratization, market economy and Europeanization, the cultural, academic, artistic and publishing environments all tended towards diversity, openness and freedom. Cultural and education sectors underwent changes in their legislative framework, organizational structure, value system, institutional scheme, talent pool and funding resources. China’s Reform and Opening-up, coupled with her increasing international influence, triggered a new round of “Chinese culture fever”. CEE countries carried forward their legacies in researching and promoting Chinese culture, while enacting new changes. The changes concentrated mainly on the following aspects: First, increased emphasis was placed on the understanding of Chinese culture and research on issues related to China. More and larger-scale Chinese programs, research institutions and non-governmental friendship organizations were set up, and the teaching of Chinese and Sinology flourished. The disintegration of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia caused structural changes in the layout of Sinology research institutions. The Oriental Studies Institute attached to the Czech-Slovak Academy of Sciences virtually ceased Sinological research from 1968 to 1990. In 1993, Charles University set up a research institute on Far East Studies, which included departments on China, Japan, South Korea, Mongolia and Vietnam, offering courses in Uyghur, Manchurian, Tibetan and Thai. The Department of China Studies was the largest, with more than a hundred undergraduate and postgraduate students. It focused on traditional Chinese culture, as well as linguistic and literature studies. The Palacky University at Olomouc also restored its Chinese language teaching in 1993, after a four-decade-long hiatus. From August 29 to September 1st 1994, the European Sinology Society convened the tenth Conference on Sinology in Prague. Hosted by the Far East Studies Institute of Charles University, the Conference gathered nearly two hundred Sinologists from all over Europe. After Slovakia achieved independence on January first, 1993, the research on China in Slovakia bifurcated from that of the Czech Republic. Slovakia established the Department of Oriental Studies of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in 1960. Marian Galik and Anna Dolezalova (1935–1992) were among the first Slovaks to learn Chinese. They studied modern Chinese literature at Charles University in the 1950s. Galik was very prolific and made substantial contributions to Sinology in Slovakia. Since the 1990s, research on China was mainly conducted at the Department of Oriental Studies and Comenius University in Bratislava.

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In 1996, Poland set up the Asia-Pacific Society, and Krzysztof Gawlikowski was elected as the first Society President. The Society published annually the Azja-Pacyfik: Społecze´nstwo-Polityka-Gospodarka [Asia-Pacific: Society-PoliticsEconomy], collecting papers on the social, political, cultural and economic aspects of the Far East. In 1997, the Polish Council of the Asia-Pacific was established at the initiative of the Society. The Council was composed of renowned scholars, politicians and representatives from Asia-related organizations with Krzysztof Gawlikowski serving as President. The Council took as its mission to promote dialogue among Polish and Asian cultures. In 1998, the Polish Academy of Sciences established a research center on East Asia, and Chinese teaching programs were set up at the University of Silesia and the University of Gdansk. In 1990, the Sergiu al-George Oriental Studies Institute was set up in Romania. And in 1994, the Romania-China Friendship Association was established, with the former Romanian Ambassador to China, Florea Dumistrescu (1927–2018), as President. Moreover, Chinese language teaching programs were launched at the University of Lasi, the Babes-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca and the University of Bucharest. In Bulgaria, the Sinologists Club was inaugurated in 1990. And in May, 1991, the first Chinese major in Bulgaria was launched at Sofia University, offering a comprehensive system of personnel training at undergraduate, master’s and doctoral levels. A Chinese language program was also established at the University of Veliko Tarnovo. Chinese teaching and research programs were set up at the University of Zagreb, the University of Ljubljana and universities in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Second, senior Sinologists remained active in their academic pursuits, just as a new generation of Sinologists was emerging. Chinese culture expanded its sphere of influence, thanks to more diversified channels for Sinologists to exchange with researchers in China, increasing number of books available, updated information about China, the broadening of academic pursuits, more international exchanges, and better conditions for publication. Yet owing to differing academic traditions and distinct cohorts of Sinologists, countries varied in terms of scale, quality and level of research. Driven by market economy and profits, books about China were quite diversified, with a great number of them focusing on Chinese martial arts, Taichi, acupuncture, massage, Chinese Zodiac and Fengshui. Repetitive translation, reprinting and relay translation abounded on the market. Both serious academic works and books of exoticism leapt onto the shelves. Below is a list of various achievements in the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics in the 1990s: In Poland, Ewa Witecka published Córka smoka: chi´nskie opowiadania fantastyczne(VII–XVII w.n.e.) [Daughter of the Dragon: Chinese Fantasy Stories (VII–XVII Century)] (1990) based on English and Russian translations, Jó´zwiak W. translated I-Cing Ksi˛ega Przemian [Book of Changes] (1994) based on the German version, Irena Sławi´nska et al co-translated Kwiaty s´liwy w złotym wazonie [Plum Flowers in a Golden Vase] (1994), and Marzenna Szlenk-Iliewa translated the Book of Songs. Mieczysław Künstler was a particularly prolific Polish author, having published Sy- ma Tsien Syn Smoka zapiski historyka [Son of the Dragon, Historical Records

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by Sima Qian] (2000) Sztuka Chin [Chinese Art] (1991)Dzieje kultury chi´nskiej [History of Chinese Culture] (1994)J˛ezyk chi´nski [Chinese Language] (2000), and Małysłownik sztuki chi´nskiej [A Small Dictionary of Chinese Art] (1996). In terms of Czech Sinologists, Milena Doležalová-Velingerová lived in Canada from 1969 to 1999, lecturing on ancient and contemporary Chinese literature at the University of Toronto. She moved back to the Czech Republic in 1996 and taught at Charles University, also serving as an academician with the East Asian Studies Institute. Chinese Theory and Criticism Volume 2. Pre-Modern Chinese Theories of Drama and the Novel (1994) was a representative masterpiece of hers. ˇ Oldˇrich Král, a prolific translator, published Kniha mlˇcení-texty staré Cíny: Laoc’: Tao-te-t’ing [The Book of Silence-The Text of Ancient China: Laozi : Tao te ting] (1994), I-t’ing-Kniha promˇen [I ting-Book of Changes] (1995) and Duch básnictví ˇrezaný do drak˚u [Dragon-Carving and the Literay Mind] (2000). Ferdinand Stoˇces (1929–) published Kvˇety skoˇricovníku [Cinnaman Flowers] (1992) and Nebe mi pokrývkou a zemˇe polštáˇrem-Li Po [Heaven gave me a blanket and ground pillow-Li Po] (1999).1 Dana Kalvodová (1928–2003) is renowned for her research on Chinese drama. ˇ Her two monographs Cínské divadlo [Chinese Drama] (1992) and Asijské divadlo na konci milénia [Asian Drama at the End of the Millennium] (2003) have won many accolades. Her research covers ancient Chinese dramatists such as Guan Hanqing (circa.1234–circa.1300) and Kong Shangren (1648–1718). ˇ The Slovakian Sinologist Marina Carnogurská (1940–) earned her PhD at Comenius University in Bratislava with a doctoral thesis entitled The Development and Uniqueness of Confucian Philosophy in the Period of Warring States. Many of her publications examined culture and worldviews from the perspective of classical ˇ Chinese philosophy. Carnogursk published a Chinese-Slovakian edition of Xunzi in 2000. The following are descriptions of notable Hungarian Sinologists.: Karátson Gábor translated the Tao Te Ching and Book of Changes into Slovakian and incorporated many annotations from the perspective of European philosophy. T˝okei Ferenc published his version of The Analects in 1995, and the Kínaimagyar irodalmi gy˝ujtemény [Chinese-Hungarian Literature Collection] (1999) he edited was funded by the Ministry of Culture and Education and included selected translations from The Book of Songs, Commentary of Zuo, Mozi and Historical Records. Ecsedy Ildikó (1938–2004) compiled the Ex Oriente Lux - Bevezetés a régi Kína társadalmának és kultúrájának történetébe. Tanulmányok Kínáról Európa ókorában [An Introduction to the History of Old Chinese Society and Culture. Studies from China in Ancient Europe] (1992). In Romania, quite a few translations of traditional Chinese culture and philosophy emerged in the 1990s, such as Dinu Luca’s Cartea despre Dao si putere [The Book

1

Translators’ Note: The names Li Bai and Li Po are two variants both referring to the Tang Dynasty poet 李白 (701–762).

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of Dao and Power] (1993), and Serban ¸ Toader’s Cartea despre Dao s, i Virtut, iile Sale [The Book of Dao and Its Virtues] (1994). Constantin Lupeanu and Mira Lupeanu published Lao Zi s¸i Confucius, Cartea despre Tao s¸i virtute; analecte [Lao Zi and Confucius, The Book of Tao and Virtue; Analects] (1997), Cartea Schimb˘arilor [The Book of Changes] (1997), and Rogojina de rug˘a a c˘arnii [The Carnal Prayer Mat] (1996). Florentina Vi¸san (1947–) published Trepte de jad: antologie de poezie chinez˘a clasic˘a SHI [Jade Steps: Chinese Classical Poetry Anthology SHI] (1990), Confucius: Analecte (1995) and Liezi (2000). She also translated many Sinological works written in other Western languages, for example, Filozofie chinez˘a[Chinese Philosophy] (1995) from the French, and Istoria culturala a Chinei [Brief History on Chinese Culture] (1998) from English. Ileana Hogea-Veli¸scu wrote Eseu despre China s¸i literatura chinez˘a [Essay on China and Chinese Literature] in 1997. Mariana Malinova (1965–) published Eurasia and China: the Problem of Cultural Contacts during the Bronze Age in 1995, and Teodora Koutzarova published Laozi: Dao De Jing, Treatise on the Dao and the Virtue. The Serbian Sinologist Radosav Puši´c (1960–) was a prolific researcher of Chinese culture. He published papers such as On Early Daoism (1990), Sugar and Paper: Links between Indian, Persian and Chinese Cultures (1991), The Infant and the Water: the Dao of Laozi (1994), On Laozi’s Concept of Wu (1998), and his translations include The Son of the Heaven: A Selected Translation of Ancient Chinese Philosophy (1996), and Laozi (1997). In 1990s, Serbian versions of the Book of Songs, Tao Te Ching and The Art of War also emerged. In Slovenia, Peter Amalietti (1955–) published Ji cing – vodnjak modrosti in 1992, and Maja Mil inski compiled Klasiki daoizma, Lao Zi, Zhuang Zi and Lie Zi and Yijing – Knjiga premen [Yijing-Book of Transfers] in the same year. Slovenian scholars also published abundant research on ancient Chinese philosophy. Third, prior to 1989, Sinology in Eastern European countries was part and parcel of these countries’relations with China, and it reflected to a large extent the official attitude towards China. Sinologists mainly collaborated with universities and academic institutions on the China’s mainland. But things changed in the 1990s. With CEE countries accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union, as well as the process of European integration, scholars enjoyed broader access to international exchange. Sinologists joined in the European Sinology Society and participated in all kinds of international conferences. The new generation of Sinologists was more influenced by the European or American researchers in terms of guiding theories and research methodologies. They tended to consider China as an objective and purely academic object for research. This attitude differed markedly from that of their predecessors who studied in China in the 1950s. The Circulation of ancient Chinese cultural classics in the CEE region formed an integral part of the history of Sino-Foreign Cultural Exchanges. From this review, we can see that with the efforts of several generations of Sinologists, many Chinese classics were translated into CEE languages and more people in the region came to understand China’s ancient civilization and intellectual landscape. These efforts

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contributed to the cultural exchanges, fostered complementarity between China and CEE countries, and laid a historical and intellectual foundation for the development of relations between the two sides. On the one hand, the century of cultural exchanges reflected the depth and broadness of the Chinese culture and its global influence. On the other hand, such exchanges reflected CEE scholars’admiration of and pursuits in Chinese culture. Indeed, these scholars’unremitting efforts ushered in a glorious new chapter in Sino-European cultural interactions. Thanks to China’s rising economic and political status, Chinese culture has become more highly valued by other countries in the twenty-first century. The Confucius Institute program, in particular, provides a broad platform for the presentation of Chinese language and culture globally. By 2015, 27 Confucius Institutes had been established in sixteen CEE countries. More people residing in the CEE region can now study Chinese and visit China. CEE countries both built upon previous legacies and made new headways: more people are learning Chinese, and a new generation of Sinologists is finding their voices. Publications on China have been quite wellreceived, and many translations of Chinese cultural classics have come to light. These accomplishments suggest that Chinese culture will continue to ramp up its influence in CEE countries. The twenty-first century is not just a century of globalization; it will also go down in history as the era of Chinese culture’s going global.

Reference 1. Györgyi F (2007) Collecting Chinese Art in Hungary from the Early 19th Century to 1945: As Reflected by the Artefacts of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eeastern Asiatic Arts. Eötvös Loránd University, Department of East Asian Studies

Part III

Case Studies

Chapter 10

Chinese Scholars Translating Chinese Cultural Classics: The Case of the T’ien Hsia Monthly Xiping Zhang

10.1 Chinese Cultural Classics Translation Headed by Chinese Scholars with Experience Studying Abroad The dissemination of ancient Chinese classics in the West began with Juan Cobo’s Beng Sim Po Cam; Espejo rico del claro corazón, a Spanish translation of Beng Sim Po Cam [明心宝鉴] which collects ethical precepts from the classical Confucian, neo- Confucian, and Taoist traditions. From the 17th century to the onset of the 20th century, Western missionaries and Sinologists spearheaded efforts to bring Chinese classics to the West through their translations. Chinese translators, meanwhile, played a subsidiary role in this process. Arcade Huang (1679–1716), who translated Yu Jiao Li, or the Jade Tender Pear [玉娇梨], a seventeenth-century Chinese romance, into French, may have been the earliest Chinese scholar to translate Chinese classics into a Western language. Although his translation was not published, Huang’s efforts pioneered the dissemination of Chinese culture by Chinese scholars. Chen Jitong (1851–1907), a diplomat at the Chinese embassy to France, expounded upon Chinese culture in French, and his works opened a new chapter in Chinese cultural dissemination. Gu Hongming (1857–1928) was another monumental figure at the turn of the 19th and 20th century, given his extensive writings and translations. In 1898, Gu published The Discourse of Confucius: A New Special Translation, Illustrated with Quotations from Goethe and other Writers, which was actually a translation of the Analects and his first attempt at translating Confucian classics. In 1906, he translated The Great Mean and entitled his translation as The Universal Order or Conduct of Life. He also translated The Great Learning which appeared under the title Higher Education.

X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_10

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The beginning of the 20th century witnessed a surge in the number of Chinese intellectuals studying abroad. Their experience in the West enabled them to appreciate the significance of Chinese culture to the Chinese nation and their own lives. These scholars blazed a new path for bringing Chinese culture to the West. The first cohort of Chinese students at the Harvard-Yenching Institute, with Yang Liansheng (1914–1990), Qi Sihe (1907–1980), Weng Dujian (1906–1986), Wang Yitong (1914– 2016), Meng Siming (1908–1974), Deng Siyu (1905–1988), Zheng Dekun (1907– 2001), Zhou Yiliang (1913–2001), Chen Guansheng (1907–), Hong Ye (1893–1980) chiefly among them, began introducing Chinese culture in the U.S., and students with experience studying in Europe, namely Chen Shouyi (1899–1978), Chen Shixiang (1912–1971), Liang Zongdai (1903–1983), Chen Zhongnian (1893–1966) and Chu Dagao (1898–1987), began to publish their translations of Chinese classics. The rhythm of 19th-century Chinese society was disrupted by Western powers. The beginning of the 20th century marks an agonizing period for Chinese learning from the West. Li Xisuo (1946–) commented on the intellectuals who had studied in the West that, [They] mainly spread Western knowledge to China, not vice versa. This cultural deficit meant that Chinese intellectuals were Angels disseminating Western culture, rather than preaching their own culture. Admittedly, these intellectuals did make an attempt to disseminate ancient Chinese culture, like Chinese literature, history, philosophy, social customs and cultural traditions, and their presence itself served to represent the image of China overseas. But these did not constitute the mainstay of cultural exchanges between China and the West [1: 3].

Indeed, Chinese intellectuals studying abroad remained intellectually bound to Chinese culture. They were immersed in Western culture, yet could not abandon their Chinese identity. The agony they experienced was described by Wu Mi (1894–1978), a comparative literature scholar, as “identifying with Chinese traditional morals and ideals on the one hand and reflecting upon how to maintain and develop the ideals by adopting new methods developed in the West on the other”. However, these two mindsets remained in perennial conflict, just like“having to ride two horses at the same time. You have to hold the two reins and force the two horses to march in tandem. If you’re not strong enough, you’ll be torn as the two horses run apart [2: 335].” The earliest cohorts of Chinese scholars at the Harvard-Yenching Institute played greater roles in the second half of the 20th century. Despite their roles in facilitating the development of American Sinology, they served subordinate roles in the dissemination of ancient Chinese culture to the West. Or as the Chinese political scholar and educator J. C. Hsiao (1897–1981) put it, they were not the protagonists in Sinology, but rather “academic policemen”. As a result, despite their advertent and inadvertent contributions to the cause, Chinese intellectuals studying abroad hardly constituted the mainstay for the dissemination of Chinese culture abroad.

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10.2 The Establishment of the T’ien Hsia Monthly The T ’ien Hsia Monthly was an English language magazine founded by Chinese intellectuals aiming at introducing Chinese culture to the world. The two pivotal figures in the founding of the magazine were Sun Ke (1891–1973), the son of Sun Yat-sun (1866–1925), and Wu Ching-hsiung (John C. H. Wu, 1899–1986), a Chinese diplomat and authority on international law, who returned after pursuing higher education in the United States. In December, 1935, Sun established the Yat-sen Institute for the Advancement of Culture and Education to raise public awareness for Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s political philosophy. The Institute took education, culture and publication as its major tasks. Although the Institute appeared to be a non-governmental cultural institution, it actually received sufficient funding support from the government. Wu Ching-hsiung was the mastermind behind the T ’ien Hsia, and a key member of Sun Ke’s staff. Wu studied law in the U.S. and travelled to Europe as a visiting scholar. Upon returning to China, Wu served as a member of the legislative assembly in 1931 and prepared the Draft Constitution of Republic of China. In his autobiography Beyond the East and West [超越东西方], Wu recalled: The birth of the T ’ien Hsia Monthly was as much a coincidence as other good things which happened in my life. I met Wen Yuan-ning, former professor of English literature at Peking University, on a banquet organized by The China Critic. I was fairly impressed by his research and personality, and we became good friends. On one occasion, we discussed the possibility of creating a bi-lingual magazine on Chinese culture and literature. But at the time it was only a fleeting moment of thought, since we both understood that such a journal would win few subscribers and could hardly support itself. Who’s going to fund it, after all? So we stopped at that. Coincidently, when serving at the legislative assembly, I also assumed the role as the Director of the Publicity Department of Yat-sen Institute for the Advancement of Culture and Education. One day, during a morning walk with Dr. Sun Ke in a park, I mentioned my discussions with Wen. Dr. Sun showed greater interest than I expected. He pressed on me to draft a plan and try to gain support from the Institute. So I drafted a plan and submitted it to him. He approved it immediately. After discussing with Wen, we decided to invite Lin Yutang and T. K. Chuan Zenggu to join us as editors, both of whom accepted without hesitation...that was how it all started. The editorial office was located on the Road of Yu Yuan, which literally means‘Fools’Park’, an accurate description of us” [3: 29].

From August of 1935 to September of 1941, the T ’ien Hsia was published on the 15th of every month apart from June and July. By 1940, 50 issues had been published (altogether, the T ’ien Hsia boasts 56 issues in 11 volumes). In August of 1940, it became a bi-monthly. The editorial office was moved to Hong Kong, China at the end of 1937 during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931–1945). The magazine was circulated mainly by Messrs, Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., not only in China, but also in Japan, the UK, Germany, France and the U.S. It is fair to say that the T ’ien Hsia Monthly was an international magazine from the very beginning. Under the leadership of C. H. Wu, the magazine pooled a team of distinguished scholars conversant with both Chinese and Western cultures, with Wen Yuan-ning, a

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graduate of Cambridge, Lin Yutang of Leipzig, T. K. Chuan of Harvard, Yao Hsinnung of Dong Wu University, and Ye Qiuyuan of Indiana University, figuring prominently among them. These scholars all cherished the common goal of introducing China to the world. In the founding issue, Sun Ke commented that in the past, religions connected nations, while in the current era, economic ties have become the main determinant of international relations. However, people should not shut their eyes to the role of cultural links in fostering mutual understanding. Culture knows no boundaries; embodied by the exchange of ideas, cultural interactions lead to cultural prosperity. Without cultural mutual understanding, political and economic mutual understanding can never be achieved. Sun believed that, One way to do this is to set up in every country an institution, the principal object of which should be the promotion of international cultural understanding. Such an institution is the Sun Yatsen Institute for the Advancement of Culture and Education, under whose auspices the T’ien Hsia Monthly is being published. Being a Chinese-run organ, naturally, the T’ien Hsia Monthly will attempt more at an interpretation of China to the West, than of the West to China. But as its name implies (T’ien Hisa = Universe), anything that is of vital interest to men and women all over the world comes within its scope. We welcome therefore in ideas and who wish to bring about international cultural understanding. The only thing we rule out is current political controversies. Purely personal references will also be excluded from its pages. One of the favourite quotations of our late leader, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, is “T’ien Hsia Wei Kung” (The Universe is for everybody. We want to see this dream of over two thousand years ago realized today. The T’ien Hsia Monthly represents a modest effort towards this end [4: 5].

In the Editorial Commentary of the founding issue, Wen Yuan-ning explained that the T ’ien Hsia Monthly was a magazine of ideas and culture, instead of a highlyspecialized academic journal. This set the T ’ien Hsia Monthly apart from the bunch. “Being a Chinese-run Monthly, most of the articles in its will, as a matter of course, be on China. But in order not to lose sight of its international bias, each number of T’ien Hsia Monthly will contain at least one article by a non-Chinese,preferably on a subject which has no specific bearing on China, but is of sufficient importance to merit the attention of any one who is interested in ideas” [5: 6–7]. The fundamental mission of the T ’ien Hsia lay in introducing Chinese culture, despite the occasional articles on foreign literature. There were quite a number of English language magazines at the time, but most of them were run by Westerners, and focused exclusively on a Western audience. They introduced Western culture, promoted Christianity, published research on China, or commented on contemporary politics. The T ’ien Hsia provided a brand-new type of magazine with a unique identity, fresh perspectives and academic quality. It initiated the indigenous effort to bring Chinese culture to a global audience. The unequivocal academic stance of the T ’ien Hsia was first of its kind in China. There are several reasons for the emergence of this magazine. First, the 1930s was a pivotal period in modern Chinese history-indeed, 1927– 1937 was hailed as a “golden decade”. China ended the chaos under the Beiyang

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government (1912–1928). These conditions enabled Sun Ke to initiate projects from a nation-wide perspective, while the ensuing fiscal stability secured funding to support the magazine. Second, by the 1930s, studying abroad became better regulated. At the time, intellectuals who’d studied abroad returned, and became the mainstay in promoting cultural and educational development in China. Lin Yutang came back from Germany, while T. K. Chuan, Ye Qiuyuan and C. H. Wu returned from the U.S. These scholars spearheaded brand-new efforts. Meanwhile a plethora of domestic authors published in English, thus ensuring the magazine’s academic quality. A list of the main contributors to the T ’ien Hsia Monthly could be found in the appendices. The T ’ien Hsia boasted a relatively fixed readership, which was characteristic of the city of Shanghai. As Yan Hui put it, According to the statistics, the population living in the foreign settlements exceeded 1.18 million. The population in the French settlement alone approximated half a million, among which, 23,398 were foreigners. The total number of foreigners in the settlements stood at 62,000, peaking at 86,000 in 1942....therefore, it was the unique status of Shanghai and its unique population structure that secured the readership for the T ’ien Hsia, i.e. foreigners interested in Sino-Western cultural exchanges and Chinese intellectuals with cross-cultural backgrounds” [6: 15].

The foreign contributors to the T ’ien Hsia, such as Edgar Snow (1905–1972), Harold Acton (1873–1953), Charles R. Boxer (1904–2000) and Owen Lattimore (1900–1989), were members of this large foreign population. The T ’ien Hsia made substantial contributions to the dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics. It was a fruit of the collaboration between the government and the academia. As an English-language magazine, it marked the first indigenous attempt to bring Chinese culture to the West, and covered virtually all aspects of Chinese culture. We hereby restrict our discussion to the introduction of ancient Chinese culture through the T ’ien Hsia. We would now like to provide four preliminary observations on the T ’ien Hsia’s contributions to disseminating ancient Chinese culture. First, the T ’ien Hsia pioneered the translation of ancient Chinese culture by Chinese scholars. Most of the T ’ien Hsia’s editors had experience studying abroad, yet remained unequivocally emotionally attached to Chinese culture. In Four Seasons in the Tang Poems, C. H. Wu expressed his confidence in and vision of Chinese culture: Ever since the close of T’ang, China has been whimpering for more than ten centuries. Not until now does she feel some stirrings in her soul which look very much like the beginning of a new Spring! When Winter has tarried with us so long, “can Spring be far behind?” But if there is another Golden Age in store for my country, as I am honestly sure that there is, then let it be even more glorious than T’ang! ... In the coming age, let Life become Poetry, or else it wouldn’t be worth-while to sing! I couldn’t wait to see the coming of the new epoch” [7: 351–352].

The T ’ien Hsia was born in an era of trials and tribulations. It symbolizes the resilience and strength of the Chinese nation in face of woes; that is, the war of

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cultural resistance. The journal unveiled the intellectual world of the Chinese nation amidst sufferings in words that could be understood by the world audience. Wu’s comments symbolized the cultural stance of the T ’ien Hsia’s editors as they sought to fulfil their vision through academic research and cultural interpretation. Chinese scholars such as Chen Jitong and Gu Hongming had translated Chinese classics into foreign languages before the founding of the T ’ien Hsia, but the magazine was the first of its kind in that it was initiated and led by Chinese scholars but circulated around the globe. With C. H. Wu, Wen Yuan-ning, T. K. Chuan and Lin Yutang at its core, the editorial team assumed the task of actively and overtly introducing Chinese culture to the world. The editors were quite familiar with the history of the dissemination of Chinese culture in the West. They knew well that the West would not understand the core values of Chinese culture until Westerners came to understand Chinese philosophy. T. K. Chuan, one of the T ’ien Hsia’s editors, made this clear in the Editorial Commentary of the first issue in 1940: China by the name Serica was known to the West as early as the Roman times, but translation of Chinese books began only with the coming of the Jesuits in the Sixteenth Century. The Europeans learned about Confucius and Mencius from the writings of the early Jesuits, just as they had previously gathered such curious bits of information about the Chinese as their use of paper money and‘a sort of black stone for fuel’from Marco Polo’s Travels. Ever since the time of the Jesuits, interest in China and things Chinese has been kept alive in Europe, so that by the end of the last century, nearly all the Confucian classics had been translated into both French and English. Of the English translations, those by Dr. James Legge are the best known, and Dr. Legge was also among the first to introduce Lao Tzˇu’s Tao Teh Ching to the West. The Tao Teh Ching is perhaps the most frequently translated of all Chinese books, though the writings of other pre-Ch’in philosophers such as Mo Ti, Yang Chu, Hsun Tzˇu, and Shang Tzˇu have been made available in English only in recent years. The publication last year of Mr. Arthur Waley’s Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China fills up the gap in Westerners’knowledge of ancient Chinese philosophy as far as Han Fei Tzˇu is concerned, but it is only when other important Chinese philosophers from the period of the Contending States to the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties are translated as well, that students in the West who are unacquainted with the Chinese language may get a complete picture of the development of Chinese philosophy as a whole” [8: 5].

Chuan’s words revealed that the editorial team was familiar with the history of dissemination of Chinese culture in the world and key figures in Western Sinology. They had also read works by James Legge and other major translators. When editing and writing for the magazine, they were acutely aware of the historical significance of what they were doing. The editors began their introduction of Chinese history and culture by translating classics in Chinese philosophy. Early translations included The Tao and It Virtues (Vol. IX, No, 4–5) by C. H. Wu in 1939, Five Vermin: A Pathological Analysis of Politics (Vol. X, No.2) by W. K. Liao (1905–1952) and the Yangzhu chapter of the Lie-tzu (Master Lie) by Leonard A. Lyall (1867–1940), an important translator of Chinese classics in the first half of 20th century, who translated the Analects in 1909 and Mencius in 1932. When translating the Yangzhu chapter of the Lie-tzu, Lyall was clearly aware of the controversy over its authenticity. The Yangzhu chapter was

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appended to the Lie-tzu by Zhang Zhan, a scholar in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317– 420). In his introduction to the Lie-tzu, commentator Zhang referred to the appending text as the only text left by Yang Zhu. Some scholars believed that the self-centrism held by Yang Zhu was a byproduct of the historical circumstances of the Wei and Jin Dynasties (220–420). Wu’s commentaries on the translation of the Analects by Arthur Waley also appeared in the T ’ien Hsia. The introduction of ancient Chinese literary works assumed a significant position in the T ’ien Hsia. The words on the back-cover of the magazine indicate that “it will translate all genres of Chinese literary works both ancient and contemporary into English, be it poetry, prose, novels or anecdotes.” This proclamation reflects the interest of the editors. Except for the philosopher T. K. Chuan, all editors were scholars of literature. Chinese scholars contributed far more translations to the T ’ien Hsia than Sinologists. In my view, the best examples of the cultural awareness of the editors included Lin Yutang’s translation of Six Chapters of a Floating Life [浮生六记], and the Four Seasons of T ’ang Poetry by C. H. Wu. Below is a brief analysis of these two translations. Translations of Six Chapters of a Floating Life were published on the first three issues of the T ’ien Hsia. Six Chapters of a Floating Life was written by Shen Fu (1763–1825), a writer of the late Qing Dynasty (1840–1912). The book was previously known only among the writer’s friends. In 1877, Yang Yinchuan discovered the book in abookstore in Suzhou, and Yang’s brother-in-law Wang Tao (1828–1897), a translator and publisher of the late Qing Dynasty, and Yang both enjoyed reading the book and claimed to be “entranced”. Yang and Wang subsequently published the book with their preface and postscript. The book was highly praised by Yu Pingbo (1900–1990), who emended it in February, 1923, preparing a new preface and a chronological table. In this way, Six Chapters of a Floating Life reached contemporary intellectuals. In 1935, Lin Yutang translated the book into English and published it in the T ’ien Hsia. In 1939, an offprint was published by Xifeng Press in Shanghai, and in 1942, it was published in New York. At the time, the book did not draw much attention from Chinese scholars. It caught some attention when it was reprinted in the Literature of Aesthetic Life Series [美化文学名著] by the World Book Co., Ltd. in Shanghai, but seldom was any relevant research conducted. Lin Yutang also translated other ancient Chinese books, but Six Chapters of a Floating Life was the most influential. His choice of Six Chapters of a Floating Life as the first book to translate and represent Chinese culture embodied his cultural taste and unique perspective. Six Chapters of a Floating Life is an autobiography written in a very natural and clear style. Lin Yutang chose to translate the book because it fell in with his own cultural and aesthetic tastes. In the preface, Lin commented that in this story, “I seem to see the essence of a Chinese way of life as really lived by two persons who happened to be husband and wife”, and “the couple’s love of the beautiful and the true, and their sense of contentment were characteristic of the Chinese disposition” [9: 17–18].

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Lin Yutang’s renewed understanding of Chinese culture informed his choice of books to translate. Six Chapters of a Floating Life fit in with his view in that “Chinese writers seldom wrote about their married life due to cultural taboos, Shen Fu is an exception in that he touched on this taboo” [10: 103]. Since the 19th century, the image of China in the West has undergone fundamental shifts. Lin was well aware of the West’s mainstream portrayal of a China ridden with stupor, stagnation and backwardness. Lin chose to translate Six Chapters of a Floating Life in order to showcase the real lifestyle and intellectual world of ordinary Chinese. In Lin’s words, “when we read the book, we feel calm and tranquil, we feel humble in front of an ordinary couple, not noble people; because we believe the most beautiful thing in the world is a natural and plain way of life” [9: 19]. In The Importance of Living, Lin wrote: “Insofar as Taoism and Confucianism mean merely the negative and positive outlooks on life, I do not think they are Chinese, but are inherent in all human nature. We are all born half Taoists and half Confucianists” [11: 90]. In his view, an ideal life should draw wisdom from both Confucianism and Taoism. This view is typical of the Confucian principle of moderation, or the Great Mean, which is also the view adopted by most Chinese literati. In the preface to Six Chapters of a Floating Life, Lin wrote: Because in this simple story of two guileless creatures in their search for beauty, living a life of poverty and privations, decidedly outwitted by life and their cleverer fellowmen, yet determined to snatch every moment of happiness and always fearful of the jealousy of the gods, I seem to see the essence of a Chinese way of life as really lived by two persons who happened to be husband and wife. Two ordinary artistic persons who did not accomplish anything particularly noteworthy in the world, but merely loved the beautiful things in life, lived their quiet life with some good friends after their own heart-ostensibly failures, and happy in their failure [9: 73].

In translating Six Chapters of a Floating Life, Lin sought to introduce the Chinese philosophy of life to the West. He wanted to show the world that Chinese people were not followers of rigid principles, but rather champions of the natural state of married life. Lin polished his translation time and again. He related: I’ve always dearly loved Six Chapters of a Floating Life and hoped to translate it into English, to offer the world a glimpse into the tranquil and endearing lives of a Chinese couple. My translation was completed during the spring and summer of 1935, and later published in the T ’ien Hsia Monthly and West Wind Monthly. A good many English readers became so attached to the characters that they could hardly bear to read on, suspecting that the couple’s fate might take a turn for the worse. The booklet has no doubt touched many people’s hearts. (Lin 1935: 73)

As pointed out by Zheng Yimei (1895–1992), “Lin Yutang translated the Six Chapters of a Floating Life and made it universally known” [12: 91]. Publishing Lin’s translation on the founding issue of the T ’ien Hsia exposed the editors’ sense of cultural confidence and self-sufficiency. C. H. Wu was undoubtedly the soul of the T ’ien Hsia. He translated the The Tao and its Virtues [道 德 经], as well as ancient poetry. In the first issue of 1936, he published Some Random Notes on the Shih Ching [诗经随笔], in which he presented both his own translations and the translations by Western Sinologists, such as Herbert Giles

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(1845–1935) and Marcel Granet. Wu chose to translate Shih Jing [诗经], because in his view, The Shih Ching is the earliest collection of poems that has come down to us... In them you find embodied the spirit of poetry...In them, you visualize the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings. They are so strong, so fiery, so earnest, so full of longing, and above all so genuine and sincere, flowing as they do from the heart and pouring to us the freshest water from the purest source [13: 12].

It’s Wu’s goal to unveil the internal world of the Chinese to the West, and to “venture on a little generalization about our race, which may serve to throw some light on the nature of our poetry” [13: 9–10]. Just as commented by Yan Hui, “Wu founded the T ’ien Hsia out of his sense of mission to facilitate Sino-Western cultural exchanges. Some Random Notes on the Shih Ching was written with the strong intentionof showing the world the emotions of the Chinese nation through the finest poetry” [6: 17]. Wu’s most influential collection of translations was The Four Seasons of T ’ang Poetry, which exhibited China’s cultural subjectivity. In the words of Kung Ling-kai, a reader of the T ’ien Hsia Monthly: Now that the world is knit closer and closer as time goes on, it is but natural that efforts should be exerted to make the rest of the world understand one another. Since the west has contributed its science, literature and art to us, it is only fair that we should offer it what we have. In the translation of gems of our poetry, we share with the world one of the most valuable treasures our forefathers have handed down to us. We are now fighting against aggression, yet we are proud of the fact that our spiritual and cultural reconstruction remains unstinted in progress, unperturbed and unruffled in our most dire want. I trenchantly believe that in deserving all this superabundance of world sympathy and goodwill, to show of what stuff we are made of is the only recourse” [14: 272].

