A Semantic Syntax of Grammatical Negation in the Older Germanic Dialects 3874523098, 9783874523097

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GÖPPINGER ARBEITEN ZUR GERMANISTIK herausgegeben von Ulrich Müller, Franz Hundsnurscher und Cornelius Sommer

Nr. 177

A Semantic Syntax of Grammatical Negation in the Older Germanic Dialects

by Virginia M. Coombs

VERLAG ALFRED KÜMMERLE Göppingen 1976

In der Reihe „GÖPPINGER ARBEITEN ZUR GERMANISTIK“ erscheinen ab Bd. 160 ausschließlich Bände zur Älteren Literaturwissenschaft und zur Sprach­ wissenschaft. Veröffentlichungen zur Neueren Literaturwissenschaft erscheinen unter dem Titel „STUTTGARTER ARBEITEN ZUR GERMANISTIK“ im Verlag H. D. Heinz, Stuttgart.

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Verlag Alfred Kümmerte, Göppingen Druck: Fotodruck Präzis Barbara v. Spangenberg KG • Tübingen ISBN 3 - 8 7 4 5 2 - 3 0 9 - 8 Printed in Germany

A Semantic Syntax of Grammatical Negation in the Older Germanic Dialects Virginia M. Coombs

This study examines the morphological reflexes of grammatical negation in the older Germanic dialects, Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Old English and Old Icelandic. The term grammatical negation is defined by the class of negative morphemes which are phrase markers in a transformational-generative grammar. A syntactic-semantic delineation of the negative operation is presented to determine whether the various morphological shapes which the negative assumes in the surface level representations pose a problem of synonmy at the semantic level. Each of the older dialects is treated synchronically using the initial parameter of grammatical categories. Both syntactic and semantic procedures are applied to the corpus for each dialect. Syntactic insight is gained by generating the surface negatives from one underlying abstract category after Klima*s (1964) model. Semantic information for the negative is obtained from surface level syntagms, composed of a negative morpheme and a given grammatical morpheme, e.g., the verb, noun, or adverb. The syntagm is then subjected to a feature analysus. The data for all five older Germanic dialects show that the negative morpheme plus finite verb bears a high functional load with regard to sentential negation.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to acknowledge two of my teachers who have guided, encouraged, and developed my interest in German studies. I thank Miss Eleanor Beers, my first German teacher, for giving me a solid foundation in the fundamentals of the German language and an appreciation for the literature and culture of the German people.

My sincere thanks and deepest appreciation go to my advisor and teacher Professor Irmengard Rauch who gave unselfishly of her time to direct the research and writing of this dissertation.

Her

excellent teaching has been an inspiration to me throughout my graduate studies, and I am indebted to her for all the encouragement and support she provided to further my studies in Germanic linguistics.

This thesis was originally accepted in July, 1974 by the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, Illinois in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgement

iii

Table of Contents

iv

Chapter One: Introduction and Method 1.1

The Problem

1

1.2

Overview of Past Research

2

1.3

Method in This Study

3

1.3.1

The Syntactic Procedure

3

1.3.2

The Semantic Procedure

7

Chapter Two:

Literature on Negation in the Older Germanic Dialects

2.0

General Remarks

12

2.1

Taxonomic Approaches

12

2.2

Transformational-Generative Approaches

19

Chapter Three:

Gothic

3.0

The Gothic Source

26

3.1

Negative Morphemes and Their Traditional Interpretation 26

3.2

Grammatical Categories

29

3.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

29

3.2.2

Negative Morphemes and Non-FiniteVerbals

35

3.2.3

Table 1: Verbals

42

Gothic Negative Plus Finite and Non-Finite

3.2.4

Negative Morphemes and Adverbs

45

3.2.5

Table 2:

50

3.2.6

Negative Morphemes and Adjectives

52

3.2.7

The Negative Prefix un-

55

Gothic Negated Adverbs

V

3.2.8

Table 3:

3.2.9

Negative Morphemes and Nouns

60

3.2.10

Negative Morphemes and Pronouns

64

3.2.11

Table 4:

68

3.3

Summary

Chapter Four:

Gothic Negated Adjectives

57

Gothic Negated Nouns and Pronouns

70

Old High German

4.0

The Old High German Source

74

4.1

Negative Morphemes

75

4.2

Grammatical Categories

77

4.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

78

4.2.1.1

Negative Particle Plus Semantically PositiveFinite Verb 78

4.2.1.2

Negative Particle Plus Lexical Negative FiniteVerb

79

4.2.1.3

Reinforcing Morphemes

83

4.2.1.4

Table 5:

4.2.1.5

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

90

4.2.1.6

Conjoining Negative Clauses

93

4.2.1.7

Table 6:

Old High German Negative MorphemesandVerbs

88

Old High German Additional Negative Morphemes 103

4.2.2

Negative Morphemes and Adverbs

105

4.2.3

Table 7:

105

4.2.4

Negative Morphemes and Substantives

108

4.2.5

Table 8:

111

4.3 Chapter Five:

Old High German Negated Adverbs

Old High German Negated Substantives

Summary

113

Old Saxon

5.0

The Old Saxon Source

117

5.1

Negative Morphemes and Their Traditional Interpretation 118

5.2

Grammatical Categories

120

vi

5.2.1.0

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

120

5.2.1.1

Reinforcing Morphemes

124

5.2.2

Table 9:

5.2.3

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

132

5.2.4

Table 10:

138

5.2.5

Conjoining Negative Clauses

5.2.6

Table 11:

5.2.7

Summary

Chapter Six:

Old Saxon Negative Morphemes Plus Finite Verb 129

Old Saxon Additional Negative Morphemes

Old Saxon Conjoining Negative

141 Clauses

150 152

Old English

6.0

The Old English Source

156

6.1

Negative Morphemes and their TraditionalInterpretation 156

6.2

Grammatical Categories

159

6.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

159

6.2.1.1

Reinforcing Morphemes

160

6.2.1.2

Table 12: Verb

171

Old English Negative Morphemes Plus Finite

6.2.1.3

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

173

6.2.1.4

Table 13:

179

6.2.3

Negative Morphemes and Adverbs

182

6.2.4

Table 14:

186

6.2.5

Negative Morphemes and Pronouns

188

6.2.6

Table 15:

189

6.3

Summary

Chapter Seven:

Old English Additional Negative Morphemes

Old English Negated Adverbs

Old English Negated Pronouns

192

Old Icelandic

7.0

The Old Icelandic Source

197

7.1

Negative Morphemes and their TraditionalInterpretation 197

7.2

Grammatical Categories

201

vii

7.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

201

7.2.1.1

Preverbal Negative Morphemes

202

7.2.1.2

The Negative Suffix and the Finite Verb

204

7.2.1.3

eigi as Sentence Negator

207

7.2.2

Negative Conjunction

208

7.2.3

Table 16: Verbs

213

Old Icelandic Negative Morphemes and Finite

7.2.4

Negative Morphemes and Adverbs

216

7.2.5

Table 17:

220

7.2.6

Negative Morphemes Plus Nouns and Pronouns

222

7.2.7

Table 18: Old Icelandic Negative Morphemes Plus Nouns and Pronouns

228

Summary

231

7.3 Chapter Eight:

Old Icelandic Negated Adverbs

Interdialect Feature Contrasts and Conclusions

8.0

General Remarks

236

8.1

The Negated Finite Verb

237

8.1.1

Reinforcing Morphemes

238

8.1.2

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

238

8.1.3

Negated Conditions and Exceptions

240

8.2

The Negated Adverb

241

8.3

The Negated Substantive

242

8.4

Semantic Features:

244

8.5

Table 19: Major Syntagmatic Structures of the Grammatical Negative

Appendix A:

Gothic Data

Positive Emphasis and Tautology

245 248

Appendix B: Old High GermanData

256

Appendix C: Old Saxon Data

264

Appendix D:

272

Old English Data

viii

Appendix E: Bibliography

Old Icelandic Data

279 286

CHAPTER ONE:

1.1

INTRODUCTION AND METHOD

The Problem

The morphological reflexes of grammatical negation in each of the older Germanic dialects appear in various shapes.

The term grammatical negation is

defined by the class of negative morphemes which are phrase markers in a transformational-generative grammar.

The major role of grammatical negation

in the older dialects, except in Old Icelandic, is represented by a phono­ logical reflex of the Germanic negative

morpheme *ni ’not', which appears

in syntagmatic combinations with members of different grammatical categories such as verb, noun, adjective, adverb, and conjunction.

This study will

examine the morphological reflexes of grammatical negation in Gothic (Go.), Old High German (OHG), Old Saxon (OS), Old English (OE), and Old Icelandic (01).

The order in which the individual dialects are treated is not assumed,.,

relevant to the negative operation, nor does this ordering imply any specific relationships between dialects, although interdialect similarities in the manner of negative expression are possible. The specific problems which are undertaken in the study include a syntactic as well as a semantic delineation of the negative operation.

The

various morphological shapes which the negative assumes on the surface in each of the dialects appear to represent one syntactic operation, the negative operation.

If this assumption is valid then the negative morphemes pose a

problem of synonomy at the semantic level.

The role of syntax in contributing

to an understanding of the negative operation must also be evaluated for each dialect.

The presence of the negative morpheme in syntagmatic constructions

2

must be evaluated with semantic criteria to determine if the presence of the negative in the syntactic deep structure and at the surface represent the semantic operation of negation.

1.2

Overview of Past Research

Early attempts to understand the negative operation in natural languages take the form of taxonomic inventories of the occurrences of negative mor­ phemes in selected texts (Mourek, 1902, 1903, 1905).

The negative operation

is described in terms of a qualitative-quantitative dichotomy (Gebauer, 1885). The terms qualitative and quantitative are taken from Kant's Table of Cate­ gories.

Briefly, qualitative negation refers to the negated finite verb

which simultaneously achieves sentential negation, while quantitative negation includes the negation of sentence constituents other than the finite verb, although sentential negation can be achieved through a quantitative negative.

The organizational principle, which classifies and categorizes the

data according to the syntactic environment in which the negative is found, attempts to make the qualitative-quantitative distinction clear without additional commentary (cf. 2.1).

Such descriptive observations on the

behavior and occurrence of the negative, however, are insufficient to capture the common syntactic and semantic features of the negative, which all the morphological reflexes share. The qualitative-quantitative distinction for the scope of negation applied to negative forms within any given sentence is valid if the surface structure forms alone are considered.

The transformational-generative

method which Klima (1964) has applied to the negative morphemes in M o d e m English captures the common syntactic features of negative types by

3

generating all negatives from one and the same pre-sentential component at the base.

A transformational-generative analysis of negative morphemes

in

the older Germanic dialects finds Klima*s hypothesis decidedly strong (cf.

2 . 2) . The transformational-generative model generates the surface forms of the negative in proper syntactic position but the syntactic rules do not account for semantic readings.

The presence of a negative morpheme at the

surface and in the syntactic deep structure does not necessarily yield a negative reading, since the semantic information is not completely contained in either of these levels. The method developed and applied in this study employs a feature analysis of syntagms containing a negative morpheme (cf. 1.3).

The feature analysis

records the interaction of non-negative constituents with the negative as well as the interpretation of multiple grammatical negative morphemes. 1.3

Method in This Study Each of the older Germanic dialects is treated synchronically according

to syntactic and semantic procedures.

The distinction between grammatical

and lexical negation is maintained; the analysis of the negative in each of the dialects focuses on the grammatical negatives (cf. 1.1). 1.3.1

The Syntactic Procedures The data for each dialect are arranged according to syntactic criteria.

The syntactic model which generates the surface level negative morphemes draws in large part on the model which Klima proposes for Modern English. A syntactic insight into the scope of the negative operation is gained by generating the surface negatives from one abstract pre-sentential component

4

The attachment of the NEG to a sentence constituent by the application of a series of ordered transformational rules achieves sentential negation (Klima, 1964; sec. 37).

The scope of the negative extends over the entire

clause in which the category NEG appears "in construction with" the subject Nominal and the Predicate, i.e., the pre-sentential NEG, the subject Nominal, and the Predicate are directly dominated by the S-node (Klima, sec. 38). A modification of the NEG marker in the phrase structure component is necessary to account for those appearances of multiple negative morphemes within the same clause, which for Modern English is a non-permissible sequence.

The NEG is expanded as follows:

The terminal marker ng, will account for the preverbal negative particle, while NEG represents all other surface occurrences of the negative. The relevant ordered transformations pertaining to the NEG are (Klima, Appendix pp. 319-21):

1.

Indefinite-incorporation. Indeterminate constituents such as quantifiers and some adverbs which occur in construction with NEG must in certain contexts incor­ porate the feature [+Indef].

2.

Preposing rules. Certain constituents such as adverbs and quantifiers are optionally preposed before the sub­ ject Nominal.

3.

Preliminary NEG-placement. When tense is not deleted from AUX the pre-sentential NEG is obligatorily moved to a position before AUX.

4.

NEG-incorporation into indefinite constituents. The NEG is obligatorily incorporated into the first indefinite

5

constituent left of NEG and AUX; the NEG is here rep­ resented by the terminal marker Neg. NEG is optionally incorporated into any successive indefinites within the same clause. 5.

Preverbal particle placement. In a sentence with a finite verb and the pre-sentential NEG, the NEG is moved into the AUX, here the terminal marker ng.

Improvements on Klima's rules have been suggested by Fillmore (1967) and Jackendoff (1969).

2

Both scholars have offered alternatives to the

indefinite-incorporation rule, informally called 'some' -*■ 'any' suppletion. Fillmore treats the quantifiers as determinates, but suggests that the quantifiers are marked in the base according to subcategorization rules.

The

crucial feature is [± specific] and Its relation to various kinds of indefi­ nite words. 'some'

Only those indefinites marked [- specific] are subject to the

'any* suppletion rule (p. 98).

The implication of his explanation

is that not all surface forms of some are marked [- specific] (p. 99, note 4). Fillmore still treats 'some' -+ 'any' suppletion with a transformational rule which adds the feature [+ Indeterminate] to every non-specific word in the presence of NEG (p. 115).

The feature [- Definite] for Fillmore, which

corresponds to Klima's [+ Indef ] of the indefinite-incorporation rule, is already specified in the base. Jackendoff (1969) seeks to extend Klima’s syntactic model by intro­ ducing semantic considerations pertinent to 'some' -*• 'any' suppletion. Jackendoff interprets the quantifiers from the derived structure, not as elements in the base.

He proposes a semantic rule to interpret quantifiers

in sentences containing NEG.

Such a semantic rule will not cause major

changes in phonological spellings of the lexical items, since some and any are considered separate lexical items (p. 234). 'some'

The lexical version of

'any' suppletion demonstrates that these items differ by a feature

6

[± x]

in affective and non-affective environments (p. 232).

The rule is

stated:

The indeterminate is left unspecified for the feature CX]. in the feature according to the environment.

The rule fills

The sentence is anomalous if

already marked for [x] and the assigned marker and the rule do not agree. The value [-

x]

implies Fillmore’s [- specific], but the reverse is not

necessarily true.

The ability of Jackendoff’s lexical rule to apply to

derived surface structures rather than to constituents in the base is appealing, because it appears to offer a solution to exceptions in surface forms of quantifiers (cf. 5.2.1 and 6.2.1).

The analysis which he proposes,

however, explains only one negative type and proceeds from semantic criterion. Klima’s model offers the most comprehensive treatment of negative types, providing the necessary syntactic relations as a part of the deep structure, from which semantic information may then be extracted.

The scope of the

negative insofar as it is generated from the pre-sentential NEG ranges over the entire clause.

Apparent exceptions to the global scope of the negative

from syntactic considerations alone are discussed (cf. OHG (29) and (50) 4.2.2).

The validity of Klima’s hypothesis, that the negative is generated

for the entire sentence rather than with specific constituents receives support from Fillmore’s (1968) concept of ’case grammar’, a modification of 3 the transformational-generative model.

Fillmore proposes an argument for

the universality of all natural languages, that is, at the very deepest level all languages are essentially alike.

His theory of case grammar rests on two

7

basic assumptions:

1) the centrality of syntax and 2) the importance of

covert categories (p. 3). structure of a sentence.

The case relationships exist in the deepest The division of the sentence is not a subject-

predicate one, but a basic structure composed of a ’’verb and one or more noun phrases, each associated with the verb in a particular case relation­ ship." Cp. 21)

The position of the negative in the basic sentence structure

is outside the proposition which contains the verb and related noun phrases. The structure of sentences is defined by Fillmore as a ’’’proposition1, a tenseless set of relationships involving verbs and nouns . . . separated from what might be called a ’modality' constituent." (p. 23)

The modality

constituent contains elements which operate on the sentence-as-a-whole, and include negation, tense, mood, and aspect (p. 23). Klima*s pre-sentential NEG also operates on the sentence-as-a-whole. The fact that NEG favors a position inside the AUX is also reflected in the modality constituent which contains those features of tense, mood, and aspect.

These features are normally associated with the AUX in Chomsky's

1965 model.4

1.3.2

The Semantic Procedure

The syntactic insight gained by generating the surface negative mor­ phemes from the same abstract category in the base suggests that these surface negatives share varying degrees of synonomy with each other.

The

semantic information for the negative is extracted from the surface level syntagms composed of the negative morpheme and a g*ven grammatical morpheme, such as the verb, noun, and adverb. feature analysis.'*

The syntagm is then subjected to a

8

Such surface grammatical categories are chosen as an initial parameter, because they constitute a stable classificatory base, being easily identi­ fiable and semantically unambiguous as grammatical entities.

Using a syn­

tactically based criterion such as the grammatical category, it is possible to obtain semantic features of the negative as a result of the constituent structure of the negative plus a given grammatical class.

Semantically the

feature [neg] is central to the analysis, although the presence of the abstract category NEG in the deep structure and negative morphemes on the surface does not necessarily result in a semantic interpretation with a negative reading. The features for the analysis are chosen for grammatical, syntactic, and lexical meaning.

If the various surface negatives within a given dialect do

in fact represent a case of synonomy, then an overlapping of features applied to the syntagms of the individual grammatical categories is to be expected. A semantic test is applied to phrases or to entire clauses to determine the interaction in a phrase or clause between the syntagra containing the negative and other sentence constituents relative to a negative semantic reading.

A three-level pattern represents graphically both syntactic and

semantic information.

The arbitrary choice of three levels in no way

assumes the existence of these levels to the exclusion of other intermediate or still deeper layers.

There may well be more layers below the surface

representation than are presented in this schematic diagram.^

The pattern

offers an approximation of the syntactic and semantic operations.

The levels

are lettered A for the syntactic deep structure, B the sub-surface inter­ mediate semantic level, and C the surface structure representation combining

9

syntactic and semantic information. The Gothic dutpe ni attauhuþ ina 'why have you not brought him' illus­ trates the three levels of the pattern:

C

a

B

-

A

-11 ni

+ =-

I + + attauhuþ

A system of pluses and minuses represents the morphemes or syntagms at each level.

The A level records with a minus (-) only those morphemes which

contain an overt negative morpheme, here the preverbal particle ill 'not'. All other morphemes are marked with a plus (+), here the finite verb form attauhuþ 'have brought'.

The surface level C also marks the morphemes or

syntagms according to the presence of overt negative markers.

The C level

interprets the truth value for the clause or conjoined clauses according to the truth tables of symbolic logic.^ tautologies, / 'and* and

a

(N.B. Reichenbach's special symbols for

'or', are not used; A 'and* and v 'or' are used

throughout):

I

II

a

b

aAb

avb

a->-b

T

T

T

T

T

T

F

F

T

F

F

F

T

F

T

T

F

F

F

F

F

T

T

a

b

aAb

avb

T

T

F

F

T

F

T

T

F

T

T

T

F

F

T

F

a+-*b T

10

The value Indicated to the right of the equality sign, here (-), records a positive or negative value arrived at from the semantic-syntactic inter­ action of the positively and negatively marked morphemes. The sub-surface intermediate level B in the pattern, B - I + , records the semantic information for the morphemes or syntagms taken together.

The

inclusive interpretation is symbolized by the single vertical line, whereas the double vertical lines in the A level indicate that each morpheme or syntagm is treated separately.

The result obtained in the C level, the

syntactic-semantic interpretation of the phrase, is correlate to the marker assigned to the negative morpheme, here a negative value. This type of test will yield a semantic interpretation for the clause, which indicates, via the truth values, whether the negative operation has occurred semantically, even though a negative morpheme is present in the constituent structure. The final chapter contrasts the similarities and the differences resulting from the application of these syntactic and semantic approaches to the data in the individual Germanic dialects.

11

Notes to Chapter One

*E. S. Klima, "Negation in Modern English," in The Structure of Language, eds. Jerry A. Fodor, and Jerrold J. Katz (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:

2

Prentice-Hall Inc., 1964), pp. 246-323.

Charles J. Fillmore, "On the Syntax of Pre-verbs," Glossa, 1 (1967),

91-125; Ray Jackendoff, "An Interpretive Theory of Negation," Foundations of Language, 5 (1969), 218-41. 3 Charles J. Fillmore, "The Case for Case," in Universals in Linguistic Theory, eds. Emmon Bach and Robert T. Harms (New York:

Holt, Rinehart, and

Winston, 1968), pp. 1-88. Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1965). ^Irmengard Rauch, "A Problem in Historical Synonomy," Linguistics, 6 (1964), 92-98. ^Irmengard Rauch, "Were Verbs in Fact Noun Subsidiaries?" in Proceedings of the XI International Conference of Linguistics, Bologna, 1972 (forthcoming), p. 361 f. ^Hans Reichenbach, Elements of Symbolic Logic (New York:

The Macmillan

Company, 1947), pp. 27-35; Hans Jürgen Heringer, Formale Logik und Grammatik (Tübingen:

Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1972), pp. 12-13.

12

CHAPTER TWO:

LITERATURE ON NEGATION

IN THE OLDER GERMANIC DIALECTS

2.0

General Remarks

Studies which Investigate the syntactic and semantic behavior of negation in the older Germanic dialects can be divided into two general groups based on the method applied to the treatment of negative morphemes. These methods are labelled taxonomic and transformational-generative; the preponderance of the literature employs the taxonomic method. proceeds chronologically within each method.

The discussion

The scope of the studies

discussed ranges from the treatment of individual Germanic dialects to inves­ tigations dealing with all aspects of the negative operation in the older dialects.

2.1

Taxonomic Approaches

Gebauer's 1885 study of the negative in Old Bohemian, a Balto-Slavic language, was instrumental for the subsequent investigations of negative expression in the older Germanic dialects.^

The several morphological shapes

and syntactic positions which the negative forms were capable of assuming within a phrase led Gebauer to posit a distinction in negative types. labelled his types of negation qualitative and quantitative. adopted by him from Kant’s Table of Categories.

2

He

The terms were

Qualitative negation

referred to a negative morpheme directly before the finite verb, while quantitative negation pertained to the negative morphemes which combined with sentence constituents other than the finite verb, such as nominals,

13

quantifiers, adverbs, and conjunctions.

According to Gebauer's dichotomy

the instances of qualitative negation which negated the verbal action of a sentence also negated the entire clause.

Quantitative negation was chiefly

limited to the negation of sentence constituents, although this means of negative expression was capable of achieving sentential negation indirectly (p. 177).

Multiple grammatical negatives appearing with verbal and non­

verbal constituents within the same clause were considered sufficient evidence for maintaining a relatively distinct qualitative-quantitative dichotomy. Gebauer1s dichotomy was adopted and maintained by scholars and used in several studies on negation in the older Germanic dialects at the turn of the century.

V. E. Mourek completed two lengthy studies on the occurrences

of grammatical negation in the older Germanic dialects, the first in 1903 including data for Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, and Old English, and 3 the second in 1905 with the data for Old Icelandic.

These two comprehensive

investigations into the behavior of the negative were occasioned by his 1902 paper treating the grammatical negatives in Middle High German.

4

The format for both of Mourek's studies is similar to that of Gebauer. The data are presented in a taxonomic inventory of the occurrences of nega­ tive morphemes, divided into the qualitative-quantitative headings.

Under

qualitative negation, represented in the dialects by reflexes of the Germanic negative particle *ni 'not' and in addition, in Old Icelandic by the enclitics -a/-at/-gi ’not', the citations are listed alphabetically according to the finite verb in the main clause.

Occurrences of quantitative negation, such

as OHG nihein 'none' and OE nalles 'not at all', are rendered in terms of the syntactic function of the negated morpheme.

A listing of reinforcing

14

morphemes and some discussion of the negative prefix un- 'not* is included. Mourek's investigation of the occurrences of negation in the older dialects provided the impetus for separate studies examining the occurrences of negative morphemes in Old English texts.

Two of the studies treat the

negative in poetry, while two examine the manner of negative expression in prose texts.

The first of these, Knörk's study of negation for the corpus of

Old English poetry, closely follows in method and format Mourek's work."*

He

also suggests by the application of the qualitative-quantitative criterion to negative morphemes, that the distinction to be made is both syntactic and semantic. Schuchardt's monograph on the negative in the Old English Beowulf examines the metrical and rhetorical effects which the presence negative contributes to the understanding of the poem.^

of the

Although he

acknowledges the previous work of Mourek and Knörk, he questions the prac­ ticality and necessity of a qualitative-quantitative dichotomy.

In his

opinion, the detailed classification obscures the overall effectiveness of the negative expression.

The presentation of the data is organized according

to negative morphemes, such as OE ne 'not1 and OE un- 'not', the syntactic environment in which the negative occurs, and the analysis of the metrical and rhetorical features of lines containing negative morphemes. Rauert's analysis of the negative morphemes in the prose writings of Alfred is consistent in format and methodological viewpoint with Mourek's studies.^

Since the Old English texts are translations from Latin originals,

Rauert notes the similarities in the expressed negative In the original and the translation, as well as the Instances in which the Old English mode of expression differs from the Latin original (pp. 71, 76, 100).

The use of

15

the temporal adverb as the only reinforcing morpheme appearing with the negative in prose is cited as distinct from poetic habit, which employs indefinites as well as temporal adverbs (p. 119). In the fourth contribution to Old English negation, Einenkel is not strongly convinced that the qualitative-quantitative dichotomy, perhaps defensible for the corpus of Old English poetry, is valid for prose writing

g of the same period.

Choosing Werferð's Dialogues of Gregory the Great as

the text for his analysis, Einenkel develops his thesis that independent quantitative negatives as verbal reinforcers will disappear from the language, in accord with the general principle that all verbal complements in position after the finite verb free the verb from the reinforcing negative element, and allow it to accept its own negative (p. 193).

A supplement to the

article in the same volume, (pp. 401-24), traces the development of the negative in the West Saxon dialect with evidence from the West Saxon trans­ lation of Boethius* prose, the translation of Boethius* Meters, and the Old Saxon Heliand. As the title of Sievers' article suggests, "Zur nordischen Verbalnegation*', he focuses his discussion on the negative morphemes which occur

9 with finite verb forms in the texts of the Older Edda.

The finite verb may

be negated by a suffixed morpheme, 01 -a/-at/-t 'not', the preverbal particle 01 ne *not', or a combination of the particle plus suffix on the verb. negative types occur in well-defined syntactic environments.

The

The verb in

verse-initial position or following the caesura of the first half-line, for example, is negated by an enclitic suffix.

The preverbal ne appears with the

verb in final position, that is, at the end of the half-line or full longline.

The combined negative, the particle plu9 enclitic suffix on the verb,

16

is found only in the final position.

Sievers also draws correlations

between the type of negation used and the person-marker of the finite verb (p. 348). The principle value of the studies discussed thus far lies in the amount of raw data each contributes to the present study.

The contributions

on the negative in the older dialects to be considered next, while approached from the taxonomic viewpoint, focus on particular problems of syntax and meaning of the negative morphemes in Germanic with examples from the older dialects. Delbrück*s analysis of negative sentences in Germanic presents the two types of indefinite pronouns in Gothic and Old Icelandic, those with the suffix Go. -hun and 01 -gen, and those without the suffixes.^

He questions

the qualitative-quantitative dichotomy proposed by Gebauer, maintaining that only one negation per clause is present, usually coupled with the verb.

The

cognate of the suffixes Go. -hun and 01 -gen, from the Sanskrit emphatic negative cana 'not even*, is developed to show that the negative may occur with other sentence elements.

Briefly, the Sanskrit emphatic negative cana

is phonologically present in the Gothic and Old Icelandic forms, but is originally inherited into Germanic with only the emphatic meaning (I, §§6-8). In Gothic the suffixed and non-suffixed forms, as for example, ni^ mannahun and ni manna 'no one' fall together in meaning.

In Old Icelandic the suffix

-gen, probably originally emphatic, acquires the negative meaning due to an early loss of the particle ne (I, §8).

Where the suffix is present, it is

the negator as in 01 mangi, engi ’no one*.

Those forms without the suffix

-gen adopt other means to express the negative.

