A Linguistic History of the Forgotten Islands: A Reconstruction of the Proto-language of the Southern Ryūkyūs 9789004213265, 9781905246571

Citation preview

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS - A RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO-LANGUAGE OF THE SOUTHERN RYOKYDS -

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

THE LANGUAGES OF ASIA SERIES Series Editor: Alexander Vovin University of Hawai 'i at Miinoa

EDITORIAL BOARD Wolfgang Behr University of Bochum

Uwe Blaesing University of Leiden Stefan Georg

University of Bonn

Toshiki Osada Research Institute for Humanity and Nature (Kyoto)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

A Linguistic History of the Forgotten Islands • A Reconstruction of the Proto-language of the Southern RyUkyiis •

JOHN R. BENTLEY NORTIIERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY

GLOBAL ORIENTAL

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

LANGUAGES OF ASIA SERIES

Volume 7

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS:

A RECONSTRUCTION OF TIlE PROTO-LANGUAGE OF TIlE SOUTIlERN RYDKYDS

by John R.Bentley First published in 2008 by GLOBAL ORIENTAL PO Box 219 Folkestone Kent CT20 2WP UK www.globaloriental.co.uk ~

John R.Bentley 2008

Reprinted 2010 ISBN 978-1-905246-57-1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication May be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any Electronic, mechanical or other means, now known Or hereafter invented, including photocopying and Recording. or in any information or retrieval system, Without prior permission in writing from the Publishers British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A CIP catalogue entry for this book is available From the British Library

Printed and bound in England by TJI, Padstow, Cornwall

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

v

To Jennifer, Michelle, and Stephen

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

vii

CONTENTS · 0ifF·19ures ...... ......................................................................... Vll.. Llst List of Maps ..................................................................................... x List of Abbreviations and Notations ............................................... xi Preface ......................................................................................... xii 1 Introduction .................................................................................. 1 1 Okinawa and Japan ................................................................. 1 2 Geography and history .......................................................... .4 3 Language history .................................................................. 23 4 Importance of the present study ............................................ 27 5 Data for this study ................................................................ 33 2 Proto-Miyako .............................................................................. 40 1 Introduction .......................................................................... 40 2 Proto-Miyako Consonants ................................................... .41 3 Proto-Miyako Vowels ........................................................... 62 4 Observations on Verbal Morphology .................................... 74 5 Proto-Miyako Accent. ........................................................... 85 3 Proto-Yaeyama ........................................................................... 91 1 Introduction .......................................................................... 91 2 Proto-Yaeyama Consonants .................................................. 92 3 Proto-Yaeyama Vowels ....................................................... 122 4 Observations on Verbal Morphology and Syntax ............... 147 5 Proto-Yaeyama Accent ....................................................... 154

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

viii

4 Pre-Yonaguni ............................................................................ 159 1 Introduction ........................................................................ 159 2 Pre-Yonaguni Consonants .................................................. 161 3 Pre-Yonaguni Vowels ......................................................... 182 4 Observations on Verbal Morphology .................................. 188 5 Yonaguni Accent.. ............................................................... 194 5 Proto-Sakishima ....................................................................... 197 1 Introduction ........................................................................ 197 2 Proto-Sakishima Consonants .............................................. 197 3 Proto-Sakishima Vowels ..................................................... 214 4 Observations on Verbal Morphology .................................. 222 5 Proto-Sakishima Accent ..................................................... 231 6 Classification of Yonaguni .................................................. 237 Appendix ..................................................................................... 243 References ................................................................................... 302

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

ix

LIST OF FIGURES 1. Area of Various Islands in the Ryiikyiis .................................. .4 2. Typical Tree Diagram of Proto-J apanese ................................ 24 3. Comparison of words from Mainland Japanese ...................... 25 4. Comparison of Japonic fonns ................................................. 25 5. Three Vowel Heights in Japonic ............................................. 26 6. A More Accurate Tree Diagram ofProto-Japanese................ 27 7. Listing of Hateruma N-final words ......................................... 29 8. Comparison of Languages in Ryiikyiian ................................. 29 9. Additional Information from Nakijin ...................................... 30 10. Comparison of Languages in Ryiikyiian (2) ........................... 31 11. Comparison of words for 'finger' ................................. ,........ .36 12. V in Verbal Morphology......................................................... .49 13. V in the verb 'row' .................................................................. 50 14. Loss of a tap in Miyako ........................................................... 54 15. Morphological change in 'write' ............................................. 55 16. Glides in Miyako Songs .......................................................... 61 17. Miyara's vowel chart ............................................................... 64 18. Spirantization and the high, mid vowel... ................................ 65 19. Tap plus high vowel in Miyako Verbs ..................................... 65 20. Secondary Nature of e ............................................................. 68 21. Environment for Tarama Diphthongs ...................................... 69 22. Secondary Nature of 0 •...........••..•............•..•...•...........•........•...70 23. Verb charts ........................................................................ 75-76 24. Uchima's Reconstruction of 'write' ........................................ 76 25. Infinitive forms for 'think' ...................................................... 77 26. Proto-forms in Miyako ............................................................ 78 27. Conclusive in Miyako ............................................................. 80 28. Verb charts ........................................................................ 80-82 29. Uchima's Proto-form for 'come' ............................................. 82 30. Uchima's Proto-fonn for 'do' .................................................. 82 31. 'Come' in Hirara and Ogami .................................................. 83 32. Proto-Miyako 'come' and 'do' ................................................ 84 33. Accent Classes .................................................................. 86-87

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

x

34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58 59.

Reconstructed Accent for Monosyllables ............................... 88 Disyllabic correspondences ..................................................... 88 Reconstructed Accent for Disyllables ..................................... 89 Trisyllabic Correspondences ................................................... 89 Reconstructed Accent for Trisyllables .................................... 90 Data from Hateruma ............................................................. 102 Hateruma Free and Bound forms .......................................... 118 The Vowels leI and lei in Hateruma ...................................... 136 Vocalic variation in Hateruma ............................................... 139 0 in Hateruma ....................................................................... 140 Regular Verbs ................................................................ 147-148 Uchima's Proto-forms for 'write' ......................................... 148 Proto-Yaeyama Verb Classes ................................................ 150 Irregular Verbs ............................................................... 150-151 Proto-forms for 'come' and 'do' ........................................... 152 Korean Transcription of Sakishima Island Names ............... 153 Monosyllabic Accent ............................................................ 155 Disyllabic Accent .......................................................... 155-156 Reconstructed Accent for monosyllables .............................. 156 Proto-Yaeyama Disyllabic Accent ........................................ 156 Reconstructed Accent for Disyllables ................................... 157 Correspondences for Trisyllables .......................................... 157 Reconstructed Accent for Trisyllables .................................. 158 P versus H in Yonaguni ......................................................... 163 Loans in Yonaguni ................................................................ 164 d- versus y- in Free and Bound forms ................................... 166 Comparison of *k- ................................................................ 170 Fricatives in Shuri and Yonaguni .......................................... 171 Change of voiced fricatives in Yonaguni .............................. 172 Nasal syllabification in Yonaguni ......................................... 174 Change of mi to N in Yonaguni ............................................. 174 Lenition of the tap ................................................................. 176 Older forms versus newer ones ............................................ 178 Alternation of 'hear' ............................................................. 179

60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. Restricted to Fricatives .......................................................... 181 69. The vowels i and i" ................................................................ 183

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xi

70. *u in Yonaguni ..................................................................... 184 71. Three Classes of Verbs .......................................................... 188 72. Problematic Verbs ................................................................. 188 73. Irregular Verbs ....................................................................... 192 74. Monosyllabic Accent ............................................................ 195 75. Disyllabic Accent .................................................................. 195 76. Trisyllabic Accent ................................................................. 196 77. Vowel Correspondences in proto-Sakishima ........................ 215 78. Verb Classes ................................................................... 222-223 79. Proto-Sakishima ................................................................... 223 80. Comparison of the Perfective ................................................ 224 81. Yonaguni Verbal Morphology ............................................... 225 82. Irregular Verb Classes .................................................... 227-228 83. Proto-forms for 'come' and 'do' ............................................ 229 84. Uchima's proto-form for 'do' ................................................ 230 85. 'Come' in Yonaguni ............................................................... 230 86. Monosyllabic Accent ............................................................. 232 87. Reconstructed Monosyllabic Accent ..................................... 232 88. Disyllabic Accent. .................................................................. 233 89. Reconstruction for Disyllabic Classes a and b ...................... 233 90. Reconstruction for Disyllabic Class c ................................... 234 91. Examples of Disyllabic Class c ............................................. 234 92. Trisyllabic Accent .................................................................. 235 93. Trisyllabic Accent Classes ............................................ 235-237 94. Shared Retention in Morphology .......................................... 239 95. Loss of a tap before a vowel.. ................................................ 240 96. Syllabic Compression ............................................................ 240 97. Shared Innovation in Yaeyama .............................................. 241

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xii

LIST OF MAPS 1. Kyiishii and Okinawa Prefecture ................................................. 2 2. Kagoshima and Okinawa Prefectural Islands .............................. 3 3. Sakishima Islands ........................................................................ 5 4. Miyako Dialects ......................................................................... 41 5. Yaeyama Dialects ...................................................................... 92 6. Yonaguni ................................................................................. 160

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xiii

ABBREVIATIONS AND NOTATIONS The following abbreviations and notations have been used throughout the book. CAUS causative ADN adnominal CONC conclusive CND conditional DAT dative CONT continuative EV evidential EOJ Early Old Japanese GER gerund F falling (accent) HON honorific HR Hirara HXHateruma HZ Hatoma IG Ishigaki IE Iejima IMF imperfect IK Ikema INCL inclusive IMP imperative KB Kohama INF infinitive KS Kuroshima KM kakari musubi NEG negative NA (Data) Not-Available NHNagahama OBJ object PASS passive aGagami PJ Proto-Japonic PFT perfective POSS possessive PM Proto-Miyako PR Proto-Ryukyuan PROG progressive PS Proto:-Sakishima PT particle PY G Pre-Yonaguni PY Proto-Yaeyama R rising (accent) SN Sonai (Iriomote Island) SUB subject TOP topic marker TMTarama VOL Volitional YG Yonaguni 1Phonemic pitch fall between mora Phonemic pitch rise between mora 1Phonemic pitch fall within a mora - x X is high register _x X is low register o Syllable

r

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xv

PREFACE

T

here have been many studies into the language history of Japanese over the course of more than a century, with many attempts at identifying the genetic relationship of Japanese with other languages. While these fruitful attempts have unearthed much information regarding earlier states of Japanese, it is regretful that there has been comparatively little interest in the language history of the Ryiikyiis. Aside from important work by Miyara Toso (18931964) and Hattori Shiro (1908-1995) there has been relatively little interest from scholars within Japan in the language history of the Ryiikyiis. When there has been interest, scholars have often taken the languages of Amarni Oshima or Okinawa Island as their focal point. Historically, we know that the northern islands of the Ryiikyiis (Amami and Okinawa) have had much more language contact with the main islands of Japan, and thus have more lexical loans than the southern islands, collectively called Sakishima. While it makes sense to place greater emphasis on the linguistic study of the languages of Sakishima, perhaps the lack of a corpus of written records, along with the difficulty of traversing so many scattered islands has prevented many serious scholars from studying these languages. It almost seems that the languages of the southern islands essentially have been forgotten. This is not to say that there is no interest from scholars regarding the languages of these islands; unfortunately, almost all scholars who currently investigate the languages of the islands of Sakishima do so from a synchronic stance. The last full-scale attempt at a reconstruction of the languages of the Ryiikyiis came from Maner

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xvi

Thorpe (1983), an unpublished dissertation. Thus, the diachronic study of the languages of these important islands is severely lacking. This monograph is an attempt to address that gap in our knowledge. It is hoped that this study will provide scholars with crucial data in helping reconstruct a more accurate picture of protoRyl1kyl1an, and then eventually proto-Japonic. The present study began over ten years ago as an almost overambitious attempt at a paper in a graduate level class with Professor Leon Serafim while the author was a graduate student at the University of Hawai'i at Manoa. With the encouragement of Professor Serafim, the author later expanded his study to include a number of languages in both Miyako and Yaeyama. This somewhat tedious and time consuming work would not have continued without the support of Professor Serafim and his gracious sharing of his vast knowledge and limited time. I express my gratitude, also, to Alexander Vovin, the editor of the new series The Languages of Asia, for his patience and assistance in bringing this work to fruition. He has been a valuable source of information. His comments and suggestions have made the present work much stronger. Regardless, any errors that remain are solely my responsibility. Professor Karimata Shigehisa, of the University of the Ryl1kyl1s, has also been of great help, sending me a number of off prints of his articles, and answering various questions related to the languages of Miyako. He also alerted me to the pitfalls of using locally compiled dictionaries, which often contain confusing transcriptions, inaccurate data, or both. I also express my gratitude to Nishioka Satoshi who arranged informants for me to interview in Yonaguni, and has provided me with valuable assistance and information. Nakahara J6 has also been of great assistance, helping the author locate people and resources while in Okinawa. The author wishes to thank the following informants for their time and valuable information: Takara Sh6sai (b. 1921) and Miyazato Zensei (b. 1921), both who live in Sonai on Yonaguni.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

xvii

Professor Moriyo Shimabukuro, also of the University of the Ryukyus, has been a good friend and gracious host every time that I have traveled to Naha, Okinawa. His recent contribution to scholarship, The Accentual History of the Japanese and Ryukyuan Languages, has greatly improved the present volume's discussion and reconstruction of accent in Sakishima. Barbara Riley graciously gave me a copy of her field notes, taken when she traveled throughout the islands of the Ryukyus. She has kindly allowed me to cite from these notes. The author would also like to thank the American Philosophical Society for a Franklin Grant which allowed me to do field work in the Ryukyus. Without this monetary support this research would not have been completed. This work also would not have seen the light of day without the love and support of my family. I am grateful for the selfless love and support of my wife, Chierni, and my children, Jennifer, Michelle, and Stephen. This work is dedicated to my children.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

1

INTRODUCTION 1.0 Okinawa and Japan

I

n the earliest records of Japan, the islands known as Amami and Okinawa are labeled nanto 'southern islands' (map one). A variety of this name persists to the present, as the entire chain of islands south of Kyiishii is often simply known as nansei shoto 'the chain of south-western islands'. In the seventh month of 699, Shoku nihongi, Japan's second official history, records that people from the islands of ~* (ta-niaj) 1, ~R (jia-kiw), ~~ (?am-mi), and J3t~ (tfiu~-kam) made an appearance at the Japanese court. The identification of most of these islands is readily apparent: Tanegashima, Yakushima, and Amami Oshima, but the identification of tliu:J-kam with Tokunoshima is somewhat questionable. In the year 714 people from two other islands appear at the Nara court; the names of these islands are recorded as f~1: (sin-kja:w) and fj(~ (kfiiw-mi). The first is thought to point to Ishigaki2 and the second island is believed to point to Kume Island. Finally in 753 a Japanese embassy returning from China makes a port-of-call at an island labeled ~iiJ 9c.~~ (a-nzi-naj-pua). This name looks suspiciously like Okinawa. After this entry the 'southern islands' disappear from the Japanese chronicles for several centuries. The 1 I use the Late Middle Chinese reconstructions of E. G Pulleyblank (1991) for Chinese. 2 Today the islanders call their island IshanagY [iSanagl]. Islanders from Hatoma call it Isanaki, while the people from Taketomi call it Inashi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

2

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Ryukyus are rediscovered again in the twelfth century as Japanese from the mainland (Satsuma) make contact, and try to exert symbolic, and then actual, hegemony over the islands. In 1872 King Shotai is made 'Territorial King of Ryukyu' by the Tokyo Government. Near the end of the third month of 1879 a messenger from Tokyo announces the abolishment of the territory of Ryukyu and its king, and then Okinawa Prefecture is created.

f\

China East China Sea Islands .,' Naze

Amami Oshima

(! , Kikai

~

• I>

ta.·. . . .

Okierabu... Tokunoshima ~ yoron

Kume ..

I

I

."

Okinawa Honto

I

Yo~aguni I

N~

....

•

Ishigak}.~ Miyako

r1'

[;j ..

\ lriomot. 'Hateruma

Hirara

Sakishima Islands

o _______150 ~l

'~

____

300 Miles

~'

Map 1. Kyushu and Okinawa Prefecture

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

3

...f)

KAGOSHIMA· KEN

"OUr......

..... E A S T

N A

C 1-1

-.",9 ... ,....

.) Q_

Id

OKINAWA.KEN

TAIWAN

.-

'0

.

o.-V '

SEA

..........

yo.

k":-

."1- "-"....{

"-'-- •

-~

4

.".,..... ......

+

.....

~

.

so

I...

""

-'.

aoo

Map 2. Kagoshima and Okinawa Prefectural Islands Modern Okinawa Prefecture consists of a large number of islands that stretch southwest from the main island of Okinawa down to the small island of Yonaguni located only 70 miles from Taiwan (map two). Roughly speaking. Okinawa Prefecture occupies an expanse of ocean that is 620 miles from east to west. and 250 miles north to south. or 155,000 square miles of ocean. If the main island of Okinawa is transposed on a map of Japan over the city of Osaka, then the islands stretch down to Nagasaki, where Yonaguni would be located. Within this vast expanse of ocean is large diversity of islands. The following chart illustrates the size of some of these islands.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

4

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(1) Area 0 f Various Islands in the R"iik.yiis

Island Name Okinawa Iriomote Ishigaki Mivako Kume Kohama Yonaguni Irabu Tarama Hateruma Hatoma

Japanese

itP_*m, W~m,

:fi;lj!Sb '8tlSb !A.*Sb IJ'milJ 1j.JjBrESb fJJ'&imSb ~ &rd'l6b 7J1t l!« rd'lSb JtIrd'l6b

Area in Miles 2 465.5 112 86 61.4 23 20.6 11.1 11 7.6 5 0.4

2.0 Geography and history The wide expanse of ocean that separates the various island groups has created a buffer zone that naturally separates various cultural spheres and their languages. Culturally and linguistically Okinawa Prefecture can be divided into four distinct groups (acknowledging, however, that not all scholars agree on the precise details of this subcategorization): i) Okinawa, ii) Miyako, iii) Yaeyama, and iv) Yonaguni. The present study concentrates on the three southernmost language groups, which together are commonly called Sakishima (see map three). A precise date is not available, but sometime in the Heian era (794-1185) the imperial court in Kyoto placed the southern islands under the jurisdiction of the Dazaifu in Kyiishii. According to the Dazaifu records the islands off the coast of Kyiishii were then divided into three geographic groups: the near, the offing, and the far-off.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

5

East China Sea .......

1nb.1i:)"~Opw.i 'Minna

k,~ :d-

.

~ KohamI Iriomote

MiY.kO~~ K.....

°T.....

Tumm.

J' ""..........

Ar.psuku

"

10

MIlES

Map 3. Sakishima Islands Archaeologists have studied the relation of Kyiishii to these southern islands. Chinen Osamu (1993:233) divides the chronology of Okinawa into two segments: pre-historical and historical, and then subdivides the pre-historical period into four sub-periods. From archaeological evidence he concludes that in the first and second period, J6mon (13,000-500 BCE) culture and technology was brought into Amami from Kyiishii and this then trickled down farther south into Okinawa. With this wave of immigration scholars theorize that the idea of nirai-kanai appeared in the islands. Scholars believe this word means 'paradise that is across the waters' (Hokama 1981:115). Nirai-kanai is a mythic village, the place where one's ancestors dwell after departing this life. It is believed that this name refers to an actual place the early immigrants departed when they moved down into the islands.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

6

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Hokama has argued that it basically means 'from the direction of the root' (1981:129). Chinen notes that during the third pre-historical period immigration from Kyiishii stopped for a time, perhaps because of events on Kyiishii. In the fourth and final period, there is a renewed wave of cultural and technological immigration from Kyiishii. It is at this time that a new form of pottery appears, called ichiki 'coming to market'. With the end of the Jomon period and the beginning of the rice culture of the Yayoi period (500 BCE-300 CE) the original Jomon culture of the Amami and Okinawa islands had solidified so that the newer Yayoi culture could make few inroads into the islands. Chinen argues: Even in the Yayoi era Kyiishii culture traveled south following the course of cultural exchange known as the 'path of seashells', but this Yayoi culture was not accepted by the southern islands. Even in this newer era Amarni and the islands of Okinawa still tenaciously retained elements of the Jomon culture. As one sees in the characteristics of Yayoi pottery like the clay jar, pot, and bowl, perhaps the people of the southern islands could not logically distinguish between Jomon and Yayoi culture in the beginning (1993:233). It is difficult to place these islands in a concrete historical framework because of the dearth of recorded material. The first time these islands appear in recorded history is in the Chinese record, Sui shu, the entry dated 606, under the title mE3itOO 'state of Luw-guw'. The current scholarly consensus is that this description is really about the island of Formosa (Taiwan), but Matsumoto (1973:17-23) introduces the work of Liang Chia-pin who argues that the Chinese have recorded characteristics of both Okinawa and Formosa together, and placed this heterogeneous description under the nebulous heading of Luw-guw. The beginning of this description outlines the following information:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

7

The state of Luw-guw is an island located in the ocean east of the Jian-an commandery (modem Fuzhou City). It takes five days by sea to reach this place. There are many caves. The surname of the king is Xwan-se, and his name is Khat-Iat-t~w. The origin and the length of the royal succession are unknown. The people of the land call their king Kha-Iaw-jiaIJ, and their queen is Ta-bat-dra. The place where the king dwells is called Pa-Ia-dan-doIJ. The moat and fence are triple-layered, with water in the moats all around. Hedges with thorns are planted around the palace .... There are some hints here that these words may be Formosan (Tsouic, Paiwanic, or Atayalic). Early stages of Tsouic have the following morpheme structure *(C)V(C)(C)V(C) (Tsuchida 1976: 211). While recognizing the limits of the Chinese transcription, it would seem that a good number of the sounds being transliterated have open syllables. Due to the following description, I tentatively conclude that while the record deals with Luw-guw (Formosa), some of the islands mentioned are likely those of Sakishima (Ishigaki or Iriomote): The following year (608) the Emperor again commanded Zhu Kuan to convince Luw-guw to swear allegiance to China, but Luw-guw would not obey. Kuan took some Luw-guw cloth armor and returned to court. At this time an envoy from Wa (Japan) saw the armor and said, "The people oflyaku [also] use this." The Emperor dispatched Chen Leng, Commander of the Palace Guards, (and others) who raised an army, launched from Yian, and crossed the ocean to attack Luw-guw. The armada reached Gaohua Islet and proceeded two more days eastward and came to Goubi Islet, and then proceeding one more day they reached Luw-guw.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

8

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

In the beginning Commander Leng pressed into service men from the various southern states. Among these was a man from Kunlun (Kw;)nlw:m-the area around the Indochina Peninsula) who understood the language of Luw-guw well. The commander dispatched this man to smooth things over and convince Luw-guw to accept Sui's terms, but Luw-guw would not follow and refused the request of the Sui army. Commander Leng attacked and defeated the Luw-guw army, causing them to flee. The Sui army then advanced on the capital and engaged in several battles where they destroyed the Luw-guw. The army set fire to the Luw-guw palace and took several thousand Luw-guw men and women captive, loaded them on their ships as spoils of war and returned to Sui. From that time there has been no contact with Luw-guw. Matsumoto lists the following descriptions found in the Sui shu account that strongly suggest that not only Formosa, but also the southern part of the Ryukyu archipelago was visited. He cites a Chinese poem written by Fujiwara Shigeyoshi (Hirnt~fjg) in 804 CE when he was sent to Tang China as an envoy: When the southern wind blows in the morning My heart is broken by those wolf-like desires for Tamra. When the northern wind blows in the evening I lose my heart with those tiger-like lusts for Luw-guw. Here Matsumoto (1973:20-21) contends that Cheju (Tamra) is juxtaposed against Luw-guw, which must be part of Ryukyu and not Formosa (usually called Phji-sia-jia [Pi-she-ye]). The record of the Luw-guw mentions three main points about the culture of these people: the society (dress, weapons, and punishment), the plant and animal life, and warfare (cannibalism after battle, and putting the skulls of the dead on poles as decoration for the wall below the palace). This third description is the basis for arguing that Formosa is the actual spot and not Ryukyu. The Paiwanic tribes of southern

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

9

INTRODUCTION

Formosa engaged in similar behavior until rather recent times. While it is nearly impossible to filter out the Formosan descriptions from the Sakishima, the above entry is still of some cultural value for looking at the early Ryiikyiian people. The islands of Sakishima disappear from historical records until around the fifteenth century, when a small number of Korean sailors are shipwrecked and rescued by villagers from Yonaguni. In the sixth month of 1479 the Korean dynastic history, Yijo sillok, records the following: The three shipwrecked men from Jeju (Cheju), Kim Pi-uy, Kang Mwu, and Yi Ceng/ were escorted back from the land of Ryiikyii. The report they gave regarding their journey through the islands and the customs of these islands was extraordinary, so an official ordered that the Hong Wen Guan write down the words of the sailors and present it to the court. What follows are their words. On the first day of the second month (of 1477) our crew ... set sail with a cargo of mandarin oranges we had received, and our single ship headed out to the open sea, toward Chuya Island. Suddenly directly from the east a great wind blew and we were blown to the west. From the first day to the sixth the seawater was a clear aquamarine, but during the seventh and eighth days the water became muddied, like water after washing rice. On the ninth day 3 I have used Yale Romanization to transcribe fifteenth-century Korean or Sino-Korean. The following chart compares the transcription of vowels in Yale with McCune-Reishauer:

MR 0 --0

ii u i

Yale e 0

wo u wu i

MR wo e we iii ae

oe

Yale we ey wey uy ay oy

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

10

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS we were still blown by a westerly, headed south adrift. The water again turned clear. On the fourteenth day we spotted a small island, but before we could reach shore the rudder broke and the ship sank. The crew all drowned (other than these three) ... the three of us clung to a plank and drifted until we spotted two fishing boats, each with four sailors on board. Seeing us they pulled us in and we were able to reach the shore of the island. The name of the island is ~ {jt~Jfl Zyun-i si-ma4 (The people call their islands ~Jt si-ma). It takes two days to walk around the circumference of this island. The population is a hundred or so men and women. A number of islanders cut some grass and made a hut on the beach for us to stay. As soon as we had left Cheju we encountered a great wind and violent waves, and water filled our boat up to our foreheads, and there were only a few boards on the side of the ship that were not leaking. Kim Pi-uy and Yi Ceng took calabash gourds and scooped water out of the ship, while Kang Mwu took the helm. The rest of the crew were dizzy (from sea sickness) and were asleep. It was impossible to cook so we had eaten very little during those fourteen days. Having arrived at the island, the islanders brought us rice gruel and leeks. From that evening onward the islanders brought us rice, unrefined sake, and died fish, but we do not know the names of any of the fish. After staying there for seven days the islanders moved us to a house and others brought daily rations. One village would take responsibility to feed us, and then another village would take over. After a month the islanders split us up and sent each person to a different

4 The interpretation of this and the other Korean transcriptions is based on fifteenth century Sino-Korean, which gives us a better picture of the transcription than using modem Sino-Korean as many do (cf. Murayama 1981:75). Iha Fuyu (1927:56) and Ogura Shinpei (1935:394) also have noticed this change of y- > d(Thanks to Alexander Vovin for the citations).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

11

INTRODUCTION

village, and then people took turns providing for us. We were given sake and rice three times a day. The appearance of the islanders is very much like our own countrymen. One custom they have is piercing their ears and putting in small blue jewels, and these hang down two or three inches. Also things hanging from the jewels wrap around the nape of the next three or four times and hang down about three feet. Both men and women wear these, but the elderly do not. Both men and women walk around barefoot; they do not wear shoes. The young men wind their hair, braid it, and tie it up. This is tied up with string made of ramie. The hair tied in a knot hangs by the nape of the neck. They do not wear a rope headband. Long hair reaches down to their navels with some tying it up, while others wrap it up several times. The hair of the women is also long, with some that reaches their ankles when they are standing. Even those with shorter hair have hair that reaches to their knees. They do not make a knot in the hair, but just wrap it around the top of the head and stick a wooden comb in it. This island has no iron pots, tripod cauldrons, spoons, chopsticks, dishes, bowls, glass or tile vessels. Generally they take clay and make a cauldron and dry this in the sun, and then they fire it by burning straw, but after cooking rice for five or six days, the pot falls apart. In general the islanders eat rice, and though chestnuts grow on the island they do not like these. They put cooked rice on bamboo pipes and then they grab this with their hands and make a fist-sized ball and eat it. They do not use a dinner table, but place a board before each person. One woman is in charge of each meal, and she gives each person one rice ball. The person waiting to receive this first puts a leaf in the palm of his hand, and the rice ball is placed on top, and then eaten. This tree leaf resembles a lotus leaf. When the person has finished the first rice ball he or she can have another, and will be given up to three rice balls. Houses that have a large

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

12

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

family eat an innumerable amount of rice balls, and the woman continues to give out rice balls as long as someone asks. The islanders have absolutely no salt or soy sauce. They place vegetables in seawater and make soup, which is then poured into a gourd or a vessel made of a piece of wood that has been hollowed out. Regarding sake, they have unrefined sake, but not clear, refined sake. They place rice in water, and then women chew this up and make a paste. This is placed in a wooden vat and brewed, but they do not use malt; thus, no matter how much one drinks you barely get drunk. When it is time to drink it they pour the sake into a large gourd, and then the person generally holds the gourd and is given a little at a time after that. There is no word of thanks. Those who can drink a lot are given a goblet. This alcohol is very weak. After three or four days of brewing the alcohol matures and if not consumed it turns to vinegar and cannot be used. Regarding the fish they eat, they use dried fish or they take fresh fish, mince the meat, add leeks and vegetables, and eat it. They also soak rice in water, grind this in a foot mortar and make mochi (rice cake). This is wrapped in a large leaf that resembles the leaf of a palm tree. This is tied with straw, boiled, and eaten. Looking through their houses, we found that they have a continuous room with no back room or windows. The eaves of the front of the house have a slight incline. The back of the house has a sunshade that leans against the house. They do not use roof tiles, and do not enclose their land with walls. When they sleep they use a wooden board, but do not use a blanket. The islanders use straw for their sitting mats. In front of the main building of the house they put a storehouse and place rice they have harvested in it. Regarding another custom, the islanders do not wear hats or belts. When it gets hot they make a hat out of palm fronds, which resemble the hats bonzes wear in our country. The islanders also do not have hemp or cotton and they do

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

13

not raise silkworms. They only have straw which is woven into cloth. When they make clothing it resembles a cikryeng,5 without the collar or the pleats. The sleeves are short and broad. The cloth is dyed indigo blue. For their inner garment they wear three yards of white cloth which is pulled around their bodies and tied up by the shoulder. The clothing of the women is the same, but they wear a lower garment attached inside to the outer garment, and there is no white inner cloth. The lower garment is also dyed indigo blue. There are rats living in their houses. The islanders raise cattle, chickens, and cats, but they do not eat the meat of the cattle or chickens. When one animal dies they quickly bury it. We told them that the meat of the cattle and chickens was edible, so they shouldn't bury the carcass. When they heard this the islanders spit and laughed. There is plenty of lumber in the mountains, but there are no wild animals. As far as fowl, the island has pigeons and yellow-billed sparrows. Regarding creeping animals and insects, the island has turtles, snakes, toads, frogs, mosquitoes, flies, bats, bees, butterflies, mantes, dragonflies, centipedes, worms, fireflies, and crabs. They have blacksmiths but they do not make plows. The farmers plow their fields with small spades, dig up the weeds, and plant good seed. In wet paddies they use cows to stamp seeds into the ground in the twelfth month. In the first month of the year they transplant the seedlings but do not plow under the weeds. In the second month the rice plants have grown to about a foot tall. The rice is ripe in the fourth month, and at the earliest it is harvested around the fourth month, and at the latest they harvest it in the fifth month. After harvesting the rice, the stem continues to grow, and sometimes the result is greater than the original 5

Cikryeng is a robe-like garment worn by some officials in the Choson

government.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

14

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

planting. Before the harvest in the seventh or eighth month the people all become penitent and do not talk in loud voices, nor do they press their lips together and whistle. But it does not seem to be a problem if they make a whistle by rolling up a leaf, or pretend to blow their staff (like a trumpet). After the harvest they blow through a small pipe, but the sound is quite faint. The harvested rice stalks are then bound up with rice straw, and placed in the storehouse, and after it has been threshed with a bamboo stick, it is pounded with a foot mortar. When the islanders cut weeds or rice stalks they use a sickle. When they chop wood, they use an axe. They also have small knives, but do not have bows, arrows, or halberds. The islanders carry small spears and as long as they are awake, they do not let go of these. When an islander dies they place the body in a wooden coffin and throw it off a cliff. They do not bury the body in the earth. When the space below the cliff is quite wide, they will put five or six coffins down there. The climate on the island is warm, and even in the winter there is no frost or snow. Because of this the plants and trees do not wither. Naturally there is no ice, so the islanders only wear two layers of clothing. In the summer they only wear one layer. This is true of both the men and women. As for vegetables, the islanders grow leeks, eggplant, muskmelon, taro, and ginger. Their ancestors have passed down stories of the eggplant stalk growing to a height of three or four feet, but when the fruit ripens it is the same as in the beginning. Regarding ancient trees, they cut them in the middle, and then the tree sprouts again from the stump. As for trees the island has plum, mulberry, and bamboo. Concerning fruit trees, they have mandarin, chestnut, and orange trees, and these bloom all year. The islanders do not have torches, so at night they tie bamboo together and make a light out of this and light the inside of their houses. Their houses do not have toilets, so

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

15

the people relieve themselves in the field. When the ladies weave fabric they use a reed and a shuttle, and their method of weaving is the same in our country. Other machines are not the same as ours, however. The measurement of cloth and the coarseness or smoothness of the fabric is the same as in our country. The islanders dig into the earth and make a small well, and carry the water out in a gourd container. Their boats have a rudder and an oar, but no scull. They simply put up a sail and follow the wind. Another aspect of their society is that they have no crime. They do not pick up anything dropped along a path. They do not engage in insults or arguments, and they love their children. However, no matter how much the child cries, they do not pick the child up. The island also has no chief. The islanders cannot understand· writing. In the beginning we could not communicate with people, but as we were there for such a long time, we were able to understand their words roughly. We thought about our homeland and cried often. Seeing this the islanders pulled out new rice stalks and lined it up with the old rice and showed us. They then waved it toward the east. They said that this means that the new rice has become like the old rice; in other words when the new rice has become like the old you will be able to return to your home. We were there six months, and at the end of the seventh month a fair wind 6 began to blow. Thirteen islanders loaded a ship with provisions of food and both refined and unrefined sake, and we departed with them. We traveled a day and a night and reached an island called fflfkJ~~ Swo-nay si-ma. The islanders who transported us stayed eight or nine days there, then returned to their own island. They said that this island of Swo-nay was narrow and long 6 The text has 'fair wind'.

i¥iJi1., which means 'southerly wind', but in reality this is just a

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

16

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

and took four or five days to traverse its circumference. The language of the people, their food, clothing, dwellings, and customs are generally the same as Zyun-i. They sent us food like the previous island. The women here poke a hole through both sides of their nose and then thread a small black stick through the holes. It looks like a mole on the nose. They wrap small blue jewels around their shins which are a few inches wide. These islanders also use rice and chestnuts, but the amount of chestnuts is in ratio a third to that of rice. The harvested rice is taken to a vacant piece of land and stacked there, some twenty feet high. Thus the villagers stack their rice stalks in the same place, and in some places there are forty or fifty piles. Their houses also have rats, and they raise cattle, chickens, cats, and dogs. They slaughter and eat the meat of the cattle, but do not eat the meat of the chickens. There are boars in the mountains, and the islanders take their spears, and use hunting dogs to hunt the boar. They roast the animal, cut it up and then steam the meat. The person who catches the boar eats it alone, and no matter how close a friend one may be, he is not given any meat. They say that if you share then it becomes more difficult to catch more later. Regarding fruit trees, they have shaddock, small chestnuts, and oak. They have taro, winter melon, ginger, leeks, eggplant, and gourd. The mountains have a lot of lumber. The islanders often export this lumber to other islands as a form of trade. The island also has cypress trees that reach twenty or thirty feet tall, and they bloom. They also have mountain potatoes that are a foot long, and some are as big as a person. Two women will bring these in by carrying them on their heads, and they split it open with an axe, steam the meat, and eat it. Regarding fowl, the island has crows, pigeons, cormorants, seagulls, herons, and yellow-billed sparrows.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

17

INTRODUCTION

They have the following insects or creeping animals: mosquitoes, flies, toads, frogs, snakes, and snails. Here they steam the snails and eat these. They also have gigantic snakes, some that are five or six feet in length, with a circumference as big around as a log. When a woman carrying a child sees one of these snakes, she rubs the foot of the child on the back of the snake, but the tail does not move because of the size of the creature. Everything else is just like Zyun-i. We were here for five months, and on the last day of the twelfth month a fair wind blew. Five people from this island loaded us into a small boat and we traveled one day and reached another island called MA ~~{J3":lik ~ Phwo-tol-Iwo-ma-i si-ma. This island is flat with no mountains. It is all sand. Compared with Swo-nay Island, this island is very small. The language of the people, their food, dress, dwellings, and customs are generally similar to Zyun-i. They also brought food to us as on the other islands. This island has broomcorn millet, millet, and barley, but they do not have rice paddies to grow rice. They trade with people on the island of Swo-nay. When it is time to plant barley seeds in the autumn months, they use cow dung and work it into the earth by hand. They dig up the earth with a spade and tum it over. The barley ripens in the second or third month, and when they are finished harvesting they tum over the dirt in their fields again and replant. They also plant millet seed in the tenth month, and by the second or third month they harvest it, and replant. Then they can harvest millet again in the seventh or eighth month. They have pigeons, yellow-billed sparrows, and seagulls for fowl. They also have rats in their houses. The islanders raise cows, chickens, and cats. They slaughter the cows and eat the meat, but they do not eat the meat of the chickens. For vegetables they have eggplant, taro, leeks, and gourds. Both men and women pierce their ears and put in small blue jewels. They also string jewels and place this around

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

18

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

their necks. They have no trees, so in order to build a house they must purchase lumber from Swo-nay. The island also has no fruit trees. The island does have mosquitoes, flies, and snails. The islanders have a custom of steaming the snails and eating these. Everything else is like Zyun-i Island. We stayed on this island for a month and then a fair wind blew. Five people put us in a small boat and we set sail. We traveled one day and reached another island; this one was called tm~HjT:JikJt Phwo-Ial-i si-ma. The islanders who transported us here returned to their island the next day. This island is also flat and lacks mountains. One can walk around the circumference of the island in two days. There are only about forty families living on this island. Their language, dress, food, dwellings, and customs are generally the same as Zyun-i Island. They also brought food to us like the other islands. Regarding their customs they take blue jewels and wrap these around their shoulders and shins. This is true of both the men and the women. The island has pigeons, yellowbilled sparrows, and seagulls. They also grow broomcorn millet, millet, and barley. They have no rice. They purchase their rice from Swo-nay Island. Their houses also have rats. They raise cows, chickens, and cats. They slaughter the cows and eat the meat, but do not eat the meat of the chickens. They grow eggplant, taro, leeks, and gourds. This island has no lumber trees or fruit trees. The island has mosquitoes, flies, but no turtles, snakes, snails, or frogs. Everything else is the same as on Zyun-i Island. We stayed on this island for one month and then a fair wind blew. Five islanders put us in one of their auspicious boats and we sailed for one day and arrived at an island called AX jl" :Jik ~ Hwul-yun si-ma. The men that transported us here returned to their island the following day. This island is flat with no mountains. One can walk the circumference of this island in about one day. The

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

19

language, food, and dress are about the same as Zyun-i Island. They grow broomcorn millet, millet, and barley. They have no rice, so they import it from Swo-nay Island. They have pigeons, yellow-billed sparrows, and seagulls for fowl. They have rats in their houses, and they raise cattle, chickens, and cats. They slaughter and eat the meat of the cows, but do not eat the meat of the chickens. For vegetables they have leeks and taro. They have neither fruit trees nor lumber trees. They have creeping creatures like mosquitoes, flies, and snails. They steam and eat the snails. The rest is just like Zyun-i Island. We stayed here for a month and then a fair wind blew. Eight islanders put us in a ship and we sailed one day and half the night and reached another island, called 1t!!iHffr~ ~ Ta-Ia-ma si-ma. This island is flat and has no mountains. One can walk the circumference of this island in about a day. There are some fifty families living on this island. Their language, food, dwellings, and customs are generally the same as Zyun-i Island. They grow broomcorn millet, millet, and barley, but have no rice. They have no lumber, so they import this from Swo-nay Island or from I-Ia-pu Island. They also have no fruit trees. One custom they have is using fabric made of ramie, dying it indigo blue, and making clothing. The color is beautiful like dawn or dusk. They have pigeons, yellow-billed sparrows, and seagulls. Their insects and animals are the same as the other islands. They grow leeks and taro. We stayed here one month, and when a fair wind blew, five sailors took us in a small boat and we sailed one day and reached another island. This one is called {jI"iE;:t:;: fik~ I-Ia-pu si-ma. The men that transported us here returned to their island the following day. It takes about two days to walk the circumference of this island. The islanders' language, food, dwellings, and customs are generally the same as Zyun-i Island. The dress

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

20

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

of these people is the same as the people of Ta-Ia-ma. The custom of bringing us food is the same. The women wear large crystal jewels around their necks. The islanders grow broomcorn millet, millet, and barley, and they also have rice, but its production is only one-tenth that of the barley. This island has a few mountains and valleys with palm trees, mulberry, and bamboo. They also have some lumber. Their houses have rats, and they raise cattle, chickens, and cats. They slaughter the cattle and eat the meat, but they do not eat the chickens. When they brew sake they use malt. They have mosquitoes, flies, and snails. They steam and eat the snails. This island has no snakes. Everything else is like Zyun-i Island. They grow leeks, and taro, and ginger. We stayed here a month, and when a fair wind blew, five sailors took us in a small boat and we traveled one day and came to another island called 'ijflj~Jff Myek-kwo si-ma. Those who transported us here returned to their island the following day. This island is flat and lacks mountains. One can walk the circumference of this island in five or six days. Their language, food, dwellings, and customs are generally the same as Zyun-i Island. Their dress is the same as Ta-Ia-ma. Also the custom of bringing us food to eat is the same as the other islands. When they brew sake they use the same method as on I-Ia-pu Island. They grow rice, broomcorn millet, millet, and barley. When the islanders boil their rice, they use an iron pot that has no legs, which they imported from the land of Ryiikyii. The women wear jewels around their necks just like the women on I-Ia-pu Island. Their houses have toilets inside. Their houses have rats, and the islanders raise cattle, chickens, cats, and dogs. They slaughter and eat the meat of the cattle, but they do not eat the meat of the chickens. Regarding flying fowl they have crows, pigeons, yellow-billed sparrows, seagulls, and herons. The island also has turtles, snakes, toads, frogs, mosquitoes, flies, and snails. They steam the snails and eat these. Everything else

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

21

is like Zyun-i Island. They also grow leeks, watermelon, eggplant, and taro. The island also has palm trees, mulberry, and bamboo. There are a variety of trees in the mountains, but we do not know the names of any of these trees. We stayed on this island for one month and then a fair wind blew. Fifteen islanders put us in a boat and we traveled two days and half a night and reached Ryukyii. On the way the sea turned stormy, and the waves were high, and the sailors became seasick. The king of Ryukyu sent ships to rescue us and praised the Myek-kwo sailors for their bravery in coming to Ryukyu. He gave each of them presents of blue and red cotton cloth, and gave them a tremendous amount of sake. The sake made them drunk and they collapsed. The sailors had clothes tailored from the cloth given them by the king, and then they wore their new clothes. These sailors stayed in Ryukyu for a month before returning to their island. Later some people with translators came and interrogated us. 'What country are you from?' We answered, 'We are Koreans.' They asked, 'And you were fishing and then became shipwrecked?' We counseled among ourselves and said that we were all from the southern sea of Korea (Jeju), and were carrying cargo to Kyoto when we encountered a storm and ended up here. The translator recorded everything that we said and presented this report to the king. The king dispatched several officials and introduced us to our lodging. This lodging was about five Ii from the port. It had a wooden roof, a gate, and windows. A stone wall about six feet high enclosed our lodging, and there was a gate. At night a bolt holds the gate closed. To the side of our lodging is an office, with two officials and two scribes. Apart from this building is a storehouse where treasures, money, fish, and salted fish are stored. The officials inspect all these items. The

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

22

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

translator said, 'This is like the government offices in the districts and villages of Korea. ' Later the three Korean sailors are transported to Hakata in modem Fukuoka and then they are returned to Korea. The Korean king is so taken by the hospitality and care shown to the sailors that he rewards both the Hakata sailors as well as the king of Ryiikyii with gifts. This record contains important information regarding the customs of the people of Sakishima. The identification of these islands is readily apparent. After Yonaguni the sailors are taken to Swo-nay (Sonai), which is a town on the western coast of Iriomote. After this they are transported to a small island they call tmA 15Jff fjt £ ~ Phwo-tol-lwo-ma-i si-ma, which must be modem Hateruma. The Hateruma islanders variously call their island Pachiraa or Pachiruma, while some also call it Patiroo. The only really curious aspect of the Korean transcription is that the first syllable has a back rounded vowel phwo instead of a mid low unrounded vowel pa-. The first vowel of the island name may have been farther back in the fifteenth century than the Korean vowel, and was thus transcribed with a back vowel. After this the sailors are transported to tm~Hjt£~ Phwo-Ial-i si-ma, which is a transliteration of Panari, with the Koreans transcribing na with a liquid. This island is now known as Aragusuku. From here the sailors are taken to Atj!"£~ Hwul-yun si-ma, which appears to be modem Kuroshima. The islanders currently call their island Fuslma. It would appear that the change of *kuro 'black' to Juju was only partly completed, which would explain the transcription hwul « Jur- < *kur-). From here the sailors are taken to Tarama, a fact that is interesting, as the largest island in the area, Ishigaki, is completely bypassed. 7 From Tarama 7 Another interesting aspect is that when anything connected with trade is mentioned, Swonay (lriomote) is the focal point, not Ishigaki. This implies that Ishigaki may have been a rival island at the time (or it may have been undergoing internal strife), so the other islanders avoided it.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

INTRODUCTION

23

the sailors sail to Irabu and then Miyako. Today the islanders still call their island me:ku. which is close to the fifteenth century transliteration. other than the raising of the final vowel. This record is also important in helping us visualize the state of the language of Sakishima in the late fifteenth century. It is interesting the Korean sailors record that all the islands they had visited speak a language similar to Yonaguni. 3.0 Language history In the present volume I call the languages of Japan-mainland Japanese and the languages of the Ryiikyiis-'Japonic·. a term first coined by Leon Serafim. It is important to make this designation. because there is a tendency to look at all the languages spoken in modem Japan as descending from central Japanese. This belief leads people to underestimate the importance of the languages spoken in the Ryiikyiis. Serafim (2004) notes that the Japonic language family likely consists of five languages: Japanese. Northern Ryiikyiian (mainly Amami and Okinawa), Miyako. Yaeyama. and Yonaguni. As an example of this endemic problem of how to treat Ryiikyiian, Shibatani (1990:xiii) notes that there are really only two languages indigenous to Japan: Japanese and Ainu. First. let us be clear about Ainu, especially since there have been some rather awkward attempts to argue that Ainu and Japanese have descended from a common ancestor. Vovin (1993:158) demonstrates quite convincingly that Ainu is not genetically related to Japanese. and this highly endangered language exhibits several features that suggest that it may be related to a South-East Asian language. With Ainu set aside, our focus turns to Japanese and Ryiikyiian. Shibatani (ibid) offers that "the genetic relationship between Japanese and Ryiikyiian has been proven and the transparency of the relationship is such that the latter is now considered as a dialect (group) of Japanese by most scholars." It is true that almost no one would argue against a genetic relation of Japanese and Ryiikyiian. but the difficulty is accurately analyzing what the precise

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

24

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

relationship is. The following diagram (figure two) illustrates how some imagine the diffusion of Japanese throughout the archipelago. I would dare say that this view is not only overly simplistic, but does not accurately represent the linguistic data as we currently understand it. Hock (1991: 381) outlines the well-known principle of 'mutual intelligibility' to determine what a 'language' is and what a 'dialect' is. This is seen through the prism of a 'linguistic continuum' , where one area has a dialect that is mutually intelligible to the neighboring area. When this continuum is broken, then we have a different language. Proto-Japanese

Ryfikyfian

Kyfishfi

Central Japanese

Eastern Japanese

(2) Typical Tree Diagram of Proto-Japanese Though Norwegian and Swedish are mutually intelligible, and therefore would linguistically be classified as dialects of the same language, these dialects are spoken by different people in different countries, so for political reasons we speak of 'languages'. It is based on this politically-motivated reasoning that Ryiikyiian is labeled a dialect of Japanese, but this has the unfortunate result of giving the impression that people in Japan proper speak 'standard' Japanese, and the people of the Ryiikyiis speak a sub-standard, or deviant, version of Japanese. For our purposes it is wise to leave politics aside, and examine the language(s) of Japan from a purely linguistic vantage point. Based on this principle of a linguistic continuum we can divide Japanese into more than just the one language identified by Shibatani. In fact, it is possible to divide the languages of Japan

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

25

INTRODUCTION

into a number of related languages. Before we talk about the languages of Ryiikyiian, it may be interesting to talk about some of the 'dialects' in Japan. Figure three provides eight words from around Japan. 8 As one can see, in general, many of the words are related, though there have been changes. Words like 'bird', 'moon', and 'river' have undergone very little in the way of phonological change. Other words, 'father', 'house', and 'mother', appear to preserve a number of different words. It is based on this kind of data that at present we can talk of a number of dialects on the main islands of Japan.

. IandJ apanese (3) Compansonof words f rom M aID Shimane Nagasaki Word Tokyo Aomori tori tor tori tore bird dada teta toppal) father tSitSi sagana ewo boppo fish w::> iye e: ie abe house tsuki tsi"gi" tsuki moon tsyki mother haha aba kaka aSal) rainbow mjo:3i nOlJdzi nid3i ne3i kawa ka:ra river kawa kawara (4) C ompansonofJ a Word Japanese father tSitJi fish w::> good yoi hand te mother haha water mi3w

Ka~oshima

toi toto bu iye tSit abo no:gi kora

.

)ODIC ~orms Shuri su: iyu: jutasan ti: ?aya: mi3i

Miyako uya izu d30 : tu: ti: anna midzi

Ishigaki bige: IZU

miSa:l) ti: appa midzi

Yonaguni iya iyu su:saru ti: abuta mil)

8 The data for chart three has come from Miyara 1984, which preserves data he recorded before 1941.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

26

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Figure four provides five very common words written phonetically from five languages to give the reader some idea as to the linguistic diversity that exists. As this simple chart makes clear, when one unravels some phonological changes, such as vowel raisings, it becomes clear that these languages sprang from a common source. That is not what is being argued here, however. Perhaps because so many people use simple external comparisons, like the two charts above, one is forced to conclude that Ryiikylian is in reality nothing more than a dialect of Japanese. Morphology, on the hand, is a better indicator of genetic relationships, as it is more resistant to borrowing than simple lexical items. Serafim (2003:473) elegantly illustrates this relationship using the following three verbs (I have expanded his chart by adding data from Shuri): . hts'lD J apomc (5) Th ree V PR> PJ Exceed

sizi-

*sugi-

*suguy-

sugiy

< Japanese sugi-

Arise

uki-

*oke-

*okoy-

okiy

oki-

Float it

uki-

*uke-

*ukay-

ukey

uke-

HR pa:1, IK ha: 1. NH pa:, TM pa:. Therefore, it is clear that word initial *p lenites to h in Ikema, as described in the following rule (ii). (ii)

*p > h#_

The voiced bilabial stop in proto-Miyako is also straightforward. Consider these examples. PM *_bata1 'belly' > HR bata1. IK bata1. NH bata, TM balta. PM *-bekedomV1 'male' > HR bikidum1, IK bikidu11), NH bikidum, TM bikidum. PM *biri 'sit' > HR bLi, IK bi:, NH bLi, TM bLi:l. , The symbol *N represents a nasal of unclear articulation.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

43

There are several peculiar changes that must be addressed related to *p. One is an allophonic change from *p > ps > s in Ikema, as noted above when followed by the high vowel i". First, consider these correspondences. PM *pito- 'one' > HR p:itil (also p\tu-tabaZoi 'one bundle'), IK S}:tSI, NH p)ti, OG P}tu, TM ps(ltu.

PM *- pito1'person' > HR p)tu1, IK s.ilu1. NH p:itu, OG Pltu, TM p:itu. PM *pisikari 'thin' > HR p:is'ikaZoi, IK ssukai, NH p}s}kal, TM p}ssa:1. In certain environments, spirantization colors the initial labial stop, and this is further influenced by the high vowel. In Ikema, spirantization becomes complete. This is the rule (iii): J

*pSoi_> Sl- (IK)

\,

pSoi_ (HR, NH, TM)

(iii) *pi

This captures the fact that a word with a bilabial stop becomes a fricative (spirant) in Ikema in certain cases. This rule also accounts for the strange word in Ikema: PM *pisekari 'cold' > HR p:iSikaZoi, IK Jiikai, NH p:i:Sa:l, TM p.i:Sa:1.