In a word, the editors of the T ’ien Hsia were confident in Chinese culture, and this confidence came to characterize the magazine. Second, the T ’ien Hsia Monthly was established to provide comprehensive rendering of ancient Chinese culture for a Western audience. Any given issue was consisted of four main sections, namely, Editorial Commentary, Articles, Translation and Book Reviews, and sometimes also Chronicle and Correspondence. The Translation section published translations of both ancient. Chinese literary works and contemporary writings. Ancient Chinese poetry translation was a highlight of the section. Apart from the Four Seasons of Tang Poetry, C. H. Wu also published translations of poems under the pseudonym of Teresa Li. The T’ien Hsia also published Chinese plays, such as Madame Cassia: A Play in Four Acts [贩马记] and The Right to Kill: A Translation of a Play Generally Known as The Ch’ingting Pearl, or Fishing and Massacre [庆顶珠] translated by Yao Hsinnung, and Scenes from Shih Hou Chi [狮吼记], Lin Ch’ung Yeh Pen [林冲夜奔] and Chunxiang Teases Teacher [春香闹学] from the Ming Dynasty Play Mu-tan T ’ing by Harold Acton. The Articles section mainly published research papers on both Chinese and Western cultures. For instance, Randall Gould (1895–1975), chief editor of the Shanghai- based Ta Mei Wan published A Foreigner Looks at the New Life Movement

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in Issue 4, Vol. 3, 1936. Many papers on ancient Chinese culture were published to complement the translations. The Book Reviews section not only sung the praises of newly published books, but also provided serious book reviews, thus reflecting the T ’ien Hsia’s cultural selfsufficiency. The reviews focused on Western books on Chinese culture. Putting together, 23 translations of ancient Chinese culture were published on the T’ien Hsia; Translations of ancient Chinese poetry involved 65 authors; 105 research papers on ancient Chinese culture were published; and 70 book reviews on ancient Chinese culture were published. Comprehensive lists of the texts related to ancient Chinese culture could be found in the Appendices. From the above statistics, we can see that the T ’ien Hsia’s translation of, research on and introduction to ancient Chinese culture were unprecedented. We have every reason to consider it a high-quality academic journal that painted a comprehensive picture of Chinese culture for Western readers. Third, the T ’ien Hsia initiated active collaboration between Chinese scholars and Western Sinologists. In the 1930s, Shanghai had become a flourishing metropolis. The T ’ien Hsia found its popularity with many expats living in this metropolitan hub. The foreign authors for the magazine were a mixed group. Emily Hahn (1905–1997), for instance, worked as a correspondent for The New Yorker, and wrote many books about China, with The Soong Sisters prominent among her published works. Shao Xunmei (1906– 1968), a writer and translator, introduced Hahn to the T ’ien Hsia’s editors. Julian Heward Bell (1908–1937), professor of English at Wuhan University, also taught at Wuhan University and published English poems on the magazine. A group of Western Sinologists writing for the T ’ien Hsia helped establish the magazine’s clout in the academic realm. We are interested in how the collaboration between the Sinologists and Chinese scholars led to considerable success in introducing Chinese culture to the West. John Calvin Ferguson (1866–1945) was a senior Sinologist who came to China in 1886 and engaged in all types of social activities, especially in the education sector. Ferguson belonged to the staff of Liu Kunyi (1830–1902) and Zhang Zhidong (1837–1909), both high-officials of the late Qing dynasty. He was even endowed with an imperial ranking by the court due to his contribution to disaster relief in 1910. Ferguson associated with the likes of Cai Yuanpei (1868–1940), Zhang Yuanji (1867–1959), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and was deemed a “China hand”. Though he was not a Sinologist by trade, his lengthy stay in China, his close relationship with the elites, and his strong interest in Chinese culture enabled him to contribute to the research on Chinese culture. To a certain extent, he was typical of the China-hand Sinologists at the beginning of the 20th century. Ferguson was nearly 70 years old when the T ’ien Hsia was founded, but his unique insights into Chinese artifacts made him an important contributor to the magazine. He wrote 37 articles for the T ’ien Hsia, more than any other foreign author. Ferguson was responsible for editing the Catalog of Recorded Paintings of Successive Dynasties, Catalogue of the Recorded Bronzes of Successive Dynasties, and Survey of Chinese Art which are still important references for contemporary researchers of China’s art history. Considering Ferguson’s social

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status, and his influence both in China and the West, his articles no doubt contributed to the academic and cultural influence of the magazine. Ferguson was an experienced social activist and a connoisseur in Chinese artifacts. His articles were mainly published in the Book Reviews and Articles sections, for example, Early Porcelain in China, Sung Dynasty Porcelains, Reflections on the London Exhibition of Chinese Art, Chinese Furniture, Jade Foot Measure, The T ’iao Miao of Peking, The Imperial Academy of Painting in the Articles section, and Yin and Chou Researches, the Chinese on the Art of Painting, Hun-Yuan Bronze Vessels, Pao Hui Chi: Twelve Chinese Paintings in the Collection of J. P. Dubosc in the Book Reviews section. Ferguson’s articles enabled Westerners to understand ancient Chinese civilization through the lens of ancient artifacts. His biographical sketches of high officials of the Qing Dynasty, including Lin Zexu (1785–1850), Zeng Guofan (1811–1872) and Zuo Zongtang (1812–1885), reflected his profound knowledge of late Qing Dynasty society. Ferguson’s seniority was rare among foreign authors. Many authors were actually young Sinologists who would later rise to seniority. To a certain extent, the T ’ien Hsia Monthly served as a cradle for Western Sinologists. The American Sinologist Derk Bodde (1909–2003) was just 27 when he published The Attitude Toward Science and Scientific Method in Ancient China in February of 1936. He was among the first batch of students sent by Harvard-Yenching Institute to China. Bodde later founded the China Studies program at University of Pennsylvania, and made substantial contributions to research on Chinese culture. Owen Lattimore (1900–1989) came to China as a boy and worked in foreign funded enterprises and newspaper agencies. He enrolled at Harvard in 1929, and was sent to China by the Harvard-Yenching Institute from 1930–1933. In 1934, Lattimore became an editor of Pacific Affairs, and in 1935, he published On the Wickedness of Being Nomads, which indicated his future academic interests. Lattimore later became an expert on China’s ethnic minorities and hinterlands-his monograph Inner Asian Frontiers of China was a very influential work in the U.S. Walter Fuchs (1902–1979) came to China in 1926. Before he came to Fujen University in Beijing in 1938, he served a German teacher in the northeastern city of Shenyang. In August of 1937, Fuchs published The Chinese Jews of K’ai-feng Fu at the age of 35. In 1951, he returned to Germany and studied with Erich Haenisch (1880–1966), and in 1956, he became a professor of Sinology. His major contribution was his research on Jesuit map-making, and he was one of the few German Sinologists who were conversant with Manchurian. The T ’ien Hsia published the works of both junior and senior Sinologists. If we summarize the experience of the T ’ien Hsia in promoting Chinese culture, we’ll discover the following: First, the T ’ien Hsia paid attention to well-known Sinologists and Orientalists, and sought to expand the influence of Chinese culture by publishing their works. The T ’ien Hsia Monthly was published in China and edited by a couple of Chinese scholars—it was not easy for it to gain recognition in Western academic circles. Even in China, it faced competition from peer journals such as The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal and Mollard’s Review. It is the author’s view that the impact

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of the T ’ien Hsia in the West was first and foremost attributed to its publication of high-quality articles by Sinologists and Orientalists. For example, Charles R. Boxer, an expert on Far East studies and Macao studies, was at the time an intelligence officer for the British army, but his East Asian studies were already influential in the West. He was introduced to the T ’ien Hsia by his wife Emily Hahn, with whom he raised a daughter. Boxer was conversant with a variety of languages and his research focused on East Asia and Macao, China at the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. For example, Macao, Three Hundred Years Ago, Portuguese Military Expedition in Aid of the Ming Against the Manchus, 1621–1647, and The Rise and Fall of Nicholas Iquan (Cheng Chi-lung) remain papers of high academic value even today. These articles brought scholarly fame to the T ’ien Hsia. Boxer became a famous expert on East Asia, especially on Macao, China, and in his later years, he committed himself to the research of the expansion period of Portugal, and published widely on the expansion of Portugal in Brazil, Africa and India. Boxer’s erudition, familiarity with first- hand documents, broad horizon and diligence were unmatched. In the words of a British historian, It is hard to believe that there will ever be another Boxer-a man possessing at once an encyclopaedic scholarly knowledge and a remarkably first-hand experience of every corner of the globe; a man with an almost obsessive urge to write books (and books of a kind which no other living historian could have written); a fine conversationalist and a delightful companion. (quoted in [15]: 21)

The T ’ien Hsia turned out to be a foothold for Boxer’s research during the Second World War. Together, Boxer and Hahn produced a treasure-trove of high-quality papers. Boxer was not a Sinologist in the strict sense, as his research was mainly based on Western materials, but his articles published on the T ’ien Hsia expanded the influence of the magazine in Western academia. Arthur Waley, the British Sinologist and translator, was as renowned as his famous compatriot James Legge. He began publishing his translations at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1918, Constable Press published his A Hundred and Seventy Chinese Poems, which was soon translated into French and German. The book collected 111 poems from the Qin Dynasty to the end of Ming Dynasty, plus 59 poems written by Po Chü-I (白居易).11 In July of 1919, Waley published More Translations from the Chinese, collecting poems by Li Bai, Po Chü-i and Wang Wei. In 1919, Waley also published The Poet LiPo, with an introduction entitled the “Life of Li Po”, and a commentary on the“translation process”, followed up with his own translations of 23 of Li Po’s poems. In 1923, Waley published an Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting and The Way and Its Power: A Study of the Tao Te Ching and Its Place in Chinese Thought in 1934. Waley cherished a constant enthusiasm towards Tang poems. He published The Life and Time of Po Chu-I, 771–846, The Poetry and Career of Li Po, 701–762, and Yuan Mei: Eighteenth Century Chinese Poet in 1956. His Eclipse Poem and its Group was published on the October issue of the T ’ien Hsia in 1937, when he was enjoying a rising reputation. This article greatly boosted the image and influence of the T ’ien Hsia. Other examples include Henri Bernard (1889–1975), an expert on the history of Christian missions in China, and Arthur William Hummel (1884–1975), who later 1

Translantors’Note: The names Bai Juyi and Po Chü-I are two variants both referring to the Tang Dynasty poet 白居易 (772–846).

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assumed the post of Director of the East Asia Section of the American National Library. These articles generated considerable academic influence. The T ’ien Hsia shows that Western Sinologists represented an important force in introducing Chinese culture to the West. The Sinologists researching Chinese culture as their mission, drew upon Chinese culture to expand the academic research on Chinese civilization, and gradually expanded the influence of Chinese culture in the West. We should pay due respect to the Sinologists’research, and acknowledge their significant role in bringing Chinese culture to the West, despite the undeniable contribution made by Chinese scholars. We should not reduce their research simply to Orientalism, and should discuss the problems in their research from an academic perspective. Second, the T ’ien Hsia pioneered collaborative translation, a new model for translating Chinese cultural classics. Some translations published in the T ’ien Hsia were completed through the joint efforts of Chinese scholars and Sinologists. This is of special interest to the author. A list of works as results of collaboration could be found in the appendices. In the Translation section, translations can be organized into three main categories, namely those translated by Chinese scholars, Western scholars’translations, and collaborative translations. The total number of translations comes to 71, out of which 52 were translated by Chinese scholars, four by Westerners, and 15 were completed through collaborative efforts. Although collaborative translations were hardly numerous, this became a salient feature of the translation section. There are currently two opposing opinions concerning the translation of Chinese cultural classics. The first view contends that translations should be completed mainly by Chinese scholars, while the second holds that the bulk of the translation work should be carried out by Westerners. In the body of translations currently available, Western Sinologists and Chinese scholars residing in the West constitute the mainstay of the translators; few translations were produced by purely domestic translators. We can see this more clearly when referring to the bibliographies compiled by Henri Cordier and Yuan Tongli. The T ’ien Hsia is unique in that Chinese scholars did most of the translations, a phenomenon that should be attributed to both the cultural environment and the editors’ stance. Yet in the author’s view, collaborative translations completed by Chinese and foreign scholars set a positive precedent. Chinese scholars pale in comparison to Sinologists in terms of their mastery of the English language, while Sinologists often lack knowledge of ancient Chinese culture; hence, collaborative translation is an ideal mode for translating Chinese classics. Harold Acton stood out amongst foreign translators as an expert on European literature. He translated such traditional Chinese plays as Chunxiang Teases Teacher, Scenes from Shih Hou Chi, and Lin Ch’ung Yeh Pen, and published them in the T ’ien Hsia. He also translated Chinese classics in collaboration with Chinese scholars. For example, he translated Nine Poems of Su Tung P’o together with Hu Xiansu (1894–1968), Two Modern Chinese Poems and Two Poems with Chen Shixiang (1912–1971), and Famous Chinese Plays with L. C. Arlington (1859–1942). Modern

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Chinese Poetry in collaboration with Chen Shixiang was one of the earliest attempts to translate Chinese modern poetry. The T ’ien Hsia created a new model of collaborative translation. We need to sort through the translations and extract useful principles that could be used to improve the translation of Chinese classics. Third, academic criticism on equal-footing promoted Sinological research. The T ’ien Hsia did not simply publish articles written by Sinologists, but also encouraged them to translate ancient Chinese classics and contemporary literature, and enabled constructive dialogues between Chinese and Western scholars. The review articles revealed the editors’academic acumen. These articles helped familiarize Chinese scholars with the latest developments in Western Sinology. For example, Herrlee Creel (1905–1994) published Studies in Early Chinese Culture in 1938, which was soon known to the Chinese academia. Meanwhile, Ye Qiuyuan (1907–1948) published an article on the T ’ien Hsia and commented on the contribution of the book. He remarked that: In his study on the source materials for the history of the Shang period, after pointing out the mistakes committed by Karlgren (e.g. Karlgren rendered 殷墟 as Yin K’u or the Waste of Yin instead of Yin Hsu or the ruins of Yin), Prof. Creel goes on to review all those important discoveries at Anyang and also the books which have appeared since the beginning of the present century about the oracle bones. After this resumé, the author discussed at length the ancient Chinese books which purport to be authentic chronological records of the three early dynasties of China. Following the trend of historical research among Chinese scholars, such as Prof. Ku Chieh-kang and others, Prof. Creel holds the view that these ancient records are not at all reliable and have been written‘for purposes of deliberate political propaganda’. For this reason, students of early Chinese history have to resort to other materials. Fortunately there are now hundreds of thousands of oracle bones, and the excavations at Anyang and other places have also yielded other contemporary materials which have thrown new light on this period. It is with these new materials in mind that the author wrote:‘We are obliged, therefore, to start almost with tabula rasa and to attempt to reconstruct, as best as we can, a picture of the history, the institutions, the culture of the Shang state, in so far as that picture can be pieced together, on the basis of a rigidly scientific examination of the contemporary materials now available to us’” [16: 116].

As Creel wrote the book on the basis of archaeological discoveries in Anyang, Henan Province, more confidence was given to the credibility of China’s early history. Ye commented: The study as to who were the Shangs is perhaps the most interesting in the volume under review. For not only is it the longest essay, occupying more than one hundred pages, but in it also are discussed and passed in review the various archaeological finds which have been made at different localities and which have a bearing on the history of this period. From the racial, geographical, and cultural standpoints, the author tries to shed some light on the origin of the Shangs. Geographically, it is maintained that tradition locates the numerous Shang capitals in northwestern Honan, southern Hopei, and southwestern Shantung. Racially, on the basis of recent finds by Andersson and of those at Choukoutien, it is said that ever since Palaeolithic times man has been living on the plains of North China, and the Shangs are said to be a very similar type of Mongoloid men. Culturally, the Shangs took a great deal from the Neolithic cultures that preceded them, particularly that of Ch’eng-tzu-yai, or the so-called Black Pottery culture. The author concludes the study by saying: ‘Chinese culture is unique in its continuity, and bears a striking capacity for change without disruption. It would appear

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that that characteristic goes back even to the Neolithic cultures which preceded the Shang in northeast China. Shang culture, like all great cultures, was eclectic, fertilized by influences from many quarters. But these influences and techniques, when they were accepted, met the same fate which has overtaken every people, every religion, every philosophy which has invaded China. They were taken up, developed to accord with Chinese conditions, and transmuted into organic parts of a culture which remained fundamentally and characteristically Chinese’ [16: 117–118].

Ye was himself an expert on early Chinese history. His review was insightful and highlighted the value of Creel’s book. He directly addressed some of the flaws in the book, for example, Creel concluded that “Preliminary comparison leads to the expectation that careful study may show relations between Shang art and some of the art found in America and in islands of the Pacific.” Ye refuted that“this goes perhaps a little beyond the sphere of research and verges on that of speculation. And speculation in research is often as risky a business as speculation in Wall Street or the Paris Bourse” [16: 118]. Ye Qiuyuan’s insight reveals the academic horizon and depth of scholarship amongst the T ’ien Hsia’s editors. The T ’ien Hsia pooled together a group of Chinese intellectuals who were conversant with both Chinese and Western culture. Most of them had studied in the West, could read English well, and were equipped with training in ancient Chinese culture. They could provide insightful comments to Sinologists on their translation and research.Although their reviews may have been few and far between, they nevertheless reflected the cultural self- consciousness and taste of the T ’ien Hsia. Chinese scholar Yu Letian (Yu Lo-Tien)’s criticism on The West Chamber, A Medieval Drama [西厢记], translated by Henry H. Hart (1815–1900) provided a case in point. Yu praised Hart’s accurate version as a cut above the rest. He illustrated his point by comparing Hart’s translation to that of Xiong Shiyi (S. I. Hsiung) (1902–1991). Example 1: The original: 莺莺云: “有人在墙角吟诗。” 红云 : “这声音便是那二十三岁不曾娶妻的那傻角。” Henry H. Hart’s translation is: Ying Ying: There is someone at the corner of the wall, reciting verses. Hung Niang: The voice is that of that young twenty-two-year-old idiot who has not got himself a wife. Xiong Shiyi offers the following version: Ying-ying: There is some one, at the corner of the wall, who is chanting a poem. Hung Niang: The sound of the voice is exactly that of that foolish fellow who is twenty-three years old and still unmarried. Yu Letian deemed Henry H. Hart’s translation superior to Xiong’s. First of all, Hart’s translation read more fluently than Xiong’s. Furthermore, according to Western

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tradition, the male character Zhang Sheng was only 22 years old, instead of 23 as indicated in the original. Yu used the following example to support his view: Example 2: The original: 红娘说道: “张生, 你见么? 今夜一弄儿风景分明助你两成亲也。” Henry H. Hart’s translation reads as follows: ‘Don’t you see, Chang? Tonight there is a magic spell about, to favor your mutual joy.’ This translation preserved the spirit of the original. In comparison to Hart’s translation, Xiong appears rather stiff: ‘This evening, with its beautiful surroundings, is evidently assisting you and her to complete your union.’ Yu Letian went so far as to deem Hart’s translation surpassed the original in a few places: On the whole, the translator has done an admirable piece of work. There are passages of superb beauty. I need only point to the following two samples: ‘My sorrow is deep as the murky sea As vast as the earth And as boundless as the blue heavens above.’ ‘She has crushed the tender buds of the twin blossoms, And she has severed the cord which bound together Two hearts fragrant with their love’ [17: 92].

However, Hart’s translations were far from error-free. Yu also pointed out the errors in Hart’s translations, remarking: One of the most interesting passages in The West Chamber is where Ying-ying urged Hung Niang to go to see Chang and the latter reluctantly consented to do so, saying, 我去便是了, 单说‘张生你害病, 俺的小姐也不弱’. I would translate it as follows: All right then I will go. I will simply say to him,‘Mr. Chang, you are sick, and my little mistress is not weak either.’Apparently, it’s nonsense, but underneath it’s full of sense. She knows that Mr. Chang is not really sick, but only love-sick, and she knows that her little mistress is not weak in her passion either. But Hart renders it as follows: Well, then, I’ll go, but I shall simply say:‘Chang, sir, do you think you are the only person sick at heart? Is not my little mistress in like case?’ He has hit at the meaning, but where is the sense of humor with which the original is packed full? Where is the charming nonsense? In this connection, Mr. Hsiung’s translation is even worse: Well, I will go. I will merely say to him:‘Mr. Chang, you have caused my Young Mistress very great affection.

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This is neither literal nor imaginative.

We can see from this example the objective attitude the T ’ien Hsia harbored towards the translations penned by Western Sinologists. To sum up, as the first magazine in the 20th century introducing Chinese culture to the English-speaking world, and edited by Chinese scholars, the T ’ien Hsia Monthly scored considerable achievements, launching a new chapter in the history of Sino- Western exchanges. The editors’broad vision and sense of mission produced admirable achievements; we would be wise to cherish the ideals and practices the editors espoused. After years of sufferings and turmoil, the Chinese nation is now back on the path that these pioneering editors blazed. One would be hard-pressed to find modern Chinese counterparts to the likes of Wu Jingxiong, Wen Yuan-ning, Lin Yutang and T. K. Chuan, as the majority of Chinese scholars conversant with traditional culture are unable to write freely in English. Meanwhile, those who have returned after studying abroad no longer subscribe to the editors’vision, and lack indepth knowledge of both Chinese and Western culture. They have become distanced from traditional Chinese culture, and have lost touch with their cultural roots. Chinese culture, with its long and prolific history, is now entering a new era of unprecedented opportunities. The long-anticipated rejuvenation of the Chinese culture is just around the corner. Now is an appropriate time for us to re-examine the heritage of the T ’ien Hsia Monthly.

References 1. Li XS (2006) Overseas Chines students and cultural exchanges in modern times. Tianjin Education Press 2. Wu M (1998) Wu Mi’s Diary, Volume III. SDX Joint Publishing Company 3. Wu CH (2002) Beyond East and West. Social Sciences Academic Press 4. Sun K (1935) Foreword, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 1(1):3–5 5. Wen YN (1935) Editorial Commentary, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 1(1):6–10 6. Yan H (2011) Transcendence and construction: literature exchanges between China and the West. Guangming Daily Press 7. Wu CH (1938) The four seasons of T’ang poetry (Introduction), T’ien Hsia Monthly, 6(4):342– 352 8. Chuan TK (1940) Editorial Commentary, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 10(1):5–8 9. Lin YT (1999) Translator’s preface to Six Chapters of a floating life. Foreign Languages Teaching and Research Press 10. Chen YK (1978) Manuscript of study on Bai Juyi and Yuan Zhen’s poems, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House 11. Lin YT (1937) The importance of living. New York: The John Day Company 12. Zheng YM (1983) The puzzle over the lost manuscript of Six Chapters of a Floating Life. In Wenyuan Huaxu. Zhongzhou Calligraphy and Painting Press 13. Wu CH (1936) Some random notes on the SHI CHING, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 2(1):9–34 14. Kong LK (1939) To the Editor-in-chief of T’ien Hsia Monthly, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 7(3):272 15. Alden D (2004) Keynote presentation: Charles R. Boxer, Macau and Jesuits, in Macau Ricci Institute Studies 2: Religion and Culture: Past approaches Present Globalisation, Future Challenges, Institute Ricci de Macau

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16. Yeh CY (1939) Herrlee Glessner Creel, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 9(1):116–118 17. Yu LT (1938) The West Chamber: a medieval drama, T’ien Hsia Monthly, 6(1):92–95

Chapter 11

China International Publishing Group (CIPG): Path-Blazer for Chinese Culture Going Global Xiping Zhang

The twentieth century was a time of great political upheaval for the Chinese nation, and the winds of change swept the nation. The founding of the People’s Republic of China was one of the milestone events of the eventful twentieth century, since it initiated a fundamental shift in China’s image.

11.1 The CIPG: A Strong Foothold for Disseminating Chinese Culture In the previous Section, we studied the Tien H’sia Monthly’s contributions to introducing ancient Chinese culture to the West during the first half of the twentieth century, which succeeded as a result of the collaboration between the government and a group of like- minded intellectuals represented by C. H. Wu. In the second half of the century, however, the CIPG served the landmark institution for bringing Chinese culture to the world. In this Section, we will focus on how the CIPG endeavored to translate ancient Chinese classics for a Western readership.

11.1.1 A Brief History of the CIPG’s Translation and Publication of Ancient Chinese Classics There are two stages to the CIPG’s translation of ancient Chinese classics. The first began with the founding of the PRC in 1949 and ended in 1976. The second roughly X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_11

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spanned the first three decades since the adoption of the Reform and Opening-up policy (1976–2009). (1)

Stage One (1949–1976)

The CIPG was established in 1949, the same year the PRC was founded, and its initial guiding principles were phrased in its 1950 Work Plan as follows: Publicizing the revolutionary struggles made by the Chinese people under the Central People’s Government and the Communist Party of China(CPC), making efforts to restore the nation after a war-torn past, achieving progress in production and cultural development, and the pursuit of long-lasting world peace and people’s democracy; Emphasizing the solidarity between China and the Soviet Union and the growing power of forces of democracy and peace; proving the universal applicability of Marxism and Leninism and the great achievement of Mao Zedong Thought in China; Carrying out publicity campaigns focusing on the struggles of Asian countries against colonialism, so that their struggles will be emulated by the people of Western countries, and that peoples of different Asian countries will gain mutual understanding, exchange experiences and inspire each other.” (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 4).

Blazing a new path in presenting China to the world proved to be a difficult task. In 1950, the CIPG launched three magazines: People’s China, a biweekly magazine published in English and Russian editions, a monthly magazine published in ˆ Esperanto El Popola Cinio, and China Pictorial. According to the Work Summary in the year of 1950: Over the past year, following the Common Outline, and under the leadership of the Central People’s Government, we have, to a certain extent, fulfilled our role as a publicity organ for China, publicizing domestic developments and promoting solidarity with international friends in struggles against imperialism and invasion, and in pursuit of peace (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 13).

The CIPG nevertheless faced many challenges, one of which was the lack of skilled foreign language personnel. At the time, the attitude towards potential employees was influenced by the prevalent political ideology. A basic policy towards intellectuals in the 1950s, ideological remolding had an important bearing over the cultural stance of translators at the CIPG. Without an understanding of this basic cultural policy, we will not be able to fathom the mentality of the translators and their works, such as Yang Xianyi (Yang Hsien-Yi) and his translations of ancient Chinese classics. After the founding of the CIPG in 1949,“44 books were published leading up to December 15th, 1950. These books fell roughly into two categories, with those presenting the experience of Chinese revolution accounting for 28% of the total, and those presenting different aspects of new China accounting for 72% ”(Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 26–27). In 1950, the only literary work translated was Widow Lady Tian: The Pumpkin Field Watcher by Zhao Shuli (1906–1970), which was translated into Czech, Japanese and Bulgarian. There were no ancient cultural classics translated that year.

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The guiding principle for 1950 indicated the feature of work at CIPG in Stage One, and to a certain extent the essential feature of the CIPG over the past decades. As commented by former CIPG President Yang Zhengquan (1940–): There are two constants during the changes and they are key to understanding the CIPG. First, top Chinese leaders have offered long-term support to the publicity work. Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Song Qingling, and Jiang Zemin, among others, have given important instructions on publicity work and CIPG, covering the guiding principles of publicity work, the content and form of publications, staffing, training and institutional development. Their instructions remain relevant even now. When we review these instructions, we found ourselves far from fulfilling their expectations. Second, the central task for CIPG, that is, presenting China to the world, has never changed. In essence, the CIPG was born to present China to the world.” (Yang’s Preface in Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 3).

The CIPG is the publicity arm of the PRC and the Communist Party; therefore, its history, achievements and problems should all be understood in the light of its political stance. In 1952, the launching of Chinese Literature (English Edition) marked a milestone event for presenting Chinese literature to the world. During Stage One, the mainstay of the works translated were those written by top Chinese leaders. In the beginning, “no translations were conducted in the realms of Chinese history, geography, culture or art.” (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 71). In his speech on People’s China in August 1953 at the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Qiaomu (1912–1992), deputy head of the Department, proposed the task of presenting Chinese history and culture to the world. Hu declared: Foreigners are unfamiliar with the basic facts of China, and the result is distortion. China was virtually unknown to the world before the Marco Polo expeditions. After Marco Polo, knowledge of China grew, but distortions were abundant. The People’s China should assume the political task of struggling against the influence of capitalism, and offer background knowledge to readers who are interested in China. The knowledge is also beneficial to readers in socialist countries, as they also lack knowledge of China. We could select topics based on Chinese history or important figures. For example, we could present knowledge on China by telling the history of the Opium War, Sino-Japanese war, the Taiping Rebellions, etc., or the stories of historical figures; we could also recount the history of the relationships and cultural exchanges between China and Asian countries, such as the interactions between China and Japan or Korea, or the spread of advanced science in China. Meanwhile, we could also elaborate plans for presenting Chinese works of literature and art by publishing high-quality translations of contemporary or ancient writers (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 90).

In the wake of Hu’s speech, the CIPG placed the translation of ancient Chinese culture and cultural classics on its agenda. Two years later, new strides were made in this regard. The 1955 Work Summary indicates that the CIPG gathered from market feedback that “through reading ancient and contemporary Chinese writings, many foreign readers abandoned their distorted images of the Chinese people caused by anti-communist propaganda, and enhanced their understanding of China’s rich and time-honored cultural traditions”; (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 109) “Works of literature and art (ancient and contemporary) are favored by foreign readers, truly high-quality

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works are magnets to readers of all strata. We can never publish enough of them” (Zhou and Qi [5], 1: 114). At the same time, the CIPG formed a three-to-five-year plan for translating ancient Chinese cultural classics. This marked a brand-new beginning. By 1956, the plan was to “publish a series of 20 books on Chinese basic facts, and a series of 100 translations of ancient and contemporary literary masterpieces ” (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 123). Beginning in 1957, Chinese Literature (English Edition) was published on a biweekly basis, and increased its circulation substantially. It became a major platform for presenting ancient Chinese cultural classics to the world. Against the backdrop of Cold War, the Commission for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries defined the proportions of ancient and contemporary works on the basis of the cultural guideline proposed by Mao Zedong, namely“, laying more emphasis on the present than the past”. More works during the May-Fourth Movement should be published, as the Chinese New Cultural Movement will contribute to the cultural development of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. For that purpose, we define the proportions of contemporary, May-Fourth period and ancient literary works as 4:4:2 (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 159).

During Stage One, the CIPG’s main focus was presenting the socio-economic development of PRC, in order to expand China’s political influence. The CIPG did not, however, neglect the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics, and opened up a new channel for presenting China’s image to the world. Although the links between ancient Chinese culture and the cultural development of the PRC remained under investigation during Stage One, efforts were already underway to improve how Chinese culture was translated and presented. During this Stage, translations of and introductions to ancient Chinese cultural classics were mainly published in Chinese Literature. Below, we provide a detailed examination of this magazine’s publications. Figures 11.1 and 11.2 show the trends of publication of books in French and German during Stage One (1949–1976).

Fig. 11.1 Trends in the number of various French publications (1949–1979)

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Fig. 11.2 Trends in the number of various German publications (1949–1979)

(2)

Stage Two (1976–2009)

After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh CPC Central Committee, the CPC adopted such slogans as “seeking truth from facts” and “emancipating the mind” as its main ideological line. Under this historical backdrop, the CIPG launched a new chapter in presenting Chinese culture to the world: “Emancipating the mind is to make our thoughts fit in with dialectic materialism and historical materialism, and to become more pragmatic. Therefore, we need to work hard to emancipate our minds” (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 449–450). According to Liao Jingdan, the Deputy Director of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, What is meant by emancipating the mind? It means we should get back on the track of dialectic materialism, … The Third Plenary Session addressed this fundamental problem and it opened up new paths, telling us what we should focus on when there’s plenty of work to do” (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 489).

With minds emancipated and more rational ideo-cultural lines determined, the CIPG re-positioned its translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics, deciding on the following four principles: (1)

(2)

Maintaining the focus on presenting high-quality contemporary Chinese literary works to the world, and making systematic plans for the translation of high-quality works in modern and ancient literature; Changing from focusing on literature, literary works and contemporary works to laying equal focus on both literature and art, and both literary works and commentaries, and changing Chinese Literature to Chinese Literature and Art beginning in January of 1987. Expanding the scope of works to interviews, notes, memoirs, commentaries, book reviews and introductions to ancient and contemporary paintings and artifacts, writers and painters, reviews of latest plays, movies, music, dances and Chinese folk arts.

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(3)

Publishing collections of high-quality literary and fine arts works that garnered positive acclaims among foreign readers. Giving scope to foreign experts and translators in the editorial process and establishing a consultation committee composed of experts outside of the CIPG (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 481–482).

(4)

These principles show that the scope of translating and conveying ancient Chinese culture is expanding, and due attention has been paid to Sinologists who were then among the staff of CIPG. When the Reform and Opening-up era began in 1978, the CIPG launched a series of translations of ancient Chinese cultural classics. Outlaws of the Marsh, Romance of the Western Chamber, Romance of the Three Kingdoms, A Dream of Red Mansions, 300 Best Excavated Antiques from China, Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, The Life of Confucius, El Arte De La Guerra [孙子兵 法] were among the many translations. The Panda Books series was also launched during the period, which we will address later in this Section. During this period, the most successful effort in translating ancient Chinese classics culminated in the series entitled Culture and Civilization of China, a collaborative endeavor between CIPG and Yale University beginning in 1990. This series marked a brand-new model of international collaboration, and was highly valued by top leaders of both countries. Former US President George Bush served as the Honorary President of the American committee of the project, and Joseph Reed, Under-Secretary-General of the UN, served the chief coordinator on the US side; Henry Kissinger and other seven US Secretaries of State, as well as the President of Yale University, served as members of the consultation committee. On the Chinese side, former Vice President Rong Yiren served as the Honorary President of the Chinese committee, and Huang Hua, former Vice President of the National People’s Congress, served as President of the Consultation Committee. The year 1997 marked the publication of Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, the first volume in the Culture and Civilization of China series. Since then, the series has served as state gifts by top Chinese leaders to US presidents, the Library of Congress and Yale University, and has won much attention among the political, cultural and academic circles. Seven volumes have already been published, including Key Concepts in Chinese Philosophy, The Formation of Chinese Civilization, Chinese Sculpture, Chinese Calligraphy, many of which have won important book awards in both countries. According to the plan, other volumes, including Chinese Porcelain and Chinese Silks will be published. The whole series will amount to some 70 volumes covering pictorials, Chinese literary works, and Chinese philosophical thoughts. This series represents the highest achievement of CIPG in disseminating ancient Chinese culture to the world. In the 1998 work plan, we encounter the follow passage: The CIPG’s efforts in international collaboration have been fruitful. After a few years of painstaking efforts, CIPG formally presented Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, the first volume of the Culture and Civilization of China (Chinese, English and French)series and held launching ceremonies in both Beijing and New York. Other volumes of the series are now in the pipeline. The publication of the first volume exerted a major impact among mainstream Western society through publishing houses and circulators with international

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reputation. The publication coincided with President Jiang Zemin’s visit to the US and was presented to President Bill Clinton, Vice President Al Gore, Speakers of the Congress and Senate, as well as Madame Gu Yuxiu, a former teacher of President Jiang, as gifts. This reflects the high level of achievements and boosted the image of the CIPG (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 492).

The Culture and Civilization of China made considerable headway in terms of topic selection, author screening and collaborative publication, and accumulated precious experience for presenting ancient Chinese culture to the world. The translation and presentation of ancient Chinese cultural classics is but one field in which the CIPG has achieved remarkable results. The CIPG’s experience symbolized shifts in China’s understanding of its own history and culture, from which we can see how China has emerged on the world stage. The CIPG pooled together high-caliber professionals; its best practices should be learned and valued, and its lessons analyzed and drawn upon. Presenting China to the world and translating. Chinese classics into foreign languages does not merely involve a shift in languages, nor is this purely an academic issue. The status of traditional culture in our cultural thought, the changes in our state ideologies, the position of the country in global cultural interactions, China’s understanding of the outside world, cultural stances and collaboration among the translators, the development and utilization of the publishing market, and the feedback from foreign readers all factor into China’s state cultural policy. It is an important indicator of soft power, of cultural interactions and cultural power expansion. The endeavor to introduce China to the world represents our efforts in understanding the world and in disseminating Chinese culture, and reflects our increasingly rational understanding of and confidence in our own culture. Figures 11.3, 11.4 and 11.5 show the trends of publication of books in Spanish, Japanese and Arabic by CIPG during Stage Two.

Fig. 11.3 Trends in the number of various Spanish publications (1980–2009)

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Fig. 11.4 Trends in the number of various Japanese publications (1980–2009)

Fig. 11.5 Trends in the number of various Arabic publications (1980–2009)

In the six decades from 1949 to 2009, the Foreign Languages Press published a total of 928 volumes of ancient Chinese classics in 21 languages. Table 11.1 provides more detailed information concerning the number of publications in each language.

11 China International Publishing Group (CIPG) … Table 11.1 Number of foreign language books published by Foreign Languages Press (1949–2009)

Languages

191 Number of publications

Arabic

40

Korean

12

German

75

Russian

14

French

131

Dutch

1

Bengali

40

Burmese

11

Portuguese

24

Japanese

27

Sinhalese

6

Esperanto

10

Swahili

14

Thai

35

Urdu

19

Spanish

96

Italian

6

Hindi

65

Indonesian English Vietnamese

9 279 14

11.1.2 Translations of Ancient Chinese Classics Published in Chinese Literature Chinese Literature was launched in 1951 at the proposal made by Chinese writer and literary translator Ye Junjian (1914–1999), and approved by Zhou Yang (1907–1989), former Vice Minister of Culture. The magazine was dedicated to presenting Chinese literature to the world. The first three issues were edited by Ye Junjian himself, with Yang Hsien-Yi (1915–2009) on the team of translators. As the magazine garnered international influence, from the fourth issue on, “in order to sort through the work, Ye was transferred to the Foreign Languages Press, and Yang Hsien-Yi, Gladys Yan(g 1919–1999), Sidney Shapiro (1915–2014) and Tang Sheng (1922–2016) joined the editorial team. With He Lu from Chinese Writers Association joining the editors in the mid-1950s, the editorial team became quite distinguished at the time” (Wu, 1999: 489). Chinese Literature is a national-level magazine that translated and presented Chinese literature to Western readers. In a matter of half a century (1951–2001), it published 394 issues in English, presenting more than 2000 cases of Chinese writers

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and artists, and 3200 translated literary works. This magazine became a prominent platform for publishing Chinese literature in English. Chinese Literature covered virtually all literary genres, such as romance, poetry, essay, drama, script, fable, memoir and cross-talk. It encompassed contemporary literature, modern literature and literature of the liberated zones, prioritizing translations of contemporary literature. For example, answering the call from a People’s Daily editorial titled “A country-wide campaign to collect folk songs” on April 4, 1958, Chinese Literature published the translations of 43 new folk songs in the sixth issue of the year, and on the fourth issue of 1960, it again published 13 new folk songs selected from the Folk Songs under the Red Flag co-edited by Guo Moruo (1892– 1978) and Zhou Yang. This shows that the content of the magazine was determined by the ideological environment of the time. However, the lack of consent within the top leadership over the types of translated works to be published further complicated matters. In 1959, Foreign Minister Chen Yi (1901–1972) delivered a speech to the Chinese Literature staff, emphasizing that, Chinese Literature should stick to its founding goal, but cover a broader variety of subjects. The themes covered could be love or war, and the genres explored epic or essay. The magazine should promote the people’s revolution and enrich their life with works of high artistic value. Please do remember, your readers are intellectuals in the Western world (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 163).