The negative verbal enclitic

01 -a *not', for example, corresponds phonologically to Go. ni + verb + aiw 'ever' (I, § 10).

17

A survey of the negative co-ordinate conjunction in the Germanic dialects corresponding to Go. nih 'and not' comprises the second half of Delbrück's study.

He cites evidence from the West Germanic dialects in which additional

negative morphemes are required in conjoined negative clauses (II, S15). A refutation of the then commonly held assumption that all occurrences of 01 nie (né) correspond to Go. nih 'and not* is the thesis of Neckel's article.^

Proceeding from syntactic evidence, the preverbal position of

the negative particle ne in Old Icelandic is cited, along with evidence from other Germanic dialects, for those instances in which the verb is not in initial position.

The negative particle before a finite verb in initial

position is totally lacking in Old Icelandic, which regularly employs the negative enclitic suffixes -a(t) 'not' in this position (p. 3).

Neckel

proposes a metrical rule accounting for the loss of the unstressed negative particle, which states that unstressed morphemes are dropped after pauses, viz. in line-initial position and following the caesura of the first half­ line in poetry (p. 4).

The loss of the negative particle ne and the fixing

of the negative in the suffixes -a(t) must have occurred simultaneously.

A

similar analysis is extended to indefinite pronouns, for which the suffix -gi becomes the negative marker (p. 44). The syntactic functions of Go. nih, primarily as a conjunction, and secondarily as an emphatic adverb, are outlined briefly by Neckel relative to the syntactic role for 01 ne.

The 01 ne joins negative clauses in

addition to its function as a correlative in shorter phrases. As his title indicates, "Die unechte Negation bei Otfrid und im Heliand", Lörcher does not treat all occurrences of grammatical negatives.

12

The

spurious negative is defined as sentences that contain judgments which

18

presuppose no underlying affirmation, that is, where no logical denial has taken place (p. 543).

The data from the texts are organized according to

the rhetorical categories of paraphrasis, litotes, circumlocution, paren­ thesis, and variation.

Peculiar to Otfrid and the He1iand is the use of the

superlative degree to express concepts "jenseits der Sphäre des endlichen" (p. 560), for example when speaking of God, Eternity, Heaven, and Hell. Lörcher concludes that the spurious negative is a stylistic device employed by the writer partly for technical reasons and partly due to the didactic tone of the clerical style in religious writing (p. 558). Behaghel's study of the syntactic position of NHG nicht ’not* includes a historical survey of the negative in Germanic, analyzing the syntactic position of the negative relative to the position of the finite verb in the clause.

13

A sampling of evidence from the older Germanic dialects reveals

a tendency to negate the first element in the clause as illustrated in Wulfila's Gothic, while the West Germanic dialects show a preference for the negated verb, although non-verbal elements may appear with the negative, such as the 0E nalles 'not at all' (p. 229).

The Old High German Williram

is the first document in which the adverbial accusative niet 'not' is con­ sistently used to negate the verbal action (p. 230). Jespersen's monograph-length study on the negative in Modern English and Modern Danish must be mentioned briefly.

14

The significance of the study,

which makes only an occasional reference to the older dialects, is Jespersen's denial of the Gebauer dichotomy of qualitative and quantitative negation (p. 69).

Claiming that Gebauer misinterpreted Kant's Table of Categories, in

which no provision for negation is made under the heading Quantität, Jespersen reinterprets the term quantitative.

All negation is quantitative, that is,

19

one negative per clause is sufficient to achieve negative meaning.

He does

not, thereby, equate quantitative negation with sentence-constituent negation minus the finite verb.

New categories for verbal and non-verbal negation are

introduced as nexal and special negatives, respectively.

2.2

Transformational-Generative Approaches

The transformational-generative treatment of the negative in the older dialects is virtually non-existent, but with good reason. the theory and the development of this method

The history of

so closely associated with

synchronic language and the intuitions of the native speaker that little attention until rather recently has been given to the historical dialects.^ Several of the synchronic studies are particularly noteworthy for the develop­ ment of transformational theory on the negative in the Germanic dialects. Manfred Bierwisch's study of the verb in Modern German (1963) generates the negative

in the phrase structure component of the grammar as an optional

constituent governed by the main verb complex, HV -* (VE) (Pv) Vb.

The main

verb complex HV is expanded for an optional verbal complement (VE), an optional preverbal element (Pv), and the finite verb Vb.

The negative mor­

pheme nicht 'not* is contained in the optional preverbal element (Pv).^ This constituent is further expanded, Pv -> (E) (Pvb) (neg), into an optional emphatic accent (E), a preverbal segment, (Pvb) containing adverbs such as doch 'yet1, noch 'still', and kaum ’hardly*, and the negative (neg) which surfaces as nicht or kein ’no, none*.

Context restrictions preventing double

negatives are contained within the expansion rule for Pvb (p. 65).

Since his

study is not one focusing on the negative, the problems of generating all negative types from the main verb complex are not brought to light.

20

E. S. Klima's transformational-generative study of the negative in Modern English (1964) is one of the most comprehensive investigations of the surface syntactic occurrences of negative morphemes.^

The phrase structure

component of the grammar contains an optional abstract category NEG which is generated from the same S-node as the subject Nominal and the Predicate (p. 316; cf. 1.3.1).

The position as pre-sentential component enables NEG to

range over all nodes which are dominated by the S-node which, as was said, dominates the NEG itself.

The pre-sentential NEG in this position exhibits

similar syntactic properties with the interrogative and imperative markers, whose scope is also the entire sentence.

Bierwisch (1963), on the other

hand, keeps the imperative and interrogative marker sentence types separate from the negative in his phrase structure rules. are optionally expanded from an initial S-node:

Those sentence type markers S

(I) S (p. 38).

The transformational rules of Klima's grammar generate surface negative morphemes by moving the abstract category out of its pre-sentential position and into other nodes of the sentence (cf. 1.3.1).

Other surface forms are

accounted for by ordered transformational rules, such as the morphological shape of the indefinite quantifiers, which only occur in negative environments, that is, where pre-sentential NEG is present.

Klima's analysis is, by his

own admission, clearly syntactic; it offers no semantic interpretation.

The

value of the transformational analysis lies in its ability to relate the surface negative morphemes to one underlying abstract category and syntactic operation. A transformational-generative analysis of negation in Modern German by Stickel (1968) treats the syntactic features of the negative morphemes.

18

Stickel combines segments of the phrase structure rules employed by Klima

21

(1964) and Fillmore (1968) to establish the position of negation in a transformational-generative grammar of Modern German as an abstract category in the base (p. 65).

Stickel's phrase structure rules differ from both

Klima's and Fillmore's in that the sentence type indicator (I) is generated as a higher node than the abstract category NEG: NUKL (p. 69).

19

S

(I) S, S*

(Neg)

The superscript in the S-node indicates the recursive

feature of S, while NUKL represents the nucleus of the sentence, the verb and its accompanying arguments.

The transformational component then, generates

the proper surface negatives, nicht 'not' and kein 'no, none*. A syntactic analysis of negative morphemes in Late Middle English by Sipro.n is an unpublished dissertation which demonstrates the applicability of Klima*s rules for Modern English to an earlier stage of the language.

20

The phrase structure component of the grammar is modified slightly to allow for multiple negatives in the same clause, that is, a negative morpheme in addition to the negated finite verb (p. 320).

A modification in the number

of transformations required to generate the surface forms is also undertaken. The indefinite-incorporation rule which transforms 'some' -► 'any' is viewed as only an intermediate stage in the subsequent 'any'

'none' rule.

My transformational-generative analysis of the syntax of the Old English negative indefinites in Beowulf finds Klima's hypothesis decidedly strong.

21

The limited corpus of data in this study requires no alteration

of the phrase structure component as such, although the multiple grammatical negatives which may occur require that the NEG marker be expanded (cf. 1.3.1). Jackendoff's interpretative study of negation in English is among the first to consider meaning in the negative.

22

He examines the surface forms

of quantifiers which appear to contradict the NEG-incorporâtion rule proposed

22

by Klima (1964, p. 224).

Directly related to this problem is one of the

scope of negation in the sentence.

The distinction between verbal negation

and sentence negation is proposed.

Although a clearly stated semantic rule

is not offered, possible suggestions as to its formulation are outlined (p. 241). 'some*

Jackendoff does propose an alternative to Klima's transformational 'any' rule in the form of a lexical rule which will specify the

features of the indeterminates according to the context.

The lexical rule

operates on derived structures rather than at the base (p. 232 and cf. 1.3.2).

23

Notes to Chapter Two

*J. Gebauer, "Ueber die Negation insbesondere im Altböhmischen.

Ein

Beitrag zur Lösung des Negationsproblems," Archiv für slavische Philologie 8 (1885), 177-93. 2

Immanuel Kant, Kritik der reinen Vernunft, mit einer Einleitung und

Anmerkungen herausgegeben von Dr. Erich Adickes (Berlin:

Mayer & Müller,

1889), p. 115. 3 V. E. Mourek, "Zur negation im altgermanischen," Sitzungsberichte der königlichen böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft.

Classe für Philosophie,

Geschichte und Philologie, No. 19 (1903), 1-67.

This article includes the

Gothic data first published by Hurtig in Czech;

see Vilem Hurtig, "0 negaci

gotskê," Ceska Museum Filologicke 7 (1901), 56-78. altgermanischen negation.

V. E. Mourek, "Zur

Die negation in der älteren Edda," Sitzungsberichte

der königlichen böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft.

Classe für

Philosophie, Geschichte und Philologie, No. 8 (1905), 1-23. E. Mourek, "über die Negation im Mittelhochdeutschen," Sitzungs­ berichte der königlichen böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft.

Classe

für Philosophie, Geschichte und Philologie, No. 12 (1902), 1-30. ^M. Knörk, Die Negation in der altenglischen Dichtung, Diss. Kiel 1907 (Kiel:

H. Fiencke, 1907).

^Richard Schuchardt, Die Negation im Beowulf. Germanischen und Romanischen Philologie. Verlag von Emil Ebering, 1910).

Berliner Beiträge zur

Germanische Abteilung No. 25 (Berlin

24

^M. Rauert, Die Negation in den Werken Alfreds, Diss. Kiel 1910 (Kiel: H. Fiencke, 1910). 8 Eugen Einenkel, "Die englische Verbalnegation.

Ihre Entwicklung,

ihre Gesetze und ihre zeitlich-örtliche Verwendung," Anglia, 35 (1912), 187-248. 9 Eduard Sievers, "Zur nordischen Verbalnegation," Indogermanischen Forschungen, 31 (1912), 335-58. ^Berthold Delbrück, "Germanische Syntax I. Zu den negativen Sätzen," Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der königlichen sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft, 28, No. 4 (1910), 1-64. ^Gustav Neckel, "Zu den germanischen Negation," Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiet der indogermanischen Sprache, 45 (1913), 1-23, rpt. in W. Heydenreich und. H. M. Neckel, hrsg., Vom Germanentum.

Ausgeweiterte Aufsätze und Vorträge (Leipzig:

0. Harrassowitz,

1944), pp. 523-44. 12

E m s t Lörcher, "Die unechte Negation bei Otfrid und im Heliand,"

Bei träge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Li teratur (Halle), 25 (1907), 543-66. 13

Otto Behaghel, "Die Verneinung in der deutschen Sprache," Wissen­

schaftliche Beihefte zur Zeitschrift des Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, 5 Reihe, 38-40 (1918), 225-52. 14 # Otto Jespersen, "Negation in English and Other Languages," Pet kgl. Videnskabernes Selskab.

Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser I, 5 (1917), 1-151.

25

^Robert P. Stockwell, Paul Schächter and Barbara Hall Partee, The Major Syntactic Structures of English (New York:

Holt Rinehart and Winston,

1973). ^Manfred Bierwisch, Grammatik des deutschen Verbs (Berlin:

Akademie-

Verlag, 1963), p. 40. ^E. S. Klima, "Negation in English," in The Structure of Language, eds. Jerry A. Fodor and Jerrold J. Katz (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:

Prentice-

Hall, Inc., 1964), pp. 246-323. 18 Gerhard Stickel, Untersuchungen zur Negation im heutigen Deutsch (Braunschweig:

Vieweg, 1970).

19 See also A. Kraak, Negatieve Zinnen. matische analyse (Hilversum: 20

W. de Haan, 1966).

Rae Lee Siporin, "Negation in Late Middle English:

Genarative 21

Een methodologische en gram­

A Transformational-

Approach," Diss. University of California, Los Angeles 1968.

Virginia M. Coömbs, "Beowulf Negative Indefinites:

The Klima

Hypothesis Tested," Orbis (forthcoming). 22

Ray S. Jackendoff, "An Interpretive Theory of Negation," Foundations of

Language, 5 (1969), 218-41; see also Karl-Erich Heidolf, "Zur Bedeutung negativer Sätze," in Progress in Linguistics, eds. Manfred Bierwisch and KarlErich Heidolf (The Hague:

Mouton, 1970), pp. 86-101.

26

CHAPTER THREE:

3.0

GOTHIC

The Gothic Source

The Gothic source material has been extracted from the text of the Skeireins, the commentary on the gospel of John.*

This text, a fragment

consisting of eight leaves, presents a closed corpus of data in which the Gothic negative morphemes are well represented.

The Skeireins according to

Krause (§12) dates from the late fourth or fifth century A.D.

2

In spite of

its decided Greek influence, the language of the commentary is believed to be closer to native Gothic than the Bible translation of Wulfila and has been selected to reflect the Gothic situation regarding the semantics of negative expression.

3.1

3

Negative Morphemes and Their Traditional Interpretation

The surface negative morphemes found in the text of the Gothic Skeireins are the negative particle Go. iu ’not', nih 'and not, not at all', the indefi­ nite pronoun ainshun 'no one' (a unique occurrence cf. 3.2.10) and the neg­ ative prefix un- 'not*.

The information on these various negative forms given

in the standard handbooks of Gothic varies from mere mention of the existence of the forms, e.g., Krause, 1968; Wright, 1954; Kieckers, 1960; and BrauneEbbinghaus, 1961, to a brief analysis of the environments in which they occur,

A e.g., Streitberg, 1920. Streitberg (§327) gives extensive detail on the environment of the negative particle ni_ 'not'; it most frequently occurs before the finite verb, although it is possible to have intervening particles such as enclitic -u

27

’and', þau 'then1, or auk 'for'.

Commenting on the relation of ni to non­

verbal elements, Streitberg (§327) states that the negative ni is so closely associated with the substantive waiht 'thing' that the negative particle in a string with waiht does not suffice to negate the verb of the same string; a similar situation obtains for the adverb ni þanaseiþs 'no longer'.

Wright

(1954; §349) andKrause (1968; §197) merely mention the negative particle, Kieckers (1960; §170) offers negative and adversative properties of the particle corresponding to Greek ^

and

jjh,

while Braune-Ebbinghaus (1961;

§216) states succinctly that negation in the sentence is represented by ni^. The negative interrogative nei occurs once in the text of the Skeireins and is glossed by Balg as 'not' followed by the explanation that this form represents a phonological blend of the negative particle _ni and the conjunction

el 'that'.5 The conjunction ni(h) 'and not' is treated in all the handbooks under the grammatical category of conjunction.

Streitberg (1920; §327) and Wright

(1954; §351), Braune-Ebbinghaus (1961; §218), and Kieckers (1960; §170) all consider the primary function of ni(h) 'and not, also not' as that of a copulative or conjoining conjunction.

Streitberg

(§327) points out that nih

introduces a clause to be added on to an already negative sentence.^

In

addition to the copulative nih, Wright (§351) also includes in copulative function the correlative ni þatainei— ak jah 'not— but also'.

The disjunctive

function of the paired ni(h)— ni(h) 'neither— nor' (Wright, §351) might be considered in a broader sense as joining two negative clauses of parallel construction, and thus account for the variance in the forms ru and nih in this pairing; for example, the use of ni_ in the first clause to negate the verbal concept as in (32):

28

(32)

ni waiht mikilduþais hugjands 'not thinking a thing of greatness'

and followed by a second negative clause with the parallel syntactic con­ struction, introduced by nih as in (33):

(33)

Nih wairþidos laisareis andþaggkjands 'nor considering the sufficiency of the Master*

where the second clause is being added on with the sense 'and also not' (cf. 3.2.2).

Kieckers (1960; §170) points out that the transmission of ni and nih

in the manuscripts does not always indicate a distinct usage for either form. Streitberg (1920; §327) also discusses the emphatic function of nih 'not at all' which is found within an already negated clause.

The origin of this nih

may be interpreted as a parenthetical addition to the main thought expressed. Streitberg also mentions the use of nih for the simple negative usually represented by ni. Discussion of the negative prefix un- remains localized at the word level.

Braune-Ebbinghaus (1961; §217a) and Krause (1968; §201) state that

it is used only with nominals, while Balg (1887/89, p. 491) somewhat expands the environment more specifically to participles, substantives, adjectives, and adverbs derived from adjectives, but the discussion still remains a matter of word formation.

Wright (1954; §376) lists examples, noting that

sometimes the prefix is used intensively with the meaning 'bad, ugly* etc.^ The information on the indefinite pronoun (ni) ainshun 'no one, none' is essentially the same in all the handbooks; the pronoun occurs with ni. Ainshun without a preposed contiguous ni also occurs, although with low

29

functional load.

It is found once in Wulfila's Bible translation and once as

a quote from this Bible translation in the Skeireins (cf. Braune-Ebbinghaus 1969; §163; Krause

3.2

1968; §198; Balg 1887/89, p. 11).

Grammatical Categories

In order to uncover syntactic and semantic features of the negative in the Skeireins, the analysis will proceed from the initial parameter of the various grammatical categories with which negative morphemes appear.

These

categories include verbals, finite and non-finite in form, substantives including nouns, pronouns and adjectives, and adverbs.

As an initial

parameter, grammatical categories have been chosen because such categories are easily identifiable and semantically unambiguous as grammatical entities. This type of analysis does not exclude the possibility of semantic features to be extracted from syntagms consisting of a negative morpheme plus a given grammatical class. catory base.

Furthermore, this parameter provides a stable classifi-

Semantically the feature [neg] represents the initial parameter,

although the presence of a grammatical negative in the deep structure and at the surface does not necessarily result in a negative semantic interpretation for the syntagm.

3.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

The most frequently occurring negative morpheme found together with the finite verb is the particle ni ’not1.

The negative particle occurs with

both present and non-present finite verbs as:

30

(6)

gaswikunþjands ei rii afwandida sik in fauramaþlje hjotos ’manifesting that he did not turn away at the tirade of the leaders’

(14)

Þizei ik ni im wairþs ’of whom I am not worthy*

Tense difference does not result in a semantic feature for the negative. Similarly neither mood nor modal modification exercise a semantic effect on the negative.

The verbs occurring together with the negative are all in the

indicative mood except

(4)

nei auk þuhtedi þau in garaihteins gaagwein ufargaggan ’for then he would not have seemed to violate in the enforcement of righteousness?'

The finite verb forms also include modal verbs as

(7)

niba saei gabairada iupaþro, ni mag gasaituan þiudangardja gþs 'unless a man is born from above, he cannot behold the kingdom of God*

(10)

niba saei gabairada us watin jah ahmin ni mag inn galeiþan þiudangardja gþs 'unless a man is born of water and the spirit he cannot enter the kingdom of God' (cf. end of this section)

31

For most occurrences of the negative plus finite verb, the negative occurring immediately before the verb is the only negative in the clause. This negative can be reinforced or strengthened by another element in the clause:

(19)

nih þan atta ni stojiþ ainohun ak staua alia atgaf sunau ’not at all does the Father judge any man but has committed all judgment to the Son'

The English glossing with single negative tends to obscure the syntax of the Gothic citation.

In addition to the negative particle plus finite verb, the

clause is introduced by nih and also contains the indefinite pronoun ainshun ’any man' (cf. 3.2.10).

As was pointed out above (3.1), one of the lesser

functions of nih in Gothic is for emphasis or intensification of a negative form already present.

Delbrück (1910, p. 42) comments on emphatic nih as

unique to Gothic.

This interpretation depends on the domain of the IE *-qe g from which the -h is derived, as being emphatic or connective. Neckel (1913,

p. 9) doubts the emphatic use of nih as unique to Gothic, since the West Germanic languages have similar syntactic constructions. considered a

9

In order to be

connective in this citation, it would be logical to assume that

this citation is preceded by a negative clause, which is not the case.

The

other reinforcing morpheme in this citation is ainohun; this indefinite pronoun appears only in negative clauses.

Ainohun may be viewed as an

intensifying element, since it would be entirely possible to omit it and still

32

preserve the idea ’not judging'; its inclusion, however, emphasizes the action stated in the negative.

Moving outside this negated clause with two

intensifiers and putting it into context with the following clause introduced by ak 'but' a disjunctive conjunction, the degree of negativity for the two clauses taken together is lessened, if not obliterated, by the presence of the ak clause which states positive action to the exclusion of the preceding negative clause.

In effect the positive concept on the ak clause replaces

the foregoing negated concept. A graphic representation of the positive semantic interpretation of (19) includes at least three levels (cf. 1.3.2).

At the deepest level, represented

here as the A level, each morpheme is treated individually, a fact represented by the double vertical lines which separate the negative morphemes from the positive morphemes.

Each positive or negative morpheme is represented by the

symbols + or -, respectively.

The intermediate level B, representing the sub­

surface structure treats all morphemes in a single interpretation, indicated with the single vertical line.

Level C is the surface structure containing

the surface positive and negative forms and is formulated according to the principles of the truth tables of symbolic logic.

It also records the

positive or negative semantic reading for the clauses taken together. representation of (19) is:

C

-

-

+

V

+

=

B

+

+

+

I

+

A

-

-

+

11

+

nih

ni

stojiþ

ak

+

The

33

(31)

nih ist ains ak jah andraias saei qaþ 'and he is not the only one but also Andrew who said'

Nih in (31) could represent the copulative conjunction 'and not' since the preceding sentence contains a clause with a negative which is expressed by a fragment of the indefinite pronoun ainshun (cf. (30) and discussion in 3.2.10).

Of greater importance is that this negative plus finite verb must

not be evaluated without the following clause introduced by the correlative phrase ak jah 'but also'.

The ak jah clause states positive action, but

unlike the ak clause of (19), this positive action does not exclude the negatively stated concept preceding it.

The function of the correlative

clearly indicates that the ak jah clause provides additional information which is reinforced by the negative morpheme plus finite verb of the preceding clause.

The use of the negative morpheme nih is tautological,

since the negative operation does not occur on the semantic level, as the three levels pattern for (31) indicates, (cf. 3.2.4)

C

-

A

B

+

I

-

11

A

nih

+

=+

+ + ak jah

Of interest in (15) is the fact that the negative particle ni is separated from the finite verb by the entire clause.

(15)

jni þatei ufaro wisandan sware kannidedi ak jah ...

34

'not that he would have declared Hin being above without reason, but also ...

In this citation the negative rii is the only remaining surface feature of an underlying main clause, which can be posited as *It is not that . . . . The clause introduced by the conjunction þatei 'that' contains a grammatically positive verb kannidedi.

The semantic domain of the negative fron the higher

clause penetrates into the subordinate þatei-clause.

Bennett's translation

(1960, p. 64) shows this penetration by joining the negative particle of the higher sentence with the verb of the embedded sentence, 'he would not have declared'.

With the negative placed before the complement clause, separated

from the finite verb by the entire clause, the semantic contrast between the negativity of the that-clause and the positive clause introduced by the con­ junctive phrase ak jah 'but also' is heightened.

B. Delbrück (1900), stating

that it is a general principle throughout all Indo-European languages that the word which receives special emphasis is located nearer the front of the clause, supports the theory of an exiting relation between word position in the clause and emphasis. Examples (7) and (10) are of interest because the negative plus finite verb in both examples occurs in the result clause of a condition stated in the negative: (7)

niba saei gabairada iupaþro, ni mag gasait\jan þiudangardja gþs 'unless a man is born from above he cannot behold the kingdom of God'

(10) niba saei gabairada us watin jah ahmin ni mag inn galeiþan in þiudangardja gþs

35

’unless a man is born of water and the spirit he cannot enter the kingdom of God*

The tri-level pattern for both (7) and (10) is:

C

-

+

-

B

+

I

+

-

II

A

niba

=

+

ni

If the deep structure level A is compared to the surface structure level C, the result is that each clause contains a negative morpheme.

The surface

structure relation between the two negatives, an fif— then' relation, reveals a positive semantic reading for the whole.

The positive semantic reading is

reflected in the sub-surface at level B which records the semantic effect of the negative morphemes in the deep structure.

The sub-surface semantic

readings for examples (31) cited above and (7) and (10) are identical, although their surface and deep structures are quite different.

3.2.2

Negative Morphemes and Non-Finite Verbals

Non-finite verbals occurring with negative morphemes include present participles and infinitives.

Bennett (1960, p. 36) points to the use of the

present participle in the Skeireins as its most salient syntactic feature. The present participle, having no mood or tense features of its own, reflects these features assimilatorily through a finite verb within its proximate speech chain.

The present participle can function verbally such that the

action stated by the present participle is simultaneous to the action expressed by the finite verb.

Dennett (p. 37-38) attributes the frequency of

36

the present participle in its verbal function in the Skeireins to the nature of the text with its parenthetical remarks, commentaries and quotations if, however, the demands of the commentary are such that a distinction in mood and tense differing from those of the finite verb must be made, then a second finite verb form would be employed.**

The use of a finite verb and

non-finite form together may point to a distinction on the semantic level, since these present participles function on the syntactic level like the__ finite verb.

(cf. end of this section).

The present participle occurs together with a negative morpheme in the environment of a non-present indicative finite verb.

Representative

samples are:

(12)

[andrunnun] sumai ni kunnandans hjaþar skuldedi maiza 'some men not knowing which was to be greater disputed'

(50)

nji fraþjands sokun þatei sa raihtis fareisaius was 1they reasoned not understanding, that he was namely a Pharisee1

As was the case with the negative plus finite verb, the negative occurring before the present participle is the only negative morpheme in the clause. It is possible, however, that other morphemes present in the clause reinforce the effect of the negative.

A close examination of (32) and (33) which occur

consecutively reveals syntactically parallel constructions involving negated present participles:

37

(32)

ni waiht mikilduþais hugjands 'not thinking a thing of greatness'

(33)

Nih wairþidos laisareis andþaggkjands 'nor considering the sufficiency of the Master'

In both (32) and (33) the negative morpheme is separated from the present participle by the rest of the clause.

The noun waiht 'thing' in (32) may be

interpreted as a reinforcing morpheme, for its inclusion emphasizes the presence of the negation, while its deletion would not effect the validity of the negative, only its strength.

Streitberg*s statement (cf. 3.1) about

the attraction of iii and waiht resulting in the necessity of a second nega­ tive morpheme before the verb comes into question at this point.

If ni

waiht does indeed represent a frozen form with the semantic meaning 'nothing', then (32) might be interpreted as 'thinking nothing'; however other occur­ rences of the noun waiht 'thing' in the corpus of the Skeireins, in (37) and in (38X demonstrate that the noun and the negative particle occurring in the same clause are not attracted to each other in all cases.

Although there is

no finite verb present, the present participles functioning verbally in these two examples could be replaced with finite verb forms.

The negativity of (32)

alone tested in the tri-level pattern assigns the reinforcer waiht a value; the semantic reading of the clause is negative.

(32)

C B

A

-

a

-

I

-

II

ni

+

+ waiht

positive

38

The pattern for (32) and (33) taken together is:

C

+

-

v

B

-

-

I

A

+

-

II

waiht

ni

*

nih

The negative value in the sub-surface B level designates the reinforcing morpheme in (32).

The surface level C yields a negative semantic reading

whether the conjoining or disjoining symbol is chosen. The clause in (33) is introduced by nih 'and not, nor', the copulative conjunction which joins a following negated clause to a preceding negated clause or represents the second element in a ’neither— nor’ disjunction. The ability of the conjunction nih to express the negative idea is discussed by Delbrück (1910, p. 54) as representing the two concepts of negating and conjoining, such that the latter is

not so much due to the enclitic -(u)h,

but to the ability of this nih to recall the preceding r\i and thereby connect the two negative ideas.

The fact that no other negative morpheme is needed

in addition to nih reflects the relative potency of its negating feature. The preposition ufar 'but, except, beside' in

(34)

at ni wisandin aljai waihtai ufar þans fimf hlaibans jah twans fiskans 'there not being other things beside the five loaves and two fish'

does not have a reinforcing strengthening effect on the preceding negative, but, being disjunctive or adversative, reflects a limiting and overall

39

lessening effect of the negative concept, i.e., the negative is not absolute. This semantic information again comes from the sub-surface level:

(34)

C

v

B A

+

I

-

11

+

-

+

+

ni

+ ufar

Here it is of interest that the positive and negative concepts occur within the same clause. Nih in (3) can be interpreted as a simple negative, since the trans­ mission of ni and nih is not always clear.