2.2 Dental Stops The dental stops in Miyako are straightforward, with a voiceless and voiced phoneme each. I have not reconstructed the affricate cbecause it is in complimentary distribution with t-, appearing only before I. The correspondences for voiceless It! are 1:1:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

44

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PM *_te 'hand' > HR ti:l IK ti:l NH ti:, TM ti:l. PM *tane 'seed' > HR ta lni, IK tani, NH tani, TM talni. PM *-to 'ten' > HR tu:l IK tu:l NH tu: or tu:, TM tu:. The correspondences of the phoneme /d1 are somewhat harder to find, as this phoneme is only found in medial position, but there is sufficient evidence to posit a proto-phoneme: PM *_ude1'arm' > HR udil IK udil NH udi, Uechi udi1, TM udi. PM *budori 'dance' > HR buduzI, IK budui, NH budul, TMbudul. PM *medomV 'female' > HR midum1, IK midu 11), NH midum, TM midulm. It must be mentioned that there are sporadic cases in the database where /d1 occurs word-initially, and these must be touched upon, even if cursorily. There are only two clear cases in the database. One is 'bad', which is dami in Tarama. This clearly is a loan from Japanese dame 'no good'. The other word, dabi" 'funeral', is also transparent, as it is a religious loan word from Buddhism. In Middle Chinese the word was dra-bji and meant 'cremation', but appears to have been used as a general word for funeral in all of Miyako and Yaeyama.

2.3 Velar Stops Proto-Miyako had a voiceless and voiced velar stop, *k and *g. The correspondences for these are straightforward in all but a few cases, which will be explained later. PM *kara 'because' > HR kara, IK kara, NH kara, TM kara. PM *koma 'here' > HR kuma1, IK kuma, NH kuma or kuma, TM kulma. PM *_ke 'tree' > HR ki:1, IK ki:1, NH ki:, TM ki:l.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

45

There is also a fair amount of data for correspondences of *g: PM *gama 'cave (hole), > HR gama, IK gama, NH gama, TMgama. PM *_ago1'chin' > HR agZ-j1. IK agu 1. NH agu, TM agZ-j. PM *garasa 'crow' > HR gara lsa, IK garasa, NH garasa, TM garalJa. PM *ageri 'give' > HR agiZ-j, IK agi:, NH agil, TM agil. PM *pige 'hair (fur), > HR p5-jgi, IK higi, NH p5-jgi, TM p5-jgi.

2.4 Fricatives 2.4.1 Bilabial Fricatives Miyako has an interesting set of fricatives. The fricative v occurs in all positions within a word, but the following examples adequately illustrate. I believe. that this phoneme is ultimately secondary in origin. Consider a well-known proverb in Miyako, the so-called 'there is strength in numbers' proverb. Arazato (2003:268-71) notes that the orthodox proverb is: J1in-d3u-Ji:-do ifsao-ba: aSl people-number-by means of-KM battle-OBJ-PT do-CONC 'It is with numbers that a battle is fought.' Compare how this proverb appears in various other Miyako dialects: HR: nin-d3u-Ji:-du ivso:-ba: SS! IK: NA NH: J1in-d3u-Ji:-du ivo:-ba: as! TM: J1in-d3u-Ji:-du ifJa: Jirail OG: J1in-d3u-Si:-du ivsau-ba: kais!

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

46

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

The word 'fight' ifi.!,sa survives in most dialects as ivsa or ifsa. On the surface this is the most obvious origin of the voiced bilabial fricative, as the alternation of f - v is natural. However, there are a number of other occurrences of this fricative that require greater elucidation. The following data are illustrative: (HR) lJkai 'opposite side' mavkya 'directly opposite' (TM) a. timbo:uba 'the thing called a rainbow' (TM) b. yutukurava 'those four village (leaders)' nalr-va 'axe-OBJ' (HR) nagZr 'axe' vtsibara 'room deep in the (HR) vra 'the back, inside' house' 2 iravlJkai 'toward Irabu (HR) irabu 'Irabu Island' Island' (HR) vva-ga 'you-SUB' uva-ga 'you-SUB' (careful speech)3 (HR) ui 'upward' mammave: 'toward the peak' I have taken data primarily from Hirara and Tarama, as this fricative is the most conspicuous in these dialects. It seems clear that -b- plus a high back vowel also triggers this change. But the first and last examples would appear to lack the -b-. 'Opposite side' lJkai ultimately goes back to *mukae, so perhaps the trigger is actually a bilabial consonant. The word for 'you' is believed to originate from an -ur- sequence (*bura > uva > vva), however. The last example of the above list is the least transparent, as ui 'up, upward' appears to have come from *ue « *uwe?). The presence of this fricative thus argues for a glide, perhaps -w-, that triggers fricativization. Having given this simple illustration, below is a variety of data from all dialects: 2 The Koreans who visited the island of Irabu in the fifteenth century called the island i-la-pu. 3 This alternation appears several times in Nevskii (1998:196-202. 290).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

47

PROTO-MIY AKO

PM *aka-gura 'baby' > HR akal)ga, IK akavva, NH akavva, TM akavva. PM *yubi 'breathe' > HR yub'"I, IK yuv, NH yuv, TM yubl. PM *-gura 'child' > HR bikivva 'male child', NH mindunvva 'female child', TM ffa 'child' but bikivva 'male child'. PM *nebukari 'dull' >HR nivka't, IKj1u:kai, NH nivkal, TM nifyJa:l. PM *3Cura1'fat (oil)' > HR avva1, IK avva1, NH avva, TM av lva. PM *buti 'hit' > HR vtSI, IK utsI, NH vtsI, TM vtSI. PM *- kebusil 'smoke' > HR kivSI1, IK kyu:lsI, NH kivsI, OG kiffu, TM kifysl.

PM *- bura1 'thou (non-polite)' >, HR vva1, IK vva1, NH vva, TMvva.

The examples in 'baby' and 'child' can also be supported by evidence from Miyako songs recorded by Nevskii. Consider the following stanzas (I have left Nevskii's orthography unmodified, though I have added a morphemic analysis): iiva-ga nasI fa:-ja you-POSS bear-INF child-TOP As for the child you have given birth to, balJ-ja mama-fura me-PT mama-child (he) is an heir to me. balJ-ga naSI fa:-ja I-POSS bear-INF child-TOP As for the child I have given birth to,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

48

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

vvaIJja mama-fura you-PT mama-child he will be an heir to you (Karimata et al. 1998:203-4). Thus 'child' is commonly pronounced asffa orfa:, but in the set phrase 'heir' it retains a somewhat earlier form of jura, which coupled with the evidence of *gura > vva, demonstrates that the proto-form must be *kura. 4 As noted earlier, these data provide very persuasive evidence that the fricative is secondary, and in most cases can be traced back to a proto *bu(r) or *gu(r) which acts as the trigger. For example in Ikema the conjugation of the verb 'breathe' in the negative is yubal) 'do not breath'. Thus this change is *bu > v. The language of Dgami also provides further evidence for the secondary nature of this fricative. I juxtapose the relevant data below: PM *uCuyamasV- 'envious' > HR vvyamasi'kaZ,i, IK vvyamaIigimunu, NH vvyamas)'kal, OG uvemasukam, TM ve:maIa:I,. PM *tebutimV 'fist' > HR tivtsYm, IK tSi.dzYm, NH tsi.dzYfum, OG tivkim, TM tifytsYm,. PM *tenbapu 'rainbow' > HR timbau, IK tinnu, aunadzy, NH timpav, DG timpav. PM *-kebusil 'smoke' > HR kivsYl, IK kyu:lsY, NH kivsY, DG kiffu TM kifysl. PM *subukari 'sour' > HR suvkaZ,i, IK su:kai, NH suvkal, DG suvkam, TM si'fyIa:l.

4 Likely Murayama (1981: 118-19) did not know about the various evidence I have presented, as he says, "There is no reason why the -r- in the second syllable (of kura, JRS) should lenite." As an example of words in Ryiikyiian where -rdoes not drop, he notes the example of 'storehouse' kura. There is a strong possibility that kura is a loan into Miyako; notice the form for 'storehouse' in Hateruma: !fa: and Taketomi flJfa. Murayama rather suggests that the proto-form for 'child' is *kuna, but this reconstruction is at variance with the evidence.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

49

PROTO-MIY AKO PM *dauCu 'tool' > HR dau, IK dau, NH do:v, dalu:.

OG tav, TM

Thorpe 1983:100 has already argued that the sequence *bur- > Qv, but he has only scratched the surface here. There is more going on here than meets the eye. As these data above illustrate, the possible sources of this fricative are somewhat varied. It is possible to argue, however, that the environment is the same: VCV, where V is a high vowel, and C is a voiced obstruent (cf. Thorpe 1983: 102). In the above data, I have left C where the internal data do not provide enough evidence to decide what the consonant should be. This consonant then undergoes a form of lenition, where, for example, *b > P> w > v, and *g > y > w > v. As can be seen in examples from 'baby' and 'child', the change of a voiced velar to a fricative is a rather odd one, so I provide the following internal evidence from verbal morphology, where the same phenomenon is observed (figure 12).

(12) V·m Ver ba I Mor pihoogy I verb (form) scra~e (conclusive) scrap~ (imperative) row (conclusive) row (imperative) peel off (conclusive) peel off (imperative)

Nagahama tuv tugi kuv kugi piv pigi

Tarama tUgl tugi ku~

kugi pigl pigi

This change only appears in certain verbs in the Nagahama dialect when the environment is a high vowel plus a voiced velar: V(+hi)gU- > V(+hi)V. It should also be mentioned that Ikema appears to be undergoing the same change, but has stopped at a point earlier on this path than Nagahama. Below is the information for the verb 'row' in Ikema (figure 13).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

50

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(13) V in the verb 'row' row (conclusive) row (infinitive) row (imperative)

kuzr kugi kUj:?;i

Considering this range of data, it is possible to postulate that this change may have been motivated by the fronting of the back high vowel u to r, and with fricativation from the height of this vowel, the first change was to a weakened velar, and then to a voiced labialvelar approximant, and then a fricative. Notice this does not occur in the imperative, as the vowel ultimately comes from *e, which then underwent vowel raising. Thus the change of this word in both Ikema and Nagahama is diagrammed as in (iv).

r *kuy'I

~

*kuWJ

~

kuzl (IK [CONC]) kuv (NH [CONC])

r *kugl

~

*kuYl

(iv) PM *kog- 'row' \, *kuge

~

kugi (IK and NH [IMP])

~

For the word 'tool' we know from comparative data that the consonant should be *-g-, and for 'envy' it should be *-r-, but as traces of these two consonants are not preserved in any dialectal data in Miyako, I have left the proto-phoneme as *-C-. Finally, there appears also to be evidence that a medial glide5 -ypreceded by a high back vowel also underwent a change to -v. Below are a number of examples from the Tarama song sung to celebrate a plentiful harvest (Nevskii's orthography). tim-vve munu uja:sti-jo heaven-parent thing present-HON-gerund-emphatic Present the tribute (heaven-parent-thing) ...

5 Almost all transcriptions of Sakishima data use -j- to transcribe a glide, but I have converted these to -y- for easy identification. However, I have left Nevskii's transcription as is; thus our -y- is his -j-.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIYAKO

51

clglva-mai kitam-alJ-jo pour-even though decrease-NEG-emphatic Though we pour rice wine, it does not run out. mutiva-mai tavam-alJ-jo hold-even though run out-NEG-emphatic Though we hold rice wine, it does not fail (Karimata et al. 1998:118-121). All four examples of -va- above appear to corne from an original *-ya, which in the majority of cases is the topic marker. In certain environments this topic marker changes to a voiced alveolar fricative. Consider the following from a Hirara song about a plentiful harvest: c}ki-usami-nu arnazza-jo: present up-put forth-ADN surplus-TOP Regarding the surplus (tribute) that was presented ... bari-usami-nu nukuz-za separate-put forth-ADN left over-TOP regarding the left over (tribute) that was put forth ... awada:ra-ja pi:dac} si:-jo: millet straw-TOP set aside-INF do-INF-OBJ setting aside the millet straw ... kl}sa -t£ a s-i kumida:ra-ja rice straw-TOP back-LOC do-GER placing the rice straw in the back ... 3ltu'nusu:-ja Lord Magistrate-TOP inviting the Lord Magistrate ...

u-tumusi-jo: HON-invite-OBJ

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

52

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

3rtunu5u:ja juna-usr-jo: Lord Magistrate-TOP harvest-year-OBJ the Lord Magistrate will have a 'plentiful harvest' ... (Karimata et al. 1998:213-14). The environment for the change here is believed to be a tap plus a high vowel and the topic marker: *verb-n-ya > verb-zza (*aman-ya > amazza 'as for being excessive', and *nokorr-ya > nukuzza 'as for being left over'). In the first line of the first quote above, however, timvve is glossed as 'heavenly-parent', which suggests that this should go back to an earlier *ten-uya. Is it possible that there is a suffix, perhaps *-ra, that has been affixed, and this forms the geminate -vv-? Further work is needed here on these old Miyako songs. The verb tavamalJ is likely related to Japanese tayu 'come to an end' and Shuri teeyulJ 'run out'. It would appear that this Miyako verb originated from *tayewori > *tayWori > *tayu- (vowel raising, loss of tap) > *taya- > tava- (this last stage being the imperfect). The verbal form dgivamai is also fairly transparent. It is possible that we have here the topic marker ya plus ma; 'also': *tigiyamae > dgivamai. The high vowel i is what triggers the fricativization. It is on this complicated evidence that I refrain from reconstructing a fricative v in Miyako. 2.4.2 Alveolar Fricatives In most cases, the alveolar fricatives are straightforward. Below are three clear-cut examples: PM *sita1'below' > HR sJta1. IK sJta1. NH sJta, TM sJta:ra or srlta. PM *su 'tide' > HR sU:, IK sU:, NH SU:, TM sU:. PM *_sana1 'umbrella' > HR sana1. IK sana, NH sana, TM

Salna.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

53

PROTO-MIYAKO

There are examples where a high front vowel has palatalized the alveolar fricative (*s > f), but I believe these need no further explanation, this being a common linguistic phenomenon. The difficulty comes when the fricative is part of a geminate in the language, as these are quite difficult to analyze internally. My database contains the following examples, and I add a few from the surrounding dialects: PM *sisanisi 'autumn' > HR ssansl, IK SsaIJS1, NH SSagSl, Yonaha slsasasl, TM ssalJsl. PM *sisamV 'louse' > HR ssam, IK ssam, NH ssam, Kurima slsam, TM ssam. PM *sisu 'white' > HR ssu, IK ssu, NH ssu, Yonaha sl:munu, TM ssu. With only the four dialects under study, we would be obliged to either reconstruct fricative geminates, or at least posit the mystery vowel V. Here either Yonaha or Kurima provides us with data to posit a front high vowel. The Yonaha form for 'autumn' requires a bit of explanation. On the basis of the other four forms, the initial nasal in the form -nisr assimilated to the fricative of the preceding syllable, as did the penultimate vowel: *sisanisi > sisasasi·. There is also some evidence from alternations in other dialects that this geminate is the result of compression of a devoiced high vowel, not just r, and the consonant then assimilates to the spirant. The following data is illustrative. PM *usikari 'sparse' > HR us.IkaLi, TM ussa:l. PM *pisikari 'thin (weak)' > HR p:isJkaLi, IK ssukai, NH p.IsJkal, TM p.issa:l. PM *susuri 'wipe' > HR ssuriLi, NH susul, TM SyJul. Thus a high vowel devoices, and in the case of Ikema, spirantization causes the loss of the p- and replacement of the s,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

54

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

which then undergoes assimilation. But this is not the only source of the spirant. Further evidence for the origin of this geminate can be gleaned from the conjugation of the verb 'do'. (14) L OSS 0f Form imperfective infinitive adnominal conclusive imperative

. M·Iva k 0 a talp 10 Hirara Ikema su: hu: si / assi hi ast / SSt ast / SSt ast / SSt ast / SSt assu / ssu assu / ssu

Nagahama asi / asu asi / si ast ast assu

Tarama syu:/syu si St: St: siru

This evidence suggests that a tap loses its place of articulation and assimilates to the spirant. Because this evidence is not well-preserved in Miyako, I have simply posited a vowel and left the assimilated spirant as is in the proto-form.

2.4.3 Labiodental Fricative I have been compelled to reconstruct a voiceless labial fricative in Miyako, because while these appear to be secondary, there has been a merger and it has become very difficult to tease out these data from the four dialects I have selected. In order to illustrate the nature of this fricative, consider a few words where a greater number of dialects in Miyako are considered: PM *_fumo1'cloud' > HR fumu 1. IK qunu1. NH fumu, OG fumu, Sawada fumu, Kurima fumu, Yon aha fuma, TM fu lmu. PM * fusi1 'comb' > HR fust1, IK fust1, NH fust, OG fufi, Sawada fust, Kurima fust, Yonaha ffu, TM fu 1st:. o PM *-futi1 'mouth' > HR futsl1, IK futsl1, NH futsl, OG fukSoi, o Sawada futsl, Kurima futS1, Yonaha futSl, TM futsl. o -

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

55

PROTO-MIY AKO

These data make it clear that the merger appears to have been complete, at least when dealing with nouns. However, Ikema preserves a contrast that helps us tease out some of these data from these mergers. Below are representative examples: PM *- pezil 'elbow' > HR pidzl1. IK hi dzl1. NH pidzl, TM pidzl. PM *_pana1'flower' > HR pana1. IK hana1. NH pana, TM palua. PM *pak- 'vomit' > HR pttk\ IK httfu, NH Pttfu, TM pttkSoi. PM *kak- 'write' > HR kak\ IK kafu, NH kafu, TM kakSoi. o G O O

On the basis of these data, I generalize that *p lenited to h in Ikema, while *ku lenited to ju throughout Miyako. This second fact is borne out by the conjugation of verbs. Consider the conjugation of the verb 'write' in the four dialects: " , " I ch ange m (15) M orplh0 ioglca WrI"te ' verb (form) Hirara Ikema write (imperfective) kaka kaka write (conclusive) kakl kafu write (imperative) kaki kaki

Nagahama kaka kafu kaki

Tarama kaka kakl kaki

What should be done, however, with nouns such as the following, where there are no alternations, and no internal evidence to tell us what this [fu] goes back to? PM *fune > HR fu lui, IK funi, NH funi, TM fu lui. PM *-futil 'mouth' > HR futSl1. IK futSl1. NH futSl, OG fukSoi, o Sawada fytSl, Kurima fytsl, Yonaha fytSl, TM fytsl. 0

0

0

Historically we know that there are two different origins for ju, *pu (*pune 'boat') and *ku (*kuti 'mouth') respectively, but there is no way we can tell this from looking simply at the various dialects

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

56

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

of Miyako. Because of this, I have felt compelled to reconstruct a labial fricative at this stage of the reconstruction.

2.5 Nasals Nasals have straightforward correspondences in Miyako: m:m and n:n with few exceptions. The straightforward correspondences are as follows. PM *mVna1'all' > HR m:ma1, IK m:na1, NH m:na, TR m:na. PM *nom- 'drink' > HR num, IK num, NH num, TM num. PM *_memVl 'ear' > HR milm, IK miI] 1, NH mim, TM milm. PM *_me 'eye' > HR mi:1, IK mi:1, NH mi:, TM mi:l. PM *_no 'field' > HR nu:1, IK nu:1, NH nu:, TM nu:l. PM *_ne 'root' >, HR ni:l, IK ni:l, NH ni:, TM ni:l. There are a few cases where the allophone)1 appears, but this is simply a change of *ni > )1. Consider the following: PM *nebukari 'dull' > HR nivka\, IKpu:kai, NH nivkal, TM nifyS:l. PM *niaN 'not' > HRpa:IJ, IKpa:IJ, NHpa:IJ, TM ne:IJ. PM *nebur- 'sleep' > HR niv, IKpu:, NH niv, TM ninil. Thus, a set of correspondences like that under 'not' jKl:!J (HR, IK, NH) and ne:!J (TM) make it easier to visualize the underlying phonological process because Tarama preserves a diphthong suggesting that a vocalic sequence ia has coalesced, and this is preserved as vowel length in the other dialects. It is this high front vowel that has palatalized the n-. Thus it is more economical to posit a sound change in Ikema as follows (v): (v) *nibu > *nipu > *niu >flU

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

57

Next, there is a thornier problem related to the alternation of m and n. For example, the word 'sweet potato' in Miyako is a mora nasal: HR m:, NH m:, TM m:, OG m:, Sawada m:, Kurima mm, and Yonaha m:. The natural question is whether this is related to Japanese imo? Consider the following phenomenon found only in Ikema and Tarama (at least when restricted to my data). PM *-mune1 'chest' > HR mmil, IK mmilutsi", NH mmiutsi" (but Sarahama muni), OG mmifuki", TM mni. PM *_mYta1 'earth' > HR mta1, IK ntal, NH mta, TM mla. PM *_mitil 'road' > HR mtsIl, IK ntsi"l, NH mtsI, TM miltsi". It could be argued that the Tarama form mitsi" is likely a loan from Ishigaki mitsi". However, in the oldest Nil songs of Tarama, the word 'road' is preserved as mitsi" (Nakasone 1967:117). Consider that in the same songs we find the word 'full' as mti. This leads to two possible conclusions: i) mitsi" is a very old Ishigaki loan into Tarama; ii) we have different vowels in the proto-form: *meti 'road' but *miti 'full'. For the time being, I treat the Tarama word for 'road' as a cognate in Miyako. It appears that a high vowel preceding or proceeding a nasal will result in a syllabic nasal. As there is only one good example in the database, I have added a number of examples: PM *Ymareri 'be born' > HR mmariI-i, IK mmari:, NH mmaril, TM mmaril. PM *_ Yma1 'horse' > HR nu:1ma (akamma 'red horse'), IK nu:1ma, NH nu:ma, TM nu:1ma. PM *umusYsukari 'interesting' > HR umuJSikazI, IK umussukai, NH umuJSikal, TM umuJSiJa:1. PM *YmYko 'pus' > HR m:ku, IK l):ku, NH l):ku, TM m:ku. PM *- umuti1 'surface' > HR umutil, IK umuti, NH umuti, TM umuti. PM *umu- 'think' > HR umu:, IK umu:, NH umu:, TM umu:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

58

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Historically we know that the height of the vowels is the key here. The only aberration in my data is with 'horse'. The current form nu:ma is likely from *no-Vma 'field-horse'. Hirara preserves the original form in akamma 'red horse' , showing mma < *Vma. As the evidence is so sparse, I have eschewed positing a vowel here. For the time being I simply posit that some vowel is lost to trigger the syllabification. Armed with this information, we can now look at Ikema which has a strong affinity for nasal-assimilation. Consider the following three examples, and notice the change in Ikema.

1.

PM *_fumo1 'cloud' > HR fumu IK q,unu1, NH fumu, Oa fumu, Sawada fumu, Kurima fumu, Yon aha fuma, TM fu 1mu. PM *_memV1 'ear' > HR mi1m, IK mil) NH mim, TM milm. PM *nebur- 'sleep' > HR niv, IKjlu:, NH niv, TM ninil.

1.

This attests to the secondary nature of the mora nasal, but as there are a number of words also with a velar nasal, these data must be carefully examined. I strongly suspect this nasal to be secondary, because it does not appear word initially, other than the case of 'at' where it is monosyllabic, but this is a case particle and heavily influenced by other environments. While this case particle does appear to be a nasal plus a high vowel, it is difficult to tell which vowel is involved. Thus, I have reconstructed a mora nasal for the language. Consider these three examples: PM *N 'at' > HR l), IK l), NH l), TM l).

1. PM *baN1 'I' > HR bal)1. IK bal]1. NH bal), TM ball). PM *_enV1 'dog' > HR ill), IK il) NH il), TM ilna.

Based on the correspondences in 'at' and 'I', I have felt compelled to reconstruct a mora nasal.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

59

2.6 Tap The tap in Miyako has fairly straightforward reflexes, but there are several interesting developments. The most sweeping development was the lenition of the tap to zero. Here are four examples with straightforward reflexes where the tap remains: PM *kara 'because' > HR kara, IK kara, NH kara, TM kara. PM *yarabe 'child' > HR yarabi, IK yarabi, NH yarabi, TM yarabi. PM *karaki 'dry' > HR ka:rakSoi, IK ka:tsl, NH katsl, TM ka:rakSoi. PM *korosi 'kill' > HR kUruSl, IK kurasl, NH kUruSl, TM kUruSI. As these examples demonstrate, the tap was stable only in front of -a-, though in some languages like Ikema even this environment was not free from tap-loss. Because of the example in 'kill', it is tempting to make the generalization that a tap was stable when occurring between two non-front proto vowels. For the moment I reserve judgment on this generalization. In almost all other environments, the tap was unstable, either assimilating to the previous consonant, or dropping completely. Consider these examples, given in order of variation (the last showing the most extreme change): PM *pori 'dig' > HR pUI, IK hui, NH pul, TM pul. PM *_aCura1 'fat (oil)' > HR avva1. IK avva1. NH avva, TM av lva. PM *- kari1'he' > HR kai1. IK kai1. NH kari, TM kal.

As noted below in rule (vi), when a tap plus vowel came word finally, and the vowel de voiced and then dropped, the tap changed from a trill flap (Vance 1987:27-8) to a lateral. If a syllable (tap plus vowel) occurred word-medially, and the vowel was high, then the tap was a strong candidate to undergo some degree of lenition. The

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

60

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

lateral phoneme is again addressed in the vowel section in relation to the vowels i and f.

2.7 Glide I have only reconstructed one glide for proto-Miyako *y. The correspondences are straightforward. PM *yub- 'breathe' > HR yubzy, IK yuv, NH yuv, TM yubzy. PM *yarabe 'child' > HR yarabi, IK yarabi, NH yarabi, TM yarabi. PM *yum- 'count' > HR yum, IK yum, NH yum, TM yum. The correspondences for this glide medially are less transparent. The following examples shed some light on the problem. PM *- mayu1 'cat' > HR mayu1, IK mayu l. NH mayu, Uechi mayu, TM mayu. PM *_uyube1 'finger' > HR ui lbi, IK uyubi, NH uibi, TM ui lbi. PM *_uya1 'parent' > HR uyanna, IK uyamma:sa (but uya 'grandfather'), NH uyanna, Uechi uyal. TM uyamma. PM *uyugi 'swim' > HR uyut'i, IK u:dzy, NH u:dzy, TM uigY. As these data make clear, in certain environments the medial glide was stable, when following or preceding the vowel -a-. When the glide occurred between two high vowels, then the glide was often lost. There is some controversy about whether another glide, w, should also be posited. The following example appears in the database: PM *uabV 'up' > HR wa:lbi, IK a:bi or wa:bi, NH wa:bi, Shimozato wa:v, TM wa:1bu. Because my data are phonetic in nature, theoretically one could posit a *w as a proto-phoneme, but I think that is unwarranted, as

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

61

comparative data strongly suggests that *w in initial position strengthened to b-. Internally, there is some evidence that there was a *w. Consider the following, which have been gleaned from the languages under study: PM PM PM PM

*awa 'bubble' > HR awa, IK awa, NH awa, TM e:tsibr. *uwari 'end' > IK uwai, NH uwal, Uechi uwai', TM uwal. *_wa (*ua?) 'pig' > HR wa:l, IK wa:l, NH wa:, TM wa:lku. *suwa 'worry' > HR Juwa, IK Jiba, NH Juwa, TM Jiwa.

It is clear that at least some of these are loans from the prestigious Shuri language. 'Worry' in Shuri is siwa, and 'pig' is JWa:. The word 'bubble' is of unclear origin, because Shuri has fa:, without the glide. It is possible this is a loan from Mainland Japan. The Tarama form is likely secondary, coming from a diphthong (*awi > *ai > e). This may have originated from vocalic contamination with the second segment (*tibu), and then the glide was lost: *awa-tibu > *awitsibi' > *aitsibi' > e:tsibi'. That leaves only one word, 'end', as a possible native cognate in Miyako, but I hesitate to posit a proto-phoneme *-w- on the basis of one word. If we search earlier data, however, we see that Miyako appears to have had, at least, a medial glide -w-. The chart below (16) juxtaposes modern data with that from the 1920s, as recorded by Nevskii. (16) Glides in Miyako Songs Gloss Modern Miyako millet a: yo:i/yo:si' celebrate upward wa:bi

1920s Songs awa6 yuwaiwa:

6 Nevskii notes that in the village of Sarahama on the island of Irabu, the word millet is sung so that the glide is clearly disappearing. because he transcribes it as aWa (cf. Karimata et al. 1998: 162).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

62

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

There is only scant evidence in the songs, suggesting that the medial glide -w- had lenited in most cases, but there is at least faint evidence that it had existed. For the time being I do not reconstruct the glide, mainly because it is difficult with such sparse evidence to know if these few glides survived because they are actually loans from Shuri, or are important relics in the language of Miyako.

3.0 Proto-Miyako Vowels I reconstruct a five-vowel system for proto-Miyako, as follows (vii). The reasons for this reconstruction are explained below. (vii)

*.1

*u

*e

*0

*a

3.1 Vowels Positing the front vowel *e appears to be relatively straightforward, given the number of good correspondences. Consider the following examples from the database: PM *pige 'beard' > HR pSoigi, IK higi, NH pSoigi, TM pSoigi. PM *yarabe 'child' > HR yarabi, IK yarabi, NH yarabi, TM yarabi. PM *_te 'hand' > HR ti:l, IK ti:l, NH ti:, TM ti:l. PM *_ne 'root' >, HR ni:l, IK ni:l, NH ni:, TM ni:l. PM *- esil 'stone' > HR isYl, IK isYl, NH isY, TM iSi. It is clear that palatalization or spirantization is caused by the high front vowel, and because there is no palatalization or spirantization with 'hand' or 'hair', we must assume that the

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

63

PROTO-MIY AKO

proto-vowel was of a different height. I tentatively reconstruct the proto-vowel as *e. Below are three examples. PM *_ude1'arm' > HR udi1, IK udi1, NH udi, Uechi udi1, TM udi. PM *_enV1 'dog' > HR ill), IK il) 1, NH il), TM ilna. PM *_memV1 'ear' > HR milm, IK mil) 1, NH mim, TM milm.

Reconstructing the vowel *i is uncontroversial, as noted briefly above, because of two phonological processes: palatalization or spirantization. Below are three examples of each process, or a combination of the two, as well as examples with this vowel in initial position. IK futsl, NH futsl, TM fukSoi. PM *fuki 'blow' > HR fukSoi, o 0

0

0

PM *_ti 'breast' > HR tSI:, IK tSI:l, NH tSI:, TM tSl:l. PM *umati 'fire' > HR umatsl, NH umatsl, TM umatsl. PM *iza 'father' > HR Liza1, IK Liza, NH Liza, TM Liza. PM *- izu1 'fish' > HR Lizu1, IK Lizu1, NH Lizu or Lizu, TM Lizu. PM *kiri 'fog' > HR kSoi:, IK tSI, NH tSI:, C>G kiri, TM kSoi:. PM *irara 'sickle' > HR Lizalra, IK Lizara, NH Lizara, TM Lizalra. While the correspondences are quite straightforward, the interpretation of the vowel i" is anything but clear-cut. This is a vowel that is phonetically difficult to perceive, as it sometimes has a fricative consonant co-articulation. Nikolai Nevskii, a talented Russian anthropologist and linguist who visited Miyako on several occasions in the 1920s, is credited with the interpretation of this vowel as r, and employed a transcription with a superscript CS or CZ to represent the attending spirantization. Some later scholars have transcribed Nevskii' s i" as i. Miyara Toso should be credited with the first phonetic description of the quality of this vowel: "The difference between this vowel (i) and i is that this vowel is produced where the oral cavity becomes slightly wider, when the front of the

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

64

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

blade of the tongue lowers. and the raised section of the tongue moves back" (1982.1 :55). To better illustrate this explanation. I provide the vowel chart created by Miyara (figure 17).

(17) Miyara's Vowel Chart While there are parts of this chart that are outdated. it is important to understand that Miyara interpreted the Miyako vowel he transcribed i" as a high. central vowel. Karimata (1986. 1993. 2002. 2004. 2005) has vigorously argued that scholars have not adequately come to terms with the phonetic interpretation of this vowel. He has argued that the vowel is actually apical (tip of the tongue). and proposes that it be represented by the symbol [1]. While this discussion is actually driven by phonetics, I believe this unnecessarily complicates the issue from a phonological

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

65

PROTO-MIY AKO

standpoint, as almost all scholars concerned view the vowel as a high, central, unrounded phoneme that is so high, in fact, that spirantization occurs. This is a phonetic fact, but as we are reconstructing earlier sounds, we simply posit i" for the phonemic reconstruction. This has the added benefit of ease of typing. Regarding the height of this vowel and the attending spirantization, consider the following data (18): (18) Spirantization and the high, mid vowel Gloss Hirara Ikema cold p!fikal-i Slikai one p)ti sJti person p)tu sJtu thin p:islkal-i ssukai Here we have the following changes: *pi > pi" (the vowel centers) > pSi" (spirantization), at which point Ikema delabializes the stop, and the fricative gains that place of articulation (pS.i > si). This change argues that we cannot ignore the spirantization that occurs; also this phonological change provides important data to help us diachronically untangle a number of changes.

(19Tap pIUS h·121h vowe•.ID M·Iva k0 Ver bS Verb (form) Take (CONC) Take (IMF) Take (IMP) Exist (CONe) Exist (IMF) Exist (IMP)

HR tui" tura turi aI ara ari

IK tui tura turi ai luI ara I ura uri

NH tul tura turi al ara ari

TM tul tura turi al ara ari

PM *tori *tora *tore *ari *ara I *ura *are I *ure

Thus, when all four languages have r the temptation is to reconstruct *1, but not only the phonological processes I have mentioned above, but also data from internal reconstruction shows something else. As an example there is the apparent correspondence

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

66

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

i':0. To untangle this change. consider what verbal paradigms show

us. Consider the conjugation of two verbs in our four dialects in (19).

The conclusive form here goes back to *root+ri. The following represents this development (vi). (vi)

*ri> *ri" > *r# > 1#

This rule was most productive in verbs (I also consider what others label as adjectives to actually be stative verbs. i. e. Japanese nagai 'long', NH nagakal and TM nagafa:l. This rule (vi) accounts for many of the correspondences of 1:0 in the dialects. The internal Miyako evidence here also suggests that the imperative suffix in this class' of verbs is *e, and this was raised to i (*ture > turi), and this raising occurred after the change of ri'to morpheme final -I. Relying on this data, 1 have posited a proto-phoneme *i instead of *1. There are numerous examples of this type, but three will suffice. The reader may find many more in the database: PM *-tori1 'bird' > HR tuZl IK tuil. NH tul, TM tuI. PM *budori 'dance' > HR buduLi, IK budui, NH budul, TM buduI. PM *pori 'dig' > HR puLi, IK fui, NH pul, TM puI. Notice, however, that Nagahama did not undergo this stage of r-Ioss in the environment Y_#. A chronology of this change in Nagahama contrasted with Tarama is provided below. Nagahama: Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3

*Yri# *Yri# Yri#

*Yri"# (Same as TM) *Yr# (*1> 0r_#) YI# (*r> 1_#)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

Tarama: Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4

*Yri# *Vii# Vri# Vl#

67

*Vii# (Same as NH) *vr# (*i > *IC#; not in NH) Vl# (*1> 0c#) Vl# (*r> 1_#)

Based on this data, I reconstruct *i after a tap: PM *-karll 'that (are)' > HR kail, IK kail, NH karl, TM kal. PM *-uril 'that (sore)' > HR uil, IK uil, NH uri, TM ul. PM *-koril 'this' >, HR kuil, IK kuil, NH kuri, TM kul. Reconstructing the high back vowel *u is not problematic, given the number of clear-cut correspondences of u:u in the database. Below are three examples. PM *pone 'bone' > HR pulni, IK huni, NH puni, TM pulni. PM *yum- 'count' > HR yum, IK yum, NH yum, TM yum. PM *-kosil 'waist (lower back)' > HR kysIl, IK kYSll, NH kySl, TMkysl. In Ikema there is an environment where this high back vowel is lost. This is usually when the vowel is in initial position, precedes *p, and the labial stop is followed by a high back vowel. The high back vowel in the second syllable causes lenition of the stop. I posit two rules to account for this, as follows: (vii) *p > *Cu (viii) *u > 0_fu Three examples are provided below. PM *upu-mugi 'barley' > HR upumugZ,i, IK humudzl, NH ukumudzl, TM upumugZ,i.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

68

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PM *upukari 'big' > HR upukaz"j, IK huikai, NH ukykal, TM upyJa:1. PM *upu-asakari 'many' > HR upa:sakaz"j, IK ha:stlkai, NH uka:Stlkal, TM ga:ffi:Sa:l. Reconstruction of the low mid vowel *a is uncontroversial. Problems occur, however, with *a when it is one (the first or second) element in a diphthong, but this will be addressed below. Here are three examples of the simple correspondences a:a. PM *ka 'bark' > HR ka:, IK ka:, NH ka:, TM ka:. PM *kara 'because' > HR kara, IK kara, NH kara, TM kara. PM *bata 'belly' > HR bata, IK bata, NH bata, TM batao

3.3 Diphthongs While I have reconstructed proto-phonemes for the vowels *e and *0, these are based on correspondences in environments where expected sound changes have not occurred, viz. palatalization or lenition. There are examples in my database, however, of words with lei and 10/. These clearly are secondary in nature. The vowels e and e only appear in Tarama, and are clearly secondary in nature, originating from diphthongs. First, consider a contrast of words from Hirara and Tarama: (20) Secondary Nature of e Gloss Hirara crawl pa:dui" disappear kya:si" 'extinguish' envious vvyamasi"kazi" hammer aitu remember ubui sing a:gu: ai up, upward Ul we banta

Tarama pe:dul ke:ril we:masya e:tu ube: e:gusi": ue: be:ta:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

69

PROTO-MIY AKO

This simple comparison suggests that a number of diphthongs results in e. A look at internal Tarama data make this clear, with the comparison of nouns and their forms when bound with the topic marker fa: (21) Environment for Tarama Diphthongs

Word asi'sweat' kadi 'wind' taki 'bamboo' usi' 'cow' Jug;' 'nail' kabi' 'paper'

Word + TOP afe: 'as for sweat' « asi+a) kade: 'as for the wind « kadi+a) take: 'as for bamboo' « taki+a) use: 'as for cows' « usi.'+a) Juge: 'as for nails' « fugi.'+a) kabe: 'as for paper' « kabi.' +a)

Here the combination i+a produces the new vowel e, and i'+a results in e. It is very interesting that this phonological change does not happen in Hirara, Ikema, or Nagahama: kui 'voice' but kuiya 'as for your voice'; taki 'bamboo' but takya 'as for bamboo'; or usi' 'cow' but ussa 'as for cows'. Consider the following old song from Tarama, 'When the Harvest is Plentiful on Tarama', where the vowel e (Nevskii transcribes this as e) appears: na-l k'e:-jo jul naIJ-ka night seven-counter be-ADN until-emphatic Until there have been seven nights ... aki jJu-ka na-l k' e:-jo dawn eight-counter be-ADN until-emphatic until there have been eight dawns ...

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

70

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

mut-0-agf-bara idi-l k'e:-jo life-INF-raise-PT blister-ADN until-emphatic until we get blisters from lifting well water upward ... (Karimata et al. 1998:120). In the modem language of Tarama there are two particles which delimit: gami and ke. While gami can mean 'up to a point' and 'until a certain time', ke presently is limited in meaning: 'up to a certain point in time'. This is clearly related to kya in Hirara. Thus, with the loss of the glide the vowels coalesce, as noted in (ix): (ix) l' kra

> kia > ke (TM)

*keya > *kiya > ~iya > kya (HR, IK, NH) My data also underscore the secondary origin of the back vowel 0, which appears in all the languages studied here, other than Nagahama on the island of Irabu. Compare the following words, free and bound, with the direct object marker ;U or the topic marker ?a (data from Hirara): (22) Secondary Nature of 0 Word Word + marker avva 'oil, fat' avvo: '(buy) oil' « ?avva+u) fusa 'grass' fuso: '(pull) grass' « fusa+u) sara 'dish' saro: '(wash) the dishes' « sara+u) 'izu 'fish' 'izo: 'as for fish' « l-izu+a) masu'salt' maso: 'as for the salt' « masu+a) munu'thing' muno: 'as for things' « munu+a) This clearly demonstrates the secondary nature of these two vowels. I have eschewed reconstructing a proto-phoneme for the vowel 0, because a number of mergers make it difficult at this stage of the r~construction to posit it.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

71

3.4 Problematic Vowel Correspondences These data should make us somewhat cautious in dealing with Tarama lexical items when the vowel is i or i', because either these data are corrupted (unlikely as we are relying on various strains of data), or Tarama is not a reliable source for differentiating the high vowels (aside from u). This is possible, since it is clear that the language of Tarama has been influenced by the Ishigaki language of Yaeyama (cf. Karimata 2000). Below I provide Hirayama's data first, followed by data from the 1993 language surVey. Consider these data: PM *-time1'fingernail' > HR tsIlmi, IK tsImil, NH tsImi, kSoimi, TM tJimi or tJimI.

OG

PM *nobue 'neck' > HR nubui , IK nubui, NH nubui, TM nibu li or nibui. PM *pito- 'one' > HR p)"til (also pSoitu-tabaZ-i 'one bundle'), II( sttsI, NH p:iti,

OG Ponu, TM p\ltu or pIttsI.

It is very probable that we have nothing more than allophony here, as different speakers may articulate certain vowels slightly differently. The example of 'one' may seem odd, but these alternations may reflect an originally bound morpheme that has become fossilized as a free morpheme. When we add data from Hirara, such as pSrtu-taba'i' 'one bundle', it appears that *0 rose to u, which then fronted (u > r> 0. Notice that in the first two examples, both examples the height of the vowel in question is still the same. In the second example I think it is safe to reconstruct *0 as the proto-vowel in the first syllable, as it appears that the same phonological change described with 'one' has happened in Tarama. The third example almost cries for a high mid vowel *I, but since Regardless of this explanation, there are still several correspondences of i:u or I:u that if these are legitimate data and are not typos (or contaminated data, or both), these may preserve precious evidence for a sixth vowel (*I). A number of examples are presented below.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

72

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PM *esaki" 'cough' > HR isa1ki" or isttku, IK isagu, NH isakI or isagu, TM ssa1ku. PM *pan· 'farmland' > HR paIn, IK hai, NH pal, TM paleu. PM *tiburi" 'head' > HR tsiburu, IK tsiburu, NH tsiodzi", TM tsibul. PM *tasi"k- 'help' > HR tasi"ki, IK tasi"ki, NH tttsJkil, TM tasuki. In these examples the variant vowel tends to appear in Tarama, each time as a high back vowel. Two of these examples ('farmland' and 'help') are reminiscent of a similar change in Hatoma, in Yaeyama: 'bird' Ishigaki turi" but Hatoma turu; 'needle' Ishigaki pari" but Hatoma paru; and 'day' Ishigaki pi":ri" but Hatoma pi:ru. Granted, these three examples follow a tap, while Tarama's seem to follow stops or a tap. In Miyako, at least, these data appear to argue for a different vowel, which I tentatively reconstruct as *i". Because of the lack of better examples, I simply leave this as a working hypothesis at this stage of the reconstruction. There are other problematic correspondences with vowels, but these can be solved by examining the environment from which such sequences originated. Below are three examples, all with different origins. PM *au 'blue' > HR 0:, IK au, NH au, OG aukam, TM 0: (but auJa:I). PM *-pabu1 'snake' > HR paul, IK hau1, NH pav, TM pau or po:. PM *ara- 'wash' > HR aro:, IK arai, NH arau, TM aru:. In the first case, the proto-form is a vocalic sequence (though we know from Old Japanese that this word goes back to, or at least is related to awo). The second example ('snake') illustrates the loss of a medial stop. In Nagahama this has been fricativized (which is dealt with in section 2.4), so *pabu > *pavu > *pavy > pav. On the

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

73

other hand, both HR and TM have lost the stop completely, as illustrated in (x). /' *-avu > *-avl} > -av# NH form (x) *-abu > *-awu > -au HR form (a borrowing from IK?) " *-awu > *-au > -00 > 0: TM form The development in the third example ('wash') is much more complicated. First, I compare 'snake' and 'wash' in Hirara and Tarama. Hirara Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4

'snake' *pabu *pabu *pawu pau

'wash' *arau (same as Tarama) aro: (*au > 0:) aro: (*b > w V_V)

Tarama Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 5

'snake' *pabu *pabu *pawu *pau po:

'wash' *arau (same as Hirara) am: (*au > u:)

Notice that the same development is seen in 'laugh' which is TM barn: < *barau (the proto-form is actually posited as *bara- i/u)' Finally, there seems to be some allophony in Nagahama that could be evidence for a mid, back vowel. Nakamatsu, who conducted his survey of Irabu Island in 1970, notes that the dialects vacillate between u and u. 7 Consider these data:

7 Nakamatsu (1987:58) has used the somewhat confusing symbol standardized this to u.

(i),

so I have

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

74

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PM *- izu1 'fish' > HR Zoizu1. IK Zoizu1. NH Zoizu or Zoizu, TM Zoizu. PM *ma:su 'salt' > HR ma:1su, IK ma:su, NH ma:su or ma:su, TMma:1Su. PM *-to 'ten' > HR tu:1. IK tu:1. NH tu: or tu:, TM tu:. PM *_eto1 'thread' > HR itu:1, IK itu1, NH itu or itu, TM iltu. PM *koe 'voice' > HR ku1 IK kui, NH kui, TM kuli. As far as I can tell, this allophone does not appear after labials, and on the surface, one could argue that this vowel should go back to *0. Because of the seemingly unstable nature of this allophone, I have elected to set it aside for the time being, and not use it as data to posit a mid back vowel *0. As noted above, other data gleaned from the lack of an expected phonological change (velarization, lenition, or palatalization) allows us to reconstruct the mid back vowel *0: PM *- kosil 'waist (lower back)' > HR kysr1, IK kysr1, NH kysr, TMkysl. PM *_no 'field' > HR nu:1, IK nu:1, NH nu:, TM nu:l. PM *tubi 'fly' > HR tubZoi IK tubi NH tubZoi TM tubZoi. PM *- pito1 'person' > HR p:itu1, IK sJtu1, NH p:itu, Oa pltu, TM p:itu. 4.0 Observations on Verbal Morphology As Thorpe (1983:153) has already pointed out, the morphology of Ryfikyfian languages is similar to that of Japanese in its relative simplicity. Previous work (Hirayama 1983:183-84) has shown that Miyako has two classes of verbs, consonant stem and vowel stem. The verbal paradigm has nine main paradigmatic forms: imperfective / volitional, infinitive (1), continuative, conditional, infinitive (2), perfective, adnominal / conclusive (I), imperative, and conclusive (2). Below are charts illustrating two verbs from each class, with these nine forms.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

75

PROTO-MIYAKO

(23) Verb Charts

Hirara Verb I Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFr CONT CND AI C (1) IMP CONC (2)

kak- 'write' kaka kaki kakl kakltam kaki(:) kaki kakl kaki kaklm

um- 'think' uma: umui umu: umutam umui(:) umui umu: umui umu:m

kak- 'write' kaka kaki kafu I kacl kafutai kaki: kaki kafu I kacl kaki kafumlkaclm

um- 'think' umu: umui umu: umu:tai umui: umui umu: umui umu:m

mi- 'see' mi: mi: mi: mi:tai mi: mi:ri mi: mi:ru mi:m

uki- 'arise' uki uki uki ukitai uki: ukiri uki: uki-u uki:m

kak- 'write' kaka kaki kafu / kaci kafutal kaki: kaki kafu I kaci' kaki kafum I kaclm

um- 'think' umu: umui umu: umu:tal umui: umui umu: umui umu:m

mi- 'see' mi: mi: mi:l mi:tal mi: mi:ri mi:l mi:ru mi:m

uki- 'arise' uki uki ukil ukital uki: ukiri ukil ukiru ukilm

mi- 'see' mi: mi: mi: mi:tam mi: mi:ri mi:i mi:ru ml:m

uki- 'arise' uki uki uki ukitam uki: ukiri ukil ukiru ukilm

Ikema Verb I Form IMP/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFr CONT CND AI C (1) IMP CONC (2)

Nagahama Verb I Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFr CONT CND A I C (1) IMP CONC (2)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

76

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Tarama Verb I Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFT CONT CND AI C (1) IMP

kak- 'write' kaka kaki kaki" kakilal kaki: kaki kaki' kaki

um- 'think' uma: ume: umu: umu:tal ume: ume: umu: uma(i

mi- 'see' mi: mi: mi: mi:tal mi: ml:n mi:l mi:ru

CONC (2)

kaki'm

umu:m

mi:lm mi:m

uki- 'arise' uki uki uki ukital uki: ukiri ukil ukiru

I

ukilm ukim

I

Uchima (1984: 185) studies the conjugation pattern of various verbs through out the entire chain of Ryiikyiian islands (from Amami to Yonaguni). Regarding 'write' he reconstructs the older (proto-Miyako) forms 8 as:

(24) Uchima's Reconstruction of 'write' Conjugation VOL IMF INF CaNT CND ADN IMP CONC (1) CONC (2)

kak- 'write' *kakamu *kaka *kaki *kaki *kaki I *kake *kaki *kake *kaki *kakimu

Uchima has not adequately screened his data, however, as he only uses one infinitive in his reconstruction, though he notices that Ikema, at least, has two competing forms (cf. 1984: 185). First, let us

g

Uchima does not reconstruct a perfective, so that is missing from the chart.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

77

consider the following examples where both infinitives are used (one from Hirara and one from Ikema): HR I: uigun-nu-du kak-i-uki" will-SUB-KM write-INF-place-CONC The will is written down. HR2: kak-;'-gami mat-ji write-INF-until wait-GER Wait until I write (this). IK 1: Icyu: kara kakihad,Jim-i today from write-INF-begin-GER I will start writing (from) today. IK2: dzi":yu kat-si'-ttfa: 1) character-OBJ write-INF-while While writing characters ... The first infinitive has a different vowel than the second. Thus the. first infinitive must go back to *kake, as the velar has not undergone affrication, as the form in infinitive two has in Ikema. Thus we reconstruct the second infinitive as *kaki. In a related vein, consider the two infinitives of the verb 'think'.

(25) Infinitive forms for 'think' IK HR

Think/form INF (1) INF (2)

umui umu:

umui umu:

NH umui umu:

TM ume: umu:

These data suggest that the first infinitive had a suffix added to the stem if a consonant-stem verb, which had lost the consonant of the stem. This again strongly suggests that the input for these two infinitives is different. I reconstruct the proto-forms of the verb 'write' and 'arise' as follows (chart 26).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

78

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

" M"Iyak 0 (26) P roto -~orms ID Conjugation Write VOL *kaka *kaka IMF *kake I *kaki I *kaku INF PFr *kakitari CONT *kakee CND *kake A/C (1) *kaki IMP *kake CONC (2) *kakim I *kakum

Arise *uke *uke *uke I ukeri *ukitari *ukee *ukere *ukeri *ukeru *ukem I *ukerim

The present discussion presents a nice segue into the current debate about the origins of the conclusive form in Miyako. Uchima (1984:177,249) has argued that there are two competing forms for the conclusive suffix in most dialects of Ryiikyiian: the proto-form of the conclusive suffix for regular verbs is *iwor- (with variation between *iwor-u and *iwor-imo).9 Evidence from Miyako would suggest that while there are two competing forms~onclusive (1) is reconstructed as *kaki, and conclusive (2) is reconstructed as *kakimu-it appears that Miyako has not undergone the affixation of the *iwor- verb. On the surface, however, it looks as if we do not actually have competing forms, but two parallel forms. Serafim (2004a) points out that there were two different conjugations for these verbs because of a semantic difference between the two. The form ending in -mu likely had the meaning of an inconclusive judgment (Serafim here is quoting from Hattori 1977), while the other form meant 'in the process of verbing'. As a graduate student Nakama Mitsunari (1981) argued that Miyako verbal morphology originated from the same proto-

9 Japanese scholars often describe this as the infinitive of the verb plus wori 'exist'. This was first outlined by Hattori (1959:334-338), who also was the first to put forth the reconstruction as *-mo.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

79

paradigm of other Ryiikyiian languages. I reproduce his chart of the origins of kaku 'write' in (xi). The evolution of the conclusive (2) form for kaku 'write' is also presented in (xii): (xi) kakuri -+

*kakiwori -+ kakj:>ri

-+

kakjuri

-+

kafun -+ kafur

kafu (Karimata)

kakiri -+ kakYn -+ kakY -+

kaki (Hirara)

kakjun -+ kakun -+ kaku (Ohama)

(xii) kakum(o) -+ kafum

-+

*kakiwormo -+ kakj:>mo -+ kakyumo (Hirara)

kaful) (Nishihara)

kakim(o) -+ kakYm

-+

katsYm (Hora)

kakyum( 0) -+ kakul)

As can be seen a number of rather difficult-to-support assumptions underpin these reconstructions. In the following (27) I present information for the two conclusive forms of two different classes of verbs drawn from eight Miyako dialects. The notation (1)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

80

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

and (2) refers to conclusive classes 1 and 2. The symbol 0 means that this form does not exist presently in the language.