Chen laid emphasis on diversifying the genres, which was an insightful proposal at the time, but one that was difficult to concretize. The themes of the translated works focused mainly on the achievements in the literary field under the leadership of the CPC and the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought on literature and art, hence the focus on translating contemporary and modern literature. There are four main categories: ancient works (5–20%), contemporary works (35–45%), modern works (10–25%), research papers, commentaries and profiles of writers or painters (25%). The translation of ancient Chinese literature kicked off with Li Sao [离骚] by Qu Yuan in the second issue of Chinese Literature in 1953. According to Yang HsienYi, “We translate and present Qu Yuan to the world because Qu is considered an exemplary figure that transcends culture and nation ”(He and Zhao [2]:3). At the end of the 1950s, with increasing attention paid to A Dream of Red Mansions, more translations of ancient Chinese literary works came to light. Du Fu, Li Bai, Wang Wei, Liu Zongyuan, Su Shi, Lu You and Tao Yuanming were among the ancient Chinese authors translated. Ancient literary works, such as The Scholars, The Palace of Eternal Youth [长生殿], The Dragon King’s Daughter [柳毅传], Governor of the Southern Tributary State [南柯太守传], Flowers in the Mirror [镜花缘], The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons [文心雕龙], Outlaws of the Marsh, A Dream of Red Mansions, Journey to the West [西游记], Romance of the Western Chamber, The Peony Pavilion [牡丹亭] and Twenty-four Styles of Poetry [二十四 诗品] were published in translation. In December of 1962 and September of 1965, 39 poems by Su Shi were published. Research shows that novels assumed the largest proportion in the body of translated Chinese literature. According to Zheng Ye,

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The magazine translated and presented all types of ancient novels, covering themes such as corrupted officials and the sufferings of the common people. Novels such as The Scholars, Outlaws of the Marsh, Journey to the West, Three Kingdoms, A Dream of Red Mansions and The Palace of Eternal Youth were translated in excerpts. Some translations were made up of works that symbolized what Mao Zedong championed as non-superstitious books, such as Tales of Marvels [列异传], Records of Light and Dark [幽明录], Records of Spirits [搜神 记], A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms [佛国记] and Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio. Many of the translations were appended with an interpretation in the line of ‘MarxismLeninism’, or a paper related to the re-interpretation of the work or the writer in line with contemporary art policy. For example, 1963 was the 200th anniversary of Tsao Hsueh-Chinthe first issue of that year published the translation of two papers written by He Qifang and Wu Shichang, respectively titled ‘On A Dream of Red Mansions’and ‘The Evolution of A Dream of Red Mansions’, which celebrated Cao as a classic realist writer (Zheng [3]: 68–69).

The evolution of Chinese Literature may be classified into three stages, namely. (1) Founding and initial growth (1951–1965); (2)Stagnation (1966–1979); (3) Prosperity and maturation (1979–2001) (He and Zhao 2011, 2: 50–53). The Chinese Literature served as a bridge that brought Chinese culture to the world throughout several decades and a window to the political and cultural changes in China for more than half a century. At the same time, the magazine served as a symbol of the impact of dominant ideologies. It left a rich legacy for us to sort through.

11.1.3 Panda Books In the 1980s, the CIPG launched the Panda Books series to present Chinese culture to the world. Yang Hsien-Yi, the chief editor of Chinese Literature, suggested launching the series in the spirit of Penguin Books in the UK. It began with selected translations from Chinese Literature and soon moved to new translations. By the end of 2009, more than 200 books were published, with 149 in English, 66 in French, two in Japanese and one in German. Detailed lists of translations done by Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang in the Panda Books Series could be found in the Appendices. The focus of Panda Books was contemporary literature. There are two possible reasons behind this: First, Panda Books was based on Chinese Literature, whose founding goal had a direct bearing on the series. Chinese Literature (English edition) was founded in 1951 and the French version launched in 1964. Chinese Literature “focused on literature, on the translation and presentation of Chinese writers and their representative works, represented by Lu Xun. It also publishes ancient literary works such as Shi Jing [诗经], but the focus has always been contemporary” (He, 2013, 4: 19). Given the surging demand for Chinese contemporary literature after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, coupled with the national strategy of cultural dissemination, it is natural that Chinese Literature prioritized the translation of contemporary literary works. This feature was reflected in the first issue published in October of, 1951, which featured the translations of Daughters and

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Sons by Norman Shapiro and Wang Kuei and Li Hsiang- hsiang by Yang HsienYi and Gladys Yang. In 1952, The True Story of Ah Q translated by the Yangs was published, and in 1953, The Sun Shines Over the Sangkan River translated by Gladys Yang, was published. Yang Hsien-Yi assumed chief-editorship of Chinese Literature in 1979, and proposed launching Panda Books in 1981. As mentioned previously, the series grew from Chinese Literature, which was markedly reflected in its focus on the contemporary. Second, the 1980s was an era of cultural and intellectual emancipation. Contemporary literature witnessed unprecedented prosperity with new works and writers abounding. Translating and presenting these works to foreign readers,“the Panda Books sounded the bugle for Chinese literature going global in a new era.”Xu Shengui spoke to the cultural background framing the launch of Panda Books, explaining that works from this period were “far better than those from the previous decade as well as the 1949–1966 period. The unprecedented prosperity of literature added to the momentum of translating and disseminating Chinese literature” [4: 48]. The role of Gladys and Hsien-Yi Yang Gladys and Hsien-Yi Yang’s translations account for a prominent share of the Chinese cultural classics translations published in the Panda Books series. The couple devoted their lifetime to translating Chinese culture, and their list of translated works extended well beyond those appearing in Panda Books. A better understanding of the couple’s overall vision and stance as translators could be gained by sorting through the complete list of their translated works which could be found in the Appendices. The Yangs were undoubtedly the two most prolific and influential translators since 1949, and their contribution was instrumental to the success of Panda Books. Yang Hsien-Yi was awarded the “Lifelong Achievement Prize” in his later years, an acknowledgement of the couple’s lifelong devotion to translating Chinese literature, as well as their contribution to Chinese Literature and Panda Books. Panda Books was discontinued in 2000 due to shrinking sales on the international market. Researchers noted that a pronounced reason for the halt was the focus on language equivalence, rather than cross-cultural communication. Some people insist that translation is a trans-coding process, underestimating or simply shutting their eyes to external factors. We must take culture into account when we translate. Translation is beyond language equivalence. It involves cross-cultural communication and external factors of which,‘poetics, patronage and ideology in the target culture’are the most prominent. These factors determine the translation strategies, the acceptance of the target culture, and the status of the work. Therefore, dissemination of Chinese literature must be based on high-quality translations. The translator should take into account the cultural, literary or even geo-political contexts and adapt his/her translation strategies and marketing strategies accordingly. We should not only select those works or writers we consider important, but also take into consideration target culture factors, including the readership [5: 135–136].

Researchers concluded that a lack of cross-cultural awareness, rather than insufficient mastery of the target language, was to blame for the Panda Books’ discontinuation.

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Yet there were additional reasons behind the 1990s’steep decline in sales, reasons beyond the control of Chief Editor Yang or the CIPG. After 1989, China claimed the world spotlight. The sanctions imposed by Western countries on China also exerted a negative impact on China’s going global initiative. At the time, Chinese books marketed in the US declined from 867,000 in 1988 to 183,000 in 1990, 167,000 in 1991 and 165,000 in 1992. And the decline was infectious. “Due to the disintegration of the USSR and domestic policy adjustments, the circulation of Chinese books worldwide experienced strong fluctuations, sliding from 6.5 million in 1991 to 5.9 million in 1992, 2.4 million in 1993 and 2.05 million in 1994.” The rise and fall of Panda Books has left us with plenty of food for thought as we ponder the series’ legacy in presenting Chinese culture to the world. Yet it is impossible to draw a well-rounded conclusion simply looking at the history of the series per se. Since 1979, China has been attaching increasing attention to the translation of ancient Chinese cultural works. Previously, the translation of ancient Chinese culture was mainly conducted by the CIPG. Recently, thanks to the emphasis laid by the General Administration of Press and Publication(now renamed State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television), dozens of other Chinese publishers at various levels marched into this field, too, Seventy years of legacy (1)

The cultural policy of the state

For the CIPG, a quasi-government institution, the translation of ancient Chinese culture was certainly bound by China’s overall cultural policy. The CIPG was referred to as “an institutional translator by some researchers in that it features a strong mission, complicated processes and diversified products in relationship to its translation efforts”. The mission and goal of translation for the CIPG were vastly different from those of an individual translator. We must, therefore, explore the essential features of the CIPG as an institutional translator when evaluating its achievements in translating Chinese culture. As mentioned, the 1950 Work Plan proposed the principles guiding the work of the CIPG. The guiding principles may change over time, but the nature and mission of the CIPG has remained constant. During the a national conference on publicity and ideological work former Chinese President Hu Jintao pointed out: We must stick to strengthening and improving publicity work as a strategic task. We must focus on the overall work of the CPC and the country, earnestly implementing the CPC Central Committee’s guidelines concerning publicity work, and presenting China’s achievements in material, political and cultural development to the world in an objective and comprehensive manner. We should publicize China’s viewpoints on international affairs in a timely manner, safeguard our national interest and image, continuously increase the mutual understanding and friendship between China and other countries, and gradually create a publicity campaign in keeping with China’s international status, in order to create a favorable international environment for building a moderately prosperous society in all aspects” [6].

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Hu’s words revealed the nature and mission of CIPG as a state publicity organ, and provided a basic point of reference for contextualizing the CIPG’s accomplishments in translation and cultural dissemination. From the point of view of communication studies, the CIPG was responsible for giving voice to Chinese culture from a state perspective. This type of communication was certainly dominated by the national interest. It is essentially “an information exchange activity carried out between a state or a cultural system and another. The goal is to promote understanding by the target country or culture, nurture friendship and goodwill, and create a favorable international public opinion environment, so as to strive for maximum international support and cooperation” [7: 20]. Therefore, the nature of the CIPG was crystal clear; that is, it is a state-sponsored institutional translator. This is not unique to China, however—every country has its own cultural or publishing institutions responsible for cultural dissemination. Thus, it would be naive to expect a de-ideologization of the CIPG’s cultural dissemination endeavors. Moreover, the choice and behavior of individual translators should also be considered against such a backdrop. The nature of the CIPG determines its compliance with state policies, and the changes in state cultural policies would ultimately determine its success or failure. As an institutional translator, the CIPG serves China’s national interests, and its cultural stance serves as a barometer of the state’s cultural stance. Thus, an evaluation of the CIPG’s cultural stance amounts to an evaluation of that of the state. Moreover, research on CIPG’s endeavors in translating Chinese culture must be considered in light of the broader political framework, in order to fully comprehend its attitude towards translating ancient Chinese classics. The next important issue is how to convey the state’s cultural stance through cultural dissemination, and how to convey the state political ideologies in a more pragmatic manner. If we focus solely on the mission of disseminating state political ideology, without considering how to best convey those ideologies, then the nation’s cultural dissemination efforts would be futile. The key to successful cultural dissemination lies in aligning dissemination methods with the political goals. CIPG has a clear political mission, but its way of implementing this mission leaves something to be desired. The most important issue to consider is how the CIPG can ensure that its cultural dissemination methods serve its ultimate aim. Over- politicization and a superficial understanding of the target readers, as well as the success factors for cultural dissemination, are other problems that must be addressed. The CIPG has much room for improvement in these aspects“. Take Latin America for instance—over the last sixty years, especially during the 1952–1977 period, the circulation of Chinese books in Latin America basically served China’s political and diplomatic goals and was typical of cultural politics.” This strategy helped China make quick inroads into the Latin American market, but with the rise of controversy between China and the Soviet Union, “the number of bookstores established in Latin American countries, such as Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina, during the 1952–1961 period shrank during the 1962–1976 period, and many of the stores even ceased operation.”

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The CIPG case reminds us that state cultural policy does not guarantee the effect of cultural dissemination. Western theoreticians pointed to the control of sponsors over the translator. For example, “Theo Hermans pointed out that all translations are done with certain objectives, they should not be understood independent of their contexts, or the socio-political environment, power relations and ideology. He believed that ideology, poetics, and patronage are the three elements explaining translations in a given society (Lefevere 2004: vii). Hermans emphasized the impact of social environment and ideology on translation norms. His analysis opened up new worlds for those engaged in textual studies. Yet as the focus of research shifts beyond the textual level, the relationships between external factors and the translator, and between poetics and ideology, are not easily explained. Since the original text contains both literary descriptions and knowledge-based narratives, which is especially true of a cultural text in Chinese culture, if too much focus is placed on the extra-textual factors, it might cause insufficiencies in conveying the objective knowledge. Translation deals both with and beyond language and knowledge. The internal and external factors that impact the translation process are two sides of a coin. At the same time, we also see that even under the control of the sponsor and the ideology, the translator could still choose different genres of literary works to translate. Just as we could be moved by Saving Private Ryan, but not so much by the completely politicized movie Chun Miao [春苗], so too do different translations under the same state ideology result in diversified effects of dissemination. This is due to the content of the original work, as well as the agency of the translator. If we only emphasize external forces such as the patronage and the ideology, we will not be able to provide a satisfactory explanation for the diverging effect of translated cultural works. Zheng Ye argues that “the ruling class always canonizes literary works according to its own ideology and aesthetics. In the case of Chinese Literature, the translators represented the preferences of the ruling class, and they would translate those canonized works and render them part of the translated literature” (Zheng [3]: 13). But this argument only illustrates one aspect of the production of translated texts and literary texts. Despite the emphasis on external factors, we should not lose sight of the translator’s initiatives. This argument clearly goes too far-it absolutizes the ideology of the ruling class, and renders literary works and the translator as negligible. (2)

The visibility of ideology

The changes in cultural policy triggered fluctuations in the translation of ancient Chinese culture. In the 1950s, the PRC adopted a one-sided policy which had a direct bearing on China’s cultural dissemination. But that was the only choice left to China. In his well- known piece “On New Democracy”, Mao Zedong explained, “Now that the struggle between the Soviet Union and the imperialist countries has intensified considerably, the time has come for China to take sides. We should not dream about standing alone. All countries will be involved in the two blocs, and neutrality will come to signal ‘cheating’.” (Mao 1975: 348). At the same time, on the basis of the state ideology, it was proposed that “literature and art should serve the people, especially the workers, peasants and soldiers”.

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To some extent, the cultural and diplomatic policies of the time were determined by historical conditions. From today’s vantage point, it may seem unreasonable to overly prioritize new rather than ancient culture; however, we should not evaluate the strategies adopted by CIPG purely from a domestic perspective. Rather, we should examine these strategies from both internal and external perspectives. For a new power, this cultural stance was to some extent logical. We should not simply deny the achievements scored during first seventeen years since the founding of the PRC, but rather evaluate the period in light of the broader historical backdrop. We should trace historical phenomena to their origins and causes, rather than judging them purely from today’s vantage point. Even during the Cold War, the CIPG’s translations went beyond political texts. As previously cited in this Section, Hu Qiaomu pointed to the basic stance and goal for presenting Chinese history and culture to the world and argued for incorporating the translation and publication of ancient Chinese cultural classics into the national cultural plan. Only from a historical perspective can we explain the low tides in the translation of ancient Chinese culture during the 1950–1966 period, and provide sound reasons behind the landscape of the dissemination of ancient Chinese history and culture. The CIPG’s strategy of cultural dissemination undoubtedly impacted the translated works. One of the well-known examples was Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang’s translation of A Dream of Red Mansions. The couple spent a dozen years translating the novel, which was published in 1980 in full for the first time. British Sinologist David Hawkes and his son-in-law John Minford translated the same novel in the 1970s-1980s. Yang’s version was highly praised in China, but Hawkes’ version won wide acclaim among Western Sinologists. The mainstream researchers in the West all based their research of the novel on Hawkes’ version. Apart from factors such as bookbinding and commercial promotion, politics also figured as a significant factor differentiating the two translated versions. Since the 1970s,“the mainstream researchers of A Dream of Red Mansions abandoned the evidence-based model presented by Hu Shi, Yu Pingbo and Wu Shichang, and a new model based on the Marxist theory was established, featuring Li Xifan and Lan Ling at its core. The new model interpreted the novel from a pure class struggle view. The Yangs’ translation was inevitably affected. For example, in Chapter 30, the story of Abject Apologies [ 负荆请罪] was mentioned. Yang added a footnote saying that Li Kuei [from the novel Shui Hu] was a peasant rebel, and Sung Chiang, the leader of the outlaws, was a capitulation list [8: 443]. ”This shows that the translators were influenced by the new model. To make matters worse, the Publisher’s Note to the translation explains: A Dream of Red Mansions is a book about political struggles, a political-historical novel….the author has constructed the plot according to the requirements of the theme expressing political struggle….Thus the whole vast, complex artistic structure of the novel is most carefully integrated, fully projecting the theme of political struggle.… the ideological value of this work lies in the fact that it deals with political struggle, that by presenting the prosperity and decline of the four typical noble families it truthfully lays bare the corruption and decadence of the feudal ruling class and points out its inevitable doom, and that it gives praise to the revolts of the slaves in Grand View Garden [8: ii-vii].

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The Publisher’s Note also criticized previous research on the novel: “…After the May 4th Movement there appeared a group of‘new Red-ologists’headed by the reactionary writer Hu Shih. Their ‘researches’into this novel had a reactionary political motivation…. Hu Shih and his followers preached reactionary pragmatism and idealism and through their ‘researches’opposed the spread of Marxism in China.” [8: viii].

The dissemination of Chinese culture must be reader-oriented, taking into account the target readership’s reading habits and cultural background. In Chen Yi’s speech to the Chinese Literature staff, he pointed out that. … foreign language magazines should not only focus on political or hard issues. They should be more diversified. Literature is different from politics-in politics, we value directness, whilst in literature we prioritize images and soft power. Literature should be colorful. It is wise to add some political content to the literature, perhaps on the order of ten or twenty percent, in order to make it easier to accept by the readers (Zhou and Qi [1], 1: 315).

Chen’s remarks provide valuable insights for our present era. The effect of the CIPG’s cultural dissemination has remained greatly compromised since 1949. This is primarily due to a piecemeal understanding of the target readership, methods and means of communication that do not serve the goals, not to mention the impact of Leftism. To date, many people are still accustomed to applying domestic political tactics to the dissemination of Chinese culture, seeking superficial prosperity instead of real results. Ignorance of the basic logic behind cultural dissemination is worthy of special note. CIPG made some positive efforts to create new models of cultural dissemination. A case in point is the Culture and Civilization of China series in collaboration with Yale University. In 2008, the American Truce Foundation held a high-profile ceremony in Beijing to award a pioneer prize to the CIPG and Yale University, meting out high praise of the cooperation model. The core features of the model were demandorientation, collaborative translation and a clean break from the traditional mindset of “Taking the Initiative”. The key indicator for the success of Chinese cultural dissemination is whether Chinese books could be sold on the shelves of regular bookstores, and make their way onto general readers’ bookshelves. The case of the CIPG reveals that we must return to culture itself, understand the basic logic behind cultural dissemination, and ensure the cultural dissemination methods serve the actual objectives. (3)

From exporting revolution to exporting culture

On the basis of the above statistics, we draw two important conclusions about the achievements of the CIPG in terms of the translation and dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics: First, the CIPG made substantial contributions to disseminating ancient Chinese culture. Despite the fluctuations in policies, the CIPG’s endeavors in disseminating Chinese culture were unprecedented in both scale and scope, if we compare those efforts to those of the Tien H’sia Monthly, or even the work of the acclaimed twentieth-century critic, littérateur and translator Liang Shiqiu, known for engaging in the “war of words” with Lu Xun, and for singlehandedly translating Shakespeare’s

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complete works into Chinese. CIPG is a national publishing group, owning 21 magazines and publishing more than one thousand books in 20 languages every year. It has circulated 200 million books overseas. Such a scale and capacity is rare worldwide. Second, the quality of the CIPG’s translations of ancient Chinese cultural classics is first-class. The ancient Chinese culture series translated by the Yangs were certainly of top quality. And the research monographs on ancient Chinese culture were unparalleled feats in China. Culture and Civilization of China, which blazed a new path of collaborative translation, is a case in point. Collaboration between the CIPG and Yale University sent the books directly to the mainstream circulation channels. This model is innovative in that it differs from the traditional model, in which foreign language books were published in China and then sold to overseas markets. More often than not, those books could not exert much influence, due to a lack of presence in the mainstream markets. The series also chartered a new course for collaborative writing between Chinese and foreign scholars. In the past, books about ancient Chinese culture were written by Chinese scholars who were not familiar with the Western readership. The books were accurate and academic, but didn’t sell well. Culture and Civilization of China pooled together a team of distinguished Chinese and foreign writers, including, Zhang Dainian, Yang Xin, Deng Shaoji, Fu Xinian, He Zhaowu, Ouyang Zhongshi, Zhang Guangzhi, James Cahill, Richard Barnhart, James C.Y. Watt, Zeng Youhe, Sarah Allan, Nancy Shatzman Steinhart, Wu Hong, David R. Knechtges, He Enzhi and Lei Guohe. Even such celebrities as former US President George Bush Sr., former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, former Chinese Vice-President of the National People’s Congress Huang Hua, and former Chinese Vice- President Rong Yiren, appeared in the list of sponsors of the series. It is an amazing success. Culture and Civilization of China enjoyed the best sales record among all the books published by the CIPG, and won wide acclaim from Western academia. Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting received the 1997 R.R. Hawkins Award, a top PROSE Award from the Association of American Publishers’Professional & Scholarly Publishing (AAP’s PSP). Chinese Calligraphy won PSP’s Award for Excellence in Humanities, Art and Art History in 2008. Culture & Civilization of China series was granted Open Fields Awards by the the Truce Foundation of the United States. Chinese Calligraphy was included in the ‘Three Hundred Books’Project of the General Administration of Press and Publication. Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting was published in five languages, with the French edition well-received in France and the Korean version, as well as the Chinese version published in traditional characters also selling well. This series serves as a typical example of the CIPG’s successes in disseminating ancient Chinese culture. The CIPG also blazed a path of pragmatism for ancient Chinese culture going global, and its legacy is still relevant today. Third, the CIPG achieved fruitful results in terms of circulation, which was mainly based on the International Bookstore and the China International Book Trade Company. There are mainly two stages to the circulation, namely, 1949–1978 and 1978 to date.

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In the period of 1949 to 1978,“Path blazers represented by International Bookstore circulated Chinese books presenting China’s experience in gaining national independence in West Europe, North America, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The CIPG established a circulation network of 813 distributors in more than 100 countries and triggered a wave of ‘learning from China’in Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. It successfully built the image of a new nation.” Since 1979, CIPG has published more than 20,000 books with a total of more than 200 million in print. It has conducted 975 copyright trades with foreign publishers, among which, 723 copyrights were transferred to foreign publishers. In 2010, the CIPG published a series of books presenting contemporary China and successfully exported their copyrights. The books are China’s Path: The Scientific Outlook on Development, Twenty Fundamental Issues for Contemporary China, Heavy Storm and Gentle Breeze: Tang Jiaxuan’s Diplomatic Memoir, Dialogue: The China Model, A Reader on China, Understanding China, My Father Ji Xianlin and Me. At the same time, the CIPG also published traditional Chinese literary works, such as Sunzi: The Art of War,Methodology of Traditional Chinese Medicine, A Dream of Red Mansions, Son of Heavon, Collection of Famous Contemporary Chinese Calligraphers and Painters, Selected Fan Paintings from the Palace Museum, Chinese Woodcuts and Chinese Bronzes. The CIPG’s outstanding achievements were the result of equipping itself with a more globalized horizon, leveraging both the international and domestic markets and adopting localization. In 2010, the CIPG’s export trade amounted to some 28 million US dollars, accounting for 65% of the total book exports in China. As a state-sponsored institution, the CIPG achieved great achievements and assumed an unshakable status. (4)

Returning to traditional values

The reconstruction of traditional cultural values in China is an arduous process. The crucial task of CPC is localizing Marxism, or rather, to make Marxism more Chinese. Mao Zedong Thought was elevated to the guiding thought of the Party, because Mao successfully localized Marxism by using traditional Chinese thoughts to express revolutionary thoughts, and by drawing wisdom from traditional Chinese culture and integrating it into Marxism. From a historical perspective, this is similar to the Chinese culture’s absorption of Buddhism and Western learning. In Reform our Study, Mao raised a brand new interpretation of “实事求是” (seeking truth from facts), pointing out that“, ‘实事’ means objective things, ‘是’ refers to objective laws, and ‘ 求’ means to study and analyze.” “ 实事求是” was first proposed by Liu De (171–130 B.C.) in the Western Han Dynasty and it was applied to represent the essence of Marxism and the ideological guideline of the Party. This shows that Mao had a deeper understanding of Chinese culture and Chinese revolutionary practices. This new interpretation of “ 实事求是” bridged the insights of Marxism with the wisdom of traditional Chinese culture. China’s modern history is built on sound logic. It is not a history to be imagined or randomly distorted. There are deep reasons behind the CPC’s assumption of national power and success in forging sinicized Marxism.

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The traditional Chinese concept of Datong (大同) inevitably served as the cultural basis for early Chinese intellectuals to accept Marxism. Confucius noted: I never saw the practice of the Grand course, and the eminent men of the three dynasties; but I have my object (in harmony with theirs). When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they chose men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. (They accumulated) articles (of value), disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification. (They laboured) with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it (only) with a view to their own advantage. In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was (the period of) what we call the Grand Union.

Chinese intellectuals understood the communist ideal from the perspective of Datong, which is the deep-seated reason for them to accept Marxist and Socialist thoughts. Similarly, we will only be able to understand the nature of the CPC from the perspective of traditional Chinese culture.

11.2 Overseas Dissemination of Ancient Chinese Culture: Seven Decades in Review The dissemination of ancient Chinese culture over the last seven decades has undergone many fluctuations. During 1949–1979, China translated documents mainly in the following areas as shown in Fig. 11.6. From Fig. 11.6, we can see that over these three decades, China published 9,356 books in 44 languages, with 3,045 works in the “Marxism, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory” category, the greatest number of works in any category. Most of these works were collections of articles, monographs or quotations by Mao Zedong; 37 were collections of Deng Xiaoping’s speeches.

Fig. 11.6 Classified translations of ancient Chinese cultural classics from 1949 to 1979

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The second largest category concerns Chinese politics and law, including some 2,709 books, consisting of translations of the Constitution, Land Law, the CPC Charter, documents of the CPC congresses, decisions of political conferences, documents of the NPC, diplomatic communiques, and joint statements. Moreover, this category included a great number of political statements, for example, the treatise titled “Nine Comments” published after the break with the Soviet Union, and the political documents that lent support to the national independence movements in Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America. These two categories accounted for 62% of the total, and were representative of the dissemination of Chinese culture over the first thirty years. These books crystallized the CPC’s understanding and evaluation of the international situation and were political in essence. 1,232 books were published on culture, science, education and sports, 190 on literature, 344 of arts and 187 in geography and history. These books were secondary to the first two categories, but nevertheless enjoyed a long-standing reputation and influence. According to Figure. 11.7, 9,763 books were published from 1980–2009. The greatest number of works appeared in the category of history and geography, reaching 2,426, followed by 2,079 works on Chinese politics and law; 1,347 on art; 1,018 on culture, science, education and sports (including martial arts), 993 on Chinese literature, 745 on the Chinese economy, 493 on the Chinese language, 315 on traditional Chinese medicine, 181 on philosophy and religion and 118 on social sciences. The category containing Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought was at end of the list with only 48 books. If we compare Figs. 11.6, and 11.7, we would see that despite a slight increase in the total number of publications, the mix of the categories underwent fundamental changes. The biggest difference was the category of Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Another salient difference concerned the category of history and geography, which rose to a quarter of the total in the second period. The adoption of the Reform and Opening-up policy and the rapid rise of China over the past four decades, made the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation more tangible, and the value of traditional Chinese culture was considered one of the top priorities. The Decision of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Seventeenth CPC Central Committee held on Oct. 18, 2011, emphasized that:“Cultural renaissance is the ultimate test

Fig. 11.7 Classified translations of ancient Chinese cultural classics from 1980 to 2009

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stone of the Chinese nation’s renewal. In this sense, the Session sounds the horn for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and for China’s cultural renaissance.”The Conference identified cultural awareness and cultural self-confidence as laying the foundation for Chinese culture’s going global. The Decision pointed out: The world is undergoing major development, transformation and adjustment: the trend towards multi-polarization and economic globalization has gained greater momentum; science and technology are constantly improving; ideas and cultures are clashing and coalescing with increased frequency; and culture has come to play a more prominent role in the contest for overall national strength. As such, maintaining China’s cultural security, while enhancing the international presence of Chinese culture and soft power, have become ever more pressing tasks.

This Decision showed that traditional Chinese culture provided important cultural resources for China to use in rebuilding its national culture. Moreover, China’s cultural self-confidence will promote the overseas dissemination of Chinese culture. The years 1980–2009 were marked by two intellectual trends: (1) seeking wisdom by returning to traditional Chinese culture, and (2) exploring innovative ways for developing the theory of Chinese Socialism. These intellectual trends are the backdrop for understanding the reasons behind the flourishing dissemination of Chinese culture worldwide and the CIPG’s substantial contributions to translating and publishing ancient Chinese cultural classics. Table 11.2 lists the collaborative publication projects carried out by the CIPG from 1979 to1990. We conducted this analysis of the relationship between localized Marxism and traditional Chinese culture, with the understanding that in the twenty-first century, China itself would play a dominant role in the dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics. Sinologists will remain important translators of Chinese cultural classics, but meanwhile Chinese translators, particularly translators affiliated with the CIPG, will make more contributions than ever before. We must expound on the inner logic of such a fundamental shift. And Figs. 11.8 and 11.9 show the trends of change. The CIPG is a state-sponsored institution that played a substantial role in promoting Chinese culture’s “going global”. The author believes that the following three aspects are essential to improving the CIPG’s translation, publication and dissemination of ancient Chinese culture from 1979–2009. First, domestic and foreign translators should join forces, as an essential facet of international collaboration. Chinese scholars such as Professor Xu Yuanchong of Peking University, have made substantial contributions to the translation of Chinese cultural classics, and some other Chinese scholars also have the potential to tap in this respect. However, generally speaking, Sinologists were the mainstay of the translation work and Chinese scholars can hardly undertake this momentous task all on their own. It’s still hard to find scholars like Xu Yuanchong or Yang Hsien-Yi so well-versed in both Chinese and Western culture. The CIPG assumes an unshakable responsibility to translate and publish cultural classics and judging from its seven decades of experience, collaboration between Chinese and foreign translators has proven to be a successful recipe for success. The legendary Yang duo, namely the British translator Gladys Yang and her Chinese husband Yang Hsien-Yi translated

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Table 11.2 Co-publications by Foreign Languages Presses: 1979–1990 Time

Collaborator

Joint Project

June 1979

Arthaud Publishing House (France)

French Version of The Silk Road, co-published by China Pictorial Publishing House (Renmin Huabao) and Arthaud Publishing House

October 1979

Reader’s Digest (United States)

China Scenes, a picture book published by China Pictorial and exclusively sold by Reader’s Digest. Four thousand copies of the first edition and 15,000 of the second were sold out shortly after publication

November 1979

Li Xin Bookstore (United States)

English version of Suzhou Gardens, co-published by Foreign Languages Press(FLP) and Li Xin Bookstore. The latter took charge of publication, printing and distribution, and compensated the FLP for copyright dues

November 1979

Hwong Publishing Co. (United States)

English version of China: A General Survey, co-published by China International Book Trading Corp.(CIBTC, or Guoji Shudian) and Hwong Publishing Company. The Hwong Publishing Company compensated the CIBTC for copyright dues

February 1980

Harry N. Abrams, affiliated with Mirror Media Group (United States)

English version of Out of China’s Earth: Archaeological Discoveries in the People’s Republic of China, an illustrated edition co-published by Harry N. Abrams and China Pictorial

September 1980

Piccin Nuova Librari(a Italy)

Italian version of Acupuncture Points, co-published by Shanghai Science and Technology Press and Piccin Nuova Libraria. Piccin Nuova Libraria translated, printed and distributed the book and compensated the Chinese press for copyright dues

February 1981

Far Eastern Booksellers (Japan)

History of China, published by Far Eastern Booksellers and serialized in People’s China Magazine

February 1981

Kodansha Ltd. (Japan)

Chinese History, published by Kodansha Ltd and serialized in People’s China Magazine (continued)

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Table 11.2 (continued) Time

Collaborator

Joint Project

April 1981

Binobi Publishing Co. (Japan)

From December 1980 on, the first four co-publishing contracts were signed between the Foreign Languages Press and Binobi Publishing Co. As specified in the contracts, Batik Patterns of the Miao Ethnicity, Dazu Grottoes, Chinese Pottery and Porcelain and Murals of the Yongle Palace were published in May 1982

April 1982

Shogakukan Inc. (Japan)

The Silk Road: Past and Present (シル クロード今と昔), published by Shogakukan Inc. and serialized in People’s China

August 1982

Harry N. Abrams (United States)

English version of The Roof of the World: Exploring the Mysteries of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, co-published by the Foreign Languages Press and Harry N. Abrams

December 1983

Little Brown & Co. (United States) Chinese Cuisine from the Master Chefs of China, co- published by China Pictorial and Little Brown & Co., with 25,000 copies circulating in the UK, France and Australia

August 1984

The Commercial Press Ltd (Hong Kong, China)

The Realm of Tibetan Buddhism (circulating in Hong Kong), the first illustrated print book co-published by the Foreign Languages Press and a Hong Kong publisher

December 1984

Binobi Publishing Co. (Japan)

Murals for Xinjiang: The Thousand-Buddha Caves at Kizil(vols. 1–2), co-published by the Foreign Languages Press and Binobi Publishing Co.

June 1987

Peace Book Co. Ltd., Hong Kong Buddhist Culture Enterprise Ltd (Hong Kong, China)

Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains: Wutai, Emei, Putuo and Jiuhua, co-published by China Construction Press, Peace Book Co. Ltd. and Hong Kong Buddhist Culture Enterprise Ltd.

November 1987

Mosaic Press (Canada)

A Pictorial History of China, co-published by the Foreign Languages Press and Mosaic Press

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Fig. 11.8 The number of translated ancient Chinese cultural classics in various languages (1953– 1999)

Fig. 11.9 Trends in the number of translated ancient Chinese cultural classics published by foreign presses (1953–1999)

half of all the classics published by the CIPG. In the future, we should invite more Sinologists to live and work in China, and translation works should be more of a global endeavor, which is quite possible in the age of the internet. The CIPG has been quite successful with its localization strategy. It selected books to be translated according to the preferences of the target country, picked local translators, and circulated the resulting publications among local communities. In this way, ancient Chinese cultural classics effectively marched into the book markets and became vessels for disseminating Chinese culture worldwide. At present, the localization strategy has proved effective. The Spanish edition of China Today enjoyed 26 subscribers before localization, but now boasts 630 subscribers, a 23-fold increase. But in the author’s view, localization is only the first step for the CIPG’s internationalization strategy. For the CIPG to become a truly internationalized publishing group, it first needs to establish a name for itself in the book markets in major countries. The CIPG should transform its “going global”strategy from a passive one of simply exporting publications abroad, to a more active, holistic strategy combining internationalization with localization. In the history of Chinese publication, few companies succeeded in taking roots overseas. The CIPG was successful with its localization strategy thanks to its tradition and advantages. Nevertheless, the CIPG should not be content with the localization of a few magazines, but should aim at localizing the entire Group, connecting the domestic and overseas markets, and joining the ranks of leading publishing groups around the world.