(3)

(Delbrück 1910, p. 44; cf. 3.1).

jabai auk diabulau fram anastodeinai nih nauþjandin ak uslutodin mannan 'for inasmuch as the Devil from the beginning not forcing but deceiving man'

Although the orthography indicates a difference in the two forms

the phono­

logical situation for Gothic at the time may have been such that h in final position was becoming breath.

Krause (1968; §109) argues that h in all

positions in Bible Gothic represented breath since the Latin h_ was used instead of Greek x-

Streitberg (1920;

§26), Kieckers (1960; §54) Braune,

Ebbinghaus (1961; §61) all favor some degree of friction

for final h.

Since

all that is available are the written records, it is feasible to assume that there was at one time a distinction which might have still left vestiges in the Gothic of the period.

The phrase construction nih— ak of (3) is similar

to that of (19) and (31) already discussed where the negative morpheme is

40

followed by a clause introduced with ak.

In (19) nih is clause initial and

functions as an intensifier, in (31) nih has both negative and copulative functions, and in (3) nih is the only negative and occurs before a non-finite verb form, but the effect of the ak clause is similar, and the three-level pattern is the same as for (19) and (31) (cf. 3.2.1).

It must be mentioned

that the negative iteration of (19) is a degree matter when compared to (3) and (31); (19) contains three negatives in the deep structure level A, while (3) and (31) contain only one. According to Bennett’s interpretation (1960, p. 56) of

citation (9),

there are two present participles each preceded by a negative morpheme: ’For, being still ignorant and unfamiliar with the practice*.

(9)

Unkunnands auk nauh wisands jah jii kunnands biuhti *For being still ignorant and not knowing the practice*

In the case of unkunnands ’ignorant’ the negative morpheme assumes the form of a prefix un-, while the second occurrence of kunnands is preceded by the negative particle _ni.

A syntactic analysis of the phrase as Bennett inter­

prets it indicates the copulative present participle wisands 'being' is complemented by two other present participles, the negated forms of kunnands, joined by the correlative jah 'and'.

Upon closer analysis, however, the

correlative jah does not join the two participle forms of kunnands as comple­ ments of wisands, but joins parallel phrasing where the present participles wisands and (ni) kunnands behave like finite verbs and the function of unkunnands is adjectival rather than verbal.

(cf. 3.2.7)

Bennett's

41

interpretation of ni kunnands as 'unfamiliar* obscures the syntactic and semantic distinction in the use of the negative forms un- and ni with adjectival and verbal functions, respectively.

A more exact glossing of

this citation is 'for still being ignorant and not knowing the practice' as glossed above. All the present participles which function as finite verbs and are accompanied by a negative morpheme have an added dimension on the semantic level.

In ten of the eleven examples of negative morpheme plus present

participle, the present participles are verbs of the 'head', verbals ex­ pressing continuative aspect in the ideas of 'knowing' (9, 12), 'thinking' (32), 'considering' (33), 'fearing* (44), 'tolerating' (45, 51), 'under­ standing' (50), or the statal 'being' (34) (Wright, 1954; §432).

The present

participle in (3) nauþjandin 'forcing* might be marginally considered a verb of the 'head' if the semantic reading is synonymous with 'coercing*.

The

surrounding finite verbs to which the actions expressed by the present par­ ticiples are subordinated, are perfective, e.g., andrunnun 'disputed* (12), usbar 'exclaimed' (32, 33), andhofun 'answered' (44, 45), sokun 'reasoned, decided' (50) (Lockwood, p. 121).

The scope of the negative could be con­

sidered more extensive, i.e., the finite verb lends the non-finite verb mood and tense features, and the non-finite verb forms which describe a continuous state extend the scope of the negative giving it continuative aspect. The occurrence of an infinitive preceded by a negative morpheme

on the

surface in (20) is derived from two separate sentences in the deep structure, one which contains a pre-sentential negative and one which does not.

(20) h»/aiwa stojan jah ni stojan sa sama mahtedi 'how could the same One judge and not judge?'

42

The deep structure tree for the two underlying sentences is :

Both sentences contain the same modal verb mahtedi *be able* and an infinitive complement.

The deep structure of the truncated sentence containing the NEG

would be transformed by negative placement rules which would obligatorily move NEG to a position before the AUX.

If no indefinites are present to the left

of the AUX, the NEG is positioned inside the AUX in the Klima-type of gener­ ation (cf. 1.3.1) and should surface as the negative particle ni before the finite verb form.

The deletions in the deep structure sentence in (20) yield

the negative particle ni_ and the infinitive complement.

The surface struc­

ture syntax sets up a contradiction between the positive and negative values of the complement, not the finite verb, which results in no overall positive or negative semantic interpretation.

3.2.3

Table lî

Gothic Negative Plus Finite and Non-Finite Verbals

Table 1 is a feature chart representing the surface behavior of the negative morphemes with both finite and non-finite verbals.

It contains

semantic feature information which is grammatical, syntactic, and semantic in representation.

The grammatical features of tense PRESENT, mood INDICATIVE,

and duration CONTINUATIVE are entered twice in order to accommodate the nonfinite forms which do not contain all of these, but are subordinated to

43

constructions having the finite forms

with such features.

The syntactic

features CONDITION-NEG and DISJUNCTION attempt to capture the semantic limitations of the negative morpheme; the 1if— then' condition stated negatively followed by a result clause also stated negatively, has a positive semantic reading.

(cf.

3.2.1)

The use of disjunction with negatives involves more than the joining of two negative clauses.

The initial negative morpheme ni(h) penetrates

into the second negative clause and adds intensity to the negative inter­ pretation of disjunction, since only two negative values in a disjunction will result in an overall negative value, i.e., - v - = - . The semantic feature REINFORCING MORPHEME may be a nominal as in (32) waiht, or an indefinite as in (19) ainohun.

Multiple grammatical negatives

as nih in (19) are noted with the feature ADD. NEG.

Syntactic position

within the clause may also contribute to the scope and intensity of the negative; CLAUSE INITIAL has been selected to represent this concept based on Klima*s syntactic transformations involving the negative with indefinite pronouns or adverbs (cf.

1.3.1), and based on the evidence of the Gothic

data in (19), (15), (32)/(33), and (26) (cf.

3.2.9), supported by Delbriick’s

observations on word-order in Indo-European languages (cf.

3.2.1).

The semantic feature POSITIVE EMPHASIS refers to those examples dis­ cussed (cf.

3.2.1 and 3.2.2) in which the sub-surface structure level B shows

a positive semantic value for the overt negative morphemes present at the surface and in the deep structure.

4 (7) nl maE (10)

+

ni stojiþ (19)

+

nih ist (31)

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

ni..,kannidedi(15|

+

+

ng + verb2

+

nih nauþjandin(3)

+

+

ni wisandin (34)

+

+

ni hugjands (32)

+

+

nih andþaggkjands ------------- (33t1

+

+

TABLE 1:

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

Gothic Negative Plus Finite and Non-Finite Verbals

PRESENT

CONTINUATIVE

+

MODAL

4-

FV

INDICATIVE

+

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

+

+

CLAUSE INITIAL

+

ENVIRONMENT OF

ADD. NEG

+

REINFORCING MORPHEME

+

DISJUNCTION

+

NEG CONDITION

CONTINUATIVE

+

FINITE

+

PRESENT

ng + verb^

[m o d a l

INDICATIVE

44

45

3.2.4

The Negative Morpheme and Adverbs

The Gothic negative morpheme occurring together with adverbs is in every instance the negative particle ni.

The adverbs are both temporal and manner-

degree in nature: (2)

jan ni þanaseiþs fastaida garaihteins garehsns 'and thenceforth the plan of righteousness would no longer be observed'

(1 1 )

ni^ nauhþanuh g a la g iþ s was in k a rk a ra i iohannes 'Joh n was not yet cast in to p ris o n '

(17)

akei rii þe haldis airþeins was nih us airþai rodjands 'yet he was by no means earthly nor speaking from the earth'

(18)

ni in þis þatainei ei fins mikilein gakannidedi ak ... 'not merely that he might proclaim the Lord’s greatness but ...'

All adverbs occurring together with a negative morpheme are also in a clause with a grammatically positive finite verb with the exception of (5) which occurs at the end of Leaf I d: (5)

iþ in þizei nu witodis gaagwei ... ni þatain gawandeins ... 'but because the enforcement of the law ... not only conversion ...'

That the negated adverbs occur with grammatically positive finite verbs is

46

of interest because Streitberg (1920:

§327; cf.

3.2 and 3.2.2) makes a

statement that the fixed phrases as ni waiht ‘nothing* and ni þanaseiþs ’no longer* do not contain sufficient negativity to negate the finite verb. Klima*s treatment of the adverbs in the environments of a negative in Modern English (cf.

1.3.1) accounts for the only surface negative form to become

incorporated in or attached to the adverb if it is preposed to the left of the finite verb.

For Modern English the transformation which preposes the

adverb takes place before the NEG moves inside the AUX, which would then show the deep structure NEG surfacing as a particle before the finite verb.

The

syntactic operation of preposing the adverb and then incorporating the NEG into it (Klima 1964, p. 320) accounts for the Gothic situation as well. Streitberg's examples from Wulfila contain two negative morphemes each because the Greek original has two negatives (1920; §327): John 16:21

nl þanaseiþs njL gaman þizos aglons *he does not remember these tortures any longer*

John 16:24

ni beduþ ni waihtais *he did not ask anything*

Siporin (1968, p. 52) has explained the multiple negative forms at the surface for Late Middle English by expanding Klima*s negative incorporation rule (1964, p. 320) to provide an option:

the NEG is either totally absorbed by

the adverb or indefinite which removes it from the deep structure or it is partially absorbed by adverbs or indefinites and allowed to surface again 12 with the finite verb as a strengthener.

None of the Skeireins citations

with the adverb ni þanasejþs *no longer* (2) and (13) contain multiple neg­ ative forms which might reflect the scope of the single negative in the

47

sentence.

There is no need for a second negative, since the domain of the

adverb phrase excludes further action on the part of the verb.

(13)

nl þanaseiþs judaiwiskom ufarranneinum jah sinteinom daupeinim brukjan usdaudjaina 'no more should they endeavor to use the Jewish sprinklings and daily absolutions'

Examples

0-1) and (17) contain negated adverbs or adverbial phrases in

the same clause with a grammatically positive copulative verb:

(11)

ni nauhþanuh galagips was in karkarai lohannes 'John was not yet in prison*

(17)

akei nl þe haldis airþeins was nih us airaip rodjands 'yet he was by no means earthly nor speaking from the earth'

Citation (17) is of further interest because of the occurrence of the two negative morphemes, one negating the instrumental construction nl £e haldis 'by no means' and the second a negative correlative nih 'and not' which negates the present participle rodjands

'speaking'.

The present participle

functions like a finite verb and parallels the preceding finite form of the copula was 'was*. In addition to the negated adverb ni tyjanhun 'never' in (42), there is also present the positive temporal adverb alw 'ever' which makes absolute the negative concept in iii hjanhun.

48

(42)

þatei ni hjanhun aiw rodida manna swaswe sa manna 'that never ever did a man speak like this man'

Examples (5) and (18) already cited at the beginning of this section and (21) and (35) cited below contain a manner adverb with a restrictive feature. (21)

n^ auk þatainei namne inmaideins twaddje andwairþje anþarleikein bandweiþ ak .. . 'for not only the changing of the names signifies the difference of two persons but ... '

(35)

ni þatainei ganauhan þaurftais in fragaf ilk ... 'he gave them not only the required sufficiency but ... *

In each of the four examples the adverb þatain(ei) 'only' is in the correl­ ative construction the

ni þatainei— ak 'not only— but'.

The syntax allows for

intrusion of particles or phrases as in (21) and (18) respectively.

The

complete semantic analysis of the negative plus adverb in these examples must take into account the lexical properties of the adverb as well as the infor­ mation in the following clause introduced by the conjunction ak 'but'. lexical properties of þatainei include is to be interpreted as 'not more than'.

The

a negative restrictive feature which

49

The þatalnel

clause in correlation with the following positive ak clause

produces a semantically positive interpretation of the two clauses taken together.

The type of construction here may be generally symbolized by the

formula 'not only X but (also) Y', as was noted for example (31) involving the finite verb.

In (22) the positive clause ak filaus mais waurstwis

ustaikneins 'but much more the evidence of function signifies ...' is actually reinforced by the use of negative ni plus the lexically negative adverb þatainei of its preceding clause, (21).

The syntagm composed of the

grammatically negative morpheme iii and the lexically negative adverb þatainei is represented in the three level pattern as a tautology, since no negative operation occurs in the sub-surface semantic level.

C

-

A

+

B

+

I

+

-

II

A

ni

*

+

+

þatainei

The negative morpheme nih 'not at all' is a degree-manner adverb and the only negative in the clause in (36):

(36)

nih þan ana þaim hlaibam ainam seinaizos maihtais filusna ustaiknada ak ... 'not at all did he show the abundance of His power then in the loaves alone but ...

Used as a manner-degree adverb, nih also occurred in (19) where it acted as an intensifier to the negative particle plus verb.

If reference is made

solely to the clause in which nih occurs in (36), then the semantic negative interpretation is valid; however, the following clause introduced by the

50

correlative ak jah effectively restricts the scope of the negative in the clause containing the manner adverb nih fnot at all’. clause is the postposed modifier ainam

Also present in the

'alone* which contains a negative

restrictive feature similar to that discussed for Þatainei above.

The posi­

tive semantic interpretation for the two clauses taken together is due to the interaction of the negative adverb nih Þan with the lexical negative modifier ainam.

As was discussed for those citations containing the adverb

þatainei 'only* in (5), (18), (21), and (35), the use of the negative in (36) is also tautological.

3.2.5

Table 2 :

In Table 2

Gothic Negated Adverbs

the occurrences of negated adverbs are represented in view

of semantic information represented by grammatical, syntactic, and semantic features.

The syntactic feature of GRAMMATICALLY POSITIVE VERBAL has been

included to give an added parameter to the scope of the negative.

POSITIVE

COPULA will complement a feature included for adjectives (cf. 3.2.6 and 3.2.7) and nominals (cf.

3.2.9).

POSITIVE COMPLEMENT adds an extra dimension to

the discussion of the scope of the negative.

CLAUSE INITIAL position is

proposed in order to include emphasis as well as the extension of the negative through the sentence parts.

NEGATIVE CONJUNCTION has been included to further

define the environment in which the negated adverb plus any reinforcing or strengthening elements occur. The feature POSITIVE EMPHASIS and TAUTOLOGY refer to the semantic readings which are taken from the sub-surface B level.

No negative operation

takes place when the feature TAUTOLOGY is marked positively.

This lack of a

negative semantic interpretation is reiterated by the feature POSITIVE EMPHASIS.

ni nauhþanuh (11)

+

+

+

+

+

+

ni þe haldis (17) afarnifilu (25)

+

ni hjanhun (42)

+

+

1TAUTOLOGY 1 ---------------------

+

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

GR. POSITIVE VERB

+

(2)

POSITIVE COPULA

CLAUSE INITIAL

REINFORCING MORPHEME

+

NEG CONJUNCTION

+

DEGREE

+

TIME ni þanaseiþs

+ +

+

+

nih (36)

+

+

+

+

+

ni þatainei

+

+

+

.+

+

TABLE 2:

Gothic Negated Adverbs

52

3.2.6

N egative Morphemes and A d je ctiv e s

Two formally different types of negative morphemes occur together with adjectives in the text of the Skeireins. is the negative particle ni.

The more frequent negative morpheme

The adjective which is negated in (29) is

derived from the past participle of the preterite-present verb skulan 'to be obliged, to owe’:

(29) unte at þaim gehjairbam frakunnan ni skuld ist 'because it is unlawful to despise obedient men with them'

This use of a conjugated form of the auxiliary wisan 'to be* with an impersonal subject plus a past participle is a means of indicating the passive in Gothic (Wright 1954; §433; Kieckers 1960; §166).

The adjective

functions as the complement of the copulative verb wisan. In (23) and (24) cited below which contain the same adjectives, the negative morpheme ni. does not absolutely negate the concept of honor, but modifies it qualitatively:

(23) ni ibnon ak galeika sweriþa usgiban uns laiseiþ 'teaches us to render not equal but similar honor'

(24) n i ib n a le ik a frija þ w a ak g a le ik a þ a irh þata u sta ik n e iþ 'through this he designates not equal love but similar (love)'

53

The forms of the adjectives meaning 'equal' and 'similar* in (23) and (24) are semantically interesting.

The individual morphemes being glossed as ibns

'equal, even' and leiks 'similar, equal, like* reveal a semantic overlapping in the various readings.

The syntactic construction in (23) contrasts the

two adjectives before the noun by negating the first one.

In (24) only one

adjective, ibnaleika 'equal-like' occurs with the negative before the noun. This form is striking for the adjective is compounded from the two root morphemes of the adjectives contrasted in (23).

The compound would appear

to be semantically redundant; this type of redundancy, however, may add emphasis to the negative idea stated, since on the semantic level there would be two negated adjectives preceding the substantive.

Applying the

tri-level pattern to each of these examples reveals that the surface structure interpretations are identical, while the sub-surface and deep structures of (24) indicate the semantic reading and the underlying syntax of the compounded form.

(23)

C

-

v

+

B

+

I

+

-

II

A

ni ibnon

(24)

C

-

B

+

A

ni

=+

+ ak galeika

v

+

+

I

-

1 1 +

ibnaleika

=

+

+

ak galeika

The two negative indications in the deep structure at level A in (24) show each part of the compound negated; similarly the positive indicators to the

54

left of the vertical line at the sub-surface B level designate the two morphemes of the compound.

The postposed adjective in (24) may contribute

to establishing a greater contrast between the positive and negative ideas expressed.

The formally positive meaning of galeika is intensified by the

presence of the preceding negative plus adjective in each citation where the negative idea is a circumlocution of the same semantic concept.

The

type ’not X but Y* emphasizes Y to the exclusion of X; a similar analysis was offered for (19) (cf.

3.2.1).

Example (1) provides still another instance of the positive concept beingdominant in the pattern ’not X but Y', using ’neither— not’ disjunction in the formally negative part of the clause: (1)

ni ibna nih galeiks unsarei garaihtein ak ... 'neither equal nor like our righteousness but ...*

The question is raised whether an alternate possibility, each adjective preceded by ni and joined by jah, * ni ibna jah ni galeiks, would have a greater semantic impact.

If example (1) is tested against the hypothetical

alternative as described, the tri-level pattern looks Identical for the negative part of the statement:

(1)

aC B

A

-

v

-

-

I-

II

ni

(1)

bC B A

nih

-

a

-

I

-

II

ni

nih

55

The Gothic phrasing ni-nih appears to be the only possibility in the Skeireins for joining two parallel negative constructions, but see the discussion of (9) in 3.2.7.

The length of the disjunctive phrase must also be considered;

nih as the second negative in such short phrases combines both the negating and conjoining functions into a single morpheme.

The potency of the negative

expressed by the ’neither— nor’ disjunction is significantly diminished relative to the larger context which includes the following clause intro­ duced by ak (cf.

3.2.7

(19) 3.2.1; (36) 3.2.4; (23) and (24) in this section).

The Negative Prefix un-

The second negative morpheme which occurs with adjectives is the negative affix un- 'not' attached proclitically to the present participle form in (9):

(9)

Unkunnands auk nauh wisands jah ni kunnands biuhti ’for still being ignorant and not knowing the practice*

This citation is of particular interest for two reasons.

First, the citation

contains the only occurrence in the Skeireins where the same basic semantic concept kunnand 'knowing* is coupled with two different negative morphemes. As was pointed out earlier (cf.

3.2.1) the negative and present participle

ni kunnands 'not knowing* behaves like a negative plus finite verb and parallels the similar function of the present participle wisands ’being'♦ The two present participles are joined by the co-ordinating conjunction jah 'and*.

Unkunnands 'ignorant, unknowing* is a present participle which

functions adjectivally.

A second point of interest involves the semantic

56

interpretation related to the syntactic function.

At issue here is to deter­

mine whether there is a semantic distinction between negation by the prefix un- and negation by the particle rri with respect to the syntactic function. Unkunnands functions as the negated complement of the copulative present participle wisands 'being' as ni skulds in (29) (cf. gated form of the copulative ist 'is'.

3.2.6) to the conju­

This surface comparison seems to

indicate free variation for the negative morpheme, but it would also be possible to eliminate wisand in (9) and have two present participles negated in two different ways:

* unkunnands auk nauh jah ni kunnands biuhti 'for

still ignorant and not knowing the custom'.

Deleting the copulative the

unkunnands would function in the form of a present participle as a finite verb.

The syntactic parallelism in the verb forms brings the negative into

clearer relief in that one parameter is constant.

The question which must

be answered now is whether unkunnands can function as a finite verb.

A test

with the causative construction on the sentences (a) and (b) in English may provide some Insight.

(a)

He is not aware.

(b)

He is unaware.

(c)

He is not made aware.

(d) *He is made unaware.

Sentence (a) and (c) are instances of verbal negation; (b) represents a negated adjective; (d) is semantically deviant in English.

The adjective

unaware reflects a state inherent in the subject as the causative test demonstrates, and is incapable of being a finite verb.

Similarly unkunnands

is only capable of being an adjective, used to describe a state residing

57

within the subject.

If another negative form plus present participle were to

be used in place of the copulative wisands plus unkunnands. ni witands 'not knowing* * might have been selected.

The choice of one form over the other is

a matter of syntactic variation and raises the question whether using the same base semantic root as in (9) with unkunnands and nl kunnands in contrasting syntactic constructions is more forceful than

iteration of an idea

with semantically similar roots in identical syntactic constructions.

Only

a detailed study of stylistics would be able to resolve this question.

There

are other instances of the negative prefix un- and the present participle kunnands in the text of the Skeireins, all used to describe an internal state of the subject:

Leaf IV a

nauh unkunnandans þo bi nasjand *the ones still ignorant about these things concerning the Savior'

Leaf II c

gaskeirjands irama swe miþþan unkunnandin 'explaining to him as one being ignorant'

3.2.8

Table III:

Gothic Negated Adjectives

Although the surface adjectives can only be formally negated in two ways, the negative particle rii or the prefix un-, the five occurrences in the Skeireins represent four very different situations. Citations

(23) and

(24) were discussed as instances of the negative particle plus adjective. In (1) the disjunctive'neither— nor' was tested against a hypothetical alternative 'not— and not' and the results indicated no semantic distinction

58

in the two phrasings.

The adjective negated in (29) by the particle ni is

derived from a past participle and in this instance is a Gothic circumlocution of the passive voice.

The negative prefix un- in (9) is affixed to a present

participle form used adjectivally; in the same citation the negative particle ni occurs with the same present participle which functions as a finite verb. This occurrence of two types of negation occurring with the same semantic base gave rise to a discussion of a semantic distinction rooted in a dif­ ference of syntactic function.

It was also noted that the copulative wisands

might be removed, allowing the present participles to function as finite verbs.

When the present participle unkunnands was subjected to the causative

test, the results demonstrated that it must function adjectivally in this citation. The semantic fea tu re ch a rt fo r negative morphemes and a d je c tiv e s in Table

3

is again composed of gram m atical, s y n ta c tic , and semantic cla sse s.

The feature

COPULATIVE reveals that the difference in negative morpheme in

the presence of a copulative verb form is not due to the surface syntactic function; however, (29) reflects passive meaning and (9) active meaning with respect to the negated complements, and (29) has an impersonal nominal for the grammatical subject, while (9) has a personal subject.

Moreover, the

present participle in (9) has an added feature CONTINUATIVE which is lacking in (29).

The differences between (29) and (9) seem to outweigh the one

similarity which exists on the surface, the presence of a copulative verb form. Since the possibility of deleting the copulative has been suggested, such a deletion would remove this one similarity, for the copulative cannot be removed in (29), since it is needed to obtain the passive meaning. causative test applied to (9) (cf.

The

3.2.7) reveals that the copulative cannot

be removed here either, since unkunnands can only function as an adjective.

unkunnands (9)

TABLE 3:

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

Gothic Negated Adjectives

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

+

DISJUNCTION

+

REINFORCING MORPHEME

+

CLAUSE INITIAL

+

COPULATIVE

+

IMPERSONAL SUBJECT

+

PASSIVE

+

CONTINUATIVE

POSITIVE VERB

ni ibna nih galeiks (1) nib ib(non/naleika) ak galeika (23)(24)

NOMINATIVE ni skuld (29)

+

+ +

60

3.2.9

Negative Morphemes and Nouns

The occurrences of a negative morpheme plus noun are infrequent.

The

two citations involved are sufficiently different to warrant separate treat­ ment .

(26)

nih stibna is Vuanhun gahausideduþ nih siun is gaseh; 'neither his voice have you ever heard, nor his form have you (ever) seen'

(27)

jah rii in waihtai waninassu þizai filusnai wairþan gatawida 'and by this abundance he has caused there to be no want at all'

The co-ordinate clauses in (26) are introduced by the negative morpheme nih.

The syntactic configuration of the clauses is similar; the negative

morpheme in each clause is followed by noun phrases functioning as object complements of the verbs.

Other disjunctive situations with parallel

phrasing, i.e., with the same grammatical category following the negative have been discussed for examples (32), (33), and (1).

In each of these

instances the first member of the disjunctive pair is introduced with the particle _ni, and the second member with the conjunction nih.

If the

immediate environment of the negative in (26) is compared to that of (32) and (33), the negative morpheme is followed formally by a substantive; (26) nih stibna ... nih siun, in (32) ni waiht, and in (33) nih wairþidos. adverbial function of waiht as a reinforcing morpheme has already been

The

61

discussed; the disjunction takes place between the present participle forms acting as finite verbs in (32) and (33) (cf.

3.2.2).

One of the problems in Gothic syntax is sorting out the functions and grammatical class membership of the morpheme nih.

It bears a high functional

load as a conjunction to join entire clauses or shorter phrases. degree nih also functions as the emphatic adverb as seen in (19).

To a lesser Neckel

(1913, p. 13) points to the usage in Bible Gothic of nih-nih or ni-ni to connect short parallel phrases, observing that the choice of one formulation over another seems to be a matter of style, ni-ni before verbals and nih-nih before nominals.

Whether this is the habit in the Skeireins is difficult to

determine, since (26) is the only citation of this kind. The copulative use of the first nih can be ruled out since there is no preceding

negative phrase with which it can logically connect.

Neckel notes

further that the phenomenon, i.e., connected short parallel phrases, is not limited to Gothic, but occurs in the West Germanic dialects also (p. 14). In the Heliand 1. 1512, the Old Saxon ne-ne:

1512

huuand he ni mag thar ne suuart ne huuit ënig har geuuirkean ’for he was not able to make not black, and not white any hair’

The Old English correlative pair ne-ne is found in Beowulf 510:

510

Ne inc ænig mon/ ne leof ne lað belean mihte 'I am not able to dissuade any man, not dear and not loathsome from it.'

62

The Old High German paired forms are found in Otfrid II.14.63:

11.14.63

Thaz ir noh hiar noh ouh thar fthat you not here and not there*

In each of the examples from the West Germanic dialects, the correlatives ne-ne and noh-noh do not connect co-ordinate clauses, but paired modifiers in the Old Saxon and the Old English and paired adverbs in the Old High German.

The parallel phrasing in (26) is intended to connect the meaning

of the two phrases whose concepts are closely related.

The surface form nih

may be considered a morphological variant of the negative particle ni.

The

underlying syntactic structure of the paired co-cordinate clauses has been suggested by Lakoff (1966, p. 5) for a comparable English example.

13

diagram shows the origin of the negative in the highest sentence. transformation will incorporate the negative into the conjunctions.

The tree

A copying The

Gothic example appears to have a similar underlying syntactic structure:

63

The surface word order in (26) which seems to indicate negated noun phrases is also of interest.

The preposed noun phrase in each clause

receives more emphasis in the forward position, which Delbrück and Lockwood have noted to be a feature of word-order in Indo-European languages (cf.. 3.2.1).

The negative is intensified in the first clause by the adverb

hj anhun ’ever* which only occurs in negative environments.

At the semantic

level the reinforcing effect of the adverb penetrates into the second clause, although it is not formally expressed. The negative morpheme in (37) is discontiguous to the substantive, being interrupted by the prepositional phrase functioning

adverbially in

waihtai 'at all’

(37)

Jah ni in waihtai waninassu þizai filusnai wairþan gatawida 'and by this abundance he has caused there to be no want at all1

If the negative morpheme ni is analyzed together with the noun, waninassu 'no want', a near-identity is exhibited semantically within the clause between the concept 'abundance' filusnai and 'no want' rii ... waninassu. The noun waninassus contains an inherently lexical negative feature which indicates the notion 'not containing' or 'insufficiency'.