(27) ConeI ' ID . M'Iya k0 uSlve Dialect Hirara Ikema Nagahama Tarama Nishizato Ogami Kurima Yonaha

Write (1) kaki" kaful kaci" kafu I kaci" kaki" kak'i kak'i kac'i kak'i

Write (2) kaki"m kafum I kaci"m kafum I kaci"m kaki"m kaki"m kaki"m

0 kak'im

See (1) mi:i mi: mi:l mi:l mi:'i mi:'i mii" md

See (2) mi:m mi:m mi:m mi:ml mi:lm mi:m mi:i"m 0 mi:m

These data in (27) provide important evidence to support the conclusion that the various dialects in Miyako did not attach *-iworor *-iwor-imo to the infinitive of these verbs. Rather it is simpler to posit that conclusive (1) appears to have been the same as in Old Japanese, aside from the fronting of the back vowel -u to the mid vowel i" in most dialects. Conclusive (2) is a bit more complex. On the surface it seems .that only *-mo or *-mu was attached to the second infinitive of these verbs. 4.1 Irregular Verbs The various dialects of Miyako generally have 2 irregular verbs, 'come' and 'do'. Below are charts for the relevant four dialects. (28)

Hirara Verb Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFT

CONT CND

k- 'come' ku: ki"si ki"si" ki"sitaZiO k'isi(:) ki"si

s- 'do' su: si / assi ssi" I asi" ssHazy si(:) I ssi(:) si I ssi

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

81

PROTO-MIY AKO

AI C (1) IMP CONC (2) Ikema Verb Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFT CONT CND A I C (1) IMP CONC (2)

N aga hama Verb Form IMP I VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFT CONT CND A I C (1) IMP

CONC (2) Tarama Verb Form IMF/VOL INF (1) INF (2) PFT CONT CND A/C (1)

kisi' ku: ki"si'm

k- 'come' ku: t'i < *ki fu: I ci': ci'tai t'i: < *ki t'i < *ki fu: I ci': ku: fu:m/cl:m

ssi I asi' ssu I assu ssi'ml asi'm

s- 'do' hu: < *su hi < *si ssi I asi' ssi'tai hi: < *si: hi < *si ssi'l aSI ssu I asu sSlml aSlm

k- 'come' ku: c'i < *ki fu: fu:tal

s- 'do' asi I asu asi I si aSI asi'tal

c'i: < *ki c'i < *ki fu: ku: fu:m

asi: lsi: asi I si aSI assu asi'm

k- 'come' ku: I ku ki ksi': kSoitam ki: ki kl:

s- 'do' syu:/syu si Sl: si'tam si: si Sl:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

82

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

IMP CONC (2)

ku: kIm

SiTU

slm

Regarding the irregular verb 'come', Uchima (1984:237) proposes the following proto-forms (what he calls 'archaic forms'):

(29) Uchima's Proto·form for 'come' Conjugation VOL IMP INF CONT CND ADN IMP CONC (1) CONC (2)

k- 'come' *komu *ko *ki *ki *ki / *kie *ki *ko *ki *kimu

(30) Uchima's Proto·form for 'do' Conjugation VOL IMP INF CONT CND ADN IMP CONC (1) CONC (2)

so 'do' *so *so *Si *Si *Si / *se *Si *sero *Si *Simu

One vexing problem is that Uchima often has forms with different outputs but identical inputs. For the modern form ku: (which is the volitional, imperfective, and imperative forms) he

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

83

PROTO-MIY AKO

proposes that the proto-form for the volitional be *komu, while the imperfective and imperative both be *ko. Next, for so 'do' Uchima (1984:228-29) reconstructs the proto-forms as found in (30). He also reconstructs a proto-form for ase 'do' based on data from Ogami (cf. 1984:229-30), but I will set that aside for the time being. Several things are worth noting. It is unclear why Uchima feels that a palatalized sshould be reconstructed for a proto state, which unwittingly assumes that the high front vowel has always palatalized the fricative. Here different outputs versus inputs is again problematic. Thus, we have ssi" going back to *Si, but jj also deriving from *Si. Naturally one would expect different vowels in the proto-forms. Thorpe (1983:157) argues that the strange forms for 'come' and 'do' (his examples are kisi" in Ogami and sisi" in Yonaha) are compounds of the stem of 'come' and 'do' with an affix based on a form of 'do', which was seen to make the verb more polite. Below I compare Ogami with Hirara.

m

(31) 'C ome ,.III HOlrara andO'gaml Form VOL IMF INF (1) INF (2) PFT CONT CND AI C (1) IMP CONC (2)

OG 'come' ku: ku:

---

kYsiY kYsi"tazy kiJiyu:I kYsiY kYsiY ku: kYsYm

HR 'come' ku: ku: kYsi klsY kYsitaloj klsi(:) kYsi ki·sY ku: kYsYm

Based on these data presented above for Miyako, I reconstruct 'come' and 'do' for proto-Miyako as follows:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

84

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(32) Proto·MI. a k0 'come and 'do Verb I Form VOL

IMF INF (1) INF (2)

PFr

CONT CND A I C (1)

IMP CONC (2)

k- 'come' *komu *ko: *ki *ki I *ku *ki(si)tari *ki(si) *ki(si) *ku I *ki *ko: *koworimu

s- 'do' *su(yu) *su: *si I *asVsi *Sl: I *asVsl *(a)sV(s)itari -*itamu *si: I *asVsi: *(a)si *sVsl I *asl *(a)siru *(a)sV(s)orimu

In order to account for the vowel length in the volitional, something must have leveled out, leaving vowel length. I provisionally follow Thorpe (1983:154) and Uchima (1984:237) in reconstructing a volitional suffix *-mu. To the question, why does the nasal drop in the volitional, but remain in the conclusive (2), my answer is that the conclusive must originally have been a more complex suffix.

(xiii) *i-+ *i· -+-*u

t

t

*e

*0

*a

Taking these two verbs and their paradigms as preserved in the four dialects together, several generalizations are in order. A two-step movement of the back vowels has occurred as a

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-MIY AKO

85

push-chain; also the front mid vowel has undergone a process of vowel raising (xiii). Thus there has been a merger of *e with *i, as well as *0 with *u, but then there has been a tendency for the high vowels to later shift away from these mergers, which likely forced a new development as *u and *i merged with r. Nagahama and Tarama preserve a first conclusive form that is close to the Old Japanese form. The second conclusive form also appears to have had *-mo or *-mu affixed, but as the final vowel is unclear, I have left the proto-form with -m. Thus we can see that internal reconstruction of these two verbs provides a window showing that proto-Miyako likely had five, or perhaps, six vowel phonemes. As my data are still rather tentative, I have eschewed positing more than five vowels. 5.0 Proto-Miyako Accent Accent in Miyako is somewhat difficult to get a grasp of. Hirayama's team found that compared to the accent of Ishigaki or Yonaguni, the accent in the dialects of Miyako is "not very clear" (1983:175). This appears to be because the two-way tonal distinction that is common throughout most of Sakishima is collapsing in many dialects in Miyako. For my basic data I have relied on the work of Hirayama et al. (1967). Regarding the reconstruction of proto-Miyako accent, I have relied heavily on the work of Moriyo Shimabukoro (1998, 2007). My reconstruction of proto-Miyako has relied on three dialects: Hirara (Oura), Ikema, and Tarama. 1o I have ignored Nagahama and Ogami, because both dialects no longer preserve a two-way distinction in tone. My reconstruction of proto-Miyako accent will concentrate on these three dialects. II Following the phonemic 10 1 have appealed to data from Uechi when data from Tarama have not been available, or the Tarama accent data are at odds with Ikema. II Shimabukuro (1998:27-29) quotes data from the dialect of Nishihara, but others have argued that Nishihara is an example of a dialect where the accent has already collapsed (cf. Nakarnatsu: 1984:47). 1 asked Shimabukuro about this discrepancy, and he informs me that 'Nishihara' in his 1998 article is actually a mistake for Hirara (p.c.).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

86

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

analysis of Lawrence (1997), the three Miyako dialects under analysis here have two classes of accent, one that is marked, and one that is unmarked. Shimabukuro (1998:28) groups nominal accent in Miyako into the following three groups: oxytonic (mora-final), paroxytonic (penultimate), and atonic. As the frrst two groups have the second mora high, this constitutes the marked group. The atonic group is unmarked. The city of Hirara can be divided into two groups of accent, Oura and Nishihara. Hirayama et al. (1967:23) note that Nishihara is an area compromised of islanders who moved from Ikema Island and settled in the Nishihara area; thus the accent of their dialect resembled Ikema; however, this dialect has undergone accentual leveling, and has lost the two-way tonal distinction. Oura, on the other hand, is a locus system, with an atonic, paroxytonic, and oxytonic accent. The accent in Ikema is much like Oura, but there is only a tonic versus an atonic distionction. The accent of the dialect on Tarama Island is the same as aura, with a three way distinction of atonic, paroxytonic, and oxytonic. The following words show how this distinction appears in the various classes: 12

(33) Accent Classes

o

t X~ODlC

monosyllables disyllables trisyllables

Gloss leaf ox gold

Hirara pa:1HH.L usi"lLH.L kugalni LHH.L

Ikema ha: lLH.L usi"lLH.L kuganil LHH.L

Tarama pa:LL.L usi"LL.L kugani LLL.L

12 'Monosyllables' in the following charts refers to words that were monosyllables in the proto-language, but have undergone compensatory lengthening: *CV > *CVV. Also, the period before the final accent marker (HH.L) illustrates the pitch on a particle that follows the noun.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

87

PROTO-MIY AKO

p araoxytomc monosyllables disyllables trisyllables

Gloss NA boat eel

Hirara NA fu lni m....L una fzi" Lm...

Gloss sea bone fan

Hirara imlm....L pulni m....L o:gZoil LHH.L

Ikema NA funi LL.L unaozi"LLL

Tarama NA fu lni m... unal"zi" Lm...

Ikema imlm....L funi LL.L au1zi"LHH.L

Tarama imlm....L pulni m....L au19i" Hlll...L

Atonic monosyllables disyllables trisyllables

As Shimabukuro (2007: 115) has persuasively argued, when using the comparative method, and relying on a number of natural accent changes-the most obvious being that accent change shifts to the right: *HL.L > HH.L-we are able to reconstruct accent systems for these languages that are natural, and consistent with what we already know about the comparative method. For a more detailed explanation about these changes and the methodology, I refer the reader to the thorough treatment in Shimabukuro (2007). It should be noted, however, that recent work by Matsumori (2001: 106-109) argues for a three-way distinction for the pitch accent of Tarama. The common consensus has been that Tarama, like the other Miyako languages, has a two-way distinction in pitch. Matsumore has gathered data for monosyllabic, disyllabic, and trisyllabic words, using the environment where these nouns are followed by particles such as mai 'also' and ni:du 'by'. What she has failed to make clear, however, is whether this three-way system is primoridal (which appears to be her conclusion, though it is not supported by any historical data), or is an artifact of language contact with the dialects of Ishigaki. It is well-known that the language of Tarama has a fair amount of linguistic influence from Ishigaki. Tarama is roughly 25 miles from Ishigaki, while it is about 30 miles from Miyako Island. As Matsumori's conclusions are not

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

88

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

conclusive, I simply mention them here, and adhere to the conclusions of Shimabukuro (2007). Based on accentual data from Hirayama et al (1967), the following proto-Miyako accent classes have been reconstructed (cf. Shimabukuro 2007:214-218). For monosyllables there is only a two-way distinction preserved, so only two accent classes are reconstructed: high-low (H.L) and low-high (L.H). It should be mentioned that Shimabukuro also reconstructs vowel length for these monosyllables, but from a purely internal perspective, it is impossible to tell compensatory lengthening from contraction. Thus, at this stage of the construction I do not reconstruct monosyllables with vowel length. Consider the following: (34) R econst rueted A ccenUor Monosy.IIa bles Gloss leaf name tooth tree

Hirara pa: HH.L na: HH.L pu: IHH.L ki: HH.L

Ikema ha:1LH.L na: ILH.L fu: ILH.L ki:1LH.L

Tarama pa: LL.L na: LL.L pu:1HL.L ki:lHL.L

PM *pa IH.L *nalH.L *_poL.H * keL.H

Three different accent classes can be reconstructed for protoMiyako disyllables based on the three different correspondences in my data. Those three accent classes are: two tonic classes, HH.L, LH.L, and one atonic class: LL.L. The following chart (35) lists these correspondences, using both a phonemic and phonetic notation. (35) D'ISylIIa b'IC Correspond ences Hirara (Dura) Ikema a

rb c

Tarama

PM

*-001

001

001

00

LH.L

LH.L

LL.L

HH.L

HL.L

LH.L

ob

*_001

010

00

*00

HL-HH.H

LL.L-HH.H

LL.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

89

PROTO-MIY AKO

Based on these correspondences the following words and their accent classes are reconstructed (36). (36) R econst ruc ted Accent Iior D'ISYIIIables Hirara Ikema Tarama Gloss nose panalLH.L hanalLH.L panaLL.L usiLL.L ox uSilLH.L uSilLH.L flower panalLH.L hanalLH.L pa InaHL.L mountain yamal yamal yalma HL.L LH.L LH.L bone pu Ioi HL.L funi LL.L pu Ioi HL.L voice kui LL.L kuli HL.L kuli HL

PM *- pana1HH.L *-usilHH.L * _pana1LH.L *_yama1LH.L *poneLL.L *koeLL.L

Finally, these data only preserve three different accent correspondences for trisyllabic nouns, so we are obligated to reconstruct three accent classes, which are the same as reconstructed for disyllabic nouns: two tonic classes, HHH.L, LHH.L, and one atonic class: LLL.L. The correspondences are listed below:

(37) T' nsylIIa b'IC Correspondences Hirara (Oura) Ikema a 0001 0010 LHH.L LHL.L-b LHH.L c

0010 LHL-LHH.L

000 LLL.L HHH.H

Tarama 000 LLL.L 0010 HHL.L

PM *-0001 HHH.L *_0001 LHH.L *000 LLL.L

Based on these correspondences, the following words and their accent classes are reconstructed (38):

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

90

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS (38) R eeonst rue t ed A eeent ~or T' rlsylIIa bles

Gloss forehead

Hirara f\;ltai1LHH.L

yawn

af\;lksYl LHH.L f\;lkurul LHH.L o:gzYHHL

bag fan earthworm medicine

mimi1zY HLL.L f\;lsu F-i LHL.L

Ikema f\;lta Ii LHL.L afu1zY LHL.L fyku lru LHL.L audzYLLL dZYmidzy LLL.L f\;lsui LLL.L

Tarama f\;ltai LLL.L

--f\lku1m HHL.L aulgy HHL.L mimildzi" HHL.L f\;lSull HHL.L

PM

*-p\;Itael HHH.L *-afukil HHH.L *_pukuro1 LHH.L *_augi I LHH.L *memezi LLL.L *fusuri LLL.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

3

PROTO-YAEYAMA 1.0 Introduction

P

roto-Yaeyama has been reconstructed using the comparative method coupled with internal reconstruction, comparing lexical data mainly from four dialects that are representative of the group of islands known as Yaeyama, or western Sakishima. The four dialects are: Ishigaki (main city of Ishigaki Island), Kohama (a small island between Ishigaki and Iriomote), Hateruma (a small island south of Iriomote), and Hatoma (small island just north of Iriomote). There have been a number of cases where I have had reference to the dialect of Kuroshima because it preserves data to untangle otherwise unclear cases. Kuroshima is situated south of Kohama. Also, in order to reconstruct the accent system of Yaeyama, I have also had reference to the dialect of Sonai on lriomote Island, which has the most complex accent system in Yaeyama. My database consists of the same list of 505 words used in reconstructing proto-Miyako. My transcription follows that of Hirayama with one exception: a 'superscript h' represents aspiration when this distinction is phonemic. All other conventions follow that outlined in the introductory remarks in the proto-Miyako section.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

92

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Hatoma

~-

Koyama

o

OK:...

Takelomi ...,~

K~-

Nab.iol!?

..:~ (S. ~

..

_V

~C9

"",,_,.

..

Kuroshlma

Aragusku (H....)

Haleruma

~'* ~~

Map 5. Yaeyama Dialects 2.0 Proto~ Yaeyama Consonants The following consonants have been reconstructed for protoYaeyama, listed below (i).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

93

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

(i) *p

*t

*k

*b

*d

*g

*s *Z *m

*n *r

*N

*y

2.1 Bilabial Stops There are straightforward correspondences for bilabial stops p:p. The following three examples are illustrative. PY *-pae1'ash' > IG -pai, KB pai, KS pai, SN pai, HX pe:, HZ pai. PY *pone 'bone' > IG _puni, KB puni, KS pulni, SN py h.,ti, HX

PYl}il, HZ puni. PY *por- 'dig' > IG purug, KB purug, HX pyrug, HZ purug. It should be mentioned that the modern language of Ishigaki is undergoing a change where p is leniting to f - h. This change appears mainly in the younger generation of speakers. Recent work by Miyagi et al. (2002) provides the following doublets: pada / hada 'skin', pana / hana 'nose', puragul) / furagul) 'open', purul) / furul) 'dig'. The database shows that this change has occurred before other vowels, but only remains sporadically in Hatoma: PY *puko- 'blow' > IG fukug, KB fukug, HX fykug, HZ pUkhug. PY *pukori > IG - fukui, KB fukuntsl, KS fukui, HX fukudzl, Uehara fukuri, HZ pukhui.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

94

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS PY *pukor- 'swell' > IG fukuriI), KB fukuriruI), KS fukuri, HX fykuraI), HZ pyk'lIruI).

These data in Hatoma are important, because when other dialects in Yaeyama have fu but Hatoma has pu, then the proto-form must be *po. This is elaborated further in the section under fricatives, where it is shown that Hatoma has a bilabial fricative f and a glottal fricative h (cf. Kajiku 2002:61). Reconstructing the voiced bilabial stop in Yaeyama is also straightforward. Consider these examples. PY *_bata1 'belly' > IG bada, KB bada, KS bata, SN bida, HX bata HZ batao PY *- bano1 'I' > IG - banu, KB banu, KS baI), SN balnu, HX banu, HZ ba:. PY *bara- 'laugh' > IG ba:ruI), KB ba:rai, KS barau, HX ba:ruI), HZ barauI).

1.

2.2 Dental Stops The dental stops in Yaeyama have straightforward correspondences, with a voiceless and voiced (prenasalized) phoneme each. As was the case with Miyako, I have not reconstructed affricates, because of their limited distribution: an affricate only occurs before high vowels, mainly the vowel r, but occasionally before u. The correspondences for voiceless t are t:t:

t!

PY *_take1 'bamboo' > IG taki, KB taki, KS taki, SN ki, HX tttki, HZ taki. PY *- ton1 'bird' > IG - tun, KB tun or turu, KS tun, HX tun, o • HZturu. PY *-ti 'blood' > IG -tsI:, KB tsI:, KS Si:, SN tSi:, HX dz.I:, HZ

Si:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEY AMA

95

PY *eti 'five' > IG _itSI-, KB itSI-, KS ilSi-, SN iltSi-, HX iSSIlor itsll-, HZ itsi. PY *_te 'hand' >, IG _ti:, KB til:, KS ti:, SN til:, HX Si:l. HZ ti: . PY *putae 'forehead' > IG -fytai, KB futai, KS fytai, SN fute, HX fyte:, HZ futai. PY *_pito1'one' > IG _pIth KB pitu-, KS pisi-, SN p{ti-, HX PoItu-, HZ pi:tSi. There is little to add to this, other than the fact that there is what I call a 'one step forward, one step back' affrication rule in Hateruma (cf. Oyler 1997:27), where a dental plus high front vowel in initial position undergoes affrication (*te > *ti > *tsi), and then this new syllable undergoes a further change of spirantization (*tsi > si). And that is the reason why the proto-fonn has to be *te. If we reconstruct *ti as Oyler (1997:68) did for Hateruma, then we would expect the modem fonn to be tsi" or si" with a high central vowel. The following diagrams these two developments. Hateruma Stage 1 Stage 2

*te *te *ti

Hateruma Stage 1 Stage 2

*ti *ti *tSI

Stage 3a Stage 3b

tSI si"

[split occurs] Stage 3a Stage 3b

tsi si

As this shows, at some stage in the language, both syllables underwent a split, where *te has split into tsi and si, while *ti has split into tsi" and si". At least as far as the vocalism in Ishigaki and Hateruma is concerned, these data point to the strong tendency that proto *i centered to i", but *e raised to i. This change is again dealt with under section 2.4.1 in conjunction with a related phenomenon in Hatoma.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

96

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Compared with the correspondences of t:t, the correspondences of the voiced phoneme d:d are somewhat harder to find. PY *_ude1'arm' > IG udi, KB undi, KS udi, SN ufdi, HX ud3i1, HZudi. PY *budoru- 'dance' > IG budurul), KB bunduri, HX budun-sll), HZ budurusul). PY *- dabll'funeral' > IG - dabl, KB dapI, HX dabl, HZ dabi. Interestingly Kohama tends to have -nd- in medial position, where the rest of Yaeyama has -d-, but only d- in initial position. Kajiku (l982b:87-88) describes this phenomenon as a way for the speakers of Kohama to preserve the distinction between voiceless and voiced obstruents as voiceless obstruents were undergoing a change of becoming semi-voiced.) 2.3 Velar Stops Proto-Yaeyama had a voiceless and voiced velar stop, *k and *g, but a number of phonological changes require some explanation to sort out the correspondences. PY *_kumo1'cloud' > IG 3umu, KB fumo:, KS fumu, SN fyf f\1u, HX fymol) 1. HZ humu. PY *_koma1 'here' > IG _kuma, KB kunga, KS kuma, SN kyqta, HX mwa:, HZ kuma PY *_ka 'hide (skin)' > IG _ka:, KB ka:, KS ha:, SN ka1:, HX ka: 1, HZ ka:.

I Kajiku (l982b:87) records that his mentor. Nakasone Seizen. had originally noticed this prenasalization in Kohama. Kajiku notes that when he conducted field work on Kohama. he found it difficult to make a distinction between medial voiced and voiceless stops. as they seemd to be shifting. He lists examples such as 'fart' being pronounced as both tjjpi and tfilJi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

97

In most of these dialects, if the voiceless velar is followed by a high back vowel, the velar lenites to f Hatoma preserves different reflexes for *ku and *pu. The reflex for *ku is hu in Hatoma, while *pu is fu. 2 The actual data for this are provided under fricatives. It is on this evidence that both the velar and the vowel are reconstructed. Likewise, the curious vocalism in the Ishigaki form for ki(:J1) 'come' also shows that this vowel was not a proto *i, because if it had been, it would have affricated the velar (*ki > lsi). Thus the Ishigaki form evolved from vowel raising to a back high vowel, and then this vowel was fronted (*ko- > *ku- > h-). A strange form appears in Hateruma, mwa: 'here'. In actuality this is merely a metathesized form which occurred after the velar had lenited: *koma > *kuma > *fuma > *mufa > mwa (phonetically mua), which is then lengthened according to the compensatory lengthening rule. The correspondences for the voiced velar are somewhat harder to come by. It may be easier to visualize the situation here if we divide the correspondences into initial and medial position. For voiced velar in initial position, there are a number of words in the database. PY *gama 'cave (hole), > IG gama, HX gamaI), Miyara gama, HZgama. PY *garalsv 'crow' > IG ~arasl, KB garasl, KS garalSi, SN garal.(i, HX garasl1, HZ garasa. PY *~aba1 'dirt (grime)' > IG ~aba, KB gaba, KS gaba, SN gar ba, HZ gaba:. PY *gaki 'sickle' > IG ~agl, KB ga:ki;" KS gaklki, SN galhya, HX gakkya1, Komi ga:kl, Taketomi gaSi, HZ gakkye:.

2 This was first noticed by Nakamoto (1976:237), but no firm conclusion was reached. Kajiku (2002:69-71) hints at this possibility also, but there is no actual conclusion of such. He simply relates these two syllables back to Nara era transcriptions.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

98

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *guma- 'small' > IG guma:sa:l), KB gumaha:l), KS gumaha, HX gumahal) 'fine, delicate' , HZ guma:l).

PY *...,gusaN1 'staff> IG ...,gusal), KB gusal), KS gusal), SN guf sal), HX gusal) HZ gusal). The word 'sickle' in Hateruma and Hatoma likely has a topic marker fused to it *gaki' + ya, and then there is reinforcement of the final velar: *gaki'-ya > gakkya. The Hatoma form appears to be a variant of this. Next consider the following set of correspondences where the voiced velar is in medial position. PY *nagar- 'flow' > IG nagaril), KB na:rirul), HX nal)garul), HZ na:rul). PY *ager- 'give' > IG agig, KB ako:rug, HX aggirug, HZ agirul). PY *- pagama 'kettle' > IG - pagama, KB pagama, HX pagama, HZ pal)gama. PY *ubu-nu-gai' 'stomach' > IG fUl)gai, KB u:l)gai, HX muge:, HZ ubul)gai. A few words can be said about the five examples noted above. The second example is fairly straightforward, with the following explanation. The Ishigaki and Hateruma forms show that the velar stop has not undergone lenition, and this lends important evidence to posit the proto vowel as *e and not *i. The loss of the voiced velar in 'flow' in Kohama and Hatoma is also of interest. Medial voiced velars in Kohama and Hatoma act much like those in Hateruma, where Oyler noted that *g and *w are lost when they appear as the .second consonant in a word composed of three consonants (1997:20). That is what happened in Kohama and Hatoma here, with the second consonant undergoing lenition to zero and all that remains is vowel length: *nagarul) > *na0arul) >

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

99

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

na:rul). The question then becomes, why did -ga- remain in

Hateruma? It appears that prenasalization of the obstruent became accentuated till it became a velar nasal, and this blocked its loss (*naDgar- > *nangar- > nal)gar-). The fifth example is also of interest. On the surface it does not seem that the Hateruma form is related to the others, but if we look at this word as a compound, with *gai as a suffix, perhaps meaning 'bag' or 'container' ,3 then all four words can be compared. The prefixed word is likely *ubu 'large'. In Ishigaki the initial vowel dropped, and the voiced stop devoiced: *ubu > *bu >fu. In Kohama the opposite occurred, with the medial stop weakening and then dropping: *ubu > *ufu > u:. The velar nasal is likely the genitive *nu which became a stop due to the voiced velar in the following syllable. We are thus left with the final form *gai. I have not reconstructed this as *gae on the basis of the form in Hateruma. 4 It is unclear what the etymology of this word is, but Miyagi et al. (2003:197) theorize this may be related to Old Japanese ke (more precisely key 'receptacle'), which Martin (1987:448) reconstructs as *kaCi, though it is unclear what if any consonant C would require. It should also be mentioned that the medial voiced velar often corresponds to a voiceless velar in Japanese, and in many other dialects of Ryiikyiian. We could arbitrarily assign a rule where medial velars are all voiced, but what about the first two examples in the second list, where the velar is also voiced in Japanese? This phenomenon requires a little more explanation. On the surface there are some dialects in Yaeyama that voice the velar stop, but only if it is word-medial. The following six examples appear in the database: PY *yaku- 'cook' > IG yakul), KB yakul), HX yagul), HZ yakul). 3 Kai in Ishigaki. Hatoma. and Taketomi means a box or container that clothing is placed in. In Aragusuku this is leaji' (Miyara 1981 :48). 4 See section 3.1 'Problematic correspondences'

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

100

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *_patake) 'fannland' > IG _patagl, KB hataki, KS pi\talki, SN pite:, HX PJte:gil, HZ pataki. PY *akari 'light' > IG akan, KB aka:ri, HX agari·, HZ akari. PY *aka- 'red' > IG aka, KB akaha, KS akaha, HX aka, HZ aga. PY *arak- 'walk' > IG aragulJ, KB arakI, KS araku, HX aragulJ, SN arahi, HZ arakulJ. From this small database it is difficult to reach any definite conclusions, but the pattern at least tells us this: Ishigaki and Hateruma have very similar reflexes, and when these two have a voiceless medial velar, Hatoma has a voiced one. When Hatoma has a voiceless medial velar, Ishigaki and Hateruma have a voiced. This is a curious development, because standard classifications of Yaeyama dialects tend to be constructed as in (ii).

Yaeyama

Yonaguni

Kajiku (1984:300) (ii) Classification ofYaeyama Dialects

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

101

It should be expected that Ishigaki and Hatoma would have parallel developments, but when it comes to medial voicing of velars, it is a clear case of musical chairs: when Ishigaki has a voiced medial, Hatoma has a voiceless. When Ishigaki has a voiceless medial, Hatoma has a voiCed. For the moment I have no answer to this problem of voiced-voiceless musical chairs, unless we are looking at nothing more than inter-island contamination from a number of dialects which were in contact due to trade, or simply a later independent development.

2.4 Fricatives 2.4.1 Alveolar Fricatives In all but a couple of cases, the alveolar fricatives are straightforward. Below are three examples: PY *- sita1'below' > IG - sJta, KB sYf'a, KS tsa:ra, SN lita, HX sJta, HZ ssanta:. PY *sinu- 'die' > IG sYnu1), KB sYnu1), HX sYnu1), HZ sinu1). PY *siba 'lip' > IG suba, KB futssYnusupa, KS Jiba, SN, Jiba, HX sYpa, Taketomi suba, HZ Jiba.

The word 'lip' provides some interesting vowel correspondences, but I defer addressing these until the section on vowels. There are also a few alveolar fricatives that are secondary, a change that is peculiar to Hateruma, Kuroshima, and Hatoma. This change comes from a velar (or dental) plus a high front vowel. As Oyler (1997:33) has explained, the velar is affricated and then fricativized (*k > *ks > *ts > s). PY *ki·sl- 'wear' > IG kYsl, KB kSoisl1), HX sY1), Komi kSoisl:, HZ kisu1). PY *kino 'yesterday' > IG - kYnu, KB kJnu, KS kino: (loan), SN

k.ill}u, HX S.i"I.lU:l, Taketomi Jinu1, HZ khinu.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

102

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

A related change also occurs in both Hateruma and Hatoma with dentals plus high vowels. Consider these three examples: PY *- tume1'fingernail' > IG - tSi'mi, KB tSi'mi, KS Simi, SN tfimi, HX si'mi, Taketomi sumi, HZ Simi. Jd 0

00

PY *_tuno1 'hom' > IG _tsi'nu, KB tSi'nu, KS Sinu, SN tlif \iU, HX si'no Taketomi sunu, HZ Sinu. PY *_tukil 'moon' > IG _tsi'ki', KB tsi'ki', KS sJ'ki, SN tlilki, HX

1.

1.

si'ki'IJ Taketomi suki, HZ Sjki. PY *tukui 'moon' > IG tsukui, KB tsukui, HX suke:IJ, Ohama tsuku. What has happened is that the vowel has centered, affricating the dental. In Hateruma and Hatoma the complex change of spirantization took place after affrication: *ti > *tsi' > si (Hatoma does not seem to have ever centered *i after the dental). However, it needs to be pointed out that some data suggests that this phonological change is still in process. Consider three words noted above, and what various researchers have recorded from Hateruma. (39) Data from Hateruma

Word Fingernail Hom Yesterday

Miyara

Simi t'inu kInu

Nakamatsu simi

Hirayama

Sino:

sino slnu:

sjnu:

~lmi

..

Riley Jjmi

Sino sinu

We can conclude that over the course of the last fifty years some obstruents have become fricatives in Hateruma. 2.4.2 Bilabial Fricatives A superficial glance through the data may make one feel that bilabial fricatives need to be reconstructed for the proto-system. This is only true in a few cases, which I feel obliged to do, but it needs to be noted that these are clearly secondary in most cases.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

103

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

Hatoma tends to preserve a distinction between a bilabial fricative f and a glottal fricative h. The merger of these two phonemes is complete in all other dialects of Yaeyama, aside from Hatoma, where the process of merging is underway, but not complete. Hatoma has fu as a reflex for *pu, but hu for *ku. It is here that data from Kuroshima (KS) helps augment these data from Hatoma. Kuroshima has a voiced bilabial fricative v that has several origins, one of which is *ku. Regarding this voiced bilabial fricative, Nakamoto (1976:235) notes that Miyako also has f and v like Kuroshima, and that this v once existed in the various dialects of Yaeyama, but these have all changed, likely to f, except for examples found on the islands of Kuroshima and Hatoma. In Kajiku' s phonological description of the language of Hatoma, however, there is no mention of v (cf. 2002:61-63). The following data are illustrative of what we find on the island of Kuroshima. PY *kuru- 'black' > IG fufu, KB fufo:ha:l), KS vo:ha, HX fufu, HZ hufu. 5 PY *kura- 'dark' > IG fufasa:l), KB fufa:ta:r'i, KS va:ha, HX fahal), HZ hl}fal). PY *_kusa1'grass' > IG _fusa, KB fu lsa or fu lra, KS za:, SN fl} lsa, HX futsa1. HZ susa. PY *puru 'old' > IG furusa:l). KB yo:ritaru, KS vvmunu or vu:Jitari, SN fu:, HX fu:, HZ fufumunu. PY *kuCa 'son' > IG fa:, KB fa:, KS vva, HZ hl}fa. Compare the correspondences above with the following: PY *pune 'boat' > IG _funi, KB funi, KS fu lni, SN fl} l~i, HX fl,;lI}i 1. HZ funi. 5 In a song called Apare (a:pa:re:) on Hatoma, we find the stanza: lm..!Jpipiruba kaki na: fl: 'Use a black connecting rope as a hanging rope .. .' (Hokama 1979: III):

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

104

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *puru- 'old' > IG furusa:l), KB yo:ritaru, KS furumi, HX fu:, HZ fufumunu. PY *pukor- 'swell' > IG fukuril), KS fukuri, HX fykural), HZ fykhurul). The only difficulty here is 'grass', where Kuroshima has zza, but as demonstrated above, I believe this has undergone the following development: *kusa > *fusa > *vysa > *vza > zza. Thus this voiced bilabial fricative originates from a fricative, which is really a lenited velar. The Hatoma form susa is also strange, but may simply reflect assimilation of the second fricative to the first: *fusa > susa. As can be seen here, *ku- becomes vu in Kuroshima, while *pu simply lenites to fu - (At. There are other origins for Kuroshima v, but I deal with these at the end of the section on consonants. Needless to say, it is on this evidence that I feel the fricative f does not need to be reconstructed for proto-Yaeyama in word-initial position. If further evidence were needed, precious evidence is preserved in old songs first compiled by Kishaba Eijun in 1924. Consider the following old song from Hatoma Island: ya: kUIJ pipiru Oh black hemp rope Oh, with black hemp palm rope kak-i na: J-i connect-INF rope do-GER as a rope to tie things together ya-ba Jikur-i house-OBJ construct-INF they have built a house

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

105

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

aIJ dis-u be say-CONC they say (Ishigaki 1981:138) .... Here 'black' is kUI), preserving the older fonn before the velar had lenited to hu-. Next consider the word 'storehouse, granary', which has the following modern fonns: PY *kura 'storehouse' > IG kura, KB kura, HX ffa, Taketomi fyfa, HZ ku:ru. The fonn in Kohama is from Miyara, so it may be a legitimate fonn, or it may be a loan from Ishigaki. Notice that Ishigaki has both fonns: kura and fo.fa:, so kura is clearly a later reintroduction of the same word, perhaps from Shuri. What is important is that the older fonn kura appears in an old song from Hateruma: ya: kad31 kura IJtS-i house every granary fill-GER At every house their granaries will also be full, kiburl kad31 Sira nam-i household every grain arrange-GER and at every household they will store grain (Kishaba 1967:409). These examples provide crucial data that *ku- shifted to fu- in all dialects throughout Yaeyama. 2.5 Nasals Nasals are straightforward in Yaeyama, with the maJonty of correspondences being m:m, n:n, IPJ with few exceptions. The straightforward correspondences are as follows for all three sets.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

106

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *moi"- 'bum' > IG muilJ, KB muirulJ, KS muirulJ, HX me:rulJ, HZ muirulJ· PY *nom- 'drink' > IG numulJ, KB numulJ, KS numi, HX numulJ, HZ numulJ. PY *_me 'eye' > IG _mi:, KB mil KS mi:, SN mintii, HX milJ, HZmi. PY *_no 'field' > IG _nu:, KB nu:, KS nu:, SN nu:, HX nU:lJ, HZnu:. PY *motu 'have' > IG mutsulJ, KB mutsi", KS muti, HX mutsulJ, HZ mut'\IlJ. PY *_ne 'root' > IG _ni:, LB ni:, KS ni:, SN nil HX nilJ l. HZ m:. I deal with the mora nasal of Hateruma below (cf. 2.9.2), and will not delve into the issues surrounding it here. I will not give correspondences for the velar nasal, because such correspondences appear sufficiently in the six examples above, and this adequately outlines the majority of cases with the velar nasal, where it appears word finally. Because of this, I believe that the velar nasal is actually secondary, being a contraction of a nasal or a prenasalized velar plus a high vowel. Consider the following examples: PY *-kani1'crab' > IG -kalJ, KB kai, HX kalJ, HZ gani. PY *_kamV1 'deity' > IG _kalJ, KB kamputuki, KS halJ, SN kalJ, HX kalJ, Uehara kam, HZ kalJ. PY *_enu1 'dog' > IG _ilJ, KB ilou, KS ilJ, SN f lJ, HX inu1. HZ ilJ· PY *pagi 'leg' > IG _palJ, KB pai, KS palJ, SN pal HX palJ1 'foot' , HZ pal]. PY *_naN 'wave' > IG _nalJ, KB nalJ, KS nalJ, SN nallJ, HX nalJ 1. HZ nalJ· PY *_moCi1'wheat' > IG _mulJ, KB mui, HX mUlJ, HZ mUlJ.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEYAMA

107

This evidence suggests that Kohama is diagnostic when the syllable is nu, but if *mV the velar nasal appears. Also, if the consonant is a voiced velar, then the velar drops and leaves the vowel (as in 'leg' and 'wheat'). Another phenomenon found widely throughout Sakishima, and much of Ryiikyii, concerns the nasal at the end of verbs. This is not the place to describe grammar or morphology, but let me briefly say that I believe this verb-final nasal is related to -m found in the second conclusive form of Miyako verbs, and likely is related to *-mo or *-mu. This was then contracted in most dialects of Sakishima to a velar nasal. 2.6 Tap The tap in Yaeyama are fairly straightforward, but there are several interesting developments. Here are three straightforward examples: PY *- mo:ru1 'all' > IG - mu:ru, KB mu:ru, KS - mu:ru1, SN mu:ru, HX muru, HZ mu:ru. 'that' PY *-karel 'he' > IG - karl 'that' , KB karl 0 ' KS harl 'that' , HX karl 'that', HZ karl. PY *koros- 'kill' > IG kuruslg, KB kurafug, KS kuraJi, HX kurusag, Komi kurahi:, HZ k\Irasug. As these examples point out, the liquid was stable only in front of -a-, unless preceded by a high vo~el. In almost all other environments, it was a chameleon, either changing form or dropping completely. When the liquid occurred in the second syllable of a word that was fricative initial, the liquid changed to the fricative, as noted below (iii). Y here represents a high vowel. (iii) *pYr- > *fYr- > fYf *sYr-.> sYsThere is essentially no way to unravel this change based solely on modem data. Consider the following examples in the database:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

108

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *kuru- 'black' > IG fufu, KB fufo:ha:l), KS vo:ha, HX fufu, HZ hufu. PY *kura- 'dark' > IG fufasa:l), KB fufa:ta:ri', KS va:ha, HX fahal), HZ hyfal). PY *siraN 'louse' > IG sisal), KB si'sal), KS dzal), HX sal), HZ sysal). PY *siru 'white' > IG si'su, KB si'so:ha:l), KS zo:ha, HX ssa:sahal), HZ sso:l). Fortunately there are examples from old songs (il~ koyo) that preserve older forms. Consider the following old song from Kuroshima: iSa-pana rock-very top On the very top of the rock maJa-ui rocks used to separate cultivated plots-LOC on the rocks separating the plots mak-yo or-ba plant-exist PAST-if if we had planted seed, haide mak-i beautiful-hand plant-INF planting with those beautiful hands Cirude yar-i white-hand be-INF planting with those white hands (Ishigaki 1981:54) ....

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

109

Next consider an old song from the island of Kohama: kumo:ma tir-u sIma-ya Kohama say-ATT island-TOP The island known as Kumo:ma kafu n-u sIma yar-iba good fortunte DV -ATT island be-because is an island of good fortune, ufundagi-ba kusadi great peak-OBJ rear support because the great peak is our rear support firupama mai naJ-i white beach before be-INF and the white beach is before us (Kishaba 1924:181).6 Lastly, an old song from Hateruma preserves an interesting form: firamidzI-du white water-OBJ For white water, amamidzI-du sweet water-OBJ for sweet water, nigar-u pray-CONC we will pray (Ishigaki 1981:261-62).7

Kishaba 1967:275 has a somewhat clearer transcription for a few sections. There are a number of songs from Hateruma where the -r- is not preserved, however. Consider the following examples: su: pama 'white beach'. fisu pama 6 7

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

110

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

On this evidence we can reconstruct proto-Yaeyama 'white' as *s"iru. Regarding the change *pVr- > fYJ, consider another old song from Hatoma: feiya kuru fima:-su

jeiya black-island-PT Feiya, from the village of u:tJi kara inside from Kuroshima Islandfeiya midu-ga ya:-su

jeiya women-PaSS eight-PT jeiya, eight women ku:-i-tur-i summon-INF bring-GER summon and bring feiya bifu-ga muyu:-su

jeiya men-PaSS eight-PT jeiya, six men ku:-i-tur-i summon-INF bring-GER summon and bring (Ishigaki 1981:153) ....

'white beach', but sira ifl 'white rock' (cf. Hokama 1979:94-95). Also consider that Miyara Yasuhiko (cf. Hokama 1979: 10 I) recorded the following interesting stanza: ig; nu ;ana, sur; nu ;ana 'arranged flowers, white flowers.' Here his transcription of 1" I? ~ ~ tt. likely represents si'ri (xlna, but for the time being I have left it as suri. Acknowledging the vagueness of the transcription, it is simply the presence of the tap I wish to draw attention to here.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

III

PROTO-YAEY AMA

There is a tradition that a number of farmers left Kuroshima and moved to the village of Hori on Hatoma Island, and their language preserved the older reading of the island now known as Fu:siina as KuruJima. This provides prooffor the liquid as noted above in (ii).8 It is also tempting to adjust the reconstruction of the word 'smoke' from *kebusi to *keburi on the following evidence from two old songs preserved in the language of Hateruma: (i)

tabagu fuk-i hanaJ-o:r-i tobacco smoke-INF speak-invitation-INF Let's talk while we smoke cigarettes. kibusl num-i katar-iyo:r-i smoke drink-INF chat-invitation-INF Let's chat while we inhale the smoke (Kishaba 1967:407). (ii) ya: kad31 kura l)tJ-i house every granary fill-GER At every house their granaries will also be full, kad31 Jira nam-i kibun household every grain arrange-GER and at every household they will store grain (Kishaba 1967:409). This rather tenuous evidence suggests that perhaps we are dealing with a deverbal noun *kebou- where perhaps one is transitive (*kebur-) and the other intransitive (*kebus-). Then could we not be justified in reconstructing *kebu- as a stem? Before we take that step, it is important to consider the following relevant data: 8 Another song on Hatoma, Apare (a:pa:re:) contains the word si"ru-gani-ba white-metal-OBJ 'white metal' (Hokama 1979:111). Again this shows that earlier the tap was still present.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

112

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *kebusi 'smoke' > IG - kibusl, KB kibusI, KS kibuSi, SN kibuli, HX kipl}sI, HZ kibo:Si. PY *kebun 'household'9 > IG kibun, HX kiburI, HZ kiburu. It is possible, maybe even plausible, that the proto-form is *keburi, and the other form *kebusi entered Ryiikyiian at a later date from perhaps a different language, and *keburi only survived because the semantics were altered later to a counter for households. For the time being rather than reconstruct 'smoke' as *keburi. Finally, there is some slight evidence for an environment where the tap dropped or lost its manner of articulation. The environment appears below in (iv): (iv) *-ori > -ui (IG, HZ) \ > -u,s/dzI (KB, HX) Consider the following example from the database: PY *pukori 'dust' > IG - fukui, KB fukuntsl, KS fukui, HX fukudzI, Uehara fukuri, HZ puk'lIi. This is very tenuous evidence, with only one example available in the database. For the time being, I simply present this hypothesis and leave it for future research. 2.7 Glides The glide /y/ in Yaeyama is rather straightforward. The case for reconstructing *w is a bit tenuous at this stage of the reconstruction. Consider the following examples where w does appear (I have elected to leave out mwa 'here', because it has been explained above as a case of metathesis).

9 The word *keburi" 'smoke' may have derived from the smoke coming from a smokestack, and this was later used as a counter for households.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

113

PY *barus- 'bad' > IG yana:, KB baraha:g, HX barusag, HZ wassag. PY *too- 'far' > IG tu:sa:g, KB tu:ha:g or to:ha:g, KS tu:sa, HX tu:sahag, HZ tu:wag or tu:waru (older form),. PY *- ura1 'thou (non-polite)' > IG - wa:, KB uwa, KS uva, SN ura, HX da: (cognate?), HZ wa:. . PY *uwata 'you (plural), > IG wada:, KB uwa, KS uva-ta, SN ura, Uehara wa:, HZ wata. It is interesting to note that almost all cases of w appearing in Hatoma are surely either loans from some Miyako dialect, or are isolated innovations. There are likely cases where the perceived -wis secondary, conditioned by the vowel u. This likely accounts for the -w- in tu:wa.y 'far' in Hatoma: *toohag > *tuuhag > tu:wa.y. While w may not be overtly attested in the database, consider the following: PY *_ woba1'aunt' > IG - buba, KB bu:wa, KS bu: lba, SN 'bu, HX buba1. HZ bo:ma. PY *awo 'blue' > IG au (but afa: in song), KB au, KS auha, HX 0:, HZ au. PY *wor- 'exist' > IG ug, KB bug, KS bug, HX bug, HZ bug. PY *-wotol 'husband' > IG -budu (but myu:tu in song), KB butu, KS butu, SN butu, HX butu, HZ butu. First, a little housekeeping is in order. In 1930 Miyara (1981: 137) records in Yaeyama goi that Ishigaki, Taketomi, Kohama, Iriomote, Hatoma, Kuroshima, and Hateruma have budu for 'husband', but Yonaguni has buttu; however, in 1949 when he completed his Nihon hagen ihen, Miyara (1982.1:51) records that while Ishigaki has budu, Taketomi, Kohama, Iriomote, Hatoma, Kuroshima, and Hateruma have butu. Nakamatsu (1987) records that the Miyara and Kabira dialects of Ishigaki both have budu, but all other dialects have butu, aside from Taketomi which has bu'tu,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

114

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

and this underscores that Miyara's 1949 work has correctly recorded this word. Now consider that there is the bound form, myu:tu 'husband and wife' in Ishigaki song, from mi 'woman' and u:tu 'husband'. The same sort of fragmentary evidence is seen with 'exist'. where Ishigaki has u where others have bu. The same is true for 'aunt'. It is on this tentative evidence that I argue for an earlier *w-. Correspondences for the glide *y are straightforward y:y, and noted below in the following examples, which are limited to word initial positions. PY *yarabe 'child' > IG yarabi, KB yarabi, KS yarabi, Taketomi yarabi, HZ yarabi. PY *yak- 'cook' > IG yakul), KB yakul), HX yagul), HZ yakul). PY*yum- 'count' > IG yumul), SN yu:mi, HX yumul), HZ yumul). Next consider words where the glide is in medial position. PY *uyobe 'finger' > IG _ubi, KB u:bi, KS uyabi, SN ilbi, HX bi:, HZ uyabi. PY *_uya1'parent' > IG _uya, KB uya, KS uya, SN uf ya, HX uya1. HZ uya. PY *_uyanVtul 'rat' > IG _uyantSu, KB uyantSu, KS uyalntSu, SN oil dza. HX uyantJu 1, HZ uyadza. These are straightforward, and little can be added. The word for 'finger' shows the loss of the medial glide when followed by a high back vowel (*yo > *yu > U).IO Kohama preserves vowel length to 10 At this stage of the reconstruction it is difficult to be more precise, but because we know that Hatoma exhibits a large number of cases where there is vowel drift, it is plausible that a mid vowel raised to a high vowel, then weakened, and the glide elided: *yo or *y;) > *yu > u. Because of the form uyabi in KS and HZ, it might be better to posit *y;),

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

115

show loss of the morpheme. Hateruma has lost the entire first two syllables.

2.8 A Mystery Consonant There are a number of cases in the database where we find a long vowel in disyllabic or trisyllabic words. This often signals. compression, here a consonant, likely an approximant (-y- or -w-), has elided and all that remains is vowel length. I have reconstructed this phoneme with -C- as a mystery consonant, which hopefully will be elucidated at the proto-Sakishima level. Below I list all the examples found in the database, with evidence from other islands as needed. PY *kaCaraku- 'dry' > IG ka:raguI), KB ka:rakuI), KS ha:raki, HX kabakuI), Kabira ka:ragl, HZ 0a:rake:I). PY *paCa- 'early' > IG paisa:I), KB payaha:I), KS pa:haI), HX pe:sa:I), HZ paya:I). PY *- kaCara 'river' > IG - ka:ra, KB ka:ra, KS ha:ra, SN ka:ra, HX ka:ra, HZ ka:. PY *tuCo- 'strong' > IG tsu:sa:I) or tsyasaI), KB tSo:ha:I), HX su:sahaN, HZ su:waIJ. I have excluded on other form from this list: *awa 'millet', which appears in all languages as a:. The Ishigaki form awa 'millet' is preserved in a noun as awaifi 'rock made of sand,.11 Ishigaki also preserves two forms for 'strong', one with a long vowel (tsu:sa:l), and one with a fricative (tslj{xlsal), suggesting lenition of the consonant.

II Some might argue this could be a loan, but consider that no other language has this word.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

116

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

2.9 Interesting Consonantal Changes in Yaeyama 2.9.1 Voiced Bilabial Fricatives Some scholars are fond of noting that Miyako is different from any other dialect group in Japan in that it has a voiced bilabial fricative v. In the previous chapter I noted that this fricative is secondary, and illustrated the environment in which the change is triggered. Miyako is not the only dialect with this fricative, however. The dialect of Kuroshima, an island situated almost halfway between Ishigaki and Hateruma, also has a number of words with this voiced bilabial fricative. As was the case with Miyako, this fricative is also secondary. Notice these examples:

PY *sibu-V 'astringent' > IG si"ppusa:ri", KB si"takkura, KS sivari", HX s]puharu, HZ sibusaru. PY *utagaV- 'doubt' > IG utago:g orfutagai, KB utangai, KS vabi, HX utage:rug, HZ utagaug. PY *ku(r)a- 'eat' > IG fo:g, KB fo:g, KS vai, HX fog, HZ hu:g. PY *puri 'fall (precipation), > IG fui, KB fyfi, KS vui, HX fya, HZ fui. PY *_abura1 'fat (oil)' > IG _aba or awa, KB aba, KS avva, SN abu lra, HX aba1, Komi anda, HZ aba. PY *peru- 'give' > IG ~i:rug, KB firug, KS vi:ru, HX firug, HZ firug. PY *nibu- 'sleep' > IG nibug, KB nufutoho:g, KS nivva, HX nuffug, HZ nibug. PY *- ural 'thou (non-polite)' > IG - wa:, KB uwa, KS uva, SN ura, HX da: (cognate?), HZ wa:. As this list clearly demonstrates, there are a number of sources for Kuroshima v, and these all go back to a fricative f- or a velar k-, both conditioned by a high vowel. The examples in 'eat' and 'fat' both lose the tap and then there is lenition of the stop: *kura-i > *kua-i > *fua-i > vai. The following chart shows the development of 'fat' for the various languages (v).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

aba

(v)

*abura >

117

*abua

/

>

*afua

>

ava

awa

There are a few other words in this list that need explanation. The liquid in 'thou' is reconstructed on two pieces of evidence: (i) the reflex in Hateruma, and (ii) the disyllabic form in Kuroshima. First, even though the Ishigaki and Hatoma forms are phonetically [wal, phonemically this is simply ua. The form in Kohama is likely the same word, but there is greater rounding with the initial vowel. The Hateruma form da: represents dentalization of the tap. The Kuroshima form is important, and the liquid must be posited, or there would be no trigger for fricativization. The reconstructed word glossed 'doubt' is curious, but the form preserved in Kabira, fufabirul) 'doubt' « *kura 'dark' birul) 'sin, helps to unravel this mystery. Thus it becomes clear that we have two competing forms here: *utagaV and *kurabirug 'to be in the dark'. The form *kura 'dark' changes to *fura > *vura > vufa, but in Kuroshima this became simplified to vabi < *vyvabi < *vyrabi < *fura-bi < *kura-bi. Returning to the previous list, we find that the final two examples (,precipitation is falling' and 'give') are also interesting, because a proto-phoneme *p is reconstructed here. In this case, the stop plus a high vowel triggers lenition of the stop, and then it undergoes fricativation: *pi > *fi > vi or *pu > *fu > vu.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

118

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

2.9.2 Changes in Hateruma There are several interesting phonological phenomena in Hateruma that warrant some explanation. The fIrst is the word-fInal mora nasal. This interesting phenomenon was touched upon in the introduction, but a more systematic explanation is felt necessary. It may be helpful to re-quote Oyler from his important study (1997:57): 'I believe there to be very strong evidence that Ht fi originated in an analogically based morpheme boundary restructuring' .

(40) Hateroma Free and Bound forms Free form miN 'eye' mmaN 'horse' naN 'name' nu:N 'field' niN'root' patoN 'dove' sYkYN 'moon'

Bound form mittsi'IJ 'eyeball', minu matJu 'eyelash', minu mayu 'eyebrow' bi-mma 'stallion', mi-mma 'mare', mma-nu-kaIJ 'mane' yarabina: 'childhood name' nubY 'field fire' de:guni 'large radish (big-root)'; nibari' 'taro root'; pjni 'white sugar cane roots' o:~~tu 'pigeon' « 'blue dove') baga-sYkY 'crescent moon', d3u:gunitsi'-si'ki' 'full moon', sYldnumuN 'menstrual period « thing of the month)'

The simplest and yet most systematic way to test this belief is to look at free and bound morphemes in the language of Hateruma. Chart (40) illustrates these data. There are other crucial examples from old songs sung on Hateruma that illustrate the fact that this mora nasal is secondary. Consider the following examples from song. pItu bur-anu person be-NEG (But) no one is there,

biSiyam-iburu sit-PROG sitting there

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

119

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

usub-iyaburu lie-PROG lying there

uti naga inside inside inside-

katami-n-ya one-eye-INCL-TOP and from that one eye, also,

tumu n-u ki-nu tumu DV-ADN tree-SUB a tabu tree

muyabur-i sprout-GER sprouted,

kunu mi-n-ya this eye-INCL-TOP and from this (same) eye, too,

ma-tumu ki-nu true-tumu tree-SUB a true tumu tree

muyabur-i sprout-GER sprouted (Hokama 1979: 278) ....

hatiro:ma n-u sIma-ya Hateruma DV -ADN island-TOP As for the island of Hatiro:ma (Hateruma), dand3u na to:yumar-e how-KM name blessed-EV how high the reputation of its name ... tarutaru-du tiyumar-e who who-KM praise-EV Was it someone who praised it, d3irid3iri-du na tura-re someone-KM name take-EV someone who took the name (Kishaba 1967:398, 41O)?