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Culturally, ancient Chinese civilization and its wisdom carries a unique value for post-industrial Western society. Contemporary Chinese society has achieved enormous progress that reflects the internal consistency of its culture. Such an experience is enlightening to the West. We hope the CIPG will play a greater role in China’s rise. Second, the means of marketing must serve the ultimate goal. Striking a balance between “trade”, or culturally-oriented books, and “non-trade”, or politicallyoriented books, is essential for helping the CIPG’s publications to succeed on the global market. This is about finding a balance between the ideal and reality. The CIPG has come a long way from first circulating “non-trade”, and then “trade”books. Since 1979, the number of trade books soared. The market is the ultimate test stone for the success of Chinese culture’s going global. If we simply consider cultural dissemination as a publicity campaign, ignoring the basic patterns, it will be never be cost-effective. Thanks to the conceptual change from putting on a publicity show to publishing more culturally-oriented books, copyright trade took flight, and the localization strategy was implemented. As a result, the CIPG’s book trade underwent fundamental changes. Since 2005, it has topped the list of copyright traders, and in 2008, it reaped a revenue of 808 million, 3.74 times that of 2001. In 2008, the CIPG published 3.463 million books, 4.8 times that of 2001, 153 million issues of magazines, amongst which 3.463 were in foreign languages, increasing by 68% compared to 2001. The achievement is incredible and as former President of the CIPG, Cai Mingzhao commented, “For the CIPG, improving our operations represent a unique value-we should not only build up our capacity by increasing operational revenues, but more importantly, increase our coverage and influence through marketing campaigns.” For a national-level publisher, focusing on trade books was certainly the correct choice. Yet based on differing national and regional conditions, a proper dosage of non-commodity book trades is also feasible. But for research purposes, we should focus on how to disseminate Chinese culture through proper means of marketing. At present, despite the progress made in Chinese culture going global, we still find that the dissemination of Chinese culture is far from ideal, and Chinese books are hard-pressed to break into mainstream circulation channels. Currently, most books published are on Chinese pop culture, such as cooking recipes, Qigong or TCM. How can the CIPG build upon its successful model of cooperation with Yale University, and integrate Chinese books into target markets’ mainstream publications? This question remains unresolved. Third, the disseminators are bound to be diversified. For quite some time, CIPG played a dominant role in China’s cultural dissemination, especially in translating Chinese cultural classics. But as Chinese cultural endeavors advance, cultural dissemination is becoming an urgent national task. With the strong support of the Chinese government, cultural dissemination is now leveraging more on market means, and the disseminators are bound to be more diversified. From 1980–2009, there were altogether 61 publishers publishing foreign language books, accounting for 10% of the total 600 or so publishers in China. In the thirty years before 1980, CIPG and its affiliated publishers alone published 98% of the foreign

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language books. This change showed that Chinese publishers involved in translation and publication overseas were becoming more market-based and diversified. Publishers are important institutions for cultural inheritance and knowledge production. Before the 1970s, publishers were considered government organs; after all, cultural translation had been serving publicity campaigns for over thirty years. As a result, competent translators have become limited to a few institutions, and the scope and variety of cultural translation is now strictly controlled. Since 1979, with the acceleration of cultural institution reforms, more publishers joined in and broke the CIPG’s monopoly. A new pattern was formed, with national-level institution as the backbone and local publishers proliferating. The following publishers were instrumental in translating and disseminating Chinese culture from 1980 to 2009. Nine of them belong to the CIPG system, and others account for 85% of the total. They are: the Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, China Translation Corporation, China Financial & Economic Publishing House, Higher Education Press, Xinhua Publishing House, China International Culture Press, Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, China Nationality Photographic Art Publishing House, China Intercontinental Press, China International Radio Film & TV Press, People’s Literature Publishing House, People’s Medical Publishing House, World Publishing Corporation, China Photographic Publishing House, China Travel & Tourism Press, Modern Press, Joint Publishing, The Commercial Press (Beijing), Beijing Photographic Press, Qinghai People’s Publishing House, The Inner Mongolia People’s Publishing House, Hunan People’s Publishing House, Shandong Science and Technology Press, Shandong People’s Publishing House, Shandong Fine Arts Publishing House, Shandong Qilu Press, Shanghai Scientific & Technical Publishers, Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House, Shanghai Educational Publishing House, Shanghai Literature & Art Publishing House, Shanghai Translation Publishing House, East China Normal University Press, Huangshan Publishing House, Lujiang Press, Fudan University Press, Yilin Press, Tibet People’s Publishing House, Sichuan People’s Publishing House, Liaoning Fine Arts Publishing House, Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, West Lake Publishing House, Yunnan People’s Publishing House, Xinjiang People’s Publishing House, Gansu People’s Publishing House, Lijiang Publishing House, Jilin People’s Publishing House, Hubei People’s Publishing House, Shaanxi People’s Publishing House and others, a total of 52 publishers. The change in the mix of publishers over the two periods shows the basic feature of translation and publication in China. Apart from governmental promotion, and the publishers’ active participation, the second change is the collaboration between foreign and Chinese publishers to actively promote the translation and dissemination of Chinese culture. Together, they created collaborative models to present Chinese culture, and the quality of translation and effect of dissemination proved unprecedented. Foreign publishers also jumped on board. The China Book International and Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences was a case in point. China Book International was first implemented in 2006, and by the end of 2010, the working group had signed 1,350 publication contracts with 246 publishers in 46 countries,

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including, the US, UK, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Russia, Australia, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam and Brazil, funding the publication of 1,910 books in 26 languages. In 2011, China Book International had signed 240 project contracts with 124 publishers in 29 countries in 20 languages, with a funding of more than 15 million yuan. It has become an important engine for Chinese books going global. The working group is also responsible for the Chinese Cultural Classics Publication Project launched in 2009. To date, it has signed 18 agreements with 16 publishers in 8 countries, covering five languages and with a funding of 36 million. In 2011, the projects were: China Series and Cultural China Series launched by China Intercontinental Press, Beautiful China Book Series by China Youth Publishing Group, 21st Century Chinese Literature by Foreign Languages Press, History of Chinese Cultural Relics by Zhonghua Book Company, Trends of Thought in Chinese Modern Art and Works by Zhu Yongxin on Education by China Renmin University Press, New Collection of Chinese Fine Art by Huangshan Publishing House, National Museum of China’s Collections by Anhui Fine Arts Press, The History of Chinese Civilization by Peking University Press, Biography of Mao Zedong by Central Party Literature Press, National Excellent Children’s Literature Award Winning Writers’Collectibles Book Series by Anhui Children’s Publishing House, International Relations Review by Social Sciences Academic Press, A General History of China by China Translation Corporation, by Contemporary Architecture in China by Liaoning Publishing Group, Chinese Intelligence Science and Technological Research Frontier by Zhejiang University Press and China Law Series by the Commercial Press. The Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences launched in 2010, aims at promoting scholarly exchanges between China and the world, and at exporting the fine achievements and high-caliber talents in the field of social sciences. It mainly funded the translation and publication of high-quality books in social sciences by esteemed foreign publishers, and sold to the mainstream overseas markets, with the aim of enhancing understanding of China’s social sciences and traditional Chinese culture, promoting scholarly exchanges and dialogue, and increasing the international influence of Chinese philosophy and social sciences. In 2010, the Plan covered English, French, Spanish, Russian and German, and 2011, it expanded to Japanese, Korean and Arabic. In 2010, it supported 13 projects, including the English versions of China’s Journey Toward the Rule of Law: Legal Reform, 1978–2008, China’s Political Reform Towards Good Governance, 1978–2008, Social Changes in China, 1978–2008, Transforming the Chinese Economy, 1978–2008, China’s Buddhist Culture, all of which were later published. In 2011, it funded 40 projects in two tranches, supporting Higher Education Press, China Renmin University Press, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Social Sciences Academic Press, Guangdong People’s Publishing House and many other publishers. Thanks to the China Book International and the Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences, China’s translation undertaking ushered in a new era with the government’s promotion and numerous professional and local publishers’ active involvement. The above-mentioned projects covering 26 languages were all supported by the Chinese government. Compared to the publications in 44 languages from 1949– 1979, the publications resulting from the aforementioned projects still have plenty

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Fig. 11.10 Nationalities of the foreign translators involved in China Book International

of room for improvement. Yet on a positive note, these translations were conducted through collaboration between Chinese and foreign translators, who cater better to the expectations of foreign readers and thus help ensure higher quality. The China Book International website features a list of 642 Chinese and 75 foreign translators, who translated Chinese cultural classics over the past century. The list might not be exhaustive, and some of the translators might have already passed away. Nevertheless, this newfound attention to both Chinese and foreign translators reflects a new global horizon for the Chinese side in the new century. Figure 11.10 shows a breakdown of the nationalities of foreign translators involved in China Book International. This model of government support with special funds has directly resulted in Chinese culture’s heightened status worldwide. It has increased the competitiveness of Chinese cultural products, and triggered strong interest in China in many countries, who took the initiative to translate and publish books on Chinese economy, literature, art and history. Take Chinese literature, for instance. Based on a search on WorldCat, Fig. 11.11 shows a breakdown of overseas publishers of translations of Chinese literature from 2000 to 2010. Figure 11.11 shows that in the first decade of the new century, 121 publishers in 27 countries were involved in publishing contemporary Chinese literary works. Vietnam, France, South Korea and the US boasted the largest number of publishers involved, namely 23, 20, 16, and 10, respectively. The publishers from the US and the UK are world-class publishing groups. A case in point are the works by Mo Yan, the Nobel Laureate of Literature in 2012. The English versions of his seven novels are held by 644, 618, 504, 472, 398, 357 and 265 libraries. The publisher was Penguin Group, along with its affiliated Viking Press and Arcade Pub. The translator was Howard Goldblatt, and the scope and influence of the novels were unprecedented. Red Sorghum is held by 602 US libraries, covering the public and community libraries of more than 40 states. This was difficult to imagine before 1979.

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Fig. 11.11 Overseas Publishers of the Chinese literature works from 2000 to 2010

Figure 11.12 shows a breakdown of contemporary Chinese literary works published in various foreign languages from 1983 to 2009. From Fig. 11.12, we can see that 24 languages were involved, with 50 books published in French, 43 in English, 33 in Vietnamese, 25 in Korean, seven in Japanese, five in German, five in Spanish and one in Arabic. Due to WorldCat’s coverage limitations, we could not provide an exhaustive list. But Fig. 11.12 still shows that compared to before 1979 when China attempted to persuade overseas publishers to translate and publish Chinese books, these books were translated and published mainly at the initiative of the foreign publishers. Besides, the “China fever” In the world literary arena is closely related to China’s rapid transformation into an economic heavyweight. “China Fever” is also related to the unswerving efforts by generations of translators and publishers who committed themselves to the translation and dissemination of Chinese culture. In this section, we focused on the CIPG and its endeavors to present ancient Chinese civilization to the world. At present, China is rising rapidly, and China’s rise has profoundly changed the world’s political, economic and cultural architecture. China is still at a disadvantage compared to the West in terms of discourse control,

Fig. 11.12 Number of the Chinese Contemporary Literature works published in various foreign languages from 1983 to 2009

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and this will not change soon. China’s rise is the most important event since the Industrial Revolution, and it connotes not only the rise of an economic and political power, but also the rise of an ancient civilization, as opposed to the Western industrial civilization. China is moving to the center stage as an industrialized country and an inheritor of modern civilization. Yet we must recognize that Chinese culture contains much wisdom that transcends industrial civilization. The ancient Chinese civilization is not an exhibit for display in a museum. Chinese culture contains pearls of wisdom that serve as a beacon for the world, in stark contrast with the suffering and problems brought on by the rise of Western civilization over the past four centuries. In this sense, connecting contemporary and ancient China, and recognizing the dissmination ancient Chinese civilization as an important component of the development of contemporary world civilization, are essential for moving forward. This is the mission of the CIPG. We are certainly off to an auspicious start, and still greater prospects await us in the years to come.

References 1. Zhou DY, Qi WG (1999) Selected materials on the fifty year history of CIPG. New Star Press 2. He L, Zhao XY (2003) Chinese literature: pioneer of introducing Chinese literature to the west in New China. China Reading Weekly, Sept. 24 3. Zheng Y (2012) The production and circulation of the translation of Chinese literature under the patronage of Chinese government: a case study of Chinese literature (1951–2000). PhD Thesis, Shanghai International Studies University 4. Xu SG (2007) Historical contribution of Chinese Literature to China’s international communication. International Communication, 8:46–49 5. Geng Q (2010) Translation and the “going global” of Chinese literature: a case study of the Panda Books. PhD Thesis, Shanghai International Studies University 6. Hu JT (2003) Speech on national publicity work conference. PLA Daily, Dec. 8 7. Guo HN (2007) Glocalization: realistic paths for China’s international communication. Journalism Knowledge, 2:20–22 8. Yang XY, Yang G (1978) A dream of red mansions. Foreign Language Press

Chapter 12

Xu Yuanchong’s Translations and Their Value Xiping Zhang

Xu Yuanchong (1921–2021)’s achievements occupy a special place in the history of the translation of ancient Chinese classics in the second half of the twentieth century. Xu is typical of a translator who has not only produced prolific translations, but has also left a treasure trove of papers on translation theory. He is a milestone figure in the translation and dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics.

12.1 Xu Yuanchong’s Achievements in Translating Chinese Classics Xu Yuanchong is unique in that he both translates into and out of Chinese, and into both English and French. Xu summed up his achievements with the following two lines: I translated fifty books which sell well both home and abroad, I am the only Chinese who translates into both English and French.

We can profile Xu’s achievements from the following two aspects: First, Xu is unprecedented in terms of the quantity of translations he produced. The most prolific Western translator is Arthur Waley, a British Sinologist who according to John Hawkes,“published 36 voluminous works on [S]inology, which was only possible for translators who randomly added to or subtracted from the original texts, or detective novel writers [1: 145].” The scope of Xu’s research pales in comparison to that of Waley. A scholar with a deep range of interests, Waley conducted research on Chinese philosophy, history, literature and art, contributing X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_12

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numerous book reviews and prefaces to those fields. But his best-recognized achievement is his translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics, especially ancient Chinese literature. From 1916, when Waley’s first collection of Chinese poems was published by Lowe Bros, to 1963, when he published A Song from Tun-huang in the Bulletin of the School Oriental Studies (Vol. XXVI), his translation of Chinese poetry stood as his major achievement. Yet, in terms of numbers of works translated, Waley is no match for Xu. Second, Xu’s translations are of higher quality than those of the Western Sinologists of his time. Poetry is difficult to translate, some would even say untranslatable, due to the succinctness of form and profundity of content. But poetry is the marrow of a culture. We will not be able to understand a culture fully without understanding its poetry. Despite the argument for untranslatability, generations of translators have nevertheless made considerable efforts to translate ancient Chinese poems. If we take the translation of Shi Jing [诗经] by the Jesuits as the beginning of these translation endeavors, then Western Sinologists have already been translating ancient Chinese poetry for four centuries. When we compare Xu’s translations with those of the Sinologists, his contribution has been substantial despite being a late-comer to the field. Xu cherishes unique insights into ancient Chinese poetry. In comparing the translations of Chinese and Western scholars, he commented: In translating Du Fu’s poems, Americans exhibited their pursuit of truth, while the Chinese fared better in conveying the beauty imbedded in the poems. The Yangzhou Man (扬州慢 ) by Jiang Kui contains so many cultural allusions that no British or American scholar ever took to translate it. This reveals the difference between Chinese and American culture. It’s easy to understand a translation, but difficult to truly appreciate it [2: 37].

In Xu’s view, the key to translating poems lies in understanding the content. As Chinese poems contain many historical and cultural allusions, it proves a hefty job for Western translators. But Chinese scholars enjoy a competitive advantage over their Western peers in this regard. That is why Xu remarked that the Western Sinologists knew what the Chinese poems meant but were unable to appreciate their beauty. Let’s illustrate this by taking the example of two Sinologists whom Xu often commented on: W. J. B. Fletcher and Witter Bynner. Tang dynasty poet Liu Changqing’s (718-790) “逢雪宿芙蓉山主人” serves as a case in point. Original: 日暮苍山远, 天寒白屋贫。柴门闻犬吠, 风雪夜归人。 First version: Tr. W. J. B. Fletcher A Winter Scene The daylight far is dawning across the purple hill, And white the house of the poor with winter’s breathing chill. The house dog’s sudden barking, which hears the wicket go, Greets us at night returning through driving gale and snow. Second version: Tr. Dell R. Hall Encountering a Snowstorm, I Stay with the Recluse of Mount Hibiscus

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Dark hills distant in the setting sun, Thatched hut stark under wintry skies. A dog barks at the brushwood gate, As someone heads home this windy, snowy night. Third version: Tr. Xu Yuanchong Seeking Shelter in Lotus Hill on a Snowy Night At sunset hillside village still seems far, Cold and deserted the thatched cottages are. At wicket gate a dog is heard to bark; With wind and snow I come when night is dark. Xu commented: These three versions were translated by British, American and Chinese translators, respectively. By changing 日暮 to 日出 and 苍山 to 紫山, the first version transformed the sunset scene in the original to a colorful dusk, to the effect that ancient Chinese culture was transformed into modern Western culture. And 夜归人 was translated as ‘us’, which damaged the sense of loneliness: the barking of the dog seemed to be welcoming the triumphal return of ‘us’. This changed the gloomy picture painted in the original Chinese poem to a celebration in the English poem.... from this we can see that Western translators often interpret Chinese culture in the light of the norms in Western culture. (Xu [3], 5: 39)

Xu is a straightforward person and his slogan is: “Pride helps one advance, but one will fall behind on account of self-abasement.” When Xu compares his own translations and those of Western Sinologists, he does not shy away from extolling his own achievements. In an article entitled “Chinese scholars are top translators of Chinese classics”, he cited the following example: Original: 《无题·其二》 飒飒东风细雨来, 芙蓉塘外有轻雷。 金蟾啮锁烧香入, 玉虎牵丝汲井回。 贾氏窥帘韩掾少, 宓妃留枕魏王才。 春心莫共花争发, 一寸相思一寸灰。

This poem by the Tang poet Li Shangyin (813–858) is about his meeting with his lover. The two lines “金蟾啮锁烧香入, 玉虎牵丝汲井回” are hard to understand without sufficient knowledge of Chinese literature. Xu believes that these two sentences mean “when people rise to fetch water from the wells, it is time for the poet to part with his lover. Both lines refer to one of his encounters with his lover.” With regards to the translation by a British Sinologist: A gold toad gnaws the lock. Open it, burn in the incense. A tiger of jade pulls the rope. Draw from the well and escape.

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Xu thought that this was simply word-for-word translation, far from conveying the true meaning of the original. Xu offers his own version: When doors were locked and incense burned, I came at night; I went at dawn when windlass pulled up water cool.

Although Xu’s version did not translate “金蟾” and “玉虎”, “it nevertheless succeeded in conveying the original meaning more precisely. And the joy between the coming and going was contained in the translation [2: 35–42].” In his view, he pursues not only meaning, but also the flavor, while the Sinologist’s version seeks only word-for-word equivalence. Through this example, Xu seeks to refute the argument of some British Sinologists that Chinese translators were not qualified to translate Tang poems. However, this is not to say that no Western Sinologist is good translator. Stephen. Owen (1946–) is an excellent translator of Tang poems. But as Tang poetry uses a great deal of allusions, this often pose difficulties to Western Sinologists, and in this connection Xu’s criticism stands. Xu commented on the translation by Herbert Giles as follows: A British writer by the name of Strachey considered Giles’translations to be unparalleled. Giles translated poems at the end of the 19th century. And his biggest problem is infidelity. He didn’t understand Chinese, and mistranslations are unavoidable. Thus, I need to improve upon the fidelity of his translations. We could of course move forward on the basis of his translations.

Xu agrees with Giles in adopting rhymed texts but disagrees with Waley in using the essay form. He judged Giles from an objective standpoint. Since Giles was a missionary who lived in China a century ago, Xu’s translation is higher in quality than Giles’. An important readership Xu targeted in translating Chinese poems was the group of Western Sinologists, whose works were the basis for his endeavors. Thus, in his translations of Shi Jing and Chang Henge [长恨歌], he was indeed engaging in dialogue and disputing with his Western predecessors. Xu preserves his own style and is successful in modifying Western Sinologists’translations. His translations showcased his profound learning as a distinguished Chinese littérateur.

12.2 Xu’s Contribution to Translation Theory 12.2.1 Xu is a Prolific Translator and Theorist in Translating Out of Chinese When summing up his theory, Xu explained that,

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The Chinese school of literary translation focuses on conveying both the meaning and the sentiment behind the words. My standard for translation is meaning, feeling, and heartmoving. Just as Confucius said, ‘They who know the truth are not equal to those who love it, and they who love it are not equal to those who delight in it.’ (translation by James Legge) -knowing means understanding, enjoying means loving, and taking delight in something means taking pleasure in it. A translation of form and meaning will help people understand, but only when you convey the three beauties (sound, meaning and form), will people take delight in it. In order to convey the three beauties, you can leverage the three transformations strategies: equivalent to, shallower than and deeper than the original.‘Equivalent to the original’means seeking equivalence, such as translating 死生契阔 into ‘meet or part, live or die’; ‘shallower than the original’ means generalization, such as translating 千里目 and 一层楼 into ‘a grander sight’ and ‘a greater height’; ‘deeper than the original’ means particularization, such as translating ‘杨柳依依’ and ‘ 雨雪霏霏’ into ‘willow shed tear’ and ‘snow bend the bough’. In summary, I think the ‘three beauties’ concerns ontology, the three transformations, methodology, three the ‘states’, teleology, and the ‘art’, epistemology.” [3: 44]

Xu summarized his theory in two lines, namely, “美化之艺术, 创优似竞赛” “Translation is a creative art; to translate is to engage in a contest between the original and target language and culture”), in which each character can be explained independently. According to Xu, Why should I say ‘美化之艺术’ is representative of the Chinese school of translation theory? It’s because ‘美’ comes from Lu Xun, ‘化’ from Qian Zhongshu and ‘之’ from Confucius, and ‘艺术’ from Zhu Guangqian’s art theory. Moreover, I compare literary translation to ‘创 优似竞赛’, in which ‘创’ pertains to Guo Moruo’s theory of writing, ‘优’ refers to bringing into full play the advantages of the target language, ‘似’ comes from Fu Lei, and competition comes from Ye Junjian’s theory of competition. These ten Chinese characters are compiled from ten great Chinese translators. They should be considered as representing the Chinese school of literary translation [3: 44].

12.2.2 The Features of Xu Yuanchong’s Translation Theories In the author’s view, Xu Yuanchong’s contributions to Chinese translation theory are as follows: First, Xu opposes the mechanical application of Western theories. Since the 1990s, with the influx of Western translation theories, a large quantity of books were published, and research prospered under the guidance of these theories. But through his own practices, Xu challenged these popular theories. Commenting on Eugene Nida’s theory of dynamic equivalence, Xu argued that it was not applicable to Chinese-English translation. He explained: Theoretically, dynamic equivalence applies to translation between Western languages, because the equivalence between Western languages could amount to as high as 90%. An example would be ‘to be or not to be’ and ‘être ou non pasêtre’. But Chinese is very different from Western languages and the equivalence rate may only be around 40%, meaning that more than 50% of the words could not find equivalents. [4: 52]

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He evaluated the equivalence theory on the basis of his “optimization” theory, namely: “(1) equivalence is easier than optimization; (2) equivalence applies to translation between Western languages, not between Chinese and Western languages; (3) optimization applies to translation between Chinese and Western languages, as well as between Western Languages [4: 53].” Since the 1990s, Xu has made solitary contributions to debates on translation theory, but practice proves that his ideas and theories drawn directly from his translation practices are quite valuable. If we take a broader perspective, we will see the cultural significance of Xu’s arguments. For a century, Chinese scholars have tried to apply Western theories to Chinese realities. Chinese scholars have long blindly followed, even worshipped, Western trends. Despite the undeniable value of Western theories stemming from Western scholars’deliberation and creation, the question remains: How can we digest these theories in the Chinese cultural context, and identify those elements that do not apply and either reshape or abandon them? Scholars like Xu who dare to challenge Western theories are few and far between in the field of the humanities in China. Second, Xu based his translation theories upon his own practice, with the aim of establishing uniquely Chinese translation theories. Xu’s rationale for challenging Western theories was that he was a translator himself, with extensive experience in translating both into and out of Chinese, rather than an empty talker. In China, there is a group of so-called scholars who elaborate eloquently upon translation theories, but have never engaged in any substantive translation practice. Some scholars just modify the theories on translating into English to explain the practices of translating out of Chinese. Xu stated: When it comes to quantifying the relationship between translation theory and practice, I think we should attach more weight to practice....theory must be tested by practice, not viceversa. Without being tested in practice, any theory governing literary translation is empty talk. Given my translation experience spanning six decades, I think empty talk is worthless [5: 2].

An important part of Xu’s practice is translating out of Chinese, an aspect which Western theories rarely touch upon in a systematic manner. Arthur Waley wrote a few articles on this topic, but he was not at all influential in the research on translation in the West. In Xu’s view, the so-called Western translation theories are not comprehensive, as they do not touch upon the relationship between Chinese and Western languages, and they are at best summarization of the practices of translation between Western languages. Xu commented correctly that, Translation theory must take into account translation practices both out of and into Chinese. Without the experience of translating out Chinese, no theory could be complete. At present, users of English and Chinese make up one-third of the world’s population. As the two languages are two most important languages, the translation between the two is vital. However, not a single Western translator or theorist has ever published a book containing literary translation both into and out of Chinese. Thus, it’s impossible for these translators to raise theoretical construct that could solve practical problems [5: 2].

Xu’s comment raises the issue of whether Chinese scholars could propose new translation theories on the basis of their own practices. As for translating out of

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Chinese, Wang Guowei shared some thoughts when commenting on Gu Hongming’s translation. Lin Yutang and Liang Shiqiu also touched upon this topic. But Xu is the only one who has proposed a systematic theory of translation from Chinese into other languages. What’s more, his theory is based on his practice and focused on translating out of Chinese.

12.3 The Chinese Characteristics of Xu’s Theory Xu drew wisdom from Chinese culture itself to bolster his theory, which is simple and direct. For example, he proposed the notions of “three beauties, three transformations and three states”, which are very Chinese in nature. Xu realized a creative transformation on the basis of Chinese cultural tradition. For example, “三美” comes from Lu Xun, who in “An Outline of Chinese Literary History”, pointed out: When you read a Chinese character, you need to remember its form, sound and meaning; that is, listen to the sound, look at its form and grasp the meaning by heart-only then are you truly familiar with a character. When you write an article, you describe things in their natural state, and present their beauties in three aspects: beautiful meaning that moves people’s hearts, beautiful sound that touches people’s ears, and beautiful form that pleases people’s eyes [7: 1].

In 1978, when he translated the poems by Mao Zedong into English and French, Xu proposed his theory of “three beauties” in the Preface, drawing upon Lu Xun’s theories. Xu’s theory of “three states” also originated from Chinese culture. In the Analects, Confucius said: “Those who know the truth are not equal to those who love it, and they who love it are not equal to those who delight in it.” On the basis of this quote and combining it with Wang Guowei’s thoughts in Comments on Ci Poetry [ 人间词话], Xu proposed his own theory in 1998. Xu elaborated on this theory in a later article: I think we can apply this to translation. A faithful translation makes readers understand, a faithful and smooth translation makes reader enjoy it, and a faithful, smooth translation that draws upon the merits of the translator makes reader take delight in it. In Comments on Ci Poetry, Wang Guowei pointed to the three stages of scholarship:‘Great scholars have all passed through three stages. During the first stage, they tried to pin down on a topic for research; at the second stage, they engaged in arduous research; and in the third stage, they reached their target.’This can be applied to translation. The first stage amounts to ‘知之’, the second ‘好之’, the third ‘乐之’, ‘乐之’. is the highest state, the pearl in the crown.

Xu was very creative in drawing upon the Book of Changes, or I Ching [易经] when elaborating his theory. Xu insightfully proposed his theory modeling on the Book of changes. He remarked: The I Ching provides an intellectual basis for us to understand the act of translating: First, the job of the translator is to maintain consistency between the translation and the original in word, sentence, discourses and culture. Second, the translation should be based on the original, and third, the translation may be creative. The above three tasks concern methodology. Fourth, translation involves the shifting of languages. Fifth, translations must convey both

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the meaning and flavor of the original. Sixth, literary translation is an art, not a science. The above three is about epistemology. Seventh, translation should make readers understand. Eighth, literary translation should entertain and please readers. The above two are about the teleology of translation [7: 83]

He also borrowed from the Tao Te Ching [道德经] and provided excellent illustration of his translation theory, which reads: Translatability would not be possible without creativity. To understand the original text, First delve into the meaning; To ensure smooth delivery, Forget about the form. Though the form of expression may vary, The same meaning courses through both the original and the translated texts. The same origins apply to the original and the translated texts, Though they bifurcate in words. The competent translator conveys the meaning and drops the form, pursues commonalities and preserves differences. This is the Tao of translation.

Chinese scholars began to translate ancient culture a century ago. Among great translators such as Chen Jitong, Gu Hongming, Lin Yutang, Wu Ching-hsiung, and Yang Hsien-yi, only Lin and Yang ventured into the realm of translation theory. But Xu is the only one to have translated so many cultural classics and offered such a comprehensive theoretical framework. Xu formed and modified his theory in engaging in dialogues with contemporary scholars based on his extensive experience. There may have been controversies over his theory, but his contributions are quite prominent when considered against the broader cultural background. For a hundred years, the Chinese academia has been borrowing Western theories to analyze Chinese issues. This is feasible in the fields such as international relations, political science or sociology; however, when the issue at hand concerns China itself, we have to be aware of the extent to which these theories may apply. Unfortunately, in the field of Chinese cultural studies, most researchers are still relying on Western theories. I’m not saying that Western theories should never be used, only that we must take precaution when we apply them to Chinese realities. The lack of fundamental theories based on China’s cultural roots is the biggest problem for the humanities in China. Xu pointed out quite incisively that the Chinese academia quoted Western linguists and applied their theories to the study of the Chinese language. No handson experience, no translation practice, no outstanding achievements, this is merely blindness. The cultural value of Xu’s theory may be expressed as follows: First, contemporary Chinese theory in the humanities and social sciences should make a clean break with its history of apprenticeship, meaning that research on China should not be based solely on Western theories. The majority of Chinese scholars are simply repeating or copying Western theories, classic or postmodern, which reflects a

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prevalent mindset of worshipping the West. Xu’s criticism is of particular inspiration to these scholars. Second, the source of academic development should be social reality and practice. Although Sinologists were the mainstay for translating out of Chinese, Chinese scholars beginning with Chen Jitong have accumulated considerable experience over the past century. Xu did not concoct his theory from spontaneous ruminations, but rather drew systematically upon his translation practice. The number and quality of books he translated ranks him high on the list of translators. He would not have put forward his theory without his vast experience to support it. Academic research is not a castle in the air. China is undergoing fundamental changes, and the speed of social progress is unprecedented. A century of learning from the West has resulted in today’s complex societal situation. Confronted by such diversified social practices, many scholars continue to cling fast to Western theories, and enjoy interpreting contemporary China with outdated Western theories that even they are hard- pressed to understand. New theories will only be created by engaging in today’s practices and realities. Xu distinguished himself from others because of his hands-on translation practices over the past decades. Third, Chinese theory must be expressed in the Chinese language. Xu made an effort to propose a theory based on Chinese culture and history—the theoretical constructs are Chinese. And the language he used is worthy of special attention. In contrast to the language used by most theorists, he drew upon the wisdom of ancient Chinese culture. The language of a theory is on the surface a linguistic issue, but on a deeper level, it’s about academic self-awareness.“Heidegger once quoted Humboldt, saying that a nation could endow another form to the language it inherits, and make it anew; in other words, it does not change the sound, form and grammatical rules, but injects new life into the same linguistic form.” (quoted in Wu 2012: 7) Xu displayed enormous creativity in his language, which undoubtedly points to the Chinese school of translation theory. Fourth, self-sufficiency is the foundation for academic innovation. In this regard, Xu commented: More than a billion people use Chinese and another billion plus use English. Chinese and English are the most important languages in the world, and the gap between the two is far larger than that between Western languages. Thus, translating between Chinese and English is more difficult than translating between Western languages. To date, there has been no foreign translator who translated both into and out of Chinese, but many Chinese translators do this quite well. Some Chinese translators have already published 40 books. In practice, Chinese translators are more qualified than their Western counterparts. Theory originates in practice. Without hands-on practice, no theory could address problems in translating between Chinese and English. Thus, a top-notch theory of translation must be one that could address the problems in Chinese-English (Western languages) translation [8: 4].

Some people might find Xu’s comments a bit narcissistic. But he’s completely right. Xu Yuanchong’s achievements represent a milestone in the history of translation of Chinese cultural classics. His theories are not only significant to the translation field, but also to the humanities at large. His ideas are enlightening for Chinese

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scholars who are still groping their way out of the shadow of dominance of Western theories.

References 1. Waley A (1964) Notes on translation, The secret history of the mongols and other pieces. George Allen and Unwin, London 2. Hawkes D (1966) Obituary of Dr. Arthur Waley, Asia Major 12(Part 2);145 3. Xu YC (1990) Poems·translation·culture. Journal of Peking University (Philos Soc Sci) 5;37–43 4. Xu YC (2003) Practice first, theory second. Shanghai J Transl 1:2 5. Xu YC (2003) On the Chinese school of translation theory: is Chinese translatology lagging behind its western counterpart? Foreign Lang Teach 59(1);52–54 6. Xu YC (1992) Translation studies and book of changes. Journal of Peking University (Philos Soc Sci) 3;83–91 7. Xu YC (1990) Translation studies should be the pioneer. Chinese Transl J 2:4–9 8. Xu YC (2005) Chinese school theory on ancient poems translation. Foreign Lang Teach 11:41–44

Chapter 13

The Impact of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics on the West: The Case of Ezra Pound Xiping Zhang

In 1840, the gunboats of the Imperial powers blasted open the isolated Chinese empire. In the late 1890s and early 1900s, as Western business people, missionaries and diplomats flooded into China, the image of China shaped by earlier missionaries began to change. As commented by Mary G. Mason: The majority of Westerners probably accepted these stereotyped notions as late as 1840, but the outbreak of hostilities between England and China in that year contributed toward the gradual breakdown of old conventional concepts. Many Europeans who wrote after the war declared that China was on longer an unknown region, enveloped in secrecy and mystery. After 1842 the European and American public was not dependent for information upon the colored and exaggerated reports of the few travellers and missionaries who were allowed inside the borders of China. [1: 74]

Western understanding and reception of ancient Chinese culture remained virtually constant from the 18th to the beginning of the twentieth centuries, in that Chinese culture was understood on the basis of the Western academic system and philosophy. Yet as the times evolved, the Western attitude towards China changed drastically. The modernization drive in the twentieth century brought the internal conflicts of modernity into sharp relief, and caused divergences in the understanding of ancient Chinese culture. In the second half of the twentieth century, the rapid rise of China sent shock waves throughout the West. The understanding of China and ancient Chinese culture took on new complexities. Presenting a complete picture of the impact of ancient Chinese cultural classics in the West, and providing a holistic view of Western understanding of China lie beyond the scope of this work. Instead, we will approach this broad topic through the lenses of the case of Ezra Pound, the representative figure of Imagist poetry and a well-known translator of ancient Chinese poems.

X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_13

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13.1 Ezra Pound (1885–1972) and His Connections with Chinese Culture Ezra Pound was a celebrated twentieth century American poet. As David Perkins pointed out in A History of Modern Poetry, “Pound was the most influential and in some ways the best critic of poetry in England or America” [2: 451]. In Modernism of Ezra Pound: The Science of Poetry, Martin A. Kayman also commented that “It is not an exaggeration to argue that Pound is a father and leading representative of Anglo-American modernism” [3: 5]. Pound published over seventy collections of poetry, papers and translations, a monumental undertaking in the history of modern Western poetry. Pound’s lifelong love for Chinese culture, particularly his devotion for Confucian culture, formed the philosophical underpinning for his achievements. Pound’s learning, translation, assimilation and recreation of ancient Chinese culture rendered him high status in modern Western poetry, and he was exemplary of the impact of ancient Chinese culture in the West. Well before he encountered the manuscripts left by Ernest Fenollosa (1853–1908), Pound had already published four poems imitating Chinese poetry, namely, After Ch’u Yuan, Fan-Piece for Her Imperial Lord, Liu Ch’e and Ts’ai Chih, on the basis of his reading of Herbert Gile’s A History of Chinese Literature. His comprehensive reading of Chinese culture started with the coincident acquaintance he struck up with Mary Fenollosa, wife of the late Ernest Fenollosa, the American poet and orientalist. As Mrs. Fenollosa was searching for someone to sort out her late husband’s manuscripts, she came across Pound’s poetry, and deemed him the most suitable man for the job. Upon receiving the manuscripts, Pound embarked on the path of writing modern poetry by drawing inspiration from ancient Chinese culture.

13.2 Pound’s Reading and Translation of Ancient Chinese Culture and His Modern Poetry Writing Fenollosa’s notes contained around 150 Chinese poems written by such poets as Qu Yuan, Song Yu, Ban Jieyu, Bai Juyi, Li Bai, Tao Qian and Wang Wei. Pound selected 19 poems and compiled the translations into a collection entitled: Cathay; Translations by Ezra Pound; For the most part from the Chinese of Rihaku; From the Notes of the Late Ernest Fenollosa and the Deciphering of the Professors Moil and Ariga. The poems include: Song of the Bowman of Shu, The Beautiful Toilet, The River Song, The River Merchant’s Wife: A Letter, Poem by the Bridge at Ten-Shin, The Jewel Stair’s Grievance, Lament of the Frontier Guard, Exile’s Letter, Four Poems of Departure, Leave-taking Near Shoku, Separation on the River Kiang, Taking Leave of a Friend, The City of Choan, South-Folk

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in Cold Country, Sennin Poem By Kakuhaku, A Ballad of the Mulberry Road, Old Idea of Choan by Rosoriu, To Em-mei’s ‘The Unmoving Cloud’.