The grammatical

negative together with the lexical negative in (37) yields a positive sub­ surface semantic interpretation as the three level pattern indicates:

64

C

-

A

B

+

I

-

11

A

ni

+

=

+

+ +

waninassu

The adverbial phrase in waihtai ’at all* emphasizes the semantic similarity between the concepts ’no want’ and ’abundance' (cf. (32) 3.2.2). A possible second reading for (37) proposes that the negative particle is discontiguous to the finite verb gatawida ’did not cause'.

The freedom

of syntactic position accorded to the negative morpheme on the surface level is seen in examples (18) with the adverb and in (32) and (33) with the present participle forms; however, more frequently the negative particle directly precedes the verbal form which it negates as (3), (6), (12), (14), (19), and (20).

The syntactic position of the negative plus verbal in the

data provides sufficient evidence to analyze the negative particle together with the noun. 3.2.10

Negative Morphemes and Pronouns

The indefinite pronoun ainshun ’any' which occurs only in negative environments is understood as occurring in the same clause as a negative morpheme or in a clause subordinated to a clause with a negative morpheme. Ir may also be glossed as ’none, no one'. (16)

jah þo weitwodida is iU ainshun nimiþ 'and no one receives his testimony'

(22)

ak filaus mais waurstwis ustaikneins anþarana raihtis ni ainnohun stojandan

65

'but much more the proof of the work signifies

(48)

the one indeed judging no man1

ei ni ainshun reike aiþþau fareisaie galaubidedi irama 'that none of the rulers or Pharisees might have believed him'

(49)

þatei ni ainshun þize reike jah fareisaiei galaubida 'that none of the rulers and Pharisees believed'

Examples (48) and (49) show a partitive genitive function used with the indefinite pronoun.

In each of the four citations above the negative morpheme

occurs in the same clause with the indefinite pronoun ainshun and is posi­ tioned immediately before it.

Initial position of ni ainshun in these

citations does not appear relevant, although it must be noted that each occur­ rence of the negative particle plus indefinite pronoun appears on the surface to the left of the verb; note that in (22) the present participle functions like a finite verb.

Klima's 'some— any1 rule for ModernEnglish (cf. 1.3.1)

also accounts for the surface position of the ainshun 'any* forms in these Gothic examples.

By way of comparison the sumai 'some* form in (12) must be

noted:

(12)

[andrunnun] ... sumai ni kunnandans tuja ^ar skuldedi maiza 'some not knowing which was to be greater [disputed]1

66

Klima*s transformational rules require all 'some* forms occurring to the left of the AUX in clauses with pre-sentential NEC to be converted to *any' forms obligatorily (cf. 1.3.1).

In this citation even though sumai is the grammati­

cal subject of the clause and occurs to the left of a negative, it remains unaffected by the negative, because the negative occurs in a lower sentence in the deep structure:

The occurrence of ainshun in (19) has been discussed as a reinforcing morpheme to the negative particle plus finite verb construction within the same clause (cf. 3.2.1). Only fragments of an indefinite pronoun occur in (30) and (39):

(30)

ahun kunnandins fins maht *[no] one of knowing the Lord*s power*

(39)

hun uslagida ana ina handuns *[no] one laid hands on him*

The suggested reconstructed forms for (30) are [mann] ahun *nobody* and [ainj ahun 'no one* (Bennett 1960, p. 75) and for (39) [ains] hun (Bennett, p. 79). The citations are taken from the beginning of leaves VII a and VIII a respec­ tively.

In front of the reconstructed initial morpheme the negative particle

ni has also been added.

The negative Inference comes from the broader context

67

of the commentary. There is a unique occurrence of the indefinite pronoun ainshun without any overt negative morpheme present or even reconstructed:

(47)

sai jau ainshun þize reike galaubidedi 'behold, might any of the rulers have believed him?1

By comparison to (48) and (49) the essential difference to be noted in the citations is the absence of the negative particle ni on the surface in (47). This observation requires closer examination of the concept 'negative environ­ ment*, which has been assumed necessary for the surface form ainshun to appear.

In (47) another source of negativity must be discovered.

The phrase preceding this citation is in the form of a question intro­ duced by ibai.

According to Kieckers (1960; §171) ibai is an interrogative

particle which introduces a question to which a negative answer is expected. More immediate to the environment of ainshun in (47) is the interrogative particle jau which may also introduce a question with negative implication (Kieckers; §171).

Hurtig (1901, §22) maintains that in general ibai is used

if the questioner expects a negative answer, but if an affirmative answer is expected then the negative particle ni is inserted after the ibai.

Hurtig

makes no attempt to resolve the problem and concludes his remarks on ibai stating that the difficulty in setting the positive and negative boundaries of questions is a highly subjective matter which rests ultimately with the questioner (p. 65).

Another possible source for negativity is the subjunctive

mood of the verb, since subjunctive expresses doubt, non-reality, or hypothe­ sis.

The negative concept may also be contained within ainshun itself as a

68

member of its semantic feature matrix.

It is difficult to make a definitive

statement regarding the exact source of negation in (47) because this citation, a quote from Wulfila's Bible translation found in John 7:48, is a unique occurrence to the whole of recorded Gothic.

3.2.11

Table 4 :

Gothic Negated Nouns and Pronouns

The surface behavior of nouns and pronouns is similar enough that each category can be evaluated with most of the same grammatical, syntactic, and semantic features.

The feature SUBJUNCTIVE helps establish a source of

negation within the clause when no overt negative morpheme is present; INTERROGATIVE serves the same purpose.

NEG-

In all previous tables (cf. 3.2.3,

3.2.5, 3.2.8) the items entered vertically were accompanied by a negative morpheme.

In this table SURFACE NEG establishes whether or not a surface

negative morpheme is present.

The feature RECONSTRUCTED NEG will account

for indefinite forms in (30) and (39) where only fragments of the indefinite pronoun are recorded in the manuscript.

DEFINITE POSITIVE VERB

nih stibna (26) + + + + + + +

nih siun (26) + + + + + + +

ni ... waninassu (37) + + + + + + +

Neg ainshun + + + +

+ +

TABLE 4: +

-hun (39) + + +

ainshun (47) + + + + + +

Gothic Negated Nouns and Pronouns

RECONSTRUCTED NEGATIVE

1 CLAUSE INITIAL

REINFORCING MORPHEME

INTERROGATIVE NEGATIVE 1 1 SURFACE LEFT OF VERBAL 1 ________________________

SURFACE NEGATIVE

SUBJUNCTIVE

PRONOUN

OBJECTIVE

NOMINATIVE

69

ainnohun (22) + + +

-ahun (30) + + + + + +

+ + +

+

70

3.3 Summary

Grammatical negation in Gothic is accomplished primarily by the negative particle ni..

This morpheme bears a high functional load, co-occurring with

members of all the grammatical classes discussed.

The negative particle

also functions as the first member in disjunctive constructions. nih exhibits a variety of functions in the Skeireins.

The morpheme

Its use with nominals

(26) and verbals (3) as the simple negative ’not' suggests possible confusion between it and the negative particle ni, in pronunciation, although the orthog­ raphy maintains the distinction.

Its main function is that of a correlative

and second member in a disjunctive construction.

Emphatic use of nih as a

manner-degree adverb is also demonstrated in the corpus. The negative prefix un-, usually considered a matter of lexical negation with respect to word formation, is a grammatical negative in (9) unkunnands. The indefinite pronoun ainshun must be considered a

possible form of

grammatical negation based on those citations containing no overt negative morpheme at the surface, but having negative semantic interpretations as in (47) and possibly also (30) and (39). The frequency of negation with the different grammatical categories must also be examined.

Almost one-half of the examples of grammatical

negation, 24 out of 51, contain a negated verbal form.

Approximately one-

fourth of the citations, 12 out of 51, contain a negated adverb.

This figure

reflects those examples containing the adverb þatainei 'only* (cf. 3.2.4) which were discussed as tautological negatives.

There are only five examples

of negated adjectives, but here a second negative morpheme, the prefix unwas also used.

Grammatical negation with nouns has a relatively low functional

71

load with only three examples in the entire corpus.

The indefinite pronoun

ainshun together with the negative particle njL occurs in 4 of the 51 examples and in three citations without any overt negative morpheme. The need to reinforce the expressed negative concept in Gothic is not apparent from the data.

There is only one occurrence of what might be

considered a double negative.

In (19) the negative particle plus finite verb

is reinforced by two morphemes, the indefinite pronoun ainohun and the nega­ tive adverb nih.

Verbal negation, the most frequent type, is accompanied by

reinforcing morphemes in only two instances*.

(19) and (32).

The negated

adverb is reinforced in only one of twelve occurrences, by aiw ’ever’ in (42). None of the negated adjectives are accompanied by any type of reinforcing morpheme, while all occurrences of negated nouns are reinforced: and waihtai (37).

hjanhun (26)

The indefinite pronoun is reinforced in (22) by raihts but

not in any other occurrences.

It is used itself as a reinforcer in (19)

discussed above. A conclusion which can be drawn from the few occurrences of reinforce­ ment is that the single negative within the clause is sufficient for a negative semantic interpretation.

The adequacy of a single negative also

Indicates a balanced relation between the positive and negative conceptual base for the language.

72

Notes to Chapter Three

^William Holmes Bennett, The Gothic Commentary on the Gospel of John: skeireins aiwaggelions þairh iohannen. lation (New York:

A Decipherment, Edition and Trans­

The Modern Language Association of America, 1960).

All

citations are taken from this edition; a complete listing of the citations from the Skeireins cited in this chapter is found in Appendix A. 2

Wolfgang Krause, Handbuch des Gotischen, 3. Auflage (München:

C. H.

Beck'sehe Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1958). 3 See Bennett, p. 40 f. for a discussion of the language in the Skeireins; see also George H. McKnight, "The Primitive Teutonic Order of Words," Journal of Germanic Philology, 1 (1897), 136-219. 4 Joseph Wright, Grammar of the Gothic Language, 2nd ed., (1954; rpt Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1966); Ernst Kieckers, Handbuch der vergleichenden

gotischen Grammatik, 2. Auflage (München:

Max Hueber Verlag, 1960); Wilhelm

Braune, Gotische Grammatik, 16. Auflage neu bearbeitet von Ernst A. Ebbinghaus (Tübingen:

Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1961); Wilhelm Streitberg, Gotischen Elemen­

tarbuch, 5. und 6. neubearbeitete Auflage (Heidelberg:

Carl Winter Univer-

sitätsbuchhandlung, 1920). ^G. H. Balg, A Comparative Glossary of the Gothic Language (Mayville, Wisconsin:

Balg, 1887-89), p.298.

^Krause (1968; 61e) provides the following phonological explanation: + enclitic -uh corresponds exactly to Latin neque 'and not1.

ni

73

^Krause does no more than give the IE etymology; see also Louis Gray, "The Indo-European Negative Prefix in N, " Language, 1 (1925), 119-29 and Jean Puhvel, "Indo-European Negative Composition," Language, 29 (1953), 14-25.

8

Berthold Delbrück, "Germanische Syntax I.

Zu den negativen Sätzen,"

in Abhandlungen der philologischhistorischen Klasse der königlichen säch­ sischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft, 28, No. 4 (1910). 9 Gustav Neckel, "Zu den germanischen Negation," Zeitschrift für ver­ gleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiet der indogermanischen Sprache, 45 (1913) rpt. in W. Heydenreich und H. M. Neckel, hrsg., Von Germanentum. geweiterte Aufsätze und Vorträge (Leipzig:

0. Harrassowitz,

Aus­

1944), pp. 532-44.

^Berthold Delbrück, Vergleichende Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen in Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen, ed. Karl Brugmann und Berthold Delbrück, 5. Band, 3. Theil (Strassburg:

Karl J.

Trübner, 1900); see also W. B. Lockwood, Historical German Syntax (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), pp. 273-74. ^William H. Bennett, "The Function of the Present Participle Construc­ tion in the Skeireins," in Mélanges de linguistique et de philologie Fernand Mossé in memoriam, Ouverage publié avec le concour du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Paris: Didier, 1959), pp. 32-36. 12

Rae Lee Siporin, "Negation in Late Middle English:

A Transformational-

Generative Approach," Diss. University of California 1968. ^George Lakoff, "A Note on Negation," NSF 17 (May, 1966).

74

CHAPTER FOUR:

4.0

OLD HIGH GERMAN

The Old High German Source

The Old High German source for the discussion of grammatical negatives is Otfrid von Weissenburg’s Evangelienbuch completed in the year 868 at the monastery of Weissenburg in Elsass.*

The purpose of the poem as stated by

Otfrid in the dedication to King Louis the German was to relate in poetic form the stories about the words and deeds of Christ in the language of the Frankish people.

The need for such a piece of literature based on Christian

teachings, which could take its place beside the epic literature of other peoples, was occasioned, according to Kelle, by the then still frequent practice of the heathen custom of reciting heathen stories and singing heathen songs by the laity.

2

The text of the Evangelienbuch, while based partially on Latin sourcematerial, is not a translation from the Latin biblical texts (Kelle, I 44-45).

The text of the poem is divided into five books which are comprised

of selections from each of the four gospels, together with moralistic and allegorical material reflecting the theology of Otfrid1s time (Erdmann, v). The text of the Evangelienbuch is today perhaps more highly regarded for its linguistic rather than theological content, for it contributes to a better understanding of the Old High German language of the ninth century. All the examples cited below have been selected from the third book of the Evangelienbuch to represent the types of grammatical negatives which are found throughout the entire work.

Because the source for the data, Mourek’s

75

1903 article (cf. 2.1), attempts a complete listing of grammatical negatives for the entire text of the Evangelienbuch and a further check of the third book reveals approximately a dozen additional citations, only a selection of the representative types will be discussed.

4.1

3

Negative Morphemes

Information on the grammatical negative morphemes in Old High German is virtually non-existent in the standard handbooks.

Braune-Mitzka (1963) only

mentions the negative particle OHG rii with respect to its phonology (§70 Anm. A

3) and its relation to other parts of speech (§296-299).

Dal (1966; §121-22),

Paul (1958; §506), and Lockwood (1968, p. 207) provide essentially the same information about the negative particle ru.^

Sentential negation is achieved

by the placement of the negative particle OHG ni immediately before the finite verb.

The negative particle may also attach itself proclitically to

indefinite pronouns and adverbs such as nioman ’no one’, nihein ’no one, not any, none' and nales 'not at all'.

Two works specifically devoted to anaylses

of Otfrid's language and style offer little additional information.

Kelle

(1869, vol. 2) simply states that the negative particle ni was used by Otfrid for all types of negation and refers the reader to the third volume in the series, a glossary for the Evangelienbuch, which lists numerous occurrences of the negative particle; Erdmann's study (1874) is devoted to a syntactic analysis of Otfrid's language.**

The negative particle as such is not dis­

cussed, only its occurrences in dependent clauses (Erdmann, §254-76). Additional examples of usage for the negative particle may be found in Graff (II, 969 ff.).7

76

The negative adverb nales/nalas 'not at all' is a degree type adverb which does not provide a means for negating an entire sentence.

It is used

to negate a single concept, which then establishes itself as a contradiction to the immediately preceding expressed thought (Paul 1958, §507; Kelle 1831, p. 419; Graff 1836, I, 216).

The adverbial expression ni (thes) thiu min

'nevertheless1, according to Graff (1836, V, 30), is exclusively used by Otfrid.

The thes is optional, and the placement of the ni may precede the

finite verb in the clause (cf. 4.2.1). The Old High German negative indefinite niwiht 'nothing* is a compound of the negative particle _ni and the pronoun wiht 'thing' (Braune-Mitzka 1963, §299 a).

Lockwood (1968, p. 207) provides a bit of syntactic information

about niwiht with respect to its placement in a clause relative to the finite verb; it is usually placed after the finite verb and functions adverbially with the meaning 'not at all'.

A peculiar usage of niwiht in Otfrid is

pointed out by Dal (1966, §121) with respect to the finite verb; when niwiht preceds the finite verb, the verb is not negated (cf. 4.2.5). The negative indefinite pronoun niaman 'no one, nobody' demonstrates that the syntactic repetition of the negative particle with other clause constit­ uents leads to the formation of a new indefinite pronoun (Lockwood 1968, p. 209).

Kelle (1881, III, 424) points out that the negative indefinite pronoun,

semantically equal to the substantive use of nihein 'no one', is found in clauses in which the negative particle is already present.

8

The etymology of the negative indefinite nihein remains a matter of scholarly debate.

All scholars agree that it is a compound of some sort of

negative prefix nih-/noh- 'and not' and the indefinite article ein 'a, one'. 9 The source of the controversy lies in the etymology of the negative prefix.

77

It can be used as an attributive adjective and as a

substantive, either in

combination with the negative particle plus a finite verb or as the only negative element in the clause (Paul 1958; §506; Kelle 1881, III, 427). The indefinite pronoun thehein 'any* is also a compound formed with the prefix deh-/theh- and the indefinite article ein 'a, one' (Braune-Mitzka 1963; §295 e ) . ^

Although thehein occurs in positive as well as

negative clauses,

its occurrence is related to the presence of a negative morpheme in a higher sentence, as the examples in Kelle (1831, III, 599) demonstrate. The negative conjunction noh Tand not' joins two negative clauses (Erdmann, 1874; §72; Kelle 1869; II, 418).

If noh joins two clauses with

identical finite verbs, then only the first verb is preceded by the negative particle ni; if noh joins clauses with different finite verbs, then the neg­ ative particle is repeated in the second clause (cf. 4.2.1). Negative conditions are expressed by rii si_ ’if not, unless’ and nub ’except, not if’.

The conjunction rú s_i corresponds to Latin nisi 'if not,

unless' and occurs after a negated clause (Erdmann, 1874; §263).

The con­

junction nub introduces a clause following a negative clause in all instances inOtfrid and is a compound of the negative particle ni ’not' and the con­ junction oba 'if, whether'

4.2

(cf. 4.2.1).

Grammatical Categories

The analysis of the Old High German negative morphemes proceeds from the initial parameter of grammatical categories in order to uncover both semantic and syntactic features of the negative morpheme.

The Old High German data

reveals extensive use of the negative particle with the finite verb.

Other

grammatical categories with which the negative occurs are nouns, pronouns, and

78

adverbs.

The semantic feature [neg] is assumed primary in all cases and

while it is present in at least one morpheme at the C level in the threelevel pattern, it is possible that the combination of the negative morpheme and a given grammatical category will not always result in a negative semantic reading on the surface.

4.2.1

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

4.2.1.1

Negative Particle Plus Semantically Positive Finite Verb

The negative particle OHG nl 'not' occurs

together with the positive

finite verb in the majority of the occurrences involving any negation at all. The negative particle occurs with both present and non-present tense verbs in main as well as dependent clauses.

(2)

N[i scribu ih nu in alawar 'now I do not write truly'

(38)

wanta er ni lerneta sio er 'for he had not learned it before'

Neither mood nor modal modification result in a semantic feature modification for the negative.^

(23)

iii helet mih wio ir firnoman eigit mih 'do not conceal from me how you have perceived me'

(11)

Thaz uns rii wese thaz zi suar 'that for us that might not be too difficult'

79

(5)

nl mag gisehan ira muât ’her spirit cannot be seen'

(25)

Thaz then thie duri sin bidan thie tharin ni sculun gan 'that these doors are locked through which they ought not to go'

The negative p a r t ic le imm ediately preceding the t h ir d person s in g u la r present indicative form of the copula is always phonologically combined with that f i n i t e form .

12

(1)

nist man ther siu al irzelle ’ there is no man who t e l l s i t a ll*

(9 )

n is t niaman thero f riu n to *’ there is not no one of the f r ie n d s ’

The negative p a r t ic le rii is also absorbed by the f i n i t e verb form when the 13 verb has the prefix ir- or int-,

(48)

er lamer sar nirsterbe 'he will not ever die'

(20)

alle man nintneinent thaz thinu wort gimelnent 'all men do not deny that they share your words'

4.2.1.2

N egative P a r t ic le Plus L e x ic a l Negative F in i t e Verb

The negative particle is also found before finite verb forms which have

80

negative meaning, i.e., the feature bundle for the morpheme contains the semantic value [+neg ].

(7)

Ni zuivolo muât thinaz, sus findist thu iz gidanaz *I do not doubt your spirit, as you discover it done'

(14)

thaz wir ni missifahen ‘that we might not misunderstand*

(20)

alle man nintneinent thaz thinu wort gimeinent 'all men do not deny that they share your words’

One is tempted to dismiss the use of a grammatically negative morpheme together with a lexically negative morpheme as a stylistic tool of the author's to express by implication the positive concept.

Lörcher (1900)

refers to this use of negation as spurious, where circumlocution provides a stylistic variation for the unexpressed positive idea.

14

His objection to

this use of the negative is based on the fact that logically a negative idea presupposes a preceding positive concept (p. 543).

The glosses which

Lörcher does offer express the absolute positive concept, i.e., for (20) alle man nintneinent 'jedermann stimmt dabei' (p. 547); for (7) and (14) he notes the citations and offers no gloss.

The implication of his argument is

that the combination of a grammatically negative and a lexically negative morpheme expresses a positive concept and that this positive interpretation

81

is completely synonymous with a variation containing neither grammatically nor lexically negative morphemes.

For example in (7) above the verbal

phrase ni zuivolo 'I do not doubt' is completely synonymous with OHG giloubo 'I believe' in its semantic interpretation.

(7)

Nji zuivolo muât thinaz, sus findist thu iz gidanaz 'I do not doubt your spirit as you discover it done'

The semantic feature matrix for the lexical negative contains in addition to [+neg] the feature of [+ judgment] and [+ belief].

It is the presence

of

the feature [±neg] which assigns the positive or negative values to the mor­ pheme in the semantic deep structure, level B.

The syntactic deep structure,

level A, would only assign a negative value to the grammatically negative morphemes.

The three-level semantic pattern involving the verbal phrase ni

zuivolo of (7) is:

C

-

A

B

-

I

-

11

A

ni

+

=+

+ zuivolo

The surface level semantic interpretation of the combination of a lexically negative and grammatically negative morpheme is treated as a tautology in logic.

Lörcher's premise concerning the synonymity of phrases with the two

kinds of negative morphemes and phrases with no negative morphemes is born out by the truth tables of tautologies (Reichenbach 1947, p. 35 and 1.3.2).

82

The lexical negative in (14) is contained within the prefix missi-, which, according to Graff (1836, II, 862), only occurs in compounds and contributes to the compound the

semantic information ’incorrect*, ’wrong*

or 'deviant'.

(14)

thaz wir ni missifahen ’that we might not misunderstand*

At the word formation level, the feature [+neg] is acquired for the concept missifahen 'misunderstand' and can be represented in terms of truth values: — A + = — .

The morpheme fahen is marked [-neg], while in combination with

the negatively marked missi-, the concept is evaluated as semantically nega­ tive.

This negative value for missifahen can then be represented in the

three-level pattern in the semantic layer, B level:

C

-

A

+

B

-

I

-

-

II

A

missi

-

+

+

fahen

The surface level relationship of the two classes of negative morphemes, lexical and grammatical, is again represented according to the truth values for tautologies. The root of the verb in (20) nintneinen 'to deny' contains a reflex of the negative -nein- 'no*. the root.

The [+neg] marker derives from semantic features of

The three-level pattern for (20) is the same as for (7) and (14),

being treated as a tautology.

83

(20)

alle man nintneinent thaz thlnu wort gimeinent 'all men do not deny that they share your words'

A more lndepth study of the apparent synonymity which exists between the use of lexical and grammatical negative morpheme combinations and the corresponding phrases without the negative morphemes does not lie within the scope of the present investigation.

It Is significant that in combin­

ation with one another, the two categories of negative morphemes, lexical and grammatical, have the effect of cancelling out semantic negation for the phrase according to the truth values for tautologies.

It is possible,

however, to have multiple grammatically negative morphemes within the same clause.

These grammatically negative morphemes have the effect of rein­

forcing not obliterating the negative semantic interpretation for the phrase or clause (cf. 4.2.1.3).

4.2.1.3 Reinforcing Morphemes

The Old High German data also co n tain a number of instances where the n e g a t iv it y , expressed by the p a r t ic le a i p o sitio ned before the f i n i t e ve rb , is re in fo rce d or In te n s if ie d by another morpheme o c c u rrin g w ith in the same clause as the ne g a tive .

The re in f o r c in g morpheme may be the in d e f in ite

pronoun OHG ioman 'no one' as:

(4)

nist ni si avur wolle/ (suntar si imo munto), theiz iaman thoh ni wunto 'not that she does not want It, but she protects it, that no one hurts it.'

84

(36)

"fU duit thaz," quadun Mioman ther sih ofonon seal,” '"no one does that,'1 they said, "who shall expose himself,"

In both examples the indefinite pronoun ioman intensifies the negated verbal action, because its occurrence in the clause limits the persons who could be part of the subject by excluding all persons. The indefinite pronoun man 'any one, no one' can also serve as a

rein­

forcing morpheme for the negated verbal concept, but clearly marked usage as a pronoun reinforcer is infrequent owing to its common origin with the noun OHG man 'human being, man* (Lockwood 1968, p. 84; Braune-Mitzka 1963 §297). In (17) the pronoun man functions as the object and can be interpreted either as the noun or the indefinite pronoun.

(17)

wanta er man sulih iii gisah ’for any such man (one) he did not see'

The occurrence of man in (6 ) is not n e c e s s a rily the pronoun as r e in f o r c e r , but could be in te rp re te d in th is manner:

(6 )

Thaz then n i th a rf man b eiten ' that no one need impel him* 'that anyone is not able to force him'

Indefinite adjectives may also serve to intensify the negative concept as thehein 'any' in (37) (cf. 4.1):

(37)

NJL mag thiu worolt, wizit thaz, haben in iu theheinan haz

85

fthe world is not able, know thfet-« to have any hate in you'

The adjective sumilih in (8) also serves to intensify the negative:

(8)

M

bidrahtot unser sumilih

'None of us consider' 'Some of us do not consider'

The form sumilih seems to contradict the 'some' ■+ 'any' rule in a Klima-type analysis of surface forms occurring in the same clause as NEG.

Old High

German has two morphemes sum and sumilih which are glossed identically as 'some, many' and which can function in grammatically similar environments, i.e., substantially or adjectivally (Kelle 1881, III, p. 567-68).

The

indefinite sumilih can appear in negative environments, while sum cannot. The determining semantic factor would appear to be contained in the suffix -lih, which permits this form to co-occur in negative environments.

Sumilih

is a translation of Latin quidam which refers to a certain person or thing, known but not named.^

If this gloss is transferred entirely into Old High

German, the Klima's 'some' -»■ 'any' rule in a negative environment does not apply.

According to his analysis some must be able to have the feature

[+indefinite] incorporated into its feature matrix.

This particular citation

containing sumilih is the only one in the entire corpus of Otfrid which also contains a negative morpheme, and the preceding analysis must therefore remain tentative. Manner-degree adverbs as well as temporal adverbs also function as neg­ ative reinforcers.

Otfrid uses the substantives wiht and drof adverbially

with the meaning 'at all'.^

86

(3)

ni frewit viht hiar unser muât so thin ablazi duat 'our spirit does not rejoice at all as your indulgence does'

(49)

joh wihtes thoh nirkennet 'and though they do not recognize at all'

An alternate possibility for (3) glosses ni as discontiguous to wiht, 'nothing'. The negated noun functions as the subject in the clause 'nothing rejoices our spirit as your indulgence does'.

Example (12) contains two reinforcers, a

manner-degree adverb and a temporal adverb mer *any more':

(12)

rii weiz 1h wiht es hiar mer 'I do not know anything of it here any more*

The manner-degree adverb drof is illustrated in the following examples:

(27)

drof ni forahtet ir iu *'at all you are not anxious for yourselves*

(34)

ir mir ... ni gabut drof umbi thaz 'you did not give me anything at all for that'

The adverb alleswio 'in any other manner' is also present as a reinforcing morpheme in:

87

(44)

iz alleswio ni wurti 'it would not come about in any other manner1

(54)

es alleswio ni thenk.it ther sulih werk wirkit 'he does not think in any other manner, except that he does such things'

The discontiguous adverbial phrase OHG ni(thes) thiu min 'nevertheless' in (18) and (42) functions as an intensifier on the finite verb which is preceded by the negative particle ni :

(18)

nl forahtun sie in thes thiu min 'they were not afraid about this nevertheless'

(42)

NjL weiz ih inan thes thiu min 'I do not know him nevertheless'

The phrase occurs in (55) to set up a contradiction with the force of 'but':

(55)

unser druhtin, ni thiu min 'our Master, nevertheless'

Temporal adverbs such as in 'ever' and iamer 'ever' also reinforce the negative in:

(21)

ni gab si thoh ubar al in thes ruaffennes stal 'she did not ever entirely cease with calling'

88

(48)

er lamer sar nirsterbe 'he will not ever die'

The temporal adverb furdir 'more, any more' in clauses with negative morphemes also reinforces the negative morpheme by limiting the time factor in which the verbal action takes place.