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

120

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

kukuru daki kukuru-peak On Kukuru Peak

nisaku yama n-u Nisaku mountain DV-ADN of Mount Nisaku

01: n-u kad3i root DV-ADN wind the wind of the root

n-u san n-u cf>a monkey DV -ADN bearing DV -ADN (it blows) from the direction of the monkey (WSW); cf>a n-u pitJi n-u ram DV -ADN bearing DV -ADN (it blows) from the direction of the ram (SSW) [Hokama 1979: 182] .... nusuku pama mu-itaru Nusuku beach grow-PROG You and I cannot be separated d3"igu-ba katJaba ml: ladder-OBJ square timber three until someone can harvest

pa emphatic

tur-ariru mad"iIJ harvest-PASS until three square poles for a ladder (made from timber) Nzo tu ban-tu nugararu-nu you and I-COM separate-NEG growing on the beach of Nusuku (Hokama 1979: 184). At first glance, the initial example appears to demonstrate that the word 'eye' contains the mora nasal, but if we examine the

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEY AMA

121

interpretation of the singer (as recorded by Kishaba), we must conclude that the underlying grammar here is mi 'eye' n 'inclusive' ya 'topic marker'; thus, 'as for this eye, too'. In the final example the place name Nusuku is spelled lI!f!1f, or bottom of the field. Whether this is accurate or not, the singer interpreted the name that way, which lends credible evidence that nu is the bound form. If we can conclude from these examples that the mora nasal is secondary, then what motivated its affixation? A careful examination of the language of Hateruma reveals important evidence that this mora nasal originated from a number of morphological forms with a similar structure: *X-nu 'of X', *X-n 'also X', or X-N 'X-subject marker'. To support Oyler's contention that this mora nasal is morphologically motivated, consider two specific nouns and how these appear in speech (from Shibata 1972: 309): (1)

(a) pite: 'cultivated field' (b) pite:-lJru field-TOP 'as for the field' (c) pite:-nu amasina:-l)du field-possessive sugar cane-TOP 'as for the sugar cane of the field'

(2)

(a) pame 'food, food stuffs,12 (b) pame-g ssa-ki food-SUB run out-because 'because the food ran out. . .' (c) pame-g ulJPag sug-taru food-OBJ carry do-when 'when we carry food ... ' As these examples show many words appear to have a morpheme-final mora nasal when viewed on the syntactice level, and over time this nasal appears to have been reanalyzed as part of 12 On Hateruma this word now means 'bait' or 'food given to animals', but apparently it once was used to designate food for the islanders. Interestingly on Hatoma the word is parna; and means 'cooked rice'.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

122

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

the actual noun, rather than a morphological marker. Therefore, the conclusion is that this nasal mora found at the end of some nouns is indeed secondary, morphologically motivated.

3.0 Proto-Yaeyama Vowels I reconstruct a six-vowel system for proto-Yaeyama, as follows (figure vi). The reasons for this reconstruction are explained below. (vi)

*.1

*1

*e

*u *0

*a

3.1 Long Vowels The four dialects under study here in Yaeyama exhibit long vowels in three specific environments: i) monosyllabic words (compensatory lengthening), ii) diphthongs, and iii) compressed words (similar vowel assimilation). Analogous to the reasoning for eschewing the reconstruction of vowel length in Miyako (Chapter 2, 3.1), I have also not felt it necessary to reconstruct vowel length in Yaeyama, unless these occur word-medially (originating from ii or iii), or there is evidence from other dialects in Yaeyama that vowel length is secondary. Below are examples of these specific environments. PY *- ti 'blood' > IG - tsi":, KB tSI:, KS Si:, SN tSi:, HX dz.r:, HZ

Si:. PY *ya 'eight' > IG ya:, KB ya:, KS ya:, HX ya:, HZ ya. PY *_ke 'tree' > IG _ki:, KB ki:l. KS ki:, SN kil:. HX ki:l. HZ ki:. As diphthongs are addressed below in a separate section, we turn to long vowels where there has been compression. Many times this compression results from the following structure CVtWV" where a

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

123

consonant is stradled by the same vowel, the consonant lenites and drops, and then the two vowels leave vowel length. A related change is where a stop with a high vowel undergoes devoicing and lenition, leaving a void that is filled by vowel length. Below are a number of examples. Because other Yaeyama dialects often preserve non-compressed forms, 1 have quoted these to provide additional data: PY *apVpa 'grandmother' > 10 a:pa or pa:, KB a:pa, KS pa:, HX pa:, Komi appa, HZ appa. PY *- kaCara 'river' > 10 - ka:ra, KB ka:ra, KS ha:ra, SN ka:ra, . HX ka:ra, HZ ka:. PY *- awa1'millet' > 10 _a: or awa, KB a1:, KS a:, SN a:, HX aIJ 1. HZ a:. Some may be tempted to claim that the Miyara form of 'millet' is a loan from outside of Yaeyama, but a look through old folk songs of Yaeyama reveals that the older form for a: is indeed awa. The following traditional song is sung in Kohama: ufu-dagi-ni nubut-i great-peak-LOC climb-OER Climbing up to the great peak uSi kudaS-i mir-iba all directions down-INF look-when and we we look down in all directions, ini awa-nu naor-l rice millet-SUB be full-INF rice and millet ears are fullmiruku yugaf-u plentiful harvest. to have-CONC it will be a year for a plentiful harvest (Kishiba 1976:276).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

124

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

In Hateruma the following traditional songs are sung: hatiro:ma n-u Hateruma DV -ADN If the harvest is plentiful

minur-aba plentiful-if on Hateruma-

stmu ya:ma nu lower Yaeyama-SUB if the grain is plentiful

mikir-aba produce-if on Lower Yaeyama-

ini aha-1J minuraJ-i rice millet-INCL plentiful-GER and the rice and millet also are plentiful...(Kishaba 1924:221). funi-1J nayu n-u what DV -ADN ship-PT It is not a ship

ar-anu-su-yo be-NEG-polite-PT of any concern-

awadara-du millet stalks-KM we will be able

maJa-war-u-yo carry-HON-CONC-PT to carry the millet stalks (Ishigaki 1981:266).

Finally, the following is preserved in a song from Hatoma: ini-ba tSikur-i minuraS-i rice-PT make-INF prosper-GER Growing rice we prosper, ahaba tSikuri mikiraJ-i miller-PT make-INF thrice-GER and growing millet we thrive (Kishaba 1924:187). It should be pointed out that Kishaba's kana transcription is somewhat unclear, as Ii could represent both ha and wa in spoken

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEY AMA

125

Japanese. In spite of this, it is the medial consonant that I wish to draw attention to, so I have elected to reconstruct 'millet' as *awa. Regardless of all this data, there are still a few words that require us to reconstruct long vowels, because even at the proto-Yaeyama level we cannot undo a number of the contractions. Consider the following with all the available Yaeyama data: PY *kaCaraku- 'dry' > IG ka:ragul), KB ka:rakul), KS ha:raki, HX kabakul), Taketomi ka:rol), Komi karagi, Miyara ka:ragr, Kabira ka:ragr, HZ kha:rake:l). PY *- aCari' 'east' > IG - a:rr, KB a:l)ta, KS a:ruma, SN ari, HX an or a:rr, Taketomi ai, Komi a:n, Miyara a:rr, Kabira a:l, HZ a:ru. Because of the long vowel, one suspects that there has been compression, but at this stage of the reconstruction it is impossible to reconstruct the compressed syllable. Thus, we are forced to reconstruct long vowels here with an unidentified consonant.

3.2 Short Vowels There is a high central vowel r in Ishigaki and Hateruma that must be accounted for first, to help untangle the vowel raising and mergers that have taken place in the world of the Yaeyama vocalism. The best way to account for the vocalic shift is to posit the following rule for Ishigaki (vii). (vii)

*i > r#_ *e> i#_

We could posit the same rule for Hateruma, but various other phonological developments have made it somewhat more difficult to account for the vowel f, so it is appropriate to deal with Hateruma in a separate section. This rule (vii) is posited on the correspondences found in Hatoma, which lacks any vowel f, and where the following data appear in the database:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

126

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

py

u

u

*i *e *u

Consider the following examples of these correspondences: PY *-ti 'blood' > IG -tsi':, KB tsi':, KS Si:, SN tSi:, HX dzj:, HZ

Si:. PY *pone 'bone' > IG _puni, KB puni, KS pului, SN py lQi, HX PYIJil. HZ puni. PY *pauki 'broom' > IG po:gi', KB po:ki', Aragusuku pauki', HX potsi', HZ po:ki. PY *_enu1'dog' > IG _iI), KB iluu, KS iI), SN if I), HX inul. HZ il). PY *_me 'eye' > IG _mi:, KB mil:, KS mi:, SN mintJ.i, HX mil), HZ mi. Something should be said about the Hateruma and Hatoma forms in the latter examples. The form in 'blood' requires a word of explanation. The following phonological change has taken place (viii): /' si (HZ) (viii) *ti > tsi

"14 tsi" > dzi' (HX)

In other words, in Hatoma a dental stop affricated by a high front vowel loses its place of articulation through subsequent spirantization. In Hateruma spirantization does not occur, but the vowel is centered and the affricate is voiced. The Hateruma form in 'broom' also requires additional explanation, as the expected outcome should be posi: as it is

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

127

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

somewhat anomalous for *ki in Hateruma to give an affricate as the outcome. Consider the following data: PY *kin 'fog' > IG k'iru, KB kSoisY or k'iru, KS kiQ, SN kiSi, HX

k.YsY, Taketomi Siru, HZ kiru. PY *_kimo1 'liver' > IG _k'imu, KB k'imu, HX k'imu, HZ kimu. PY *kis- 'wear' > IG kYsY, KB k\sYI), KS k.iSi, HX sYI), Komi kSYst, HZ kisuI). The difference with 'broom' and the examples above is that *-ki is word final, not word initial. But even non-word-initial *-ki retains the velar in many cases. Compare two related forms for 'moon': PY *_tukil 'moon' > IG _tsYk'i, KB tsYk'i, KS sJki, SN tS.ilki, HX

sYk'iI)1. Taketomi suki, HZ S.iki. PY *tukui 'moon' > IG tsukui, KB tsukui, HX suke:I), Ohama tsuku.

It would appear that after monophthongization of -au- in 'broom', which has left vowel length in the other languages, Hateruma shortened the vowel. When the vowel was fronted, the velar then underwent affrication. Reconstructing the high front vowel *i is relatively straightforward, given the number of good correspondences of Y:i, based upon the rule that Ishigaki r corresponds to Hatoma i and this goes back to proto *i. Below are five examples. PY *-ti 'blood' > IG -tsY:, KB tst, KS Si:, SN tSi:, HX dZJ:, HZ

Si:.

PY *_kinu1'clothing' > IG _k'iI), KB kSoinu, KS kiI), SN k.if QU,

HX sJQul. PY *- piruma1'daytime' > IG - pYro:ma or ptn, KB p'isuma, KS pisuma or pinitSi, SN poisaI), HX pJsu, HZ pi:ru.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

128

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PY *inatuki 'pestle' > IG inatislkl, KB inanklsl, KS Sinasuki, SN inatsuki, HX inaslkl or inasuki, Komi inatsuku, HZ inaSiki. PY * tokil 'time' > IG tukl, KS tukil. SN turki, HX tukll. HZ tuki. -

-0

0

0

0

There are other correspondences where this high front vowel corresponds to other various vowels, but these are treated in the section on problematic vocalic correspondences, and we will leave this vowel as it is. Hateruma has two forms for 'clothing', and it may be that the form srI) is original, and sinu is a later word imported from another island, perhaps Kohama. While the high vowel I appears to be secondary in many instances, there are still regular correspondences that force us to reconstruct a primordial *1. Consider the following data: HX tun, PY *- ton1'bird' > IG - tun, KB tun or turu, KS tun, o HZ turu. PY *- Slru1'broth' > IG - suru or - Sin, KB Siru or su1:, KS Sin, 0

.I:flru,

HX ssu, Kabira Slru, HZ sU:. SN PY *nan 'fruit' > IG _nan, KB nan, KS naln, SN naIn, HX nari'l or na:ri, HZ naru. There are several problematic correspondences here, but the correspondence of IG I : KB I KS I : HZ u is what I wish to draw attention to. Based on these correspondences I reconstruct *1. These data also suggest that in some words *1 has been backed to u in Kohama or Hateruma. This is further discussed below in 3.4.1. and 3.4.2. Reconstructing the low mid vowel *a is uncontroversial. Problems occur with *a when it is one (the first or second) element in a diphthong, but this will be addressed below. Here are three examples of the correspondence a:a.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

129

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

PY *_bata1'belly' > IG bada, KB bada, KS bata, SN bida, HX bata HZ batao PY *ya 'eight' > IG ya:, KB ya:, KS ya:, HX ya:, HZ ya:. PY *_ka 'hide (skin)' > IG _ka:, KB ka:, KS ha:, SN ka HX ka:l. HZ ka:.

1.

1:.

Reconstructing the high back vowel *u is not problematic, given the number of non-controversial correspondences of u:u in the database. Below are three simple examples.

1.

PY *- mo:ru1'all' > IG - mu:ru, KB mu:ru, KS - mu:ru SN mu:ru, HX muru, Komi mu:ru, HZ mu:ru. PY *_ude1'arm' > IG udi, KB undi, KS udi, SN di, HX ud3i Kabira udi:, HZ udi. PY *yum- 'count' > IG yumulJ, SN yu:mi, HX yumulJ, HZ yumul).

or

1.

The reason that 'all' has a mid back vowel (*mo), instead of a high back vowel, is because we know that a nasal plus a high back vowel results in a velar nasal, so we are obligated in reconstructing a proto-vowel of a different height. What is difficult, however, is reconstructing the back vowel when it occurs after *t and *s. Below are some important sound correspondences, with evidence also added from the language of the island of Taketomi. *su PY *_kusun\ 'medicine' > IG jusin, KB futsiri, KS fySiln, SN

1.

fySif ri, HX fytSin Taketomi sjsuru, HZ huSiru. PY *_su 'nest' > IG _S1:, KB Sl:, KS Si:, SN .01:. HX Sl:, Taketomi su:, HZ Si:. PY *S1SU- 'rub' > IG SISUI), KB sO:I), KS Si:, SN Hi:, Taketomi susu:rul), Kabira suri, HZ ssul).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

130

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

py *su:su 'soot' > IG _sisl, KB SiSi or SISI, KS Si:1Si:, SN iilSi, HX SISI, Taketomi s1:si' or sl}su, HZ SiSi. PY *suCo- 'sour' > IG su:sa:l), KB so:hanu, KS Si:yal), SN su:sai, HX sisahal). PY *mosub- 'tie' > IG musubul), SN muSipi:, HX musl}pul), HZ musubul). *tu PY *- tume1 'fingernail' > IG - tSlmi, KB tSi'mi, KS Simi, SN tfimi, HX simi, Taketomi sumi, HZ Simi. Jti 0

00

PY *_tuno1 'hom' > IG _tsi'nu, KB tSlnu, KS Sinu, SN tifI}u, PY PY PY PY

HX sino1, Taketomi sunu, HZ Sinu. *tubo 'jar' > IG tsibu, KB tsibu, KS mintsubu, SN tiipu, HX sipu, Taketomi subu, Komi tsibu. *tubusi 'knee' > IG -tsibusi', KB tSjPUSl, KS subuJi, SN t.f.ipuSi, HX sjpusi'l), HZ subuSi. *tuka- 'use' > IG tsi"ko:l), KB tSi'kai, KS sukai, SN tsukai, HX sukol). *tutum- 'wrap' > IG tsltslmul), KB s.its.imirul),KS zu:mi, SN .f.itsumi, Taketomi si'sumul), HX sumul).

Regarding *su, it appears that in Taketomi the vowel centered to sr, and may have been analogically backed later to suo The syllable *tu appears to have affricated and then weakened to a fricative at some later date: *tu > *tsu > suo While some may claim that Taketomi has been influenced by loans from outside of Yaeyama-and thus preserves these interesting forms-a look at Taketomi's old songs provides evidence that this is not the case.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEY AMA

131

sunu para ni musub-i hom pillar PT tie-INF tied to the hom pillar... (Ishigaki 1981 :44). mikazuki-n-u bagazuki-n-u third month-DV -AIT young month-DV -AIT In the young month which is the third month ... (Ishigaki 1981:31). siru dafu-ya white thatch-OBI pick the white thatch,

sumitis-i pick-GER and ... (lshigaki 1981:42).

As is the case with proto-Miyako, there is little overt evidence in the database upon which to posit a front-mid vowel *e. Regardless, there are certain phonological changes that require that we posit a proto-phoneme *e. This proto-phoneme is posited on a rule in Yaeyama where palatalization or affrication of a stop preceding a high front vowel is triggered: for example, *ti underwent affrication and became tsi" [tfi]. The only way to account for this is to posit a different proto-phoneme for the vowel. The development is: *ti > tsi", but *te > ti. The same is true with velars in Hateruma, where *ke > ki, but *ki > si" (and in most cases this high central vowel devoices, and may even drop). It is on this phonological evidence that I posit the proto-vowel *e. Here are four examples (two of each kind): PY *kis- 'cut' > IG ki"sul), KB ki"sl, KS kisi, HX ssul), HZ kisul). PY *- ke 'hair (fur)' > IG - ki:, KB ki1:. KS ki:, SN ki:, HX ki:, HZ ki:, PYG *ke > YG -ki:. PY *_te 'hand' >, IG _ti:, KB til, KS ti:, SN til:, HX Ji:l, HZ ti:. PY *klsl- 'wear' > IG klsl, KB kSoisll), HX sll), Komi kSoiSl:, HZ kisul).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

132

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

3.3 Diphthongs As with the case for *e, there is very little evidence to posit a mid-back vowel *0. Analogous to the case with *e mentioned above, there are a few cases of 0 in the data, but these are secondary, being coalesced diphthongs au (a few other cases are clearly borrowings from Japanese). In a few cases there are data that suggest the loss of a consonant. Consider these three words: PY *_awuta1 'frog' > IG _auda, KB au lda, SN abuf ta, HX ota or otta, HZ auta. PY *noCu- 'sew' > IG nO:I], KB ki"nu-no:l], KS nui, HX nU:I], Kabira no:, HZ nU:I]. PY *arawu 'wash' > IG a:ro:l], KB a:raful], KS arai, SN a:re:, HX arasul], Taketomi arol], HZ araul). The first example shows a simple diphthong au which monophthongs in some dialects, but a consonant is preserved in a few dialects. The third example shows some dialects have a dipthong au, while others have either simplified it to a, or monophthongized it to e or o. It is on this evidence that I have posited a consonant that lenites, with 'frog' and 'wash' being an approximant, and 'sew' an as yet unknown consonant. The example with 'sew' presents a problem. Hateruma and Hatoma appear to have raised this monophthong at a later date: 0: > u:. But this evidence is somewhat illusory. Compare the following evidence as preserved in Ishigaki:

nO:1J'sew' nuiya 'what ifI sew' nuimi 'seam < sew-eye'

no:ba 'ifI sew' nui'Sew!' nuifutsi" 'begin sewing'

There is something interesting going on here. If we look at other verbs in this class in Ishigaki, we find the following:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

ko: I) 'request, beg' nO:IJ'sew' ho: I) 'fall (precipitation)'

133

umo:IJ'think' to: I) 'scrape, sharpen'

As is clear, two of these forms clearly have a lost consonant: to: I) 'scrape' has a variant form of tugulJ, while in Taketomi an older form of 'fall' is filfulJ. This strongly suggests that some consonant has lenited in the other verbs as well. Looking at the forms above for 'sew', I posit an earlier state of *noCu-. Finally, there is more evidence that this medial consonant was an approximant, -W-, as is seen in the following old song from Ishigaki. tabu bur-aba camphor tree break-if If you break off (a branch of) the camphor treefa: n-u bige: 13 yo: fo: yo: fo: child DV -AIT father oh my father! afa: u-tsYrY-yu blue HON-vine-OBJ please break off a branch bur-io:ri-yo: break-INF-HON-IMP of the blue vine (Miyara 1980:133). 'Blue' is au or 0: in the modern dialects of Yaeyama, but in this old song, an interesting form a/a: demonstrates that there was a medial consonant that has lenited. Karimata (2005) believes that medial *-p- underwent the following development: *-p- > *-4>- > *-w- > 0, but this is argued from a macro-Oinawan family 13 Miyara (1980:138) analyzes bige: as bigi 'male' and iya 'father' > bigiiya > bigiya > bige:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

134

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

perspective, and this work must confine itself to Sakishima. Therefore, I posit *-w- here.

3.4 Problematic Vowel Correspondences Regardless of these conclusions, certain phonological changes cannot be explained without the existence of a mid-back vowel, as was the case with the proto phoneme *e. Consider, as Thorpe (1983:58) has pointed out, that *pu lenites to ju, and *ku also weakens and merges with ju, but *po or *ko simply undergo vowel raising, preserving the original initial stop (*po > pu and *ko > ku). Furthermore, while more research needs to be done, I believe that aspiration in Hatoma before back vowels strongly suggests an original *0. Consider these five examples: *ko- 'come' > IG kY(:)l), KB kUl), KS furul), SN kifu, HX kUl), HZ 0u:l). PY *pukori 'dust' > IG -fukui, KB fukuntsl, KS fukui, HX fukudzl, Uehara fukuri, HZ puk'Ui. PY *koros- 'kill' > IG kuruSll), KB kuraful). KS kuraSi, HX kurusal), Komi kurahi:, HZ k'Urasul). PY *pukor- 'swell' > IG fukuril), KB fukurirul), KS fukuri, HX fl}kural), HZ pl}k'Urul). PY

PY *_tosil 'year' > IG _tl}sr, KB tl}sr, KS tl}Ii, SN tvfIi, HX tl}srl, HZ tuJi. The only set that seems to require explanation is 'kill'. I have reconstructed a mid back vowel 0 for the second syllable to capture the fact that there is a divergence between a high back vowel u and a mid low vowel a. If the vowel had been *0, then it is more elegant to argue that it raised in some dialects (lshigaki, Hateruma). but drifted lower in others (Kohama, Hatoma). To illustrate the wide divergence here, consider the following data from all available Yaeyama dialects:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

135

PY *koros- 'kill' > IG kurusll), KB kuraful), KS kuraSi, SN kuruSi, HX kurusal), Kabira kusI, Komi kurahi:, Miyara kurasl, Taketomi kuraSi, Uehara kurasu, HZ k'Urasul). There are a few other words that have some rather problematic vocalic correspondences. Consider the following example which is representative: PY *- neCari 'right side' > IG - ne:ri, KB na:n, KS ni:n, SN niri, HX ne:ri, Kabira niL Komi niru, Miyara ne:ra, Taketomi mi:ri, HZ ni:ri. Several dialects have a mid vowel e with vowel length, demonstrating contraction of a disyllable. Here Hateruma is helpful, as it is clear that e originates from a sequence of ia or ai (cf. 3.4.1), sometimes with the loss of a consonant, as in 'shade'. On this evidence I tentatively posit a -g- in the proto-form. Thus, Ishigaki, Miyara, and Hateruma undergo monophthongization to -e:-, but Kohama loses the vowel of the flrst syllable and the second consonant. Later the flnal vowel is backed: *ni(g)ari> *na:ri > na:ri". The anomalous form in Ishigaki, ne:ra, may be from assimilation, where -ari changed to -ara. Another problematic word is 'swim', as the correspondences below illustrate: PY *uyug- 'swim' > IG umul), KB ui, KS ul), SN uiSi, HX ui, Kabira umi, Komi uyugi, Miyara uml, Taketomi u:mi, HZ u:l). The most elegant way out of this complex predicament is to view these forms as composed of two different words. The forms ui and uifi may be related to PY *ue 'up, upward', in the sense of 'being on top of the water'. However, it seems more probable to this linguist that the proto-form is *uyug- (based on Komi), and -yu-

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

136

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

elided to u, and then -gi- later lenited to just i, giving us u; « *u:i < *u:gi < *uyugi). The Ishigaki island forms, go back to a different etymon, *umo-. 3.4.1 Hateruma Vowels Hateruma has experienced the most interesting changes of the Yaeyama islands (aside from Yonaguni). It is the only island in Yaeyama to have two mid, front vowels: e and e. There are some interesting minimal pairs that illustrate the environment of these vowels: ke: 'shade' me: 'in front' pe: 'fly' se: 'already'

vs. vs. vs. vs.

ke: 'egg' me: 'rice' pe: 'south' use 'side dish with fish'

It is clear that these two vowels are secondary, both derived from diphthongs. 14 The following change is postulated here (41)

The picture, however, is more complicated than that. The vowels in 'shade' versus 'egg' both undergo monophthongization triggered by the loss of a consonant: *kage > *kagi > *kai > ke: versus *kaYl > *kaYy > *kal > ke:. Furthermore, there are other cases where this monophthong e originates from VI.front) + 1. Consider the following numerals with the addition of the counter i"ra 'counter for flat objects': 14 Kishaba (1924:219) records a song originating from 1835 that contains the following stanza: pai nu apufiba makubafi 'We made our pillow on the banks of the south rice paddies'. Later he transcribes this as pai nu abusi' makurabafi (1967:401). The 1924 transcription seems to be more loyal to the original song. This shows that 'south' originally was a diphthong before it coalesced.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-YAEY AMA

137

(i) pltu + Ira> pite:ra 'one flat object' (ii) futa + Ira> futera 'two flat objects' (iii) mi: + Ira> mi":ra 'three flat objects' (iv) yu + i'ra > yui'ra 'four flat objects' (v) itsl + Ira> itse:ra 'five flat objects' (vi) mu: + Ira> mui'ra 'six flat objects' (vii) nana + 'ira> nanera 'seven flat objects' (viii) ya + 'ira> yai'ra 'eight flat objects' (ix) hakona + 'ira> hakone:ra 'nine flat objects' (x) tu: + 'ira> tui'ra 'ten flat objects' There is a phonotactic constraint in Hateruma that prevents one-mora words from undergoing monophthongization, and numbers (iv), (vi), (viii), and (x) exhibit this constraint. Because i and i" both share the feature [+ high], (iii) shows that the vowel in the first syllable has shifted to i'. Thus, we have five remaining examples underscoring monophthongization. Special attention should be drawn to (v). Both the numeral and the counter have the vowel i', but we still get the output of the vowel e, meaning that our input for this cannot be *its'i. It must have been *itu. This conclusion jibes well with the example in (i), but we know that this must go back to *pito, Thus monophthongization to e most likely predates vowel raising, Evidence from other languages is brought to bear on this problem to see whether this theory is well-founded. Consider the following non-controversial data from the database. PY *- ma'il 'rice' > IG - mai, KB mai, KS mai, SN mai, HX maji' (old form) or me:, HZ mai. PY *pai' 'south' > IG _pai', KB pa'i, KS pal SN pai, HX pe:l. HZ pai. PS *pai'ru > PY *pa'iru > IG pain', KB pairi', HX pe:ru, HZ pairu,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

138

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

As noted above, some diphthongs are the result of the loss of a medial glide. 'Egg' is a good example of this. Notwithstanding this, the following three words are somewhat problematic. PY *mol- 'bum' > IG muil), KB muirul), KS muirul), SN mo:~il), HX me:rul), Taketomi mo:rul), HZ muirul). PY *niano 'not' > IG ne:nu, KB ne:nu, KS nu, HX naranu, HZ na:nu. PY *ayizu- 'say' > IG izul), KB itsul), KS izu, HX enul), HZ azul) or izul).

These examples also lend evidence illustrating that monophthongization resulted in a mid-front vowel e. The Hateruma form in 'say' is likely related to the Hatoma word azul), and perhaps both are unrelated to the Ishigaki and Kohama forms. Consider that in Miyako the word for 'say' is *ai, while the word for 'scold' is *iyu. Nevertheless, I think the most elegant solution is syllabic simplification, where an original *ai- was simplified to i- in most dialects. Also, as lenition of a consonant triggers monophthongization in Hateruma, I propose that the Hateruma form is *ayi- > *aYi- > *ai- > e. This *ayi- may be the earlier form for *ai in Miyako, with lenition of the glide. The Hatoma form may have originated from *ayu- > azu-. I leave any conclusion on this problem for the final section dealing with proto-Sakishima. The other word, 'bum', is difficult because of conflicting data. Hirayama (1967) records the verb as me: ruN, but later Hirayama (1988) records two forms, me:suN or me: ruN. Nakamatsu (1987) records these verbs as me:suN and me: ruN. Thorpe (1982) also records the verb as me:ruN, while the Okinawa Board of Education sponsored investigation in 1975 (Okinawa Ky6iku Iinkai 1975) records it as m£:rul) (our me: ruN). It is thus difficult to know the actual quality of the vowel. My own research suggests that in the case of this verb the vowel fluctuated according to the speaker. To support this claim, Hirayama (1988) notes that the following words

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

139

have two variants, with the difference being fluctuation between the vocalism:

(42) Vocalic Variation in Hateruma Gloss Ci dangerous PoikohaN beard PoiI}i clumsy p.ita na:ri fruit

C'i pj'kohaN p5-ini o 0

pJta nan

While the first three examples appear after a voiceless bilabial stop, the example with 'fruit' leaves open the possibility that the same kind of variation is possible after sonorants. This is underscored by the following alternation with the word 'three': mi:gara 'three birds', but mr:gaguji 'every other three days'. For the time being I leave this to further research. Another interesting vocalic variation concerns Ishigaki and Hatoma having i in word- (or morpheme) initial position, where Hateruma has a high central vowel. Below are three examples. PY *-pezil'elbow' > IG -pizY, KB pintsY, KS pid3i, SN pJtJi, HX sY:nupJsa 'knee of the hand' or pYssY, HZ pizi. PY *_pito1'one' > IG _pili-, KB pitu-, KS pisi-, SN Poi" ti-, HX pJtu-, HZ pi:tJi. PY *me- 'three' > IG mi:-, KB mi:-, KS mi:-, HX mi":- or mi:-, HZmi:-.

These data suggest that Hateruma is undergoing a process where a high front vowel following bilabials is backed. This process may have originated with sonorant + *i sequences (see 3.4.2 below), and then spilled over to bilabial stops. In a different but seemingly related area, there are also words in Hateruma where a mid, back vowel 0 appears. Here internal word

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

140

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

motivated monophthongization does not seem to be a cogent choice. Consider the following small list: (43) 0 in Hateruma Gloss Hateruma Ishigaki fumu cloud fymoN cough s~ko sa:gu sand ino: iJoN uto: utu sound

Kohama fumo: sako: ilino: utu

Kuroshima fumu dza:ku ino: utu

Hatoma fumu s}sa:ku ino:N utu

The word 'cloud' isfi!.moN in Hateruma, with an unexpected mid, back vowel o. Kohama has the same vowel, making one believe that the vowel is motivated by a common morphological factor. Consider the name of Kohama in the native dialect: kumo:, but kubama in Ishigaki. Also consider the word 'cough', where Hateruma has sf}ko, and Kohama has sako: (with vowel length), but Ishigaki has sa:gu, Hatoma s"isa:ku, and Kuroshima dza:ku. The difficulty here is that there does not seem to be a diphthong involved, so we are forced to conclude that the 0 here is a product of morphology. The topic marker in Yaeyama is a: when followed by the vowel a, but in most other cases the marker is ya. IS It is thus possible that 'cloud' in Hateruma and Kohama comes fromfumu + ya cloud-TOP> yumuya > fumua > fumo. Vowel length in Kohama supports this conclusion. This also seems to be true for 'cough' and 'sound'. The word 'sand' is a bit more difficult to analyze. It is possible to analyze the Hateruma form as a contraction of ifino as found in Kohama. There is also the possibility that ifi 'rock' in Hateruma was analogically changed to iJo when referring to smaller rocks or sand. It is important to note that a rock mortar is called iJo:usi" in

15 This alternation is a product of morphology, where the glide lenited, depending on the environment.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

141

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

Hateruma. Considering the differing reflexes of the word in OJ,16 it seems possible that Hateruma i/o is cognate with iswo, but I would rather see this word derived from a more complex morpheme, perhaps: isi + ya 'topic marker' (*esi-ya > *isi'ya > *isi'a > iJo). Notice that the islanders of Hateruma call Ishigaki Island isasima:, where the second vowel has lowered and centered (i > a). Another interesting correspondence is u:re where (E represents several different vowels in Hateruma, determined by certain environments, while the other dialects have a high back vowel. The follow three examples are illustrative: PY *-kakozi\ 'chin' > IG -kakudzi', KB kakutsi', KS hakud3i, SN kttIru ltri, HX hakotsi, Komi kakutsu, HZ kakutsi. PY *ukiyaru- 'float' > IG ukug, KB uke:ri, KS fykerug, SN ukerug, HX o:garug, HZ uke:rug. PY *nuk- 'warm' > IG nussa:g or nukuho:g, KB nukoha:g, KS nussa, SN nukusa, HX no:sahag, HZ nussa:g. The example with 'chin' in Hateruma appears to preserve a state very close to the proto-form. It is possible, though there is no proof of this, that the word was at one time parsed as *haku- with the addition of the topic marker: haku + ya > hako and then reanalyzed with the word kakutsi heard on other islands, and this became hakotsi. The other two examples are also problematic. The various data in the second form 'float' likely preserve two related etyma: the verb uku 'to float' and a noun uki 'a float'. The Hatoma form goes back to *ukiyaru-, where loss of the glide triggers monophthongization: *ukiyaru- > uke:ru-. However, two possible explanations for the Hateruma form seem plausible (though only one should be correct): i) it is an unrelated etymon, or ii) the Hateruma form has 16 The following reflexes are known throughout mainland Japan: isi. iso (from OJ iswo as in lsonokami ~ 1::).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

142

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

experienced a complicated path of metathesis and analogy. While the first choice is tempting, I believe the second choice is the one that is historically correct. Consider these forms in Hateruma that have undergone metathesis: PY *_tabakoI 'tobacco' > IG _tabaku, KS tabalku, SN tabol. HX takabu. o PY *padaka 'naked' > IG padaga:, KB pandaka, KS padaha, HX abada.n, Komi pataka, HZ padaka. The second example is explained as metathesis of -ka (*padaka > *kapada) and then prenasalization of the bilabial stop (*kapada > *kabada), and then loss of the initial velar, through lenition> ha > a. While this is a complex explanation, the following examples illustrates this final step in the process: PY *- kama1'there (asoko)' > IG - kama, KB kanga, KS hama, SN k~a, HX ha: or harn, HZ kama. PY *kak- 'write (scratch)' > IG kakUl), KB kakUl), KS haki, HX hilkul), HZ kakul). Metathesis in Hateruma appears to be conditioned by a voiceless velar in medial position, though more examples are needed to posit a firm phonological rule. If the original form *ukiyarn- underwent metathesis of the second and third syllables before the glide elided and monophthongization occurred thereafter, then the form would have become uyaki. The final vowel would have been changed analogically to a, following the verbal paradigm of the original form. The velar then becomes voiced as is common in Hateruma when occurring intervocalically. The glide would then have elided, resulting in vowel crasis, leaving vowel length: *ukiyaru- > *uyakiru- > *uyakaru- > *uyagarn- > o:garu-. The third example 'warm' is the most difficult of the three. The developments in Ishigaki and Hatoma can be explained as a case

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

143

where the fricative has collapsed into the spirant: *nukusaha- > *nufusaha- > nussa:-. It is important to remember here that Miyara (1981: 10) also records an Ishigaki form as nufo..sa: g, likely a relic that did not survive long after he recorded his database. It is the Hateruma form, however, that poses the thorniest problems. First, Oyler (1997:20-21) has noted that velars in medial position are often lost, replaced by vowel length in Hateruma. This explains why the Hateruma form has vowel length here, showing that the velar lenited to zero. What is difficult to explain is the clear path of monophthongization to 0:. The only explanation I can see is that the Hateruma form was different from the other dialects, having a mid central vowel in the first syllable and a voiced velar in the second: (*n;')kusaha- > *nagusaha- > *nausaha- > no:saha-). It was this voiced feature of the velar that kept it from leniting to a fricative. It is tempting to consider this as a non-cognate form, and for the moment I have not weighed it in the reconstruction of the proto-form for Yaeyama. Anether problem concerns a word with three different reflexes. In order to provide an accurate picture, I include all data I can locate in Yaeyama: PY *siba 'lip' > IG suba, KB futsslnusupa, KS Siba, SN Siba, HX sIpa, Komi sIpa:, Miyara siba, Taketomi sub a (but wattsiba 'upper lip'), HZ Siba. sub a

---..~

supa

---+~

Siba

~

(ix) *siba

~siba

sipa The evolution of this word appears to have occurred in two stages, illustrated in (ix). Stage one shows a split, where in one line the mid John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

144

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

vowel shifted to a back u. Stage two shows devoicing of the obstruent devoiced (*b > p), and fronting of i"to i in one line.

3.4.2 8atoma Vowels There are several interesting vowel reflexes in Hatoma. The most well-known is where Hatoma has a high back vowel when the other dialects have a mid high vowel. The distribution here is only after sonorants. Consider the following evidence: PY *- torr1 'bird' > IG - turi', KB turi' orturu, KS turi', HX turi', o HZ turu. PY *- aCaril 'east' > IG - a:ri', KB a:lJta, KS a:ruma, SN ari, HX an or a:ri', Kabira a:l, Komi a:n, Miyara a:ri', Taketomi ai, HZ a:ru. PY *nan 'fruit' > IG _nan, KB nan, KS naln, SN naIn, HX narrl or na:ri, HZ nam. PY *tuburi' 'head' > IG tsiburi', KB tsupuru, KS suburu, HX amasrkuru, HZ suburu. PY *komori' 'lake' > IG kumuri', KB kumo:ru, HZ kumuru. PY *_kusuri'l 'medicine' > IG _fusiri', KB futsiri, KS fyJiln, SN 0

fyJif ri, HX fytJiri'l, Taketomi sjsuru, HZ hufiru. PY *pari' 'needle' > IG _pari' or paru, KB pari' or paru, KS paln, SN paIn, HX PWl1. Komi pam, HZ paru.

*.

As these examples make clear, this backing of > u is not an isolated phenomenon in Hatoma, but appears sporadically throughout Yaeyama when the proto-vowel follows a tap; however, it is in Hatoma where this phonological development is the most regular. Thorpe (1983:42) notes that Hatoma has shifted an original *. to i in most cases, except after r-, in which case the vowel backs to u. His reasoning for the proto-form is as follows (1983: 42-43): 'Again the evidence shows that 1 (Ku.) or !! (Ha.) in these cases comes from retained Sakishima *1. The alternative, *i (Ry.) > 1 (Ku.,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

145

*Ha. (sic», would also have led to *ri « *re (Ry.» >!! or ru, which never occurs. ' What Thorpe is not aware of, perhaps because of his limited database, is that this phonological change occurs also before other stops, though this is somewhat rarer. Four examples appear in the database: PY *- uepi'toI 'elderly' > IG - uipJtu, KB u:pi'tu, KS uipi'su, SN uiP.itu, HX uipltu, HZ uipusu. PY *tuburi' 'head' > IG tsiburi', KB tsupuru, KS suburu, HX amasi'kuru, HZ suburu. PY *- pi'to1'person' > IG - pltu, KB pi'tu, KS pysu, SN p.itu, HX pjlu, HZ pusu. PY *uti'pae 'wrapping cloth' > IG utsi'pai, KB utJipai, HX uSJpi', HZ usupai. This change in Hatoma may parallel the change noted above in Hateruma where there is vowel drift before labials or sonorants (cf. 3.1.1). There is also the conventional wisdom that Hatoma has no central high vowel i'. A simple, word-list type of analysis will confirm the conventional wisdom, but the vowel does appear in speech, limited to the environment of following S-. Consider the following examples, which come from Kajiku Shin'ichi (1991, 1995), a native speaker of the Hatoma dialect. (i)

.

kan-nu-mai-ni-n si'kai-tu deity-POSS-HON-PART-INCL definitely-PT 'And to the deities, too, we definitely give thanks ... ' fo.ko:r-asa ad3-i'" thanks-INF give-INF (1991:82).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

146

(ii)

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

undz-a: ifi-suburu yaru-nda pljsunu muni he-TOP hard-headed copula-because other-person words 'He is hard-headed, so he won't listen to what others say.' s)k-anu listen-NEG (1995:215)

(iii) mi: pas.ika:-l) eye bright-CONC 'It is (glaringly) bright to the eyes' (1995:221). Each of these has a different word with the vowel r: (i) sika 'definitely', (ii) s.ikanu 'won't listen', and (iii) pas.ika:l) 'be bright (to the eyes). It seems clear that this vowel in most cases fronted to i, and this phonological change is nearly complete, other than a few cases of sr. Kajiku (p.c.) has informed me that he believes this is simple allophony and nothing more. Finally, Hatoma in certain environments loses *a, likely after a velar has become voiced. Consider the following examples: PY *aka-kura-ma 'baby' > IG akafa:na, KB akafa:ma, KS attarifa, HX agatama, HZ gafyfa:ma. PY *akamazi 'hair (of the head)' > IG akamadzl or gand3i, KS amad3inuki, HX amad31, Taketomi hadad3i, HZ gamazi-nuki:. PY *aka 'red' > IG aka, KB akaha, KS akaha, HX aka, HZ aga. Thus, *ak- or *-ka- undergoes a change where the velar is voiced. and then either the vowel drops, or in some cases the entire syllable drops. The most drastic case occurs with 'because': *kara > *gara >

ra.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

147

PROTO-YAEY AMA

4.0 Observations on Verbal Morphology Generally verbs in Yaeyama can be divided into two groups: regular and irregular verbs, The regular class of verbs can further be subdivided into two more subclasses, which belong to subclass one and subclass two, The following verb charts (44) illustrate the morphology, using two verbs from each subclass of regular vebs, (44) Verb Classes ISh'19ak'1 I kak- 'write' Verb Form IMF I kaka VOL INF kaki kaki PFT kakitta ADN kaku IMP kaki kakukka: CND CONC (1) kaku CONC (2) kakuIJ

Kohama Verb I Form IMF/VOL INF PFT AND

IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

idz- 'say'

mir- 'see'

uki(r)- 'arise'

idza

myu: I mi:ra

ukul ukyu

idzY idzitta idzl idzi idzi:kka idzY idzi'IJ

mi: miata I mi:da mi: I mi:ru mi:ri mi:kka:

uke: I uki uke:tta I ukida uki ukirya I ukiri ukikka:

mi:IJ I mi:ruIJ

ukiIJ I ukiruIJ

---

---

kak- 'write' kaka kaki kakeel) kaku kaki kakiwa

hanz- 'say' hanza hanzi hanzeel) hanzu hanzi hanziwa

mir- 'see' mira miri mireel) miru mm mirwa

uki(r)- 'arise' uku I ukira uku ukeel) uku uki ukiwa:

kakuIJ

hanzuIJ

miruIJ

uki IJ I ukiruIJ

---

---

---

---

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

148

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Hateruma Verb I Form kak- 'write' IMF/VOL haka INF haki PFT haya:IJ ADN haku haki IMP CND hakiba CONC (1) haku CONC (2) hakuIJ

m- 'think' moa mui muya:IJ mu mui muiba mu mU:IJ

Hatoma Verb I Form IMF/VOL

kak- 'write' kakal kaka:

az- 'say' aza I aza:

tur- 'take' tura I tura:

kaki kakeetaN kaku kaki kakiba

azi azeetaN azu azi aziba

turi ture:taN turu turi turiba

uki(r)- 'arise' IMP uka I ukira VOL uka: I ukira: uki ukeetaN uku lukiru uki I ukiri ukiba I ukiriba

kakuIJ

azuIJ

turuIJ

ukuIJ I ukiruIJ

INF PFT

ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

---

---

mir- 'see' mira miri mirya:IJ miru miri miriba miru miruIJ

---

ugi(r)- 'arise' ugu ugi uga:IJ ugiru ugiri ugiriba ugiru ugiruIJ

---

(45) Uchima's Proto-forms for 'write' Conjugation VOL IMF INF CONT CND ADN IMP CONC (1) CONC (2)

kak- 'write' *kakamu *kaka *kaki *kaki *kaki I *kake *kaki *kake *kaki *kakimu

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

149

Uchima reconstructs earlier states for verbs in Yaeyama, but he restricts himself to three dialects, all located on the island of Ishigaki: Ishigaki, Kabira () II SJL), and Ohama (also known as Miyara). Needless to say, this limits his data and thus the possibilities. In spite of this, I provide his conclusions for the proto-form for 'write' (1984:185) in (45). It should be pointed out that these are exactly the same proto-forms Uchima reconstructed for proto-Miyako. But do these results jibe with the broader dialectal information presented above? Before we address that question, we must point that there are several problems here with his methodology. Uchima claims that the volitional and imperfective had different forms, but in the four languages noted above, there has been a merger of these two forms as kaka (IG, KB, HZ) or haka (HX). If the volitional *kakamu does underlie the Yaeyama forms, then we must conclude that no trace of the *-mu remains, not even vowel length. His reconstruction is thus based on negative evidence. Is it not more plausible that in Yaeyama 'imperfect' and 'volitional' were semantically similar and thus no morphological marker was used? What upsets this ordered picture is the fact that 'see' and 'arise' have two different forms for the imperfective and volitional. Hatoma does preserve vowel length in the volitional (imperfective uka versus volitional uka:), but *-mu would theoretically result in a mora nasal, not vowel length. One could perhaps argue that the development from the following proto-form was *uka-wora > *uka-ura > *ukora > uka:, but the liquid before the vowel a is one of the few stable environments for the liquid to remain. I conclude that the analysis as presented by Uchima above is a bit simplistic, and does not take into consideration all these data. The analysis presented in (46) is a more accurate representation of the data from the four dialects studied in this volume. I have used 'write' (class one) and 'arise' (class two) as examples.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

150

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(46) Pro t0- Y aeyama VerbCIasses Class one Class Two Forms *kakaya *ukera I *ukeriyu VOL *kaka *uko IMF *kaki *uke I *uki INF *uk*kakPFr *kako *uki' I *uki'ru ADN *uke I *ukere *kake IMP *uke CND *kaki' CONC (1) *kaki' *ukeru CONC (2) *kakomu *ukemu I *ukerumu

4.1 Irregular Verbs There are several irregular verbs in Yaeyama, but I will only deal with two to remain consistent with the analysis conducted on the language of Miyako: to come (*k-), and to do (*s-). Below are verb charts illustrating these three verbs and their conjugations in the four dialects.

(47) Irregular Verb Classes ISh·19iak·1 k- 'come' Verb I Form IMF/VOL ku I ku: ki': INF ki:tta I ki':da PFr ADN

IMP

CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

ki': ku: ki':kka: ki': ki':I)

s- 'do' sa: I sa: si': si:tta I su:da si': si: si':kka: si': suI)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEY AMA

Kohama Verb/Form IMF/VOL INF PFT ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2) Hateruma Verb/Form IMF/VOL

INF

PFr

ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2) Hatoma Verb /Form IMF/VOL

INF PFT ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

151

k- 'come' ku: / ku: ki keel)

h- 'do' ha: / ha: hai haeel)

ku ku: kiwa:

ho: hai haiwa

kUl)

hO:l)

---

---

k- 'come' ka/ ku: ki kya:l) ku ku kiba ku: kUl)

s- 'do' sa / sa: si: sya:l) su si: siba su: sUl)

k- 'come' ku: / ku: ki: ku:ta ku ku: ki:ba

s- 'do' sa: / sa: si: su:ta su si: si:ba

--kU:l)

--su:l)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

152

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(48) Proto-forms for 'come' and 'do' Form VOL

*k- 'come' *ku:

IMF

*k~:

INF PFT AND IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

*ki: *k*ko *ko: *ki *k'i: *k'imu

*s- 'do' *sa: *sa: *sai *s*sau *sae *sai *s'i: *saumu

Figure (48) illustrates my reconstructions gleaned from the evidence provided above. The odd forms under 'do' for the infinitive, adnominal, imperative, conditional, and conclusive (2) are again based on the forms in Kohama. Kohama has h- for 'do', which I believe goes back to *s. Nakahara (2005:116-17) reports that! and (J are in free variation. He also reports that while the broad change *p > h is occurring in Ishigaki, this change has yet to occur except sporadically in Kohama (2005:114). He has noticed that *pa > ha in Kohama, but does not speculate on the reason why. It is possible that the two words he mentions, h9ku 'box' and ha: 'tooth', are loans from modem Japanese or Okinawa (Shuri). My own database notes that 'tooth' is pa: (which is confirmed by Miyara 1981, the Ryiikyii Hogen Club 1969, and Nakamatsu 1987). There are words in Kohama, however, where ha- is preserved: h9ndzimaru 'to begin' or h9ma 'beach'. This may suggest that the verb 'do' in Kohama must come from a source other than the bilabial stop. The only source for a fricative f I have found so far for Kohama is the lenition of *ku to fu (or (Ju): fytsi" 'mouth', fa: 'child', or futsimanu pnu 'a person from Kuroshima Island', or *pu to fu (or (!u): (!uni 'boat', (Jui 'winter', or (!uki 'to blow' (according to Nohara 1999). There are plenty of words with pa preserved in Kohama as found in the database. It is

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO- Y AEY AMA

153

possible that this ha- 'do' is related to the adjectival suffix ha-. If this is true, it is plausible that the people of Kohama re-analyzed this suffix as the verb 'to do'.

4.2 A Focus Particle Looking through the transcription of the islands as recorded in Yijo Sillok, we notice something interesting. Below I compare the transcription with the pronunciation of the islands in the 1920s as recorded by Miyara (chart 3.15).

(49)Korean T ranscrtption 0 f Sakish·lIDa IsIa nd Names Yijo Sillok ~{jI"~1I

fflP'l~1I fjjjJJ~Iff{jl"~

II tm*,J{jI"~JI ~jt~JI

flt!,m.~ ~JI {jI",m~~JI

iiiUi~JI

Transcription zyun-i si-ma swo-nay si-ma phwo-tol-Iwo-mai si-ma phwo-Ial-i si-ma hwul-yun si-ma ta-Ia-ma si-ma i-Ia-pu si-ma myek-kwo si-ma

Miyara's form duna:lJ sunai patiro:ma

Modern Yonaguni Sonai Hateruma

panari fu-slma

Aragusuku Kuroshima Tarama Irabu Miyako

-------

Attached to a number of the island names is -i. This does not occur in the Miyako or Okinawa names; only with island names in Yaeyama. Sonai is not the name of an island, so the transcription is likely either the invention of the shipwrecked sailors, or possibly, people on Yonaguni and Hateruma called lriomote Sonai, after the port town. If this second possibility is credible, then perhaps there is an -i attached, but it has simply yielded vowel length, which the transcription does not register. The same may be said of Panari, where the final vowel is actually long. I propose that this -i is a focus particle also found in Omoro sashi (cf. Hokama 1981: 219-236).17 As this fell out of use in Shuri, it 17

The renowned Okinawa specialist. Iha Fuyu. noticed in Omoro Soshi that a

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

154

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

likely also fell out of use in Yaeyama. Notice that both Shuri and Ishigaki have a particle i which attaches to nouns and functions as a question particle. Whether this is related to the focus particle is difficult to ascertain, but as none of these islands have an -i attached to the name in the present, it seems better to analyze this as an archaic particle. Most islands in Yaeyama have a focus particle ya, which phonetically is simply ia. Could this be the altered focus particle in the present: *i > ia? Perhaps later research will be able to answer this question.