Now let’s see how Pound managed cross-cultural shifts in the poems by taking the example of the “Song of the Bowmen of Shu”. The Chinese original reads as: 采薇采薇, 薇亦作止。 曰归曰归, 岁亦莫止。 靡室靡家, 猃狁之故。 不遑启居, 猃狁之故。 采薇采薇, 薇亦柔止。 曰归曰归, 心亦忧止。 忧心烈烈, 载饥载渴。 我戍未定, 靡使归聘。 采薇采薇, 薇亦刚止。 曰归曰归, 岁亦阳止。 王事靡盬, 不遑启处。 忧心孔疚, 我行不来! 彼尔维何? 维常之华。 彼路斯何?君子之车。 戎车既驾, 四牡业业。 岂敢定居? 一月三捷。 驾彼四牡, 四牡骙骙。 君子所依, 小人所腓。 四牡翼翼, 象弭鱼服。 岂不日戒? 猃狁孔棘! 昔我往矣, 杨柳依依。 今我来思, 雨雪霏霏。 行道迟迟, 载渴载饥。 我心伤悲, 莫知我哀!

And here is Pound’s translation: Here we are, picking the first fern-shoots And saying: When shall we get back to our country?

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X. Zhang Here we are because we have the Ken-nin for our foemen, We have no comfort because of these Mongols. We grub the soft fern-shoots, When anyone says“Return,”the others are full of sorrow. Sorrowful minds, sorrow is strong, we are hungry and thirsty. Our defence is not yet made sure, no one can let his friend return. We grub the old fern-stalks. We say: Will we be let to go back in October? There is no ease in royal affairs, we have no comfort. Our sorrow is bitter, but we would not return to our country. What flower has come into blossom? Whose chariot? The General’s. Horses, his horses even, are tired. They were strong. We have no rest, three battles a month. By heaven, his horses are tired. The generals are on them, the soldiers are by them. The horses are well trained, the generals have ivory arrows and quivers ornamented with fish-skin. The enemy is swift, we must be careful. When we set out, the willows were drooping with spring, We come back in the snow, We go slowly, we are hungry and thirsty, Our mind is full of sorrow, who will know of our grief?

The essay-like translation has diluted the rhythm of the original poem; the sentence structure changes and connotations are also lost. But Pound brings the ancient Chinese poem to life, transforming it into modern American poetry. Indeed, the resulting clarity, liveliness and succinctness are characteristic of Pound. Just as ZhaoYiheng, a professor at Sichuan University known for his research on Chinese semiotics, observes: “From a historical point of view, Cathay was not only Pound’s first success, but also the first success of ancient Chinese poetry in America. Since then, Chinese poems have caught increasing attention” [4: 166]. Pound’s understanding and rewriting of ancient Chinese poems “endowed the translated poems with both features of translation and rewriting; they were anything but the so-called original in Elliot’s words. It is more appropriate to consider them as creative translations, mainly because Pound did not change the original poem in its essence” [5: 67]. After Pound moved to Italy, he continued along the lines of the Cathay and kept up his poetry writing, as well as his lifetime practice of learning and transplanting Confucian classics and Chinese culture. He spent a lifetime writing the Cantos, but he never finished it. Confucianism was thought to be the “philosophical underpinning of the Cantos as a whole” [6: 51].

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In 1926, Pound published the Canto XIII, which was a translation and rewriting of the Four Books. His main reference was Les Quatre Livres de Philosophie Morale et Politique da la Chine (1841) translated by M.G. Pauthier (1801–1873). Pound quoted and rewrote a raft of quotes from the Analects, The Great Learning (which Pound calls The Great Digest) and The Doctrine of the Mean (which Pound calls The Unwobbling Pivot). Here are some of the quotes and their translations: 《论语·子罕篇第九》 : 达巷党人曰 : “大哉孔子!博学而无所成名。”子闻之, 谓门弟子曰 : “吾何执?执御乎?执射乎?吾执御矣。” Analects (Book IX, Tze Han) A villager from Ta-Hsiang said: Great man, Kung-tze extends his studies but does nothing to bring his reputation to a point. Confucius heard this and asked his young students: what should I do, take up charioteering or take up archery? I’ll take up charioteering. 《论语·先进篇第十一》 :子路、曾皙、冉有、公西华侍坐。子曰 : “以吾一日长乎尔, 毋 吾以也”。居则曰 : “不吾知也!如或知尔,则何以哉?”子路率尔而对曰 : “千乘之国, 摄乎 大国之间,加之以师旅,因之以饥馑 ; 由也为之,比及三年,可使有勇,且知方也。”夫子哂 之。“求!尔何如?”对曰 : “方六七十,如五六十,求也为之,比及三年,可使足民。如其礼乐, 以俟君子。”“赤!尔何如?”对曰 : “非曰能之,愿学焉。宗庙之事,如会同, 端章甫, 愿为小 相焉” “点!尔何如?”鼓瑟希, 铿尔, 舍瑟而作, 对曰 : “异乎三子者之撰。”子曰 : “何伤乎? 亦各言其志也。”曰 : “莫春者, 春服既成, 冠者五六人, 童子六七人, 浴乎沂,风乎舞雩,咏 而归。”夫子喟然叹曰 : “吾与点也!”三子者出,曾皙后。曾皙曰 : “夫三子者之言何如?” 子 曰 : “亦各言其志也已矣。”曰 : “夫子何哂由也?”曰 : “为国以礼, 其言不让, 是故哂之 。”“唯求则非邦也与?安见方六七十如五六十而非邦也者?唯赤则非邦也与?宗庙会同, 非诸侯而何?赤也为之小, 孰能为之大?” Analects (Book XI, Comparative Worth of His Disciples) Tze-Lu, Tsang His, Zan Yu, and Kung-his Hwa were sitting with him. He said: I am a day older than you, but pay no attention to that. You sit round saying: We are unknown, if somebody should recognize you, what would you do? (L. like to do)? Tze-Lu replied straight off the bat: “Thousand chariots’ state. Shut in between large states, and armies of invasion, grain and provision famine, I could give the people courage if I had three years’ run, and teach‘em the rules, put‘em on the square.’” The big man smiled (or grinned) . “Ch’iu, how about you?” Replied: “Give me the job of a sixty, seventy or fifty li square district. I could give‘em abundant crops in three years. It would need a superior man to teach‘em the rites and music.” “Abundant crops”—probably more literal: there would be enough (for the) people.’ “What about you, Chi’ih?” Replied: I don’t say I could do that sort of thing, should like to study, serve in the ancestral temple, at audience of the princes, ceremonial chapter style (L. & M. dark square-made robe, black linen cap) to be lesser assistant. “Chieh (clever-boy) , what about you? ”Struck his se (25-string lute) with curious jingling, laid down the lute and got up, answering: Differ from the three of ‘em in what they grasp at. Confucius said: What harm, let each say what he wants (directio voluntatis).

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(Chieh) said: Toward the end of spring, in nice spring clothes, with five or six fellows who have been capped, and six or seven kids, go bathe in I river (Shantung) with the wind over the rain dance [probably, wind for the rain dance, could be: wind suitable for the rain dance]to chant (through the service) and go home. The big man heaved a sigh of assent: I am with Chieh. (Legge calls this young man Tien.) The three went out, Tsang His delaying, and said: What about these three men’s words? Confucius said: Each one expressed his preference, that’s all. He said: A state is managed with ceremony, his words were not polite, so I grinned. “But Chi’iu didn’t ask for a state.” “Calmly, did you ever see a district fifty, sixty or seventy li square that wasn’t a state?” “Only Chi’ih, was he asking for a state?” “Together in ancestral temple, who save nobles would be there; if Chi’ih were a lesser acolyte, who’d be the big ones?” 《大学》 : 大学之道, 在明明德, 在亲民, 在止于至善。知止而后有定, 定而后能静,静而后能安,安而后能虑,虑而后能得。物有本末,事有终始,知所先后, 则近道矣。古之欲明明德于天下者, 先治其国 ; 欲治其国者, 先齐其家 ; 欲齐其家者, 先修其身 ; 欲修其身者, 先正其心 ; 欲正其心者, 先诚其意 ; 欲诚其意者, 先致其知 ; 致知在格物, 物格而后知至, 知至而后意诚, 意诚而后心正, 心正而后身修, 身修而后 家齐, 家齐而后国治, 国治而后天下平。 The Great Digest The great learning [adult study, grinding the corn in the head’s mortar to fit it for use]takes root in clarifying the way wherein the intelligence increases through the process of looking straight into one’s own heart and acting on the results; it is rooted in watching with affection the way people grow; it is rooted in coming to rest, being at ease in perfect equity. The men of old wanting to clarify and diffuse throughout the empire that light which comes from looking straight into the heart and then acting, first set up good government in their own states; wanting good government in their states, they first established order in their own families; wanting order in the home, they first disciplined themselves; desiring self-disciple, they rectified their own hearts; and wanting to rectify their hearts, they sought precise verbal definitions of their inarticulate thoughts [the tones given off by the heart] ; wishing to attain precise verbal definitions, they set to extend their knowledge to the utmost. This completion of knowledge is rooted in sorting things into organic categories. 《中庸第二十》 : 哀公问政。子曰 : “文武之政, 布在方策。其人存, 则其政举 ; 其人亡, 则其政息。人道敏政, 地道敏树。夫政也者, 蒲卢也。故为政在人 ; 取人以身, 修身以道, 修道以仁。仁者,人也,亲亲为大 ; 义者,宜也,尊贤为大。亲亲之杀,尊贤之等, 礼所生也。 (在下位, 不获乎上, 民不可得而治矣。)故君子不可以不修身 ; 思修身, 不可以不事亲 ; 思事亲, 不可以不知人, 思知人, 不可以不知天。” The Doctrine of the Mean (Book XX) Duke Ngai’s Question The Duke Ngai asked about government. Kung replied: The government of Wen and Wu is clearly recorded on the square wooden tablets and on the strips of bamboo. Produce such men and a government will spring up in their style, forget such men and their form of government will shrivel. If men proceed in sane manner, government will spring up quickly, you will see how swift is the process of earth that causes straight plants to rise up; an eminent talent for government will cause government to rise as rushes along a stream. Government is rooted in men, it is based on man. And one reaches men through oneself.

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You discipline yourself with ethics, and ethics are very human; this humanitas is the full contents of man, it is the contents of the full man. One orders a system of ethics with human qualities. This good will, humanitas, ethics, is man. The great thing is affection for relatives, the watching them with affection. Equity is something that springs up from the earth in harmony with earth and with heaven. The great thing (in a system) is to render honor to the honest talent. The rites and forms of courtesy derive from the diverse degrees of affection for our relatives and the proportionate honors due to the worthy. Thence the man of breed cannot dodge disciplining himself. Thinking of this selfdiscipline he cannot fail in good acts toward his relatives; thinking of being good to his blood relatives he cannot skimp his understanding of nature and of mankind; wanting to know mankind he must perforce observe the order of nature and of the heavens.

As a poet, Pound drew inspiration from Confucianism, but his translation was basically rewriting based on his own pursuits in poetry writing. Tao Naikan explains: Canto XIII deviates from Pound’s habit of rewriting the original and innovative translation. It is created based completely on his own needs. His quotations from the Four Books do not follow the logic of the original, and they are retrieved where necessary from his own memory. With an input of imagination and poetic expressions from Pound, the overall structure of Canto XIII features free associations drawing upon pieces from the Four Books. The whole poem is coherent and cohesive, leaving no traces of subjective manipulations, and fits in with the‘question-answer’structure of the Analects. Canto XIII is, in this sense, a truly organic whole” [5: 161].

Apart from Confucianism, Pound was also an admirer of Taoism. One example is Canto XXXXVII, which Pound completed with the assistance of Zeng Baosun (1893– 1978), the grand-daughter of Zeng Guofan (1811–1872), an eminent Han Chinese official in the late Qing Dynasty. This poem is a rewriting of a group of poems entitled Eight Scenic Spots in Hunan Province [潇湘八景图], written by Song Di, a poet and painter of the Song Dynasty, from which we can see Pound’s admiration for Taoist culture. It is generally held that the original poems are: 潇湘八景图 平沙落雁 : 古字书空淡墨横, 几行秋雁下寒汀。芦花错作衡阳雪, 误向斜阳刷冻翎。远 浦归帆 : 鹭界青山一抹秋, 潮平银浪接天流。归樯渐入芦花去, 家在夕阳江上头。山市 晴岚 : 一竿酒旆斜阳里, 数簇入家烟嶂中。山路醇瞑归去晚, 太平无日不春风。江天暮 雪 : 云淡天低糁玉尘, 偏舟一叶寄吟身。前湾咿轧数声椿, 疑是山阴乘兴人。洞庭秋月 : 西风剪出暮天霞, 万顷烟波浴桂花。渔篷不知羁客恨, 直吹寒影过芦花。潇湘夜雨 : 先自 空江易断魂, 冻云影雨湿黄昏。孤灯篷里听莆瑟, 只向竹技添泪痕。烟寺晚钟 : 云遮不见 梵王宫, 殷殷钟声诉晚风。此去上方犹远近, 为言只在此山中。渔村夕照 : 薄暮沙汀惑乱 鸦, 江南江北闹鱼虾。呼童买酒大家醉, 卧看西风零荻花。

Pound used the Chinese original as a rough source of inspiration for his own Canto, preserving many of the images, but not the structure and wording of the original. Below is Pound’s loose translation:

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X. Zhang Canto XLIX: Seven Lakes For the seven lakes, and by no man these verses: Rain; empty river; a voyage, Fire from frozen cloud, heavy rain in the twilight Under the cabin roof was one lantern. The reeds are heavy; bent; and the bamboos speak as if weeping. Autumn moon; hills rise about lakes against sunset Evening is like a curtain of cloud, a blur above ripples; and through it sharp long spikes of the cinnamon, a cold tune amid reeds. Behind hill the monk’s bell borne on the wind. Sail passed here in April; may return in October Boat fades in silver; slowly; Sun blaze alone on the river. Where wine flag catches the sunset Sparse chimneys smoke in the cross light Comes then snow scur on the river And a world is covered with jade Small boat floats like a lanthorn, The flowing water clots as with cold. And at San Yin they are a people of leisure. Wild geese swoop to the sand-bar, Clouds gather about the hole of the window Broad water; geese line out with the autumn Rooks clatter over the fishermen’s lanthorns, A light moves on the north sky line; where the young boys prod stones for shrimp. In seventeen hundred came Tsing to these hill lakes. A light moves on the south sky line. State by creating riches shd. thereby get into debt? This is infamy; this is Geryon. This canal goes still to TenShi though the old king built it for pleasure KEI MEN RAN KEI KIU MAN MAN KEI JITSU GETSU KO KWA TAN FUKU TAN KAI Sun up; work sundown; to rest dig well and drink of the water dig field; eat of the grain

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Imperial power is? and to us what is it? The fourth; the dimension of stillness. And the power over wild beasts.

In contrast to his translation of Confucian classics, Pound preserved many of the images from the original in translating this group of poems. According to Zhao Yiheng, “Even if Pound is a staunch lover of Confucianism, the Seven Lakes is obviously a product under the Taoist influence” [4: 140].

13.3 Ezra Pound’s Assimilation of Chinese Culture Ezra Pound cherished a lifelong interest in Chinese culture. His scholarly pursuit of the subject was not merely a fleeting curiosity or quest of the exotic, but rather a natural reflection of Pound’s inner inclinations and pursuits. When he was imprisoned in Italy in 1945 on a charge of treason, he sought solace in translations of Confucian classics and his own translation practice. Pound’s attitude towards Chinese culture was no doubt a typical case in 20th-century Western cultural history, and is thus worthy of a more profound inquiry. Firstly, China’s prolific cultural legacy China serves as a source of inspiration for Western philosophy. In 1909, Pound’s mother suggested he write a Western Epic, but he replied,“What has the West done to deserve it?”Pound turned his eyes on the East and discovered Chinese culture where he saw a foreign culture that differed markedly from that of the West, a cultural diversity which fit in with his own conception of a world literature. As a poet and a leader of the imagist movement, Pound was thrilled when he found similar expressions in Chinese poetry. Despite the vast difference between Pound’s modern poetry and ancient Chinese poetry, both emphasize image and intuition. To Pound, Chinese Poetry marked the pinnacle of literary expression. Pound’s encounter with China’s rich historical and cultural legacy left him convinced that Chinese culture was the root of Eastern civilization. He started to assimilate ancient Chinese culture into his own writings, just as with Greek culture. For example, Pound recounted early Chinese history in Canto LIII: Yeou taught men to break branches Seu gin set up the stage and taught barter, taught the knotting of cords Fou Hi taught men to grow barley 2837ante Christum and they know still where his tomb is By the high cypress between the strong walls... Hoang Ti contrived the making of bricks And his wife started working the silk worms, money was in days of Hoang Ti

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X. Zhang He measured the length of Syrinx of the tubes to make tune for song Twenty-six (that was) eleven ante Christum had four wives and 25 males of his making.

In Canto LIII, Pound wrote “尧” (Yao), “舜” (Shun), “禹” “(Yu)” in Chinese to praise these sage kings for their achievements in flood-control, bridge-building and tax-reduction. He also wrote “ 皋 陶” (Gao Tao)in Chinese as he praised this mythological minister for assisting Shun and Yu. In his Cantos on China, Pound provided a long list of ancient Chinese statesman, such as King Wen, King Wu, Duke of Zhou, Emperor Qinshihuang, Liu Bang, Li Shimin, Kublai Khan, Zhu Yuanzhang, Emperor Yong Zheng, Emperor Kangxi and Emperor Qianlong, and exalted them as sage kings who upheld Confucianism and made the people well-off, and the country wealthy, society harmonious and stable. Thus, we may conclude that the richness of Chinese culture is the major reason for Pound’s fascination with it. Chinese culture has achieved a one-of-a-kind continuity, thanks to its geographical features that prevented it from large-scale invasion from foreign cultures. The endurance of Chinese culture has long been a source of admiration for Western intellectuals. Chinese culture is also unique in that it is a mixture of different ethnic cultures within a relatively closed environment. The agricultural civilization of the Yellow River Delta was integrated with the nomadic culture through constant engagement and conflicts, resulting in a varied culture blending different regional cultures. Chinese culture and European culture have developed in isolation. The two cultures had virtually no contact before their core culture systems were formed. Thus, Chinese culture is distinct from European culture and offers a vastly different system. Chinese culture has made waves in the West since the Age of Enlightenment. Be it praise or criticism, Chinese culture has served an important reference system for the West. We see in Pound that the prolific history and quintessential variety associated with Chinese culture are the major reason for Western scholars’long-time devotion to the subject. Second, Chinese philosophy provides important resources for venting discontents with modern Western society. The capitalist culture had deeply-rooted contradictions. As Daniel Bell (1919– 2011) commented: In historical retrospect, bourgeois society had a double source, and a double fate. The one current was a Puritan, Whig capitalism, in which the emphasis was not just on economic activity but on the formation of character (sobriety, probity, work as a calling). The other was a secular Hobbesianism, a radical individualism which saw man as unlimited in his appetite, which was restrained in politics by a sovereign but ran fully free in economics and culture. The two impulses had always lived in uneasy tandem. Over time, those relations dissolved. As we have seen, in the United States the Puritan emphasis degenerated into a crabbed, small-town mentality, emphasizing only the idea of respectability. The secular Hobbesianism fed the mainsprings of modernity, the ravenous hunger for unlimited experience. The Whig view of history as open and progressive has faltered, if not disappeared, under the appearance of new

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bureaucratic apparatuses which have eclipsed the liberal view of societal self-management. The faiths which sustained all these beliefs have been shattered [7: 80–81].

Bell pointed out the contradictions innate to capitalism, and in particular to American political thought: rampant material desire has eroded the spirit of Protestantism. Pound lost faith in the western capitalist culture and looked to Greek and Eastern cultures for hope. He discovered the ideals of the Chinese people in Confucianism, and his Cantos are a manifesto of such ideals. He pointed out that the West “needs Confucius”, because,“A ‘need’implies a lack, a sick man has ‘need’. Something he has not. Kung [Kong] is a medicine” [8: 203]. Pound took Confucianism as an important source for inspiration in his writing. He translated The Great Learning into English and Italian in 1928 and 1940, respectively. In 1938, based on Histoire Generale de la Chine, Pound wrote China Cantos, giving voice to his political ideals,he also translated the Book of Songs, and in 1947, his English translations of The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean were published. We can trace Pound’s learning and understanding of Confucianism by following the writing process of the Cantos. As he wrote Canto XIII, China Cantos and the Pisan Cantos, Pound gradually deepened his understanding of Confucianism, which in turn supplied the ideological underpinnings for his own Utopia. In the Pisan Cantos, he quoted twice from The Great Learning, four times from The Doctrine of the Mean, twenty-one times from the Analects, and nine times from Mencius. Pound thought that the whole of Western idealism is a jungle and Christian theology is a jungle too. And just as T. S. Elliot resorted to Hinduism and Yeats to Mysticism, Pound discovered Chinese civilization. In his eyes, the root cause of the myriad problems plaguing Western literature and art lay in the Western social system. Thus, apart from seeking solutions for literature and art, Pound also pursued his political ideals. He left London in 1920 with the hope of finding an ideal social system. He discovered such a system in ancient Greece, and he saw it in Italy during the Renaissance, but remained unsatisfied. He continued to search and finally discovered the East. As Pound wrote: “The blossoms of the apricot/ blow from the east to the west, And I have tried to keep them from falling.” In 1928, Elliot asked: “What does Mr. Pound believe?”In late 1930, when asked about his religious views, Pound replied: “I have for a number of years answered such questions by telling the enquirer to read Confucius and Ovid”. In 1934 in the essay “Date Line”, Pound publicly declared that: “As to what I believe, I believe in the Tao Hio[Daxue].” Four years later, Pound’s Guide to Kulchur was published with the Chinese characters “ 一以贯之”on the cover. Here, Pound was referring to Confucianism, but these four characters may also be interpreted as Pound’s lifelong devotion to Confucianism. In 1955, Pound reiterated his mantra: “I believe the Tao Hio” [9: 200]. Pound saw a noble moralist ideal in Confucianism that coincided with his criticism of material desires. In his first paper extolling Confucius entitled “‘The Words of Ming Mao’-Least among the Disciples of Kung Fu-Tse”, Pound criticized a paper

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titled “Chinese Egoism”written by the British orientalist William Loftus Hare (1868– 1943). He argued that Confucianism was superior to the thoughts of Yang Zhu because of its lofty intellectual pursuits: Yang-Chu says that Kung-fu-tse had never a day’s joy in all his life, yet we read that the Master Kung was once rapt into three days’revery, or as the Taoists say, ecstasy by the mere sound of certain beautiful music. To say that a man so capable of aesthetic pleasure has never a day’s joy, is manifest folly. As for Yang and his relation to Egoism, it was Kung who gave true instruction, seeing that he taught, that a man’s joy should rest in the dignity of his own mind and not in the shilly-shally of circumstance. Thus he died serene though it were among fishermen. As for Ch’ieh and Chow, their pleasures depended on their having been born to imperial position, their luxury was bestowed upon them, how shall hereditary emperors who are born with such opportunity for revels be set up as examples for men of common fortune, who, even if they had the capacity for debauch, would, if they desired to exercise it, spend all their lives in a vain desire for trappings and for numerous women in brocade, and for pavilions and caparisoned horses. The counsels of Yang-Chu are in no sense Egoism, since they teach a man to depend on all things save himself. This dependence on self is the core of Confucian philosophy” [10: 456].

Pound clearly tried to understand Confucianism from a humanistic perspective, which provided the key to unlocking Confucian thought. Pound’s passion for Confucianism is not a fleeting interest, but rather the bedrock for his ideology and thoughts. In “The Renaissance”published in February of 1915, Pound reiterated that “it is possible that this century may find a new Greece in China”. In the same year, he wrote in irony against Laurence Binyon (1869–1943), an Orientalist working at the British Museum, that “Mr. Binyon has thought; he has plunged into the knowledge of the East and extended the borders of occidental knowledge, and yet his mind constantly harks back to some folly of nineteenth century Europe”. In 1918, Pound criticized Arthur Waley, complaining of his “touch of occidental patronage for the poor oriental”. In “Immediate Need of Confucius”, Pound mentioned that “Western contact with the Far East was made in an era of Western degradation.”” From 1914 to the time Pound wrote the Pisan Cantos, Confucianism remained the source of his inspiration. In the words of Wang Guiming: In Pisa Cantos, we read the history of world civilizations, and listened to the teachings of ancient sages; the Cantos expressed the poet’s admiration of ancient Chinese sages and flourishing ages and they also epitomized the poet’s Utopian pursuits for a prosperous and stable country. Of course these Cantos also reflected the poet’s frustration when the bubble of hope blasted. Pisa Cantos are a true mirror of the world history, and a hybrid of Chinese and Western culture; Confucian thought was the red thread throughout the poems, and the Cantos were tinged with Confucian moralism [11: 94].

Pound’s interpretation of Confucianism remains relevant today. Despite the confinements of his time, Pound nevertheless discovered one essential feature of Confucianism: the pursuit of moral improvement. In this sense, Confucianism could well serve as an antidote for the hedonist scourge unleashed by Western capitalism.

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Adhering to strict asceticism and hedonism will get one nowhere. Thus, Pound’s discovery of the contemporary relevance of Confucianism was crucial. Third, let’s examine Pound’s understanding of Chinese culture from a crosscultural perspective. Scholars understand Pound’s explanation of Chinese culture and his infatuation with Confucianism from two different perspectives—first, by criticizing Pound as an orientalist, and second, by considering Pound’s image of Confucianism as his personal Utopia, which is far from the“true”Confucianism. Both arguments are problematic if viewed from a cross-cultural perspective. Scholars who support the first explanation argue that, …if we look at Pound’s connection with Chinese culture, we’ll see that his understanding was shallow. If we dig deeper, we’ll find many errors in his reading of Chinese characters and understanding of Confucianism. As a founder of the modernist poetry, Pound was no doubt a literary genius, but it is a pity that he should have had so many reckless distortions of Chinese culture. We believe Pound to be a shallow disciple of Confucius, and an obstinate West-centrist [12: 117].

Others accused Pound of merely making use of ancient Eastern culture to “serve his own standard and objective, namely, to pave way for his imagist theory and better serve the needs of imperialist politics and culture with a colonialist discourse” (Zhu 2009, 4: 140). Pound is no Chinese-style Confucian. Rather, he is an American modernist poet who understood Confucianism based on his own social environment and historical tradition. Pound harbors a humanistic attachment to Confucian thought and selfidentifies as a staunch believer in Confucianism. Edward Said refers to Orientalism as Western imperialism reflected in cultural encounters and academic research, belittling the East in scholarship as well as distorting and vilifying the East in literature. In this vein, Oriental Studies in the West were positively imperialist. Said explains: It is therefore correct that every European, in what he could say about the Orient, was consequently a racist, an imperialist, and almost totally ethnocentric. Some of the immediate sting will be taken out of these labels if we recall additionally that human societies, at least the more advanced cultures, have rarely offered the individual anything but imperialism, racism, and ethnocentrism for dealing with“other” cultures. So Orientalism aided and was aided by general cultural pressures that tended to make more rigid the sense of difference between the European and Asiatic parts of the world. My contention is that Orientalism is fundamentally a political doctrine willed over the Orient because the Orient was weaker than the West, which elided the Orient’s difference with its weakness [13: 203–204].

Yet in our view, Pound is hardly condescending towards Confucianism, and hardly distorts or vilifies Chinese culture. According to Zhang Jian, a professor of literature at Beijing Foreign Studies University,“Pound presented an idealized China instead of a demonized one. Despite that he projected his own values and conception of the Other onto the image of China, Pound’s ‘orientalism’ is contrary to that of Said” [14: 63]. Said did propose insightful thoughts in Orientalism, but there are obvious theoretical holes. The current conundrum is that Chinese academia is now used to borrowing

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popular Western theories and applying them mechanically. This embodies a lack of theoretical originality. The aforementioned arguments are examples of mechanical applications of Said, rather than judgments made on the basis of close analysis. In “Orientalism and Modernism: The Legacy of China in Pound and Williams”, Chinese American scholar Qian Zhaoming refutes criticisms against Pound from an Orientalist perspective. Qian holds that the Cathay is not Pound’s own creation, but first and foremost a translation and an interpretation of ancient Chinese poems; Pound portrayed China as a power that could positively influence the West, rather than a mere object to be observed. Qian distinguishes between his and Said’s conceptions of “Orientalism”, “For Said, the Orient is specifically the Muslim Orient. For me, it is the Far East, particularly China…For Said Orientalism is a cultural and political fact. For me the concept is primarily a literary one.” (Qian 1995:1) In other words, Pound began by translating ancient Chinese poems, and his poetry should not be considered as purely personal creations. Elliot dubbed Pound “the inventor of Chinese poetry for our time”. Indeed, Pound’s real achievement lies in his assimilation and transformation of ancient Chinese poetry. His work demonstrates that the East can influence the West, and the Oriental is not merely the watched, but also a crucial cultural exporter. We need to go beyond Edward Said in order to re-evaluate Ezra Pound. If the denial of Pound’s overall cultural significance has been based on portraying Pound as an Orientalist, then criticisms concerning his misunderstanding of Chinese cultural classics due to his incorrect deciphering of Chinese characters stem from the perspective of translation. For example, Luo Jian argues that, “Pound’s understanding of Chinese characters is an important part of his connections with Chinese culture. He inherited the ‘ideographic representation’ method from Ernest Fenollosa and used it as the basis for his interpretations of Chinese characters. Pound applied the method generally to translating Confucian classics and poetry writing. The results are absurd translations and obscure poems” [12: 117].

Pound did use deciphering characters to write his own poems, and this method culminated in the Pisan Cantos. According to Zhao Yiheng, a large number of Chinese characters are embedded in the Cantos-there are 14 characters used more than five times (Zhao, 1985: 311). Table 13.1 lists the Chinese characters that were used in the Pisan Cantos: Pound’s understanding of Chinese characters was incomplete. The methods of forming Chinese characters include: self-explanatory characters [指事字], ideographic characters [ 会意字] and pictophonetic characters [ 形声字]. Pictophonetic characters are most numerous, and are considered the most widely used since the inception of Chinese language. Such characters contain both semantic and phonetic parts, morpheme and meaning. However, linguists would cringe at Pound’s methods. Luo Jian suggests that, ... in Pound’s translation of Confucian classics, he randomly deciphered Chinese characters. Pound hacked Chinese characters into fragments, to which he attached all sorts of poetic interpretations. For example, he explained the character ‘新’ as an axe tree and wood-pile; ‘慎’ as the eye(at the right)looking straight into the heart’; ‘学’ as the great learning[adult

13 The Impact of Ancient Chinese Cultural... Table 13.1 The Chinese characters used in the Pisan Cantos more than of equal to five times

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Chinese character

Frequency of Usage in the Cantos

正

14 times (five uses of “正名”)

人

8 times

明

10 times

仁

7 times

本

10 times (6 uses of “本业”)

止

9 times

新

8 times

灵

8 times

旦

8 times

端

7 times

日

7 times

中

7 times

显

6 times

周

5 times

study, grinding the corn in the head’s mortar to fit it for use] ; ‘诚’ (sincerity)pictorially as the sun’s lane coming to rest on the precise spot verbally; ‘德’ as the action resultant from this straight gaze into the heart; ‘志’ as the will, the direction of the will, directo voluntatis, the officer standing over the heart; ‘得’ as to succeed in due hour, a prefix action taking effect at the sun’s turn; and ‘ 道’as the process- footprints and the foot carrying the head; the head conducting the feet, an orderly movement under lead of the intelligence [12: 118].

Luo further argues that “Pound’s attitude toward Chinese culture fully embodied his strong subjectiveness and a hidden West-centrism…Pound is an Orientalist” [12: 119]. Then, what do we think of Pound’s methods? Is he distorting Chinese culture? We believe it necessary to analyze Pound from a cross-cultural perspective, instead of simply assessing the method itself. First, Pound’s methods are centered around aesthetics and poetics, not linguistics. Pound proclaimed that: “We have here not a bare philological discussion, but a study of the fundamentals of all aesthetics” [15: 41]. Pound was actually trying to find a poetics foundation for the American new poetry movement.“What Pound needed was a defense for the existing facts in the American new poetry movement, and his purpose was to establish a new poetics, where the language represents the object and its implications in a straightforward manner” (Zhao, 1985: 249). In this connection, Pound values this method, declaring: “If I have made any contribution to criticism I have done so by introducing the ideogrammic system” [16: 244]. In our view, Pound was indeed seeking food for thought from Chinese characters. With the help of characters, he aspired to go beyond Western-style logical thinking. His translation of the Book of Songs is a case in point.

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In translating “ 泛彼柏舟, 亦泛其流。耿耿不寐, 如有隐忧”, Pound deciphered “耿” into “耳” (ear) and “火” (flame), and translated the word as “flame in the ear”, making the poem come to life: Pine boat a-shift on drift of tide, Or flame in the ear, sleep riven

And while translating “崧高维岳, 骏极于天”, Pound deciphered the character “ 崧” as a “high, pine-covered peak”; “岳” as “echoes”; and the character “极” as the “ridge-pole of heaven”. We should not evaluate Pound’s deciphering of characters through the narrow lens of the Study of Chinese Characters, but rather creatively interpret his undertaking by taking into consideration the broader perspective of comparative literature and cross- cultural exchanges. It is in this sense that Zhao Yiheng comments: Pound’s translation of the Book of Songs could be viewed as‘intrusive translation’, doing away with fidelity and producing deliberate mistranslations. Pound is half-translating and half- writing, trying to find a more engaging way of writing or reading. He was generally successful in his attempts. His translation of the Book of Songs was not as well-known as Cathay in American poetry, yet remains a must-read for students of contemporary American poetry. Compared with dozens of other translations of the Book of Songs, Pound’s translation is the most elegant and unfettered [4: 288].

Pound had long harbored deep misgivings about the Western politics and society. He discovered his poetic and political ideals in Chinese culture and Chinese characters. Thus, we should not criticize Pound as being an outright Orientalist. Pound is an important figure in the history of translating Chinese classics in the twentieth century. He introduced ancient Chinese culture and wisdom to the West in an attempt to address problems innate to Western culture. He adored Confucianism and worshiped Confucius as a deity, attributing all the glories of ancient China to Confucius and his philosophy. In Pound’s view, China was prosperous when the rulers paid tribute to Confucius and extol his thoughts, and China lapsed into decadence when Confucius was not respected. Pound’s purpose was to use Chinese history as a mirror for the West and urge a chaotic West to learn the statecraft of Eastern sages. In the words of Jeffrey Twitchell-Waas, It is important to keep in mind that Ezra Pound’s interest in Confucius and Confucianism does not stem from mere scholarly curiosity. Pound does not see Confucius as a cultural relic for display on a museum shelf. Rather; Pound seeks to introduce Western readers to Confucianism, or more accurately, to his particular understanding of Confucianism, in order to make it relevant in today’s modern age.1

Pound’s assimilation of Chinese culture made him quite an influential and unconventional poet. 1

Translators’note: This remark was adapted from an unpublished English language article penned by Jeffrey Twitchell-Waas in the mid-1990s and rendered into Chinese by Huang Yunte and Zhang Ziqing. As Profes- sor Twitchell-Waas could not locate the original text, the translators provided a rough translation, which Professor Twitchell-Waas then kindly revised in keeping with his own authorial voice. The translators would like to extend their deepest gratitude to Professor TwitchellWaas for his patient guidance in reviving the original phrasing.

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References 1. Mason MG (1939) Western concepts of China and the Chinese, 1840–1876, NY: The Seeman Printery 2. Perkins D (1980) The early career, a history of modern poetry, Vol 1: From the 1890s to the high modernist mode, Harvard University Press 3. Kayman MA (1986) Modernism of Ezra pound: the science of poetry, Macmillan 4. Zhao YH (2013) The muse from cathay. Sichuan Literature and Art Publishing House 5. Tao NK (2006) Ezra pound and the Chinese culture. Capital Normal University Press 6. Pearlman DS (1969) The barb of time: on the unity of Ezra pound’s cantos, NY: Oxford University Press 7. Bell D (1976) The cultural contradictions of Capitalism. Basic Books 8. Pound E (1960) Immediate need of confucius. In N. Stock (ed.) Impact: essays on ignorance and the decline of American civilization. Henry Rognery Company 9. Lan F (2005) Ezra Pound and Confucianism: remaking humanism in the face of modernity. University of Toronto Press 10. Pound E (1914) The words of Ming Mao “least among the disciples of Kung-Fu-Tse”. The Egoist, Vol. I, No. 24 11. Wang GM (2001) Confucian philosophy in Pound’s cantos. Foreign Literature, 2:87–95 12. Luo J (2009) A variation of west-centrism: reevaluating Ezra Pound’s attitude to Chinese culture. J Soc Sci of Hunan Normal Uni 2:117–120 13. Said E (1979) Orientalism. NY: Vintage Books 14. Zhang J (2007) Translation and representation: reading Qian Zhaoming’s ezra pound and China”, Foreign Literature, 4:59–65 15. Pound E (2008) The Chinese written character as a medium for poetry: an ars poetica. Preface to Fenollosa, E. The Chinese written character as a medium for poetry: a critical edition. Fordham University Press 16. Kirby-Smith HT (1998) The origins of free verse. The University of Michigan Press

Part IV

Issues and Debates

Chapter 14

Understanding the Translation of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics from a Cross-Cultural Perspective Xiping Zhang

The dissemination of Chinese cultural classics to the West began four centuries ago, and is endowed with a rich historical legacy. As China embarks on a contemporary cultural renaissance, a review of this legacy and the lessons learned therein will help inform decisions made concerning China’s going global, i.e., introducing Chinese culture to the outside world. All decision-making on China’s going global strategy should be based on solid research, not pure passion. In this sense, history is our best teacher. Just as scientists are continually expanding their horizons into the outer reaches of the space, humanists are constantly delving deeper into the depths of history with the aim of obtaining wisdom to guide the present day. We would like to propose the following points in relation to the dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics in the West.