(28)

Ni_ gawahin es, druhtin, furdir 'do not mention it, Master, any more'

(46)

thaz thu iii suntos furdir 'that you will not sin any more'

4.2.1.4

Table 5:

Old High German Negative Morphemes and Verbs

Table 5 is a feature chart representing the surface structure behavior of the negative morpheme ni and the finite verb forms.

It contains semantic

feature information, which is grammatical, syntactic, as well as semantic in representation.

The feature REINFORCER is modified according to the syntactic

environment, i.e., the function of the morpheme INDEF. PRONOUN, INDEF. ADJ., DEGREE-MANNER ADV., and TEMP. ADV.

The feature ADD. NEG will account for the

presence of multiple grammatical negatives, such as negated indefinite pro­ nouns, negated adjectives, or negative conjunctions.

This feature will be

further specified in Table 6 (cf. 4.2.1.7). The feature POSITIVE EMPHASIS and TAUTOLOGY will record semantic infor­ mation extracted from the semantic layer of the three-level pattern, level B, for those examples in which a grammatically negative and a lexically negative morpheme are combined in one syntagm, such as in examples (7), (14), and (20).

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

TAUTOLOGY

ni zuivolo (7)

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

ni missifahen (14) nintneinent (20)

+

ni mag (30)

+

ni duit (36)

+

ni mag (34)

+

ni frewit (3)

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

ni weiz (12)

+

+

+

+

+

ni gab (21)

+

nist (9)

+

+

+

ni quit (41)

+

+

+

+

+

TABLE 5:

ADD. NEG

+

TEMP. ADV.

+

DEGREE-MANNER ADV.

+

INDEF. ADJ.

nist (1)

INDEF. PRONOUN

POSITIVE FINITE VERB +

REINFORCER

PRESENT +

MODAL

+

INDICATIVE ni scribu (2)

+ +

+ +

+

+ +

+

Negative Morphemes and Verbs

+

90

A.2.1.5

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

The Old High German data also include clauses which contain multiple grammatically negative morphemes.

In addition to the negative particle ni

occurring before the finite verb, the negative particle is reiterated with other sentence constituents, i.e., indefinite pronouns and adjectives.

The

repetition of the negative with non-verbal constituents emphasizes the negativity of these constituents in addition to the negativity of the finite verb.

Negated subjects include the indefinite niaman in:

(9)

nist niaman thero friunto *'there is not no one of the friends'

(26)

thir niaman thés ni widire *'no one might not re je c t you because of i t '

The in d e f in it e pronoun n ih e in also occurs as subject w ith p a r t it i v e g e n itiv e in : (10)

thaz iro nihein ni firnam *'that none of them did not understand'

(Al)

inti iro nihein es wiht

quit

*'for none of them does not say it at all'

The last example contains an adverbial reinforcer wiht 'at all' in addition to the two negative morphemes.

Nihein also functions adjectivally in sentences

with multiple grammatical negatives, such as:

(32)

Thoh rii was giwlsso er arzat niheiner *'though he was not certainly no doctor'

91

(43)

es man nihein ni helfe *'no one might not help her'

Syntactically the multiple grammatical negative morphemes are reflexes of the deep structure abstract category NEG.

Siporin (1968) has proposed an

expansion of this constituent in the following manner:

NEG -*■ ng (Neg).

The

ng to the right of the arrow is the element of negativity which appears with the finite verb; the choice of (Neg) as indicated is optional, while the preverbal ng must be selected (cf. 3.2.4 for application in Gothic).

While

this manner of expansion is satisfactory for the multiple negative morphemes in (9), (10), (26), (32), (41), and (43), it will not satisfactorily explain those occurrences of a negated indefinite pronoun without the preverbal particle, which are

discussed in 4.2.4.

The Old High German data in Otfrid

require that the following choices of combinations be made available (cf. 1.3.1):

ng

I

(Neg)

Neg (Neg)

R e in fo rcin g morphemes which do not re it e r a t e or d u p lic a te the neg ative p a r t ic le produce a d if f e re n t th r e e -le v e l p a tte rn than the p a tte rn f o r examples co n ta in in g a d d itio n a l neg ative morphemes.

The p a tte rn f o r re in f o r c in g mor­

phemes shows o n ly negative semantic value in the semantic la y e r , le v e l B, w h ile being represented as p o s itiv e in the s y n ta c tic deep s tr u c tu re , which records o n ly the grammatical negative w ith a minus ( - ) .

The th r e e -le v e l

p a tte rn fo r the re in f o r c e r w ih t in (3 ) n i f re w it w iht h ia r unser muat so th in a b la z i d u a t! 1our s p i r i t does not r e jo ic e a t a l l as your indulgence does1:

92

(3)

C

+

-

A

B

+

I

A

+

II

wiht

+

ni

frewit

The three-level pattern for clauses containing multiple grammatical negative morphemes, using (10) as an example thaz iro nihein ni firnam is:

(10)

C

-

B A

-

A

+

-

-

I

-

-

11

nihein

ni

-

-

+ +

firnam

Where duplication of the grammatical negative is involved the values for the morphemes is identical in the syntactic deep structure and the sub-surface semantic level, here levels A and B respectively. In example (41) there are in addition to the multiple grammatical negative morphemes also the reinforcer wiht fat all' inti iro nihein es wiht ni quit. The three-level pattern for (41) reflects in level B three morphemes which contribute to the negative semantic interpretation of the surface structure represented in the C level:

(41)

C B

A

— -

nihein

+

—

A

—

-

I

+

-

11

wiht

ni

+ +

+ quit

-

—

93

4.2.1.6

Conjoining Negative Clauses

The discussion of the negative particle plus finite verb has been con­ fined to individual clauses up to this point.

In addition, it is necessary

to consider the manner in which clauses containing negative morphemes are joined.

The negative conjunction OHG noh 'and not* corresponds to the Gothic

conjunction nih; both function in a manner similar to Latin neque 'and not'. The conjunction is at the same time a connector and a negator (cf. 3.2.2 and 4.1). The usual

formulation for joining two negative clauses with semantically

different verbs requires that each finite verb form be preceded by the nega­ tive particle ni, the clauses joined by the connective noh:

(51-52)

joh naht inan ni rinit/ noh man ni thultit ummaht thera finsterun naht *'and night did not touch him, and not anyone did not endure the helplessness of the dark night'

(57-58)

Ni duan ih sinu werk lu; ir ni giloubet thoh bi thiu, / noh ir thés ni faret, ir iuih thara keret 'I do not do his deeds for you, you do not believe though concerning these, and you do not turn toward it, you turn away*

94

Delbrück (1910) in his discussion of the negative conjunction, says that it is rare that the finite verb of the second clause is not preceded by the negative particle, but there are such infrequent occurrences (p. 52).

(39-40)

2 Ü sahun sie nan sizen untar scualarin

er/ noh kliban themo

manne ther se inan lerti vanne 'they did not see him sitting among scholars before, and they did not seize the man who taught him therefore'

Two negative clauses are not necessarily connected by the negative conjunction noh, but may be joined by the positive conjunction ouh 'and, also':

(15)

er lmo n±_ ginuzta, furl andere ouh ni sazta 'he did not make use of it for himself in front of others, he also did not sit'

(61)

joh ir ouh wiht thés ni ahtot, ouh drof es nT bidrahtot 'and you did not at all consider it and not at all ponder it'

In (15) it should be pointed out that these two negative clauses follow directly after a negated clause, III, 7:37 er es wiht ni giwuag ' he did not

95

mention it at all*.

The three clauses taken together function as a listing of

several activities, all of which do not take place.

The negative particle

plus finite verb in each clause of (61) is reinforced by the morphemes wiht and drof *at all* respectively, which may eliminate the need for negative force in the conjunction as well. Two clauses which have deep s tru c tu re s co n ta in in g the same negated v e rb a l element e x h ib it surface s tru c tu re s in which the second clause appears in abbreviated form:

(31)

Thes nist zala noh ouh rim 'of it there is not complete count and not number1

(47)

Ni suah ih hiar nu richi noh mino guallichi 'I do not seek here now wealth and not fame1

Deep structure diagrams for the clause in (31) might look like:

Since the data present several alternatives for conjoining independent clauses containing the negative particle plus finite verb and these alter­ natives seem to revolve around the choice of the conjunction, the semantic strength of the negator contained in the conjunction must be investigated. The application of the three-level pattern to example (15) with the conjunc­ tion ouh ’and* reveals from the C level, a negative semantic interpretation:

96

(15)

C B A

-

a

-

I

-

II

ni ginuzta

ni sazta

Example (61) yields the same surface level interpretation but, as was noted above, each finite verb has a reinforcing morpheme accompanying it:

(61)

C

-

A

+

-

I

-

+

-

II

wiht

ni

+

B A

-

-

=

-

+ drof

ni

The three-level pattern for those examples (51-52, 57-58) which do involve the negative conjunction noh show the following pattern for the clause intro­ duced by noh:

C

—

-

B

—

—

I

-

-

1 1 +

A

noh

A

+

ni

-—

+

verb

This pattern also applies for exsimples (31) and (47) in which the second clause has been reduced on the surface level.

The semantic reading on the

surface level is negative in each of the three patterns above.

The semantic

deep structure, represented by the B level, is different in each instance, reflecting the semantic contribution of reinforcing morphemes and the presence of grammatically negative morphemes.

Delbrück (1910) offers an explanation

for the semantics of the ÛHG noh stating that the manner in which the morpheme

97

noh is perceived is highly subjective (p. 54).

It may be the case for Old

High German that the connective function is perceived to be stronger than the negating function, which would provide a plausible explanation for the reiteration of the negative particle iii before the finite verb in the second clause. The negative particle may also introduce a clause whose semantic content qualifies a preceding or following positive statement as in:

(33)

ni^ thoh zi woroltruame 'but not for worldly fame*

(35)

ni thoh thuruh thia forahta 'but not because of this was he afraid'

Example (33) interrupts a positive statement, III, 14:85-86 so sant er zuelif thegana ... zeichan ouh zi duanne 'and so he sent twelve apostles to perform a sign'.

Example (47) follows the positive statement, III, 15:3

er woneta 'he was living in Galilee'.

In Galilea

The surface structure semantic inter­

pretation for each of these citations indicates by means of truth values, that the positive statement is not invalidated by the presence of a negative state­ ment when the relationship holding between them is an 'or' relationship:

C

+

v

-

B

+

I

+

A

+

II

woneta

=

+

ni thoh

Again the B level semantic reading for the negative morpheme shows support for the positive concept.

98

In example (24) the clause is introduced by the negative particle ni:

(24)

rd theiz man gidati ’not that any man might have done it’

The negated clause is interjected parenthetically to reinforce the uniqueness of the task with which Chris t is charging Peter(III, 12: 29-32).

The negative

ni is the only constituent of the main clause which appears on the surface. A syntactic analysis of this citation reveals it to be a fact complement.

The negative rid is analyzed no differently than the negative particle plus finite verb (cf. 4.2.1.1). Conditions may be stated in the negative or in the positive and are introduced by the conjunction ni (si), which corresponds formally to Latin nisi (cf. 4.1), and means 'except, but that, unless'.

(19)

"Ih ni bin," quad er tho zi in, "glsentit hera in worolt in,/ ni si

99

theih gidue githiuti thie mines fater liuti" M,I am not," he said though to them, "sent here into the world, but that I do openly for the people of my Father"*

Both the condition and the result clause are stated negatively and can be represented in the three-level pattern, whose surface level semantic reading is positive:

C

-

B

A

+

+

I

-

H

ni si

-

“

+

+

ni

The result clause in example (60) is stated positively; its relation to the negatively stated condition also produces a positive reading: (60)

Álle these liuti giloubent io zi noti ni si oba wir biginnen thaz suslih wir ni hengen ’all people believe ever thus necessarily unless we begin anew that we do not permit such.

The three-level pattern for (60) is: C

-

B

+

I

-

H

A

ni si

+ + +

biginnen

=

+

100

The d iffe re n c e in values fo r the co n ju n ctio n iri ^ i in the A le v e l s y n ta c tic deep s tru c tu re and the semantic su b-su rface B le v e l in d ica te s th at the presence of a gram m atically negative morpheme in the s y n ta c tic deep s tru c tu re and on the surface le v e l does not always re s u lt in a negative semantic i n t e r ­ p re ta tio n .

The semantic reading de rive s fo r the B le v e l Where the values

agree w ith the p o s itiv e value to the r ig h t of the e q u a lity s ig n . Example (22) would seem to contain a condition formulated with ni si:

(2 2 )

n i f i r l i a z ouh in ther n o t i, ni. s i imo f o lg e t i 'and he did not leave n e c e s s a rily , except that she follow ed him*

The rii in tro d u c in g the second clause has more of a c o n tra d ic to ry value of ' b u t ', expressed fo rm a lly w ith the 'o r ' re la tio n s h ip .

The n l jsi clause

q u a lif ie s the li m it s of the n e g a tiv ity in the v e rb a l phrase n i f i r l i a z and weakens the n e g a tive :

C

-

V

+

B

-

I

+

A

-

II

ni

=

+

ni si

The negative particle nl functions as a conjunction to introduce a condition which follows a negative clause in (16):

101

(16)

thoh ni ruachent sie bi thaz,/ ni man sie sus iowanne zi korbin ginenne 'however they do not even consider this, unless anyone ever deemed them as baskets'

The condition clause introduced by ni contains the indefinite pronoun man 'anyone' which contributes to the negative idea expressed as well as an adverbial intensifier iowanne 'ever'.

The semantic interpretation of (16)

is:

C

B A

+

+

man

+

-

- ’

-

I

+

-

II

iowanne

-

>

ni

-

~

+

-

ni

It is the relationship which holds between the condition and the result which produces a positive value, rather than the number of morphemes which contrib­ ute to the negative expression to the left of the arrow. To understand the semantic interpretation in (59), it is necessary to consider the two long lines which immediately precede it:

III, 23:35

So wer dages gengit, giwisso er iii firspimit,/ want er sih mit then ougon forna mag biscowon 'whoever goes by day, certainly he does not stumble, for he is able to see ahead with his eyes'

102

(59)

Drof ni zuivolot ir thes, biginnit er es nahtes,/ n i er b li n t i li n g o n werne joh sero f i r spum e 'you do not doubt th is at a l l , i f he begins i t at n ig h t, he gropes around and stumbles much1

The placement and the fu n ctio n of n i in th is c it a t io n is p u z z lin g , fo r i t does not even correspond to the L a tin te x t:

si autem ambulaverit in nocte, offendit, quia lux non est in eo 'if

th e re fo re he w i l l go in the n ig h t,

he stumbles because the light is not in him*

The use of the pleonastic negative occurs in Middle High German in clauses which are subordinated to a main clause containing a lexically negative verb (Dal §121).

There seems to be no semantic justification for this occurrence

of the negative particle. Example (56) is of Interest because of the form niz which occurs initially in the line:

(56)

Ouh man nihein ni lougnit, thaz giscrib iu thar giquit,/ niz alio woroltfristi si io filu festi: *'and no man does not lie, the Holy Scriptures speak to you there, unless they be ever so firm in all earthly time*

103

Kelle (1869, II, 211) shows the _z as part of the adjective alio 'all1 which could then be interpreted as a contraction of the preposition z±^ 'to, in1. The condition and the result are then clearly stated negatively, with the result clause containing an additional negative morpheme in nihein 'no, not any' and producing a positive truth value.

The analysis is similar to that

for (16) and (19) above.

4.2.1.7

Table 6:

Old High German Additional Negative Morphemes

Table 6 is a feature chart representing the surface structure behavior of the negated finite verb (cf. Table 5, 4.2.1.4) when it co-occurs with other grammatically negative morphemes in the same clause and in the clauses subordinated to the main clause.

The semantic feature information for the

syntagm containing the negative plus finite verb given in be repeated in full here.

Table 5 will not

The feature ADD. NEG is expanded to indicate the

syntax of the second grammatical negative. The grammatical features of the subordinated clauses in terms of grammatical negative morphemes are represented as NEG CONJUNCTION, NEG PARTICLE.

Syntactic features of the subordinated clause are represented by

NEG DISJUNCTION, NEG CONDITION, NEG RESULT.

The semantic feature POSITIVE

EMPHASIS represents the results of the surface structure semantic interpre­ tations.

ni rinit (51-52)

+

+

ni ginuzta (15)

+

ni ahtot (61)

+

+

+

nist (31)

+

ni thoh (33)

+

+

+

(60)

+

+

ni firliaz (22)

+

ni bin (19) giloubent

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

+

NEG EXCEPTION

+

REINFORCER

ni was (32)

NEG RESULT

+

NEG CONDITION

+

NEG DISJUNCTION

ni firnam (10)

NEG PARTICLE

+

NEG CONJUNCTION

NEG INDEF PRONOUN

+

NEG INDEF ADJ

ADD. NEG nist (9)

TABLE 6:

+

+ +

+

+

+

Old High German Additional Negative Morphemes

105

A.2.2

Negative Morphemes and Adverbs

The negated adverb nales 'not at all* does not function in Old High German as a reinforcing morpheme for an

existing negative (cf. 6.2.3).

The adverb introduces clauses whose semantic content functions to replace or contradict the information in the preceding clause.

(29)

sos iz thih githunkit, nales so er glthenkit. 'as it seems to you, not at all does he consider it thus'

(50)

Thaz duat uns ubarmuati, nales unsu guati 'pride does that to us, not at all our goodness*

The th r e e -le v e l p a tte rn f o r the semantic in te rp r e ta tio n of nales is :

C

+

v

-

B

+

I

+

+

II

A

vb •

=+

nales

The clause introduced by nales emphasizes the p o s itiv e statement and does not a lt e r i t s tru th v a lu e .

4.2.3

Table 7:

Old High German Negated Adverbs

The semantic features which define the negated adverb OHG nales are comprised of grammatical, syntactic, and semantic markers.

The adverb nales

106

’not at all* is a degree adverb, but it does not reinforce a negative in the same clause.

CLAUSE INITIAL provides the syntactic information which in

a Klima-type generation will account for the surface form of the negative (cf. 1.3.1).

NEG ABSORBED states a phonological fact, which according to

Klima’s rules, also explains the syntax of the negative.

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

as a feature pertains to the surface level semantic interpretation drawn from the three-level pattern.

107

S W a O Cd O

n a le s g g

TABLE 7:

+

g S

M ë

4 H H H a M W Ö J O

CO

+

O H S O

CO M

s > U >

1

O e u

g H H

CO

M H M CO

9 O H a

« O

M CO O PL,

+

+

+

S

Old High German Negated Adverbs

108

4.2.4

Negative Morpheme and Substantives

The negative particle ni 'not* appears before the relative pronoun ther 'he' in (53-54); it is the only negative morpheme in the relative clause, how­ ever, this relative clause is subordinated to a main clause which contains the negative particle before the finite verb:

(53-54)

Nintheizit

mir iz muât min, ni ther

fon gote sculi sin,/ es allewsio ni thenkit ther sulih werk wirkit *my spirit does not cause me to doubt that he who should be from God, he does not consider it in any other manner except that he does such things*

The r e it e r a t io n of the negative before the r e la t iv e pronoun emphasizes the n e g a t iv it y of the su b je ct as w e ll as the n e g a tiv ity of the v e rb a l a c tio n . The reiteration of the negative within the same clause with niaman *no one* in (9) and (26) and niftein *no one' in (10) and (41) is similar to this occurrence (cf. 4.2.1). The indefinite pronoun nihein 'no one* used as a noun in (45), unlike its occurrences in (10) and (41), is the only negative morpheme in the clause:

(45)

Nihein tharinne bileib unz er thar nidare tho screib 'none remained therein until he wrote down'

109

The Old High German negative in d e f in ite s u s u a lly co -o ccu r w ith the negative p a r t ic le n i p o sitio ne d before the f i n i t e v e rb ; should these negative in d e f­ in it e s appear s y n t a c t ic a lly before the f i n i t e verb form, i . e . ,

to the l e f t of

the f i n i t e v e rb , then the negative p a r t ic le may be om itted (D a l 1966, §121). In (10) and (41) n ih e in occurs before the f i n i t e v e rb , but the verb is also accompanied by a negative p a r t ic l e .

The t h r e e -le v e l p a tte rn s fo r (10) thaz

ir o n ih e in n i fim a m and (41) i n t i ir o n ih e in es w ih t n i q u it give

a nega­

tiv e value to the clause as in d ic a te d by the neg ative value to the r i g h t of the e q u a lity sig n ( c f . 4.2.1.5).

The t h r e e -le v e l p a tte rn f o r (45), which

contains on ly a s in g le surface negative morpheme, also y ie ld s a negative value fo r the semantic in te r p r e ta tio n .

The comparison to be noted is the

number of grammatical negatives which appear in (10), (41), and (45).

(10) (41)

c

-

—

B A

(45)

-

-

-

-

n ih e in

ni

1

-

1

+ verb

-

a

+

B

-

I

-

-

11

n ih e in

=

I+

C

A

+

a

+ ni

The negated subject in (45) nihein fno one1 effectively prevents the verbal action from occurring, since there is no set of substantives with the feature [+human] which can beconle the subject of the sentence, i.e., it is not neces­ sary that the verb also be formally negated.

The occurrence of nihein in (45'

without accompanying negated verb is sufficient to achieve sentential negatioi

110

The occurrence of two grammatical negatives in (10) and (41) indicates that the realization of the abstract category NEG, the sentence negator, may occur on the surface more than once in any given clause. The neuter substantive niwiht is the only negative morpheme in its clause in the following citations:

(13)

Ouh zuene fisga tharmit, theist zi thiu thoh niwiht 'and two fish therewith, that is but nothing*

(30)

Ni mag er, thaz ist al niwiht, findan wehseles wiht/ in alien richin, thaz ist war; 'he is not able to find as replacement any, that is all for nothing, in all kingdoms, that is true'

The usage of niwiht by Otfrid without any other negative morpheme, particu­ larly before the finite verb has been pointed out (cf. 4.1).

A possible

explanation for this occurrence of niwiht without an additional negative morpheme might be connected with Otfrid's adverbial usage of the substantive wiht 'at all' as a reinforcing morpheme (cf. 4.2.1). niwiht occurs contain a copulative verb.

The citations in which

If the negative combines with the

third person form of the verb instead of the substantive, the result is: thaz nist wiht 'that is not a thing'.

Otfrid chooses to use the substantive

wiht as an adverbial relnforcer, which eliminates

this choice.

Remaining

Ill

choices include *Thaz nist niwiht and Thaz ist niwiht; the former does not occur in Otfrid in favor of the latter.

Semantically niwiht in (13) quali­

fies the number of fish as being equal to nothing, while in (30) niwiht and the clause in which it occurs qualify the negated statement of the main clause.

4.2.5

Table 8:

Old High German Negated Substantives

The negative particle ni occurs before substantives, notably all types of pronouns.

The semantic feature DEFINITE provides an additional parameter

to the PRONOUN feature.

POSITIVE GR. VERB indicates that the negative shown

in the vertical column at the left is the only negative in the clause. CLAUSE INITIAL records the syntactic position of the negative morpheme as does SURFACE LEFT OF FV (finite verb).

The feature NEG ABSORBED may be

relevant for substantives in determining whether the negative element has a grammatical function or contributes to the semantic interpretation of the word in the word-formation process.

NEG HIGHER CLAUSE indicates that the

negative morpheme under discussion does not occur in the highest sentence, that is, in the main clause.

SURFACE LEFT FV +

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

nihein (45)

+

niwiht (13) niwiht (30)

TABLE 8:

NEG HIGHER CLAUSE

CLAUSE INITIAL +

ni ther (53-54)

1 NEG ABSORBED

POSITIVE GR. VERB +

PRONOUN

+

NOMINATIVE

DEFINITE

112

+ +

+

Old High German Negated Substantives

113

4.3

Summary

The negative morpheme iii bears a high functional load, occurring with each grammatical category discussed, i.e., the verb, adverb, and substantive. It occurs most consistently before the finite verb form in main and dependent clauses.

Duplication of the negative morpheme ni within a single clause is a

common occurrence in Otfrid as in (9), (10), and (32), where it surfaces not only before the finite verb, but is also proclitically attached to the indef­ inite pronominal forms. The negative conjunction noh 'and not* connects independent clauses, each containing negated finite verb forms.

Noh also adds on phrases pro­

ducing a 'neither— not* interpretation for the compound noun phrase as in (31). The n e g a tive co n ju nctio n n i ( s i ) stated in the n e g a tiv e .

'u n le s s , but th a t' introduces co n d itio n s

The m orphological form of the co n ju n ctio n is said

to be an im ita tio n of the L a tin co n ju n c tio n n i s i 'u n le s s '. Negated adverbs bear a low fu n c tio n a l load in O t f r i d 's te x t. degree adverb nales

'n o t a t a l l '

The manner-

is used p rim a rily to e s ta b lis h a co n tra st

f o r a p o s itiv e concept. Negated substantives take on the form of pronouns, as the relative pronoun in (53-54) ni ther 'not he' or the indefinite pronouns to which the negative particle iii has been attached proclitically, as in niaman 'no one', nihein 'none, no one* and niwiht 'nothing'. That sentential

negation is most frequently achieved by the placement

of the negative particle before the finite verb is borne out by the 70 occurrences of negative particle plus finite verb within the 81 citations

114

under discussion. # There are only 11 occurrences of the negated indefinite pronoun forms; this figure includes those occurrences in which the finite verb is also negated. The negation expressed through the negative particle plus finite verb can be reinforced or intensified by other sentence constituents.

The

indefinite pronouns ioman (36) and man (6) as well as the substantive forms wiht and drof ’not at all* which are used adverbially are found in the text. The temporal adverb ^io ’ever’ lamer 'ever', and furdir ’any more' are also employed as intensifying morphemes for the expressed negative concept. The rather frequent use of reinforcing morphemes and multiple gram­ matical negatives might lead to the conclusion that the single negative, usually placed before the finite verb is in itself semantically insufficient to achieve sentential negation.

115

Notes to Chapter Four

^Otfrid's Evangelienbuch,

Herausgegeben von Oskar Erdmann.

Auflage besorgt von Ludwig Wolff (Tübingen:

Max Niemeyer, 1965).

Fünfte All cita­

tions are taken from this edition. 2

Johann Kelle, Otfnds von Weissenburg Evangelienbuch, I; Text und

Einleitung (Regensburg: 3 V. E. Mourek,

Verlag von G. Joseph Manz, 1856), p. 29.

Zur negation im altgermanischen," Sitzungsberichte der

königlichen böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft.

Classe für Philosophie,

Geschichte und Philologie, No. 19 (Prag, 1903), pp. 1-67.

All citations

discussed in this chapter may be found in Appendix B. 4 Althochdeutsche Grammatik, 11. Auflage (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1963). ^Kurze Deutsche Syntax. Deutsche Grammatik.

3. Auflage (Tubingen:

Band IV, Teil IV:

Max Niemeyer, 1966).

Syntax (Halle: Max Niemeyr, 1958).

**Johann Kelle, Die Formen- und Lautlehre der Sprache Otfrids, II (Regens­ burg: Verlag von G. Joseph Manz, 1869), p. 417; Glossar der Sprache Otfrids, III (Regensburg:

Verlag von G. Joseph Manz, 1881); Oskar Erdmann, Unter­

suchungen über die Syntax der Sprache Otfrids (Halle:

Verlag der Buchhandlung

des Waisenhauses, 1874). ^E. G. Graff, Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz (Berlin: Commission der Nikolaischen Buchhandlung,

Verfasser und in

1834-42).

®See also a discussion of niaman in Tatian texts by Richard Lawson, "A Note on Two Old High German Negative Pairs,1* Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 63 (1962)m 145-48 and "Alternation of Negative Variants in Old High German,"

Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 70 (1969), 344-51. See Niels Danielsen, ’’Die negativen unbestimmten Pronominaladjektiva im althoch- und mittelhochdeutschen,” Zeitschrift für deutsche Sprache, 24 (1968), 92-117 and Hugo Gerring, Die unbestimmten Pronomina auf -ein im altund mittelhochdeutschen bis zum Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wikseils Boktryckeri,

1972).