5.0 Proto-Yaeyama Accent The accent of the various dialects in Yaeyama is more complex than that found in Miyako. My reconstruction of proto-Yaeyama accent is based on four dialects: Ishigaki, Kuroshima, Hateruma, and Sonai (Iriomote Island). I have some data for accent related to the dialect of Kohama Island, but it is spotty, so I have elected not to use it in my reconstruction. The accent system of Ishigaki is much like Oura in Hirara, Miyako. Nouns are either tonic or atonic. As Shimabukuro (2007 :240) points out, the proto-Yaeyama system was complex, with both locus and register. This became a system of register in Ishigaki. In contrast to this, the dialect of Kohama has an accent system which uses locus. Kuroshima has an accent system that, according to Shimabukuro's analysis (2007:234) is a simple system of tonic versus atonic. Hateruma's accent is much like Ikema Island's, with a simple tonic versus atonic distinction. Hatoma Island's accent is much like Kuroshima, since we know from history that there was immigration from Kuroshima Island to Hatoma in the Edo era. The accent of the Hatoma dialect is a simple two-way tonal distinction, with a marked and unmarked class (cf. Lawrence 1997).

particle i attached to a variety of nouns. He labeled some of these particles kakari musubi particles. Hokama reexamined Iha's work, and believes that these should be called interjective particles.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-Y AEYAMA

155

Compared with the accent of the languages of these islands, the accent of Sonai is quite complex. Because of the complex nature of the accent system of Sonai, some scholars have attempted complex analyses of the system. On the surface it appears that Sonai has both locus and register. As an example, disyllables can be atonic, oxytonic, or have a final rise. Shimabukuro points out that this has led some to conclude that monosyllables utilize register, while polysyllabic words utilize locus, but this is a mistaken deduction. His conclusion is worth taking note of: However, taking the accent system as a whole into account, it is natural to consider that accent functions in a uniform system. Therefore, when we consider the accent system of the Sonai dialect as a whole, it is reasonable to analyse monosyllabic accent as a locus system than as a register system (2007:229). The following charts (51) and (52) demonstrate the difference, using a number of monosyllabic and disyllabic words. (50) Monosyllabic Accent Gloss hair leaf tooth tree

Ishigaki - ki: HL.L - pa: HL.L pa: LL.L _ki: LL.L

Kohama ki1: HL.L pa1: HL.L pa: HH.L ki: HH.L

1

Kuroshima ki:LH.H pa:LH.H pa:LH.H ki: LH.H

Sonai ki: LL.L pa: LL.L pal: HL.L ki1: HL.L

Hateruma ki: LL.L pa: LL.L pa:1LH.L ki:1HL.L

Kuroshima pana LH.H

Sonai pana LL.L

Hateruma PtlVa LL.L

uSi

uSi LL.L piva LH.L

(51) D·ISylIIa b·IC A ccent Gloss nose

Ishigaki

- pana HL.L

ox

- US!

flower

HL.L _pana LL.L

Kohama Ptllna HL.L ulsl HL.L Ptlna1 LH.L

LH.H pana LH.H

USI

LL.L Ptlval LH.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

156

dog mortar voice

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

_ilJ LL.L - us"i LL.L

ilnu I-ll...L

- kui

kuil HH.L

LL.L

ilJ LH.H ulSi I-ll...L ku li I-ll...L

us"il LH.L

if nu I-ll...L

inul LH.L us"il LH.L

ulJ.i I-ll...L kuli I-ll...L

kuil LH.L

Based on these correspondences, the following accent classes are reconstructed (I have excluded Kohama and Hateruma from the chart, as these two overlap Ishigaki related to the correspondences). For monosyllables, there are two sets of correspondences, which allow us to reconstruct two accent classes:

(52) R econstruetedAeeent ~or MonosylIIa bles Gloss Ishigaki Kuroshima Sonai ki: I-ll...L hair ki: LH.H ki: LL.L - pa: I-ll...L leaf pa: LH.H pa: LL.L tooth _pa: LL.L pa:LH.H pa1: I-ll...L ki: LL.L ki: LH.H tree ki1: 1-ll...L (53) P roto- y aeyama IG KB a -00 010 I-ll...L I-ll...L b - 00 001 LL.L I-ll..-HH.L f-c

PY *kelH.L *palH.L *_pa L.F * ke L.F

D"IsylIIa b"Ie A eeent KS 00 LH.H

SN 00 LL.L

010 I-ll...L

LH-LL.H 010 I-ll...L

do

HX 00 LL.L 001 LH.L

PY *-001 HH.L *_001 LH.L *00 LL.L

Based on these correspondences, the following words and accent classes are reconstructed for disyllables (54).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

157

PROTO-YAEY AMA (54) R eeons t rueted AeeenU or D'IS Ishigaki Kuroshima Gloss - pana pana nose HL.L LH.H - US! ox uSi HL.L LH.H _pana flower pana LH.H LL.L dog _iIJ iIJ LH.H LL.L mortar puni - US! LH.H LL.L voice kui - kui LL.L HL.L

IIa bles Sonai pana LL.L

uSi LL.L pi \la LH.L if nu LH.L

PY *-panal HH.L *- usil HH.L *_panal LH.L

*_enul LH.L *usi LL.L

ulSi HL.L kuli HL.L

*koe LL.L

Finally. there are four correspondences for reconstructing the accent of trisyllables. and this allows us to reconstruct four accent classes. The correspondences are shown in (55). (55) C orrespondenees ~or T' rlsylIIa bles KB SN IG KS -000 a 000 000 0100 LHH.H HHL.L LLL.L HLL.L ~ 0010 0010 LHL.L LHL.L LHL.L

-

c I---

d

- 000 LLL.L

0001 LLHLHH.L

0010 LHL.L

ado

LLHLLL.H

HX 000 LLL.L

0001 LLH.L

PY *000 HHH.H *-0001 HHFHHH.L *0010 LHL.L *_0001 LHFLHH.L

I ignore the correspondences from Kohama and Hateruma. and focus on Ishigaki. Kuroshima. and Sonai. as these three languages provide sufficient evidence to reconstruct the accent. Based on these

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

158

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

correspondences, a select set of words and accent classes are reconstructed for trisyllables in (56). (56) R econstructedAccent ~or T' rIS' IIables Gloss forehead smoke gold twenty

Ishigaki - fVtai HHL.L -kibusi' HHL.L -kugani HHL.L _patatsl LHL.L

crow

_garasi' LLL.L

earthworm

- mimidzi' LLL.L

bag heart

_fVkuru (LLL.L - kukuru LLL.L

Kuroshima fVtai LHH.H

Sonai fute LL[L].L

PY *putae HHH.H

kibuSi LHH.H kugani LHH.H patatSi LHH.H

kibuJ.i LLL.L kuga Ini LHL.L

*kebusi HHH.H

garalSi LHL.L mi:mald3i LHL.L fy.ku ~i' (LHL.L kuku lru LHL.L

Pilta ltSi LHL.L garalSi LHL.L mimintJ.i LHL.L fVkul ru LLH.H kukuf ru LLH.H

*-koganel HHF-HHH.L *-patatil HHF-HHH.L *gara Isv LHL.L *memelzi LHL.L *_pukorul LHF-LHH.L *_kokorul LHF-LHH.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

4

PRE-YONAGUNI 1.0 Introduction

I

n this chapter special attention is given to Yonaguni, a language that has received very little attention, other than by linguists doing primarily synchronic work. Reconstructions in earlier chapters (Miyako and Yaeyama) were attempted through both comparative and internal data. Here I am obligated to use internal reconstruction, because it is not completely clear which language group Yonaguni belongs to, the language of this tiny island being extremely aberrant. Most of my data come from Miyara (1981 [1930]), Hirayama and Nakamoto (1964), Hirayama (1983), or Takahashi 1986-87. I have also visited Yonaguni and interviewed several informants. The phonetic transcription employed here is indebted to Miyara's orthography, which I believe is the more accurate of the three, because Miyara was a native speaker of Ishigaki. I have modified his orthography for Yonaguni in the following ways: 1) His palatalized tz- is written c-. 2) I have also altered tz- when it occurs in what Thorpe (1983:75-77) calls syllabic Q. Miyara writes this as a double ttz, and I have amended this to a double cc. 3) Nasalization in Yonaguni is an important feature of the language. To make this clearer to the reader, I have opted to write Ng for a medial -g- which has been nasalized to a velar nasal. True velar nasals,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

160

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

however, tend to appear at the end of words, and generally originate from a nasal plus a high vowel. These are transcribed as IJ. In medial position there are times where a velar nasal has lost its place of articulation and has simply become a mora nasal. I have written these as N.

Yonaguni

...

KunbuPeak

...

Urabu Peak

o.

Smiles

Map 6. Yonaguni Internal reconstruction is a powerful tool to help recover earlier forms of words within a language, using synchronic morphophonemic changes in the language, and in some cases phonological alternations within a set of related words. 1 While internal reconstruction is a compelling tool, it does have limitations. For example, it cannot uncover a phoneme or morpheme that has been lost through a complete merger. With that caveat, we first look at the consonants of Yonaguni. I Such as vocalic alternations in Japanese words like Ie 'hand' and lazuna 'reins, bridle' (literally 'hand-rope').

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

161

2.0 Pre-Yonaguni Consonants Modem Yonaguni has a rather unbalanced consonantal structure, with the following inventory (i): (i)

P b

k

h

d

c

?

Ng

s m

n

IJ

r

w

y

2.1 Bilabial Stops Reconstructing a voiceless bilabial stop in Yonaguni is a difficult task. Typologically, there is at present no known language or dialect in Japan that has an original (primordial) h. Internal and external evidence (as well as textual documentation) demonstrate that this h is secondary. Consider the following data for both p and h in modem Yonaguni:

P (word initial) pa:duya 'bird specific to Yonaguni' ppa 'key' ppaNgai 'hoe' ppaNpara 'a tomboy' ppidisi 'foundation stone' ppirirug 'to be dented' ppug 'eat (as in a fish taking bait)' ppuicug 'to bite' ppupunudi 'method of sucking blood out of something'

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

162

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

P (word medial) baipu.y-kiru.y 'to distribute' duNpani 'tail' hiNpa 'snake (of the Dinodon semicarinatum species)' hirapaNgai 'flat hoe' maNpani 'fried food' suraNpa 'top of a tree' tipa 'wooden mallet' upagirug 'to cover, place something on top'

H (word initial) ha: 'tooth,leaf,2 haraga 'flesh around the ribs' hicimiru.y 'open a space wider' hiNpa 'snake (of the Dinodon semicarinatum species)' hirug 'do someone the favor of. .. ' huNgiru.y 'a hole opens' hurucu 'dirt, filth' hurukumai 'bruise' H (word medial) aricihusi 'open new land, develop new land' hiranuhi 'hole for a pillar' kataha.y 'on one leg' kusugudahaicari 'pockmarks (from smallpox)' tiNnuburihuci 'Milky Way' saNnuhakadi 'southerly wind' suihirug 'bring someone along' turunuha 'deity who protects the home' As can be seen, there is a rather skewed distribution. P almost never occurs word initially (other than once in the name of a bird), 2 'Tooth' and 'leaf' are both ha: in Yonaguni, but have different registers, so the conclusion that these two words share a common etymology is mistaken.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

163

but occurs generally as a geminate. 3 H, on the other hand, appears both initially and medially. The following data strengthen the belief that h is a secondary development: (57) P

versus

ID

With hlp ha 'leaf' hirapaNgai 'flat hoe' hirai 'keep company' hira 'flat' uhuciNgaN 'great fire god' anaNpu 'hole'

ona2um Withpplpl b suraNpa 'top of tree'4 ppaNgai 'hoe' birai 'keep company' adubira 'flat-heel' ubugi 'greatness' a:bu 'hole'

Pre-YG form *pa *pa *pi *pi *pu *pu

These alternations suggest somewhat tentatively that preYonaguni had *p. When followed by the vowel a the bilabial stop lenited to h. When followed by a high vowel, the following change has occurred: *pi/u> bi or bu > hi or hu. As there are limitations to what internal reconstruction can posit, it is helpful if data recording earlier forms of words are available. Fortunately, we have several works that record old songs as sung on the islands. The most well-known is that compiled by Kishaba Eijun. Like Miyara Toso, Kishaba was born in Ishigaki, and in 1906 was given the task of recording the songs of the islands in Yaeyama. According to his own record, most of this work appears to have been done between the years of 1918 and 1921, where he had the elderly sing traditional songs for him, and he "recorded the words of the song just as they sang them" (1924: 1). While his transcription is in hiragana, he did make an attempt to differentiate vowels not found in Japanese. For example, he transcribes Iii as -{, but IiI as -{ -1 . Thus, /kil is :\'-, but /kil is :\'- -1 . For the present 3 All geminates are addressed in a separate section (2.8), and for the time being J leave those aside as a group. 4 A competing form, sura, also means 'top of the tree', suggesting that suraNpa means 'leaves of the top of the tree'.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

164

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

work, it is not my intention to insinuate that these symbols can be used to reconstruct earlier phonological values, but merely to show a contrast between these vowels. Hokama (1979) has also compiled a large number of songs by Kishaba and others. This work has been helpful in interpreting some of the older, more cryptic songs. Initial p is preserved in a number of words as found in old songs (cf. Kishaba 1924, Hokama 1979):5 pai [hai] 'south' pi [cci:] 'day'

pigi [hiki] 'low tide' paNsug [?] 'prevent'

pairi [harug] 'hang'

pituri [ttui] 'one person'

paigasi [haigasi] 'type of robe' pir-i [hir-i] 'go-IMP'

padi [hadi] 'shame' patag [?] 'go back inside'

It should be noted that intervocalic *-p- is extremely difficult to reconstruct as it has almost universally lenited and undergone a number of other changes. Thus, if we find a Yonaguni word with medial -p- one rightly wonders if this is a loan. Consider the following words, which do have medial -p-, but are clearly loans from the prestigious Shuri dialect on the island of Okinawa (73). (58) LoanslO . VionaguDl Yonaguni English Gloss apaNgarai be desperate baraNpu straw ppupunudi blood-letting siNpai be full tipa < *sipa mischievous Npa disagreeable

S

Shuri fappaNgare: ' warasiNbu: bu:bu:nuzi ziNbai yanasippa Nba

The modem forms are provided in brackets for comparison.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

165

According to the data presented here several conclusions are obvious. First, a Shuri geminate labial is simplified in Yonaguni (-pp- > -p-), following the general trend on the island for syllabic compression and reduction. Second, Yonaguni devoices an originally (Shuri) voiced stop. On the other hand, consider a few precious words that include medial -p-, preserved in the old oral traditions (cf. Fukuda et al. 1983, Hokama 1979): situpai [sipai] 'full'

uttupe [uttuhi] 'wrapping cloth'

There is still a strong temptation to label these as loans, but if these are, it is unclear which island these came from. 'Full' in Shuri is ziNbai, which should yield Yonaguni siNpai, but does not. Also, 'wrapping cloth' is utsipai in Ishigaki, and us)pi" in Hateruma. It is possible that this last word came from Iriomote, but that is unclear. For the moment I view these two as Yonaguni words. At any rate, it is the preservation of a medial -p- that I wish to draw attention to. There is no doubt about the voiced bilabial stop b in Pre-Yonaguni, as the following words demonstrate: bata 'belly', gaba 'filth, grime', bi 'boar (one of the animals of the twelve trunks)', uyubi 'finger', and butu 'husband'.

2.2 Dental Stops On the surface voiceless dental stops are quite straightforward, as the following examples illustrate. ta: 'cultivated field', datana 'while doing', ti 'hand', abanati 'lie face down', tu: 'ten', and aciutu 'sound of footsteps'.

The same thing cannot be said of voiced dental stops, however. A careful examination of the lexical inventory of the language makes it clear that there is an unnaturally large number of words with a voiced dental stop:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

166

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

da: 'house', da: 'a seat', dadu 'door to a house', dama 'mountain', dasakagiNnirul) 'starve to death', datana 'while doing', abuda 'eldest son', amadai 'eaves', budasa 'uncle', kadamarul) 'harden', kidabai 'interfere', mukudati 'a plan', Nda 'you' di: 'land', di: 'a character, glyph', digirul) 'able to do', diciN 'corning of age ceremony', dina 'something filthy', dinudi 'a register', diN 'bow, greet', diNkuru 'wallet', adi 'taste', budi 'dancing', kagudi 'tip of the chin', kudi 'nail, Ndi 'you (plural), du 'night', duda 'branch', duginal) 'to melt, dissolve', dumul) 'count', duni 'dirt', dunutaga 'a person's height', durai 'a gathering', dunti 'a line of people', gaNdu 'energetic', kadu 'comer', KuNdugura 'a short-tempered person', madul) 'together', muduti 'young girl', niNdu 'twenty', udukata 'bedding'.

As this list makes clear the distribution of d is suspicious. I provide the following chart as a small start to analyzing these data. This chart provides important information to conclude that many of these voiced dentals are secondary.

. F reeandBoundFonns (59)d- versus -y- In Free form da 'house'

du or dum night'

du 'world'

Bound form

'my house'; Nd~ 'your house' « Ndi+ya), ham~ 'hut in the fields', sim~ 'house where a baby was born' asaygsaN 'morning and evening', ubukuyg 'night with a full moon', kl(Uy!! 'moon-night' , ubutakuyg 'full moon at night' gaciyg 'world of demons', nanayg 'the seven worlds of Buddhism' ba~

'evening,

If further evidence were required, consider the following song from Yonaguni:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

167

da-ba girai-waruN te-so ho: house-OBJ build-polite quotative-PT-PT It is said they are building a house .... kunu Yfl-nu Utl-nl this house-GEN inside-DAT And inside this house utfi-nu kala tfikur-i cow-GEN shape make-INF they made (something) in the shape· of a cow ... Hokama 1979:

113). Based on Occam's Razor, as d only occurs in initial, but y in medial position, it is more economical to posit the change of fortition of this phoneme in initial position than to claim lenition in all others. The final piece of evidence I provide is historical. As noted in the introduction, a small number of Korean fishermen were shipwrecked on Yonaguni for around half a year in the late fifteenth century. Their record transcribes the name of Yonaguni in sinographs as ~{jI"Jik~ Zyun-i si-ma. This suggests that at the time when the Koreans arrived in Yonaguni the word-initial glide was halfway through the process of this change: *y- > *z- > d-. It should be made clear that Yonaguni has undergone a series of fortitions, the one here that has left us with a language with no glides in word-initial position (aside from a few loans). There is also a phenomenon of fortition with voiced alveolar fricatives, which is discussed under 2.4.1. Finally, Yonaguni also has dw which should be explained. First, a number of examples provide the reader with a point of reference. dwai 'celebration', dwaNnai 'darkness', dwaN 'weak'.

'become

dark',

dwaNnumi

Current speakers of Yonaguni are further simplifying this syllable (dwa > da), so one sometimes hears words like subinudai

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

168

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

'last celebration', and daNnumi 'darkness'. Interestingly, Miyara recorded forms such as doal) 'weak' (1930: 199) and dual) 'darkness' (1982: 183). This suggests that a more complex morpheme has undergone compression. 2.3 Velar Stops In initial position the voiceless velar is clearly discernible, but it undergoes voicing in medial position.

ka: 'bark', kagul) 'to write', ki: 'tree', tagi 'bamboo', kudi 'nail', kugudi 'tip of the chin'. There is an important rule that needs to be pointed out for Yonaguni in relation to velars. Yonaguni has a nasalizing rule, where medial *-k- > -g-, but *-g- > -Ng-. This is phonetically a velar nasal, but to make comparisons easier, I represent this as Ng. Compare these examples:

suNgati 'first month of the new year' (cf. Japanese shogatsu), agaNNga 'baby', kaNgi 'shade', duNgu 'tool' (cf. Japanese dogu). Now let's compare this evidence with the following data:

gaba 'filth, grime', gici 'servant', gugukananumunu handicapped person', kaNgi 'shadow', ma:Ngu 'grandchild'.

'a

These examples reinforce the fact that in Yonaguni a voiceless velar is voiced in medial position (*k > -g-), while the voiced velar in medial position undergoes progressive voicing (*g > -Ng-). It is also clear from morphophonemic alternations that spirantization has taken place: *ki > si. Consider the following examples which contain the irregular verb 'come':

a Nga du k-u: I SUB KM come-EV I am coming!

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

169

unu dunaN cima ki k-uta-ji, this Yonaguni island LOC come-PAST-when When they came to this Yonaguni Island, ttu N bur-anu-N people INCL exist-NEG-GER there wasn't even anyone (here) .... a Ngafi: I SUB come-FIN I will come. s-utal) (He) come-PAST He came. Another case of fortition of the velar appears in the verb 'to hear':

u-N ttitti-du bu-N ga this-INCL hear-GER be-FIN but I have also heard about this, but ... hanasi kk-ya story hear-when When (you) heard the story... nta-n-ti-N kk-an-u say-GER-PT-INCL listen-NEG-FIN Though I tell (him), (he) doesn't listen. It is also clear that, like almost all other languages in Sakishima, *ku will undergo lenition, the degree of weakening depending on the environment. Thorpe's own conclusions are that *ku in initial position will lenite to hu, but in medial position, it will simply

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

170

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

voice to I)U (1983:80. 84). This conclusion of Thorpe's needs to be refined. however. because if in initial position. and then followed by a nasal, *ku will lenite and assimilate to the nasal. Compare the following with Ishigaki, Miyako, and Shuri:

(60) Companson 0 f*k Gloss cloud spider nail scoop up

Shuri kumu kubu kuzi kunuIJ

-Mivako

Ishigaki cpumu kubu cpuIJ cpumuIJ

fumu kuv fug! fum

Yonaguni Nmu kubu: NganiIJ NmuIJ

I have included 'spider' to simply show the contrast. The only word that needs further explanation is 'nail'. Nakamoto (1976:416) notes the word in Yonaguni is kugi, but this is a transparent loan from mainland Japanese. The word preserved in most dictionaries is kudi, which is a loan from Shuri kuzi. Miyara records that the word for metal nail, as opposed to wooden or bamboo nails, is Nganil) in Yonaguni. This word is composed of *kane 'metal' and *kugi 'nail'. For some reason the initial velar was voiced, perhaps analogically related to gane in Japanese (such as kogane 'steel'). Thus the word begins with a nasal velar. The word for nail has been compressed into just a velar nasal: *kugi > *huNgi > *hVIJ > Nl), which cannot be pronounced, but sounds like a velar nasal. Consider, finally, a song that contains both the word 'black' (modern Yonaguni huru) and 'cloud' (modern Yonaguni Nmu): kadzikami-ya wind up-TOP The black clouds

kurukumu-do black cloud-KM above the wind

abis-aru-yo beautiful-ATT-PT are so beautiful (Hokama 1979:287).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

171

2.4 Fricatives Yonaguni has an epiglottal voiceless fricative h, but as noted above, this is secondary, originating from the lenition of *pa, *pi, and *pu. As far as can be determined, pre-Yonaguni only has alveolar fricatives. 2.4.1 Alveolar Fricatives Untangling the complex web of changes regarding alveolar fricatives in Yonaguni requires us to wade through a bit of data. Compare the distribution of the fricative s and the plosive c (I have searched through the entire 187-page Takahashi [1987] dictionary for cases of word-initial c): ~

£

sagirug 'dangle, hang down' uramisai"g 'to envy' kica 'a moment ago' siruya 'house that has had a baby' uyaisi 'cornerstone' ici 'rock' suru 'a tray' isu 'rocks at the beach' minucu 'eye mucous'

As this comprehensive search shows, ca, ci, cu must be secondary, because these do not occur word-initially, while soccurs in both initial and medial positions. The clearest way to see how the alveolar fricative behaves in Yonaguni is to examine loans from the prestigious Shuri language. . ShUrI. and YIonagum (61) F rlcatIves • lD Shuri yasee « *yasai) nuusi suurii ?ussyaN

English Gloss vegetables lord, master dish happy

Yonaguni dasai nuci suri syaN

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

172

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

The fricative plus a high front vowel causes palatalization (*si > ci). It also appears that in initial position this is reinforced to create a geminate. Consider the following monomoraic words, with geminate initials:

cci: 'blood', cci: 'fire', cci: 'day' It is clear from other dialectal information within Sakishirna and the Ryiikyiis in general that all three of these originate from a simple voiceless obstruent: *ti 'blood', *pi' 'fire', and *pi 'day'. One conclusion that can be reached is that monosyllabic obstruents in Yonaguni were geminated, perhaps to prevent any further lenition, which would have created too many homonyms. The voiced alveolar fricative is also a chameleon, because it does not exist in the consonantal inventory of the spoken language of modem Yonaguni. Again, data from loans into Yonaguni help document the change: . Yion~uDl (62) Chan2eorv;' OIced F' nca f Ives ID Japanese I Shuri English Gloss Yonaguni zaisaN (J pn) wealth daisaN zii (Sh) land di: zoozi (Sh) skillful du:di zuri (Sh) prostitute duri The phenomenon of fortition is underscored by evidence for the word 'wind'. As Thorpe has pointed out (1983:74), Miyara recorded a Yonaguni form kazi, but Thorpe does not specify the exact reference. Miyara notes this word under 'eastern wind' (1981:43), where the Yonaguni formis recorded as agai-kaz'i. The form kaz'i is repeated under 'northern wind' (1981:83), 'southern wind' (1981:106), and 'western wind' (1981:124). This provides evidence that in 1930 word-final-zi had not yet changed to - Sakishima > Iriomote evolution. If x = *i, however, then y = *1/ and the lineaments emerge of a vowel system of the type antecedent to the East Tokunoshima or Yoron systems. Allowing for the possibility that the Sakishirna vowel system in Y may have only been borrowed, as an areal phenomenon without in-depth classificatory significance, it seems inherently more likely that the Ry. > Sakishima reconstruction is correct for Y. i.. .. Close attention

7 Thorpe's notation with a capital i [I] is an attempt to transcribe a vowel found in the languages of the Amami islands, which depending on the environment, is an allophone of i. Phonetically it is different than i'. He also underlines vowels, but it is unclear to me as to the purpose of this notation.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

183

I believe Thorpe is fundamentally correct in this assumption. Because of its extreme isolation, the language of the island of Yonaguni has undergone successive waves of consonantal fortition (explained previously above) as well as vowel raisings and mergers. However, as this is a reconstruction based on internal evidence, I will not appeal to external evidence. The best evidence available to help in teasing out earlier vowels is (i) morphophonemic alternations in the language, and (ii) records or transcriptions of earlier songs. I start with (ii), which consists of songs preserved by Kishaba Eijun. The following data from Kishaba is enlightening:

(69) The vowels i and i" -imiyarabi 'girl' kubi 'neck' ki 'tree' siki 'hear-INF pitucu 'one thing' kuriba •come-eND , katami 'one eye' ukazi 'august wind' Nni 'chest, breast' piri 'go-IMP' mai 'before'

-1naci" 'summer' katati" 'one hand' tuguti" 'door-mouth, entrance' damasi" 'deceive-INF' udi"'arm' irr 'west' ubuci"ki" 'large moon' mid" 'road, path' kimu 'liver, heart' tima 'island' mi"ti" 'three years'

On the surface, we can say that i here is *e raised, while r seems to be a centering of *i. This process must be modified for alveolar plosives, as we have affrication before some, and none with others. I propose that related to *t the following occurred (v): (v)

*te > ti (Kishaba's ti) *ti > ci (Kishaba's ci)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

184

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

It is possible that, as is seen in most islands in Yaeyama, in late Century Yonaguni there were still a preponderance of mid high vowels. These may have been fronted (I > i) as the language of Yonaguni underwent further fortition and compression. From this internal evidence, I reconstruct a five-vowel system for pre-Yonaguni (vi): 19th

(vi)

*.I

*u

*e

*0

*a 3.1 Short Vowels I will deal with the non-controversial vowels first. The asterisked vowel used as a sub-heading represents the Pre- Yonaguni vowel. *a. Data for this vowel are straightforward, and this appears to have been the only stable vowel in the Yonaguni inventory. Consider the following data: abu 'grandmother', adi 'flavor, taste', bata 'belly', garaci 'crow' , ka 'bark' , suba 'next to' , uya 'parent'

*u. Reconstructing this vowel is somewhat difficult, as we have conflicting data. Consider the following pairs of data: (70)·U·ID ~onagum Japanese I Shuri English Gloss kusi (Jpn) comb dogu (Jpn) tool mura (Sh) village ruuya (Sh) prison skillful zoozi (Sh) prostitute zuri

Yonaguni kuci I ucci: duN1(u mura du:ya du:di dudi

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

185

As these data show, both 0 and u merge in Yonaguni as u. Based on what we know about sonorants in Yonaguni - where the environment of a sonorant plus a high back vowel leads to some kind of fortition-it is possible to conclude that a sonorant + u will require us to posit an earlier form: *So (where S = sonorant). Another problem is that the back high vowel often devoiced, which led to lenition and then syllabic compression or gemination. Thus, there are not many fairly clear, primordial *u I can posit at this stage of the reconstruction. Below is a representative list: agui 'yawn', banu 'we', du: 'hot water', dudi 'prostitute', duru 'night', gusaN 'staff', kagug 'write', kubu 'spider', nunu 'cloth', ui 'up, upward,' ud 'ox', ucd: 'comb', udi 'arm'

High vowels in Yonaguni (as well as in all of Sakishima) induce various phonological changes, and these have been discussed above in relation to various consonants (cf. 2.8). *i. As noted above in the beginning of the section on vowels, some syllables with i must go back to an earlier e, because changes, such as palatalization, induced by a high front vowel, have not taken place. Here are a few examples, contrasting those lacking the change with those that have undergone the change: ti: 'hand' asati 'day after tomorrow' tati 'stand-IMP' 'rice dumpling

cd: 'blood' cci: 'breast' cciburu 'thousand wraps' > wrapped in bamboo leaves'

As can be seen, *te was raised to ti, while *ti underwent affrication. Below are a number of examples of this vowel (*i): cd: 'blood', cd: 'breast', cd: 'day', cciburu 'rice dumpling wrapped in bamboo leaves', cdci 'game, meat', cdmu 'liver, heart', cdru 'fog', had 'bridge', tti 'moon', ttibarug 'blow off'.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

186

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Another important change is syllabification after a nasal: mi: 'eye' miN 'water' amiti 'path'

miNtabu 'ear' NnuIJ'see' Nsu'miso'

Here *mi undergoes syllabification (*mi > N) while *me simply raises to mi. Examples of this high front vowel in word-initial position are placed here, because it is not clear at this stage of the reconstruction if these should be *i or *e. Examples include: ici 'rock', iya 'father', iyu 'fish', iki 'pond', imi 'dream', 'west', iru 'color, countenance', itu 'fish scale'

lrl

*e. As noted above, I posit this vowel according to a lack of a phonological change (cf. palatalization, spirantization, velarization, or syllabification). I have not provided i- initial words that I believe go back to *e-, but only examples where *e is in medial position. Below are a number of examples: iki 'pond', imi 'dream', ki: 'hair', ki: 'tree', kibuNci 'smoke, ni 'root', siruya 'house that has had a baby', takasi 'scarecrow', ti: 'hand', ui 'up, upward'

*0. Similar to the reconstruction of a mid front vowel to account for several phonological changes not having occurred, it is crucial to also posit a mid back vowel for the same reasons. Consider that the high back vowel is prone to devoicing and this triggers syllabic compression, but the late raising of a back vowel (*0 > u) has not undergone this change. The following examples are illustrative: isu 'rocks on the beach', kuci 'back', kuguru 'heart', mumu 'thigh', muiruIJ 'bum', nusuku 'bottom of the field', sudi 'sleeve', tu 'with', tuNguIJ 'scrape'

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

187

Yonaguni is also diagnostic for vowel-initial words, where all we have in the daughter languages is u-. Unfortunately, it is only diagnostic when the second mora contains a nasal, because of the following change (vii), where N represents an unknown nasal: (vii) *uN- >N*oN- > uNSeveral examples are: PYG *omote 'face' > YG umuti. PYG *omos- 'interesting' > YG umucaIJ. PYG *oma 'there' > YG urna.

3.2 Diphthongs There are very few examples of diphthongs preserved in the language of Yonaguni. Yonaguni usually takes a vowel cluster and reduces it to one vowel by deleting, generally, the first vowel. The following are examples: ccyo:ciNmaci 'Lavender jobfish', ho:cyu 'opah (fish)" hu:zyo: 'cigarette case', obu 'water', ppo: 'fart', ppo:ppo: 'kind of food', ya:ko:na:ko: 'show anger in one's eyes' There are a number of words with e, but almost all are either baby words, or calls adults use. In the list above, 'fart' and 'water' are both baby words. A few others are recent loans. Hu:zyo: is a Shuri loan (huzoo), and originally meant a cigarette case women carried. The word ppo:ppo: is most likely from Ishigaki boppo: 'a thin dough deep-fried in oil'. Ho:cyu is a fish, the opah, or Lampris guttatus. I know of no name this could have been derived from, but it is interesting that in Ishigaki the word for fishing is ho:si"lJ. This Yonaguni word may be this Ishigaki word plus iyu 'fish', suggesting perhaps 'the fish one fishes'. The other two words (,Lavender jobfish' and 'show anger in one's eyes') are of

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

188

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

unknown origin, though they may originate from Iriomote or Ishigaki. 4.0 Observations on Verbal Morphology According to Uchima (1980), there are four classes of verbs in Yonaguni: a monomoraic consonant stem, a polysyllabic consonant stem, a mixed stem, and irregular. Below (71) is a chart illustrating the first three classes: (71) Three Classes of Verbs Verb/Form IMF/VOL INF PFr ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

Nn- 'see' Nna/Nnu: Nni NniyalJ Nnu: Nni / Nnya: Nnul Nnya: Nni NnulJ

aNgir- 'raise' aNgiral aNgiru: aNgi aNgiyalJ aN~iru

aNgiri / aNgiya: aNgiru I aNgiya: aNgi aNgirulJ

um- 'think' uma/umu: umu'i um(u)aIJ umu: umu'i / umu'iba umu'i umu'i umulJ

As this makes clear, there really appears to be only one class of verbs here: consonant stem. Consider, however, verbs that conjugate as if they were vowel stem verbs (72). (72) Problematic Verbs Verb/Form IMF/VOL INF PFr ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

tu- 'take' tu(r)a / tu(r)u: tu'i tu'ialJ tu(r)u: tu'i I tu'iya: tu'u I tu(r)ya: tu'i tu(r)ulJ

ha- 'eat' hal hu: ha'i ha'ilJ hu: ha'i / ha'iba ha'i ha'i hUIJ

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

189

A look at a few examples of these verbs in older records provides an interesting window and demonstrates how extensive the syllabic compression has been in the Yonaguni language. First, a look at the verb 'see', which is one of the most attested verbs in the old songs ofYonaguni, is very illuminating. Imperfect yamare sazi- ni mi-rare-ki house-patrol officer-OAT see-IMF-PASS-PT In case I am seen (found) by the house-patrol officer;

yumu SaZI-nl dak-are-ki detestable officer OAT catch-IMF-PASS-PT in case I am caught by that detestable officer... (Kishaba 1924:234). Infinitive uya-ya banu m-i-busa parent-TOP I see-INF-want My parents want to see me. (Hokama 1979: 543).

banu-ya uya m-i-busa I-TOP parent see-INF-want I want to see my parents

Conditional naNta hama uri-ti Nanta beach go down-GER When I go down to Nanta Beach

nami-no hana mir-iba wave-GEN flower see-CONO and see the blossoms of the waves, tabi-ni war-u satu-nu journey OAT come-HON-ATT hometown-GEN thoughts of the village I visit on my trip

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

190

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

kutu-du um-ar-i thing-KM think-PASS-EV come to mind (Hokama 1979:542). Continuation usimagir-i inside-space-cut-INF Inside the space

usimagir-i inside-space-cut-INF Inside the space

nisimazima north-space-island I try to cross over

watar-i-mir-i cross-INF-see-continuation the island of the north,

kubasima-ni Kuba Island DAT

tsuta-ik-i transmit-INF gocontinuation Kuba Island,

I travel across

miyarabi-ba maiden-PT and wed

mikag-i-your-i wed-INF-HON-continuation there a fair maiden ... (Hokama 1979:457).

The vefb 'see' should actually be reconstructed as a vowel-stem verb. Relative to this verb, a complex change has taken place: the initial *mi- has syllabified, and the tap has assimilated to the nasal: *mir- > *mjr- > *Nr_ > Nn-. According to Uchima (1980:460), the tap in tor- still appears in the speech of elderly people that he interviewed, but the investigation conducted by Hirayama (1988:798-99) shows that the tap has lenited in most environments. The following two examples from old songs show that lenition of the tap is very recent.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

Infinitive yo: naNga gate in front Let's cut and drop

191

tama-nu jewel-GEN the string of jewels in

bu:-ba kir-i utus-i string PT cut-INF drop-continuation front of the gate of Birama, ur-itor-i" natfiki pull down-INF-take-INF excuse and pick these up and take them birama mima-i na Birama go see a person-INF let's as an excuse to go see how Birama is doing (Kishaba 1924:23132). Conditional ba-ga sas-i guN I-SUB stab-INF blade I hold the sword, and

ba-ga ti-bunu-N tor-ya-mut-e I-SUB hand-axe-INCL take-CND hold-GER as I take to hold the hand axe ... (Hokama 1979:460-61). 4.1 Irregular Verbs There are a number of verbs in Yonaguni that do not fit the usual paradigm, and should be labeled as irregular. In most dialects in the Japanese archipelago the two irregular verbs generally are 'come' and 'do'. Yonaguni does not fit this pattern, because 'do' conjugates as a consonant stem verb, so it is not listed here. The following chart lists four irregular verbs.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

192

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(73) I rreE~Iar ¥ erbs Verb/Form IMF/VOL INF

hay- 'enter' haya/ hayu: ha'i

PFT

hai'ryal) hayu hairi hayu / ha'irya: ha'i

buru buri buru / burya: bui

aru / arya: ai

Ii:

hayul)

bUI)

al)

kUI)

ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

bur- 'stay' bura / buru: bui

ar- 'exist' ara / aru: a'i

---

--aru

---

k- 'come' ku: / ku: Ii: SUI) ku: ku: ku/ kurya:

Old songs in Yonaguni preserve a number of examples of 'come', preserving earlier forms of this verb: Infinitive miyabi-ba maidens-PT The maidens,

mak-e intertwine-INF we brought them together

Gerund maN-naka kara true-middle from And from the middle

par-i k-ite run-INF come-GER came running out, inside (Kishaba 1924:231).

kanusas-u-ba pretty-FIN-OBJ the fair maidens, k-iyori come-INF-gathercontinuation and held their hands ... (Kishaba 1924:228).

saburu-nu Saburu-SUB Saburu p,r-, pata-N-do go-INF go back-CAUS-KM was surprised and went back

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

Conditional tabaru miti Tabaru path Down Tabaru path igiya-du-N go-CND-INCL though I go there,

193

magu-ba mut-i hoe-OBJ hold-continuation holding my hoe kuriya-du-N come-CND-INCL though I come from there... (Hokama 1979: 154).

Imperative bigiri-ya kui older brother-TOP voice My older brother's voice

kanas-i kui pretty-ATT voice his pretty voice

idas-aba make a sound-eND If he makes a sound

sabag-i k-u search-INF come-IMP then go search for him!

misik-i k-u find-INF come-IMP Go find him!

miyarabi maiden Ifa maiden

sabag-i k-uba search-INF come-CND comes searching for him;

misik-i k-uba find-INF come-CND if she comes and finds him

nayu su ga whatdoPT what will we do (Hokama 1979:290)1

As these examples make clear, the modem infinitive si goes back to an earlier ki. Based on this, we can also conclude that the perfective sUI] is a compressed form of an earlier kiyuI] 'came'. There are a number of songs that preserve strange verbal forms, judging from the standpoint of the modem verb. Examples include John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

194

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

mucyaru 'held-ATT', tuyui 'take-INF-continuation', tuyuru 'takeAIT' ,fwicyui 'pull-INF-continuation', and nuyu 'ride- intention'(cf. Hokama 1979:542-43). More detail is given regarding the underlying forms of these verbs in Chapter Five, 'ProtoSakishima' .

5.0 Yonaguni Accent Shimabukuro (2007:258) notes that there is no proto-Yonaguni accent, because his data deal with one language: that of Sonai on Yonaguni. However, looking at the chart in Hirayama et al. (1967: 506-07), at least when it comes to disyllabic nouns, it seems clear that the accent systems of Sonai and Hikawa (a village on the opposite side of the island of Yonaguni) are the same. In their fieldwork in the early 60s, Hirayama and his team concluded that Sonai and Hikawa were essentially the same language (1964:16). This strengthens my suspicion that that the accent systems of these two villages is one and the same. The language of Yonaguni has one of the most complex accent systems in all of Sakishima. Thorpe (1983: 150) states that the Yonaguni accent system "is generally similar to the Ry. (Ryiikyiian) original." Shimabukuro (2007:281) persuasively argues that the Yonaguni accent system has actually undergone a series of complex changes. As we have no other language on the island of Yonaguni to compare to reconstruct an earlier accent system, I will simply describe the current system, and posit it as an earlier system. Yonaguni will them be added to the Sakishima languages to reconstruct proto-Sakishima accent in the following chapter. As Shimabukuro (2007:253) notes, there are three accent classes in Yonaguni, distinguished by both locus and register. With monosyllables, there is a two-way distinction: high or low. This is illustrated in (74).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PRE-YONAGUNI

(74)MonosyJIIa brIC Accen t Gloss Accent llli.H blood llli.H hair (fur) llli.H sail llli.H leaf LL.L eye hand LL.L LL.L tree

195

Form - cci: -ki: -hu: -ha: mI:

ti: ki:

The analysis of disyllabic words is complicated by the fact that some disyllabic words have undergone syllabic compression to superficial monosyllables, but still behave like disyllables. Take the word Nni 'boat' as an example. Shimabukuro (2007:255) states, "If nni) 'boat' (2.4) were analyzed as monosyllabic, another accent class would have to be established only for this word." As Hirayama and Nakamoto (1964:68) first pointed out, Yonaguni disyllables can be grouped into three accent classes. Following Shimabukuro (2007:254), those three accent classes are: high-register atonic (I), low-register atonic (II), and final-falling accent (III), as the chart below illustrates. (75) D"ISYJIIa b·IC Accent Accent Class Gloss 1 LH.H brid~e 1 LH.H ox 1 llli.H forehead 2 LL.L flower 2 LL.L rain 2 LL.L tears LF bone 3 LF pillar 3 3 HL.L voice

Form -haci - uci -ttai hana ami nuda hunil hiral kuil

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

196

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

The accent classes of trisyllabic nouns is very similar to the classes of disyllabic nouns (cf. Hirayama and Nakamoto 1964:68). The chart below illustrates the three classes of trisyllabic nouns.

(76) Tr°lSylIIa bOIC Accen t Class 1 1 2 2

3 3

Accent LHH.H LHH.H LLL.L LLL.L LHF LHF

Gloss gold mark pillow treasure medicine washtub

Form -kuNgani -ciruci magura tagara ccuril tarail

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

5

PROTO-SAKlSHIMA 1.0 Introduction

T

he final stage, proto-Sakishima, has been reconstructed according to the same criteria outlined in the previous chapters. This final stage of the reconstruction incorporates data from proto-Miyako in the second, proto-Yaeyama in the third, and pre-Yonaguni in the fourth chapters. All data are found in the appendix. 2.0 Proto-Sakishima Consonants The following consonants have been reconstructed for protoSakishima, listed below in figure (i). (i)

*p

*t

*k

*b

*d

*g

*s

*z *m

*n

*w

*r

*y

I As noted in previous chapters, *N represents a nasal of unknown place of articulation.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

198

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

2.1 Bilabial Stops The bilabial stops are straightforward, but there are a few changes that must be explained. Below are a number of examples: PS *paWe (accent is incongruent) 'ash' > PM *pai, PY *-pae1, PYG *pe-. PS *_pune) 'boat' > PM *fune, PY *pune, PYG *pune. PS *_pone) 'bone' > PM *pone, PY *pone, PYG *pone. PS *por- 'dig' > PM *puri, PY *poru-, PYG *poru-. PS *_pe 'fart' > PM *_pe, PY *_pe, PYG *pe. PS *_pa 'tooth' > PM *_pa, PY *_pa, PYG *pa. As can be seen from the above data, in Miyako *po changes to pu, but *pu changes to fu, and this provides important data for reconstructing *pu, which is a very unstable syllable in Sakishima. Regarding the Yonaguni form for 'ash', the modem form is higun, and hi is obviously a coalesced form of *pai (> *pe: > hi:), but the question is what is -gun? I believe it is a suffix that may act like a pluralizer. Consider the following examples: icigun 'gravel' and hanigun 'feathers'. This -gun may be *kumi 'group'.2 Word-medial *-p- is much more difficult to reconstruct. Perhaps analogous to the loss of Ipl in mainland Japanese, medial -p- in Sakishima underwent the following change: *p > ~ > J3> w > 0. A good example of this lenition appears in Ishigaki, related to the word *pune 'boat: uni-nu ya:-ya big-boat-POSS parent-TOP Where did they go,

dzi."ma o:ru da which exist-HON question the big boat parent?

2 Martin (1987:396) interprets Yonaguni higun as *fi-gomi 'fire-trash', but this is untenable, as *fi-gomi would give us modern cciNgun.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISIDMA funasldu-ya boat-rower-TOP Where did they go, 1980:209)?

199

duk-ya o:ru-da where-TOP exist-HON question those oarsmen (Miyara

Here *pune becomes funi, but in a compound with ufu 'big' the new compound is compressed to uni < ufu-funi. Notice also that a related form, funa, is preserved in the compound 'oarsman'. There are a few precious examples where this medial stop still exists in the modem languages: PS *upo- > PM *upokari, PY *upo-, PYG *upu. PS *sipisa 'deaf> PM *sipisa, (PY and PYG have *meN-toor-). PS *_uWepilo1> PM *_uepito1, PY *- uepilo\, PYG *uepito. The voiced bilabial stop in Sakishima is also straightforward, but there are some anomalies we must consider. The following correspondences are of great interest. PS *woba (accent is incongruent) 'aunt' > PM *buba, PY *_ woba1. PYG *uba. PS *-woto1'husband' > PM *-woto1, PY *-woto1. PYG *woto. Karimata (1999, 2005b) presents a robust argument that the proto-form for Miyako and Yaeyama b- should be *w and not *b. However, he takes his data from macro-RyUkyUan (including Amami and Okinawa) and compares these with data from Sakishima. As long as this is the methodology (starting with macrofamilies and working upward), we will continue to be hamstrung, much like the chicken and the egg debate. It is well-known that Sakishima has been exposed to much less mainland Japanese cultural and linguistic influence than Amami and Okinawa, so one could argue that Sakishima is more archaic here, preserving a

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

200

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

primordial *b. The only way out of this predicament is to look at Sakishima internally and evaluate the various languages on their own terms. Even here we must avoid the pitfall of simple lexical comparisons. If scholars look only at the lexical items in the various languages of Miyako, Yaeyama, and Yonaguni, we find that we are obligated to reconstruct 'husband' as *buto or *boto. However, there are bound forms within these languages thatdemonstrate that it is more economical to post a change of *w > b. Below are two examples, one from Miyako, and one from Yonaguni. On the island of Ikema we find the following proverb, which by its nature preserves an older form of the language: sod3a otto yado yom-m-a older brother younger brother argument-INF-TOP Arguments between older and younger brothers are caused by otto kara myo:tora yado yom-m-a younger brother from woman-husband argument-INF-TOP the younger brother; arguments between husband and wife todzl kara wife from are caused by the wife (Shinzato 2003:95). Various dialects in Miyako that preserve this unflattering proverb have the compound 'woman-husband' as myo:to or myu:tu. This compound consists of *me 'woman' as mi with uto 'husband': mi + ufo> myuto. Likewise in Yonaguni, a quick look through any lexical list will demonstrate that 'husband' is butu or buttu, but consider the following from an old Yonaguni song:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

201

nakanaN-nu NakanaN-GEN The maiden of

miyarabi maiden the NakanaN house-

ucinaN-nu UcinaN-GEN The beautiful child who is

ahuare-su beautiful child-be from the UcinaN house....:....

mahukuri-to Mahukuri-with I made a promise

banu-to-ya I-with-PT with Mahukuri

ma-bigiri-ya-to true-older brother-PT-with To (marry) this man,

kuri-ya this-PT an older brother

imisiya kara childish from from the time I was become husband and wife

mi-yuto-nu woman-husband-GEN a child, we promised to (Kishaba 1924:233).

Hokama (1979:459) records a variant tradition of this song, where 'husband and wife' is written miuto. Kishaba's transcription is true to the phonetics of those he heard singing, where mi-uto palatalized and became miyuto. This word is composed of mi 'woman' and uto 'husband', analogous to the Miyako form noted above. Thus the bound form preserves the word without initial b_. 3 Other than these two examples ('aunt' and 'husband'), there are few good correspondences, but if we add 'bucket' to this list, we have a fairly clear pattern. 'Bucket' in most dialects of Yaeyama and Miyako is u:ki, but in Taketomi it is bu:ki. In Yonaguni it is ugi, but Miyara records an interesting form from the 1920s: vu:gi:. This comes from *wo:ke > 3 Miyara (1980: 19) also records the word myu:,u 'woman and husband' in a song called "Maya yunta" from Ishigaki.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

202

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

*wu:ke > *wu:gi > vu:gi:. I submit that most of the u:ki forms in both Miyako and Yaeyama are loans from Shuri: 'uuki. This form has replaced the older bu:ki form, other than in Taketomi. On a related note, the form in Tarama is guki, which seems anomalous, has undergone the following change: *wo:ke > *wu:ke > *gwu:ki > guki. This same sort of change is seen in Germanic words loaned into French. The question is why Tarama seemingly grew a velar here. The answer may be to make wu- easier to say. Finally, there are some rare instances where old songs recorded by Miyara (1980) contain verbs with w- instead of b-. Consider this example: miJu ko:dzl-nu miso chrysanthemum-SUB Until the chrysanthemums spread across (the field) ...

wataru-ke spread across-until we make miso out of (Miyara 1980:240).

It is based on this evidence that I reconstruct *w- for protoSakishima. As the evidence below shows, the intuitive reconstruction would be *b-, but internally it is more economical to posit *w-. PS *_ wata1'belly' > PM *_batal, PY *_batal, PYG *bata. PS *wodor- 'dance' > PM *budori, PY *budoru, PYG *budori. PS *wara- 'laugh' > PM *bara-, PY *bara-, PYG *bar-. It is not wise, however, to deal with medial *-b- in the same manner. There is no evidence that in medial position this is anything more than just a voiced bilabial, though we should be careful to make a distinction between a medial *-b- and *-w-. PS *woba (accent is incongruent) 'aunt' > PM *buba, PY *_wobal, PYG *uba-. PS *- sukobi 'belt' > PM *- sukobil, PY *sukobi. PS *yarabe 'child' > PM *yarabe, PY *yarabe PYG *yarabe.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

203

PS *_abura1'fat (oil)' > PM *_aCura1, PY *_abura1, PYG *anda. PS *_uyobe 'finger' > PM *_uyube1, PY *uyobe, PYG *uyube. PS *-kebosi 'smoke' > PM *-kebusi1, PY *kebusi, PYG *kebosi. This does not mean that proto-Sakishima did not have a medial glide *-w-, but I say nothing more here, as it is addressed below in section 2.7. 2.2 Dental Stops The dental stops in Sakishima are also straightforward, with a voiceless and voiced {prenasalized) phoneme each. The correspondences for voiceless tare t t *- sita1'below' > PM *sital. PY *- sita1, PYG *sitara. *- ton1'bird' > PM *- tori l. PY *- tonl. *_eta1'board' > PM *_etal. PY *_eta1, PYG *ita. *-tibil 'buttocks' > PM *-tibi1, PY *-tibil. PYG *Nhi. *- tume1'fingernail' > PM *- timel. PY *- tumel. PYG *CVme. PS *_te 'hand' > PM *_te, PY *_te, PYG *te. PS PS PS PS PS

The correspondences of the voiced phoneme d are not as abundant as t (especially since I argue that the voiced dental in word initial position in Yonaguni is secondary). Here are a number of illustrative examples of d:d. *_ude1> PM *_ude1. PY *_ude1. PYG *ude. *-yudal 'branch' > PM *-yudal. PY *-yudal. PYG *yuda. *_kado1 'comer' > PM *_kado1. PY *_kadol. PYG *kado. *aduker- 'entrust' > PM *aziker-, PY *aziker-, PYG *aduker-. PS *- dosil 'friend' > PM *dusi, PY *- dusi1, PYG *dosi. PS *_dabil 'funeral' > PM *_dabi1, PY *- dabi1, PYG *dabi. PS PS PS PS

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

204

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *panadil 'nosebleed' > PM *_panatil, PY *-panazil. PYG *panadi. 2.3 Velar Stops Proto-Sakishima had a voiceless and voiced velar stop, *k and *g. The correspondences for these are straightforward in all but a few cases, which will be addressed later. PS *ekimosi (accent is incongruent) 'animal' > PM *_ekimosi1, PY *_ekimosil. PYG *ikimosi. PS *_pukoru1 'bag' > PM *_pukoru1, PY *_pukoru PYG *pukoru. PS *- take1 'bamboo' > PM *- take1, PY *_take1, PYG *take. PS *kara 'because' > PM *kara, PY *kara, PYG *-kara. PS *ko- 'come' > PM *k-, PY *ko-, PYG *ko-. PS *etuku') 'cousin' > PM *etuku, PY *_etukuI. PYG *ituku. PS *kis- 'cut' > PM *kis-, PY *kis-, PYG *kis-. PS *_ke 'tree'> PM *_ke, PY *_ke, PYG *ke.

I.

The correspondences for the voiced velar are somewhat harder to come by. It may be easier to visualize the situation here if we divide the correspondences into initial and medial position. Initial PS *gama 'cave (hole)' > PM *gama, PY *gama, PYG *gama. PS *garalsV 'crow' > PM *garasa, PY *garalsV, PYG *garasa or *garasi. PS *guma- 'small' > PY *guma-, PYG *kuma-. PS *gusamV (accent is incongruent) 'staff> PM *gusamV, PY *~usaN1, PYG *gusaN. I posit two different pre-Yonaguni forms for 'crow', because two different forms exist in the language of this island. Takahashi (1987:53) records two forms for 'crow': garaci and garasa. Likely one of these is a loan, but to be safe, I posit both.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

205

A different problem is with what Miyara records. In 1930 he recorded that the Yonaguni form was karatsi, but Hirayama and Nakamoto (1964:181) late report the form as garaci. This suggests that progressive voicing has occurred, where an originally voiceless velar in initial position plus a back, unrounded vowel caused voicing of the velar. From the data I have presented above, the following appears to have happened in Yonaguni versus the rest of Sakishima (ii). (ii) *gV

-

gV (All Sakishima aside from YG) '.a kV (loss of voicing in YG)

Because of widespread compression in Yonaguni, an imbalance in the consonant system may have caused a shifting to fill in empty slots. In the case of 'crow' we may have nothing more than sporadic voicing. The interesting oddity is the final vowel. Looking just at the Yonaguni evidence, we should reconstruct *garasi or *garasu, and this matches nicely with Yaeyama, aside from Hatoma. However, the height here is at variance with the word in Hatoma and all of Miyako. It does appear that the word 'crow' plus the topic marker -a has created this seemingly variant form. This evidence is very inconclusive, and I will say nothing further. What perhaps can be said is that the proto-Ryfikyfian form is likely to have a voiceless velar. However, at this stage I feel an initial voiced velar should be reconstructed. Next, consider the word for 'small'. This is likely a compound of *ko 'small' plus the diminutive suffix -rna: *koma- > *goma- > gurna- 'a little thing', but this change may have happened at the proto-Ryfikyfian level, so I posit *g at the proto-Sakishima level. The change of the voiceless velar to a voiced one prevented the typical shift *ku > fu seen in dialects throughout Sakishima. As these data illustrate, initial *g is limited in its distribution, following only the vowels *a and *u.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

206

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Now consider the next set of correspondences where the voiced velar is medial. Medial PS *- pige1 'beard' > PM *- pige1, PY *- pine1, PYG *pige. PS *3go1 'chin' > PM *_ago1, PY *_ago1 PS *agati (accent is incongruent) 'east' > PM *agari, PY *- aCaril, PYG *agai. PS *unagil 'eel' > PM *unazi, PY *_unagil, PYG *nada. PS *3ugi1 'fan' > PM *_augi1, PY *_augi1, PYG *uN. PS *- esinagu1 'sand' > PY *- esinaguI. PYG *sinaN. PS *togu- 'scrape' > PM *tog-, PY *togu-, PYG *togu-. Here *-g- is preceded by every vowel. While the distribution of vowels with *g- is limited, I stilI think that evidence makes for a compelling case to reconstruct both an initial and a medial voiced velar for proto-Saki shima.