14.1 Western Sinologists Are the Mainstay for the Dissemination of Chinese Cultural Classics We conclude that Sinologists have served as the mainstay in translating Chinese cultural classics on the basis of both a perusal of history and the bibliographies compiled by Henri Cordier (1849–1925) and Yuan Tongli (1895–1965). We reiterate this point because the roles of Sinologists and Chinese translators in the dissemination of Chinese classics concern the theoretical constructs and future practices of Chinese cultural as it goes global. The current controversy is: whilst some researchers argue that Chinese translators can serve as the mainstay with the assistance of Sinologists, others hold that Chinese translators will never become the mainstay for translating Chinese classics. X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_14

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As of yet, no consensus has been reached on whether Chinese translators are capable of translating Chinese classics. In Poems of the Late Tang, A. C. Graham comments: “We can hardly leave translation to the Chinese, since there are few exceptions to the rule that translation is done into, not out of one’s own language” [1: 37]. Pan Wenguo, a professor at Eastern China Normal University, refutes Graham’s argument. By pointing to the three dimensions involved in translating out of one’s native language, namely, language, literature and culture, Pan acknowledges that Westerners possess notable advantages in terms of their command of English language and literature; after all, second-language learners have a hard time developing a native-like command of the English language. Western translators, however, are at a cultural disadvantage compared to their Chinese counterparts, and the choice of original texts and translation strategies is closely related to the translator’s cultural position [2: 40]. Pan’s assertion that Chinese translators should not be excluded from translating Chinese classics is a valid one. Historically speaking, Chinese scholars have proven to be excellent translators, with Lin Yutang (1895–1976) prominently among them. The act of translation is also closely related to the dissemination of cultural values, and is thus a cultural issue. Wang Yuechuan, a professor of literature at Peking University, also shares Pan’s viewpoint. He points out that misreadings are common in Sinologists’ translations. Western Sinologists’ understanding of Chinese culture, according to Wang, “often slides to a monologue. Cultural likenesses between China and the West were attributed to China’s ‘copying’ of the West, and the heathen, the marginal and the barbarous came to epitomize China’s ‘foreignness’. They even take the lack of response from their target country for cowardice. Thus, the task of rediscovering China cannot be entrusted to Western Sinologists” [3: 279–280]. Wang also proposes that Chinese scholars should spearhead an effort to translate six hundred ancient and contemporary Chinese cultural works, and shoot one hundred episodes of cultural programs, in order to boost the influence of Chinese culture in the world. These scholarly proposals have already exerted a considerable impact on relevant government departments, in that national-level translation projects are now generously funded by the State Administration of Press, Radio Film and Television, as well as the National Social Sciences Fund. What, then, should be our attitude towards the translation of Chinese classics by Sinologists and Chinese translators? Related questions are: Who has dominated the translation of Chinese classics? What are the respective roles of Sinologists and Chinese translators in translating such works out of Chinese? We would like to answer these questions by addressing the following two aspects: First, in numerical terms, Chinese translators are no match for Sinologists. Wellknown translators such as Gu Hongming, Yang Xianyi (1915–2009), Chan Wing-tsit (1901–1994), Hong Ye (1893–1980) and Li Zhihua (1915–2015), have left their indelible marks on the history of translating Chinese classics. And Qiu Sulun, a contemporary translator who translated the Great Tang Records on Western Regions [大唐西域记] into Thai, has won wide acclaim among Thai readers. But from examining the bibliographies prepared by Cordier and Yuan, it’s clear

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that Sinologists have largely dominated the translation of Chinese classics. This is particularly true if we look at translations from Chinese into languages other than English, including Italian and Portuguese. Second, translating out of Chinese requires proficiency in the target language. In this respect, Chinese translators pale in comparison to Sinologists. The Chinese government has invested generously in the translation and dissemination of Chinese cultural classics, which prompts some to affirm that Chinese scholars could be the mainstay for the translation of Chinese works into foreign languages. We do believe that Chinese scholars are qualified to join the translation team for Chinese cultural classics, but they have not yet constituted the mainstay of the translation effort. Sales data and readers’ response provide an important standard for assessing the quality of Chinese translators’ translations of Chinese cultural classics. Many such translations have not been well-received by target-country readers. Wang Hongyin (1953–2019), a professor at Nankai University, comments: “China’s efforts in translating cultural classics have been enormous, yet varying quality and lack of publicity have caused a great number of translated classics to be confined to the domestic market. Such translated classics are most often purchased by students hoping to learn translation strategies, or picked up by foreign language enthusiasts looking for something to read for pleasure. Evidence-based research on target-country readers’ reading experience and response has been scarce as a result of limited channels for feedback and potential costs involved. As a result, Chinese translators indulge themselves in their so-called ‘masterpiece’ translations” [4: 6]. We hold this remark to be true of the current status in China.

14.2 Interpreting the Misreadings in Sinologists’ Translations from the Perspectives of Comparative Literature and Cross-Cultural Exchanges Wang Yuechuan, by pointing out the misreadings in Sinologists’ translations, argues for a higher degree of fidelity to the original text. But his argument proves lacking if we examine it from a cross-cultural perspective. There’s no denying that misreading has been the norm in the translation process, and may be attributed to Sinologists’ spotty understanding of Chinese cultural nuances. Misreadings may sometimes be on purpose, as in the case of Ezra Pound’s translations. When Pound took to translate the Analects in 1937, he had only the Chinese original and the text translated by James Legge with him. He approached the Chinese texts in a rather literal manner, namely, by observing the composition of Chinese characters. For example, when translating the following sentence from chapter five: 子曰: 道不行, 乘桴桴于海。从我者, 其由与? 子路闻之喜。子曰: 由也, 好勇过我, 无所取 材。

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James Legge endorsed the notation made by Zhu Xi, and translated “无所取材” into “He does not exercise his judgement upon matters”, whilst Pound translated it as“But he wouldn’t bother about getting the logs”, which is actually based on his decoding of the Chinese character “材” (composed of a tree plus half a tree) and a reference to Confucius’ mention of “桴” (boat). Pound criticized Legge’s translation as “devoid of...the original’s Lincoln-like humor”-a veritable “infamy”. Though Pound’s translation is in no sense faithful to the original, it nevertheless exerted wide influence in the U.S. and the West at large. Japanese comparatist Yukio Otsuka observed: “Misreadings in translated literature may exert an extraordinary impact upon the literary system of the receiving country. Bad translations sometimes produced an unexpected impact” [5: 101]. Pound is such a translator. He translated the Analects, The Doctrine of the Mean, Mencius and The Book of Songs without even knowing a single Chinese character. He both relied on and rejected Legge’s translation, opting instead for his own unique “misreadings”. Pound translated The Doctrine of the Mean as The Unwobbling Pivot, and “君子而时中” as “The master man’s axis does not wobble”, based on his belief that 中 connoted “a process of action; i.e., a pivot”. Only by examining Pound’s translation from a cross-cultural and comparative perspective can we understand his unique translation strategies. According to this logic, we’ll also be able to understand Jesuit Figurists’ interpretations of the Book of Changes. From the perspective of comparative literature, literary works became part of the receiving country once translated into the local language. “Creative treason was unavoidable in translation.” Here, “treason” is akin to rewriting. Translated texts must resonate with target cultural norms to be endowed with “a second life”. It is in this sense that Xie Tianzhen (1944–2020), a professor of comparative literature and translation studies at Shanghai International Studies University, argues in his History of Chinese Translation Literature in Modern Times that translated literary works should be considered an integral part of Chinese modern literature. Xie’s argument offers a new perspective for us to understand the status of ancient Chinese cultural classics translated into Western languages. A. C. Graham presents a couplet from the first poem in Du Fu’s Autumn Meditation (秋兴八首) and offers three possible translations: Original: 丛菊两开他日泪, 孤舟一系故园心。 V1: The myriad chrysanthemums have bloomed twice. Days to come-tears. The solitary little boat is moored, but my heart is in the old-time garden. (Amy Lowell) V2: The sight of chrysanthemums again loosens the tears of past memories; To a lonely detained boat I vainly attach my hope of going home.(Hong Ye) V3: The clustered chrysanthemums have opened twice, in tears of other days: The forlorn boat, once and for all, tethers my homeward thoughts.(A. C. Graham)

Graham comments on the differences in the versions: ...they differ so widely because the English language imposes choices which the poet refrained from making. Is it the flowers which burst open or the tears, the boat which is tied up or the poet’s heart? Is the‘other day’ past, or a future day which may be as sad as

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the two autumns in which he has already seen the chrysanthemums open in this unfamiliar country? Are the tears his own, or the dew on the flowers? Were they, or will they be, shed on another day, or is he shedding them now for the sorrows of another day? Are his hopes wholly tied to the boat which may take him home, or tied down once for all by the boat which will never sail? Is his heart tied here with the boat, or has it travelled home in his imagination to see other chrysanthemums in his former garden? Most of these interpretations have been proposed by commentators, and the ideal translation would allow all of them; this is the kind of language which does mean all that it can mean [1: 21–22].

Graham’s comment coincides with an ancient Chinese aphorism, i.e., a poem is open to multiple interpretations [诗无达诂]. Instead of referring to them as Du Fu’s poem, Xie Tianzhen (1944–2020) considered the above versions as translations of Du Fu’s poem, meaning that ancient Chinese literary works, once translated, became an organic part of the history of literature in the target countries. In this light, we cannot evaluate the academic significance of a translated cultural classic simply based on the principle of fidelity. Moreover, the translations’ cultural significance must not be understood purely in the vein of word-to-word equivalence. Rather, the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics functions as an exchange between Chinese and Western culture, with the translated texts embodying both the source and target cultures.

14.3 The Status of Chinese Translators Chinese translators began translating Chinese classics much later than the Western Sinologists, and have produced fewer translations; the number of Chinese classics translations produced by Chinese translators on sale in the West pales in comparison to the volume of works translated by Western Sinologists. These trends show that Chinese translators and publishing houses have not yet become the mainstay of translating and publishing Chinese classics. We must recognize that Chinese translators remain marginal, and that the Chinese culture’s going global is a long and arduous process. Cultural dissemination will not be realized by forward-leaping movements, and pure political enthusiasm will lead nowhere. Chinese translators must brace themselves for the long haul. There are always exceptions to a general analysis, and Xu Yuanchong is one such exception. His achievements in translating ancient Chinese classics, poetry in particular, remain unmatched. Arthur Waley may have translated more genres of Chinese classics, but he is no match for Xu in terms of poetry translation. Xu is also unique in that he translated into both English and French. Xu shares his understanding of theoretical construct concerning translating out of Chinese, remarking: Chinese and English are the two most widely spoken languages worldwide, with over one billion speakers each. But the two languages are very different, much more so than Western languages, causing enormous difficulties for translators. There has not yet been any published non-Chinese translator who could translate both into and out of Chinese. In contrast, quite a few Chinese translators do just that, and the most prolific of them have already published forty translations. In practice, Chinese translators enjoy considerable advantages as compared with

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their Western counterparts. Only theories built on the basis of translations both into and out of Chinese can address practical difficulties [6: 4].

However, Xu’s outstanding contribution to the translation of Chinese classics does not alter the fact that Chinese translators remain marginalized. These days, most active translators in China were born after 1950, majored in foreign language and literature, and even studied aboard in some cases. However, such translators lack adequate familiarity with ancient Chinese culture. A thorough understanding of the original texts is a prerequisite for good translations, which is why we’ve not seen any younger translators on the same level as Xu. We must be very cautious with the argument that Chinese scholars are more capable than Western Sinologists of translating ancient Chinese cultural classics. Xu is an exception, but he is growing older, and in 2009, China lost Yang Xianyi, the distinguished translator of Chinese classics. It is our view that the younger generation of Chinese translators are not yet capable of assuming the task of translating Chinese classics and will remain marginalized in the mid-to-long run. The younger generation is encumbered by historical burdens, and it will take another one to two generations to produce translators the likes of Lin Yutang and Xu Yuanchong. What we need now is patience—first-rate translators are not made overnight. Even if we do live to see the next Lin Yutang, we still have to admit that Chinese translators will not be the mainstay for Chinese culture going global; in particular, for translation into non-English languages.

14.4 The Kite Let Loose: Chinese Culture Misunderstood When we talk about research on Chinese culture worldwide, or the global significance of Chinese culture, we are fully aware of the fact that Western readers do not understand Chinese culture as we do. What we are interested in is thus how the translated Chinese cultural classics constitute the basis of Western understanding of China and how they became an integral part of Western culture. Misreadings of Chinese culture have evolved with the times, and served as the Other to Western culture. Despite deviations, the misreadings nevertheless more or less correspond to China’s realities. But translated Chinese culture is different from Chinese culture per se, and should not be understood within our own horizon of expectation. Nor should we take the translated Chinese culture as a standard for judging China’s cultural realities. Postcolonialism painted the Western attitude towards Oriental culture in a negative light, whilst the China fever of the 18th century showcased the positive impact of China on Europe. Whether cast in a positive or negative light, China inevitably becomes a chameleon in Westerners’eyes. Yet such deviations will not change the value of Chinese culture or its status in world cultural history. It is precisely because of these metamorphoses that Chinese culture has become an important externality to Western culture, and has acquired global significance.

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As noted previously, translation does not sever the relations between Chinese realities and the translated texts. Despite misreadings and deviations, these connections remain intact. Unlike post-colonialists, we hardly believe that these misreadings have severed the intellectual bonds between the original and translated Chinese culture. We should not consider the misreadings of Chinese culture as pure illusions. We liken the relationship between original Chinese cultural classics and translated ones to that of the “kite-flier” and the “kite”. How Chinese culture is conveyed through translated texts depends on the wind, which in this case, refers to the socio-cultural fabric of the target country. The kite dances in the wind, buffeted this way and that, but the kite-flier still determines the direction the kite takes. The kite-flier does not control the kite per se, nor does the kite ride the wind freely; thus, the kite is tethered to the kite-flier, and vice-versa. In other words, the translations of Chinese cultural classics are inseparable from their original texts, regardless of the extent of fidelity. In fact, inaccurate translations add new vitality to Chinese culture, shaping Chinese culture as we know it. In this vein, we remain wary of both Leopold von Ranke’s (1795–1866) theory of history based on nineteenth century empiricist philosophy, and post-modernist cultural theory, because neither can fully illustrate the complex cultural relations between China and the West, nor capture the evolution of Westerners’ image of China. The dissemination and impact of Chinese culture worldwide calls for a new theoretical construct—for this reason, we distance ourselves from the legion of voluminous works on the Western image of China.

References 1. Graham AC (1965) Poems of the late T’ang. Penguin Books 2. Pan WG (2004) Translating into/out of one’s mother tongue: on the feasibility of translating Chinese classics into english by native Chinese translators. Chin Translators’ J 2:40–43 3. Wang YC (2011) Discover the orient. Peking University Press 4. Wang HY (2009) Translation of Chinese cultural classics. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press 5. Otsuka Y (1985) Principle of comparative literature. Chinese version translated by Chen QF and Yang GH. Shaanxi People’s Press 6. Xu YC (1999) Doing Translation Studies requires a pioneering spirit. Chin Translators’ J 2:4–9

Chapter 15

China-Western Cultural Relations, 1500–2000 Xiping Zhang

Reviewing the historical translation and dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics in the West sheds light on the evolution of the cultural relations between China and the West. Examining long-term developments arms us with a bird’s eye view of history. China and the West are located at opposite ends of the Eurasian continent. In ancient times, cultural exchanges were limited to commodity trade. During the Age of Discovery, Spanish and Portuguese sailors’ seaward expeditions unleashed tremendous momentum for globalization. Portuguese reached the Southern China Seas by way of the Indian Ocean, while the Spaniards traversed the Pacific Ocean to reach the Philippines. In the wake of these navigations, Western missionaries to China began translating and disseminating Chinese cultural classics in the West. With his translation of the Confucian classic Beng Sim Po Cam; Espejo rico del claro corazón [明 心宝鉴], Spanish missionary Juan Cobo spearheaded four centuries of Westerners translating Chinese classics. The translation effort experienced significant ups and downs, and China took on chameleon- like qualities in Westerners’ eyes. A long view of the shifting tides enables us to classify China-Western cultural relations into three stages.

15.1 Stage One (1500–1700): Honeymoon Period The Jesuits were the first planetary men, the first in whom the world network became, to some degree, a world system. In this vision of the Jesuits, the China mission had a special role. It was the most prestigious of the mission fields, the most demanding intellectually, the least likely from which to return, the most adapted to the Jesuits’ mysticism of action, their X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_15

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access of mind rather than body. Similarly in the world economy of Seville, the China trade had a peculiar role. It had the longest turnover cycle...For both religious international and world economy[sic]China was the horizon, just as it continued to provide the largest single ingredients to the microbian common market and the world information circuit [1: 242].

China’s powerful economy at the beginning of the global era largely shaped the Western attitude towards China. At the time, Western scholars held all things Chinese in high esteem. Missionaries in China initiated the first wave of translating Chinese classics, and the sheer number of translations is astounding, even judging by today’s standards. According to Cordier, over a hundred translated works on China were published between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The translations were not free from deviations from the original, and especially after the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Jesuits whitewashed the translations to legitimize their missionary work in China. The term Confucianism was coined by the Jesuits, and finds no equivalent in Chinese. During that time, the mainstream European intellectual community maintained an embracing attitude towards China. Notable amongst the Sinophiles were FrancoisMarie Arouet de Voltaire (1694–1778) and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), both of whom sung China’s praises. Voltaire writes: “There is no history, among them (the Chinese), before the time of their emperors; no fictions; no prodigies, or miracles; nor any inspired individuals, pretending to be demi-gods... But, as soon as this people begin to write, they write rationally.” [2: 107]. And Leibniz comments: I consider it a singular plan of the fates that human cultivation and refinement should today be concentrated, as it were, in the two extremes of our continent, in Europe and in China (as they call it), which adorns the Orient as Europe does the opposite edge of the earth. Perhaps Supreme Providence has ordained such an arrangement, so that as the most cultivated and distant peoples stretch out their arms to each other, those in between may gradually be brought to a better way of life. [3: 45–46].

Clearly, both Voltaire and Leibniz revered China.

15.2 Stage Two (1800–1950): Unequal Relations The British, French and Industrial Revolutions ushered in a fundamental shift in East-West dynamics. Most of the time during this period, aside from Japan, the whole of Asia was under the control of the Europeans. The quasi-independence of the Chinese and Ottoman empires was only possible because of the disagreements among Western powers on their spheres of influence. “In this way the entire globe had come under Europe’s domination by 1914. It was the extraordinary climax of the long process started a half-millennium earlier when Portuguese captains began to feel their way down the coast of Africa. One peninsula of the Eurasian landmass was now the center of the world, with a concentration of power altogether unprecedented in past history” [4: 562].

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A rising Europe revised its humble cultural stance, and took on a condescending attitude towards Chinese culture. In the eyes of Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831), Confucianism was nothing admirable—Chinese culture was a culture without a philosophy. Speaking from a foreign trade perspective, Adam Smith (1723–1790) even foresaw a death sentence for the Chinese empire. Chinese intellectuals were in agony trying to find the way out. Mao Zedong (1893–1976) once remarked that the only way for China to win independence is to learn from the West. But Western powers would never cease bullying China. Learning from the West seemed to be the only choice left for Chinese intellectuals. “Everything English was good-even the drinking of brandy was a virtue; everything not English was to be viewed with suspicion” [4: 565]. By that time, Chinese culture was taken to be a historical burden that had to be abandoned. Scholars like Liang Shuming (1893–1988) tried to re-interpret the significance of Chinese culture, and the Xueheng School [学衡派]1 sought to preserve the fine parts of the Chinese culture by seeking a balance between Western and Chinese learnings. Despite such Sinophobia, translation of Chinese classics remained business as usual, with both Protestant missionaries and Sinologists engaged in foundational research. However, in their eyes, Chinese culture served as a mere plaything for Western Sinologists to expand their knowledge of the East. After World War I, due to the temporary recession of Western culture, Western philosophers like Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889–1975) recast their attention upon China and the East at large. But such people were scarce, and hardly altered the unequal dynamics between China and the West-the relationship between China and the West was still one of dependency and exploitation. Chinese culture had lost its significance as a local culture, and few vestiges of global influence remained. In the first half of the twentieth century, Western might reached a high point. “The Western world is today the arbiter of man-kind’s fate. It is paradoxical but true that the reaction against Western physical domination has gone far to complete the conquest of the world by Western culture. To ensure its own survival the rest of the world has been obliged to imitate the West. It is Western methods, beliefs and goals that have been accepted and utilized to combat Western control” [4: 876].

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Translator’s Note: The Xueheng School refers to a group of Chinese intellectuals who in the 1920s tried to maintain the orthodoxy of ancient Chinese [古文] while opposing the use of plain Chinese [白话文]. The School was thus named because of the journal they created in 1922 under the same title.

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15.3 Stage Three (1950-Present): Returning to Equal Footing With the disintegration of the Warsaw Treaty Organization and the USSR, some Western scholars concluded that it was the “end of history”, and the West had successfully drawn the entire world within its orbit. Nevertheless, considering China’s expansive population, territory, unique political system and cultural heritage, China’s rise to prominence over the past forty years shocked the world. China’s rise was a pivotal event in the 20th century, and a milestone in the history of modernization. “China’s economic ascendance and political transition stands out as both a major episode in the history of global political economy and as the primary driver of wide-ranging changes in Asia’s economic, technological, diplomatic and security alignments.” William W. Keller comments, “China’s rise, like the historical emergence of other great powers, represents a tectonic shift in the global architecture of diplomacy, security, and commerce that has the potential to unleash instability, even war” [5: 3]. These words encapsulate the impact of China’s rise on the West. China’s rise was accompanied by cultural development, and sent shockwaves throughout the West, which had dominated world culture for nearly four centuries. The Western world has yet to adjust to this shift, as evidenced by Western media’s predominantly negative coverage of China. It would be in everyone’s best interest for the West to adopt an open attitude towards multicultural co-existence. Despite considerable backfire on Western imperialism on the part of quite a few Western scholars, the call for multi-cultural dialogues has been marginal at most. The cultural relationship between China and the West is undergoing a fundamental shift. In the spirit of eighteenth-century cultural legacy, it is high time for the West to accept that the age of Western dominance is over, and a new era of multi-cultural coexistence has dawned. It is time for Westerners to recover the respect and admiration they once harbored for China during the eighteenth century. A new age of equal dialogues between China and the West is in the making. From the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, China-West cultural relations enjoyed a brief honeymoon, before ushering in unequal dynamics from the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Thanks to China’s rise in the mid-twentieth century, Sino-Western relations are now back on equal footings. In Early Religious and Philosophical Exchanges between China and Europe, this author calls for a return to equal dialogues between China and the West. Just as remarked in the Preface, The commodity culture of the West is in itself a contradiction-on the one hand, it provides broader space for the development of individuality, but on the other hand, it over-simplified humanity. Western romanticists such as Jean-Jacque Rousseau have been criticizing mainstream culture since the 18th century. History can be likened to a circle-when you stand on any one particular point, it seems that you are seeing a straight line ahead, but it is actually merely a dot on the circumference. It is our task to walk out of the dot and look back at history from the perspective of the whole circle. We should reconsider both the Eastern attitude towards the West, and the Western attitude towards the East. The prerequisites for equal exchanges and dialogues should be rooted in mutual recognition and respect. In this sense,

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both China and the West should return to the period of their initial encounters during the turn of Ming and Qing Dynasties, and the Age of Discovery, in order to re-discover China-West relations and bring back equal dialogues [6: 13].

References 1. Adshead SAM (1988) China in World history. New York: St. Martin’s Press 2. Voltaire (1759) An essay on universal history, the manners, and spirit of nations. London: Printed for J. Nourse 3. Leibniz GW (1998) Preface to the novissima sinica (News from China), translated by Daniel J. Cook and Henry Rosemont, Jr., in Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: writings on China, Open Court 4. Stavrianos LS (1999) A global history: the world after 1500. Chinese version translated by Wu XY. Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press 5. Keller WW, Rawski TG (2007) China’s rise and the balance of influence in Asia. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 6. Zhang XP (2001) History of China-Europe exchanges on religions and philosophy. Oriental Press

Chapter 16

Chinese Scholars’ Struggle to Reconcile Chinese Tradition with Western Culture Xiping Zhang

Looking back on the four centuries of translation and dissemination of ancient Chinese cultural classics, we can identify two prerequisites for the influence of a culture in other countries: the receiving audience’s mentality and the disseminators’ attitude. With regards to the mentality of the Western receiving audience, although the cultural relationship between China and the West is undergoing a fundamental shift, the mentality of the Western world has not yet adapted to such a transition. Mainstream Western thought is critical of Chinese cultural rejuvenation. Westerners have been criticizing China’s political system and social problems often out of doubt, rather than hostility. Indeed, China’s rise has been an exception to the history of modernization over the past two centuries. It is impossible to understand China within Westerners’ existent ideological framework, hence mixed feelings about China’s rise. However, China’s rejuvenation is inevitable, and has already effected positive changes around the world. Will Westerners come to understand the essence of Chinese culture, and maintain an objective attitude towards China’s rise? The answer will determine whether the cultural relationship between China and the West can tide over this transitional period fraught with conflicts and misunderstandings. In our opinion, opting for equal dialogue and multi-cultural co-existence is the best way forward for the West. This attitude will be essential to the dissemination of Chinese culture in the West and in the world at large, and also crucial for the future of Western culture. Therefore, the rejuvenation of Chinese culture cannot be realized simply through China’s efforts; it also hinges on the attitude of the dominant Western culture. The other success factor for cultural influence lies in the disseminators’ understanding and interpretation of their own culture. If the disseminators can present a clear, holistic, and wisdom-laden image of their own culture, the culture will certainly X. Zhang (B) International Institute of Chinese Studies, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0_16

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be welcomed and understood by foreigners. However, the dissemination of Chinese culture worldwide is currently hampered by disagreement among Chinese intellectuals on how to interpret Chinese culture and envision the relationship between ancient and contemporary Chinese culture. Only by rectifying such disputes and by achieving a coherent and consistent domestic discourse can the Chinese culture be well-received abroad. Addressing this issue holds the key to Chinese culture’s going global, and to successfully rolling out historical and theoretical inquiries of the influence of Chinese culture overseas. China has been learning from the West for over a century, and China’s knowledge and thought system have been formed under the academic influence of the West. Even the discourse on Chinese traditional knowledge and culture has been tinted by Western interpretations. Reconstructing the tradition of Chinese culture and learning is the paramount mission of the Chinese academia. It would be absurd to deny the impact of Western learning on the formation of modern Chinese knowledge system, and it would be equally naïve to try to “rescue” the purely Chinese discourse from the “encroachment” of Western interpretation. Contemporary Chinese discourses are vastly different from those of the early modern period, and over the past four centuries, Chinese culture has already been tinted with the enriching elements of Western culture. Contemporary Chinese culture is a hybrid which is neither the spitting image of Western culture, nor a complete distillation of traditional Chinese culture. China was a late-comer to modernization. The representations and narratives of Chinese culture have not been formed in isolation. The natural process of cultural development in China was indeed interrupted during the Late Qing Period, and the Chinese culture has since been forcefully subsumed into a world cultural system dominated by the West. It will be an arduous task for a rising China today to regain equal footing in the West-dominated cultural system. Over the past threeplus decades, China experienced a drive for modernization and scored considerable achievements. Yet the rise of a great power will not be possible without the flourishing of its domestic culture. Over thirty years of rapid growth have ushered in unprecedented openness in thought, but at the same time, materialism and mercantilism also present the following two challenges for the rise of Chinese culture. First, the Chinese academia has not yet completed a systematic survey of the history of the spread of Western learning to China, nor a systematic review of China’s modern history of ideas, and China’s contemporary cultural system is still maturing. Realizing the interaction and integration among Western learning, Guoxue and Marxism, is no easy task. But as China rises rapidly, we have no choice but to re-communicate the universal value of Chinese culture to the world. But how? Second, modern Chinese history proves that it would take a long time to make a clean break with the negative parts of traditional thought. Cultural self-consciousness and confidence should be established by maintaining a sober understanding of one’s own culture by distinguishing between its flaws and merits, and identifying the mainstream elements of a fine cultural tradition. In this sense, Lu Xun, the great writer and thinker of the early 20th century, is still relevant today. He was considered radical during his time, but his criticism of Chinese culture was an essential intellectual

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source for reconstructing Chinese culture. Likewise, inward criticism by Voltaire and Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) spurred the constant renewal of Western culture. A rising China also needs such critics. Cultural confidence is also achieved by respecting history and traditional culture, and by taking them as the foundation for the rise of a cultural power. The reinterpretation of Chinese thought and culture in a new era should be based on the mainstream elements of traditional culture, so as to blaze a new path of Chinese modernization. The time has passed when we learned everything from the West. China is the only ancient country with an uninterrupted cultural history, and thus the rejuvenation of the Chinese culture should not rely on transplanting contemporary Western culture. Consequently, a tension emerges between the traditional culture and transformative innovation, which boils down to questions such as how to deal with the relationship between ancient and contemporary Chinese culture, and how to illustrate the contemporary relevance of traditional Chinese culture. In August of 2013, during a national conference on publicity and ideological work, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed that, ... to publicize modern China’s unique points, we need to make it clear that (1) because different countries and nations have different historical traditions, cultural accomplishments and basic conditions, their development paths are different; (2) Chinese culture encompasses the deepest cultural and ethical pursuits of the Chinese nation, nourishing the people for generations; (3) fine traditional Chinese culture is a great strength of the Chinese national and its most profound cultural soft power; (4) Chinese socialism rooted in Chinese culture represents the Chinese people’s aspirations, suits the times, facilitates the country’s development of the country and is based on a long history and solid reality [1: 174].

Xi’s remarks present a cohesive view of traditional and contemporary China, and trace China’s history and realities to its cultural roots. His remarks are important for us in sifting through the dissension in the intellectual circle. The global dissemination of ancient Chinese culture necessitates a sober consciousness and sufficient understanding of the culture itself. Only in this way can the rest of the world appreciate the global relevance of Chinese culture and the significance of China’s path. Yet international friction clouds this vision. Newfound turmoil and conflict as China undergoes social transition have added to the difficulties in understanding and interpreting a rapidly developing China. China’s culture has fallen into disarray, with many schools of thought contending with one another. This is the eve of the birth of new ideas. The Chinese academia must grasp the essence of Chinese culture amidst these historical vicissitudes, and present its contemporary value and global relevance. In his article Bidding Goodbye to our Admiration of the West, Wen Tiejun, a wellknown Chinese economist, reviews the fundamental learnings since the Revolution of 1911 from an economic perspective: ... after the Westernization Movement (1860s-90s) and the Reform Movement of 1898, China emulated Western institutions in its education, military and political sectors...but these Western institutions did not save the war-torn Qing Empire, which was already crumbling financially... the failure was actually caused by the disintegration of Western-like financial institutions and the military breakdown caused by insufficient provisions. That is to say,

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Western institutions did not prevent government failure... over a century after the Revolution of 1911, China is still a late- comer to modernization, and Westernization brought about detrimental consequences. If China does not have the ability to innovate and embark on an alternative path, it will fail once more [2].

Wen concludes that we must “bid goodbye to our admiration of the West”. Wen’s argument is certainly controversial, but we should acknowledge his contribution in examining China’s history from the perspective of world economic development. The West has dominated the world’s economic system for centuries; it is high time for contemporary China to emerge from the shadow of Western dominance. But this is easier said than done. Western influence on China is a double-edged sword, which is why China is now embarking on a brand-new path to surpass the West. China’s vast territory, extended history and enormous population have historically slowed down our progress; thus, we once had to patiently learn from the West. As we move towards the world’s center stage, we are emerging from the shadow of our Western mentors, and blazing our own trail.1 Clearly, Chinese attitudes towards the West are mixed. Cultural exchanges between China and the West also exemplify this frame of mind. The drive for modernization originates from the West, and for Western countries, modernization is concurrent with cultural awakening and self-realization. However, the global expansion accompanying modernization has brought with it colonialism. In what Hegel termed the “Cunning of History”, late-comers were forced onto the modernization path blazed by the West, yet not without reaping any benefits. The history of modernization has been fraught with evil, but at the same time, it has also brought about intellectual emancipation. Wang Fuzhi (1619–1692) once commented: “The Qin Empire sought to occupy every land under Heaven by establishing counties to replace the vassal states, but Heaven transformed this hegemony into unexpected benefits... ” But we must understand that for late-comers, internal conflicts are violent at the intellectual level. It might be easy for small countries with short histories to accept Westernization. But it is virtually impossible for China, with its long and prolific history, to do the same. Contemporary Chinese culture has changed significantly over the ages. But tradition still lingers on in our lifestyle and intellectual pursuits. On the surface, we have been completely Westernized, and it has become difficult to properly express our own cultural heritage, because words no longer convey their original meanings. Thus, we

1

Translators’Note: The author says that the West has served as a mentor for China, by which he is referring to an article entitled “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” written by Mao Zedong in commemoration of the twenty-eighth Anniversary of the Communist Party of China. Mao Zedong likened the relationship between China and the West to one between “teacher” and “pupil”, stating: “From the time of China’s defeat in the Opium War of 1840, Chinese progressives went through untold hardships in their quest for truth from the Western countries... every effort was made to learn from the West... . Imperialist aggression shattered the fond dreams of the Chinese about learning from the West. It was very odd-why were the teachers always committing aggression against their pupil? The Chinese learned a good deal from the West, but they could not make it work and were never able to realize their ideals” (Mao 1961: 413).

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can see that a rising China struggles to reconcile its own tradition with a deeply-rooted Western culture. We may expect that just as China has historically integrated Buddhism with Confucianism, the current chaos and agony are caused by a lack of insightful scholars who could create something like Neo-Confucianism, and elevate Chinese culture to new heights. However, Western culture is fundamentally distinct from Buddhist culture, and it would be unreasonable to expect China to subsume Western culture. Though China is already the world’s second-largest economy it will take time for it to reconcile Chinese and Western cultures, and to create a brand-new Chinese culture that is rooted in tradition, keeps pace with the times, and is integrated with Western culture. We must remember that despite the dominance of Western culture since the Age of Discovery, Eastern culture predates Western culture and boasts an independent value system and intellectual world. The hope lies in the East, in an Eastern culture that remakes itself by improving upon the achievements of other cultures.

References 1. Xi Jinping (2014) Building a culturally strong country, and increasing its cultural power. The Governance of China, Vol. 1. Foreign Language Press 2. Wen TJ (2011) Goodbye to the 100 years worship of western systems. Global Times, Sept. 16

Conclusion

The Twentieth Century in Turmoil The twentieth century witnessed a sea of historic changes. Earlier that century, the United States surpassed the United Kingdom to become the most powerful capitalist country in the world. The founding of the Soviet Union at the dawn of the century and the collapse of the Soviet-Eastern Europe system at century’s close exerted a resounding impact on global dynamics. The current world system is largely Western-dominated. With mounting globalization and expansion of multi-national companies, the Western discourse has served as an indispensable means for capital and ideological expansion. China’s rise towards the end of the twentieth century was undoubtedly one of the century’s most pivotal turning points. As China emerges as a political and economic power, her cultural depth and diversity also come to light, and pearls of wisdom contained in ancient Chinese culture shine through. The rise of China is leading to shifts in existent world political and economic patterns; likewise, the translation of ancient Chinese culture is bound to fundamentally alter the course of world cultural tides originating in the 19th century. The most monumental event for the translation of ancient Chinese classics from 1950–2000 was undoubtedly the establishment of the China International Publishing Group (CIPG). However, the CIPG’s longstanding contributions to translating and publishing Chinese cultural classics have long been neglected by researchers of Chinese translation history. When it comes to the sheer number of translations and languages involved, the CIPG’s accomplishments are truly remarkable. In the second half of the 20th century, diverse players dedicated themselves to the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics, with state-sponsored institutions, domestic Chinese scholars, overseas Chinese scholars, and Sinologists all jumping on the bandwagon. With reform and opening-up and China’s rise, Western Sinologists redoubled their efforts in translating Chinese cultural classics. Providing a comprehensive analysis of Chinese culture is beyond the scope of this volume, but the trend has become clear: as China continues to make new waves on the global spectrum, Chinese culture is © Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0

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bound to exert an even broader influence, superseding Western dominance on the world cultural spectrum. When it comes to the history of the twentieth century and the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics, we would like to highlight the following.