^For the etymology of the pronoun dehhein see Gunnar Bech, "Zur Etymologic des ahd. Pronomina dehhein," Studia Neophilologica (Uppsala), 36 (1964), 211-16. ^For a discussion of the semantic features of modal verbs occurring with a negative particle in the OHG Williram see David Krooks, "The Semantic Derivation of the Modal Verb in the OHG Williram," M.A. Thesis, University of Illinois, 1974. 12

Glossings of the text preceded by an asterisk (*) attempt to capture the

morpheme content of the citation without regard to the grammaticality of the Modern English. 13

See III, 7:68 furdir zi uns ni irrihte in which the negative particle

is not absorbed by the prefix. 14

Ernst Lorcher, "Die unechte Negation bei Otfridund im Heliand,’’ Beiträge

zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Halle), 25 (1900), 543. ^ Cassell's New Latin Dictionary (New York:

Funk and Wagnalls Company,

1960) p. 496. ^ drof as a reinforcing morpheme is unique to Otfrid. other occurrence noted in Graff (V, 527).

There is only one

117

CHAPTER FIVE:

OLD SAXON

5.0 The Old Saxon Source

Although the questions of origin, authorship, and language of the Heliand are still current topics for scholarly debate, this Old Saxon document pro­ vides the only extant corpus of data for grammatical negation by a single author.*

The manuscript was completed in the middle of the ninth century

by a person who, unlike Otfrid, chose to remain anonymous.

The origin of

the manuscript has been established at Fulda, having been completed in the circle of Hrabanus Maurus, and also at Werden under the authorship of the monk Lupus von Ferrieres.

The disagreement regarding the origin is based on

various interpretations of the historical facts presented in the Latin pre­ faces (Eichoff and Rauch, 1973, xiii).

The source for the Heliand is the

Old High German Tatian, and the commentaries of Hrabanus Maurus on Matthew, of Alcuin on John, and of Bede on Luke and Mark.

2

The language issue centers

around the language of the Heliand text as opposed to spoken Saxon of the same period, for which there are no certain available sources.

The language

of the Heliand text exhibits Franconian and Anglo-Frisian characteristics, which might suggest that one is dealing with a nonhomogeneous group of people. Several theories about the structure of Old Saxon support the theory that the Old Saxon is more similar to Old High German than any Anglo-Frisian dialect.** Erik Rooth proposed that the language is genuine Saxon which is in agreement with the Anglo-Frisian case system, and that the Franconian characteristics are superimposed on the Saxon.

4

118

The data for grammatical negation are taken from Behaghel's edition, which is based on the Monacensis manuscript (Behaghel 1965, vii). selection of representative types of

A

grammatical negation has been chosen

from Mourek (1903) which contains a complete listing of the occurrences of negative morphemes.

A listing of the examples cited in this chapter may be

found in Appendix C.

5.1

Negative Morphemes and Their Traditional Interpretation

Both forms of the negative particle, ni and ne 'not* occur freely in the text of the Heliand, although according to Holthausen (1900, §120), ni occurs more frequently.'*

The particle ni/ne functions primarily to negate

the verbal concept within a clause and is placed directly before the finite verb form (Holthausen, §506).

The negative morpheme occurring before the

third person present indicative of wesen 'to be’ becomes phonologically part of the verb.

Other morphemes may also contribute to the negation of

the verbal concept, such as

(eo)uuiht ‘anything, at all' as in (4) and (6)

(cf. Holthausen §506):^

(4)

thoh he is ni mahti giseggean uuiht 'yet he might not be able to speak anything of it’

(6)

Neo endi ni kumid *'never will the end not come*

The second example (6) shows the occurrence of more than one negative morpheme p«r clause, which Holthausen points out does not invalidate the negativity expressed in the verbal concept (§506; cf. 5.2.1).

119

The particle ni/ne 'and not' functions also as a connective conjunction joining verbal concepts.^

The particle may also function as a correlative

'neither— not' after another negated concept (Behaghel §349):

(8)

_Ni uuarð scôniera giburd/ ni só raâri mid mannum 'there did not happen a more beautiful birth nor so well-known among men*

(9)

nis mi hugi tuifli/ ne uuord ne uuîsa 'there is not for me a doubting thought, neither word nor manner*

The conjunctions nec and noh ’and not, also not' also introduce clauses which follow negated clauses (cf. Holthausen §506 and Behaghel §349). The negative conjunction nebo/-a/-u 'unless, except, but that' intro­ duces a dependent clause subordinated to a negated main clause (Holthausen §532).

It is phonologically a compound with the negative particle as the

first member (Sehrt, p. 407). The indefinite pronouns nigen 'no one, not any', nioman 'nobody, no one', and nênig 'no one' are compound forms, for which the negative particle provides the first element (Hoithausei1900, §347).

The indefinite pronoun

neouuiht/niouuiht 'nothing, at all' which is used adverbially as well as the temporal adverb nio 'never' are formed in a similar manner, using the nega­ tive particle as the first part of the compound (cf. Holthausen §347 and §377).

The negated indefinite pronouns and temporal adverbs are always

found in clauses which already contain a finite verb form preceded by the negative particle.

120

There are two additional forms which though not formally negative, only occur in negated clauses, eo-/iouuiht 'at all, anything*. function as degree-manner adverbs.

Both morphemes

Formal genitive, dative, and instru­

mental forms of the noun uuiht also occur with the same adverbial function.

5.2

Grammatical Categories

The analysis of the negative morpheme in the Old Saxon Heliand proceeds from the occurrences of the negative with the grammatical categories such as the verb, adverb, pronouns, and adjectives.

It is possible that the semantic

features relevant to the negative operation can be extracted from a syntagm composed of a negative morpheme and a given grammatical category.

Although

the semantic feature [+neg] is primary throughout the analysis, the presence of the abstract category NEG in the syntactic deep structure and at the sur­ face in the form of a negative morpheme, does not necessarily result in a negative semantic interpretation.

5.2.1.0

Negative Morphemes and the Finite Verb

The negative particle OS ni/ne 'not' occurs before the finite verb form to negate the verbal concept in both main and dependent clauses:

(5)

ne quam ic thi to ênigun frêson herod 'I did not come to you here to cause anything*

(25)

ne habdun thiu Cristes uuord/ gamacon mid mannun 'the words of Christ do not have peers among men*

(4)

thoh he is ni mahti giseggean uuiht 'yet he might not be able to speak anything of it'

121

(17)

ef thu nu ni bist that barn godes,/ bist thu than thoh Helias 1if you now are not the son of God, are you then Elias?*

The free occurrence

of the negative particle with finite verb forms, irre­

spective of the features of tense, mood, and modal modification, indicates that these features are probably not semantically significant for the inter­ pretation of the negative. Surface structure configurations reveal that certain syntagms containing the negative morpheme ni and a lexically positive finite verb do not always yield a negative semantic interpretation, because of the lexical properties associated with other constituents in the clause. Ernst Lörcher (1900; cf. 4.2.1.2) has claimed that several passages in the Old Saxon Heliand contain syntactically negative expressions which do not represent logical denials (p. 543).

The examples Lörcher presents as

spurious negatives, which have been discussed for Old High German (4.2.1.2), are composed of syntagms containing a grammatical and a lexical negative. Similar examples are also found in the Heliand, such as:

(22)

huuand imu nis biholan neouuiht/ ne uuordo ne uuerco * ’for nothing is not concealed from him, not words nor deeds1

The lexical negative in this example, the participle form biholan ’concealed1 is marked as a privative negative in its lexical feature matrix.

The use of

the grammatical and the lexical negatives is tautological, which can be

122

represented in terms of truth values:

C

-

B

+

A

-

nis

A

-

=

+

I+ I

I

-

biholan

The positive semantic interpretation, which is demonstrated at the surface C level, would seem to correspond to Lörcher's interpretation of nis biholan 'is not concealed* as equivalent to the concept 'is revealed' (p. 548). The n e g a tive morpheme n i in a syntagm w ith a f i n i t e v e rb , which is not le x ic a lly n e g a tiv e , i . e . , has no in h e re n tly negative fe a tu re , is also evaluated by Lö rcher as a spurious o r n o n -lo g ic a l use of neg ation, as i n :

(11)

Thô ni uuas lang te thiu 'yet it was not long then'

This particular half-line appears quite frequently in the Heliand, often providing the necessary alliterative sound with the initial consonant in lang, as it does in this example. Citation (11) is preceded by the half-line g listiun forlêti. In addition to the consideration of alliteration, the rhetorical use of understatement is also at issue.

Lörcher would have the

reader equate the concept 'not long time* with that of 'soon, immediately*. The pair of adverbs which express dimensions of time 'long time' and 'soon' are logically contradictory terms.

When one term of the pair is preceded by

a negative, as in (11), ni uuas lang, the contradiction is psychologically removed and a degree of synonymity is felt intuitively with the second term of the pair, in this case the concept 'soon, immediately'.

123

A third example of the spurious use of negation is found in (30), in which the semantic values of the justaposed clauses is evaluated:

(30)

ni uuas im is uuordo niud ... ac sie bigunnun sprekan ’there was not a desire for his words, ... but they began to speak’

The clause containing the negative particle when analyzed alone, yields a negative truth value:

C

-

A

B

-

I

-

11

A

ni

+

=

—

+

+ uuas

The following co-ordinate clause introduced by the conjunction ac ’but’ states positively that the action of speaking is taking place, which the preceding clause denies.

The scope of the negative operation is restricted

to the first clause, by the adversative conjunction ac ’but'.

The semantic

effect of the negative first clause is to reinforce the positive concept in the ac-clause.

A similar example was discussed for the Gothic data (cf.

3.2.1, (19)).9 Lörcher also claims that the negative is used pleonastically with the comparative degree of adjectives (p. 559).

The negative in (8) ni uuarð

scôniera giburd 'there did not happen a more beautiful birth' is, according to Lörcher, a stylistic circumlocution for the superlative ’it was the most beautiful birth’.

His philosophical discussion relating the reasons for a

124

negative plus comparative adjective concludes that the Old Saxon language has no other means psychologically for expressing the magnificence of the ideas (p. 560).

Logically, a negated comparative degree of the adjective also

represents a tautological negative, which is accounted for in the three-level pattern for (8):

C

-

A

+

B

+

I

+

-

II

A

ni uuarð

5.2.1.1

»+

scôniera

Reinforcing Morphemes

Formally positive morphemes occur in the same clause as the negative particle plus verb.

The presence of these morphemes, such as indefinite

pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs, reinforces the negativity expressed in the negated verbal concept.

The indefinite forms acquire the feature t+Indef]

obligatorily due to the attraction of NEG, which is present at the base in a Klima-type generation (Klima 1964, sec 24; 1.3.1).

The subject of the clause

containing the negative pre-sentential component may include the reinforcer in the shape of the indefinite pronoun man 'no one, none'.

The negative

semantic interpretation of the pronoun is contingent upon the simultaneous occurrence of the negative particle in the same clause (Sehrt 1966, p. 360):

(28)

Ne mag that getellean man *'no one is not able to say that'

(43)

ni. mag that man oðrumu/ giseggian te soðe *'no one is not able to say to another in truth'

125

The indefinite pronoun is used here as a quantifier which is affected by the presence of the pre-sentential NEG.

The quantifier in the subject may function

as an adjective as does the indefinite pronoun-adjective ènig 'any' in the following:

(13)

thar ni uuarð siðar fenig man/ sprâkono sô spahi ’there was not thereafter any man of speech so wise*

(33)

nis thes tueho einig/ gumono nigiênumu ne sie ina fargelden sân/ mêômo kusteon *'there is not any doubt to none of men, but that they reward him therefore with the best of jewels'

Quantifiers which are affected by the 'some'

'any' suppletion rule

are only those quantifiers which are marked [-specific].^

When these quan­

tifiers occur in construction with the question marker or the pre-sentential negative, the feature L+IndeterminateJ is added to the feature matrix of the quantifier, which already contains the features [+Det, -Def, +Plural, -Specific] (Fillmore 1967, p. 104).

It is at this point that Klima incor­

porates the feature [+Indef 1 which is not present in quantifiers not in construction with the pre-sentential NEG (Klima 1964, sec. 24). The morpheme OS ênig 'any' also occurs in positive contexts, as in line 2712:

126

2712

that it ênig utiero frumidi/ that brôder brûd an is bed nâmi, 'so that (a certain) one of the men might do that he might take his brother's wife to his bed'

fenig in this particular citation and in other positive context contains the degree of specificity found in the quantifier sum *a certain one*.^

This

quantifier, sum picks out a member of a named group and is marked [+Specific]. It is never found in clauses in Old Saxon which also contain a negative mor­ pheme.

That sum is marked [+Specific] can be seen in line 3493 in which it

is the antecedent for a personal pronoun, indicating definite reference:

3493

Sum uuirðid than sô suíðo gefrôdot, sô he ne uuili is sundea bôtien 'a certain one then quickly grew old, since he did not wish to repent of his sins'

An alternate hypothesis concerning the morpheme ênig 'any' 'a certain one* is that it is polysémie, having at least two readings.

Each reading is

marked differently with regard to the feature [specific].

When it is marked

C+Specific] it is used like the cardinal number en 'one' (Holthausen 1900, §379) and is not a universal quantifier whose feature index is not altered in the presence of the pre-sentential NEG (Fillmore 1967, p. 99 note 4). The analysis of the quantifier enhuuilic 'any1 is similar to ênig.

Like

ênig it may also occur in a clause with the negative particle ni^ before the finite verb:

127

(18)

ef thu tharo forasagono/ fenhuuilic ni bist 1if you are not any of the prophets*

If the morpheme enhuuilic is to be considered a reinforcing morpheme for the expressed negative, it must also have a [-Specific] feature.

The only other

citation in the Heliand in which ènhuuilic is found is line 3048 where no presentential is found:

3048

that thu enhuuilic sis eðilero manno 'that you are a certain one of more noble men'

Etymologically the [+Specific] marker is well-motivated, since the compound has as its first member the cardinal number en 'one* and the interrogative indefinite huuilic 'which' as the second

member.

Logically the compound

requires the feature [+Specific] in seeking to establish one member of a group.

It is possible that in (18) the [+Specific] marker is also applicable,

thus excluding enhuuilic from the set of universal quantifiers, and therefore not relevant to the discussion of reinforcing indefinite quantifiers. The subject of a clause in which the negative particle appears preceding the finite verb may contain uuiht/ eouuiht 'any, anything* as reinforcing morphemes (cf. 5.1).

(10)

The partitive genitive construction is optional.

so iru thar ni uurði leðes uuiht/ oðan arbides 1since to her there was not anything of evil or toil*

128

(32)

ni seal iu hèr derien eouuiht/ thés gi hêr seldllkes giseen habbiad 1there shall not harm you here anything of the wonders you have seen here*

The object in a clause which contains the negative particle before the finite verb may be modified by the quantifier ènig 'any1 used either as an adjective or a pronoun:

(3)

That he ne mähte ènig uuord sprekan 'that he was not able to speak any word'

(5)

iie quam ic thi te ènigun frêson herod 'I did not come to you here to cause anything'

The indefinite morpheme uuiht with a partitive genitive also appears as the direct object in the same clause with the reflex of the pre-sentential NEG, that is, the particle before the finite verb:

(4)

thoh he is ni. mahti giseggean uuiht 'yet he might not be able to speak anything of it'

The indefinite uuiht also functions adverbially to indicate the manner or degree limitations placed on the verbal action, as for example in (39) and (47):

(39)

Ef sie thes than ni uuilliad lêstien uuiht,/ thanne ... 'if they then do not want to follow at all'

129

(47)

iii sculun ûs belgan uuiht 'we shall not become angry at all'

The temporal adverbs OS ^ 1

+

+

INDEFINITE

NEG. ENCLITIC

+

\

CONJUNCTION

GR. POS. VB.

+

d

ADD. NEG

SURFACE LEFT FV

æva (14)

1

TIME

221

+

+

Old Icelandic Negated Adverbs

+

222

7.2.6

Negative Morphemes Plus Nouns and Pronouns

Negative morphemes may accompany nouns in clauses in which the sur­ face finite verb form is grammatically positive:

(49)

Við hleifi mic sældo ne við hornigi, nýsta ec niðr *they gave me neither bread nor did I see no horn below*

(41)

scósmiðr þíi verir ne sceptismiðr, nema þíi siálfom per sér *you will become neither shoemaker nor shaftmaker if you are not one for yourself*

Both examples contain parallel noun phrases which are negated and connected by the negative morpheme ne *and not, nor*.

Similar examples of the func­

tion of ne have been discussed in 7.2.2, but in each of the examples presen­ ted there, the finite verb form was also negated, (21) hlýra *do not shield* and (51) bitað *do not harm*.

Correspondingly, the OE ne of examples (20)

and (25) (cf. 6.2.1.3) and OHG noh of example (31) (cf. 4.2.1.6) are placed between the phrases to be negated, but the finite verb in each clause is also negated.

The OS ne appears before both members of the pair as in

examples (20), (21), and (22) (cf. 5.2.5).

The Old Icelandic situation

bears a striking similarity to the Gothic example (1) ni ibna nih galeiks (cf. 3.2.6).

Peculiar to the Gothic phrasing is the placement of the nega­

tive morpheme before each member of the pair (Neckel 1913, p. 12).

The

223

syntax of the Gothic clause and the Old Icelandic example (Al) is similar, both contain negated phrases.

The notable exception is the single negative

morpheme in (Al) for both members of the pair. The inclusive nature of the 'neither - nor* construction as applied to the noun phrases in (A9) and (Al) negates the nouns, but does not necessarily invalidate or negate the verbal action.

This type of negation

is referred to by Klima (196A, sec. 38) as an instance in which the scope of the negative morpheme does not produce sentential negation. The enclitic suffix -gi in (A9) hornigi ’no horn* may be interpreted as a reinforcing morpheme, used here with the word negation effected by the conjunction ne.

It appears significant that there are only two exam­

ples cited above (Al) and (A9) in which the connective né functions without an additional negative morpheme attached to the finite verb. The negative morpheme -gi occurs with the indefinite quantifier mangi 'no one, nobody' in both main and dependent clauses, in which the finite verb is grammatically positive:

(22)

svâ er maðr, sa er mangi an 'thus is the man who no one loved*

(29)

nýtr mangi nas 'no one derives benefit from a corpse*

(A2)

leiðiz mangi gott, ef getr 'no one is sorry if he achieves good'

(A8)

a þeim meiSi, er mangi veit 'on the tree which nobody knows'

224

The 01 mangi corresponds to the Go. ni mannahun *no one* (cf. 7.1).

The

semantic negative in the suffix -gi, as Delbrück believes (1910), was achieved when the negative particle

was lost.

While the Gothic contains

two possibilities to express the concept *no one1 in ni manna and ni mannahun, the Old Icelandic has only the phonological correspondence to the latter Gothic form in mangi, in which the -gi assumes the function of negator.

The Old Icelandic noun maðr, corresponding to Go. nl manna would

be ambiguous without an overt negative marker (Delbrück 1910, p. 18). As Klima has shown for Modern English, the source of the negative associated with indefinite quantifiers is the presentential constituent NEG, the same source for the negative marker appearing before the finite verb.

Klima*s rule of obligatory negative incorporation into the first

quantifier with the feature [+Indef] to the left of the finite verb and AUX will also account for the surface structure forms of 01 mangi. Other grammatically negative morphemes can occur on the surface with the negative indefinite morpheme.

In both cases the negative indefinite

occurs in the genitive case:

(37)

mat ÞÚ villat né mannzcis gaman *you do not wish food, nor anyone*s joys*

(50)

Lioð ec þau kann, er kannat þioðans kona oc mannzcis mqgr **I know those spells which the wives of the princes and the sons of none do not know*

225

The negative incorporated into the genitive form 01 mannzcis is generated in a lower sentence, which describes the surface genitive construction and its relation to the noun phrases gaman and mQgr.

The sentential negation

is achieved by the enclitic -at 'not' attached to the finite verb (cf. 7.2. 1.2). The suffix 01 -gi attaches itself to the indefinite pronoun ein ’one* and surfaces in two forms, the masculine and feminine forms engi / Qngr ’none, no (one)’, referring to animate objects, and the neuter form ecci ’none*,

ferring to inanimates.

This neuter ecci can also function

adverbially as the manner-degree adverb ’not at all’:

(12)

engi þat veit ... *no one knows ...’

(26)

0rlçg sin viti engi fyrir ’no one knows his fate beforehand’

Engi also occurs attributively with maðr in what might be considered a redundant phrase, maðr probably being the indefinite pronoun ’one' and not the count noun ’man' (Neckel/Kuhn, Wörterbuch p. 134):

(6)

okýnnis þess vár þic engi maðr ’no one makes you aware of ill-breeding*

(20)

enn ovinar sins scyli engi maðr vinar vinr vera ’no one should be a friend to his enemies'

226

The negative indefinite pronoun-quantifier engi is used attributively with other nouns:

(5)

enn elli gefr hánom engi frið 'but age gives him no peace*

(34)

qng er sott verri hveim snotrom manni, enn ser qngo at una *no sickness is worse to the wise man than to be satisfied with nothing*

The neuter dative form çngo in (34) and the neuter dative einugi in (46) •nothing' appear to function like lexical negatives, although both forms exhibit a grammatical negative in the suffix -gi:

(46)

... ne svá illr, at einugi dugi *nor so evil that he might have done nothing of worth'

The neuter forms 01 ecci 'not at all' in its adverbial function pro­ duces sentential negation, because the limitations which are established by the presence of the negative do not permit the verbal action to be carried out:

(1)

at augabraði verðr, sá er ecci kann 'for he is a fool who does not understand at all'

(12)

engi þat veit at hann ecci kann 'none knows that he understands not at all*

227

The possibility of substituting the negative indefinite ’nothing* for the adverbial fnot at all* in (1) and (12) does not destroy the validity of sentential negation.

The indefinite *nothing* imposes limitations on

the finite verb in the same manner that the degree-manner adverb inter­ pretation *not at all* does. The 01 vaetki ’nothing* corresponds to the Go. *waihtshun, a morpho­ logical form not found in Gothic in favor of the phrase ni vaiht ’not at all, nothing* (Neckel 1913, p. 3).

As discussed in 3.2.1, the ni

appearing before the noun Go. waiht ’thing* was not interpreted as a unit, ’nothing', but waiht was analyzed as a reinforcer in (32) ni waiht mikilduþais hugjands ’not thinking a thing of greatness'. Although the 01 vætki ’nothing’, like OHG niwiht and OS neouuiht 'nothing*, is always written as a compound, orthographic habit alone does not make the difference between a compound or noun compound.

The form 01

vætki 'nothing* as an inanimate indefinite corresponds to the animate indefinite mangi 'no one, nobody'.

(39)

It is used as subject and object:

þvíat hrisi vex oc hávo grasi vegr, er vætki trtfðr 'that overgrown and with tall grass is the path which nothing trods'

(13)

veita maðr, hinn er vætki veit **no one does not know that he knows nothing'

Syntactically, the negative suffix is absorbed by the indefinite morpheme. Two forms of sentential negation are represented in the two clauses in (13),

228

the enclitic -a in the first and the incorporated negative in the suffix of vatki.

Since negative incorporation only occurs in the same clause as

the presentential NEG, the assumption is that the pre-sentential NEG is located in each clause in the syntactic deep structure. Reflexes of the -gi suffix are also found attached to the neuter forms of the demonstrative pronoun hinn, hitke *not that*:

(9)

hitki hann veit *he knows not that*

(10)

hitki hann fiðr fhe finds not that*

The demonstrative pronoun in each of these examples does not refer to a specific concept.

Its morphological shape with attached negative suffix

gives it an appearance similar to the indefinite pronouns mangi, engi and vœtki,

7.2.7

Table 18:

Old Icelandic Negative Morphemes Plus Nouns and Pronouns

The surface structure behavior of nouns and pronouns, when accompanied by a negative morpheme, is accounted for with grammatical, syntactic, and semantic features.

The features NOMINAL and DEFINITE distinguish the nouns

from the pronouns.

Both the nouns and pronouns can contain the semantic

feature ANIMATE.

All nouns function as SUBSTANTIVES, while the pronouns

may also function as adjectives, ADJECTIVE. shape of the negative morpheme is recorded as both as in example (49).

The specific morphological PROCLITIC or ENCLITIC or

The feature ADD NEG will account for any

229

additional grammatically negative morphemes in the same surface level clause.

The feature ng + VB refers to a negated verb in the same or

related clause.

CONJUNCTION will further specify the nature of the

proclitic negative.

+

+

mangi (20)

+

+

+

+

mannzcis (37)

+

+

+

+

engi (12)

+

+

+

+

engi maðr (6)

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

engi frið (5)

+ +

einugi (46)

+

+

+

ecci (12)

+

+

+

vætki (39)

+

+

+

hitki (9)

+

+

+

TABLE 18:

CONJUNCTION

+

+

ng + VB

ENCLITIC

+

scosmiðr ne sceptismiðr (41)

ADD NEG

PROCLITIC

+

+

ADJECTIVE

+

+

SUBSTANTIVE

+

ne hornig! (49)

ANIMATE

+

i M 1

DEFINITE

NEG MORPHEME

230

+

+

Old Icelandic Negative Morphemes Plus Nouns and Pronouns

1

231

7.3

Summary

The data for the grammatical negative in the Old Icelandic poetic Hávamál reveal that morphemes other than the preverbal particle bear the highest functional load.

The negative morpheme ne_ is used sparingly with

the finite verb due to the favored position of the finite verb in clause initial position (7.2.1.1).

The preverbal negative particle is limited to

line-internal position of the finite verb, as with (40) ef_ þu segia né náir *if you are not able to say*. Negation is carried out by a series of enclitic morphemes suffixed to the sentence constituents. finite verbs.

The enclitic -a(t) is suffixed chiefly to

Unlike the limitations placed on the negative particle ne,

the enclitic suffixes co-occur with finite verbs in initial, medial, and final position, as in (41) era *is not*, (16) scala ’shall not*, and (17) freginn erat 1asked* (7.2.1.2).

There is one instance of combined nega­

tives, that is, both the preverbal ne and enclitic suffix -a appear with the finite verb in (47) né geyia ’do not address harshly*. The suffix -a / -i. occurs as the negative morpheme in the temporal adverbs æva and aldri *never*.

These negated adverbs may appear as the

only negatives in a clause, as in (14) and (30), or with other surface negatives, as né *nor* in (53) and engi in (32) (7.2.4). Also used with temporal adverbs is the suffix -gi, as in sevagi and aldregi ’never*.

The longer forms of aeva and aldri were discussed rela­

tive to the syntactic position of the finite verb, as in (8) and (30) (7.2.4).

232

The negative suffix -gi is used extensively to negate substantives. It may be used with a count noun, such as hornigi ’no horn* (49), but it more commonly appears affixed to indefinite forms, such as the indefinite pronouns mangi 'no one' in (20), v«tki ’nothing* in (39), engi ’no, none’ in (6) and (12), and the neuter form of the demonstrative hitki ’not that*. Forms of mangi 'no one’ and engi ’no, none’ may also occur in oblique cases, as in (50) mannzcis (gen) 'no one’s' and einugi (dat) ’none’ in (46).

The neuter form of engi, which is ecci, functions as part indefinite

'nothing' and part adverb 'not at all’ in (1) (7.2.6). The negative suffix -gi can also be seen in the negative morpheme eigi, which is used in poetry as an emphatic adverb.

The compound þeygi 'not at

all' functions similarly as an emphatic negative (7.2.1.3). The negative correlative conjunction ne connects negated co-ordinate clauses.

The second clause may appear on the surface in an abbreviated

form if both clauses have the same finite verb in their deep structures as in (21) (7.2.2).

The conjunction né can introduce a negative clause,

following a first positive clause, as in (36), or following a clause with a lexical rather than a grammatical negative, as in (27) sialdan ’seldom’ (7.2.2). Negatively stated conditions are introduced by the conjunction nema 'except, if not, unless*. in the condition clause.

The conjunction is the only negative morpheme The conclusion may be stated positively as in

(7) or contain a negative as (41) with the correlative conjunction né 'nor'. Little use is made of reinforcing morphemes in the text of the Havamal. The noun maðr in negative clauses is given the reading of an indefinite

233

pronoun as in (13) -a maðr ’no one1 and manni ’to no one’ (23).

The

temporal adverb e^ ’ever* reinforces the negated verb concept in (18) scala ’shall not*. Multiple grammatical negatives within the same clause are also infre­ quent.

As mentioned above, the negated temporal adverb in (32) aldri

’never* co-occurs with the negative engi.

The most frequent second

grammatical negative in a clause is the correlative n£ ’nor* as in (37) or (52) (7.2.2). A conclusion which might be reached with respect to the negative in Old Icelandic is that all negative morphemes are used sparingly. pheme suffices to achieve the negative concept.

One mor­

The need for additional

reinforcing morphemes is not apparent, since the syntactic position of the constituents appears to at least partially account for matters of emphasis or intensity.

The morphological shape of the negative morpheme, the

extensive use of suffixes, is strikingly different from the reflexes of the negative morpheme ni / ne found in the other Germanic dialects.

234

Notes for Chapter Seven

1Stefan Einarrson, A History of Icelandic Literature (New York:

Johns

Hopkins Press for the American-Scandinavian Foundation, 1957), p. 20; E. V. Gordon, An Introduction to Old Norse, Second edition revised by A. R. Taylor (Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1957), p. xxxviii establishes the twelfth century

for the collection of poems.