2.4 Alveolar Fricatives In all but a couple of cases, the alveolar fricatives are straightforward. Below are a number of representative examples: PS *- sita1 'below' > PM *sita1, PY *- sita1, PYG *sitara. PS *gara1sV 'crow' > PM *garasa, PY *gara1sV, PYG *garasa or *garasi. PS *_kusa1'grass' > PM *_fusa1, PY *_kusa1, PYG *kusa. PS *tasuker- 'help' > PM *tasrk-, PY *tasrker-, PYG *taseker-. PS *mosi 'if> PM *mosi, PY *mosi, PYG *mosi. PS *miso 'miso' > PM *mVsu, PY *misu (recent loan?), PYG *mVso. PS *seba- 'narrow' > PM *sebakari, PY *se~a-, PYG *seba-. Voiced alveolar fricatives are a bit rarer in this language. Consider these correspondences where *z is rarely word-initial:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

207

PROTO-SAKISHIMA PS *_zi 'ground' > PM *_zi, PY *_zi, PYG *di. PS *zuaku- 'wet' > PY *zuaku-.

These are the only words with an initial *z-. The first word, *zi 'ground', is a loan from Sino-Japanese ji it!!. 'earth, ground'. The word for 'wet' is of unknown derivation, though it may be a word based on a loan from Early Mandarin Chinese: *rf. There is more evidence for this voiced fricative in medial position:

m

PS *aza 'birthmark' > PM *aza, PY *aza, PYG *aza. PS *mVkaza-il 'centipede' > PM *_mVkaze1, PY *_mVkazal, PYG *Nkade. PS *-kakozi1 'chin' > PY *-kakozil, PYG *kakodi. PS *memelzu 'earthworm' > PM *memezi, PY *memelzi, PYG *memezu. PS *- azr1 'taste' > PM *azi, PY *- azr1. PYG *adi. PS *- kaze1 'wind' > PM *- kaze1. PY *- kaze1, PYG *kazi. 2.5 Nasals Nasals have straightforward correspondences in Sakishima, with the majority of correspondences being m:m, n:n, and N:N with few exceptions. The straightforward correspondences are as follows for these three sets. m:m PS *pama 'beach' > PM *pama, PY *pama, PYG *pama. PS *simo 'below' > PM *simo, PY *simo. PS *- yume1'bride' > PM *- yume1, PY *- yume1, PYG *yume. PS *mokol'bridegroom' > PM *moko, PY *moko, PYG *moko. PS *moWer- 'burn' > PM *moeri, PY *mor-, PYG *moeru-. PS *_kamV1'deity' > PM *_kamV1. PY *_kamV1, PYG *kaN. PS *eme 'dream' > PM *imi, PY *eme, PYG *ime. PS *_mita1 'earth' > PM *_mVta1, PY *_mita1, PYG *Nta. John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

208

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *mutuI 'six' > PM *-mVti1. PY *-mutu1. PYG *muti. n:n PS *_puneI 'boat' > PM *fune, PY *pune, PYG *pune. PS *mune 'chest' > PM *-mune1, PY *-mVne1. PYG *CVne. PS *-nuno1'cloth' > PM *-nunu1. PY *-nuno1, PYG *nuno. PS *nom- 'drink' > PM *nom-, PY *nom-, PYG *nom-. PS *nebu- 'dull' > PM *nebukari, PYG *nebusa-. PS *unagil 'eel' > PM *unazi, PY *_unagi\ PYG *nada. PS *na1'name' > PM *na1. PY *na1. PYG *na. N:N PS *meN-toor- 'deaf> PY *meN-toor-, PYG *meN-. PS *N 'to (indirect object), PY *N. PS *-teN 'sky' > PM *-teN, PY *-teN, PYG *teN. There are very few examples of this nasal. The clear case of a loan is 'sky', which is from Sino-Japanese ten :R 'heaven, sky'. As can be seen, I postulate *N for proto-Sakishima as a nasal whose place of articulation is not clear. It is clear from comparative data from a macro-Ryiikyiian family perspective that this phoneme is actually a nasal plus a high vowel, but it is difficult to say much more from data at a proto-Sakishima level.

2.6 Liquids in Yaeyama are fairly straightforward, but there are several interesting developments. Here are a number of straightforward examples:

Liqui~s

PS *_pukoru1'bag' > PM *_pukoru1. PY *_pukoru\ PYG *pukoru. PS *kara 'because' > PM *kara, PY *kara, PYG *-kara. PS *- ton1'bird' > PM *- tori1. PY *- tonl. PS *tor- 'get' > PM *tori, PY *tor-, PYG *toru-. PS *koros- 'kill' > PM *korosi, PY *koros-, PYG *koru-.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

209

PROTO-SAKISHIMA PS *- kare1'that (are) > PM *- kari1. PY *- kare, PYG *kare.

As has been pointed out in previous chapters the liquid was stable only in front of -a-. In almost all other environments, it was a chameleon, either changing form or dropping completely. As the rule in (iii) points out, the rule for -r- deletion or lenition to zero was a high vowel plus the liquid. (iii)

*r> 0 Vr- (V+hi, +round)

Thus, if a high vowel centered to i" and lost its feature of rounding, then the attending liquid was more resistant to loss. Also, the morphological -rug that is found with so many verbs was resistant to loss because of vocalic change in the verbal paradigm. Consider these examples (the first two show -r- retention and the last two -rloss): PS *kuru 'black' > PM *ffu, PY *kuru, PYG *kuru-. PS *por- 'dig' > PM *pori, PY *por-, PYG *poru-. PS *pu/Jeori (accent is incongruent) 'dust' > PM *_poke1, PY *pukori, PYG *puko-. PS *_abura1 'fat (oil)' > PM *_aCura1. PY *_abura1. PYG *anda. PS *nar'i 'fruit' > PM *nari, PY *nar'i, PYG *nari. The reason for positing a medial -r- for 'dust' is the fact that Ishigaki and Hatoma has a vocalic sequence (jukui and pukhui), but Hateruma has Jukudzi". This evidence is strengthened by Uehara on Iriomote Island which has Jukuri. 2.7 Glides Reconstructing glides in Sakishima is a complicated process, mainly because of the existence of Yonaguni with its seemingly aberrant din initial position. We can reconstruct *y with great confidence, but there is some important evidence which obligates us to reconstruct

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

210

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

*w medially. Regarding the reconstruction of *w in word-initial position, see section 2.1. The correspondences or the glide *y are straightforward. The following correspondences illustrate the glide in both word initial and medial positions. PS *- yuda1'branch' > PM *- yuda1, PY *- yuda1, PYG *yuda. PS *may:;, (accent is incongruent) 'cat' > PM *-mayu1. PY *_maya1, PYG *mayu. PS *yarabe 'child' > PM *yarabe, PY *yarabe, PYG *yarabe. PS *yak- 'cook' > PM *yak-, PY *yak-, PYG *yaku-. PS *yum- 'count' > PM *yum-, PY *yum-, PYG *yum-. PS *ayu- 'fight' > PM *au, PY *ayu, PYG *ayu-. PS *_uyobe 'finger' > PM *_uyube1. PY *uyobe, PYG *uyube. As is true of many sonorants in Sakishima this glide is the most stable when followed or preceded by the vowel *a. The glide was the most unstable when followed or preceded by a high vowel (*i or *u). Consider the following changes seen related to verb conjugation from a representative slice of the relevant languages regarding the suffixation of the topic marker *ya. The word being marked by the topic marker is underlined, and the topic marker itself is double underlined. 4 Miyako (Hirara) (i)

am-in.;,

fur-aJ1-J1O.:

rain-TOP fall-NEG-PT It doesn't rain, does it? (ii)

klfpa:klfpanu mun-Q:

fa:-i-n

hard-hard thing-TOP eat-POTENT-NEG 'I can't eat hard things.'

4

All examples come from Hirayama (1983. 1988).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

211

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

Miyako (Tarama) (i) vva:...: ata-ma; ku:-n:-na: you-TOP tomorrow-INCL come-PT-PT Are you coming tomorrow, also. (ii)

bas-e.:. kuma-kara-du ndi-I bus-TOP here-ABL-KM leave-CONC The bus leaves from here.

Yaeyama (lshigaki) (i) hatagi-tu tumo:ri~u-w. paru-g field-PT ocean-TOP go-CONC I go (through) fields and over the ocean. (ii)

kak-u mun-o: ne:n-u write-ATI thing-TOP not-CONC I have nothing to write.

Yaeyama (Hateruma) (i) Yia{1fku-it1 bagaru-g parent that much-TOP understand-CONC A parent understands it. (ii)

basu-wa mor-a nd.Jiru-g bus-TOP here-ABL leave-CONC The bus leaves from here.

Yonaguni (i)

tagar-u munu-ig ka-ni-nu-g expensive-ATT thing-TOP buy-POTENT-NEGCONC I can't buy expensive things.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

212

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(ii)

nm-la saga-du a-tar-u rice-TOP- few-KM exist-PAST-CONC There wasn't much rice left.

As these examples make dear, the glide is quite unstable, except in Yonaguni. This appears to be because Yonaguni has only three vowels, and as so much contraction has already taken place, the topic marker is now more stable. Another issue related to this glide is the apparent fricativization it undergoes in the environment with a high vowel. Consider the following four words: PS *_eya11 *_aya1'father' > PM *iza, PY *_aya11 *_eya1, PYG *iya. PS *-eyu1 'fish' > PM *-izu1, PY *-ezu1, PYG *iyu. PS *ay- 'sing' > PM *ai, PY *ez-, PYG *ayu-. PS *- yu 'tail' > PM *_zu, PY *- zu, PYG *yu-. The word 'father' seems to require explanation, as it is not followed by a non-high vowel, but it is highly possible that the proceeding front, high vowel (*e > i) causes fricativization. As noted above, there is very little evidence to posit the glide -win this language. The following evidence has been found, however. PS *kawaraku- 'dry' > PM *karaki, PY *kaCaraku, PYG *kawar-. PS or kawara 'river' > PM *- ka, PY *kaCara, PYG * PYG *kara. To these data, consider the following cases, where there is some evidence to reconstruct *-w-. PS *awo 'blue' > PM *au, PY *awo, PYG *au. PS *awota" 'frog' > PY *_awuta" PYG *auta. PS *- awa1'millet' > PM *- awa1, PY *- awa1, PYG *a.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

213

As noted below in 3.3, there is still other evidence allowing us to posit an approximant *W which may have been either *y or *w.

2.8 Problematic Consonantal Correspondences There is some slight evidence for the existence in the languages of Sakishima of a phonological phenomenon seen throughout the Japonic languages, the alternation of m and b. Well-known examples in Japanese include words such as kemuri - keburi 'smoke', pemi - pebi 'snake', and kumo - kubo 'spider'. Regarding these three examples, compare the reconstructions in the relevant languages of Sakishima: PS *-kebosi 'smoke' > PM *-kebusi1. PY *kebusi, PYG *kebosi. PS *-pabu1'snake' > PM *-pabu1. PY *-pabu l. PS *_ko'1Ju1'spider' > PM *_kobu1. PY *ko"bu, PYG *kobu. As this makes clear, only one of the three above alternations appears in Sakishima. It is not readily clear what has happened, but proto-Sakishima provides a number of other examples: PS PS PS PS PS PS

*- "born1'all' > PY *- mo:rn1. PYG *burn. *"baW'i 'bud' > PM *me, PY *ba'i, PYG *bai. *pe"beza 'goat' > PM *peNza, PY *pebeza, PYG *pibiza. *a"boCa') 'mother' > PM *ama, PY *_abu la, PYG *abota. *e"b- 'narrow' > PM *emekari, PY *eba-. *ka"b- 'smell' > PM *ka"bV, PY *kabu-, PYG *kab-.

As these data illustrate, there are certain words where *m appears in Miyako but *b in Yaeyama, though this may mainly be a reflection of the limited database. It is difficult to make a judgment, but superficially, at least, it would appear that we must posit *mb (or perhaps *nb)5 here to take care of the alternation. It is also

5

I lean toward *mb or *mp out of simplicity. as there are fewer steps from John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

214

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

possible that the proto-form could be *mp (or *np), where prenasalization resulted in b (*mp > b) in Yaeyama, but with the loss of the bilabial stop, only the nasal remained. There is much here that still needs to be untangled, and I leave that for future research. 3.0 Proto-Sakishima Vowels I reconstruct a seven-vowel system for proto-Sakishima, as follows (figure iv). The key element here is that all the languages of Sakishima, and Rylikyiian for that matter, have undergone a series of vowel raisings and mergers. In order to account for these changes, we need more than just the five vowels that Thorpe (1983:31) posited for his reconstruction of proto-Rylikylian. The reasons and justification are listed below.

(iv)

*.1

*r

*e

*u *0

*a 3.1 Long Vowels At previous stages in this reconstruction, mainly in Yaeyama and Yonaguni, long vowels have been posited if these occur word-medially. Earlier categories such as vowel lengthening due to diphthongs or contraction, have been unraveled by this stage so that monosyllables are all that remain at the proto-Sakishima level. I eschew reconstructing vowel length here. It should be noted that Shimabukuro (2007:261-67) reconstructs vowel length for a number *mb > *b or *m, instead of starting with *nb, where articulation would need to shift from alveolar to bilabial (*nb > *mb > *b or *m). The argument for *nb appears to be contraction of *no+b/p, with no likely a connecting (genitive?) particle.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

215

of words, but does so on the basis of data from Okinawan. These data are not relevant here, so I have not found data which obligates me to posit long vowels. 3.2 Short Vowels The correspondences for the high vowels are somewhat complex, but the following correspondences have been important in determining the proto-vowel for Sakishima: (77) V oweIeorrespondences 10 proto-Sa k'ISh'Ima PM PY PYG *.1 *.1 *.1 *.1 *.1 *1

*e *.1 *u *.1

*e *e *u *u

*e *e *u *u

PS *.1 *1 *e *e *u *u

Reconstructing the high front vowel *i is straightforward. Below are four examples that are illustrative of the correspondences for *i. PS PS PS PS

*-ti 'blood' > PM *-ti, PY *-ti, PYG *ti. *ekil 'breath' > PM *eki, PY *eki, PYG *iki. *nomil 'flea' > PM *nomV, PY *nomi, PYG *noN. *mosi 'if> PM *mosi, PY *mosi, PYG *mosi.

There are a few other difficult correspondences, but these are set aside and dealt with later in the section under problematic correspondences. Reconstructing the high central vowel *1 is based on the evidence from proto-Yaeyama. The following examples are illustrative. PS *- Slrul 'broth' > PM *- sirul. PY *- Slrul. PYG *siru. PS *"bawr 'bud' > PM *me, PY *bal, PYG *bai.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

216

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *agarl (accent is incongruent) 'east' > PM *agari, PY *- aCarI\' PYG *agai. PS *_netIl 'heat (fever), > PM *neti, PY *_nettl. PS *nan 'fruit' > PM *nari, PY *narI, PYG *nari. PS *- pIto1'person' > PM *- pito1. PY *- pIto1. PYG *pito. Reconstructing the high back vowel *u is based on two sets of correspondences. The internal data of Miyako does not adequately show whether the high vowel is front or back. In the vast majority of cases *u has been fronted to i. I have based my reconstruction of the back vowel on the correspondences in Yaeyama and I or Yonaguni. PS *_ude1'arm' > PM *_ude1. PY *_ude1. PYG *ude. PS *kuru 'black' > PM *ffu, PY *kuru, PYG *kuru-. PS *_abura1'fat (oil)' > PM *_aCura1. PY *_abura1. PYG *anda. PS *iku 'go' > PM *iku, PY *iku-. PS *tasuker- 'help' > PM *tasIk-, PY *tasiKer-, PYG *taseker-. PS *_yo 'hot water' > PM *_yo, PY *_yo, PYG *yo. PS *kozu 'last year' > PM *kozu, PY *kozu, PYG *kozu. Examples where Miyako does not show the distinction between the front high and back high vowel are as follows: PS *_tuno1'hom' > PM *_tino1. PY *_tuno1. PYG *CYno. PS *_tukil'moon' > PM *_tikil, PY *_tukil, PYG *tuki. PS *inatuki 'pestle' > PM *Ynatiki, PY *inatuki, PYG *Ynetiki + *kaki. The mid front vowel *e is reconstructed on two sets of correspondences, where some of the evidence comes from proto-Yaeyama and Yonaguni, since the phonological environment is essentially the same: lack of palatalization or affrication which shows a mid vowel. Below are three representative examples:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

217

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

PS PS PS PS PS PS

*_te 'hand' > PM *_te, PY *_te, PYG *te. *_ne 'root' > PM *_ne, PY *_ne, PYG *ne. *- ese1 'stone' > PM *- esil. PY *- ese1, PYG *isi. *_ase1 'sweat' > PM *_ase1, PY *_ase1, PYG *ase. *- kare1 'that (are)' > PM *- kari1, PY *- kare, PYG *kare. *_ke 'tree' > PM *_ke, PY *_ke, PYG *ke.

Analogous to reconstructing the high back vowel *u, Miyako does not adequately show the height of the front vowel. In this case Yaeyama is the only language that makes a clear distinction between *e and *i. PS *pesa- 'cold' > PM *pisekari, PY *pesa-, PYG *pisa-. PS *- eyu1 'fish' > PM *- izu1, PY *- ezu1, PYG *iyu. PS *-metil 'road' > PM *_mitil, PY *-metil, PYG *amete. I reconstruct the mid back vowel *0 according to the evidence from all three languages. Below are three representative examples: PS *_wono1 'axe' > PM *buno, PY *_buno1, PYG *bu:no. PS *_pone1 'bone' > PM *pone, PY *pone, PYG *pone. PS *moko1 'bridegroom' > PM *moko, PY *moko, PYG *moko. PS *utoto (accent is incongruent) 'brother (younger)' > PM *utoto, PY *utoto, PYG *utoto. PS *_koyumi 'calendar' > PM *_koyumV1, PY *koyu1mi, PYG *koyumi. The central mid vowel *~ is tentatively posited on the basis of a number of vocalic correspondences where the data argue that diffusion has occurred. In one language *~ has lowered to a, but in another it has backed to *0 where it then rose to u. Consider the following correspondences:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

218

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

*m;}-e 'also' > PM *mai, PY mY, PYG NV « *mu < *mo < *m;}?). PS *may;} (accent is incongruent) 'cat' > PM *- mayu1. PY

*_maya1. PYG *mayu. PS *Vma-g;}\ 'grandchild' > PM *Vmaga, PY *_ma « *maga?), PYG *mago. PS *m;}r- 'round' > PM *marakari, PY *moru or *maru, PYG *maru-.

The low vowel *a is easily reconstructed, as it is really the only stable vowel in the proto-Sakishirna system. A number of examples of the correspondences are given for reference. PS *ato (accent is incongruent) 'after' > PM *_ato1. PY *ato, PYG *ato. PS *kamu- 'bite' > PM *kamV, PY *kamu-, PYG *kamu-. PS *_pa 'blade' > PM *_pa, PY *_pa, PYG *pa. PS *agar'i (accent is incongruent) 'east' > PM *agari, PY *- aCar'il, PYG *agai. PS *uwar- 'end' > PM *uwari, PY *uwar-, PYG *uwarulJ. PS *na1'name' > PM *na1. PY *na1. PYG *na.

3.3 Diphthongs If we compare the data for the three languages we have reconstructed, we find that a small number of diphthongs remain. On the surface it is prudent to reconstruct diphthongs, but there is an extremely strong tendency in both Miyako and Yaeyama for diphthongs to undergo monophthongization. Therefore, to prevent monophthongization occurring too early at the proto-Sakishima level, it is crucial to posit a phoneme that will weaken and drop at a later stage and thus trigger the process leading to a monophthong. As there is no overt evidence for this phoneme, I tentatively reconstruct an approximant *W (which theoretically represents

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

219

either *y or *w). Consider the following examples that are found in the database. PS *"baWi" > PM *me, PY *bai", PYG *bai. PS *moWer- 'bum' > PM *moeri, PY *moi"-, PYG *moeru-. PS *naWo-se 'how' > PM *nause, PY *nause, PYG *noku « *nau-ku?). PS *m::lWi 'meat (flesh), > PM *mi, PY *mai, PYG *me. PS *nobu lWe 'neck' > PM *nobue, PY *nobule, PGY *nobi. PS *paWi"l 'south' > PM *pae, PY *pai", PYG *pae.

3.4 Problematic Vowel Correspondences There is really only one problematic vowel correspondence in the proto-Sakishima data: insufficient data to posit a vowel in certain environments. This has necessitated the positing of V as a vowel of known height (+high), but of unknown backness. This is done based on the criteria that in all three languages nasals will become mora nasals when followed by a high vowel. In some cases the only way to determine the backness of the vowel is to hope that one dialect in the language family has been fortunate to have this nasal plus vowel preserved by some kind of conditioning. In the case of verbs, allophony inherent in verbal conjugations often preserves internal data to help in reconstructing the vowel. The following examples demonstrate where we have insufficient data within the Sakishima language family. PS *Vmare- 'be born' > PM *Vmareri, PY *mare-, PYG *marirul). PS *mVkaza-il 'centipede' > PM *_mVkaze1, PY *_mVkaza\ PYG *Nkade. PS *_kamVl 'deity' > PM *_kamV1, PY *_kamVl, PYG *kaN. PS *_mem V1'ear' > PM *_memV1, PY *_meN1, PYG *meN-. PS *siramV 'louse' > PM *sisamV, PY *siraN, PYG *CVCaN. PS *_emVl 'sea' > PM *emV, PY *_eN-, PYG *uN-naka.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

220

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

These examples are typical of the problem one faces when trying to reconstruct a vowel in Sakishima if all that remains is a mora nasal. An interesting problem appears in the reconstruction of 'sea'. It is highly possible that the Yonaguni word is an early loan from Shuri (;Umi > uN), with the addition of naga < *naka 'inside'. Setting the Yonaguni word aside, we have PM *emV and PY *eN-, which leads to the reconstruction of *emV. The complicating factor is there are words in Yaeyama such as HX inaga and Kabira ina: which contain the word naka 'inside'. It is unclear, but likely inaga comes from *emV + *naka, and with the loss of the vowel and the collapse of the syllable to a mora nasal, an epenthetic vowel appeared between the nasal and the velar: *emV-naka > *iN-naga > inaga. It should be noted further that Thorpe (1983:325) reconstructed the proto-Ryfikyfian form for 'sea' as *Umi, with U representing a high vowel, backness unclear. However, as Thorpe's own analysis has trouble distinguishing N > *mi and mi > *me, it is perhaps not surprising that he has trouble distinguishing not only the height, but also the backness of this initial vowel. It seems clear from these data mentioned above, that the first vowel in Sakshima is +front, but the height is open to debate. As Ryfikyfian in general has undergone a series of vowel raisings, it is more prudent to reconstruct a mid, front *e so that vowel raising can take place rather than posit a high vowel *i and then require the vowel to remain, while other *i underwent a shift> I. While it is also clear that some *u shifted to I, it is a bit of a stretch of the imagination to have so many dialects universally shift this all the way to i. The Iriomote Island dialect of Komi is the only language to preserve umi, like Yonaguni, but as the form breaks the rule of *mi > I), this word is transparently a rather recent loan. That leaves us with two unrelated forms: ;1) and sunaka from su 'tide' and naka 'inside'. Thus, at this stage of the reconstruction we can do no more than posit V to represent a vowel, the backness of which is still unclear.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

221

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

A final problematic correspondence appears to be morphophonemic, so it actually does not concern us here, but I will make one observation in passing. The following paradigms exist for verbs in shiishi-kei (conclusive), for the languages of Miyako, Yaeyama, and Yonaguni. 'Root' here refers to the basic structure of C(VC). Class One Two Three Four

PM root root+i" root+i root+u

PY root+u root+ou root+u root+u

PYG root+ulJ root+rulJ root+rulJ I +ulJ root+ulJ

A simple generalization captures the pattern here: there were two basic verb types, (i) verb root plus a high back vowel (*u), and (ii) a much rarer form that consists of the verb root plus a mid back vowel *0. This primordial vowel *0 was raised to u in Yonaguni. A much more complicated process occurred in Miyako, where a root that ended in a consonant that was [+anterior, -coronal] dropped the vowel. Apparent exceptions to this may be later borrowings. The other three classes experienced various stages of vowel fronting, illustrated in (v). (v)

Root + *u > no change Root + *u > r Root + *u > i For the time being I am at a loss to explain why this occurred, or what phonological environment would have caused this to happen. The above description seems to be the simplest, unless we are to state that proto-Miyako is the original system, and Yaeyama backed everything that did not have a high back vowel to -u- and then lowered some of these indiscriminately to -0-. Of course, the proto-system may be much more complex, and the patterns I have described may actually be nothing more than illusory. I leave

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

222

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

anything else to further research, since this is not the focus of this research.

4.0 Observations on Verbal Morphology A comparison of the proto-forms of two classes of verbs in the three proto-languages of Sakishima yields the following, represented by the verbs 'write' and 'arise'. (78) Verb Classes M·lyak0 Write Form *kaka VOL *kaka IMF *kake / *kaki / *kaku INF *kakitari PFr *kakee CONC CND *kake *kaki A C (1) IMP *kake CONC (2) *kakim / *kakum Y aeyama Form

VOL

IMF INF

PFr

ADN

IMP

CND CONC(l) CONC (2)

Write *kakaya *kaka *kaki *kak*kako *kake *kaki" *kaki" *kakomu

Arise *uke *uke *uke / ukeri *ukitari *ukee *ukere *ukeri *ukeru *ukem / *ukerim

Arise *ukera *uko *uki" *uk*uki" / *uki"ru *uke / *ukere *uke *ukeru *ukemu / *ukerumu

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

Yona2um Form VOL IMP INF PFr ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

Write *kakoyo *kaka *kaki *kaki*kako *kake *kako I kaki*kaki *kakomu

223

Arise *ukero *ukera *uke *ukeri *ukeru *ukere *ukeru I ukeriya *uke *ukerumu

Based on these data, I reconstruct the proto-Sakishima verbs as follows: (79) Proto-Sakishima Form Class One 'write' VOL *kakaIMP *kaka INF *kaki I *kake PFr *kakADN *kak~ IMP *kake CND *kake I *kako CONC (1) *kaki CONC (2) *kakomu

Class Two 'arise' *uker~

*uke(ra) *uke I *ukeri *uk*ukeru *ukere I *ukero *uke I ukere *uke(ri) *ukeromu

What has yet to be reconstructed is the perfective. Compare a representative sampling of the perfective from each of the languages under study, listed in (80).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

224

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(80) Comoansonof t he Per~ectIve 'Wrote' Past kakilaLi kttfutai kafutal o kakuda kakisita hakya:IJ katitaIJ

Language HR IK NH IG KB HX YG

0

Perfective kakiltam

---

kafytam kakitta kake"leIJ hakitaIJ katyalJ

It is very possible that the perfective in Miyako is *-tawori > *-tauri > -taZi' (or -tal). It is also possible that that perfective in HR and NH is *-sitamu > *-sYtamu > *-stam > -(t)tam. 6 Yaeyama appears to have used a different suffix: *-tamu > -tal). The HX and YG past formations appear to be related: *-tamu > -tal), but the vowel has caused the dental to weaken. If we follow Thorpe's postulation (1983:169-70), then we would have the following development, as illustrated in (vi). (vi) I'

/' *kakijuritamu > *kak~uri"tamu > *kakji"tamu > > *kakjtalJ > hakja:1J (HX)

*kakiworitamu '\i *kacjuritamu > *kacitamu > katitalJ (YG)

4.1 Yonaguni Verbs Thorpe (1983:169) criticizes Hirayama and Nakamoto (1964) for taking too simplistic a view of verbal morphology in Yonaguni. He notes, 'The inflection of verbs for perfect aspect in Yonaguni seems straightforwardly simple and archaic, an impression that misled the original investigators of this language's verb paradigms ... '. Thus 6 Thorpe (1983: 168) believes that the perfective in Sakishima is built on the infinitive followed by *s 'do'. He posits *sete for Kohama and Hateruma.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

225

Hirayama and Nakamoto believed the Yonaguni paradigm to go back to *kakite (for 'write'). Thorpe, however, proposes the following earlier Yonaguni fonns: *kakiwori> *kacyui > kati 'scratch' (our 'write') *okosiwori > *ukusyui > ugusi 'to raise' (our 'arise') It needs to be mentioned that Thorpe is viewing Yonaguni through a wider prism than we are, using proto-Ryiikyiian. He then proceeds to reconstruct the perfective as *okositamu > *ukucyaN > ugutaN. Accordingly, he would reconstruct 'write' as *kakitamu > *kacnaN > katyaN (1983: 170). This is a very perceptive conclusion. First, a reexamination of these data is in order, compared with Uchima's conclusions. The reconstruction of earlier states of these v.erbs follows what we know about Yaeyama rather closely. Taking the verb 'write' as an example, compare the proto-Yaeyama fonns with Yonaguni. (81) Viona2um·Vier blM a orplhI 002Y Conjugation PY Yonaguni VOL kagu: *kakaya IMF *kaka kaga INF *kaki kaei PFr *kakkatyaI)

PYG *kakoyo *kaka *kaki

ADN IMP CND CONC (1)

*kako *kake *kaki" *kaki"

kagu kagi kagu / kagya: kat'j

*kako *kake *kako / kaki*kaki

CONC (2)

*kakomu

kaguI)

*kakomu

*kaki-

Regarding Sakishima verbal morphology, Uchima (1984:184) has posited a number of proto-fonns, and believes the volitional proto-fonn to be *kakamu. He is correct to deal with the vowel length here as secondary, but his choice of fonns is a bit perplexing. He charts the choices as follows (vii):

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

226

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(vii) *kakamu ~ kaka: (Kabira) ~ kaka (QG, IG, and others) 'll kagu: (YG) The perplexing difficulty is that Uchima (1984: 187) proposes a very similar input for the conclusive form, diagrammed below (viii). (viii) *kakimu

kakim (Nishizato) ~ katslm (Kurima) 'll kakrI) (Kabira) ~ kakuI) (lG) ~ kaguI) (YG) ~

The difficulty is in explaining why a sonorant (here a bilabial nasal) with a high vowel posited in the proto-stage simply results in vowel length when in the volitional, but leaves a mora nasal in the conclusive. The rule in Yonaguni is clear: a nasal plus a high vowel results in a mora nasal. Because of this rule, we are forced to consider different input for the volitional. Taking a cue from the Yaeyama (Ishigaki) forms, it seems more economical to posit an approximant (*-W-) in the volitional. This later elided, and created the vowel length which persists to the present. The only difficulty here will be explaining the problem with the vowels, as proto-Yaeyama has *-aya but pre-Yonaguni *-oyo. This problem may be easily solved if the input is PS *-:;,W:;" allowing the Ishigaki vowels to be explained as a lowering of the proto-vowel, while Yonaguni underwent backing of the same vowel. One final problem with Uchima's reconstructed forms concerns his reconstruction of the conditional. Below I provide his chart (1984:186) in (ix). (ix)

*kaki

~

/' katsl (Kurima) kaki (Nishizato) ~ kaki (Mina) 'll kaku (IG) ~ kagu (YG)

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

227

PROTO-SAKIsmMA

The difficulty occurs because if the input here is *i, then it stands to reason that there would be an intermediate stage of *I on the way to the back vowel u. If so, then medial -k- in Yonaguni would lenite to -t-. On the other hand, if we do allow *i to shift back to the vowel u, this would not give us Ishigaki kaku, but should trigger lenition of the velar, resulting in kafu (cf. Thorpe 1983:84). Because of these difficulties in explaining some changes, it is more economical to posit the proto-form of the conditional as *kako, with later vowel raising, and then fortition of the medial velar: *kako > *kaku > kagu. This means that the Miyako and Yaeyama forms (as a complete process) have to be accounted for in a different way than Uchima currently proposes. Unfortunately, at the pre-Yonaguni level (or proto-Yaeyama level) it is still difficult to know what suffixes may have been added to a variety of these forms.

4.2 Irregular Verbs In the same manner that the regular verbs of the three languages of Sakishima were compared and proto-Sakishima forms reconstructed, the same is attempted with the two irregular verbs, 'come' and 'do' (82).

(82) Irregular Verb Classes M·ak ly~ 0 Form VOL

*k- 'come' *ko

*s- 'do' *su(ju)

IMP

*ko:

*su:

INF (1)

*ki

*si I *asVsi

INF (2)

*ki I *ku

*sI: I *asVsI

PFT

*ki(si)tari

*(a)sV(s)itari -*itamu

CONT

*ki(si)

*si: I *asVsi:

CND

*ki(si)

*si I *asi

A I C (1)

*ku I *ki

*SVSI I *asl

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

228

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

IMP

*ko:

CONC (2)

*ku:m

*siru / *asiru *kisim

Yaeyama *k- 'come' Fonn VOL *ku: *k;:,: IMF INF

PFI' ADN

IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

*ki: *k*ko *ko: *ki *kr: *klmu

*sVslm

*aslm

*s- 'do' *sa: *sa: *sai *s*sau *sae *sai *Sl: *saumu

Yonagum Fonn *k- 'come' VOL *ko: IMF *ko: < *k;:,: *ki INF PFI' *kADN *ko: *ko: IMP CND *ko CONC (1) *ki: CONC (2) *komu I have not provided data for 'do' in Yonaguni because the two 'do' verbs (iru!J and kiru!J) appear to be non-cognate with the rest of Sakishima. Based on the available data as presented above, the proto-fonns for the two irregular verbs in Sakishima can be reconstructed as follows.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

229

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

(83) Proto-forms for 'Come' and 'Do' *s- 'do' *s:}(yu)

IMF

*k- 'come' *ko *k:}:

INF PFr ADN IMP CND CONC (1) CONC (2)

*ki: *k*ko *ko: *ke *kl: *komu / *kimu

*sai *s*sau *sase / *siro *sai *sl: *sasomu

Form VOL

*s:}

The rather odd reconstruction for 'do' requires some comment. Data from the various languages suggest that there is allophony of the vowel in the initial syllable of this verb, with alternation of *a *;}.7 It is possible that the proto-RyUkyUan stem of this verb is *sas-, and in Miyako the verb underwent simplification, and then reanalysis, which resulted in two different forms: *s- and *as-. Our conclusion is that the *as- form is a simplified form of the original verb *sas-, with loss of the initial consonant phoneme. Based on this analysis, it is possible that the infinitive and adnominal forms should also have a medial -s- posited. In the end, Uchima (1984:231) ends up reconstructing four proto-forms for a number of conjugations of the verb 'do'. As an example, for the imperfect and infinitive, he reconstructs the following forms (84):

7 Thorpe (1983:286) mentions that there is a common innovation in Sakishima where verb stems vacillate between uCu - uCa (where C is a non-syllabic segment). This should be altered to *uCo - *uCa (where the *0 here could have been *;), also).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

230

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(84) Uchima's Proto-form for 'do' 'Do' Infinitive 'Do' Im~rfective *sa *Si *sura *aSi *aSi (*Si) *so *ase

---

This overcomplicates the history of the verb, and I believe that the solution presented above not only simplifies things, but hopefully also answers the question as to why there are two competing verbs in some languages. A word should also be added about the verb 'come' in Yonaguni. As this verb has a complex morphological history in Japonic, it is interesting to juxtapose the reconstruction of the proto-forms of this verb in Yaeyama with Yonaguni, listed below.

(85) 'Corne ,.ID Yionagum Form VOL IMF INF PFr ADN IMP CND CONC(l) CONC (2)

PY *ku: *k;}:

Yonaguni ku: ku:

*ki: *k*ko *ko: *ki *ki": *ki"mu

Ii: suN ku: ku: ku

Ii: kUIJ

PYG *ko: *ko: *ki *kir*ko: *ko: *ko *ki: *komu

One word needs to be said at the outset. The rule in Yonaguni is that morpheme-initial velars paired with a high front vowel undergo the following development (cf. Thorpe 1983:73): *ki > *si" > ci. Granted, Thorpe's own explanation here is a bit oversimplified. Clearly Yonaguni has undergone the same development of spirantization as Hateruma: *ki > k!i' > si'. It is thus curious at first glance that the verb 'corne' in the infinitive, conditional, and John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

231

conclusive form does not have an affricate, but a fricative. This can be explained as the morphology of the verb having stopped the phonological change halfway through the process. On the other hand, Uchima's explanation (1984:238) of this development as *ki -+ ki' -+ tfi: -+ fi: creates a scenario without precedent in Yonaguni. It is simpler (and more accurate) to delete the third step, and posit spirantization. Uchima (1984:238) continues to consistently apply his approach of using the same input for both the volitional and conclusive forms, as addressed above. It is unfortunate that Uchima has only relied on three languages on the island of Ishigaki (lshigaki, Ohama, Kabira) and then leapfrogged over the other islands to Yonaguni. This is especially true in the case of the verb 'corne', because the forms from Hateruma are of great value. All four languages Uchima quotes for the imperfective have ku:, and he reconstructs *ko here. The question is how to assess the Hateruma form ka. As mentioned above relative to the volitional suffix -oyo / -aya, I believe the most elegant solution is to posit the proto-form with the vowel *~. Thorpe (1983:160-61) admits that the forms suI) (PFT) and ku: (ADN) are odd, but he notes that Hateruma has kUI) and ku, which may mean that the YG forms are ultimately loans. Perhaps the question can be answered with greater clarity when proto-Ryiikyiian is better understood. 5.0 Proto-Sakishima Accent A comparison of the accent of the two languages I have reconstructed, . proto-Miyako, proto-Yaeyama, with modem Yonaguni, will allow the reconstruction of the accent for protoSakishima. Starting with monosyllables, the data in the database obligate us to reconstruct three accent classes for proto-Sakishima. These are noted in (86).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

232

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(86)MonosyJIIa b'Ie A eeent PM PY a b c

*_0 L.H *01 H.L *_0 L.H

*-0

-0

H.H

H.H

*_0 L.F

PS

PYGIS *-0 H.H *01 H.L *_0 L.H

-0

L.L

Examples of these three accent classes are given below (87). (87) R eeons t rue ted Gloss PM *-ti? blood hair * keL.H leaf *palH.L *_na L.H name * _pa L.H tooth hand *telH.L

M onosYJIIa b'Ie A eeent PY * tiH.H * keH.H *pal H.L *na1H.L * _pa L.F *_te L.F

PYG -cci: HH.H -ki: HH.H -pa: HH.H -na: HH.H _pa: LL.L - ti: LL.L

PS *-ti H.H *-keH.H *palH.L *nalH.L * _pa L.H *_te L.H

A comparison of the data for disyllabic nouns in the Sakishima languages presents us with a more complex picture. Shimabukuro (2007:259-66) reconstructs three accent classes for disyllabic nouns, but one, his (c) posits vowel length at the proto-Rylikylian level. This extremely important discovery is based, however, on data from Okinawan dialects, and thus is not relevant at this level of our reconstruction. Nevertheless, it is a perceptive finding, and requires some attention by us, below. First, based on the correspondences of two of the three accent classes of disyllabic nouns in Sakishima, I reconstruct the following (which is heavily influenced by Shimabukuro [2007:259-61]).

8 While I do not reconstruct accent for pre-Yonaguni. I do give a phonemic reconstruction of the word. Therefore. the PYG column contains the Yonaguni accent with a reconstructed form of the word in question.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

(88) D'IsylIIa b'IC A ccent PY PM

*-001 HH.L *_001 LH.L

a b

*-001 HH.L *_001 LH.L

233

YG -00 LH.H _00 LL.L

PS *-001 HH.L * 001 LH.L

Examples of these two accent classes are given below: (89) R econstruc t'Ion ~or D'ISylIIa b'IC CIasses a andb Gloss nose ox cloud rain

PM *-pana I HH.L *-usi IHH.L *_fumo I LH.L * amelLH.L

PY *-pana1 HH.L *-usi I HH.L *_kumo I LH.L * amelLH.L

PYG *-panaLH.H *-usi LH.H *_CVmo LL.L *_ameLL.L

PS *-panal HH.L *-usil HH.L *_kumo I LH.L * amelLH.L

The difficulty arises when dealing with the third accent class. Shimabukuro's perceptive assessment that this third accent class preserves proto-Ryiikyiian vowel length in the initial syllable is as follows: However, in contrast to Hattori, I hypothesize a correlation between vowel length and initial-syllable low register in earlier forms. There are four reasons for this. First, a systematic correspondence exists between the vowel length of some dialects (e. g. Shuri) and the initial accent of other dialects (e. g. Nakijin). Second, a number of disyllabic nouns belonging to traditional accent classes 2.3-5 have a long vowel in the initial syllable and these nouns begin with a low pitch .... The third reason is that a long vowel tends to lower intrinsic pitch in comparison with its short vowel... (2007:264).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

234

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

According to Shimabukuro, there is some sporadic evidence for this initial-low and long syllable in the languages of Sakishima. Within the database there is only one, possibly two, words that fit this criterion. The most obvious is 'bucket' where over half the languages have the word with vowel-length preserved in the first syllable. Another possible candidate is 'shade', where Nagahama and Kuninaka, both on the island of Irabu in Miyako, have ka:gi. No other language in Sakishima preserves this. Interestingly, Miyara (1981:116) notes that the word ka:gi exists in Ishigaki, but he notes, "However, the (Ishigaki) people are using the Okinawan word in toto." Because of the dearth of data here I have eschewed reconstructing vowel length for 'shade' at the proto-Sakishima level. Because of this lack of data for vowel length in the first syllable of certain words in Miyako and Yaeyama, I have been obligated to posit a third accent class that differs somewhat from Shimabukuro, as follows (90): (90)ReconstruCtion ~or D·lSylna b·IC CIassc PM PY PYG *00 c *00 OO~ LL.L LL.L LF.L

PS *_OO~ LF.L

This last class corresponds to the earlier mainland Japanese classes 2.3, 2.4, and 2.5. Examples are below:

I 0fD·IsylIIa b·IC CIassc (91) E xamples PY PYG PM Gloss bone *poneLL.L *poneLL.L *punel LF.L needle voice

*pari LL.L *koeLL.L

*parrLL.L *koe LL.L

*pailLF.L *koelLF.L

PS *_ponel LF.L * _pariI LF.L * koWel LF.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

235

Finally, based on these data, I am obligated to reconstruct six different accent classes for trisyllables. ° Ua b IC A ccent (92) T nSYI PY PM O

a

b c

-d

*-0001 HHH.L

*000 HHH.H *-0001 HHH.L

*_0001 LHH.L

-000 LHH.H _000 LLL.L

*0010 LHL.L

e *000 LLL.L

T

PYG

0001 LHH.L *_0001 LHH.L

PS

*-000 HHH.H *-0001 HHH.L * 0001 LRH.L *_000 LLH.H *0010 LHL.L *0001 LHF.L

Examples of words that belong to each of the six classes (A-F) are listed below (93). (93) Trisyllabic Accent Classes Class A PM PY Gloss belt *-sukobi1 *-sukobil HHH.L HHH.H knee *- tigusi 1 *-tubusil HHH.L HHH.H male *- bekedomV1 *- bekedomo1 HHH.L HHH.H

PYG *-CVtuN LH.H *-Nbuci LHH.H *-begaLH.H

PS *-sukobi HHH.H *-tubusi HHH.H *-bekedomo HHH.H

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

236

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Class B Gloss gold strength twenty years

Class C Gloss nosebleed toilet

Class D Gloss calendar finger

Class E Gloss crow female left (side)

PM *-koganel HHH.L *-tikaral HHH.L *- patatil HHH.L

PY *koganel HHH.L *-tIkaral HHH.L *patatil HHH.L

PM *_panatil LHH.L *_furi ILH.L

PM *_koyumVl LHH.L *_uyubel LHH.L

PM *garasa LLL.L *medomV LLL.L *pidari LLL.L

PY *-panazil HHF.L *-puri"yal HHF.L

PY *koyulmi LHL.L *uyolbe LLL.L

PY *gara lsv LHL.L *medolmo LHL.L *pida lri LHL.L

PYG *-kogane LHH.H *- sikara *-patati LHH.H

PS *-kogane I HHH.L *- tibra1 HHH.L *-patatil HHH.L

PYG *-panadi LHH.H *puruyal LHF.L

PS *_panadil LRH.L *_puri"ya I LRH.L

PYG *_koyumi LLL.L *_uyube LLL.L

PS *_koyumi LLH.H *_uyobe LLH.H

PYG *garasil LHH.L *menogal LHF.L *Ndail LHF.L

PS *garalsV LHL.L *medolmo LHL.L *pidali LHL.L

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

237

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

Class F PM Gloss cousin *etuku LLL.L eel *unazi LLL.L medicine *fusuri LLL.L

PY *_etukul LHH.L *_unagil LHH.L *_kusuri"l LHH.L

PYG *itukul LHH.L *nadal LH.L *CVsuril LHF.L

PS *etukul LHF.L *unagil LHF.L *kusuri·l LHF.L

6.0 Classification of Yonaguni I conclude this reconstruction of proto-Sakishima with an explanation of what I consider to be Yonaguni's relation with the other languages in the Sakishima language family. Many have viewed Yonaguni from various angles: the out-cast member in a rather homogenous group; the black sheep of the family whose parent is still somewhat unclear, the aberrant teenager walking his own way, or even the grandpa of the clan having preserved a few of the oldest features of the language even while it has undergone wide sweeping phonological changes. It has been argued by several scholars, most notably Nakasone (19) and Kajiku (1984:298-300), that Yonaguni should be classified with the Yaeyama language family because of a number of similarities. Unfortunately, similarity in phonological data (shared retentions) are not as helpful in classifying genetic members of a family as comparing shared innovations. It will be helpful to review some of these data, from both Miyako and Yaeyama. Rather than concentrating on the vast differences of Yonaguni and the other Sakishima languages, let us consider several striking similarities, which I believe argue for a strong affinity between Miyako and Yonaguni. While such evidence is always open to interpretation, I believe it helps cement Yonaguni in the Sakishima language group. Miyako has a strong tendency to lenite voiceless obstruents when occurring before a high back vowel (*pu > ju, *ku > fu). Consider the following three words, comparing the Ikema and Yonaguni forms.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

238

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

*kura 'child' > IK ffa, YG ha: *kumo 'cloud' > IK q;unu, YG Nmu *puka- 'deep' > IK hukasaN, YG kka:N These three examples illustrate that Yonaguni and Miyako share this change of lenition. Here are examples one and three diagrammed to better demonstrate this change (x). (x) *kura 'child'

*pukasaN'deep' ,/'>..

,/'>..

fura

fura

hukasaN

hukasaN

l

l

l

l

fl}fa

fl}wa

hukasaN

hl}kahaN

l

l

l

ffa

fwa

hukasaN

l

l

IK

ffa

fa:

IK

YG

l kka:N

YG

Ikema (Miyako) undergoes lenition in several environments, and Yonaguni simply takes those environments and adds several more changes. This shared innovation suggests, somewhat weakly that Yonaguni belongs to the Sakishima family. Another interesting characteristic concerns the morphology of adjectives (or stative verbs). Most of the dialects in the Ryfikyfis tend to conjugate adjectives by attaching -sa-ari to the stem. But this is not true of Miyako and Yonaguni. Miyako affixes ku-ari to the stem. I believe that sa-ari is an innovation within the RyfikyUs, and that Miyako and Yonaguni have a shared retention here of the ku-ari form. The following chart shows this (94):

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

239

. M orpJh 002Y I (94) Shared R etentIon lD high (INF) high (ADN) long (INF) long (ADN)

Miyako takafu takakai" nagafu nagakai"

Yonaguni tagagu tagaru na:gu na:ru

Ishigaki takasa: takasa:nu nagasa: nagasa:nu

I realize that the conventional wisdom so far has placed Yonaguni in the sa-ari world of adjectives in Yaeyama, with most saying that -sa has dropped. I have yet to find an environment where sa would drop, however. It seems more persuasive to me to argue that -ku- lenited to -hu- in Yonaguni, and then went to zero with the affixation of the verbal -al). Granted there are adjectives like barusaN 'bad' in Yonaguni that have -sa affixed, but I propose that Yonaguni has undergone the same kind of development as Tarama Island in Miyako, which Lawrence (2003) has persuasively argued, was a -ku-ari dialect that borrowed the -sa-ari forms from Yaeyama later. I claim that both Miyako and Yonaguni share the same retention here, with -ku-ari. Another interesting morphological similarity between Miyako and Yonaguni is the shared retention of the nominative case marker. In Yaeyama the nominative case marker is *nozo (*no + kakari particle) > nudu, and in some languages this has undergone further changes to ndu or simply duo This development is also seen sporadically in Hirara (Miyako) as nutu. But notice that Nagahama and Tarama in Miyako preserve ga, and in some cases gadu (with the kakari particle). Yonaguni also has Nga < *ga as the nominative case marker. A phonological change shared by both Miyako and Yonaguni is the loss of the tap before the high front vowel (95):

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

240

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(95) L ossof a ta p be~ore a h'Iglh vowe dance light needle

HR budu"I pIka"r < *pikari pi"I

IK budui hjkai

YG budi-kiruN agai < *akari

IG buduruN akarl

HX budurI-siN agarl

hai

hai

pari paru

p~rl

On just this evidence we could possibly argue that Yonaguni is closer to Miyako than any of the Yaeyama languages. However, there is abundant evidence that Y onaguni is also closely related to Hateruma, a Yaeyama language. There is evidence that similar phonological changes have led to syllabic compression in Yonaguni and Hateruma. Both Hateruma and Y onaguni are traveling this path, but Y onaguni has taken it one step further. First there is the change to a high mid vowel, devoicing, and then loss of a syllable. Below I present a chart of Yaeyama dialects to illustrate this. (96) SUb' VI a Ie CompreSSIOD IG HZ clothing klIJ kiIJ khinu yesterday klnu day pI:rl pi:ru tsiki' moon siki

HX S}lJu S}lJu: < klnu~ P}SU sikiIJ I sukeIJ

YG nnani nnu: c'u: tti I kku

The Y onaguni word for clothing requires a bit of added explanation. I postulate the following development: if the vowel devoiced sometime during what Thorpe calls the Old Yonaguni period, the spirant would have merged with the nasal in the second syllable (*kinu > hnu > *ksi"nu > *si"nu > *sinu > Nnu). This form then became fossilized with *ne > ni attached to it. It is unclear what this *ne is, but it may be related to ne 'baggage, cargo' as

9 Miyara (1981: 143) notes that in Hateruma the word is kiilU, but in Shiraho, a dialect that originated from Hateruma, the word is s'iilU.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

241

PROTO-SAKISHIMA

fabric had to be shipped to the island. It is well known that in Yonaguni high vowels are prone to devoicing and the consonants collapse into the vacuum. Yonaguni also velarizes nasals plus high vowels. I believe that the high back vowel in the second syllable lowered to avoid further syllabic compression (*nnuni > nnani), which would have created an unpronounceable form like **nnnni. The final stage of this development is: *nnu-ne > nnani. Another innovation is voicing of medial -k- to -g- as the following examples show (it should be noted that in Yonaguni *gu > Ngu is a regular development, as is *ko > gu:

. Yaeyama (97) Shared I DDovatiODm IG HZ HX bum jakul) jakul) jagul) arise ukirul) ukirul) ugirul) naga middle naka naka juko:1) juku:1) jogosul) rest rudder, jaku jaku ijagu oar saw nukki'ri' nugi'ri' nukiru

YG dagul) ugirul) naga dugul) daNgu nugudi

Based on this complex data I diagram the Sakishima family as shown below (figure xi). I believe proto-Yaeyama split into two groups, Hateruma and Ishigaki. While it would seem that Hateruma and Yonaguni may be closely related, some resemblance is likely nothing more than isolated innovations on two unrelated islands. Further research needs to be conducted on Hateruma before any far-reaching conclusions can be reached.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

242

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

(xi) Proto-Sakishima

Yonaguni

Yaeyama

Miyako

~

Hateruma

Ishigaki

~ /o~ Hatoma

Taketomi

Ohama

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPENDIX

LIST OF

PROTO-SAKISHIMA DATA This appendix contains data used in the reconstruction of Proto-Sakishima. There are 505 words (but 565 entries), arranged alphabetically by gloss. Information in the appendix appears in the following order: English gloss, proto-Sakishima form, protoMiyako form, Miyako data, proto-Yaeyama form, Yaeyama data, pre-Yonaguni form, and Yonaguni data. When the PS form has no accent marked it is because the accentual data is incongruent, and a proto-accent cannot be established. In this case a note is given in parentheses. adult

after

again

all

PS *upopIto (accent is incongruent) > PM *- upopito1 > HR upu lp:itu, IK hubbi ltu, NH ukupJ"tu, TM upupJ"tu, PY *_upopIto') > 10 ufupItu, KB u:pitu, KS ubu lpisu, SN ufupl tu, HX bu:pItu, HZ ubupusu, PYO *upopito > YO ubutuo (older form), ubutu') (modem form). PS *ato (accent is incongruent) > PM *_ato1 > HR atu 1, IK atu1. NH atu, TM altu, PY *ato > 10 atu, KB atu 'next', KS ato:ra, HX atu, PYO *ato > YO atu') . PS *- mata1 > PM *- mata1 > HR mataldu, IK matamai, NH mata, TM mata, PY *- mata1 > 10 - mata, KB mata, KS mata, SN mata, HX mata, HZ mata, PYO *mata > YO -mata. PS *-mVna1 > PM *mVnal > HR m:ma1. IK m:na1. NH m:na, TR m:na. John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

244

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

all

PS *- "boru1 > PY *- mo:ru1 > IG - mu:ru, KB mu:ru, KS - mu:ru1, SN mu:ru, HX muru, Komi mu:ru, HZ mu:ru, PYG *buru > YG - buru. also PS *m::l-e > PM *mae > HR mai, IK mai, NH mai, TM mai, PY *mV > IG J) or m, KB J), KS J), SN n, HX J), HZ m, PYG *NV > YG J) or n. ancient times PS *- muka-si > PM *- mVkal- > HR rnkya1:J), IK J)kya:1J), Uechi J)kya:J), PY *_mukasi) > IG _mukasj, KS mukalJi, SN moJ (j:i, HX mugas·il. PYG *Nkasi > YG -Nkaci. and PS *to > PM *to > HR tu, IK tu,. NH tu, TM tu, PY *to > IG tu, KB tu, KS tu, HX tu, HZ tu, PYG *to > YG tu. animal PS *ekimosi (accent is incongruent) > PM *_ekimosi1 > HR ikSoimusil, IK itsimusil. NH itsimusi, TM - ikSoi1musi, PY *_ekimosi) > IG ikimusI, KB iklmusI, KS ikimuJi, HX isimusil. HZ ikimuJi, PYG *ikimosi > YG itimuci. arm PS *_ude1 > PM *_ude1 > HR udil. IK udil. NH udi, Uechi udil. TM udi, PY *_ude1> IG udi, KB undi, KS udi, SN di, HX ud3il. Kabira udi:, HZ udi, PYG *ude > YG udi. arrow PS *-(i)yal > PM *ya1 > HR ya:l. IK ya:l. NH ya:, TM ya:l. PY *- (i)ya1> IG - iya, SN ya:, HX ya:, Miyara - iya, HZ ya:. ash PS *paWe (accent is incongruent) > PM *pai > HR pal-i, IK karapai, NH karapai, TM karapai, PY *- pae1 > IG - pai, KB pai, KS pai, SN pai, HX pe:, HZ pai, PYG *pe- > YG _higun. astringent PS *sibu- > PY *sibu- > IG slppusa:J), KS Jivari, HX slpuhaJ), HZ Jibusa. PS *ni or *na > PM *N > HR J), IK J), NH J), TM J), PY at *na or *ni > IG naJ)ga, KB J)ge or J)ge:, KS na, HX nagi, HZ na, PYG *nezu > YG nidu.

ur

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

245

APPPENDIX

aunt

PS *woba (accent is incongruent) > PM *buba > HR bu lba, IK buba, NH buba, TM buba, PY *_ woba1 > IG - buba, KB bu: wa, KS bu: lba, SN af bu, HX bubal, HZ bo:ma, PYG *uba- > YG ubamiti (older form) or ubaiti. autumn PS *sisanasi > PM *sisanisi > HR ssansi·, IK ssaIJsl, NH ssaIJsl, TM ssaIJsl, PY *sisanasi > IG slsanasl, KB slsanisi, KS zaiSi, HX slsantsl. axe PS *-yukil > PM *-yukil >HR yUkSojl. IK yutsll. OG yukI, TM yukSoj. axe PS *_ wono1> PM *buno > NH bu:nu, TM bu:na 'axe for chopping trees', PY *_buno1 > IG bunu, KB buinu, KS bunu, SN bur nu, HX bunul. HZ bunu, PYG *bu:no > YG bu:nuo: (old form), _bunu. baby PS *aka-kura > PM *aka-gura > HR akaIJga, IK akavva, NH akavva, TM akavva, PY *aka-kura-ma > IG akafa:na, KB akafa:ma, KS attarifa, HX agatama, HZ gafyfa:ma, PYG *aka- > YG agaNga. bad PS *wa~/a- > PM *barikari- > HR balojkaloj, IK baikai, NH baIkal, PY *baras- > IG barasa:IJ, KB baraha:IJ, HX barusaIJ, HZ wassaIJ, PYG *warusa- > YG barusaIJ. bag

PS *_pukoru1> PM *_pukoru1> HR fykuru l. IK fyku 1m, NH fykuru, TM fyku1m, PY *_pukoru1> IG 3ykuru, KB

fuku 1u, KS fyku ln, SN fykur ru, HX fykuru l, PYG *pukoru > YG _kkuru. l. IK taki l. NH taki, bamboo PS *- take1 > PM *- take1 > HR taki o 0

0

TM t!;lki, PY *_take1> IG taki, KB taki, KS taki, SN t{ ki, HX t!;lki, HZ taki, PYG *take > YG - tagi. bark, see 'hide (skin)' barley PS *upo-mugi > PM *upu-mugi > HR upumugloj, IK humudzi·, NH ukumudzl, TM upumugloj, PY *upo-mugi > IG fu:mui, KB u:mui or ubumuIJ, HX ma:muIJ, Komi ubumun, HZ padaka-muIJ, PYG *umuN > YG umuIJ.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

246

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *ekusa > PM *ekusa > HR ivsa, IK NA, NH iva, TR iffa, PY *ekusa > IG ikusa (loan?), KB, ikusa, HX, ifutsa, PYG *ikusa > YG ikuca. be born PS *Vmare- > PM *Vmareri > HR mmariZ.i, IK mmari:, NH mmaril, TM mmaril, PY *mare- > IG mari I] , KB mariruI] , KS mari, SN ma:riru, HX ma:riruI], HZ mariI], PYG *mariruI] > YG mariruI]. beach PS *pama > PM *pama > HR pama, IK pama, NH pama, TM pama, PY *pama > IG pama, KB h~a, HX Pttrpa, HZ pama, PYG *pama > YG hama. bean PS *_marne1 > PM *_marne1 > HR mami1. IK marni1. NH marni, TM malrni, PY *_marne1 > IG mami, KB mi, HX ma:mi 1. HZ mami, PYG marni, KS marni, SN *mame > YG _ma:mi or _marni. bear (vb) PS *nas- > PM *nasi > HR naSI, IK naSI, NH naSI, TM naSI, PY *nasi > IG naslI], KB fa:na:fuI], HX naslI] or nasuI], HZ nasuI], PYG *na- > YG naI]. because PS *kara > PM *kara > HR kara, IK kara, NH kara, TM kara, PY *kara > IG kara, HX gara, HZ ra, PYG *-kara > YG YUI]gara. beard PS *- pige1> PM *- pige1> HR pSoigi1. IK higi1. NH pSoigi, TM pSoigi, PY *- pine1 > IG - plni, KB plI], KS pini, SN P.i9i, HX p:i9i, Miyara plni (old form), HZ pini, PYG *pige > YG -Ngi. belly PS *_ wata1> PM *_bata1> HR bata1, IK bata1, NH bata, TM balta, PY *_bata1 > IG bada, KB bada, KS bata, SN bida, HX bata1. HZ bata, PYG *bata > YG batao below PS *- sita1> PM *sita1> HR slta1, IK si"ta1. NH slta, TM slta:ra or si"lta, PY *- sita1> IG - si"ta, KB sltha, KS tsa:ra, battle

mar

.