The Contributions of Chinese Scholars Who Worked in the United States The contributions of Chinese scholars who worked in the United States to the translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics must not go unrecognized. Moreover, we must recognize the contributions of Chinese scholars who worked in the US to the development of the discipline of China Studies as a whole. In the words of Zhang Haimo, As a result of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931–1945) and the Civil War of 1945-1949, many Chinese scholars went to teach at American universities. Thanks to their conversancy with Chinese materials and modern research methodologies, Chinese scholars such as Chao Yuen Ren, Li Fang-Kuei, Hsiao Kung-chuan, William Hung, Teng Ssu-yu, Yang Lien- sheng, James T. Liu, Yang C. K., Francis L. K. Hsu, Liu Ta-Chung, Chou Hsun-hsin, Ho Ping- ti and Yuan Tung-li all played key roles in boosting China Studies in the United States,. These scholars provided critical support to their American counterparts and contributed to their leading reputation [1: 4].

In terms of the translation of Chinese classics, Wang Chi-chen’s translation of Dream of the Red Chamber, Yu Guofan’s rendering of The Journey to the West, Achilles Fang’s translation of The Art of Writing and Kenneth K.S. Ch’en’s translation of Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey are all highly regarded. The United States also played a leading role in research on China, contributing tremendously to the translation of Chinese classics. Elaborating further on the significance of these contributions remains a task for future researchers.

Contributions of Chinese Scholars and Institutions Chen Jitong kicked off China’s endeavors in translating Chinese cultural classics into Western languages at the end of the 19th century, and by the end of the 20th century, countless Chinese scholars had jumped onto the bandwagon. The launch of the T ’ien Hsia Monthly was an epoch-making event, since the real boss of the magazine was none other than Sun Ke, who in effect represented the Nationalist government. The T ’ien Hsia Monthly could be viewed as the inaugural nationallevel effort in translating Chinese culture. In the same vein, the founding of the CIPG by the government of P. R. China symbolized the most historic milestone in the translation history of Chinese classics. The experiences and lessons of the CIPG merit further research.

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The Importance of Sinologists in the Translation of Chinese Cultural Classics We must admit that Western Sinologists, especially professional Sinologists, were the driving force behind in the translation of Chinese cultural classics. Chinese scholars did make indispensable contributions to the translation of Chinese classics, yet the fact remains that most of the translations were rendered by Western Sinologists. What’s more, international Sinologists will continue to serve as the mainstay behind such efforts in the perceivable future. Even if we could identify a few successful examples of Chinese scholars translating cultural classics into Western languages, we have few translations to share in East European, African or Asian languages. Thus, it follows that Sinologists constitute the mainstay in the translation of Chinese classics. The Chinese novelist and short-story writer Mo Yan was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2012, thanks to the translation and influence of his novels abroad. Translators Howard Goldblatt, Noël Dutrait, Chantal Chen-Andro and Anna Gustafsson Chen are the names behind Mo Yan’s worldwide recognition. The Sinologist Göran Malmqvist, one of the lifelong judges of Nobel Prize in Literature, spelled the point out crystal-clear: “They[Sinologist-translators]know their mother tongue, they know how the best expressions are. But some Chinese publishers enlist Chinese translators to translate literary works, which can lead to disasters. A bad translation murders the original work.”Malmqvist’s remarks may seem a bit extreme, yet it is, nevertheless undeniable that only a handful of Chinese translators have produced truly fine translations. Further corroborating this view was Xie Tianzhen’s comment that“We need to admit that when it comes to grasping the subtleties in diction, style and aesthetics of literary works, Chinese translators are no match for their international counterparts. And this is a fact that we must confront and ponder upon when we present Chinese literature and culture to foreign audiences” [2: 9]. One of the conclusions of this volume is that Sinologists played a critical role in translating and extending the influence of Chinese cultural classics. A post-colonialist interpretation of the Sinologists’accomplishments remains partial at most. We call for increased dialogue and cooperation with Sinologists the world over. In order for Chinese culture to truly go global, we must first sort through the Sinologists’legacy in a rational and scholarly manner, and actively engage them in dialogues.

Chinese Culture in the Twenty-First Century Winds of change are sweeping the globe, yet such mega-trends have yet to reveal their true course. The Italian economist Giovanni Arrighi foresees a slightly grim outlook for the world’s future, from both political and macro-economic vantage points. Arrighi points to three probable world patterns, which may be summarized as follows.

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No matter what kind of world political and economic outlook is likely to define the 21st century, the global significance of Chinese culture will inevitably be entwined with the reshaping of the world order as a result of China’s rise. Uncertainties abound, and only time will tell the course global dynamics will take. For several decades, the CIPG had been the only state-sponsored institution to translate Chinese cultural classics and help Chinese culture expand its influence abroad. Yet with the advent of reform and opening-up in 1978, the state cultural policy underwent significant changes. The most important initiative proposed was the rather recent“Chinese culture going global”. As China reemerges as a powerful nation, Chinese culture’s going global has been elevated to the level of a national strategy. “Going global”was first proposed as a policy encouraging Chinese companies to leverage overseas resources. The concept was first raised during the Fifth Plenary Session of the Fifteenth CPC Central Committee in October, 2000. The proposal of such a policy marked the start of a new phase where China was to pursue economic and cultural development globally. Naturally, economic expansion entails cultural influence. Addressing a gathering of heads of provincial cultural departments, the Minister of Culture Sun Jiazhen pointed out China’s determination and vision for enhancing its cultural influence worldwide: We should integrate into the international society with increased openness and expand our channels of cultural exchanges with foreign countries. We should implement the“going global” strategy, presenting the great achievements scored in China’s reform and development, and actively boosting the influence of contemporary Chinese culture. We are going to find our way into the mainstream international media. And by leveraging modern, marketoriented methods, we are going to shape a brand-new image of China and build our country into an international cultural center [3: 11].

The “going global” strategy was confirmed to be a major national policy in the Report to the 16th CPC National Congress in 2002, and the pathways for the going global of Chinese culture gradually surfaced in a series of historic documents. During the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixteenth CPC Central Committee in October, 2005, former Chinese President Hu Jintao called for“accelerating the going global of Chinese cultural products and promoting the influence of Chinese culture worldwide”. The Outline for Cultural Development During the Eleventh Five-Year Plan Period issued in September, 2006 assigned strategic priority to Chinese culture going global and laid the foundation for the development of the cultural industry. It is fair to say that by 2006, the Chinese culture going global strategy had been officially recognized as China’s long-term cultural strategy. To help Chinese culture take root overseas, two major projects were launched to promote the translation of Chinese cultural works, namely China Book International (CBI) and Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences. By the end of 2010, the CBI work group had signed 1350 publication agreements with 246 publishers in 46 countries and published 1910 books in 26 languages. It has proved a major booster to Chinese books going global. The Chinese National Museum Archives Series and the History of Chinese Civilization are those publications that translated ancient Chinese culture.

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Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences was launched in 2010 with the support of the National Social Sciences Fund, aiming at promoting Sinointernational academic exchanges and boosting the global influence of Chinese scholarship. The Project funded such translations of Chinese cultural classics as Chinese Buddhist Culture. The result of the government-sponsored project boosted the status of Chinese culture internationally, sharpened the competitive edge of Chinese soft power, and encouraged foreign publishers to take the initiative in translating books on Chinese history and culture. Chinese scholars are faced with the monumental task of presenting ancient Chinese culture to the world. Similar to the ancient Indian and Greek cultures, Chinese culture is also a treasure trove for human civilization. Yet presenting Chinese culture to foreign audiences in a compelling manner remains a daunting task for Chinese scholars. This is because we must consider traditional and contemporary Chinese culture as a whole; we need to engage in further research on the history and myriad factors behind the spread of Chinese culture worldwide; and finally, we must observe the basic rules of cultural dissemination and enhance the influence of Chinese culture on the wider world stage.

The Global Influence of Chinese Culture—A Brand-new Research Field Chinese scholars have long studied ancient Chinese culture within the scope of the culture itself. Yet Chinese wisdom and philosophy have flowed to the West since the Late Ming Dynasty, and the translation and study of Chinese classics have fundamentally reshaped Chinese culture. In other words, the realm of scholarship on China has expanded considerably. After Western missionaries and professional Sinologists began their forays into China, the depth and breadth of research on China increased significantly. As the impact of ancient Chinese culture expanded beyond China’s borders, the outside world became acquainted with Chinese wisdom and scholarship. Studies of China from the outside fed back to China’s academia, enabling the scholarship on China to take on new dimensions. This author analyzed such intricacy and its bearing on modern Chinese scholarship in an article entitled Thoughts on Chinese Learning and Sinology published in 2010.

The Influence of Sinology on Modern Chinese Scholarship Sinology/China Studies has been inextricably entwined with the Chinese academia since its inception. The formation of modern Chinese scholarship was a natural progression from the interactions between Chinese scholars and Sinologists. Such

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cultural exchanges are exemplified by the collaboration between Matteo Ricci (1552– 1610) and Xu Guangqi (1562–1633), James Legge (1815–1897) and Wang Tao (1828–1897), Wang Tao and Stanislas Julien (1797–1873), Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) and Luo Zhenyu (1866–1940), Karlgren Bernhard (1889–1978) and Zhao Yuanren (1892–1982), as well as by the interactions between Hu Shi (1891–1962), Friedrich Hirth (1845–1927) and Alexander Von Stael-Holstein (1877–1937). These scholars influenced and reinforced each other throughout their academic pursuits. Intercultural exchanges between Chinese scholars and Sinologists reached a high point in the 1920s and 1930s: Paul Demiéville (1894–1979) delivered lectures at Xiamen University, Richard Wilhelm (1873–1930) undertook a professorship at Peking University, and Chen Yinke (1890–1969) received invitations to teach at Oxford and Cambridge, to name just a few. These interactions effectively modernized Chinese scholarship. Fu Sinian(1896–1950) observed Scholarship on China varies due to different theoretical presumptions. Chinese scholars, given their systematic training in ancient classics, have every advantage in terms of purely Chinese issues. But when it comes to research on peripheral cultures, these scholars are impeded by a lack of available materials. In contrast, Sinologists adept at sourcing materials from the West have much to say on peripheral studies, but less so on purely Chinese issues. Mr. Pelliot has, however, utilized both Chinese and Western materials in his research, and serves as an excellent example to follow in expanding the scope of research resources [4].

Fu’s comments highlight the abundant food for thought Chinese scholars can glean from Sinology. In fact, the increasing scholarly focus on China’s western regions is a direct result of the influence of Western Sinology. In his personal diary dated April 5th, 1916, Hu Shi wrote“: Sinologists or Sinoloques spend much effort in vain in their research on China. Yet they are seldom fettered by stereotypes in Chinese scholarship, and their books often spark fresh outlooks” [5: 860–861]. These words show that Hu had already come to realize the value of Sinology. As a result of his later interactions with Von Stael-Holstein, Hu even decided that Sinologists had not, in fact, expended much effort in vain, and later sought advice from Holstein when he studied the Sanskrits. Hu’s comment on Bernhard Karlgren is a testament to his understanding of the impact of Sinology on Chinese scholarship: The Swedish Sinologist Bernhard Karlgren completed a remarkably detailed study on Qie Yun (切韵), the ancient Chinese dictionary of rhymes. In the words of the prolific writer Lin Yutang, ‘Karlgren has made unprecedented contributions to Chinese phonology.’ (Yu Si, No. 27, Volume 4). Karlgren draws upon Western phonology, utilizes materials in Chinese dialects, and resorts to Japanese sources, making him stand out among his peers. His achievements in just a few years’ time outshone Chinese scholarly research in the field over the past 300 years since the era of Gu Yanwu [6: 203–205].

In this light, Hu Shi called upon the young scholars of the time to sort through ancient Chinese classics from Western academic perspectives and to surpass their predecessors.1 1

Translators’Note: Hu Shi stated his admiration of Western Sinologists through two poetic lines:“ 一拳打倒顾亭林, 两脚踢翻钱竹江,”which may be roughly translated as “modern scholars could easily surpass their prominent predecessors in phonology, including the likes of Gu Yanwu and Qian Wenxin.

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At that time, Western Sinology exerted a tremendous impact upon the Chinese academia, to the extent that Chen Yuan (1880–1971) observed: “When scholars both at home and abroad talk about scholarship on China, either Paris or Japan comes to mind-no one ever mentioned China itself. We must thrust Beijing, China back into the spotlight as the new center of scholarship on China” [7: 8]. Indeed, Sinology was a decisive factor enabling Chinese scholarship to shift from the hermeneutic tradition to the vein of modern social sciences. When he first took up his post at Tsinghua University, Chen Yinke taught bibliography within the standard framework set by European Sinologists and Orientalists. And under the influence of Karlgren, Zhao Yuanren and Li Fanggui studied the Chinese language through the lens of modern linguistics. Thus, we can see that Sinology is essentially entwined with China’s domestic scholarship. Chen Lai, a professor of philosophy at Tsinghua University, coined the term Sinologized Chinese Scholarship, or “a new Chinese scholarship integrated within world scholarship”. A century ago, Chen Yinke and other scholars at the School of National Learning at Tsinghua University borrowed research methodologies from European and Japanese Sinology to situate domestic studies on Chinese culture within world scholarship. Today, to promote scholarship on China, we must engage in dialogues with contemporary Sinology and Western humanities and social sciences at large. Sinology is concerned with Chinese history and culture, but different countries adopt different approaches to the subject, depending on their own academic traditions. Western Sinology is an important branch of Orientalism. Yet articulating the crossover between Sinology and Western philosophical and social thoughts remains a daunting task. Without a clear understanding of Sino-Western interactions, our understanding remains confined to knowledge acquisition, and we find ourselves unable to identify the underlying research methodologies. Thus, our understanding of Sinology remains piecemeal at best Chen Yinke summarizes modern trends in modern scholarship: The scholarship of a new age is always based on new materials and new issues. If you use the new materials to study the new issues, you will be an academic trend-setter. Scholars who join the trend will be in. If not, they will be out. This has been the general principle for scholarship since ancient times. Those who shut their ears to the call of the times will lose out [8: 266].

The development of Chinese scholarship today needs to take Sinology as part of its foundation. We should never shut our eyes to the research questions posed and materials used in Sinology. Despite major strides made by Chinese academia in tracking the latest developments in Sinology and in understanding its ideological backgrounds, we need to brace up for more solid research.

Sinology and the Reconstruction of Chinese Culture As China rises to prominence, the Chinese academia has gradually cast off the shadow of Western-centrism and transcended such dichotomies as“modernity vs

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tradition”and “Orient vs Occident”. To improve our own cultural awareness, we need to sort through the diverse academic thoughts and systems of the past century. The past several years has witnessed the emergence of a controversy over Reversed Analogical Interpretation [反向格义], which refers to how we examine the impact of Western scholarship on Chinese humanities and social sciences, and certainly involves an evaluation of Western and Japanese Sinology. As noted previously, if modern Chinese scholarship was born within the framework of Western scholarship, then where does its legitimacy lie? In fact, the impact of Western scholarship can be traced back to the Late Ming Dynasty. The prolific missionaries who came to China during the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties left quite a recorded legacy-the missionaries and their Chinese converts alone produced nearly a thousand books and manuscripts in Chinese. The number would be even greater if the books written by their assailants were also included. The fundamental difference between missionary Sinologists and professional ones is that the former live in China and publish in Chinese. Many Chinese literati were influenced by their writings in Chinese, with Fang Yizhi (1611–1671), Liu Xianting (1648–1695), Wang Fuzhi and Huang Zongxi (1610–1695)prominent among them. Thus, if we want to sort through the history of the Spread of Western learning to the East [西学东渐], we must start from the Late Ming Dynasty. Only in this way can we unveil the subsequent evolution of Chinese scholarship and explain its origins, in order to lay a solid academic foundation for the reconstruction of a new system of Chinese scholarship. If we seek to overcome West-centrism and illustrate the unique value of Chinese scholarship by presenting Chinese knowledge in the Chinese way, we must examine both the impact of missionary Sinology on Chinese culture and scholarship since the Late Ming Dynasty, and the effect of the Spread of Western Learning to the East on China’s local knowledge and culture since modern times. This approach will enable us to turn over a new leaf in our approach towards China’s scholarship, and reveals the complex relationship between Sinology and the reconstruction of China’s scholarship. International Sinology Studies has been making considerable headway in recent years. As evidenced by competent young scholars and high-quality Ph.D. theses, remarkable progress has been achieved in the research on Chinese classics translation. This is a brand-new field requiring both foreign language prowess and crossdisciplinary research competence. Research on the dissemination of Chinese classics cuts across translation studies, religious studies and comparative literature. Researchers must be well-versed in both Chinese and the target country cultures, and possess a solid foundation in academic training. The researchers face dual challenges: doubts from domestic scholars and the perpetual dialogue with Sinologists. Despite these challenges, groups of brave explorers are now tilling the field. The translation of ancient Chinese cultural classics is an academic phenomenon that relates to the central notion of cultural-confidence. Such translation bears crucial cultural significance in a world dominated by Western culture. When Gu Hongming (1857–1928) translated The Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learning, he explained his purpose as follows:

Conclusion

273

The enunciation of the sense of moral obligation in some form or other is to be found in the best literature of every nation that has ever had a civilization; and what is most remarkable, as I have shown in the notes I have appended to the translation of the text, the enunciation in the same form and language as it is in this book, written two thousand years ago, is to be found in the latest writings of the best and greatest thinkers of modern Europe. But what makes the peculiar merit of this book is this. As far as my limited knowledge goes, there is no book in all European literature, ancient or modern, that I know of, in which is to be found so simple, clear, to the point, succinct and at the same time so complete and comprehensive a statement of these of moral obligation or moral law as is to be found in this little book. In conclusion, I wish to say here that if this little book from the old learning of China will peradventure contribute to help the people of Europe and America, especially those who are now in China, to a better understanding of the “moral law”, to a clearer, and deeper sense of moral obligation, so that they will be enabled when dealing with China and the Chinese to substitute, for the spirit and attitude of the civilization of the“gunboat”and“the mailed fist” of Europe, the moral law; in their every relation with the Chinese as individuals and as a nation, to respect and obey the sense of moral obligation-then I shall feel that I have not spent in vain the labor of many years in understanding and translating this book [9: x–xii].

A whole century of Learning from the West is over. China has now caught up with the West materially and is poised to surpass the U.S. and Europe as the largest economy in the world. Yet China is a late-comer to modernization. Therefore, the disruption and continuity, as well as the assimilation and transformation of the Chinese culture, have become a vital cultural topic. Without the rebirth of its intellectual and cultural traditions, Chinese culture will never embrace a true Renaissance. We should thus reexamine Gu Hongming’s effort in translating Chinese classics from the perspective of China’s rebirth. In this new historical epoch, we should carry on Gu’s legacy, and redouble our efforts to translate ancient Chinese cultural classics. It is the author’s hope that this volume will contribute to this grand enterprise. References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Zhang HM (2010) A brief introduction to Chinese studies in North America. Zhonghua Book Company Xie TZ (2013) Invisibility and visibility: from traditional translation theories to modern ones. Peking University Press Sun JZ (2003) Cultural development in a period with strategic opportunities. Literature and Art Studies, 1:5–16 Fu SN (1993) French sinologist Paul Pelliot. Beijing Morning News, Jan. 15 Hu S (2006) Hu Shi’s diary during studying abroad. Anhui Education Press Hu S (1940) Selected works of Hu Shi. Commercial Press Zheng TT (2008) Autobiography in my 50s, in Collection of Cultural and Historical Records of Tianjin, Vol. 28 Chen YK (2009) Jinmingguan conggao erbian. SDX Joint Publishing Company Gu HM (1906) The universal order; or, conduct of life. Shanghai Mercury

Appendices

T'ien Hsia Monthly-Main Domestic Contributors Name

Place of origin

Educational background

Profession and activities

Subject of contributions

H. H. Hu

Xinke, Kiangsi

Bachelor’s in Botany, University of California, Berkeley; Ph.D. in Plant Taxonomy, Harvard University

Faculty member at Science and Southeastern poetry University and Peking University, leading member of the Hsuehheng School

Ch'en Shou-yi

Punyu, Kwangtung Ph.D. in Comparative Literature, University of Chicago

Faculty member, Lingnan University and Peking University

Comparative literature

Zau Sinmay

Yuyao, Chekiang

Faculty of Economics, University of Cambridge

Publisher, translator and member of the Crescent Moon Society

Modern poetry

Chung T'so-you

Shuangliu, Szechuan

Ph.D. in Literature, University of Edinburgh

Taught in a English number of colleges literature and universities

Chen I-wan

Overseas Chinese in Trinidad

Moscow Polygraphic Institute

Journalist

Chinese art

(continued)

© Economic Science Press 2022 X. Zhang (ed.), A Study on the Influence of Ancient Chinese Cultural Classics Abroad in the Twentieth Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7936-0

275

276

Appendices

(continued) Name

Place of origin

Educational background

Profession and activities

Subject of contributions

P. C. Kuo

Kiangyin, Kiangsu Ph.D. in History, Professor at Harvard Kwang Hua University University and Wuhan University

Chinese history

K. C. Hsiao

Taihe, Kiangxi

Ph.D. in Political Taught in dozens Science, Cornell of universities University

Political science

Y. L. Chin

Changsha, Hunan

Ph.D. in Philosophy, Columbia University

Taught at Tsinghua Politics University and Southwestern Associated University

Lowe Chuan-hua

Unknown

Sociology

Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee

China issues

C. L. Hsia

Yinxian, Chekiang Ph.D in Philosophy, University of Edinburgh

Diplomacy and universities

History of Shanghai and China Issues

T. K. Wu

Jiujiang, Kiangsi

Master's and Ph.D. in Library Science, University of Michigan

National Library China’s of Peiping, Library Library of Congress Undertakings

V. L. Wong

Shanghai

Unknown

Worked for the Bibliology National Central University Library and Low Library of St John's University in Shanghai

Ancient Chinese Literary Works in the Translation Section of the T'ien Hsia Monthly Literary Work

Author

Translator

Source

Six Chapters of A Floating Life (Chapter I)

Shen Fu

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No. 1, August 1935

On the Fine Art of Chinese Calligraphy

Sun Kuo-T'ing

Sun Ta-yü

Vol. I., No. 2, September 1935

Six Chapters of A Floating Life (Chapter II)

Shen Fu

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No. 2, September 1935 (continued)

Appendices

277

(continued) Literary Work

Author

Translator

Source

Six Chapters of A Floating Life (Chapter III)

Shen Fu

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No. 3, October 1935

Six Chapters of A Floating Life (Chapter IV)

Shen Fu

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No. 4, November 1935

Madame Cassia (A Play in Four Acts)

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. I., No.5, December 1935

The Right to Kill: A Translation of a Play Generally Known as The Ch'ingting Pearl, or Fishing and Massacre

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. II., No. 5, May 1936

Lucien Mao

Vol. IV., No. 5, May 1937

Fourteen Chinese Poems

Teresa Li(pen-name of John C.H. Wu)

Vol. VI., No. 1, January 1938

Poems from the Chinese

Teresa Li(pen-name of John C.H. Wu)

Vol. VI., No. 3, March 1938

Fifty-six Poems from the Chinese

Teresa Li(pen-name of John C.H. Wu)

Vol. VIII., No. 1, January 1939

Nine Poems of Su Tung P'o

H. H. Hu and Harold Acton

Vol. VIII., No. 2, February 1939

A K'un-chü Light Comedy, from the Ming Dynasty Play Mu-tan T 'ing by T’ang Hsien-tsu(1550–1611)

Harold Acton

Vol. VIII., No. 4, April 1939

Scenes from Shih Hou Chi, a K'un-chü Light Comedy

Harold Acton

Vol. IX., No. 1, August 1939

Lin Ch'ung Yeh Pen, a K'un-chü monologue and pas seul

Harold Acton

Vol. IX., No. 2, September 1939

Yang Chu

Leonard A. Lyall

Vol. IX., No. 2, September 1939

Fifty Poems from the Chinese

Teresa Li(pen-name of John C. H. Wu)

Vol. IX., No. 3, October 1939

Twenty-four Chinese Poems

N.L Smith and R. H. Kotewall

Vol. IX., No. 4, November 1939

Translated and Annotated by John C H. Wu

Vol. IX., No. 4, November 1939

A Memory of a Ten Days's Massacre in Yangchow

The Tao and Its Virtue

Wang Hsiu-ch'u

Lao Tzu

(continued)

278

Appendices

(continued) Literary Work

Author

Translator

Source

The Tao and Its Virtue(Continued)

Lao Tzu

Translated and Annotated by John C H. Wu

Vol. IX., No. 5, December 1939

The Tao and Its Virtue(Concluded)

Lao Tzu

Translated and Annotated by John C H. Wu

Vol. X., No. 1, January 1940

Five Vermin

Han Fei Tzˇu

W. K. Liao

Vol. X., No. 2, February 1940

Lieh Nü Chuan

Liu Hsiang

S. F. Balfour

Vol. X., No. 3, March 1940

Li Chi-t'ang

Vol. X., No. 4, April 1940

The Tragedy of Ts'ui Ning, an Anonymous Story Written in the Song Dynasty The Epilogue to Ju Lin Wai Shih

Hsu Chen-ping

Isu Chen-ping

Vol. XI., No. 2, October–November 1940

Poetical Essay on the Lute

Hsi K’ang

R. H. van Gulik

Vol. XI., No. 4, February–March 1941

Two Song Poems

Lu Yu and Ou Yang Hsiu

Lo Shu-sze

Vol. XI., No. 5, April–May 1941

Translations of Chinese Poems Written before the Tang Dynasty Poet

Number

Poem

The Book of Poetry

2

A Quiet Girl, A Little Bird Seeking for Company

Hsiang Yu

1

The Parting Song of A Hero

Yuan Chieh

1

Telling My Mind

Tao Ch'ien

2

Vanity of Vanities, A Glimpse of Reality

Translations of Poems Written in the Tang and Song Dynasties Poet

Number Poem

Chen Tze-ang

2

Gazing into Distance, In Praise of Philosophy

Li Po

4

To a Friend in Distress, Hearing Music at Night, Lines Hits off on the Tower of Hsien T'iao, A Boating Song

Tu Fu

4

Thinking of Li Po, Beauties of Nature, A Night in a Temple, A Lamentation

Po Chü-i

2

Good and Evil, Last Farewell to Flowers (continued)

Appendices

279

(continued) Poet

Number Poem

Yuan Chen

4

Farewell to Lo-T'ien, Let Me Have Another Cup, A Deserted Palace, On Receiving Lo-T'ien's Letter

Li Shen

1

Remember the Farmers

Ku Ku'ang

1

The Kid

Chia Tao

1

A Farewell to Spring

Li Shang-yin

10

A Reunion, The Web of Life, The Even Glow, The All-Seeing God, Autumn Thoughts, Far from Home, The Lady in the Moon, Sent to Home, the Falling Flowers, On Han Tung-Lang

Wei Yin-wu

1

Waiting for the Dawn

Tu Mu

1

The Garden of Golden Valley

Wen T'ing-yün

1

Toward Dawn in an Inn

Li Shan-fu

1

Caught in the War

Wei Chuang

1

Spring Sorrow

Tu Hsün-hê

1

A Nocturne

Cheng Hao

1

Lines Writing in a Spring Day

Yang Ch'ü-yuan

1

Early Spring

Wang Chung

1

The War

Wen T'ien-hsiang 1

To a Man in the Tao

Wu Yung

1

Love

Lu Yu

1

His Last Words to His Sons

Su Cheng

1

Are We in a Cul-De-Sac?

Su Shih

1

Casual Lines

Chen Yü-yi

1

A Spring Day

Yang Wan-li

1

A Summer Day

Liu Kê-chuang

1

The Shuttle-like Orioles

Wang Feng Yuan 1

Farewell to Spring

Sun Chia-shu

1

My Little Boy

Liu Teh-jen

1

A Promenade

Sze-k'ung Tu

1

Autumn Thoughts

Ts'ao Yeh

1

The Rats in Public Granaries

Nieh Yi-chung

1

The Poor Farmers

Kao Ch'an

1

A Distant View of Nanking at Eve

Li Ch'ün-yü

1

Autumnal Thoughts in Spring

280

Appendices

Translations of Ci-poems written in Tang and Song Dynasties Poet

Number Poem

Prince Li Yu

17

A Dream, Thinking of the Past, Let Us Enjoy, Thinking of My Love, Homesickness, A Girl's Yearning, The Fisherman's Songs, Tears, Endless Tears!, Again!, Reminiscence, Parting Sorrow, Tis Fate, A Sleepless Night, Life is a Dream, Home Thoughts in Spring, Home Thoughts in Autumn, Up the Western Tower

Liu Yung

2

Thinking of Her, A Farewell to My Love

Yen Shu

1

All Alone

Kuan Chien

1

Spring Sorrows

Hsin Ch'i-chi

5

All is Vanity, Youth and Age, Coming to Terms with Sorrow, A Lamentation on Departed Friends, The Philosophy of a Fool

Chu Tun-ju

4

Olympus is My Home, A Plum-Tree, Old Age, Enjoying Solitude

Fan Chung-yen

1

Home Thoughts in Autumn

Chang Hsing

1

An Autumn Scene

Ouyang Hsiu

2

Waiting for News, A Deserted Girl

Su Shih

4

Lines Writing at Mid-Autumn, Addressed to My Brother, Bow to the Inevitable, Night Thoughts, Mid-Autumn

Wang Ts'ai

1

The Whirligig of Time

Huang Ting-chien

1

A Poem on Wine

Lu Yu

2

The Tyranny of Fate

Madame Lu Yu

1

Thinking of Her Former Husband

Liu Ke-chuang

1

The Love of Flowers

Li Ching-Chao

2

A Dream, Sorrow

Chen Miao-ch'ang 1

Single Blessedness

K'ang Hai

1

Simple Life

Yen Chi-tao

1

A Reunion

Yao Jui

1

A Self-Portrait

Translations of Poems Written in the Qing Dynasty Poet

Number

Poem

Zhang Wei-p'ing

1

God's Crucible

Chao Yeh

4

Thoughts on Poesy(1),(2),(3), A Boat-Woman

Huang Chung-tsê

1

New Year's Eve

Kung Tzu-chen

1

Chi-hai Tsa-shih

Appendices

281

Translations of Ci-Poems written in the Qing Dynasty Poet

Number Poem

Nalan Hsin-teh 11

Nocturnal Thoughts in a Temple, Yearnings of Love, Boredom, After Seeing Her in A Dream, A Regret, The Moon is Mocking Me, The Tingling of The Flower Bells, A Vow of Eternal Friendship, A Gale is Blowing, A Waif, The Pathos of Autumn

Chao Yeh

A Boat-Woman

1

List of Articles related to Ancient Chinese Culture in the Articles Section Article

Author

Source

The Real Confucius

John C. H. Wu

Vol. I., No.1, August 1935

Tragedy in Old Chinese Drama

Ch'sien Chung-shu

Vol. I., No.1, August 1935

Racial Traits in Chinese Painting Wen Yuan-ning

Vol. I., No.1, August 1935

Feminist Thought in Ancient China

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No.2, September 1935

The Real Confucius(Continued)

John C. H. Wu

Vol. I., No.2, September 1935

Religious Art in China

John C. Ferguson

Vol. I., No.3, October 1935

New Sidelights on the Taiping Rebellion

Jen Yu-wen

Vol. I., No.4, November 1935

The Theme and Structure of the Yuan Drama

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. I., No.4, November 1935

The Musical Art of Ancient China

John Hazedel Levis

Vol. I., No.4, November 1935

The Aesthetics of Chinese Calligraphy

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No.5, December 1935

A Few Notes on the Forms of Some Han Sculptures

Teng Ku

Vol. I., No.5, December 1935

Sung Dynasty Porcelains

John C. Ferguson

Vol. I., No.5, December 1935

Some Random Notes on the Shih John C. H. Wu Ching

Vol. II., No.1, January 1936

Rise and Fall of the K’un Ch’u(Quinsan Drama)

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. II., No.1, January 1936

Tseng Kuo-fan

T.K. Chuan

Vol. II., No.2, February 1936

The Attitude Toward Science and Derk Bodde Scientific Method in Ancient China

Vol. II., No.2, February 1936

The Chinese Garden in Eighteenth Century England

Ch'en Shou-Yi

Vol. II., No.4, April 1936

Chinese Roof-figures

Mathias Komor

Vol. II., No.4, April 1936

Reflections on the London Exhibition of Chinese Art

John C. Ferguson

Vol. II., No.5, May 1936 (continued)

282

Appendices

(continued) Article

Author

Source

Li Hung Chang and the Sino-Japanese War

Yuan Tao-feng

Vol. III., No.1, August 1936

Jade and Man in Life and Death

I. Goette

Vol. III., No.1, August 1936

The Chinese Orphan: A Yuan Play

Ch'ên Shou-yi

Vol. III., No.2, September 1936

Shakespeare As a Taoist

John C. H. Wu

Vol. III., No.2, September 1936

Development of Printing in China K. T. Wu

Vol. III., No.2, September 1936

Chinese Garden: Especially in Kiangsu and Chekiang

Chuin Tung

Vol. III., No.3, October 1936

The Eclipse and its Group

Arthur Waley

Vol. III., No.3, October 1936

Anarchism in Chinese Political Thought

K. C. Hsiao

Vol. III., No.3, October 1936

Commodore Lawrence Kearny and the Opening of China to Foreign Trade

Thomas Kearny

Vol. III., No.4, November 1936

Wei Chung-Hsien

T. K. Chuan

Vol. III., No.4, November 1936

Early Porcelain in China

John C. Ferguson

Vol. III., No.5, December 1936

China's Expansion in the South China Seas

Lin You

Vol. III., No.5, December 1936

Folkways in Prehistoric China

P. C. Kuo

Vol. IV., No.2, February 1937

Chinese Furniture

John C. Ferguson

Vol. IV., No.3, March 1937

Ku Hung-ming

Wen Yuan-ning

Vol. IV., No.4, April 1937

Jade Foot Measure

John C. Ferguson

Vol. IV., No.4, April 1937

When Sing-song Girls Were Muses

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. IV., No.5, May 1937

Chu Hsi's Philosophy and its Interpretation by Leibniz

Henri Bernard

Vol. V., No.1, August 1937

T’ang Wen-Chih, Statesman and Educator

C. Y. T'ang

Vol. V., No.1, August 1937

The Chinese Jews of K'aifengfu

Water Fuchs

Vol. V., No.1, August 1937

Wang Ch'ung

Li Shi Yi

Vol. V., No.2, September 1937

Libraries and Book-collecting in China Before the Invention of Printing

J. T. Wu

Vol. V., No.3, October 1937

Wang Ch'ung(Concluded)

Li Shi Yi

Vol. V., No.3, October 1937

The Last of the Immortals

John C. Ferguson

Vol. V., No.4, November 1937

Tai Ming-shih

Lucien-Mao

Vol. V., No.4, November 1937

Phonology and Calligraphy in Chinese Art

John Hazedel Levis

Vol. V., No.5, December 1937

The T'iao Miao of Peking

John C. Ferguson

Vol. VI., No.3, March 1938 (continued)

Appendices

283

(continued) Article

Author

Source

The China Boom

Emily Hahn

Vol. VI., No.3, March 1938

The Rise and Decline of Christian Influence in China and Japan

Harry Paxton Howard

Vol. VI., No.3, March 1938

Maocao, Three Hundred Years Ago

C. R. Boxer

Vol. VI., No.4, April 1938

Li Chih: An Iconoclast of the Sixteen Century

K. C. Hsiao

Vol. VI., No.4, April 1938

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C. H. Wu

Vol. VI., No.4, April 1938

Foreign Influence in Chinese Architecture

Chuin Tung

Vol. VI., No.5, May 1938

The Ninety-nine Ways of Destroying the Manchus

L. Carrington Goodrich

Vol. VI., No.5, May 1938

Chinese Cosmopolitanism and Modern Nationalism

Harry Paxton Howard

Vol. VI., No.5, May 1938

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C. H. Wu (Continued)

Vol. VI., No.5, May 1938

The Singers of Loneliness

Robin Hyde

Vol. VII., No.1, August 1938

Portuguese Military Expedition in Aid of the Ming Against the Manchus, 1621–1647

C. R. Boxer

Vol. VII., No.1, August 1938

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C.H. Wu (Continued)

Vol. VII., No.1, August 1938

Confucius on Poetry

Zau Sinmay

Vol. VII., No.2, September 1938

Lamaism and its Influence on Chinese Buddhism

John Calthorpe Blofeld

Vol. VII., No.2, September 1938

Wuu Shiunn

Hsu Ti-shan

Vol. VII., No.3, October 1938

Christian Humanism During the Late Ming Dynasty

Henri Bernard

Vol. VII., No.3, October 1938

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C. H. Wu (Continued)

Vol. VII., No 4, November 1938

Isaac Titsingh's Embassy to the Court of Ch'ien Lung(1974–1795)

C. R. Boxer

Vol. VIII., No 1, January 1939

Oliver Goldsmith and His Chinese Letters

Chên Shou-yi

Vol. VIII., No 1, January 1939

Life in a Chinese Buddhist Monastery

John Blofeld

Vol. VIII., No 2, February 1939

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C. H. Wu (Continued)

Vol. VIII., No 2, February 1939

The Gentle Art of Tea Drinking in China

Vol. VIII., No 4, April 1939

John Calthorpe

(continued)

284

Appendices

(continued) Article

Author

Source

Libraries and Book Collecting in V. L. Wong China from the Epoch of the Five Dynasties to the End of Ch'ing