2

G. Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature (Oxford:

Claren­

don Press, 1953), p. 16.

3 V. E. Mourek, "Zur altgermanischen negation.

Die negation in der

älteren Edda," Sitzungsberichte der königlichen böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft.

Classe für Philosophie, Geschichte und Philologie, No. 8

(1905), pp. 1-23.

4

Karl Hildebrand, hrsg., Die Lieder der älteren Edda (Saemundar Edda).

3. Auflage völlig umgearbeitet von Hugo Gering (Paderborn:

Druck und Ver­

lag von Ferdinand Schöningh, 1912). Gustav Neckel, Edda.

Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten

Denkmälern, dritte umgearbeitete Auflage von Hans Kuhn. berg:

I, Text (Heidel­

Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1962), hereafter cited as Neckel-

Kuhn. ^Adolf Noreen, Altisländische und altnorwegische Grammatik unter Berücksichtigung des Urnordischen, 3. vollständig umgearbeitete Auflage (Halle:

M^x Niemeyer, 1903); Andreas Heusler, Altisländisches Elementar­

buch, 7. Auflage (Heidelberg:

Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1967).

235

7E. Sievers, ’’Zur nordischen Verbalnegation," Indogermanische Forschungen, 31 (1912), 335-58.

8

Delbrück (1910) does not mention those instances where ne^ is used as

negative particle before the finite verb with no other accompanying nega­ tive morpheme. 9 . . The finite verb nair may be considered a quasi-modal verb form, because of the syntactic feature of dependent infinitive, which it has in common with the true modal verbs. ^Glosses preceded by an asterisk render all negative morphemes in the clause without regard to permissible sequences in Modern English. **See also George McKnight, "The Primitive Teutonic Order of Words," Journal of Germanic Philology, 1 (1897-98), 169-172.

12

Gustav Necke1, Edda*

Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten

Denkmäler, dritte umgearbeitete Auflage von Hans Kuhn. II. (Heidelberg:

Wörterbuch

Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1968), p. 134.

13 . . . Cleasby-Vigfusson, An Icelandic- English Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1874), p. 452. **See also the negated adverb aldregi 1never* in strophes 79, 115, 117, 121, 122, 123, 128, 132, and 134.

236

CHAPTER EIGHT: CONTRASTS

8.0

INTERDIALECT FEATURE AND

CONCLUSIONS

General Remarks

The following discussion focuses on interdialect feature contrasts for negative types in the older Germanic dialects.

The analysis of the

similarities as well as the differences in the behavior of the surface negative morphemes proceeds from the readily indentifiable parameter of grammatical categories, which include the verb, the adverb, and the sub­ stantive.

Conjoined negative phrases and clauses are treated with the

verb; the substantive includes negated nouns, negated pronouns, and negated adjectives.

Shared grammatical, syntactic, and semantic features

of the negative morpheme relative to a given grammatical category among the dialects are illustrated with specific examples from the feature analysis tables for each grammatical category in the individual dialects. The grammatical and syntactic features are not devoid of semantic content which is evident in the syntagm; the terms 1grammatical'and 'syntactic' refer primarily to the linguistic shapes reading in the syntagm of these shapes.

whereas 'semantic* refers to the The semantic features of POSITIVE

EMPHASIS and TAUTOLOGY are discussed under a separate heading, because these features are present for each grammatical category. Since the purpose in contrasting negative types across dialects aims for a general description of negation, exceptions to the normal patterns

237

for the grammatical negative, established in the separate language chapters, are excluded from the discussion here.

8.1 The Negated Finite Verb

Excluding the Old Icelandic data for the negated verb momentarily from consideration, the surface negative morpheme appearing with the finite verb is a preverbal particle Gmc. *ni ’not'.

The syntactic position of the verb

is not of any consequence, while exactly this syntactic detail in Old Icelandic determines the morphological shape of the negative morpheme.

The

preverbal né occurs only when the finite verb is in non-initial position, i.e., internal or final in the line (cf. 7.2.1.1).

At the beginning of a

long line or after the caesura, the finite verb is negated with the enclitic -a(t) 'not* suffixed to the finite verb form. The grammatical features of tense, mood, and modal modification do not exhibit a semantic effect on the negated finite verb, illustrated by the following examples Go. (7) ni mag 'not able*, (19) ni stojiÞ ’not judge*, (6)

ni afwandida ’did not turn away’, (15) ni ... kannidedi ’would not

have proclaimed* (cf. 3.2.1); OHG (5) ni mag ’cannot*, (2) ni scribu 'do not write’, (38) ni lerneta ’had not learned', (11) ni wese ’might not be' (cf. 4.2.1.1); OS (4) ni mahti ’might not be able', (5) ni quam ’did not come* (17) ni bist 'are not’ (cf. 5.2.1); OE (26) ne const ’do not know’, (5) ne wisson 'do not know’, (43) ne gealp 'did not boast’, (7) ne forwyrne 'might not refuse' (cf. 6.2.1); 01 (40) ne náir 'are not able', (19) fanca 'did not find’, (44) leiki 'will not trick* (cf. 7.2.1.2).

It is the

Gothic habit that present participles function syntactically like finite

238

ve rb s.

The semantic featu re CONTINUATIVE is proposed fo r the negated

present p a r t ic ip le s ( c f . 3 .2 .2 ) .

8.1.1

Reinforcing Morphemes

The ability of the negated finite verb to accept a reinforcing mor­ pheme is restricted in the Gothic and Old Icelandic data.

The semantic con­

cept of reinforcing morphemes is most fully developed in the West Germanic dialects.

The semantic feature which specifies definiteness is shared by

all the reinforcing morphemes.

Syntactically the reinforcer appears as

the subject, the object, or as an adverb in the negated clause.

Reinfor­

cers filling the subject and object positions are pronominal, such as OHG (36) ioman 'no onef (cf. A.2.1.3), OS (28) man 'no one', (32) eouuiht 'anything’ (cf. 5.2.1.1), OE (48) mon ’no one* (cf. 6.2.1.1), Go. ainohun ’anyone’ (19) (cf. 3.2.1), 01 (13) maðr 'no one' (cf. 7.2.1.2). The re in f o r c e r may also fu n ctio n as a q u a n tif ie r to the su bject or o b je ct in a negated cla use, as fo r example OHG (37) theheinan 'n o ', OS (3) (13) ênig 'a n y ', and 0E (10) (25) ænig 'a n y '. Adverbial reinforcers to the negated finite verb are temporal as for example OHG (12) mer 'any more', (21) ^o^ 'ever', OS (2) gio 'ever*, (19) io 'ever', 0E (18) a_ 'ever', (44) æfre 'ever', (46) leng 'longer', and 01 (18) e^ 'ever'.

The noun form wiht 'at all' functions as a manner-degree

adverb in OHG (12), OS (47), 0E (44), and Go. waiht 'at all' in (32).

8.1.2

Multiple Grammatical Negatives

Multiple grammatical negative morphemes within the same clause as the negated finite verb appear in the data for all the older dialects,

239

however the data for Gothic and Old Icelandic reveal only one occurrence for each dialect.

The West Germanic dialect data, the Old Saxon in par­

ticular, show multiple grammatical negatives appearing with substantives, adverbs, and co-ordinate conjunctions.

All three West Germanic dialects

show negated indefinite pronoun-quantifiers as the subject, illustrated by the following examples:

OHG (9) nlaman ’no one*, (10) nihein 'none1

(cf. 4.2.1.5), OS (20) (41) neoman ’no one*, (29) nigên ’none’ (cf. 5.2.3), and 0E (19) nan ’none* (cf. 6.2.1.3).

The negated quantifier as adjective

occurs in OHG (32) niheiner ’no’ and OE (30) nâënig 'no*. Additional grammatical negative morphemes functioning as adverbs are found in OS (6) neo 'never', OE (29) no 'not at all', and Go. (19) nih 'not at all*.

No negated adverbs in addition to the negated finite verb

are present in the Old High German data.

The negative particle functions

as quasi-adverb before pronominal subjects in OS (31) ne he 'not he' and OE (47) ne jix 'not I'. The negative conjunction which introduces co-ordinate clauses appears as a second grammatical negative in a clause containing a negated finite verb.

Again the feature of the additional negative morpheme is particular

to West Germanic as illustrated with the following examples:

OHG (52) noh

... ni thultit 'nor... did not endure' (cf. 4.2.1.6), OS (20) nec ... ne suuerea 'nor ... does not swear', (37) nl ... ni sueri 'nor ... not swear* (cf. 5.2.5), and OE (36) nöðer ... ne möston 'nor ... not have opportunity*, (3) ne ... ne cuþon 'nor ... did not know' (cf. 6.2.1.3).

Compare the

single negative simultaneously expressing the negative and the conjunction in Go. (26) nih ... andþaggkjands 'nor ... consider' (cf. 3.2.2) and the 01 (47) ne ... hrækir 'nor shove' (cf. 7.2.7), which Neckel discusses in

240

in depth (1913, p. 13 ff.). The negative conjunction can also express a correlation

between

concepts in short phrases which are included in the same surface clause as the negated finite verb.

The multiple grammatical negative used in this

manner are again a feature of the West Germanic dialects, as for example OHG (31) nist ... noh *is not ... neither ... not', OS (9) nis ... ne-ne 'is not ... neither ... nor*, (21) ni mag ... ne ... ne 'is not able ... neither ... nor’, OE (20) ne ... nære ‘neither ... nor ... was notf, (29) ne ... ne meahton ’neither ... nor ... was not able*.

Both Old High

German and Old English make use of a single negative between paired concepts to express ’neither ... nor', while the Old Saxon places the negative before each memeber of the pair.

The presence of the negative expressing corre­

lation together with a grammatically positive finite verb is found in Go. (1) ni ... nih ’neither ... nor' in which the finite verb is left unex­ pressed (cf. 3.2.6), (26) nih stibna ... nih siun ’neither voice ... nor form* (3.2.9), and 01 (41) ne ... verir 'you become neither ... nor’ (cf. 7.2.2). 8.1.3

Negated Conditions and Exceptions

Unlike the co-ordinate conjunction discussed above, evidence is found in all the dialects that the conjunctions introducing conditions and exceptions express the only grammatical negative to be found in the clause. The conjunction is a compound whose first segment expresses the negative, such as Go. (7), (10) niba ’unless, if not’ (cf. 3.2.1), OHG (19) ni si 'unless, if not' (cf. 4.2.1.6), OS (1) neuuan that ’except’ (cf. 5.2.5), OE (49) nefne ’except, but not’ (cf. 6.2,1.3), and 01 (7), (41) nema ’except’ (cf. 7.2.2).

241

8.2

The Negated Adverb

The evidence for all dialects except Old Saxon produces negated adverbs as the only grammatical negative in the clause.

Except for the

negated adverbs in Old Icelandic, the negative is morphologically proclitic to the adverb as a separate morpheme or phonologically incorporated into the adverb itself.

The negative morpheme in Old Icelandic is character­

ized by the enclitic suffixes -a and -gi (cf. 7.2.4 and 8.1). Semantically, negated adverbs are distinguished as temporal and manner-degree types. Examples of the negated temporal adverb are Go. (13) ni þanaseiþs 'no longer’, (11) ni nauhþanuh 'not yet’, (42) ni hjanhun ’never’ (cf. 3.2.4), OE (12) (23) næfre ’never', (17) no

®r 'not sooner’,

(31) (45) nä/nö 'never' (cf. 6.2.3), and 01 (2) aldregi 'never*, (31) aldri 'never', (8) ævagi 'never', (25) aeva 'never', (cf. 7.2.4).

The data do not

show negated temporal adverbs in Old High German or Old Saxon. The negated manner-degree adverbs for Gothic are (36) nih 'not at all', (17) ni þe haldis 'by no means', (5)(18) (21) (35) ni þatainei 'not only*. The semantic features for ni þatainei

are discussed below (cf. 8.4).

The

negated adverb OHG nales 'not at all' in (29) and (50) is the only negative adverb produced from the Old High German evidence (cf. 4.2.2).

The negated

adverb OE nalas/nalles 'not at all' is found in examples (1) and (28) while OE riô/nâ, cited above

as a negated temporal adverb in (31) and (45) may

also be interpreted as a manner-degree adverb in these examples.

The 01

ecci 'not at all' in (1) and (12) is also interpreted as a negated pronoun (cf. 8.3).

The normal prose negative, 01 eigi 'not* functions as an empha­

tic adverb 'not at all* in examples (37) and (43) (cf. 7.2.1.3).

242

Negated adverbs as the only grammatical negative within a given clause, like the negated finite verb, accept

semantic reinforcers as Go.

(42) aiw ’ever* and OE (14) ær before*, (24) man 'no one*, (37) aht ’any­ thing '.

8.3

The Negated Substantives

In the older dialects the most frequently negated substantives appearing as the only negative morpheme in the clause are the negated indefinite pronouns.

The negated pronouns in Old Saxon, however, appear

only in clauses containing a negated finite verb (cf. 8.1.2).

The Gothic

negated indefinite pronoun ni ainshun *no one* appears as clause subject in (16) and (48) and ainnohun as the object in (22).

The occurrence of

ainshun in (46) with no overt negative morpheme on the surface requires a re-evaluation of the source of negativity other than the particle ni (cf. 3.2.10).

Fragments of indefinite pronouns preceded by reconstructed

negative morphemes are found in examples (30) -ahun and (39) -hun. The OHG (45) nihein 'no one' appears alone as the only grammatical negative in the clause; it may also appear in a clause containing another negative (cf. 4.2.4; 8.1.2).

The inanimate indefinite OHG (13) (30)

niwiht 'nothing' always appears alone, as is the stylistic habit in Otfrid for this negative (cf. 4.2.4).

One other occurrence of a negated pronoun

involves the negative relative pronoun (53) ni ther 'not he', which occurs in a clause subordinated to a negated main clause.

Like the OHG nihein,

which occurs alone or with other grammatical negatives in the same clause, the OE nánig 'none', nan 'none' may also appear alone or with other

243

negatives (cf. 6.2.5). (22)

As the single grammatical negative both OE nän in

and nænig in (13), (15), and (34) govern a partitive genitive con­

struction. The Old Icelandic evidence reveals the greatest variety of negated pronoun forms (cf. 7.2.6), as in (22) mangi 'no one*, (12) engi 'no one', (34)

qng 'no, none*, (46) einugi 'none, nothing'.

none' is also used adjectivally, maðr 'no man, no one'.

The pronoun engi 'no,

(5) engi frið ‘no peace* and (6) engi

The neuter form of engi which is ecci 'nothing'

has also been interpreted as an adverb in (12) (cf. 7.2.6 and 8.2). Other inanimate indefinite pronouns are vætki 'nothing' in (13) and (39) and the neuter demonstrative hitki 'not that' in (9), (10), and (11). The negative morpheme is the enclitic suffix -gi / -ki 'not*.

Negated

nouns as the only negative morpheme in the clause rarely occur in the evidence presented for the dialects.

The interpretation for the dis­

contiguous sequence in Go. (37) ni ... waninassu 'no want' reveals no negative operation occurring semantically, although a negative morpheme is present (cf. 3.2.9 and 8.4).

The correlative function of the negative

nih in (26) is discussed above with the negative conjunction (cf. 8.1.2). The negated noun 01 hornigi 'no horn* in (49) is preceded by the correlative negative ne which connects this noun with hleifi 'bread' in the same clause. The evidence for Gothic produces the only instances of negated adjectives as in (29) ni skuld 'unlawful' (cf. 3.2.6).

The negated

adjectives Go. ni ibnon 'not equal' (23) and Go. ni ibnaleika 'not equal* (24) appear in correlation with the following adversative conjunction ak

244

’but*, which restricts the semantic interpretation of the negative to the adjective which follows it.

8.4

Semantic Features:

Positive Emphasis and Tautology

The semantic features POSITIVE EMPHASIS and TAUTOLOGY are relevant to each of the three grammatical categories presented above.

Semantically,

positive emphasis indicates that a negative morpheme is present in the syntactic deep structure and at the surface, but not at the intermediate semantic level (cf. 1.3.2).

A negative semantic reading for the clause or

phrase containing the negative morpheme is restricted to that clause or phrase.

As soon as neighboring constituents are included in the semantic

interpretation, the negation is lessened or totally absent.

The adver­

sative conjunction ak / ac 'but? is one such constituent which effects a positive reading, such as Go. ak (19), in which the negative appears with the finite verb as well as the degree adverb (cf. 3.2.1) and in (23) (24) in which ak is the second member of a correlation involving negated adjec­ tives (cf. 3.2.6).

The OE ac in (16) follows a clause introduced by the

negative morpheme ne 'not' (cf. 6.2.1.1).

Similarly, the OS ac 'but' in

(30) follows a clause containing a negated finite verb (cf. 5.2.1). The feature positive emphasis is also present in the semantic inter­ pretation of negative condition and exception clauses, as for example Go. ufar 'except' (34) (cf. 3.2.2), OHG (19), (22), and (60) ni ^i 'unless', OE (34) (49) nefne 'except', OS (1) neuuan that 'except' and 01 (7) (41) nema 'unless, except*.

The negated adverbs OHG (29) nales 'not at all'

245

and OE (6) nalles 'not at all* also trigger the semantic feature of posi­ tive emphasis, because the clause in which each is contained contradicts the main clause concept. Semantically, a tautological interpretation of a

negative in a

syntagm involves the presence of a grammatically negative morpheme and a lexically negative morpheme in the same syntagm, as for example

the

negated finite verb OHG (7) ni zuivolo 'do not doubt' (14) ni missifahen 'not misunderstand', and (20) nintneinent 'do not deny' (cf. 4.2.1.2) and OS (22) nis biholan 'is not concealed' (cf. 5.2.1). grammatical and lexical negatives is also found

The combination of

in the adverb phrase Go.

(5), (18), (21), and (35) ni þatainei 'not only* (cf. 3.2.4).

Lexical

negatives and grammatical negatives may co-occur without producing a tautological interpretation, if they do not appear in the same syntagm, as 01 (27) sialdan

8.5

Table 19:

•••ne 'seldom ... nor' (cf. 7.2.2).

Major Syntagmatic Structures of the Grammatical Negative

Table 19, showing the syntagmatic structure into which the grammatical negative enters with the verb, the adverb, and the substantive, may be read vertically or horizontally.

Vertically, the structure of the negative

among the grammatical categories is obtained for each individual dialect. Horizontally read, the dialects fall into natural groupings relative to particular types.

The parenthesis around the markers indicate a limited

number of examples to which the feature applies. The features entered horizontally at the left provide grammatical, syntactic and semantic information.

Grammatical features include the

246

T^(ense) - M(ood) - Mod(allty) markers for verbs.

Syntactic information,

for example, is extracted from the verb position INITIAL, as well as the functions of the reinforcing morphemes PRONOUNS, ADJ., ADV.

Semantic

features include the presence of a REINFORCING MORPH., an ADD NEG, and the interpretative features POSITIVE EMPHASIS and TAUTOLOGY. The table reveals for the North Germanic dialect a postposed syn­ tactic position for the negative morpheme appearing with the finite verb. The same postposed position of the negative morpheme is characteristic of negated adverbs and negated substantives (cf. 8.2 and 8.3).

This syntactic

feature may be regarded as characteristic for North Germanic. The West Germanic dialects indicate a preference for reinforcing mor­ phemes of all types and additional negative morphemes.

An affinity between

East Germanic and North Germanic is demonstrated with regard to the number of grammatical negatives expressed within a given clause and the absence of reinforcing morphemes.

247

NEG + VB

GOTHIC

OHG

+

+

OS

OE

01

+

+

+ +

INITIAL PROCLITIC

+

+

+

+

(+)

ENCLITIC T - M - MOD

+ +

+

+

+

+

(+)

+

+

+

(+)

INDEF

+

+

+

PRONOUN

+

+

+

ADJ

+

+

+

ADV

+

+

+

(+)

+

+

+

(+)

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

REINFORCER

ADD NEG NEG EXCEPT CONDITION NEG + ADV TEMP

+

MANNER - DEGREE REINFORCER

+

+

+

(+)

NEG + SUBST

+

+

+

+

+

PRONOUN

+

+

+

+

+

NOUN

(+)

ADJ

(+)

(+)

POSITIVE EMPHASIS

+

+

+

TAUTOLOGY

+

+

+

TABLE 19:

+

Major Syntagmatic Structure of the Grammatical Negative

+

248

APPENDIX A:

GOTHIC DATA

1. la

ni ibna nih galeiks unsarai garaihtein [ak] *not equal nor like our righteousness [but]'

2. I b

jan ni þanaseiþs fastaida garaihteins garehsns 'and no longer was the plan of righteousness kept?

3. I b

jabai auk diabulau fram anastodeinai nih nauþjandin ak uslutodin mannan 'for inasmuch as the devil from the beginning not forcing but deceiving man'

4. I c

nei auk þuhtedi Þau in garaihteins gaaggwein ufargaggan 'for would he not then have seemed to violate the enforcement of righteousness'

5. Id

iÞ in Þizei nu witodis gaaggwel ni þatain gawandeins 'but because the enforcement of the law ... not only conversion ...

6. II a

gaswikunþjands ei ni afwandida sik in fauramaþlje hj otos 'manifesting that he did not turn away at the tirade of the leaders'

249

7. II

a

niba saei gabairada iupaþro ni mag gasaituan þiudangardja gþs 'unless a man be b o m from above, he is not able to behold the kingdom of God'

8. II bí

þammuh þan ni froþ nekaudemus 'Nicodemus did not understand this then'

9. II b

Unkunnands auk nauh wisands jah ni kunnands biuhti 'for still being ignorant and not knowing the practice1

10. II c

niba saei gabairada us watin jah ahmin ni mag inngaleiþan in þiudangardja gþs 'unless a man is born of water and the spirit he is not able to enter the kingdom of God'

11. III a

ni nauhþanuh galaglþs was in karkarai iohannes 'John was not yet cast into prison*

12. Ill

a

andrunnun ... sumai ni kunnandans hvaþar skuldedi maiza 'some not knowing which was to be greater disputed'

13. Ill

b

ni þanaseiþs judaiwiskom, unfarranneinim jah sinteinom daupeinim brukjan usdaudjaina 'no longer should they endeavor to use the Jewish sprinklings and daily washings'

250

14. III d

þizei ik ni im wairþs 'of this I am not worthy*

15. IV b

ni þatei ufaro wisandan sware kannidedi 'not that he would have proclaimed Him being supreme without cause'

16. IV c

jah þo weitwodida is ni ainshun nimiþ *and no one receives his testimony*

17. IV d

akei ni þe haldis airþeins was nih airþai rodjands 'yet he was by no means earthly and not speaking from the earth*

18. IV d

ni in bis þatainei ei fins mikilein gakannidedi 'not only because he might have made known the Lord's greatness'

19. V b

nih þan atta ni stojib ainohun ak staua alia atgaf sunau 'for not at all does the Father judge any man, but he has committed all judgment to the Son'

20 . V b-c

h/aiwa stojan jah ni stojan sa sama mahtedi 'how might this same One be able to judge and not to judge'

251 21 . V c

ni auk þatainei namne inmaideins twaddje andwairþje anþarleikein bandweiþ ffor not only the change in names signifies the difference of two persons*

.

22 V c

ak filaus mais waurstwis ustaikneins anþarana raihtis niainnohun stojandan 'but much more the proof of the work signifies the one indeed judging no man'

23. V d

ni ibnon ak galeika sweriþa usgiban uns laiseiþ 'he teaches us to render not equal but similar honor*

24. V d

ni ibnaleika frijaþwa ak galeika þairh Þata ustaikneiþ 'through this he signifies not equal love but similar'

25. VI a

iþ afar ni filu ufarmaudein þo bi ina atgebun 'but after not long they committed to oblivion those things about him'

26. VI d

Nih stibna is hjanhun gahausideduþ nih siun is gasehjþ 'not his voice have you ever heard and not his form have you ever seen'

27. VI d

jah waurd is ni habaiÞ wisando in izwis 'and you do not have his word in you'

252

28. VI d

þande þanei insandlda jains, þaramuh jus ni galaubeiþ *for the one whom he has sent, in him you do not believe*

29. VI d

Unte at þaim gahu airbam frakunnan ni skuld ist *for it is unlawful to despise the obedient with them*

30. VII a

ahun kunnandlns fins maht *no one of knowing the Lord’s power*

31. VII a

nih ist ains ak jah andraias saei qap 'and he is not the only one but also Andrew who said'

32. VII a

ni waiht mikilduþais hugjands 'not thinking a thing of the greatness*

33. VII a

Nih wairþidos laisareis andþaggkjands þairh þoei usbar quiþands 'nor considering the sufficiency of the Master, because of this he exclaimed'

34. VII b

at nl wisandin aljai walhtal ufar þans flmf hlaibans jah twans fiskans 'there not being other things except the five loaves and two fish'

35. VII

b

ni þatainei ganauhan þaurftais im fragaf ak 'he gave them not only the required sufficiency but*

36. VII

c

nih þan ana þaim hlaibam ainam seinaizos mahtais filusna ustaiknada ak jah in þaim fiska 'not at all did he show the abundance of his power in the loaves alone but also in the fish*

37. VII

c

Jah ni in waihtal waninassu þizai filusnai wairþan gatawida 'and he caused there tobe no want at all by this abundance'

38. VII d

Galisiþ þos aflifnandeins drausnos ei waihtai ni fraqistnai 'gather

up the remaining fragments that

there may not be anything lost' 39. VIII a

hun uslagida ana ina handuns 'no one laid hands on him'

40. VIII

a

jah ni uslaubjandein faur mel sik gahaban 'and not permitting before the time to seize him'

41. VIII

a

duhje ni attauhuþ ina 'why have you not brought him?'

254

42. VII a

þatel ni tyanhun aiw rod ida manna swaswe sa manna 'because never ever did a man speak as this man'

43. VIII b

In þizei ni attauhun ina 'because they did not bring him'

44. VIII b

Ni andsitandans jainaize unselein þize anahaitandane im 'not fearing the wickedness of those who were reprimanding them*

45. VIII b

balþeln ize ni usþulandans 'not tolerating their boldness'

46. VIII c

sal jau ainshun Þize reike galaubldedl Imma 'behold, might any of the Pharisees have believed him?'

47. VIII c

alja so managel þaiel ni kunnun witoþ fraqlþanal sind 'but this multitude who do not know the law are acursed'

48. VIII c

el ni ainshun reike aiþþau fareisale galaubldedl imma 'that none of the rulers or Pharisees might have believed him'

255

49. VIII d

þatei ni alnshun þize reike jah fareisaiei galaubida 1that none of the rulers and Pharisees believed'

50. VIII d

ni fraþjandans sokun þatei sa raihtis fareisaius was 'they reasoned not thinking that he was indeed a Pharisee*

51. VIII d

Iþ eis ni usþulandans þo gasaht 'but they not tolerating the rebuke*

256

APPENDIX B: 1.

1.6

OLD HIGH GERMAN DATA

nist man ther siu al irzelle *there is no man who tells it all'

2.

1.7

Ni scribu ih nu in alawar 'now I do not write truly'

3.

1.30

ni frewit wiht hiar unser muat so thin ablazi duat 'our spirit does not rejoice at all as your indulgence does*

4.

1.3334

nist ni si avur wolle/ (suntar si imo

munto),

theiz iaman thoh ni wunto 'not that she does not want it, but she protects it that no one hurts it' 5.

1.38

ni mag gisehan ira muat 'her spirit cannot be seen'

6.

2.17

Thaz then ni tharf man beiten 'that anyone is not able to force him' 'that no one need impel him'

7.

2.33

Ni zuivolo muat thinaz sus findist thu iz gidanaz 'I do not doubt your spirit as you discover it done'

8.

3.17

Ni bidrahtot unser sumilih 'some of us do not consider' 'none of us consider'

257

9.

A.23

nist niaman thero friunto *'there is not no one of the friends'

10.

5.9

thaz iro nihein ni firnam *'that none of them did not understand'

11.

5.21

Thaz uns ni wese thaz zi suar 'that for that might not be too difficult'

12.

6.27

ni weiz ih wiht es hiar mer 'I do not know anything of it here any more'

13.

6.29

Ouh zuene fisga tharmit; theist zi thiu thoh niwiht 'and two fish therewith; that is but nothing'

14.

7.10

thaz wir ni missifahen 'that we might not misunderstand'

15.

7.38

er imo iz ni ginuzta, furl andere ouh ni sazta 'he did not make use of it for himself in front of others and he also did not sit'

16.

7.59

thoh ni ruachent sie bi thaz,/ ni man sie sus iowanne zi korbin ginenne 'however they do not even consider this, unless one shall rank them ever thus among baskets'

17.