.

.

.

.

SN f.ita, HX sJta, HZ ssanta:, PYG *sitara > YG ttaral.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

247

APPPENDIX

below

belt

PS *simo > PM *simo > HR slmu, NH simu (but simobayi 'grow underneath'), Karimata slmu, Kurima slmu, PY *simo > IG slmu, KB slmu, Aragusuku simu. PS *- sukobi > PM *- sukobi1 > HR sypIgZoi1, IK syku: l. NH sykubZoi, TM SypUgl, PY *sukobi > IG ufubl, KB

plkuI), KS fykubi, SN likJ bi, HX sykubl, HZ hukubi. big PS *upo- > PM *upokari > HR upykaZoi, IK huikai, NH ukykal, TM upySa:l, PY *upo- > IG ufu-, KB U:-, KS ubo:ha:, HX busahaI), HZ ufu-, PYG *upu > YG ubu-. bird PS *-toti1> PM *-tori1 > HR tuZli, IK tuil. NH tul, TM tul, PY *- toti1 > IG - turl, KB tuti or turu, KS tuti, HX tyrl, HZ turu. birthmark PS *aza > PM *aza > HR adza, IK ad3a, NH adza, TM ada, PY *aza > IG adza, KB anza, KS aza, HX anzaI), HZ adza, PYG *aza > YG ada. bite PS *kamu- > PM *kamV > HR kam, IK kam, NH kam, TM kam, PY *kamu- > IG kamuI) , KB kamuI) , HX k~muI), PYG *kamu- > YG kamuI). black PS *kuru > PM *ffu > HR ffu, IK ffu, NH ffu, 0G ffu, TM ffu, PY *kuru- > IG fufu, KB fufo:ha:I), KS vo:ha, HX fufu, HZ hufu, PYG *kuru- > YG hyru-iru. blade PS *_pa > PM *_pa > HR pa:l. IK ha:l. NH pa:, TM pa:1, PY *_pa > IG _pa:, KB pa:, KS pa:, SN pa1:, HX paI), PYG *pa > YG _ha:. blind PS *mekural > PM *mekura (loan?) > HR mikulra, NH mikura, TM mikura, PY *_mekural > IG _mikkwa:, KB mikkwa or mi:ffa:ru, KS mik1kwa:, SN mikkf wa, HX mikura1. HZ mikkwa:, PYG *meuka « *mekura?) > YG myukka: (older form), _mikka (newer form). blood PS *- ti > PM *-ti > HR tSISI, IK akatsl, NH akatsl, TM ak~tsl, PY *-ti > IG -tSI:, KB tSI:, KS Si:, SN tSi:, HX dzj:, HZ Si:, PYG *ti > YG - cci:.

.

.

.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

248

blow

blue

board

boat

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *puko- > PM *fuki > HR fykSoi, IK fyts), NH fyts), TM fyk\ PY *puko- > 10 fukuI], KB fukuI], KS fuku, HX fykuI], HZ pukhuI], PYO *puko- > YO kkuI]. PS *awo > PM *au > HR 0:, IK au, NH au, 00 aukam, TM 0: (but auJa:I), PY *awo > 10 au (but afa: in song), KB au, KS auha, HX 0:, HZ au, PYO *au > YO au. PS *_eta1> PM *3ta1> HR itsa1. IK itJa1. NH itsa, TM ilta, PY *_eta1> 10 _ita, KB ita1. KS itsa, SN if ta, HX ita1. PYO *ita > YO _ita. PS *_pune') > PM *fune > HR fu lni, IK funi, NH funi, TM fu lni, PY *pune > 10 _funi, KB funi, KS fu lni, SN fy lvi, HX fyI}i1. HZ funi, PYO *pune > YO Nni\

PS *_poneI > PM *pone > HR pu lni, IK huni, NH puni, TM pulni, PY *pone > 10 _puni, KB puni, KS pulni, SN PI} lI}i, HX pl}I}i1. HZ puni, PYO *pone > YO huni\ box PS *- pako1 > PM *- pako1 > HR paku1. IK haku, NH p~ku, TM palku, PY *- pako1> 10 - pi,lku, KB paku, KS paku, SN p~ku, HX p~ku, PYO *pako > YO - hagu. branch PS *- yuda1 > PM *- yuda1 > HR yuda1. IK yuda1. NH yuda, TM yuda, PY *- yuda1> 10 - yuda, KB yunda, KS yuda, SN yuda, HX yuda, HZ yuda, PYO *yuda > YO -duda. breast PS *_ti > PM *_ti > HR tsI:, IK tS):1, NH tsI:, TM tS):l, PY *_ti > IG - tSI:, KB futsl, KS Ji:, HX tst 1, HZ si, PYG *ti > YO _tti. breath PS *ekil > PM *eki > HR ilIc\ or its'i, IK its'i, NH its), 00 ikSoi, TM ilIc\, PY *eki > IG _ik"i, KB ikl, KS i lkj, SN ilkj, bone

HX iSi 1. PYO *iki > YG iti\ breathe PS *yubi > PM *yub- > HR yub'\, IK yuv, NH yuv, TM yub'i". breathe PS *sisu- > PY *sisuI] > IG slsuI], KB ikis), HX ssuI], HZ sU:I].

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

249

PS *- yume1 > PM *- yume1 > HR yumi 1. IK yumi, NH yumi, TM yumi, PY *-yume1> 10 -yumi, KB yu lmi, KS yumi, SN yumi, HX yumi, HZ yumi, PYO *yume > YO -dumi. bridegroom PS *moko1 > PM *moko > HR mu lku, IK muku, NH muku, TM mulku, PY *moko > IG _muku, KB muku, KS mu1ku, SN mu1ku, HX mugu1, HZ muku, PYG *moko > YG mugu}. bridge PS *-pasi1 > PM *-pasil > HR Ptl-s·il, IK htl-sll, NH Ptl-SI, bride

TM p~SI 'ladder', PY *-pasil > 10 -pasl, KB patsl, KS paSi, SN ptl-ii, HX Ptl-tSI, HZ paSi, PYO *pasi > YO - haci. broom PS *pauki > PM *pauki > HR po:k\ IK hautsl, NH pautsl, TM po:k1, PY *pauki > 10 pO:gl, KB po:k1, Aragusuku paukl, HX POtSI, HZ po:ki, PYG *puki > YO futti. broth (soup) PS *-Slru1> PM *-siru1> HR SI:1. IK SI:1. NH SI:, TM s"i: or Slru, PY *- Siru 1> IG - suru or - SIn, KB Siru or

su1:, KS Sin, SN ii1ru, HX ssu, Kabira SITU, HZ sU:, PYO *siru > YG _ciru. brother (older) PS *sozal > PM *soza > HR sudza, IK sud3a, PY *_slza1 > IG j"iza, KS Siza, SN Sirdza, HX Sarna1.

Taketomi sl:dza, PYG *soda > YO suda}. brother (older) PS *3za1> PM *_aza1> HR adza1. NH adza, TM a ld3a, PY *_aza1> IG _ad3a, HZ a:za. brother (younger) PS *utoto (accent is incongruent) > PM *utoto > HR ututu, IK uttu, NH utu, TM ut1tu, PY *utoto > IG _ututu, KB ututu, KS uiitu, SN utiiwa:, HX ututu, HZ usutu, PYG *utoto > YG _ututu. bubble PS *awa > PM *awa > HR awa, IK awa, NH awa, TM e:tslb·i, PY *aCa-boko > IG a:, KB aifutsu, KS a:, SN a:, HX alJ or asipe:, Komi abuku, HZ a:tsube, PYG *a- > YG ambuku. bucket PS *wo:kel > PM *wu:ke > HR u:lkJ, Uechi u:ki1. TM gu lki, PY *wo:ke > 10 _uki, KB o:ge:, KS u:lki, SN

J gi,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

250

bud bum

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

HX uki1. Taketomi bu:ki, HZ u:ki, PYG *wo:ke > YG vu:gi: (older fonn), ugil. PS *~aW'i > PM *me > HR mi:, IK mi:, NH mi:, PY *ba'i > IG bai, HX be:, HZ bai, PYG *bai > YG bai. PS *moWer- > PM *moeri > HR mui'i, IK mui, NH muiul, TM muil, PY *mo'i- > IG muiIj, KB muiruIj, KS muiruIj, SN mo:c;;iIj, HX me:ruIj, Taketomi mo:ruIj, HZ muiruIj, PYG *moeru- > YG muiruIj.

buttocks PS *-tibi1 > PM *-tibi1 > HR tJibi1, IK tibi1. NH tsibita, TM tSibi, PY *-tibi1 > IG -tJibi, KB tJipi (older fonn) or tSibi, KS Jibi, SN tripi, HX Sjpi, PYG *Nbi > YG _Nbi. calendar PS *_koyumi > PM *_koyumV1 > HR kuyuIj 1, IK kuyu1Ij, Uechi kuyum1, TM kuju1m, PY *koyu1mi > IG _kuyuIj,

cat

KS kuyuIj, SN kuyu1Ij, HX kuryo:Ij 1. HZ kuyuIj, PYG *koyumi > YG *_kuyumi (loan?). PS *may~ (accent is incongruent) > PM *- mayu1 > HR

mayu1. IK mayu1. NH mayu, Uechi mayu, TM mayu, PY *_maya1 > IG _maya, KB maya, KS maya, SN marya, HX mayu, HZ maya, PYG *mayu > YG ma:yu\ cave (hole) PS *gama > PM *gama > HR gama, IK gama, NH gama, TM gama, PY *gama > IG gama, KS gama, HX gamaIj, Miyara gama, HZ gama, PYG *gama > YG ga:ma. centipede PS *mVkaza-il > PM *_mVkaze1 > HR nkad3il, IK nkaldi, Uechi m:kad3i, TM nkald3a, PY *_mVkaza1> IG _Ijgadza, cheek

chest

KS

Ijka1za, SN moJdza,

HX mukad3i,

Aragusuku Ijkazya, PYG *Nkade > YG Nkadi1. PS *kamaki > PM *kamaki > HR kamakSoi, IK kamats'i, NH kamats'i, TM kamats'i, PY *kamati > IG kamatsi, HX ktlmatsi, PYG *kamaki or *kamate > YG kamati. PS *mune > PM *- mune1 > HR mmi1. IK mmi1uts'i, NH mmiuts'i (but Sarahama muni), OG mmifuk'i, TM mni, PY

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

251

*-mVne1> 10 -nni, KB mino:ts!, KS nni, SN muni, HX nits!, HZ nni, PYG *CVne > YO Nni. child PS *yarabe > PM *yarabe > HR yarabi, IK yarabi, NH yarabi, TM yarabi, PY *yarabe > 10 yarabi, KB yarabi, KS yarabi, Taketomi yarabi, HZ yarabi, PYO *yarabe > YO yarabi. child PS *- kura1 > PM *_kura1 > HR ffa: 1 (but bikivva 'male child'), IK ffa:1. TM ffa:, PY *-kura1 > 10 -fa:, fa:ma, KS fa:1'daughter', SN fa:, HX fa: 'boy', HZ fyfa, PYO *pa > YG-ha. chin PS *_ago1 > PM *_ago1 > HR agz"i1. IK agu1. NH agu, TM agZ.i, PY *_ago1 > 10 _agu, KS agu, Uehara agu. chin PS *- kakozi1 > PY *- kakozi\ > 10 - kakudz"i, KB kakuts"i, KS hakud3i, SN k~kulSi, HX hakotsi, Komi kakutsu, HZ kakutsi, PYO *kakodi > YO - kagudi. clogs PS *asilda > PM *asida > HR atltsa, IK attSa, Uechi attSa1. TM as!lIa, PY *asilIa > 10 _as"idza, KB as"ita KS as.ilttsa, SN aSilIza, HX asi"ta (older form) or aJ.ita (newer form), HZ asittsa, PYO *asida > YO _acida. PS *- nuno1 > PM *- nunu1 > HR nunu1, IK nunu1, NH cloth nunu, TM nunu, PY *- nunc1 > 10 - nunu, KB nunu, KS nu:nu, SN nunu, HX nunu, HZ nu:nu, PYO *nuno > YO nunu. clothing PS *_kinu1 > PM *_kin V1 > HR k5-il) 1. IK ts"il) 1. NH tS"iI), TM k5-i11), PY *_kinu1> 10 _kIl), KB k5-inu, KS kil), SN kif nu, HX s"inu1, PYO *kinune > YO Nnanil. o cloud PS *_kumo1 > PM *_fumo1 > HR fumu 1, IK qunu1, NH fumu, 00 fumu, Sawada fumu, Kurima fumu, Yonaha fuma, TM fu1mu, PY *_kumo1 > 10 _fumu, KB fumo:, KS fumu, SN f! rpu, HX fymol) 1. HZ humu, PYO *CVmo > YO _Nmu. cold PS *pesa- > PM *pisekari > HR pSYSikaZ.i, IK SJ.ikai, NH pSY:Sikam, TM pi:Sa:l, PY *pesa- > 10 pi:sal), KB pisahal), 0

0

0

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

252

color

comb

come

cook

comer

cough

count

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

KS pi:yami, HX pisahaI), HZ pi:yaI), PYG *pisa- > YG hisaI). PS *_eru1> PM *_eru1> HR iru1, IK iru1. NH iru, TM i1m, PY *_eru1 > IG _iru, KB iru, KS iru, SN ifru, HX iru1. HZ iru, PYG *iru > YG _iru. PS *_kusi1> PM *_fusi1 > HR fvs11, IK fvs11, NH fvsI, OG fufi, Sawada fusI, Kurirna fusI, Yonaha ffu, TM fu lsI:,

..

.

PY *_kusi1> IG _fusl, KB futsI, KS fvfi, SN furii, HX futsI1, HZ husi, PYG *kusi > YG _kVci (loan). PS *ko- > PM *k- > HR k:isI, IK fu:, NH fu:, TM kSoi:, PY *ko- > IG k'i(:)I), KB kUI), KS furuI) , SN kifu, HX kUI), HZ khu:I), PYG *ko- > YG kUI). PS *yak- > PM *yak- > HR yakSoi, IK yafu, NH yafu, TM yakSoi, PY *yak- > IG yakuI), KB yakuI) , KS yaki, HX yaguI), HZ yakuI), PYG *yaku- > YG daguI).

PS *_kado1 > PM *_kado1 > HR kadu1, IK kadu1. NH kadu, TM ka11u, PY *_kado1> IG _kadu, KB kandu, KS hadu, SN leafdo, HX kadu1. PYG *kado > YG _kadu. PS *esako'l > PM *esakI > HR isalk'i or is~ku, IK isagu, NH isak'i or isagu, TM ssalku, PY *Vsako > 10 _sa:gu, KB sako:, KS dza: lku, SN sa19o, HX stlko1. HZ sj'sa: ku, PYG *soki > YO sutil. PS *yum- > PM *yum- > HR yum, IK yum, NH yum, TM yum, PY *yum- > IG yumuI), SN yu:rni, HX yumuI), HZ yumuI), PYG *yum- > YG dumuI).

cousin PS *etuku'l > PM *etuku > HR it.f.ilfu, IK it$Vfu, NH its.ifu, TM itftl1fu, PY *_etukuI > IG _itfifu, KB itfulku, KS is)ku, SN itfJ fu, HX itfifu1, HZ itfifu, PYG *ituku > YG itiguI or itfu.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

crab

crow

253

PS *kani (accent is incongruent) > PM *kani > HR kaI),

IK kaI), NH kaI), PY *- kani 1> IG - kaI), KB kai, HX kaI),

HZ gani, PYG *kaNna > YG kaNna1. PS *garalsv > PM *garasa > HR garalsa, IK garasa, NH garasa, TM garalSa, PY *garalsv > IG _garasi", KB garasi',

KS garalSi, SN gara1.0, HX garaSi"l, HZ garasa, PYG

cut

dance

dark

*garasa or *garasi > YG garasa or garaci1. PS *kis- > PM *kis- > HR k:isi", IK si":ts"i:, NH tS"i:, TM kS.i:, PY *kis- > IG k"isuI), KB k"is'i, KS kisi, HX ssuI), HZ kisuI), PYG *kis- > YG ccuI). PS *wodor- > PM *budori > HR budu''i, IK budui, NH budul, TM budul, PY *budor- > IG buduruI), KB bunduri, KS bud uri, HX buduri"-si"I), HZ budurusuI), PYG *budi- > YG budi-kiruI). PS *kura- > PM *ffakari > HR ffaka'i", IK ffakai, NH ffakam, TM ffaSa:l, PY *kura- > IG fufasa:I), KB fufa:ta:n, KS va:ha, HX fahaI), HZ hl}faI), PYG *kura- > YG dwaI).

day after tomorrow PS *asate') or asito') > PM *asate or asiH > HR alSni, IK asati, Uechi asa lti, TM as'iltu, PY *_as ito') > IG _asoi"tu, KB asutu, KB a.IJ ltu, SN a.Of ti, HX asi"tu1, HZ aSitu, PYG *asate > YG asati1. day before yesterday PS *wototoWi') > PM *-butotoil > HR bults"itui", IK butultui, Uechi bututui", TM butu ltui", PY *_budodoi') > IG _bududui, KB bududi, KS bulSutui, SN buj)fti, HX bututsil, HZ busutui, PYG *bututi > YG butuci1. daytime PS *- piruma > PM *- piruma1 > HR pS.i:ma1 or pi"rulma, IK hi:ma, NH pl:ma, OG pS.isi"ma, TM pS.i:ma, PY *piruma > IG -p"iro:ma or -p"i:r"i, KB p'isuma, KS pisuma or pinitSi, SN pisaI), HX pisu, HZ pi:ru, PYG *piruma > YG 3u:ma or ci:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

254

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

deaf

PS *sipisa > PM *sipisa > HR sJp:isa, NH sjplza, TM

deaf

sJp:isa. PS *_meN-toor- > PY *meN-toor- > IG _mil)-to:ra, KB

min-to:rimunu, HX mil)-to:ri1. PYG *meN- > YG _mil]-tura. deaf PS *meNka > PY *meNka > KB mil]ka:, Komi mil]ga:, SN mil]ga:, HZ mil)ga:. defecation PS *kuso > PM *kusu > HR fysu, IK fysu, NH fysu, TM fYJu, PY *kuso > IG fYJu, KB fyfu, KS ZZU:, SN fusu, HX futsu, HZ sysu, PYG *kuso > YG ccu:.

PS *_kamV1 > PM *_kamV1 > HR ka1m, IK kam1. NH kam, TM ka1m, PY *_kamVl > IG _kal), KB kamputuki, KS hal], SN kal], HX kal], Uehara kam, HZ kal], PYG *kaN > YG _kal]. demon (devil) PS *oni > PM *onV > HR un, IK 01], NH on, TM on, PY *uni > IG ul), KB ul), KS ul), HX ul], HZ uni, PYG *uN> YG Ul). die PS *sin- > PM *sin- > HR Sll), IK Sll], NH Sll), TM Sll), PY *sin- > IG slnul) , KB sjnul) , KS Jini, HX s'inul), HZ sinul), PYG *CVner- > YG Nnirul). dig PS *por- > PM *pori > HR puZ,i, IK hui, NH pul, TM pul, PY *por- > IG purul], KB purul), KS puri, HX pyrul], HZ purul], PYG *poru- > YG hurul]. dirt (grime) PS *ffikaba (accent is incongruent) > PM *naba > HR nalba, NH naba, Uechi naba1, TM na1ba, PY *~aba1 > IG ~aba, KB gaba, KS gaba, SN giba, HZ gaba:, PYG *gaba > YG gaba. dirty PS *sipu- > PM *sipu- > HR sJkata, IK Hana, NH Hanagi, TM sjputal. deity

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

255

APPPENDIX

dirty

dirty do

dog

PS *yani > PY *yani- > IG yaniSSa:I), KB yaneha:I), KS yaniyaI), SN yanisai, HX yanisahaI), HZ yanyaI), PYG *yani- > YG di:naI). PS *usu- > PY *usu- > IG ususa:I), Aragusuku ususa:I), PYG *u:- > YG u:sa:I). PS *s- > PM *(a)s- > HR aSI, IK hu:, NH aSI, OG aSI, TM SI:, PY *s- > IG sUI), KB fO:I), KS Si:ruI), HX sUI), SN sUI), HZ sUI), PYG *siru- (?) > YG kiruI).

PS *_enu1 > PM *_en V1 > HR ilI), IK iI) 1, NH iI), TM ilna, PY *_enu1 > IG _iI), KB ilnu, KS iI), SN

ifI), HX

inu1, HZ iI), PYG *inu > YG _inu (loan?). doubt PS *utagaCu > PM *utagau > HR utago:, IK utagau, NH utagau, TM utagu:, PY *utagaCu- > IG utago:I), KB utangai, HX utage:ruI), HZ utagauI), PYG *utagau > YG utaNgai. doubt PS *kura- > PM *kura- > IK vvyanna aSI, TM fI}Sumi:l, PY *kura-bi- > IG futagai, KS vabi. down, see 'below' dragonfly PS *akezu (accent is incongruent) > PY *- (k)-akezu') > IG - kake:dzI, KB ake:ntsI, KS hake:zi, HX aidzI, HZ agotse:ma, PYG *akezaN > YG agidaN\ dream PS *eme > PM *eme > HR imi, IK imi, NH imi, TM mmi, PY *eme > IG imi, KB imi, KS imi, HX imi, HZ imi, PYG *ime > YG imi. drink PS *nom- > PM *nom- > HR num, IK num, NH num, TM num, PY *nom- > IG numuIJ, KB numuI), KS numi, HX numuIJ, HZ numuIJ, PYG *nom- > YG numuI). dry PS *kawarak- > PM *karaki > HR ka:rakSoi. IK ka:tsI, NH katsI, TM ka:rak\, PY *kaCaraku- > IG ka:raguI), KB ka:rakuIJ, KS ha:raki, HX kabakuIJ, Kabira ka:rag'i, HZ kha:rake:IJ, PYG *kawar- > YG kabaruI).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

256

dull dull dust

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *nebu- > PM *nebukari > HR nivkaZ.i, II{ j1u:kai, NH nivkal, TM nifyJ:l, PYG *nebusa- > YG niNsag. PS *namar- > PY *namar- > IG namarug, KB namari, HX namarag, SN na:mari. PS *pu/okori (accent is incongruent) > PM *_poke1> HR puki1, IK puki, NH puki, Uechi puki1. TM puki, PY *pukori > IG - fukui, KB fukuntsl, KS fukui, HX fukudzl, Uehara fukuri, HZ pukhui, PYG *puko- > YG _kkug.

PS *_memV1 > PM *_memV1 > HR mi1m, IK mig 1. NH mim, TM mi1m, PY *_meN1 > IG _mig, KB mig, KS mig, SN mi19, HX mislkuru-mig, HZ mig, PYG *meN- > YG _miNtabu. ear (of rice, grain) PS *_po > PM *_po > HR pu:1. II{ hu:1, NH pu:, TM pu:1. PY *_po> IG _pU:, KS pU:, SN pu1:, HX pu:1, HZ pU:, PYG *po > YG _hu:. early PS *paya- > PM *paya- > HR pya:kaZ.i, IK pya:kai, NH pya:kal, TM pe:Ja:l, PY *paCa- > IG paisa:g, KB payaha:g, HX pe:sa:1], HZ paya:g, PYG *paya- > YG hayaN. earth PS *_mita1> PM *_mVta1> HR mta1. II{ nta1. NH mta, TM mla, PY *_mita1 > IG _nta, KB mita (as in akamita 'red dirt'), HX nta1. HZ mitsa 'clay', PYG *Nta > YG _Nta. earthquake PS *- naWe1 > PM *- nae1 > HR na1i, IK nail, NH nai, TM nai, PY *- naye1> IG - nai, KB nai, KS nai, SN nai, HX ni:1 (nig is a newer word), HZ nayi (older form), PYG *nae > YG _nai. earthworm PS *memelzu > PM *memezi > HR mimifIii, IK dZ1midzl, NH dZ1midZI, TM mimi lctZI, PY *memelzi > IG _mimidzl, KB mimantsi, KS mi:malct3i, SN mimi lotli, HX mimidZI, HZ mi:mazi, PYG *memezu > YG dimimi. east PS *agarl (accent is incongruent) > PM *agari > HR agari, IK aga'i, NH agal, TM agal, PY *- aCari) > IG ear

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

257

- a:ti, KB a:1)ta, KS a:ruma, SN ari, HX ar"i or a:r"i, HZ a:ru, PYG *agai > YG aNgail. PS *kura- > PM *fua- > HR fo:, IK fau, NH fau, TM fu:, eat PY *ku(r)a- > IG fO:1), KB fO:I), KS vai, HX fOI), HZ hU:I), PYG *ku- > YG hUI). eel PS *unagi\ > PM *unazi > HR una ""jdz"i, IK unadz"i, NH unadz"i, TM una""jdz"i, PY *_unagi\ > IG _u:nai, KS una19i, SN 0: lni, HX unal) 1. HZ unai, PYG *nada > YG nadal. egg PS *tonolka > PM *tonoka > HR tuna lka, IK tunuka, NH tunuka, OG tunuka. egg PS *koga > PM *koga > NH kuga, TM kuga, PY *koga > IG kuga (literary word), KB ko:ma, Taketomi kUl)ga, HZ kuga. egg PS *kaW"i\ > PY *kaY"i > IG kay"i (older word), HX ke:1, PYG *kaigo > YG kaiNgu\. eight PS *- ya > PM *_ya > HR ya: 1. IK ya: 1. NH ya:, TM ya:, PY *-ya > IG -ya:, KB ya:, KS ya:, HX ya:, HZ ya:, PYG *ya > YG - da:. elbow PS *-pezil > PM *-pezil > HR pidz"il, IK hidz"i1. NH pidz"i, TM pidzl, PY *-pezil > IG -pizl, KB pintsl, KS pid3i, SN p.itJi, HX s"i:nup.lsa 'knee of the hand' or p"iss"i, HZ pizi, PYG *pizi- > YG ccidiNka. elderly PS *_uWep"ito1> PM *_uepito1> HR uiP:itu1, IK uilbitu, NH uip~itu, TM ui lpSoitu, PY *- uep"ito\ > IG - uiP.ltu, KB u:p"itu, KS uip"isu, SN uiP.itu, HX uiP.ltu, HZ uipusu, PYG *uepito > YG _uitu. end PS *uwar- > PM *uwari > IK uwai, NH uwal, Uechi uwa"i, TM uwal, PY *uwar- > IG uwati, KB uwari, HX uwarul), PYG *uwarul) > YG uwarul). enemy PS *_kataki 1 > PM *_kataki1 > HR katakSoj1. NH katatsl, TM katalk\ PY *-kataki\ > IG -katak"i, Uehara kataki.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

258

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

entrust PS *aduker- > PM *aziker- > HR adziKiI-i, IK adz'iki, NH adiikil, TM adz'ikil, PY *aziker- > IG adz'ikil), HX afik'irul), HZ asjkirul), PYG *aduker- > YG al)kirul). envious PS *ura(ya)m- > PM *uCuyamasV- > HR vvyamas'ikaI-i, IK vvyamaSigimunu, NH vvyamasJkaI, TR ve:maSa:l, PY *urami > IG uramiSal), KB urami, HX uramiSahal), PYG *uramesa- > YG uramisal). everyday PS *mainiti (a loan from Japanese, but accent is incongruent) > PM *- mainici1 > HR mai lnits'i, IK mai lnits'i, TM mainits'i, PY *mainici > IG _mainits'i, KB mainitsu, KS mainitJi, HX me:ga me:nitSi.

evening PS *_yusarabe > PM *-yusarabe1 > HR yusalrabi, IK yusalrabi, NH yusarabi, TM yusalrabi, PY *_yusa > IG _yusa, PYG yusabe > YG dusabi\ exist (animate) PS *wor- > PM *uri > HR u'l, IK u'i, NH ul, TM uI, PY *wor- > IG uI), KB bUl), KS bUl), HX bUl), HZ bUI), PYG *buN > YG bUI). exist (inanimate) PS *ar-> PM *ari > HR aI-i, IK ai, NH aI, TM at, PY *ar- > IG aI), KB arul) or aI), KS al), HX al), Komi aruI), SN aru, HZ aI), PYG *aN > YG aI). eye PS *_me> PM *_me> HR mi:l, IK mi:l, NH mi:, TM mi:l, PY *_me > IG _mi:, KB mil:, KS mi:, SN mint.\}, HX mil), HZ mi:, PYG *me > YG _mi:. eyebrow PS *_mayo1> PM *_mayu1> HR mayu1. IK mayu1. NH mayu, TM malyu, PY *_mayo1 > IG _mayu or - mayo: yu, (older form), KB mayu or mayo:, KS mayu, SN HX mayu1, HZ mayu, PYG *mayu > YG _ma:yu. face PS *mepana 'eye-nose' > PM *mepana > HR mipana, IK mipana, NH mipana, TM mipana, PY *mepana > Taketomi mihana. face PS *omote > PY *umote > IG umuti, KB muti, KS umuti, HX muts'i, Komi umuti, HZ umuti, PYG *omote > YG umuti.

mar

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

259

fall (precipitation) PS *pur- > PM *pur- > HR fuZ.i, IK fu:, NH fu:, TM fu:, PY *puri- > IG fui or hO:I], KB fVfi, KS vui, HX fya, Taketomi fVful], HZ fui, PYG *puru- > YG hurul]. fan PS *_augil > PM *_augil > HR o:gZ.il, IK au-rzl, NH audzl, TM o:gl or au19l, PY *_augi 1 > IG _Ol]gl, KS 01]19i, SN ol]rgi, HX 01]1, HZ ol]gi, PYG *uN > YG ul]. far PS *kamakari > PM *kamakari > HR kama:kaZ.i, IK ka:makai, TM kada:Ja:l. far PS *toWo- > PY *too- > IG tu:sa:l], KB tu:ha:1] or to:ha:l], KS tu:sa, HX tu:sahal], HZ tu:wal], tu:waru (older form), PYG *too- > YG toa:1] (older form), twal]. farmland PS *paril > PM *pati > HR palri, IK hai, NH pal, TM palru. farmland PS *patake'\ > PM *patagi > HR pata19i, PY *_patake'\ > IG _patagl, KB hataki, KS p~talki, SN pite:, HX pjte:gi1, HZ pataki, PYG *patake > YG hatagil. PS *_pe > PM *_pe > HR pi:1, IK hi:1 or pi: (older form), NH pi:, TM pi:l, PY *_pe > IG _pi:, KB pi:, KS pi:, SN pi1:, HX pil]1, HZ pi:, PYG *pe > YG _hi:. fat (oil) PS *_abura1 > PM *_aCura1 > HR avva1, IK avva1, NH avva, TM av1va, PY *_abura1 > IG _aba or awa, KB aba, KS avva, SN abu lra, HX aba1, Komi anda, HZ aba, PYG *anda > YG _anda. fat (adj) PS *upokari > PM *upokari > HR upvkaZ.i, IK fuikai, NH vdakal, TM upvSa:l. fat (adj) PS *mage- > PY *mage- > IG maisa:l], KB maihal], KS ubuho:, HX busahal], Komi magiharu, HZ maiyal], PYG *mae- > YG maisal]. father PS *_eya1 / *_aya1 > PM *iza > HR loiza1, IK \za, NH loiza, TM loiza, PY *_aya1 / *_eya1 > IG aya, KB a:ya, KS iza, SN i:ya: 'grandfather', HX iya1. HZ a:ya, PYG *iya > YG iyal. fart

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

260

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

feather PS *- pane1 > PM *- pane1 > HR pani1, IK hani1, NH pani, TM pani, PY *-pane1> IG -pani, KB pane:, KS pani, SN p~lJi, HX p~i, HZ pani, PYG *pane > YG hanil. female PS *medolmo > PM *medomV > HR midum1, IK midulIJ, NH midum, TM midu1m, PY *medolmo > IG _mi:duIJ, KB miIJduIJ, KS midumunu, SN midulIJ, HX midumu1, HZ midumu1, PYG *menoga > YG minuNga\ fever, see 'heat' few PS *eke(ya)ra- > PM *ekiyarakari > HR ikyarakaZ,i, NH ipi:tSa, TM ikiraSa:l, PY *ekera- > IG ikirasaIJ, Ohama ikirasaIJ· few PS *esiCaka- > PY *esika- > IG SigasaIJ, KB iSakahaIJ, KS isukaha, SN i:Sika, HX iSagahaIJ, Komi iSakaha:, HZ iSika:IJ, PYG *saka- > YG sagaIJ. field PS *_no> PM *_no> HR nu:l, IK nu:1, NH nu:, TM nu:l, PY *_no> IG _nu:, KB nu:, KS nu:, SN nu:, HX nU:IJ, HZ nu:, PYG *no > YG _nu:. fight PS *ayu- > PM *au > HR 0:, IK au, NH au, TM 0:, PY *ayu- > IG aUIJ, KB aUIJ, KS aidu Siru, HX yendara, HZ aUIJ, PYG *ayu- > YG ayuIJ. finger PS *_uyobe > PM *_uyube1 > HR ui lbi, IK uyubi, NH uibi, TM ui1bi, PY *uyobe > IG _ubi, KB u:bi, KS uyabi, SN ilbi, HX bi:, HZ uyabi, PYG *uyube > YG _uyubi. fingernail PS *-tume1> PM *-time1> HR tSi"lmi, IK tSi"mil, NH tsi"mi, OG kSoimi, TM tSimi or tJimi, PY *- tume1 > IG - tSi"mi, KB tsi"mi, KS Simi, SN t£iq,li, HX ~jmi, Taketomi sumi, HZ Simi, PYG *CVrne > YG Nmil. fire PS *umati > PM *umati > HR umatsi", IK umatsi", NH umatsi", TM umutsl. fire PS *_pi> PY *_pi> IG _pI:, KB pj, KS pi:, SN pj1:, HX pi":1, HZ pi:, PYG *pi > YG _ci:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

261

firewood PS *tamonoI > PM tamono > HR tamu lnu, IK tamunu, NH tamunu, TM tamu lnu, PY *_tamonoI > IG _tamunu, KB tamunu, KS tamu lnu, SN tamJ nu or tamul) , HX fish

fist

five

flag

flat flat flea

float

floor

ta:munu 1, PYG *kimono > YG _timunu. PS *- eyu1 > PM *- izu1 > HR Z'izu1, IK Z,izu1, NH Z,izu or Z,izu, TM Z,izu, PY *- ezu1> IG - idzu, KB itsu1, KS idzu, SN iyu, HX YU:, HZ idzu, PYG *iyu > YG iyu\. PS *te- > PM *tebutimV > HR tivts'im, IK tsi.dz'im, NH tsi.diifum, TM tjfytslm, PY *tetiko- > IG ti:tsjkul), KB tSIntsikul), KS ti:sukuntsami, SN ti:tJikul), HX sjfyku, PYG *tedokuN > YG tidugul).

PS *_eti 1> PM *_eti 1 > HR itsj1-. IK itsj-, NH itsj-, TM iltsj-, PY *eti > IG _itsl-, KB itsl-, KS ilJi-, SN iltSi-, HX issll-I its'il-, HZ itsi, PYG *isi > YG _ici. PS *- pata1 > PM *- pata1> HR patal, IK hata1. TM pata, PY *- pata1> IG - pata, KB palta, KS p~ta, SN p~ta, HX p~ta, HZ pata, PYG *pata > YG hata\. PS *nada- > PM *nadara> HR nadara, IK nadara, NH nadara, TM nadara, PY *nada- > IG nadaga, KS nadaha. PS *pira- > PY *pisa- > IG p'isasa, KB p.,'irata:l), HX p'iJantari, HZ pjsanta, PYG *ya-pira > YG dabira.

PS *nomil > PM *nomV > HR nu1m, IK nUl), NH num, TM nu lm, PY *nomi > IG _nul), KB _nul), KS null), SN null), HX nUl) 1, Komi numi, HZ nUl), PYG *noN > YG nU0I), nUl)I (modem form). PS *ukiya- > PM *ukiyagari > HR ukagaz'j, IK ukyagai, NH ukya:gal, TM uk\ PY *ukiyaru- > IG ukul), KB uke:ri, KS fykerul), SN ukerul), HX o:garul), HZ uke:rulJ, PYG *ukiyaru- > YG utarul). PS *- yuka1 > PM *- yuka1 > HR yuka1, IK yuka1, NH yuka, TM yuka, PY *- yuka1 > IG - yuka 'a back room', SN yuka, Uehara yuka, PYG *yuka > _duga. John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

262

flour

flow

flower

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *_ko > PM *ko > HR ku:, IK ku:, NH ku: or ku, TM ku:, PY *_ko > IG _ku:, KB ku1:, KS ku:, SN ku1:, HX kU:l, HZ ku:, PYG *ko > YG kug. PS *nagar- > PM *nagar- > HR naga, NH na:rug, TM nagaSar:, PY *nagar- > IG nagarig, KB na:rirug, KS na:ri, HX naggarug, HZ na:rug, PYG *nagareru- > YG nagarirug. PS *_pana1 > PM *_pana1 > HR pana1, IK hana1, NH pana, TM palna, PY *_pana1 > IG _pana, KB p~na1, KS

pana, SN pi Qa, HX p~Qa1, HZ pana, PYG *pana > YG _hana. fly (noun) PS *pari > PM *pari > HR paZoi, IK hai, NH pal, TM paZoi, PY *pai > IG pai, KB pai, KS pai, HX pe:, HZ pai, PYG *pai > YG hai. fly (vb) PS *tobu> PM *tobi > HR tubZoi, IK tubi, NH tubZoi, TM tubZoi, PY *tobu- > IG tubug, KB tubug, KS tubi, HX typug, HZ tubug, PYG *tobu- > YG tubug. PS *kiri > PM *kiri > HR kSoi:, IK tSl, NH tSl:, 0G kiri, fog TM kSoi:, PY *kin > IG kIru, KB kSoisl or kIru, KS kir}, SN kiSi, HX kjsl, Taketomi Siru, HZ kiru, PYG *kiri > YG cciri. foot, see 'leg' forehead PS *- putaWe > PM *- putae1 > HR f\lta IK fl}ta NH fytai, TM fytai, PY *putae > IG - fl}tai, KB futai, KS fytai, SN fute, HX fl}te:, HZ futai, PYG *CVtae > YG -ttai. four PS *-yu > PM *-yu > HR yu:1, IK yu:1, NH yu:, TM yu:, PY *-yu > IG -yu:, KB yu:, KS YU:, SN yu1:, HX YU:, HZ YU:, PYG *yu > YG - du:. friend PS *- dosil > PM *dusi > HR dulSI, IK dusl, NH dusl, TM du lSI, PY *- dusil > IG - dusl, KB dusl, KS dusl, SN dus·i, HX dusl1, PYG *dosi > YG - duei.

1

1

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

263

frog

PS *punata > PM *punata > HR fynatu, IK unta, NH unta, TMfunata. frog PS *awota1 > PY *_awuta1 > IG _auda, KB aulda, SN abJ ta, HX ota or otta, HZ auta, PYG *auta > YG auda\ front PS *maWeI> PM *mae > HR ma IK mai, NH mai, TM mal PY *mae > IG _mai, K.B mainta, KS mal SN mai, HX me:l, HZ mai, PYG *mae > YG mail. fruit PS *natil > PM *nari > HR naZ,i, NH nal, TM nalI, PY *nati > IG _nati, KB nari', KS naIn, SN naIn, HX nati1or na:ri, HZ naru, PYG *nari > YG nail. funeral PS *_dabil > PM *_dabil > HR dabZ,il, IK dabi, TM dalhZ,i, PY *- dabi1 > IG - dabi', KB dapi', KS dabi, HX dabi', HZ dabi, PYG *dabi > YG _dabi. get PS *tor- > PM *tori > HR tul, IK tul, NH tul, TM tul, PY *tor- > IG turul), K.B tyrul), KS tur;,i', HX tYIul), HZ turul), PYG *toru- > YG turuIJ. give PS *ager- > PM *ageri > HR agiZ,i, IK agi:, NH agil, TM agil, PY *ager- > IG agiIJ, KB al)kiruIJ, HX al)giruIJ, HZ agiruIJ, PYG *ageru- > YG aNgiruIJ. go PS *iku > PM *iku > HR ifu, IK ifu, NH ifu, TM iki', PY *iku- >IG ikuIJ, KB ikuIJ, HX IJguIJ. go PS *par- > PM *pari > HR hai, IK hai, NH pal, TM pal 'run', PY *paru- > IG parul) , KB paruIJ, KS pari, HZ paruIJ 'run', HZ parol), PYG *piru- > YG hiruIJ. goat PS *pe'1>eza > PM *peNza > HR pindza, IK hinza, NH pinza, TM pinda, PY *pebeza > IG pibid3a, K.B pyu:tJa, KS piJida, SN pi:za, HX pimid3a, HZ pibid3a, PYG *pibiza > YG pibidza (loan). gold PS *- kogane1> PM *- kogane1> HR kugani1. IK kugalni, NH kugani, TM kugani, PY *- kogane1 > IG - kugani, KB kUIJgani, KS kugani, SN kugalni, HX kugani, HZ kugani, PYG *kogane > YG -kuNgani.

1

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

264

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

grandchild PS *Vma-g:;)l > PM *Vmaga > HR mma1ga, IK mmaga, NH mmaga, TM mma19a, PY *_rna « *maga?) > IG _rna:, KB rna:, KS rna:, SN rna1:, HX ma:1, HZ rna:, PYG *mago > YG ma:Ngu\ grandfather PS *syu (loan from Chinese shu 3:: 'master') > PM *syu > HR Ju:, IK uya, NH Ju:, TM Ju: or upudzl (older Tarama). grandfather PS *awodi > PY *awodi > IG abud3i, KB autsi, KS ubudza, SN a:d3i:, HX buya, Komi abutJi, HZ abuzi, PYG *abu > YG abu. grandmother PS *uma > PM *uma > HR mma, IK ha:mma, NH mma, TM umma. grandmother PS *apupa > PY *apVpa > IG a:pa or pa:, KB a:pa, KS pa:, HX pa:, Komi appa, HZ appa, PYG *abu > YG abu. grass PS *_kusa1 > PM *_fusa1 > HR f\Isa1, IK f\Isa l, NH f\Isa, TM f\I1Ja, PY *_kusa1> IG _fusa, KB fu lsa or fu lea, KS za:, SN f\I1sa, HX futsa1, HZ susa, PYG *kusa > YG _cca. PS *_paka1 > PM *- paka1 > HR p~ka, IK h~ka1, NH p~ka, TM p~ka, PY *_paka1 > IG _paka, KB paka, SN pika, HX paka, HZ paka, PYG *paka > YG _haga. green PS *awo (same as 'blue') > PM *aukari > HR o:kaZ,i, IK aukai, TM o:Ja:l, PY *au > IG au, HX o:si, HZ au, PYG *au > YG au. ground PS *_zi > PM *_zi > HR dz'i:l, IK dz1:l, NH dz1:, TM dz1:1, PY *_zi > IG _dz'i:, KB dZl:l, KS d3i:, SN d3il:, HX dZl:, HZ dzi:, PYG *di > YG _di:. gruel (rice gruel) PS *-yuCu1> PM *-yuCu > HR yuv 1, IK yu:1, NH yuv or yuvu, TM yu:l PY *yu1 > KS yu:, HX YU:, PYG *yu > YG _du:. gruel (rice gruel) PS *-kaWel > PY *-kai1 > IG -kai, KB kai, SN kai, HX ke:, HZ kai. grave

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

265

hair (fur) PS *pige > PM *pige 'beard' > HR pSoigi, IK higi, NH pSoigi, TM pSoigi. hair (fur) PS *- ke > PM *_ke > HR ki:, IK ki: 1. PY *- ke > IG - ki:, . KB kil:, KS ki:, SN ki:, HX ki:, HZ ki:, PYG *ke > YG -ki:o hair (of the head) PS *kar/madu > PM *karazi > HR karadii, NH karadzi", TM karadii 'wig'. PY *akamazi > IG akamadii or gand3i, KS amad3inuki. HX amad3°i, Taketomi hadad3i, HZ gamazi-nuki:, PYG *kanadu > YG kanaI). hand PS *_te > PM *_te > HR ti:1. IK ti:1. NH ti:. TM ti:1. PY *_te > IG _ti:, KB til:, KS ti:. SN til:, HX Si:l, HZ ti:, PYG *te > YG _ti:. have PS *mot- > PM *moti > HR mutsi", IK muts"i, NH muts"i, TM muts"i, PY *motu > IG mutsuI), KB mutsi", KS muti, HX mutsuI), HZ muthuI), PYG *motu- > YG mutuI). he PS *-kare1 > PM *-karil > HR kail. IK kail. NH karl, TM kal, PY *- kare1> IG - karl 'that', KB k~ri 'that', KS hari 'that', HX karl 'that', HZ kari, PYG *-kare > YG -- kari. head PS *tubur"i > PM *tibur"i > HR tsibuTU, IK tSi"bUTU, NH ts"!.dii, TM tSi"bul, PY *tubur"i > IG ts"ibur"i, KB tsupUTU, KS SUbUTU, HX amas"ikuTU, HZ SUbUTU, PYG *men VbUTU > YG miNbuTU. hear PS *kik- > PM *kiki > HR tS"ik\ IK tsHsi", NH k:ik\ TM kkun, PY *kiku- > IG s"ikuI). KB sukuI). KS sukuI), HX s"!okuI). HZ SikuI), PYG *kik- > YG kkuI) or ttitaI)o heart PS *_kimo1 > PM *_kimu 1> HR kSoimu1. IK tSlmu 1. NH tS"imu. TM kSoimu. PY *_kimo1 > IG _k"imu 'mind', KB klmu, HX Simu 'mind', HZ sumu 'mind'. PYG *kimo > YG3imu.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

266

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

heart (mind) PS *kokoro'\ > PM *kokoru > HR kukulru, TM kukulru, PY *_kokoru'\ > IG _kukuru, KB kukuru, KS kuku lru, SN kukuf ru, HX kukuru1, HZ kukuru, PYG *kokoro > YG _kukuru. heat (fever) PS *_net'il > PM *neti > HR nilts'i, IK nits'i, NH nits'i, TM nits'i, PY *_net'il > IG _nits'i, KB nits'i or nitsu, KS nitSi, SN n{tSj, HX nits·il. heaven, see 'sky' heavy PS *ibu- > PM *ibukari > HR ivkaZ,i, IK mbukai, NH yuvkal, TM ivJa:l, PY *Vbu > IG mbusa:I), KB mbohaI), HX I)sahaI), SN ubusa, PYG *ibu- > YG iNsaI). heel PS *_ado1 > PM *_ado1 > HR adu1, IK adu1, NH adu, TM alctu, PY *3do1 > IG _adu, KS adu, SN du, HX adu, HZ atu, PYG *ado > YG _adu. help PS *tasuker- > PM *tasIk- > HR tasIki, IK tasIki, NH t~sikil, TM tasuki, PY *tas'iker- > IG tasi'kiruI), KB taJjkiruI), HX taJikiruI), PYG *taseker- > YG tasikiruI). hemp PS *wo > PM *bu > HR bu:, IK bu:, NH bu:, TM bu:, PY *bu > IG bu:, KB basa, KS bu:, HX bu:, PYG *bu >YG bu:. here PS *koma'\ > PM *koma > HR kuma1, IK kuma, NH kuma or kuma, TM kulma, PY *_koma1 > IG _kuma, KB kunga, KS kuma, SN k1}q;ta, HX mwa:, HZ kuma, PYG

ar

*koma > YG kuma\ hide (skin) PS *_ka > PM *ka1> HR ka:1, IK ka:1, NH ka:, TM ka:l, PY *_ka > IG _ka:, KB ka:, KS ha:, SN kal:, HX ka:1, HZ ka:, PYG *ka > YG _ka:. high PS *koma > PM *koma > HR kuma, IK kuma, NH kuma or kuma, TM kuma, PY *koma > IG kuma, KB kUI)ga, KS kuma, HX mwa:, HZ kuma, PYG *koma > YG kuma.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

267

PS *taka1- > PM *taka- > HR taka:1taka, IK takakai, NH taka-, TM takalSa:l, PY * takal- > IG _ttJ-kasa:l), KB takaha:1) , KS takabal), SN take[ I), HX takahal)1. HZ taka:ru, PYG *taka- > YG tagal)1hill PS *mVne > PM *mVne > HR mmi or mni, IK mmi, NH qunibaha, TM mmi. hill PS *mor"i > PY *mor"i > IG muri", KB muri", KS muru, SN murigu:, HX muruku, Komi muru, HZ muri. PS *(b)ut- > PM *buti > HR vtsi", IK utsi", NH vtsi", TM hit vtsi", PY *ut- > IG utul), KB utsi, HX utsul), PYG *utu- > YG uttul). hoe PS *- kuwati1 > PM *- kuwati1 > HR ffatsi"1. IK ffatsi"1. NH ffatsi", OG ffakSoi, TM ffats!. hoe PS *pagaWi > PY *pai" > IG kana-pai, KB kana-pai, KS pai, HX pe:, HZ kana-pai, PYG *pagae > YG -paNgai. hole PS *_ana1> PM *_ana1> HR ana1. IK ana1. NH ana, TM alna, PY *_anal-bu > IG _a:na, KB a:na, KS ana, SN e[ na, HX anabu, HZ abu, PYG *ana-bu > YG _anaNpu or abu. horn PS *_tuno1> PM *_tino1 > HR tsi"nu1. IK \lnu1. NH tsi"nu, OG kSoinu, TM nlnu, PY *_tuno1 > IG _tsi"nu, KB tsi"nu, KS Sinu, SN tJ.{ \lU, HX si"no1. Taketomi sunu, HZ Sinu, PYG *CVno > YG _Nnul). horse PS *_Vma1 > PM *_Vma1 > HR nu:lma (akamma 'red horse'), IK nu:1ma, NH nu:ma, TM nu:1ma, PY *_Vrna1 > IG _mma, KB mma1. KS m:ma, SN m1ma, HX mmal)1. HZ mma, PYG *Vma > YG _Nma. hot PS *atu- > PM *atikari > HR atsJkazi", IK atsJkai, NH atsj"kam, TM attSa:l, PY *atusa- > IG attsa:l), KB attsal) , KS attsanu, SN aSitsa, HX atsahal), HZ attsal) , PYG *atVsa- > YG acal). hot water PS *_yu > PM *_yu > HR yu:1. IK yu:1. NH YU:, TM yu1:, PY *_yu > IG _YU:, KB yu1:, KS yu1:, HX yu:1. HZ YU:, PYG *yu > YG _du:. high

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

268

house

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *_ya, PM *_ya > HR ya:1, IK ya:1, NH ya:, TM ya:1, PY *ya > IG _ya:, KB ya:, KS ya:, SN ya:, HX Ji:, HX ya:,

PYG *ya > YG _da:. PS *naWo-se > PM *nause > HR no:Ji:, IK iIJJi:, NH nau:Ji:, TM nauJi:, PY *nause > IG no:si, KB no:waitu, KS nu:ba, HX nu:ba, HZ nu:Si, PYG *noku > YG nugu « *nau- ku?). hundred PS *momo > PM *momo > HR mumu, IK mumu, NH mumuts"i, OG mumu, PY *momo > IG mumu, KB mumu, HX mumu, HZ mumu. hunt PS *tori > PM *tori > HR tuZ,iga, NH tttkatul, TM tttkatui. how

husband PS *- woto1 > PM *- woto1 > HR butu1, IK butu1, NH butu, TM butu (but myu:tu 'husband and wife' in HR, OG and myo:tu in IK), PY *- woto1> IG -budu (but myu:tu in song), KB butu, KS butu, SN butu, HX butu, HZ butu, PYG *woto > YG - buttu (but form in poetry is mi-utu 'husband and wife'). I PS *- wano1, PM *baN1 > HR ba1) 1, IK ba1) 1, NH ba1), TM ba11), PY *- bano1> IG - banu, KB banu, KS ba1), SN

if

balnu, HX banu, HZ ba:, PYG *wano > YG banu (older word), anu') (modern form). PS *mosi > PM *mosi > HR mus"i, IK mus'i, NH must, TM must1)ga, PY *mosi > IG mUSt, KB mus"i1)ga, KS musuka, HX mus'i, HZ muSi, PYG *mosi > YG muci.

illness

PS *_yami1> PM *_yamV1> HR yam1, IK yam1or ya1), NH yam, TM yam1, PY *_yamil > IG _ya1), KB yamai or yamai, KS ya1) or yami, SN ya11), HX ya1) 1, Komi yami,

In

PYG *yami > YG dami\ PS *nV > PM *nV > HR 1), IK 1), NH 1), TM 1), PY *nVga > IG 1)ga, KB gadu, KS na, HX 1)ga, HZ na, PYG *n V- > YG Ndi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

ink

269

PS *simVl > PM *sim > HR slm, IK slm, NH slm, TM slm, PY *simV > IG _Sll), KB sill) 'coal', KS Sil) or

Simma:ra 'coal', HX s"il) 1. HZ Sil), PYG *siN > YG ceil)\ inkstone PS *siziri > PM *siziri > HR s"idz"i:, IK s"idz"iri, NH s"idz"i:, TM s"idz"il, PY *siziri > IG s"iz"iri, HX s"iz"iri, HZ siziru (older form), suzuri (newer loan). insect PS *- mosi 1 > PM *- mosi1 > HR mus"i1. IK mus"i1. NH mus"i, TM mus"i, PY *-mosil > IG -mus'i, KB mus'i, KS muSi, HX muSi, HZ muSi, PYG *mosi > YG - muei.