Vol. VIII., No 4, April 1939

The Religious Influence of the Ch'ên Shou-yi Early Jesuits on Emperor Ch'ung Chêng of the Ming Dynasty

Vol. VIII., No 5, May 1939

The “Tamao” of the Portuguese Pioneers

Vol. VIII., No 5, May 1939

J. M. Braga

The Religious Influence of the Ch'ên Shou-yi Early Jesuits on Emperor Ch'ung Chêng of the Ming Dynasty

Vol. IX., No 1, August 1939

The Four Seasons of T'ang Poetry John C. H. Wu (Continued)

Vol. IX., No 1, August 1939

The Chinese Educational Mission and its Influence

Yung Shang Him

Vol. IX., No 3, October 1939

A Portuguese Account of East Asia in 1514

J. M. Braga

Vol. IX., No 4, November 1939

Notes on Chinese Abroad in the Late Ming and Early Manchu Periods Compiled from Contemporary European Sources(1500–1750)

C. R. Boxer

Vol. IX., No 5, December 1939

Yüan Chi and His Circle

T. K. Chuan

Vol. IX., No 5, December 1939

The Lore of Chinese Seals

Yeh Ch'iu-yuan

Vol. X., No 1, January 1940

The Revival of Realism

James Feibleman

Vol. X., No 2, February 1940

Cheng Ch'iao, a Pioneer in Library Methods

K. T. Wu

Vol. X., No 2, February 1940

The Revival of Realism(Continued)

James Feibleman

Vol. X., No 3, March 1940

A Potpourri

John C. H. Wu

Vol. X., No 3, March 1940

Was Camoens Ever in Macao

C. R. Boxer

Vol. X., No 4, April 1940

Ta Kuan T’ieh: or T’ai Ch’ing Lou T’ieh

John C. Ferguson

Vol. X., No 5, May 1940

Color Painting in the Ming Dynasty

K. T. Wu

Vol. XI., No 1, August–September 1940

The Early Expansion of Chinese Geographical Knowledge

Kenneth Ch'en

Vol. XI., No 1, August–September 1940

Toynbee's Theory of History

James Feibleman

Vol. XI., No 1, August–September 1940

The Imperial Academy of Painting

John C. Ferguson

Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940

The Confucian Conception of Human Nature

King Chien-kun

Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940 (continued)

Appendices

285

(continued) Article

Author

Source

Some Early Visitors to the United States

Thomas La Fargue

Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940

Toynbee's Theory of History(Continued)

James Feibleman

Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940

The Taoist in Every Chinese

T. C. Lin

Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–1941

The Quintessence of Chinese Art Chan Wing-tsit

Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–1941

Concerning the Question of Matrimonial Categories and Kinship Relationship in Ancient China

Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–1941

Francis Lang-Kwang Hsu

The Future of Chinese Characters Eugene Shen

Vol. XI., No 4, February–March 1941

Hong Kong Before the British

S. F. Balfour

Vol. XI., No 4, February–March 1941

Concerning the Question of Matrimonial Categories and Kinship Relationship in Ancient China(Continued)

Francis Lang-Kwang Hsu

Vol. XI., No 4, February–March 1941

Hong Kong Before the British (Continued)

S. F. Balfour

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

The Rise and Fall of Nicholas Iquan (Cheng Chi-lung)

C. R. Boxer

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

The Tao with a Luminous Nose

T. K. Chuan

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

A Brief History of the Trade Routes Between Burma, Indochina and Yunnan

Kuo Tsung-fei

Vol. XII., No 1, August–September 1941

The Mounted Scroll in China and R. H. van Gulik Japan

Vol. XII., No 1, August–September 1941

286

Appendices

List of Titles, Authors, and Reviewers of Books related to Ancient Chinese Culture in the Book Reviews Section Article

Reviewer

Author

Source

The Sayings of Confucius

John C. H. Wu

Leonard A. Lyall

Vol. IV., No.1, January 1937

The Analects of Confucius

Craigdarrock

W. E. Soothill

Vol. VI., No.3, March 1937

The Analects of Confucius

John C. Ferguson

Arthur Waley

Vol. IX., No 4, November 1939

The Way and its Power

John C. H. Wu

Arthur Waley

Vol. I., No 2, September 1935

A Critical Biography of Wang An-Shih

K'o Ch'ang-yi

T. K. Chuan

Vol. I., No 2, September 1935

The Real Confucius (continued)

John C. H. Wu

Arthur Waley

Vol. I., No 2, September 1935

The Prose Poetry of Su Tung-P'o

Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No 3, October 1935

Chinese Calligraphy

Lucy Driscoll and Kenji Toda

Lin Yutang

Vol. I., No 4, November 1935

The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-Lung

Guo Binjia

Luther Carrington Goodrich

Vol. II., No 2, February 1936

Introduction to Chinese Art

Wen Yuan-ning

Arnold Silcock

Vol. II., No 2, February 1936

Background to Chinese Art

Wen Yuan-ning

Hugh Gordon Porteus

Vol. II., No 2, February 1936

Romance of the Western Chamber

Yao Hsin-nung

S. I. Hsiung

Vol. II., No 3, March 1936

Yin and Chou Researches

John C. Ferguson

The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm

Vol. II., No 4, April 1936

A Manchu Monarch: An Interpretation of Chia Ch'ing

P. C. Kuo

A. E. Grantham

Vol. II., No 4, April 1936

Chinese Art

Wen Yuan-ning

Leigh Ashton

Vol. II., No 4, April 1936

China: A Short Cultural History

Edward Ainger

C. P. Fitzgerald

Vol. II., No 4, April 1936

Some Technical Terms P. C. Kuo of Chinese Painting

Benjamin March

Vol. II., No 5, May 1936

The Chinese on the Art of Painting

John C. Ferguson

Osvald Sirén

Vol. III., No 1, August 1936

The Spirit of Zen

T. K. Chuan

Allan W. Watts

Vol. III., No 1, August 1936 (continued)

Appendices

287

(continued) Article

Reviewer

Author

Source

A Sketch of Chinese History

P. C. Kuo

F. L. Hawks Pott

Vol. III., No 1, August 1936

Birth of China

John C. Ferguson

Herlee Glessner Creel

Vol. III., No 2, September 1936

Secret China

Yao Hsin-nung

Egon Erwin Kisch

Vol. III., No 2, September 1936

Chinese Jade

Wen Yuan-ning

Frank Davis

Vol. III., No 2, September 1936

The Atlas of China

John C. Ferguson

A. Herrmann

Vol. III., No 3, October 1936

The Twin Pagodas of Zayton

John C. Ferguson

Gustav Ecke and Paul Demiéville

Vol. III., No 3, October 1936

The Mirror of China

P. C. Kuo

Louis Laloy

Vol. III., No 3, October 1936

Makers of Cathay

P. C. Kuo

C. Wilfrid Allan

Vol. III., No 4, November 1936

Matteo Ricci's Y. C. Chang Scientific Contribution to China

Henri Bernard

Vol. III., No 5, December 1936

Classified Index to the Y. C. Chang Literary Collections of the Ch'ing Dynasty

John C. Ferguson

Vol. III., No 5, December 1936

The Sayings of Confucius

C. H. Wu

Leonard A. Lyall

Vol. IV., No 1, January 1937

The Flight of an Empress

T. K. Chuan

Told by Wu Yung, and transcribed by Liu K'un and edited by Ida Pruitt

Vol. IV., No 2, February 1937

Buddhist Sculptures at Henry Bernard the Yun Kang Caves

Mary Augusta Mullikin and Anna M. Hotchkis

Vol. IV., No 3, March 1937

Hun-Yuan Bronze Vessels

John C. Ferguson

The University of Nanking

Vol. IV., No 3, March 1937

Foundations of Chinese Musical Art

Benjamin Z. N. Ing

John Hazede Levis

Vol. IV., No 3, March 1937

The Romance of Chinese Art

T. K. Chuan

R. L. Hobson, Laurence Vol. IV., No 5, May Binyon, Oswald Sirén 1937 and Others

Wang An-Shih

John C. Ferguson

H. R Williamson

Vol. V., No 4, November 1937

Henry H. Hart

Vol. VI., No 1, January 1938

The West Chamber: A Yu Lo-T'ien Medieval Drama

(continued)

288

Appendices

(continued) Article

Reviewer

Author

Source

Pao Hui Chi: Twelve Chinese Paintings in the Collection of J.P. Dubosc

J. P. Dubosc

John C. Ferguson

Vol. VI., No 1, January 1938

The Importance of Living

T. K. Chuan

Lin Yutang

Vol. VI., No 2, February 1938

Die Ruckkehr Der Seele

John C. Ferguson

Pro. Hundhausen

Vol. VI., No 2, February 1938

Tso Ts'ungtang

T. K. Chuan

W. L. Bales

Vol. VI., No 2, February 1938

Serenade

Emily Hahn

W. L. Bales

Vol. VI., No 3, March 1938

The Analects of Confucius

Oxford University Press

Craigdarrock

Vol. VI., No 3, March 1938

China Body and Soul

T. K. Chuan

E. R. Hughes

Vol. VII., No 2, September 1938

On Ink-Stones

John C. Ferguson

Mi Fu and R. H. van Gulik

Vol. VII., No 2, September 1938

Lin Tse-hsü, Tseng Kuo-fan, Tso Tsung-t'ang

John C. Ferguson

Gideon Chen

Vol. VII., No 2, September 1938

Prehistoric Pottery in China

Yeh Ch'iu-yuan

G. D. Wu

Vol. VII., No 5, December 1938

A Garden of Peonies

Teresa Li

Henry H. Hart

Vol. VIII., No 3, March 1939

The Analects of Confucius

John C. Ferguson

Arthur Waley

Vol. IX., No 4, November 1939

Chinese Prose Yi Sung Literature of the T’ang Dynasty

E. D. Edwards

Vol. IX., No 4, November 1939

Early Ming Wares of Chingtehchen

John C. Ferguson

A. D. Brankstone

Vol. IX., No 5, December 1939

The Origin Dell'arte Cristiana Cinese: 1583–1640

N. Maestrini

R. Accademia Pasquale D'Elia

Vol. X., No 1, January 1940

Survey of Chinese Art T. K. Chuan

John C. Ferguson

Vol. X., No 1, January 1940

The Cull Chinese Bronzes

John C. Ferguson

W. Perceval

Vol. X., No 1, January 1940

An Album of Chinese Bamboos

John C. Ferguson

William Charles White

Vol. X., No 3, March 1940

Moment in Peking

T. K. Chuan

Lin Yutang

Vol. X., No 3, March 1940 (continued)

Appendices

289

(continued) Article

Reviewer

Author

Source

Tomb Tile Pictures of Ancient China

John C. Ferguson

William Charles White

Vol. X., No 3, March 1940

Inside Asia

T. K. Chuan

John Gunther

Vol. X., No 4, April 1940

Hill Trips: or Excursion in China

Emily Hahn

M. C. Gillett

Vol. X., No 4, April 1940

Our Family

Ailien Thérèse Wu

Adet and Anor Lin

Vol. X., No 4, April 1940

Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China

John C. Ferguson

Arthur Waley

Vol. XI., No 1, August–September 1940

Barbarians at the Gate Wen Yuan-ning

Leonard Woolf

Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940

The Revolution of Furniture

John C. Ferguson

Luccretia Eddy Cotchett Vol. XI., No 2, October–November 1940

Nature in Chinese Art

John C. Ferguson

Arthur de Carle Sowerby

Chinese Houses and Gardens

T. K. Chuan

Henry Inn and S. C. Lee Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–41

Inner Asian Frontiers of China

Ling Tai

Owen Lattimore

Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–41

Turkistan Tumult

Ling Tai

Aitchen K. Wu

Vol. XI., No 4, February–March 1941

China Under the Empress Dowager

John C. Ferguson

J. O. P Bland and E. Backhouse

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

Travels in China, 1894–1940

Thomas E. La Fargue

Emil S. Fischer

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

The Voyage

Emily Hahn

Charles Morgan

Vol. XI., No 5, April–May 1941

Vol. XI., No 3, December-January 1940–41

List of Book Reviews Work

Author of Original Work Reviewer

Source

Chinese Art

Leigh Ashton

Wen Yuan-ning

Vol. II., No 4, April 1936

Some Technical Terms of Chinese Painting

Benjamin March

P. C. Kuo

Vol. II., No 5, May 1936 (continued)

290

Appendices

(continued) Work

Author of Original Work Reviewer

Source

The Spirit of Zen

Allan W. Watts

T. K. Chuan

Vol. III., No 1, August 1936

Secret China

Egon Erwin Kisch

Yao Hsin-nung

Vol. III., No 2, September 1936

The Sayings of Confucius

Leonard A. Lyall

C. H. Wu

Vol. IV., No 1, January 1937

The Romance of Chinese Art

R. L. Hobson, Laurence Binyon, Oswald Sirén and Others

T. K. Chuan

Vol. IV., No 5, May 1937

The Analects of Confucius

Oxford University Press

Craigdarrock

Vol. VI., No 3, March 1938

China Body and Soul

E. R. Hughes

T. K. Chuan

Vol. VII., No 2, September 1938

A Garden of Peonies: Translations of Chinese Poems

Henry H. Hart

Teresa Li

Vol. VIII., No 3, March 1939

Studies in Early Chinese Herrlee Glessner Creel Culture

Yeh Ch'iu-Yuan

Vol. IX., No 1, August 1939

The Analects of Confucius

Arthur Waley

John C. Ferguson

Vol. IX., No 4, November 1939

Survey of Chinese Art

John C. Ferguson

T. K. Chuan

Vol. X., No 1, January 1940

Nature in Chinese Art

Arthur de Carle Sowerby John C. Ferguson

Vol. XI., No 3, December–January 1940–41

Chinese Houses and Gardens

Henry Inn and S. C. Lee

T. K. Chuan

Vol. XI., No 3, December––January 1940–41

Hsi K'ang and His Poetical Essay on the Lute

R. H. van Gulik

John C. Ferguson

Vol. XI., No.4, February–March 1941

Collaborative Translations in the Translation Section Work

Translators

Source

Two Modern Chinese Poems

Harold Acton and Chen Shih-hisang

Vol. I., No 1, August 1935

Two Poems

Harold Acton and Chen Shih-hisang

Vol. I., No 4, November 1935

Green Jade and Green Jade

Emily Hahn and Shing Mo-lei

Vol. II., No 1–4, January-April 1935

“What's the Point of it?”

Julian Bell and Ling Hsu Hua

Vol. III., No 1, August 1935 (continued)

Appendices

291

(continued) Work

Translators

Source

A Poet Goes Mad

Julian Bell and Ling Hsu Hua

Vol. IV., No 4, April 1937

Voice

Zau Sinmay

Vol. V., No 1, August 1937

Nine Poems of Su Tung P'o

Harold Acton and H. H. Hu

Vol. VIII., No 2, February 1939

Translations of Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang in the Panda Books Series Chinese Book Title

English Book Title

Author(s)

Translator(s)

Publishing House

Year

Remarks

《三部古 典小说 节选》

Excerpts from Li Ruzhen/ Three Classical Luo Chinese Novels Guanzhong/ Wu Cheng'en

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature (CL) (CL)

1981

《聊斋故 事选》

Selected Tales of Liaozhai

Pu Songling

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1981

《老残游 记》

The Travels of Lao Can

Liu E

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1981

《聊斋故 事选》

Selected Tales of Liaozhai

Pu Songling

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1982

Reprinted

《老残游 记》

The Travels of Lao Can

Liu E

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1983

Reprinted

《诗经选》 Selections from Unknown the Book of Songs

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang/Hu Shiguang

CL

1983

《聊斋故 事选》

Selected Tales of Liaozhai

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1984

Reprinted

《三部古 典小说 节选》

Excerpts from Li Ruzhen/ Three Classical Luo Chinese Novels Guanzhong/ Wu Cheng'en

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1984

Reprinted

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1984

《明清诗 文选》

Poetry and Unknown Prose of the Ming and Qing

Yang Hsien-Yi

CL

1986

Pu Songling

Li Bai et al.

(continued)

292

Appendices

(continued) Chinese Book Title

English Book Title

Author(s)

Translator(s)

Publishing House

Year

《唐代传 奇选》

Tang Dynasty Stories

Unknown

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1986

《汉魏六 朝诗文 选》

Poetry and Prose of the Han, Wei and Six Dynasties

Unknown

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1986

《历代笑 话选》

Wit and humor from old Cathay

Liao Jingwen

Jon Eugene Kowaillis

CL

1986

《三部古 典小说 节选》

Excerpts from Li Ruzhen/ Three Classical Luo Chinese Novels Guanzhong/ Wu Cheng'en

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CL

1987

Reprinted

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Li Bai et al.

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature Press(CLP)

1990

Reprinted

《历代笑 话选》

Wit and humor from old Cathay

Liao Jingwen

Jon Eugene Kowaillis

CLP

1990

Reprinted

《王维诗 选》

Laughing Lost Wang Wei in the Mountains Selected Poems of Wang Wei

Unknown

CLP

1990

《陶渊明 诗选》

Selected Poems Tao Yuanming Unknown by Too Yuan-ming

CLP

1993

《诗经选》 Selections from Unknown the Book of Songs

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang/Hu Shiguang

CLP

1994

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CLP

1994

《孙子兵 法与评 述 (英 汉对照) 》

Sun Zi: The Art Xie Guoliang, Zhang Huimin of War With commentary Commentaries

CLP

1995

《明清文 言小说 选》

Short Tales of the Ming & Qing

CLP

1996

Li Bai et al.

Pu Songling et al.

Zhang Ximin et al.

Remarks

Reprinted

(continued)

Appendices

293

(continued) Chinese Book Title

English Book Title

Author(s)

Translator(s)

Publishing House

Year

《中国文 学集锦: 从明代 到毛泽 东时代》

A Sampler of Shi Nai'an Chinese et al. Literature from Ming Dynasty to Mao Zedong

Sidney Shapiro CLP

1996

《寒山诗 选》

Encounters Han Shan with Cold Mountain -Poems by Han Shan

Unknown

CLP

1996

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Li Bai et al.

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

CLP

1996

《七侠五 义》

The Seven Heroes and Five Gallents

Shi Yukun/ Yu Song Shouquan CLP Yue et al.

1997

Remarks

Reprinted

《初刻拍 Amazing Tales Ling 案惊奇》 First Series and Mengchu Second Series

Wen Jingen

CLP

1998

《二刻拍 Amazing Tales 案惊奇》 Second Series and Second Series

Ling Mengchu

Ma Wenqian

CLP

1998

《朝花夕 拾一古 代诗歌 卷 (英汉对 照)》

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

CLP

1999

《唐宋散 文诗选 ( 英汉对 照) 》

Selected Prose from the Tang and Song Dynasties

Unknown

Unknown

CLP

1999

《诗经选》 Selections from Unknown the Book of Songs

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang/Hu Shiguang

Foreign Languages Press(FLP) (FLP)

2004

Reprinted

《初刻拍 Amazing Tales Ling 案惊奇》 First Series and Mengchu Second Series

Wen Jingen

FLP

2005

Reprinted

《二刻拍 Amazing Tales 案惊奇》 Second Series and Second Series

Ma Wenqian

FLP

2005

Reprinted

Ling Mengchu

(continued)

294

Appendices

(continued) Chinese Book Title

English Book Title

Author(s)

《七侠五 义》

The Seven Heroes and Five Gallents

《汉魏六 朝诗文 选》

Translator(s)

Publishing House

Year

Remarks

Shi Yukun/ Yu Song Shouquan FLP Yue et al.

2005

Reprinted

Poetry and Prose of the Han, Wei and Six Dynasties

Unknown

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

FLP

2005

Reprinted

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Li Bai et a.l

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

FLP

2005

Reprinted

《老残游 记》

The Travels of Lao Can

Liu E

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

FLP

2005

Reprinted

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Li Bai et al.

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

FLP

2006

Reprinted

《唐宋诗 文选》

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Li Bai et al.

FLP

2007

Reprinted

Translations by Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

The Travels of Liu E Lao Can

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Allen & Unwin Publishing House of London

1948

Modern Chinese

The Struggle for New China

Song Qingling

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

University Press of the Pacific

1952

Contemporary Chinese

Lu Xun: His Life and Works

Feng Xuefeng

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1952 (2)

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1952 (2)

Contemporary Chinese

Qu Yuan, the Guo Moruo Great Chinese Patriot Poet

Remarks

Literary period/ region

(continued)

Appendices

295

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

The Moving Force

Cao Ming

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press(FLP)

1953

Contemporary Chinese

Stormy Years

Sun Li

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Modern Chinese

The Song of Youth

Yang Mo

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Contemporary Chinese

The Hurricane

Zhou Libo

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Modern Chinese

Li Sao

Qu Yuan

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Ancient Chinese

Chu Yuan: A Play in Five Acts

Guo Moruo

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Modern Chinese

Fables by Feng Feng Xuefeng Xuefeng

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1953

Modern Chinese

Selected Tang Dynasty Stories

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1954

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1954

Modern Chinese

The White-Haired Girl

He Jingzhi

Remarks

Literary period/ region

(continued)

296

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Translator Publishing house

Year

Wang Gui and Li Ji Li Xiangxiang

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1954

Modern Chinese

Zhou Yang on Zhou Yang Art and Literature

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1954

Modern Chinese

The Palace of Hong Sheng Eternal Youth

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1955

Ancient Chinese

Selected Stories from Song and Yuan Dynasties

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1955 (1)

Ancient Chinese

Selected Guan Plays of Guan Hanqing Hanqing

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1956

Ancient Chinese

The Chus reach haven

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1956

Chinese Contemporary

The Fisherman's Revenge: A Peking Opera

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1956

Peking Opera

Modern Chinese

In the Shade of the Willows

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1956

Sichuan Opera

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1956

Selected works of Lu Xun, Volume 1

Author

Bai Wei

Lu Xun

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Modern Chinese

(continued)

Appendices

297

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Selected works of Lu Xun, Volume 2

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1957

Modern Chinese

The Eclogues

Virgil

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

The People's Literature Publishing House

1957

Foreign

The Scholars

Wu Jingzi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1957

Ancient Chinese

Ancient Chinese Fables

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1957

Ancient Chinese

The Courtesan’’ Jewel Box, Selected Chinese Stories of the Song and Ming Dyansties

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1957

Ancient Chinese

Early Myths and Legends

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1957 (4)

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Contemporary Chinese

Fifteen Strings of Cash

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Kun Opera

Contemporary Chinese

The White Snake

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Peking Opera

Contemporary Chinese

Ashima

Li Guang Tian, collator

Remarks

Literary period/ region

(continued)

298

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Selected Tales of the Han, Wei and Six Dynasties Periods

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Ancient Chinese

Stories About Not Being Afraid of Ghosts

Zhang Youluan, compiler

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Contemporary Chinese

A Short History of Classical Chinese Literature. Beijing

Feng Yuanjun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Ancient Chinese

A Short History of Sino-Indian Friendship

Jin Kemu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Contemporary Chinese

The Forsaken Wife

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1958

Pinchu Opera

Foreign

New Folk Songs

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1958 (6)

43 poems

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1959

Modern Chinese

Journey to the Jules Verne Center of the Earth

Yang Hsien-Yi

Foreign Languages Press

1959

Foreign

Spring

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (5)

Modern Chinese

Selected Works of Lu Xun, Volume 3

Lu Xun

Li Dazhao

(continued)

Appendices

299

(continued) Book Title

Author

Tibetan Lyrics

Night

Fou Chou

Brides Galore

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (5)

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1959 (6)

Modern Chinese literature

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (7)

Sichuan Opera

Literary period/ region

Contemporary Chinese

The Cloud Maiden

Yang Mei-ching

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (8)

Contemporary Chinese

Lu Xun on Literature and Art

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (9)

Modern Chinese

The Glow of Youth

Liu Baiyu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (11)

Our Party and Our Reader

Han Pei-ping

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1959 (11)

Contemporary Chinese

The True Lu Xun Story of Ah-Q

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1960

Modern Chinese

Prose

Modern Chinese

Peony Pavilion

Tang Xianzu Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1960 (1)

Ancient Chinese

Selection of Tang Legend

Pei Xing

Chinese Literature

1960 (3)

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

(continued)

300

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Two Poems

Yin Fu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1960 (5)

Modern Chinese

The Chain Effect of AntiImperialist Struggles

Guo Moruo

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1960 (7)

Contemporary Chinese

Ode to Cuba

Guo Xiaochuan et al.

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1960 (7)

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1960 (8)

Modern Chinese

Anecdotes during the Long March

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Ode to the People of Congo

Wen Jie

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1960 (10)

Contemporary Chinese

Cities by the Sea

Yang Shuo

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1960 (11)

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1960 (12)

Modern Chinese

Two Poems by Li Yeh-kuang Yang Li Yeh-kuang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1960 (12)

Modern Chinese

Lu Xun, Lu Xun Selected Works in Four Volumes

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1961

Modern Chinese

Old Tales Retold

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1961

Modern Chinese

Selected Poems of Revolutionary Martyrs

Lu Xun

(continued)

Appendices

301

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Keep the Red Flag Flying

Liang Bin

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1961

Modern Chinese

Four Poems on the Xisha Islands

Ke Yan

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (1)

Contemporary Chinese

Life Yang Shuo Beckons—In Memory of Felix Moumie

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (2)

Modern Chinese

Books Written Liu Baiyu in Blood—on reading No Answer From Cell 7

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (2)

Modern Chinese

Two Poems by Pao Yu-tang Pao Yu-tang

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (3)

Contemporary Chinese

Lin Zexu

Ye Yuan

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (4)

Selected Poems of Chen Yi

Chen Yi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (8)

The Faithless Lover

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (10)

Tracing by the Footprint in the Snow

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (10)

Film Script

Literary period/ region

Contemporary Chinese

Modern Chinese

Sichuan Opera

Contemporary Chinese

Ancient Chinese

(continued)

302

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Three Days Liu Baiyu on the Yangtze River

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (10)

Poem

Modern Chinese

Climbing the Emei Mountain

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1961 (11)

Modern Chinese

Strange Encounter in the Northern Capital

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1961 (12)

Three Poems by Chen Hui

Third Sister Liu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Press

1962

Eight-act Opera

Contemporary Chinese

The Battle of Red Cliff

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Press

1962

Seven-act Play

Modern Chinese literature

Xu Chi

Three Poems by Chen Hui

Chen Hui

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (2)

Modern Chinese

Biography of Du Fu

Feng Zhi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (4)

Contemporary Chinese

Six Poems

Lutpulla Mutellip

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (6)

Foreign

The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons

Liu Xie

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (8)

Ancient Chinese

The Miser

Chen Ting-yu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (9)

Contemporary Chinese

(continued)

Appendices

303

(continued) Book Title

Translator Publishing house

Year

Twelve Poems Tian Jian by Tian Jian

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1962 (10)

By My Window

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1963 (3)

While Herons Ho Wei and Sunlight Cliff

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (5)

Modern Chinese

Twenty-four Styles of Poetry

Sikong Tu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (7)

Ancient Chinese

Sixteen Poems by Lu Yu

Lu Yu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (8)

Ancient Chinese

Nine Poems by Zhang Kejia

Zang Kejia

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (9)

Chinese Contemporary

The White Light

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (11)

Modern Chinese

The Eternal Lamp

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1963 (11)

A Poem

N Sayntsogt

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1964 (1)

Foreign

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (1)

Ancient Chinese literature

Records on the Warring States Period

Author

Liu Baiyu

Remarks

Literary period/ region Modern Chinese

Prose

Novel

Modern Chinese

Modern Chinese

(continued)

304

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Six Poems by Yin Fu

Yin Fu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (4)

Modern Chinese

Two Fables

Liu Chi

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1964 (4)

Ancient Chinese literature

A Village in Hopei

Ho Chi fang

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (6)

Contemporary Chinese

Eight Poems by Lu Xun

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (7)

Modern Chinese

Excerpts from Tsao A Dream of Hsueh-Chin Red Mansions

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (7)

Ancient Chinese

Excerpts from Tsao A Dream of Hsueh-Chin Red Mansions

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (8)

Ancient Chinese

Spark Amid the Reeds

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (9)

Young Folk in Wu Yuxiao a Remote Region

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1964 (11)

Contemporary Chinese

Pillar of the South

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1965 (2)

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (5)

Ancient Chinese

Tsao Jo-hung

Eleven Poems Lu Yu by Lu Yu

Remarks

Model Play

Literary period/ region

Contemporary Chinese

(continued)

Appendices

305

(continued) Book Title

Author

Raise the Red Lantern

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (5)

Model Play

Modern Chinese

Three Poems by Liu Chen

Liu Chen

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (6)

Ancient Chinese

Childhood Dreams

Sun Yu-tien

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (6)

Contemporary Chinese

East Flows the Mighty Yangtze

Sha Pai

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (8)

Contemporary Chinese

Four Poems by Liang Shang-chuan

Liang Yang Shang-chuan Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (10)

Contemporary Chinese

Friendship Chi Power Station Chi-kuang

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (12)

Contemporary Chinese

A New Worker

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1965 (12)

Contemporary Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1966 (2)

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1966 (3)

Ancient Chinese

Wang Fang-wu

Four Essays from the Ming Dynasty

Four Poems by Chang Yung-mei

Chang Y ung-mei

(continued)

306

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Two Poems by Lu Chi Lu Chi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1966 (6)

Ancient Chinese

The Girl Driving Yaks

Fou Chou

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1966 (6)

Contemporary Chinese

The Hammer Forged with Blood

Chi Chi-kuang

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1966 (6)

Contemporary Chinese

Silent China; Selected Writings of Lu Xun

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Oxford University Press

1970

Modern Chinese

Wild Grass

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1974

Modern Chinese

Dawn Blossoms Plucked at Dusk

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1976

Modern Chinese

Selections from Records of the Historian

Sima Qian

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1976

Ancient Chinese

A Dream of Tsao Red Mansions Hsueh-Chin

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1978–1980 3 Volumes

Ancient Chinese

Odyssey

Yang Hsien-Yi

The People’s Literature Publishing House

1979

Foreign

Homer

Remarks

Literary period/ region

(continued)

Appendices

307

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Excerpts From Three Classical Chinese Novels

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1981

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Selected Tales Pu Songling of Liaozhai

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1981

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Lazy dragon: Chinese Stories from the Ming Dynasty

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1981

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Call to Arms

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1981

Modern Chinese

Wandering

Lu Xun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

1981

Modern Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi

Shanghai Translation Publishing House

1981

Foreign Literature

1981 (7)

Contemporary Chinese

La chanson de Roland

Introduction to The road I have travelled

Mao Dun

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

Pygmalion

George Bernard Shaw

Yang Hsien-Yi

China 1982 Translation Corporation

Foreign

Luo Yin and His Essays

Deng Kuiying

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1982 (2)

Contemporary Chinese

Seven Essays from Luo Yin

Luoyin

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1982 (2)

Ancient Chinese

Excerpts from Ji Yun Yuewei Cottage Notes

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1982 (4)

Ancient Chinese

Selections of Modern English Poems

Yang Hsien-Yi

The People’s Literature Publishing House

1983

Foreign

Eliot et al.

(continued)

308

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1983

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Selected Poems of Gong Zizhen

Gong Zizhen Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1983 (5)

Ancient Chinese

The Study of Ancient Chinese Costumes by Shen Congwen

Huang Chang

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1983 (5)

Contemporary Chinese

Descendants Hou Dejian of the Dragon

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1983 (9)

Lyrics

Contemporary Chinese

Poetry and Prose of the Tang and Song

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1984

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1984 (1)

Contemporary Chinese

Western Tang Sou Influence and National Character

Yang Hsien-Yi

Chinese Literature

1985 (1)

Contemporary Chinese

Selected Wen Poems of Wen Tingyun Tingyun

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1985 (4)

Ancient Chinese

Ancient Ding Cong Chinese Jokes

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

New World Press

1986

Contemporary Chinese

Poetry and Prose of the Han, Wei and Dynasties

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1986

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Poetry and Prose of Ming and Qing

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

1986

Panda Series

Ancient Chinese

Selections from the Book of Songs

Sixteen Fables

Huang Yongyu

(continued)

Appendices

309

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Abridged Translation

Ancient Chinese

Dream of the Tsao Hsueh- Yang Red Chamber Chin and Hsien-Yi Gao E and Gladys Yang

The 1986 Commercial Press

Selected Titus Plays of Maccius Ancient Rome Plautus

Yang Hsien-Yi

The People’s Literature Publishing House

1991

Foreign

Selected Lyrics of Ancient Greece

Yang Hsien-Yi

China Worker Publishing House

1995

Foreign

Selected Essays of Ancient China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Ancient Chinese

Selected Poems of Ancient China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Ancient Chinese

Selected Novels of Ancient China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Ancient Chinese

Selected Essays of Modern China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Modern Chinese

Selected Poems of Modern China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Modern Chinese

(continued)

310

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Selected Novels of Modern China

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1998

Modern Chinese

Selected Poems of Li Bai

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Du Fu Selected Poems

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Selected Poems by Lu You

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Selected Poems by Wang Wei

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Selected poems by Xin Qiji

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Selected poems by Su Shi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

Selected poems by Tao Yuanming

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

1999

Ancient Chinese

(continued)

Appendices

311

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Saint Joan

George Bernard Shaw

Yang Hsien-Yi

Lijiang Publishing

2001

Foreign

Selected Elegies of the State of Chu

Qu Yuan

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

2001

Ancient Chinese

Yue Fu

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

2001

Ancient Chinese

Tang Poems

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

2001

Ancient Chinese

Song Poems

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

2001

Ancient Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi

The People’s Literature Publishing House

2002

Foreign

The Travels of Liu E Lao Can

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Foreign Languages Press

2005

Modern

Pavilion by the Riverside

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

Qin Xianglian

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

Ancient Chinese

Taming of the Princess

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

Ancient Chinese

Caesars and Cleopatra

George Bernard Shaw

Remarks

Sichuan Opera

Literary period/ region

Modern

(continued)

312

Appendices

(continued) Book Title

Author

Translator Publishing house

Year

Remarks

Literary period/ region

Testing the Seal

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

Chinese Contemporary

Searching the Academy

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Chinese Literature

Ancient Chinese

The Collection for the Propagation and Clarification of Buddhism

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Ancient Chinese

Ode to the Swallow

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Contemporary Chinese

Hung-ming Chi

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Creation Poetry of the Miao Ethnicity

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Ancient Chinese

A History of Chinese Opera

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Modern Chinese

Yang Hsien-Yi and Gladys Yang

Warring States Ancient Period-Western Chinese Han Dynasty

Zizhi Tongjian

Sima Guang

Selected Translations

Ancient Chinese

Chronological List of Chinese Dynasties ca. 2100–1600 BCE Xia (Hsia) Dynasty ca. 1600–1050 BCE Shang Dynasty (continued)

Appendices

313

(continued) ca. 1046–256 BCE

Zhou (Chou) Dynasty: Western Zhou (ca. 1046–771 BCE) , Eastern Zhou (771–256 BCE)

221–206 BCE

Qin (Ch’in) Dynasty

206 BCE–220 CE

Han Dynasty: Western/Former Han (206 BCE-9 CE) and Eastern/Later Han (25–220 CE)

220–589 CE

Six Dynasties Period

581–618

Sui Dynasty

618–906

Tang (T’ang) Dynasty

960–1279

Song (Sung) Dynasty: Northern Song (960–1127) and Southern Song (1127–1279)

1279–1368

Yuan Dynasty

1368–1644

Ming Dynasty

1644–1912

Qing (Ch’ing) Dynasty

Chinese Original and Translated Titles of Selected Books Chinese Original Title

Title in Chinese Pinyin

English Title

百家姓

Baijia Xing

A Hundred Family Surnames

春秋

Chun Qiu

Spring and Autumn Annals

大学

Da Xue

The Great Learning

浮生六记

Fusheng Liuji

Six Chapters of a Floating Life

汉书

Han Shu

History of the Former Han Dynasty

好逑传

Hao Qiu Zhuan

The Pleasing History

红楼梦

Hong Lou Meng

A Dream of Red Mansions

后汉书

Hou Han Shu

History of the Later Han Dynasty

礼记

Li Ji

The Book of Rites

聊斋志异

Liaozhai Zhiyi

Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio

千字文

Qianzi Wen

Thousand Character Classic

儒林外史

Rulin Waishi

The Scholars

三国演义

Sanguo Yanyi

Romance of the Three Kingdoms

三字经

Sanzi Jing

Three Character Classics

尚书

Shang Shu

The Book of History

诗经

Shi Jing

The Book of Songs

史记

Shi Ji

Historical Records

水浒传

Shui Hu Zhuan

Outlaws of the Marsh

四书

Si Shu

The Four Books

孙子

Sun Zi

Sun Tzu

文心雕龙

Wenxin Diaolong

Dragon-Carving and the Literary Mind/The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (continued)

314

Appendices

(continued) 文选

Wen Xuan

五经

Wu Jing

The Five Classics

西厢记

Xi Xiang Ji

Romance of the Western Chamber

西游记

Xi You Ji

Journey to the West

荀子

Xun Zi

Hsün Tzu

易经

Yi Jing

The Book of Changes

永乐大典

Yongle Dadian

Yongle Encyclopedia

幼学琼林

Youxue Qionglin

Children’s Knowledge Treasury

中庸

Zhong Yong

The Doctrine of the Mean

庄子

Zhuang Zi

Chuang Tzu

左传

Zuo Zhuan

Master Zuo’s Spring and Autumn Annals

Selections of Refined Literature

Bibliography

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