8.26

wanta er man sulih ni gisah 'for such man he did not see' 'for any man he did not see*

18.

8.47

ni forahtun sie in thes thiu min 'they were not afraid about this nevertheless*

258

19.

10.2324

MIh ni bin," quad er tho zi in, "gisentit hera in worolt in,/ ni si theih gidue githiuti thie mines fater liuti ’"I am not," he said though to them, "sent here into the world, except that I act openly for the people of my Father."*

20.

10.36

alle man nintneinent thaz thinu wort gimeinent *all men do not deny that they share your words*

21.

11.20

ni gab si thoh ubar al io thés ruaffermes stal *she did not ever entirely cease with the calling*

22.

11.22

ni firliaz ouh in ther noti, ni si imo folgeti 'he did not leave necessarily, but that she followed him*

23.

12.21

ni helet mih wio ir firnoman eigit mih *do not conceal from me how you have perceived me'

24.

12.30

ni theiz man gidati 'not that anyone might do it'

25.

12.39

Thaz then thie durl sin bidan thie tharin ni sculun gan 'that these doors are locked through which they ought not to go'

26.

12.44

thir niaman thés ni widire *'no one might not reject you because of it*

259

27.

13.9

drof ni forahtet ir iu

*Mt all you are not anxious for yourselves1 28.

13.13

Ni giwahin es, druhtin, furdir *do not mention it, Master, any more'

29.

13.26

sos iz thih githunkit, nales so er githenkit Ms it seems to you, not at all does he consider such1

30.

13.35

Ni mag er, thaz ist al niwiht, findan wehseles wiht/ in allen richin, thaz 1st war *he is not able to find as replacement any, that is all nothing, in all kingdoms that is true*

31.

14.1

Thes nist zala noh ouh rim M f it there is not complete count and not number*

32.

14.11

Thoh ni was giwisso er arzat niheiner * ’though he was not certainly no doctor*

33.

14.86

ni thoh zu woroltruame

Mot though for worldly fame* 34.

14.102

lr mir ... ni gabut drof umbi thaz *you did not give me anything at all for that*

35.

15.3

ni thoh thuruh thia forahta *but not because of this was he afraid*

260

36.

15.23

"Ni duit thaz," quadun "ioman

ther sih

ofonon seal" '"No one does that," they said, "who shall expose himself"1 37.

15.29

Ni mag thiu worolt, wizit thaz, haben in iu theheinan haz fthe world is not able, know that, to have any hate in you*

38.

16.8

wanta er ni lerneta sio er 'for he had not learned it before*

39.

16.9

Ni sahun sie nan sizen untar scualarin er, ’they did not see him sitting among scholars before*

40.

16.10

noh kliban themo manne ther se inan lerti wanne 'and they did not seize the man who taught him for that reason'

41.

16.53

inti iro nihein es wiht ni quit *'for none of them does not say it at all'

42.

16.65

Ni weiz ih inan thes thiu min 'I do not know him nevertheless*

43.

17.16

es man nihein ni helfe *'no one might not help her*

261

44.

17.28

iz alleswio ni wurti *it would not come about in any other manner'

45.

17.43

Nihein tharinne bileib unz er thar nidare tho screib 'none remained therein until he wrote down'

46.

17.58

thaz thu ni suntos furdir 'that you will not sin any more'

47.

18.19

Ni suah ih hiar nu richi noh mino guallichi 'I do not seek here now wealth nor my fame'

48.

18.32

er iamer sar nirsterbe 'he will not ever die'

49.

18.44

joh wihtes thoh nirkennet 'and though they do not recognize at all'

50.

19.9

Thaz duat uns ubarmuati, nalas unsu guati 'pride does that to us, not at all our goodness'

51.

20.15

joh naht inan ni rinit 'and night did not touch him'

52.

20.16

noh man ni thultit ummaht thera finsterun naht *'and not anyone did not endure the helplessness of the dark night'

53.

20.149

Nintheizit mir iz muât min, ni ther fon gote sculi sin 'my spirit does not cause me to doubt that he who should be from God'

262

54.

20.150

es alleswio ni thenkit ther sulih werk wirkit 'he does not think in any other way, except that he does such things*

55.

22.47

Unser druhtin ni thiu min *our Master, nevertheless*

56.

22.53

Ouh man nihein ni lougnit, thaz gescrib iu thar giquit,/ niz alio woroltfristi si io filu festi *'and no man does not lie, the Holy Scriptures speak to you there, unless they be ever so firm in all earthly time*

57.

22.59

Ni duan ih sinu werk iu; ir ni giloubet thoh bi thiu *1 do not do his deeds for you; you do not believe though concerning these*

58.

22.60

noh ir thés ni faret, ir iuih thara keret *and you do not turn toward it, you turn away'

59.

23.37

Drof ni zuivolot ir thes, biginnit er es nahtes,/ ni er blintilingon werne joh sero fir spume •you do not doubt this at all, if he begins it at night, he gropes around, stumbles much'

60.

25.9-

Alle these liuti giloubent io zi noti,/

10 ni si oba wir biginnen thaz suslih wir ni hengen 'all people believe ever thus, unless we begin anew that we do not permit such'

263

61.

25.24

joh lr ouh wiht thés ni ahtot, ouh drof es ni bidrahtot 'and you did not at all consider it and not at all ponder it*

264

APPENDIX C:

1.

64

OLD SAXON DATA

Hie ni uuas thoh mid sibbeon bilang / ... cuman fon iro cnuosle, neuan that hie thuru thés kèsures thane / fan Rûmuburg rlki habda 'he was not, however, bound with relations, ... come from their tribe, except that he, because of the Caesar's will, possessed the kingdom of Rome'

2.

126

That ni seal an is liba gio liðes anbitan 'that he shall not ever in his lifetime enjoy fruitwine'

3.

164

that he ni mähte enig uuord sprekan 'that he was not able to speak any word'

4.

189

thoh he is ni mahti giseggean uuiht 'yet he might not be able to speak anything of it'

5.

263

ne quam ic thi te enigun freson herod 'I did not come to you here to cause anything'

6.

267

Neo endi ni kumid *'never will the end not come'

7.

272

Ne le gio mannes ni uuarð / uuis an minera uueroldi *'not I ever did not become wise of men in my life'

265

8.

279

Ni uuarð scóniera giburd, / ne s6 mâri mid manmim 1there did not happen a more beautiful birth, nor so well-known among men*

9.

287

nis mi hugi tuifli, / ne uuord ne uuisa ’there is not for me a doubting thought, not word and not manner1

10.

303

so iru thar ni uurði leðes uuiht, / oðan arbides ’since to her there was not anything of evil or toil

11.

315

Thô ni uuas lang te thiu 'yet it was not long then*

12.

454

that that ni môsta forlâtan negên / idis undar Ebreon * ’so that no woman among the Hebrews not be dismissed

13.

571

thar ni uuarð slðor ênig man / sprâkono sô spahi 'there was not thereafter any man of speech so wise*

14.

59092

sulic so uui her ni habdin êr / undartuisc erða endi himil oðar huerigin, / ne sulic barn ne sulic bo can *'such that we have not had here before between earth and heaven or anywhere not such a child and not such a sign’

15.

652

Sie ni habdun thanan gislðeas mer, / bûtan that sie thrie uuârun 'they did not have more companions then, but that they were three’

266

16.

860

thar ni uuas uuerodes than mêr, / butan that he thar êncora alouualdon gode, / thegan thlonoda 'there were not more men there, but that he alone, the thane, served the almighty God'

17.

919

ef thu nu bist that barn godes, / bist thu than thoh Hellas 'if you now are not the son of God, are you then Elias'

18.

928

ef thu tharo forasagono / ènhuuilic nl bist? 'if you are not any of the prophets?'

19.

1324

so is lo endl nl cumit, 'so that his end will not ever come'

20.

1507-

than sân ni suerea neoman / enigun eðstaf eldibamo, /

12 ne bi himile themu hôhon, huuand that is thés hêrron stôl, / ne bi erðu thar undar ... / ... nec ènlg flriho barno ne suuerea bi is selbes hôfde, *'that truly no one of the children of men does not swear any oath, not by the high heaven, for that Is the seat of the Lord, not on earth below ... nor does not any of the children of men swear on his own head' 21.

1512

huuand he nl mag thar ne suuart ne huult / ènig hâr geuulrkean *'because he is not able there to effect any hair, neither black nor white*

267

22.

1577

huuand imu nis biholan neouuiht / ne uuordo ne uuerco *'for nothing is not concealed from him, not words nor deeds*

23.

1648

that ni mag iu ènig flund beniman, / neuuiht anuuendean *'that no fiend is not able to seize you, to take away nothing1

24.

173031

ef sie is ne uuillead an iro hugi thenkean, / ne lxnon ne lèstean 'if they do not wish to consider in their minds not to learn and not to follow*

25.

1835

ne habdun thiu Cristes uuord / gemacon mid mannun *the words of Christ do not have peers among men'

26.

1852

Ne làtad iu silobar nec gold / uuihti thes uuirðig 'do not let be of value to yourself with any of this silver and not gold'

27.

1886

that thar man negèn / thurh iuuua dâdi bedrogan ne uuerðe, *'that there no one because of your actions will not become deceived'

28.

2076

Ne mag that getellean man *'no one is not able to say that*

268

29.

2245

ni uuânda thero manno nigên / lengron llbes *'none of men did not hope for a longer life*

30.

2672

ni uuas im is uuordo niud, / ... ac sie biginnun sprekan ... *there was not a desire for his words, ... but they began to speak ...'

31.

2893

ni he thô mid uuordun strld / ni afhôf uuið that folc furður, ac ... *'not he however with words did not begin the quarrel with the people anew, but ...1

32.

3157

ni seal iu her derien eouuiht / thés gi hêr seldlikes giseen habbiad, 1there shall not harm you here anything of the wonders you have seen here*

33.

3190

nis thés tueho ênig / gumono nigiènumu, ne sie ina fargelden sân / meðmo kusteon, *'there is not any doubt to none of men, but that they reward him with the best of jewels*

34.

3236

Ef he than ôk uuendien ne uuili, / ac farmodat sulica menegi, than lat thu thene man faren 'if he then also does not wish to turn away, but despises such crowds, then let the man go*

269

35.

3239

mlð is an thinumu môde, ne si that imu eft mildi god,

/ hêr hebencuning helpe farllhe,

'let him out of your thoughts, unless the benevolent God, the heaven-king, grants him aid once again1 36.

3263

nis that gumono ênig / biiitan the êno, the thar al gescôp 'that is not any of men, except the one who created all there1

37.

3269

that thu man ni slah, ni thu mènes ni sueri, / farlegarnessi farlât 'that you do not kill anyone, and not swear false oaths, commit adultery'

38.

3346

ni quam imu thar te helpu uuiht / fan themu rlkeon manne 'there did not come to him as aid any from the rich man*

39.

340305

Ef sie thes than ni uuilliad lêstien uuiht, / thanne ni hôriad sie ok themu the hinan astâd, / man fan dôde 'if they then do not want to follow at all, then they also do not listen to the one who here rises from the dead'

270

40.

3802

nis thi uuerð eouuiht / te bimiðanne manno niênumu / umbi is rikidôm *'there is not for you reward at all for concealing from none of men concerning his kingdom*

41.

3889

quað that iru thar nioman thurh thes neriandan / hèlaga helpa harm ne gifrumidi **she said that there no one did not perform harm because of the divine aid of the Savior*

42.

3892

ne ik thi geth ni deriu neouuiht **not I also do not harm you at all’

43.

4107

ni mag that man bðrumu / giseggian te s&ðe **no one is not able to say to another the truth*

44.

4369

that thar nènig gumono ni ginas / biutan Loth èno *’that there none of men was not saved, except Lot alone*

45.

4564

that ik an thesaro uueroldi ni mðt / mid mannun mer môses anblten 'that I am not permitted any longer to partake of food among men in this world1

46.

4793

"ef it nu uuesen ni mag," quað he, / màri drohtin, nebu ik for thit manno foie / thiodquâle tholoie, ik an thinan seal / uuillean uuonian

271

’"If it now cannot be," he said, "revered Master, unless that I suffer great torment for the human race, then I shall abide in your joy.” 47.

4895

ni sculun ûs belgan uuiht, 'we shall not become angry at all'

272

APPENDIX D:

1.

43-44

OLD ENGLISH DATA

nalaes hi hine læssan läcum tëodan / þeodgestrëonum 'not at all did they provide him with less booty

2.

134

Næs hit lengra fyrst 'it was not a longer time'

3.

181-82

ne wiston hTe Drihten God, / ne hTe h u m heofena Helm herian ne cuþon *'they did not know the Lord God, nor they did not know how to praise the protector of heaven*

4.

185-86

frëfre ne wënan, / wihte gewendan '(who should) not expect consolation, (should not) change in any way*

5.

245-46

ne gë lëafnesword / guðfremmendra gearwe ne wisson *'not you do not know the permission of warriors*

6.

338-39

Wen' ic þæt gë for wlenco, nalles for wræcslðum, / ac for higeþrymmun Hröðgar söhton '1 expect that you seek Hrodgar for pride, not at all because of exile, but for goodness of heart*

7.

429

þœt þu më ne forwyrne 'that you might not refuse me'

273

8.

503-05

forþon þe Hi ne uþe, þ®t änig öðer man / æfre mærða þon mä middangeardes / gehede under heofenum þonne he sylfa-: 'because

he did not wish, that any other man

ever achieve more of fame on the earth under the heavens than he himself' 9.

510-11

Né inc ænig mon, / ni lêof ne lað belean mihte 'not any man was able to dissuade us, not dear and not loathsome*

10.

534

ðonne ænig c5þer man 'than any other man*

11.

581

No ic wiht fram þe / swylcra searoriíða secgan hyrde, / billa brôgan 'not at all did I hear tell from you such battle, terror of swords'

12.

591

þæt næfre Grendel swâ fêla gryra gefremede *that Grendel never did so much terror1

13.

598

nænegum arað 'he spares none (of them)'

14.

655

Næfre ic ænegum men Sr âlÿfde 'never have I granted to any of men before'

15.

691

Nænig heora þöhte 'none of them thought'

274

16.

739

Ni þœt se aglæca yldan þöhte / ac he gefëng hraðe 'not that the monster thought to delay, but he seized quickly'

17.

754

no þy ær fram meahte ’no sooner was he able to go forth1

18.

778-80

þæs ne wëndon ær witan Scyldlnga, / þæt hit a mid gernete manna ænig / betllc ond bânfâg tôbrecan meahte *the wisemen of the Scyldings did not expect earlier that anyone ever in any way might be able to shatter it, splendid and adorned with antlers*

19.

801

þone synscaðan / ænig ofer eorþan Trenna cyst, / guðbilla nân grêtan nolde **the best of irons, any on earth, none of war swords did not want to approach the miscreant'

20.

858

þstte su5 ne norð be sæm twëonum / ofer eormengrund oþer nænig / under swegles begong sêlra nære *'that neither south ncr north, between the two seas, over the spacious earth, under the expanse of the heavens, there was not none better*

21.

932

þæt %«s ungeara, þæt ic ænigra me / weane ne wende

’that was not long ago, that I did not think of any misery* 22.

988

þœt him heardra nan hrlnan wolde ’that none of the hard ones wished to touch him*

23.

1041

nsëfre on

ore laeg / wTdcuþes wTg

'never on the front did the war-skill of the famous one fail' 24.

1048

swa hy næfre man lýhð 'so never does anyone blame them'

25.

1099

þœt ðfflr ænig mon / wordum ni worcum wœre ne bræce *'that there no one with words and not with deeds did not break the treaty*

26.

1377

Eard gTt ne const, / frücne stowe 'you do not know the dwelling, the fearful place'

27.

1392

no he on helm losaþ, / hü on foldan fœþm, ne on fyrgenholt, / nü on gyfenes grund, gi þœr he wille 'not at all did he escape to cover, not into the bosom of the earth, not into the mountainwood, not into the bottom of the sea, go where he might'

276

28.

1442

nalles for ealdre mearn ’not at all did he mourn for life*

29.

1453

þæt hine syóþan nô / brond ne beadomecas bTtan ne meahton *’that later not at all were not able to cut him neither sword nor battle-sword*

30.

1514

þœr him nænig water wihte ne sceþede / ne him for hrôfsele hrînan ne mehte *'there no water did not harm him at all, and was not able to reach him because of the roofed hall*

31.

1536

na ymb his Ilf cearað ’not at all did he care about life* ’never did he care about life*

32.

1674

þæt þu him ondrædan ne þearft 'that you do not need to fear him'

33.

1772

þæt ic me ænigne / under swegles begong gasacan ne tealde ’that I did not consider any adversary under the expanse of the heavens'

34.

1933

nænig þæt dorste deor geneþan / svæsra geslôa, nefne sinfr^a ’none of the bold of her dear companions dared, except the great lord'

277

35.

1995

þœt ðu þöne uælgist wihte ne grette *that you might not harm the murderous sprite in any way'

36.

2124

Nöðer tiÿ hine ne möston, syððan mergen cwôm / dêa5wërigne Dénia leode / bronde forbærnan, rie on bel hladan Tnot did they have the opportunity to burn up the dead Danes when morning came, not put them on the funeral pyre'

37.

2314

riö ðær âht cwices / lað lyftfloga læfan wolde Tthe loathsome airflier did not want to leave anything livingf

38.

2332

swa him geþýwe ne væes *as it was not customary for him1

39.

2432

næs ic him to life lâôra ôwihte fI was not in anything more hateful to him in life1

40.

2439

t^s him ænig þearf 1there was not to him any need1

41.

2518

Nolde ic sweord berán 'I might not desire to bear a sword'

42.

2555

næs ðœr mära fyrst / freode tö friclan *there was not any longer time to ask for friendship'

278

A3.

2583

Hreðsigora ne gealp / goldwine Gëata 'the gold-friend of the Geats did not boast of glorious victory1

A4.

2600

sibb' æfre ne 110g / wiht onwendan þam ðe wël þenceð 'he might not ever put aside friendship at all who considers it well'

45.

2618

nô ymbe Ôâ fæhðe sprsc 'never did he speak of battle* 'not at all did he speak of battle'

46.

2826

Beahhordum leng / wyrm wohbogen wealdan ne möste 'the coiled serpent was not able to control the treasure any longer'

47.

2922

Ne ic te Sweoðeode sibbe oöðe trëowe / wihte ne wëne, ac ... *'not I do not expect at all either peace or trust from the Swedes, but ...'

48.

2995

ne ðorfte him 6ä lean oðwltan / mon on middangearde 'no one on earth needed to blame him for the rewards'

49.

3053

þfflt öäm hringsele hrlnan ne möste / gumena ænig, nefne God sylfa 'not any of the men, except God himself, was able to reach the ring-hall'

279

APPENDIX E:

1.

-5.4

OLD ICELANDIC DATA

at augabragði verðr, sá er ecci k a m 'for he is a fool who does not understand at all'

2.

6.7

Þviat obrigðra vin £ær maðr aldregi enn manvit mikit **for no one gets a greater friend never than great wisdom*

3.

11.1

Byrði betri berrat maðr brauto at, enn sé manvit mikit *a better burden does not anyone bear at all than great understanding *

4.

12.1

Era svá gott, sem gott qveða çl aida sona *thus it is not as good as they say, beer for the sons of men*

5.

16.4

enn elli gefr hánom engi frið *but age gives him no peace*

6.

19.4

ókynnis þess vár þic engi maðr no one makes you aware of ill-breeding*

7.

20.1

Gráðugr hair, nema geSs viti, etr ser aldrtrega *the greedy man, if he does not know what he wants, eats himself sick'

8.

21.3

enn ósviðr maðr kann ævagi sins um mál maga *but the unwise man knows never the measure of his stomach*

280

9.

22.4

hitki hann veit 'he knows not that1

10.

24.4

hitki hann fiðr 'he finds not that'

11.

26.4

hitki hann veit 'he knows not that*

12.

27.4

engi þat veit at hann ecci kann 'no one knows that he understands not at all'

13.

27.7

veita maðr, hinn er vætki veit, *'no one does not know that he knows nothing'

14.

29.1

OErna mælir, sa er æva þegir, staðlauso stafi 'of much speaks he, who is never silent, of senseless words'

15.

29.4

hraðmælt tunga, nema haldendr eigi, opt sér dgott urn gelr 'the quick tongue, if not halted at all, often attracts worse to itself'

16.

30.1

Át augabragði scala maðr anna hafa *'no one shall not make fun of another'

17.

30.5

ef hann freginn erat 'if anyone did not ask him'

18.

35.2

scala gestr vera ey t einom stað 'the guest shall not be ever in the same place'

281

19.

39.1

Fanca ec mlldan mann *I did not find a generous man*

20.

43.4

enn óvinar sins scyli engi maðr vinar vinr vera 'no one should be a friend to his enemies'

21.

50.3

hlýra henni bçrcr né barr 'bark nor foliage do not shield it'

22.

50.4

svá er maðr, sá er mangi ann 'thus is the man who no one loved*

23.

52.1

Mikit eitt scala manni gefa, opt kaupir sér i litlo lof *'to no one shall not only be given greatness often praise comes in little things'

24.

53.4

því allir menn urðot iafnspakir 'thus all men were not equally wise'

25.

54.1

Meðalsnotr scyli manna hverr, æva til snotr sé 'each man should be moderately wise, never too wise*

26.

56.4

0rlqg sin viti engi fyrir *no one knows his fate beforehand'

27.

58.4

sialdan liggiandi ijlfr lær urn getr, né sofandi ma5r sigr 'seldom the wolf lying down gets the lamb nor the sleeping man victory'

282

28.

69.1

Erat maðr allz vesall 1there Is not anyone entirely miserable*

29.

71.6

nýtr mangi nas 'no one derives benefit from a corpse*

30.

76.4

enn orðztírr deyr aldregi ’but a good reputation never dies'

31.

77.5

ec veit einn at aldri deyr 'I know one that never dies'

32.

93.1

As tar firna scyli engi maðr annan aldregi *'no one should never reproach the loves of another*

33.

93.5

er a helmscan né fa 'when fools do not fall'

34.

95.4

$ng er sótt verri hveim snotrom manni, enn sér qngo at una 'no sickness is worse to the wise man than to be satisfied with nothing'

35.

96.6

Þeygi ec hana at heldr hefic 'and not at all do I have her in anyway'

36.

111.7

of runar heyrða ec doana,

né um réðom Þqgðo

'I heard tell of runes and am not silent concerning the meaning'

283

37.

114.2

at þú gáir eigi þings né þíoðans mais; mat Þú villat né mannzcls gaman 'that you care not at all for meetings and not for the speech of men; you do not want food, nor anyone's joys'

38.

118.6

oc þeygi urn sanna sgc 'and yet he was not guilty'

39.

119.8

þvlat hrisi vex oc havo grasl vegr, er vætki tr^ðr 'that overgrown and with tall grass is the path which nothing trods*

40.

121.9

ef þú segia né nair 'if you are not able to say'

41.

126.5

scésmiðr þu verir né sceptismiðr, nema þu sialfom þér sér 'you will become neither shoemaker nor shaftmaker if you are not one for yourself*

42.

130.10

leiðiz mangi gott, ef getr 'no one is sorry if he achieves good*

43.

131.15

varan bið ec þic vera, oc eigi ofvaran 'I am wary of you and not at all overcautious*

44.

131.10

at þic þlofar né leiki *that thieves will not trick you*

284

45.

132.5

at háði né hlátrl hafðu aldregl gest né ganganda ’never have laughter nor contempt for guest nor wanderer1

46.

133.4

erat maðr sva góðr, at galll né fylgi, né sva illr, at elnugl dugl 'there is not anyone so good that fault might not follow, nor so evil that he might have done nothing of worth'

47.

135.5

gest þu né geyia, né á grind hrækir 'you should not address the guest harshly and not ever shove him to the door'

48.

138.7

á þeim meiði, er mangi veit 'on the tree which nobody knows'

49.

139.1

Við hleifi mic ssldo né við hornigi, nýsta ec niðr *'they gave me neither bread nor did I see no horn below'

50.

146.1

Lioð ec þau kann, er kannat þioðans kona oc mannzcis mçgr *'I know those spells which the wives of princes and the sons of no one do not know'

51.

148.6

bítað þeim vápn né velir 'weapons nor trickery do not harm them'

285

52.

158.4

munað hann falla, þótt hann í fólc komi, hnígra sá halr fyr hicfrom *he will not fall although he comes among people, he will not sink due to the sword1

53.

163.2

er ec æva kennig mey né mannz kono ... nema þeiri einni, er mic armi verr 'that I never knew intimately maid nor man's wife ... except with the one whose arms encircle me*

286

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Old English Grammar.

London:

VITA

Virginia Mae Coombs was born on March 22, 1946 in Youngstown, Ohio, the daughter of Frederick and Alyce Coombs« she was graduate magna cum laude from Denison University.

In 1968

She received

the A.M. in 1970 and the PH.D. in Germanic languages and literatures in 1974 from the University of Illinois.

In 1970-71 Professor Coombs

studied at the Ludwig-Maximilian Universität in Munich, Germany as a recipient of a grant from the Germanistic Society of America.

From

1971 to 1974 she held a National Defense Educational Act - Title IV grant, and in 1975 she was awarded a grant by the Fulbright Commission to participate in a Summer Seminar held in Göttingen and Berlin, Germany. In August 1974 Professor Coombs joined the faculty of the Department of Germanic Languages at Indiana University.

Her current research includes

a detailed study of the semantic environments for negative morpheme conditioners in the historical stages of the West Germanic languages (research for Old English forthcoming in Orbis); an annotated bibliography of linguistic and pedagogical materials for teachers of German (to be published by Newbury House Publishers); and a study of the semantic structure of the language of contemporary German advertising.

GÖPPINGER ARBEITEN ZUR GERMANISTIK herausgegeben von ULRICH MÜLLER, FRANZ HUNDSNURSCHER und CORNELIUS SOMMER GAG 1: U. Müller, ,.Dichtung“ und „Wahrheit“ in den Liedern Oswalds von Wolkcnstein: Die autobiographischen Lieder von den Reisen. (1968) GAG 2: F. Hundsnurscher, Das System der Partikelverben mit „aus“ in der Gegen­ wartssprache. (1968) GAG 3: J. Möckelmann, Deutsch-Schwedische Sprachbeziehungen. Untersuchung der Vorlagen der schwedischen Bibelübersetzung von 1536 und des Lehngutes in den Übersetzungen aus dem Deutschen. (1968) GAG 4: E. Menz, Die Schrift Karl Philipp Moritzens „Über die bildende Nachahmung des Schönen“ . (1968) GAG 5: H. Engelhardt, Realisiertes und Nicht-Realisiertes im System des deutschen Verbs. Das syntaktische Verhalten des zweiten Partizips. (1969) GAG 6: A. Kathan, Herders Literaturkritik. Untersuchungen zu Methodik und Struktur am Beispiel der frühen Werke. (2. Aufl. 1970) GAG 7 : A. Weise, Untersuchungen zur Thematik und Struktur der Dramen von Max Frisch. (3. Aufl. 1972) GAG 8: H.-J. Schröpfer, „Heinrich und Kunigunde“ . Untersuchungen zur Vers­ iegende des Ebernand von Erfurt und zur Geschichte ihres Stoffs. ( 1969) GAG 9: R. Schmitt, Das Gefüge des Unausweichlichen in Hans Henny Jahnns Roman­ trilogie „Fluß ohne Ufer“ . ( 1969) GAG 10: W. E. Spengler, Johann Fischart, genannt Mentzer. Studie zur Sprache und Literatur des ausgehenden 16. Jahrhunderts. (1969) GAG 11 : G. Graf, Studien zur Funktion des ersten Kapitels von Robert Musils Roman „Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften“ . Ein Beitrag zur Unwahrhaftigkeitstypik der Gestalten. (1969) GAG 12: G. Fritz, Sprache und Überlieferung der Neidhart-Lieder in der Berliner Handschrift germ. fol. 779 (c). (1969) GAG 13: L.-W. Wolff, Wiedereroberte Außenwelt. Studien zur Erzählweise Heimito von Doderers am Beispiel des „Romans No 7“ . (1969) GAG 14: W. Freese, Mystischer Moment und reflektierte Dauer. Zur epischen Funk­ tion der Liebe im modernen deutschen Roman. (1969) GAG 15: U. Späth, Gebrochene Identität. Stilistische Untersuchungen zum Parallelis­ mus in E. T. A. H offm anns,Lebensansichten des Kater Murr‘. (1970) GAG 16: U. Reiter, Jakob van Hoddis. Leben und lyrisches Werk. (1970) GAG 17: W. E. Spengler, Der Begriff des Schönen bei Winckelmann. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Klassik. (1970) GAG 18: F. K. R. v. Stockert, Zur Anatomie des Realismus: Ferdinand von Saars Entwicklung als Novellendichter. (1970)