PS *naka1 > PM *naka > HR naka1. IK naka, NH naka, TM nalka, PY *naka (accent incongruent) > IG _naka, KB, rnanaka, KS naha, SN naka, HX naga, HZ naka, PYG *naka > YG naga\ interesting PS *omosV > PM *umusVsukari > HR umuSSikaZ,i, IK umussukai, NH umuSSikal, TM umuSJiSa:I, PY *umosV- > IG umussal), KB umussa:l), HX mussahal), HZ umussal), PYG *omos- > YG umucal). intestines PS *_ wata1> PM *_bata1> HR bata1. IK bata1, NH bata, Uechi bata1. TM bata, PY *_bata1 > IG _bada, KB akabata:rna, KS bata, SN barda, HX bata1. PYG *bata > YG _batao island PS *_sirna1 > PM *_sima1 > HR s"irna1. IK s"irna1. NH s'ima, TM s'ilrna, PY *_sima1 > IG _s'ima, KB s"ima, KS Sima, SN Sif rna, HX sJqla1. HZ Sima, PYG *sima > YG 3irna. jar PS *tubo > PM *tibu > HR tS'ibu, NH ts"ibu, TM ts"ibu, PY *tubo > IG ts"ibu, KB ts"ibu, KS mintsubu, SN tlipu, HX sJpu, Taketomi subu, Komi ts'ibu, PYG *tVbo > YG ccibu. journey PS *- tabi1> PM *- tabi1> HR tab"i1. tabi 1, Uechi tab'i, TM tab'i, PY *-tabil > IG -tab'i, KS tabi, SN tabi, HX t~pi', PYG *tabi > YG -tabi. kettle PS *- pagama > PM *pagama> HR pagarna, IK hagarna, NH pagama, TM pagama, PY *- pagama > IG - pagama, inside

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

270

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

KB pagama, HX pagama, HZ paggama, PYG *pagama > YG - haNgama. kill PS *koros- > PM *korosi > HR kurusI, IK kurasI, NH kUruSI, TM kUruSI, PY *koros- > IG kurusIg, KB kurafug, KS kuraSi, HX kurusag, Komi kurahi:, HZ khurasug, PYG *koru- > YG kurug. kill (cause to die) PS *sinas- > PM *sinasi > HR sinasI, IK sinasI, PY *sinas- > IG sinasIg, HX slnasug. knee PS *-tubusi > PM *-tigusil > HR tSIgusIl, IK tSIgulSI, NH tSIgUSI, TM tSIbuSI, PY *tubusi > IG - tSIbuSI, KB tSJpUSI, KS subuSi, SN tlipuSi, HX SJpUSIg, HZ subuSi, PYG *CVbusi > YG -Nbuci. know PS *sis- > PM *sis- > HR SSI or sisu, IK SI:, NH SI:, TM SI:, PY *sis- > IG sJsug, KB sJsun, KS dzu:, HZ Sise:g, PYG *sis- > YG ccug. last year PS *kozu > PM *kozu > HR kUdZU, IK kUd3u, NH kUdZU, TM kUd3u, PY *kozu > IG kuzu, KB kuzu, KS kudzu:, HX kutsug, HZ kuzu, PYG *kozu > YG kudu. lake PS *komor'i > PY *komor'i > IG kumur'i, KB kumo:ru, HZ kumuru. laugh PS *wara- > PM *bara- > HR barau, IK barai:, NH bara"i, TM baru:, PY *bara- > IG ba:rug, KB ba:rai, KS barau, HX ba:rug, HZ baraug, PYG *bar- > YG barug. PS *pal > PM *pal > HR pa:l. IK ha:l, NH pa:, TM pa:, PY *pal > IG -pa:, KB pal:. KS pa:, SN pa:, HX pa:, HZ pa:, PYG *pa > YG -ha:. left (side) PS *pidalei > PM *pidari > HR pSoidafi, IK hidai, NH pSoidal, TM pSoida PY *pida > IG _pldar'i, KB pindar'i (older form) or pindaru, KS pidaln, SN pidalei, HX pinari, HZ pidari, PYG *Ndai > YG Ndail. leg PS *pagil > PM *pagi > HR pag"il, IK hadzI, NH pag"i, TM pagz"i, PY *pagi > IG _pag, KB pai, KS pag, SN pali, leaf

1

10

HX pal)1 'foot' , HZ pag, PYG *paN > YG hagI.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

lid

life

271

PS *- putal > PM *- futa l > HR futa l, IK futa l, NH futa, TM futa, PY *- putal > IG - futa, KB futa, KB futa, SN futa, HX futa, PYG *puta > YG -tta. PS *inotil > PM *Vnoti > HR nnutsll, IK nnuts"i, TM

.

nu lts"i, PY *_inotil > IG _nuts"i, KB _inatsl, KS inulSi, SN inJtii, HX nutSi'l, PYG *noti > YG nuttil. light PS *akari > PM *akari > HR akaz"i, IK akai, NH akal, TM akari 'become light', PY *akari > IG akar"i, KB aka:ri, HX agar"i, HZ akari, PYG *aka > YG aga. light PS *pikari (accent is incongruent) > PM *pikari > HR pS.ikali, IK h}kai, NH p:ikal, TM p:ika1i', PY *pikari > IG _pi'kar"i, KB p"ikkar"i, HX pjkar"i, HZ pikari, PYG *pikar- > YG _hikarulJ. lily PS *yuril > PM *yuri > HR yuZ.il, IK yui, NH yul, TM yu1 PY *_yuri > IG - YUIJ, KS yUr"il, SN yu1i, HX yori'sal, HZ yuna, PYG *yuyu > YG duyu\ lip PS *si'ba > PM *siba > HR slba, IK si'ba, NH si'ba, TM slba, PY *slba > IG suba, KB futssi'nusupa, KS Siba, SN Siba, HX si'pa, Komi slpa:, Miyara si'ba, Taketomi suba (but wattsiba 'upper lip'), HZ Siba, PYG *CVba > YG Nba. live PS *eki- > PM *ekeri > HR ikS.idiZ.i, IK iki:, NH ikil, TM ikil, PY *eki- > IG its"ikiruIJ, KB iklfai, KS ikivireru, HX iguIJ, HZ initsi-muiIJ, PYG *ik- > YG ikuIJ. liver PS *_kimol, PM *kimo > HR k\mu, IK tsi'mu, NH ts"imu, TM kS.imu, PY *_kimol > IG _klmu, KB klmu, HX klmu, HZ kimu, PYG *kimo > YG _ccimu. loincloth PS *sana19i > PM *sanagi > HR sana19loi, IK sanadzi', NH sanadzi', TM Sana19I, PY *sanalCi > IG _sanai, KB sane:, KS sana HX sane:l, HZ sanai, PYG *sanaN > YG _sanaIJ·

1

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

272

long

louse

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOITEN ISLANDS

PS *naga- > PM *nagakari > HR nagakaZ.i, IK nagakai, NH nagakal, TM nagaJa:l, PY *naga- > IG na:sa:l), KB na:ha:l), KS na:ha, HX nahal), Komi nagaharu, HZ na:ru-aru, PYG *naCa- > YG na:l). PS *siramV > PM *sisamV > HR ssam, IK ssam, NH ssam, Kurima slsam, TM ssam, PY *siraN > IG sjsal), KB sisal), KS dzal), HX sal), HZ sl}sal), PYG *CVCaN > YG

ccal)1lower back, see 'waist' male PS *- bekedomo > PM *- bekedomV1 > HR bikidum1. IK bikidu11), NH bikidum, TM bikidum, PY *bekedomo > IG -bigidul), KB bigidul), KS bikidumu, SN bidul), HX

bidumu1. Komi bigidul), Taketomi bigidul), HZ bikidumu, PYG *bega > YG - biNga. man, see 'male' man's skirt (hakama) PS *_pakama1> PM *pakama > HR pakama1, IK paka1ma, TM pakalma, PY *pakalma > IG _pakama, HZ pakama, PYG *pakama > YG hagama. many PS *upVsa- > PM *upa:sakari > HR upa:sakaZ.i, IK ha:sj;lkai, NH uka:Jj;lkal. many PS *taka- > PY *taka- > IG taka:nil), HX taka:nil), HZ taka:nil).

PS *- sirusi > PM *- sirusi1 > HR slrusj1. IK slmlSI, NH SlruSI, TM SlrUSI, PY *sirusi > IG - SjruSI, KS JiruJi, SN JJruJi, HX sjruSI, PYG *sirusi > YG - ciruci. mark (trace) PS *atol > PM *ato> HR atu1. IK atu, NH atu, TM a1tu, PY *_ato1 > IG _atu, KB andu, KS atu, HX atu1. HZ atu, PYG *atu > YG atu1meat (flesh) PS *m~Wi > PM *mi > HR mi\, NH mZI:, TM mi":, PY *mai > IG mi":, HX me:, HZ mi:, PYG *me > YG mi:. meat (game) PS *_sisi1 > PM *_si:si1 > HR sl:s·il, IK s1:s11, NH SI:SI, TM s1:1sl, PY *_sisi1 > IG _SISI, KB JiJi, HX sls·i, mark

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

273

HZ Si:Si:, PYG *sisi > YG _ccici. medicine PS *kusuril > PM *fusuri > HR fusu FI, IK fusui, NH o 0

f\lsul, TM f\lSu 1 PY *_kusuri"l > IG _fusiri, KB futsiri,

KS f\lSilr"i, SN f\lSf ri, HX f\ltSiri"l, Taketomi sJsuru, HZ huSiru, PYG *CVsuri > YG ccuri\ millet PS *-awa1> PM *-awa1> HR a:l, IK a:1. NH a:, TM a:l, PY *- awa1> IG _a: or awa, KB a1:, KS a:, SN a:, HX alJ l, HZ a:, PYG *a > YG _a:. miso PS *miso > PM *mVsu > HR msu, IK lJsu, NH msu, TM mSu, PY *misu (recent loan?) > IG miSu, KB miSu, HX miSu, HZ misu, PYG *mVso > YG nsuo (older form) Nsu. monkey PS *sarIl > PM *saru > HR sa: 1m, IK saru, NH saru, TM Sa:1m, PY *sarI > IG _sari", KS sari, SN Sttlro, HX sarul, moon

PYG *sa:ru > YG sa:ru\ PS *_tuki 1 > PM *_tiki1 > HR tSJk Soj1, IK tSJtsI1. NH tSJtsI, TM tSJkSoj1. PY *_tuki 1 > IG _tsIk"i, KB tsIk"i, KS sJki, SN

tJ.i1ki, HX sIk"ilJ l, Taketomi suki, HZ J.iki, PYG *tuki > YG _tti:. moon PS *tukui > PM *tIku- > HR ts'ittSu or tSukusu, IK tsJttSu, NH tsJttSu, PY *tukui > IG tsukui, KB tsukui, HX suke:lJ, Ohama tsuku, PYG *tuku- > YG kku(yu) 'moonlit night. mortar (and pestle) PS *usil > PM *usi > HR ulsI, IK usI, NH usI, TM uls'i, PY *usi > IG _us'i, KB us'il, KS ulSi, SN ulJ.i, HX uS'il, HZ uSi, PYG *usi > YG uci\ mosquito PS *kazamVl > PM *gazamV > HR gadzam, IK kad3alJ. NH kad3am, TM gad3am, PY *~azaN > IG ~adzan, KB gandzan, KS gadzan, HX gadzan, HZ gazan, PYG *kazaN-ku > YG kadal)ku\

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

274

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

mother PS *a"boCal > PM *ama > HR mlma also anna, IK mma, NH anna, TM anna also mma, PY *_abu la > IG _appa, KB anni, KS abu, SN a:pa:, HX abwa1, Uehara abu:, HZ abu, PYG *abota > YG abuta\ mountain PS *_yama1> PM *_yama1> HR yama1, IK yama1, NH yama, TM yalma, PY *-sarna1 > IG _yama, KB yama, KS yama, SN yami na, HX yama1, HZ yama, PYG *yama > YG _dama. mouth PS *- kuti1> PM *- futi 1 > HR futsi'1, IK futsi'1, NH futsi', OG fukSoi, Sawada futsi', Kurima futsi', Yonaha futsi', TM o f1}tsi', PY *-kuti1 > IG -futsi', KB f1}tsi', KS futJi, SN f1}tJi, HX f1}tsi', HZ hutsi, PYG *kuti > YG -tti:. nail PS *-kugi1 > PM *-kugi1 > HR fugZ,i1, IK fu dzi'1, NH fudzi', TM fugZ,i, PY *-kugi1 > IG -fuIJ, KB fuln, KS fUIJ, SN fui, HX fUIJ, HZ fUIJ, PYG *kugi > YG - kudi (loan from Shuri kuzi); cf. IJIJaniIJ « *gani-fuIJ < *kane-kugi 'metal-nail'). naked PS *pada1ka > PM *padaka > HR padakadu:, IK hadaka, NH padaka, TM padaka, PY *pada1ka > IG _padaga:; KB pandaka, KS padaha, HX abadari', Komi pataka, HZ padaka, PYG *padaka > YG hadaga\ name PS *na1 > PM *na1 > HR na: 1, IK na: 1, NH na:, TM na:, PY *na1> IG -na:, KB na:, KS na:, SN na:, HX naIJ, HZ na:, PYG *na > YG -na:. narrow PS *e"b- > PM *emekari > HR imikaZ,i, IK imikai, NH imikal, TM imiJa:l, PY *eba- > IG ibasa:IJ, KB, ibahaIJ, SN iabasa, HX ibaha:IJm, HZ ibasa:IJ. narrow PS *seba- > PM *sebakari > HR JibakaZ,i, NH Jibakal, TM JibaJal, PY *seba- > IG Jibasa:IJ, KS Jibaha, HX sJpahaIJ, HZ Jiba:ru, PYG *seba- > YG sibaIJ. navel PS *-mV-poso1 > PM *_mVpu l-su > HR m:bu1, IK m:bu1, NH m:busu, OG m:pu, Uechi m:bu1, TM buJu, PY 0 0 0

0

0

0

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

275

*-posu1 > IG -pusu, KB putso:ma, KS pusu, SN pysu, HX putsu, HZ buttsu, PYG *puso > YG - husu. near PS *tika- > PM *tikakari > HR tSIkaka:\ NH tSIkakal, TM o tsjk~Sa:, PY *enV-tika- > IG intsikasa:l), KB intsikaha:l), KS sikaha:l), HX sikahal), HZ iSikaru, PYG *tika- > YG tta: I). neck PS *nobulwe > PM *nobue > HR nubui, IK nubui, NH nubui, TM nibu1i or nibui, PY *nobule > IG _nubi, KB nubui, KS nubi, SN nJbi, HX nubi1. Komi nubui, HZ nubi, PGY *nobi > YG nubil. needle PS *parl\ > PM *pari > HR pili, IK hai, NH pal, TM pal PY *pan > IG _pan or paru, KB parlor paru, KS pa11, SN paIn, HX pttfi1. Komi paru, HZ paru, PYG *pai > YG hail. nephew PS *woWe > PM *mi-ui > HR myu:'\ IK myu:i, NH myu:\, TM myu:Zoi, PY *bue > IG bui, KB bui, KS bui, HX bui, HZ bui, PYG *boe > YG bui. nest PS *_su > PM *_si > HR sjsl, IK sl:l, NH sl:, TM sIl:, PY *_su > IG _SI:, KB sl:, KS Si:, SN iil:, HX Sl:, Taketomi su:, HZ Ii:, PYG *si > YG _ci:. net PS *_amV1 > PM *_amV1 > HR am1. IK am1, NH arp, TM am1. PY *_aN> IG _aI), KB aI), KS aI), SN all), HX 0

new

niece

0

0

al) 1. HZ aI), PYG *aN > YG _al). PS *meWa- > PM *mi:kari > HR rnlZoikaZoi, IK mi:kai, NH rnl:kal, TM rnl:Ia:l, PY *mea- > IG rnl: sal) , KB mi: hal) , KS mi:munu, HX me: sahal) , Kabira rnl:sa, HZ mi:sal), PYG *me- > YG mi:. PS *woWe > PM *mi-ui > HR myu:Zoi, IK myu:i, NH myu:Zoi, TM myu:Zoi, PY *bue > IG bui, KB bui, KS bui, HX bui, HZ bue, PYG *boe > YG bui.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

276

night

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *yuru') > PM *yu(ri) > HR yuri, IK yui, NH yul, TM yu PY *yuru > IG _yu:r'i, KB yu:ru, KS yu1i" or yuru,

1

nine

SN yu lru, HX yuru 1. HZ yu:ru, PYG *yuru > YG _duru. PS *kokolno > PM *kokono- > HR klJkulnu-, IK kkulnu-,

north

NH klJklJnu-, TM klJku lnu-, PY *kokolno > IG _kukunu, KB kukunu, KS kukunu or wunu-, SN kuku lni, HX o hakona-, HZ kunu-, PYG *kokono > YG _kugunu. PS *-nesil > PM *-nesil > HR nisi"l, IK ns·i1. NH I)SI, TM nisi", PY *- nesi1 > IG - nisI, KR nisI, KS nisI, SN niSi, HX nisI, HZ niSi, PYG *nesi > YG - nici.

nose

PS *- pan a1 > PM *- pana1 > HR pana1. IK hana1. NH pana, TM pana, PY *- pana1 > IG - pana, KB Ptl1na, KS pana, SN pana, HX Ptll}a, HZ pana, PYG *pana > YG -hana. nosebleed PS *_panadi1 > PM *_panati 1 > HR panatsI1. IK hanaltsI, NH panatsI, TM panatsi":, PY *-panazi') > IG -panatfi:, KS panad3i, SN Ptll}atSi, HX p~1}ad3I, PYG *panadi > YG -hanadi. not PS *n(i)ano > PM *niaN > HR j1a:l), IK j1a:l), NH j1a: I), TM ne:l), PY *niano > IG ne:nu, KB ne:nu, KS nu, HX naranu, HZ na:nu, PYG *menoN « *nieno ?) > YG rninul). now PS *menama (accent is incongruent) > PM *_nVnama1 > HR nnalma, IK nnama1. NH nnama, TM nalma, PY *_menama') > IG _nama or rninama (old Ishigaki word), KB minama, KS manalma, SN mirna, HX mana1. HZ manama, PYG *nae > YG -nai (cognate?). number PS *kazu > PM *kazi > HR kadzI, NH kadzI, TM kazI, PY *kazi > IG kadzI, KB kantsI, HZ kazi, PYG *kadi > YG kadi. PS *_iyako1> PM *_izako1> HR Izaku1. IK Ialku, NH oar Izaku, TM ·ialku, PY *iyako > IG _yaku, KB yako:, KS

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

277

yaku, SN yaf fu, HX iyagu1, HZ yaku, PYG *yago > YG _da:Ngu. ocean, see 'sea' old PS *yare > PM *yarekari > HR yari, IK yarikai, NH yarikal. PS *puru- > PM *furukari > HR fuZoika'\ OG furukam, old TM furuSa:l, PY *puru > IG furusa:IJ. KB yo:ritaru, KS vvmunu or vu:Sitari, SN fu:, HX fu:, HZ fufumunu, PYG *puru- > YG hurusaIJ. one PS *_pito1- > PM *pito- > HR Plti1 (also p""itu-taba1'"j 'one bundle'), IK SJ:tSl, NH Plti, OG pJtu, TM P""i}u or pIttSl, PY *_pito1 > IG _pIti-, KB pitu-, KS pisi-, SN pjfti-, HX pjtu-, HZ pi:tSi, PYG *pito > YG _ttu:. one person PS *tapuka > PM *tapuka > HR tavkya:, IK tauka:, NH tavkya:, OG tafukya, TM to:ke: or tauke:, PY *taNga > IG taIJga:, KB taIJga, Uehara taIJgaSi. one person PS *pitonl > PY *_piton) > IG _pjtun, KB pIturu, KS P.isu11, SN p.itiri, HX p.itur"i, HZ pituru, PYG *pitori > YG ttui\ oneself PS *do (accent is incongruent) > PM *_du > HR du:1, IK du:, NH du:, TM du:, PY *- du > IG - du:, KB du:, KS du:, SN du:, HX du:, PYG *do > YG _du:. other PS *poka, PM *poka > HR PI}lka, IK hl}ka, NH pl}ka, TM p\;llka, PY *poka > IG _f\;lka, KB puka, KS PI}1ka, SN f\;llka, HX fl}ka 1, HZ fuka, PYG *poka > YG huga\ outside PS *poka, PM *poka > HR PI}1ka, IK hl}ka, NH pl}ka, TM p\;llka, PY *poka > IG _fl}ka, KB puka, KS PI}1ka, SN f\,1ka, HX f\,ka1, HZ fuka, PYG *poka > YG huga\ ox PS *-usi1 > PM *-usi1 > HR US11, IK uSl1, NH US1, TM US1, PY *- usi1 > IG - US1, KB uS1l, KS uSi, SN uSi, HX US1, HZ uSi, PYG *usi > YG - uci.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

278

palm

pan

paper

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *tenopira > PM *tebura > HR tibi"'za• II( tibira. NH tivsa. TM ti:nubata. PY *te(no)pira > IG ti:b'ira. KS ti:nup.isa. SN tinup.isa. HX P.isa. Taketomi tibira. PYG *tebira > YG tibira or tinda. PS *nabe" > PM *nabe > HR nalbi. II( nabi. NH nabi, TM nalbi, PY *nabe > IG _nabi, KB nabi, KS nabi, SN nalbi, HX nabi1. HZ nabi, PYG *nabe > YG nabi\ PS *-kabi1 > PM *-kabi1 > HR kab'i1. II( kabi:1. NH kab'i, TM kab'i, PY *- kabi1 > IG - kab'i, KB kttpl, KS habi, SN kabi, HX k~p'i, HZ kabi, PYG *kabi > YG - kabi.

PS *_uya1 > PM *_uya1 > HR uyanna, II( uyamma:sa, NH uyanna, Uechi uya1. TM uyamma, PY *_uya1 > IG _uya, KB uya, KS uya, SN uf ya, HX uya1. HZ uya, PYG *uya > YG _uya. penis PS *_mara1 > PM *_mara1 > HR mara1. II( mara1. NH mara, TM malra, PY *_mara1 > IG _mara, KB mara, KS mara, SN marra, HX mara1, HZ mara, PYG *mara > YG _mara. person PS *- p'ito1 > PM *- pito1 > HR p'Jtu1. II( sjlu1, NH p'Jtu,

parent

pestle

pig

pillar

GG p'itu, TM p:itu, PY *- p'ito1 > IG - pjtu, KB p'itu, KS pysu, SN P.itu, HX pjtu, HZ pusu, PYG *pito > YG -ttu:. PS *inatuki > PM *Ynatiki > HR mnats'ik\ II( nnadz'its'i, NH nnadz'its'i, TM nnats'ik\ PY *inatuki > IG inatis'iki', KB inanki's'i, KS Jinasuki, SN inatsuki, HX inas'iki' or inasuki, Komi inatsuku, HZ inaJiki, PYG *Ynetiki + *kaki (from Shuri kakizici)- > YG Nnikikatikaba. PS *_uwa1 > PM *_wa (*ua?) > HR wa:1. II( wa:1. NH wa:, TM wa:lku, PY *_uwa1 > IG _0:, KB wanta, SN ufwa, HX uwa1. HZ 0:, PYO *wa > YO _wa:. PS *pa(si)ra" > PM *para > HR palra, II( hara, NH para, TM palra, PY *para > IG _para:, KB para1. KS palra, SN pira, HX PNal, HZ para:, PYG *pira > YG hira\

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

279

PS *_makura > PM *_maffa1 > HR maffa1. IK maffa1. NH maffa, TM malffa, PY *_makura1 > IG _maffa, KS maffa, SN moJ ra, HX maffa1. HZ maffa, PYG *makura > YG _magura. pipe (for tobacco) PS *kiseru > PM *kisiri > HR kj"slZ.i, PY *kiseru pillow

> IG kiJirl, KB kiJiru, KS kiJir'i, HX ki"slr'i, HZ kiJiru, PYG *siri > YG cciri. plant (vb) PS *eber- > PM *eberi > HR ibiZ.i, IK ibi:, NH ibil, TM ibil, PY *eberu- > IG ibiruI), KB ibiruI), KS bi:, HX ibiru, SN u:biru, HZ ibiruI), PYG *Vbiru- > YG biruI). play

PS *asVb- > PM *asibi > HR a:ip\ IK aSl:, NH asibl or asu:, TM aslbZ.i, PY *asobu- > IG asabuI), KB aSlpuI) or aSlbi, KS asabi, HX anbuI), HZ asabuI), PYG *aCVbu- > YG aNbuI).

1.

poison PS *_doku1> PM *doku > HR dulku, IK duku NH duku, TM dulku, PY *_doku > IG _duku, KB duku, KS duku, SN duf ku, HX duku, HZ duku, PYG *doku > YG _duku (these are all fairly recent loans into the islands). promise PS *- yue > PM *- yui > HR yUI1. IK YU1, NH YU1, TM YU1, PY *- yue > IG - yui, KB yui, KS yui, SN yui, HX yui, PYG *yue > YG - dui. pull PS *pik- > PM *pik- > HR p\k\ IK h.ifu, NH pSoitsl, TM

1

1

pus

push

1

1

p:ikSoi, PY *pik- > IG Plki"-tslkiI), KB Plki"l), HX p}kuI), HZ piki- sukuI), PYG *piku- > YG kkuI). PS *umi-ko > PM *VmVko > HR m:ku, IK I):ku, NH I):ku, TM m:ku, PY *umi-ko > IG unii, KB o:mi, KS u:mi, HX mil) (verb), Komi umi, HZ ul)ku, PYG *uCto > YG untu. PS *us- > PM *usi > HR uSl, IK uSl, NH uSl, TM uSl, PY *us- > IG usul), KB uSl, KS usui, HX usul), HZ usul) , PYG *usV- > YG uttuIJ.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

280

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

rabbit

PS *usa19i > PM *usagi > HR usa19i, NH usagi, TM usa19i, PY *usa19i > IG _uJa:l)gi', Taketomi uJal)gi, HZ

usagi, PYG *usagi > YG _usaNgi. PS *_arne1 > PM *_arne1 > HR ami 1, IK ami 1, NH ami, TM a1mi, PY *_arne1 > IG _ami, KB ami, KS ami, SN mi, HX ami1, HZ ami, PYG *ame > YG _ami. rainbow PS *tenbapu > PM *tenbapu > HR timbau, NH timpav, OG timpav, TM timpav. rainbow PS *naWozi > PY *nauzi > IG no:gi or mo:gi, KB mo:ki', KS nu:d3i, HX no:dzil), Taketomi ona:d3i, HZ no:gi. rain

i

rat rat

red

rice

rice

rice

PS *yumuno, PM *yumuno > HR yumunu1, IK yumunu, NHyumunu. PS *_uyanoto1 > PY *_uyan V tuI > IG _uyantJu, KB

uyantJu, KS uyalntJu, SN oirdza, HX uyantJu1, HZ

uyadza, PYG *uyaNto > YG uyaNtu\. PS *aka- > PM *aka- > HR aka, IK akakai, NH aka, TM akaJa:l, PY *aka- > IG aka, KB akaha, KS akaha, HX aka, HZ aga, PYG *aka > YG aga. PS *-mail > PM *-mail > HR maZ,il, IK mail, NH maZ,i, OG mal, Uchi ma'i, TM mali, PY *-mail > IG -mai, KB mai, KS mai, SN mai, HX maji (old form) or me:, HZ mai, PYG *mai > YG -mai (loan from Sino-Japanese?). paddy PS *_ta > PM *-ta > HR ta:l, IK ta:l, NH ta:, TM ta:, PY *_ta > IG _ta:, KB ta1:, KS ta:, SN ta1:, HX tana:, HZ ta:, PYG *ta > YG _ta:. wine (sake) PS *- sake1 > PM *- sake1 > HR silki1, IK Silki1,

NH saki, TM Jaki, PY *- sake1 > IG - silki, KB saki, KS silki, SN silki, HX saki, HZ saki, PYG *sake > YG - sagi. right (side) PS *-negari > PM *-migil > HR l)gZ,il, IK ntsi'l, NH mtsi, TM mi:gl, PY *neCari > IG - ne:ri, KB na:ri', KS ni:rl, SN niri, HX ne:ri, Kabira niL Komi niru, Miyara ne:ra, Taketomi mi:ri, HZ ni:ri, PYG *nedi > YG - nidi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

281

river

PS *-kawara > PM *-ka > HR ka:l, IK ka:l, NH ka:, Uechi ka:, TM ka:, PY *kaCara > IG -ka:ra, KB ka:ra, KS ha:ra, SN ka:ra, HX ka:ra, HZ ka:, PYG *kara > YG -kara. road PS *- metil > PM *_mitil > HR mtsIl, IK ntsIl, NH mtsI, TM mi)sI, PY *-metil > IG -mitsI, KB mitsI, KS mitJi, SN mitJ), HX mitsI, HZ mitsi, PYG *amete > YG - amiti. rock, see 'stone' roof tile PS *kaCaraI > PM *ka:ra > HR ka: lra, IK ka:ra, TM ka: lra, PY *_kaCaraI > IG _ka:ra, KB ka:ra, KS ha:ra, SN kaJ ra, HX ka:ra1, HZ ka:ra, PYG *ka:ra > YG ka:ra\ root PS *_ne > PM *_ne > HR ni:l, IK ni:l, NH ni:, TM ni:l, PY *_ne > IG _ni:, LB ni:, KS ni:, SN nil HX nil) 1, HZ ni:, PYG *ne > YG _ni:. rope PS *_tuna1> PM *_tina1> HR tsIna1, IK !lna: 1, NH tsIna, OG kSoina, TM nna1, PY *_tunal> IG _tsIna, KB tsIna, KS Jina, SN t£ilQa, HX sIna:, Komi tsuna, Taketomi Jina, HZ Jina, PYG *CVna > YG _Nna. rotten PS *kusar- > PM *fusari > HR fysaribi, IK fysari:, NH fysaril, TM fyJal, PY *kusar- > IG fusaril), KB fufari, KS zari, HX fytsaril), HZ ssarul) > PYG *CVsari > YG ccari. round PS *m~r- > PM *marakari > HR ma:kl}kabi, IK ma:rakai, NH ma:kukal, TM ma:kuJa:l, PY *moru or *maru > IG muru: or marusa:IJ, KB muro:muroi, KS maro:ru, SN marusal), HX muruhal), Komi muruha: or maruha:, HZ maro:l), PYG *maru- > YG maruNka. rub PS * sIsu- > PM *si- > HR sj"pagbi, NH sl:nil, TM Ji:, PY *sIsu- > IG sIsul), KB sO:I], KS Ji:, SN IIi:, Taketomi susu:ruIJ, Kabira suri, HZ ssuIJ, PYG *sito- > YG ccitUlJ. sail (noun) PS *-po > PM *-po > HR pu:l, IK hU:l, NH pu:, TM pu:, PY *-po > IG -pu:, KB pol KS pu:l, SN pU:, HX po:, HZ pU:, PYG *pu > YG -hu:.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

282

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

salt

PS *ma:sol > PM *ma:su > HR ma:lsu, IK ma:su, NH ma:su or ma:su, TM ma:1Ju, PY *_ma:su > IG _ma:su, KB ma:sl, KS ma:su, SN rnalsu, HX masu1, HZ ma:su:, PYG *maso > YG masu\ sand PS *-mVnago1 > PM *-mVnago1 > HR mnagu:l. IK mnagu1, NH mnagu, TM mnagu. sand PS *- esinagu1 > PY *- esinagu1> IG - ino:, KB is.ino:, KS ino:, SN S.iva, HX iJo:Ij, Taketomi inno:, HZ ino:Ij, PYG *sinaN> YG - ccinaIj. saw (n) PS *_nokogil > PM *_nokogil > HR nuku19l-i:, IK nuku ~ii:, NH nukudzl, TM nuku19l-i, PY *_nokogil > IG _nukirl, KB nikirl, KS nuklin, SN nohif ri, HX nugirl or nugira, HZ nukiru, PYG *nokogi > YG _nugudi. say PS *ayi- > PM *ai > HR al-i, IK ai, NH al-i, TM \:, PY *ayizu- > IG izuIj, KB itsuIj, KS izu, HX enuIj, HZ azuIj or izuIj, PYG *Vyu- > YG NduIj. scales (fish) PS *era/;ke > PM *erike > HR il-iki, IK i:ki, NH ilki, TM ilki, PY *erake > IG iragl, KB iragi, KS iraki, HX irigi, HZ iraki, PYG *ito- > YG ittuo (older from, non-cognate?). scent PS *kaza > PM *kaza > HR kadza, IK kad3a, NH kadza, TM kada, PY *kaza > IG kadza, KB kanza, KS haza, HX ka:, HZ kadza, PYG *kaza > YG kada. scissors PS *pasamVl > PM *pasamV > HR Pilsalm, IK hilsam, NH Pilsam, TM PillJam, PY *_pasaN1> IG _pasaIj, KB patsan, KS palsaIj, SN palsaIj, HX pasaIj, PYG *pasaN > YG hasaIj1scrape PS *kedur- > PM *kezi < HR kittsl, IK kidzl:, TM kjttSi:, PY *kezir- > IG kizyirl, HX k}s.iruIj, HZ kizyuIj, PYG *kedu- > YG kiIjduIj.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

283

scrape

PS *peg- or pag- > PM *pegi > NH piv, TM pigl, PY *peg- > IG pagul] or pigul], HZ pagil], PYG *pagu- > YG haNgul]. scrape PS *togu- > PM *tog- > NH tuv, TM tugl, PY *togu- > IG to:1] or tugul] , KB to:I], HX tUI], PYG *togu- > YG tuNgul]. scratch, see 'write' sea PS *3mV1 > PM *emV > HR im1, IK im1, NH im, TM im1, PY *_eN- > IG _iI], KB il]1, HX inaga, Taketomi il]1, . PYG *uN-naka > YG -nnaga or uNnaga. see PS *mer- > PM *meri > HR mi:Z,i, IK mi:, NH mi:l, TM mi:l, PY *meru- > IG mi:rul], KB mirul], KS miri, HX mirul], HZ mirul], PYG *mi- > YG Nnul]. seed PS *tane1 > PM *tane > HR talni, IK tani, NH tani, TM talni, PY *tane > IG _tani, KB tani, KS tani, SN til'\ti, HX tani1, HZ tani, PYG *tane > YG _tani. seed PS *_sane1 > PM sane > HR sani, IK sani, NH sani, TM Sani, PY *_sane1> IG _sani, KS sani, Miyara sanL seven PS *nana1 > PM *nana > HR nalna, IK nana, NH nana, TM nalna, PY *nana > IG _nana, KB nana, KS nana, SN nalna, HX nana, HZ nana, PYG *nana > YG _nana. sew PS *noCu- > PM *no > HR nu:, IK nu:, NH nu:, TM nu:, PY *noCu- > IG nO:I], KB klnu-no:l], KS nui, HX nU:I], Kabira no:, HZ nU:I], PYG *no- > YG nUl]. shade PS *kage') > PM *kage > HR ka19i, IK kagi, NH ka:gi, TM ka19i, PY *kage > IG _kai or ka:gi, KB kai, KS hali, SN kali, HX ke:1, Komi kagi, HZ kai, PYG *kage > YG kaNgil. shape PS *- katati > PM *- katati1 > HR kataltsl, IK kataltsl, NH katatsl, TM katatsl, PY *- katati') > IG - katats'i, KB katatsl, KS hatalO, SN kiltaltJi, HX kiltats'i, PYG *- kataci.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

284

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

sharp

PS *togari- > PM *tog- > HR tugya:nu, NH ttJimunu, TM Juguri, PY *togar- > IG tugar'i-zu:sa:IJ, SN tUIJgari. shelf PS *- tana1 > PM *- tana1 > HR tana1, IK tana1, NH tana, TM tana, PY *- tana1 > IG - tana, KB tana, KS tana, SN tilQa, HX tilQa, HZ tana, PYG *tana > YG - tana. shell PS *mina > PM *mVna > HR mna, IK nna, NH mna, TM mna, PY *mina > IG nna, KB NA, KS NA, HX minaN, HZ mina, PYG *Nma > YG Nma. shell (type of) PS *ko > PM *ko > HR ku:, IK ku:, NH ku:, TM ku:, PY *ko > IG ku:, KS ku:. shin PS *sine > (accent is incongruent) PM *karasune > HR karas'ini, NH karasuni, Uechi s'ini1, PY *_sine1> IG _s'ini, KB s}ni, KS Jir ni, HX liQi1 or s}Qibuni, HZ Jini, PYG *sine > YG ccinil. ship, see 'boat' shoes PS *saba > PM *fumV-saba > HR fumsaba, PY *saba > IG saba, KB saba, KS saba, HX sapaIJ, HZ saba. short PS *mar- > PM *marukari > HR marukal,i, IK marukai, NH marukal, TM malla:l, PY *mar- > IG mar'i:mar'i 'short in height', KB maihaIJ, KS mar'ikka:ha: 'short person', HX marahaIJ or maro:haIJ, Taketomi marusaIJ, PYG *mara- > YG maraIJ. sickle

PS *gakil > PY*gaki > IG ~ag'i, KB ga:k'i.. KS gak1ki,

1.

SN ga1hya, HX gakkya Komi ga:k'i, Taketomi gaJi, HZ gakkye:. sickle PS *iraraI > PM *irara > HR l,izalra, IK l,izara, NH l,izara, TM l,izala, PYG *irara > YG iraraI. sing PS *ay- > PM *ai > HR al,i, IK al,i, NH al,i, TM e:gus'i:, PY *ez- > IG idzuIJ, Taketomi izuIJ, Aragusuku izuIJ, HZ izuIJ, PYG *ayu- > YG ayuIJ. sink (verb) PS *s'izim- > PM *sizimV > HR si-dz'im, IK si-dz'im, NH s"\-diim, TM s"\-dz'im, PY *s'izim- > IG s'iz'imuIJ, KB sintJiki, KS sizumi, HX sumuIJ, PYG *CVkeru- > YG NkiruIJ.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

285

sister (older) PS *ane > PM *ane > HR al)ga, IK ani, NH ani, 00 ani, TM al)ga. sister (older) PS *_ama1> PY _ama1> I03mma, KB a:ma, KS n:na, HX ama, HZ amma. sister (older) PS *ate, PYO *ate > YO ati. sister (younger) PS *utoto (accent is incongruent) > PM *utoto > HR utu ltu, IK uttu, NH utu, TM utltu, PY *utoto > 10 _ututu, KB ututu, KS uj}tu, SN utj}wa:, HX ututu, HZ usutu, PYO *utoto > YO _ututu. sit PS *wir- > PM *biri > HR bloi, IK bi:, NH bloi, TM bloi:l, PY *biru- > IG b"irul), KB b"irul), KS biru, HX b"i:TUl), HZ biTUl), PYO *bu- > YO bUl). PS *mutu) > PM *-mVtil > HR m:ts"i1. IK m:ts"i1. NH m:tsi", TM m:ts"i, PY *-mutu1> 10 -mu:tsi" or -l):ts"i, KB mu:ts"i, KS n:tSi, SN mu:tSj, HX m:tsi", Komi mukku, HZ mu:tsi, PYG *muti > YO - mu:ci. sky PS *- teN> PM *- teN> HR til) 1. IK til) 1. NH til), TM til), PY *- teN> IO - til), KB tsil), KS til), SN til), HX d3il), HZ til), PYG *teN > YG - til). sleep (or lie down) PS *nebu- > PM *nebur- > HR niv, IK jIu:, NH niv, TM ninil, PY *ni"bu- > 10 nibul), KB nufutoho:l) or nubltaru, KS nivi or nivva, HX nufful), HZ nibul), PYO *ner- > YO niNdul). small PS *eme- > PM *emekari > HR imikaloi, Ik imikai, NH imikal, TM imiSa:l. small PS *gurna- > PY *gurna- > IG guma:sa:l), KB gumaha:l), KS gumaha, HX gumahal) 'fine, delicate', HZ guma:l), PYG *kuma- > YG gumal). smell PS *kaffibu- > PM *kaffibV > HR kabloi, IK kam, NH kam or kabil, TM kab"i, PY *kabu- > 10 kabul), KB kabul), KS habi, HX kilbul) or kapul), HZ kabul), PYO *kab- > YO kabul). SIX

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

286

smoke

snake

snake son

soot

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *-kebosi > PM *-kebusil > HR kivsIl, IK kyu:lsl, NH kivs'i, OG kiffu TM kifys'i, PY *kebusi > IG - kibus'i, KB kibus'i, KS kibuSi, SN kibuSJ, HX kipys'i, HZ kibo:Si, PYG *kebosi > YG - kibunci. PS *-pabu1> PM *-pabu1> HR paul. IK haul. NH pay, TM pau or po:, PY *- pabu1 > IG - pabu, KB papu or hapu, KS paIJ, SN pabu, HX Ptlku, HZ pabu. PS *tokaWora > PY *tokaura > IG tukara, Kabira takora, HX tuken, PYG *tokara > YG tugara. PS *kura > PM *kura > HR bikivva, IK bikivva, NH bikivva, TM bikivva, PY *kuCa > IG fa:, KB fa:, KS vva, HZ h1}fa, PYG *ha: > YG ha: 'child'. PS *- su:su1 > PM *- sisi > HR fu lss'i or tS'is'ipi, IK s'i:s'il. NH ffus'i, Uechi s'i:s'i, PY *su:su > IG _sjs'i, KB SiSi or s'is'i,

1

KS Si:1Si:, SN filSi, HX s'is'i, Taketorni s'i:s'i or sysu, HZ fifi, PYG *sisi > YG - ccici. sound PS *uto (accent is incongruent) > PM *uto > HR ultu, IK utu, NH utu, TM ultu, PY *- uto1 > IG - utu, KB utu l. KS utu, SN utu, HX utu, HZ utu, PYG *uto > YG utu. soup, see 'broth' sour PS *suwo- > PM *subukari > HR suvka;\ IK su:kai, NH suvkal, TM s'ifySa:I, PY *suCo- > IG su:sa:IJ, KB so:hanu, KS Si:yaIJ, SN su:sai, HX sjsahaIJ, PYG *siya- > YG ccya:IJ· south PS *pawi') > PM *pae > HR pali, IK hai, NH pai, TM pal PY *paY > IG _paY, KB paY, KS pal SN pai, HX pe:l. HZ pai, PYG *pae > YG _hai. sparrow PS *(kura)-padoriya) '(black) sparrow' > PM *ffa- paduri > HR paduli or padura, IK ffya ldura, NH ffadurya, PYG *padoya > YG haduya\ spear PS *yari > PM *yari > HR yaY, NH yal, TM yal, PY *yari > IG yarl or yara, KS yan, Taketorni yari, Uehara yari.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

spider

spit

287

PS *_ko"'u1 > PM *_kobu1 > HR kuv1. IK ku: 1, NH ya:kuv, TM ku1vu, PY *ko"'u > IG _kubu, KB gumbo:, KS gUIJ, SN kJbu, Komi kubu, Taketomi kumu, HZ gubun-dani, PYG *kobu > YG _kubu:. PS *_ti- > PM *_tizi1 > HR tSldzl1, IK tSJtSI1. NH tStiZI,

TM tSJ-rZI, PY *_ti > IG _tS"itSI, KB zyintsl, KS JiIJ, SN tJir pa, HX SIIJ1, HZ sintsi, PYG *tuba- > YG _cubaiNtti (loan?). split PS *ware- > PM *bari > HR bal.-i, IK bai, NH bal, TM bal, PY *bare- > IG bariIJ, KB bariIJ, HX bariIJ, HZ bariIJ, PYG *bari- > YG bariIJ. (be) split PS *wareru- > PM *bareri > HR baril.-i, IK bari:, TM baril, PY *bareru- > IG bariruIJ, KB bariruIJ, HZ bariruIJ, HZ bariruIJ, PYG *bariru- > YG bariruIJ. spring PS *uruzimV > PM *uruzimV > HR ufik'im, IK bi:d3IIJ, NH uldzlm, TM urudzlm, PY *uruziN > IG urudzlIJ, KB urontsuIJ, KS uruzuIJ, HX urizlIJ, HZ urudzlIJ, PYG *uruziN > YG urudiIJ. stab PS *sas- > PM *sasi > HR st\sI, IK st\sl, NH st\sl, TM Jasl, PY *sasu- > IG sasl (as in saslmata 'forked hoe'), HX stl-tsuIJ, PYG *saN > YG saIJ. staff PS *gusamV (accent is incongruent) > PM *gusamV > HR guJa1IJ, IK guJaIJ, NH guJaIJ, TM guJa1m, PY *~usaN1 > IG ~usaIJ, KB gusaIJ, KS gusaIJ, SN saIJ, HX gusaIJ HZ gusaIJ, PYG *gusaN > YG - gusaIJ. stand PS *tat- > PM *tat- > HR ttl-tSI, IK tatsl, NH tt\fu, TM ttttsI, PY *tat- > IG tatsuIJ, KB tatsiuruIJ, KS tati, HX tt\tsIIJ, HZ thathuIJ, PYG *tat- > YG tatuIJ.

gJ

star

PS *_posi 1 > PM *_posi 1 > HR pvSI1. IK hvs11, NH PVS1, TM pv1sl, PY *_posi1 > IG _fusI, KB putsl, KS pvJi, SN PV£i, HX pvtsu, HZ puJi, PYG *posi > YG -huci.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

288

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

stem (of a ship) PS *tomo > PM *tomo > HR tumu, IK tumu, NH tumu, TM tumu, PY *tomo > IG tumu, KB tumu, HX tumu, HZ tumu, PYG *tomo > YG tumu. stick PS *baWo > PM *bau > HR bo:, IK bau, NH bo:, TM bo:, PY *bau > IG bo:, KB bo:, HX bo:, HZ bau, PYG *bo > YGbu:. stomach PS *upu-gari > PM *upugari > HR upugai, IK hugai, NH ukugai, TM upugal, PY *ubu-nu-ga"i > IG fUI)gai, KB u:I)gai, HX muge:, HZ ubuI)gai, PYG *upugai > YG ubuNgai. stomach PS *- e > PM * - e > HR i:l, IK i:l. NH i:, TM i:, PY *_e > IG J, KB i:l. KS i:, SN il:, HX i:, PYG *e > YG -i:. stone PS *- esel > PM *- esi l > HR is"il, IK is"il, NH is"i, TM iJi, PY *- esel > IG - iJi, KB isi, KS iJi, SN iJi, HX iJi, HZ iJi, PYG *isi > YG - ici. storehouse PS *kura > PM *kura > HR kura, IK kura, TM fura, PY *kura > IG kura, KB kura, HX ffa, Taektomi f\lfa, HZ ku:ru, PYG *kura > YG hura:. straw PS *wara > PM *bara > HR bara, IK bara, NH bara, PY *bara > IG bara, KS bara, HX barafuta, HZ barafuta, PYG *bara > YG bara. straw mat PS *mosVso > PM *mosVsu > HR mussu, IK mussu, NH mussu, TM mussu, PY *mosVsu > IG musu, KS musu, HX mussu, HZ musu, PYG *moso > YG musu. strength PS *taya > PM *taya > HR taya, IK taya, NH taya, OG taya, TM taya, PYG *taya > YG taya. strength PS *- tYkara l > PM *- tikaral > HR tsikaral. TM ts"ikara,

PY *- fikara1 > IG - ts"ikara, KB ts"ikaru or tS"ikan, KS sukara, SN tJika1a, HX sukara, Taketomi iikara, PYG *sikara > YG - sikara. string PS *-wo > PM *bu > HR bu:, NH bu:, TM bu:, PY *-bu > IG -bu:, KB bu:, KS bu:, HX bu:, PYG *bu > YG -bu:. strong PS *tuCo- > PM *tu- > HR tsu:kal-i, IK tJu:kai, NH tsu:kal, TM tJu:Ja:l, PY *tuCo- > IG tsu:sa:I) or tS\l~asaI), KB

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

sugar

289

tIo:ha:l), HX su:sahaN, HZ su:wal), PYG *susaN > YG susaN. PS *sata1 > PM *sata > HR sala, IK s~ta, NH sata, TM Iala, PY *sata > IG _satta:, KB sma, KS .£.ila, SN s~la,

HX Silta1, HZ sata, PYG *sata > YG sata\ summer PS *- natu 1. > PM *- nati1 > HR natsi'l, IK natsi'1. NH natsi', TM natsi', PY *- natu1 > IG - natsi', KB natsu, KS natIi, SN natii, HX natsi', Komi natsu, HZ natIi, PYG *nati > YG naci. sun PS *teda1> PM *teda > HR ti kta, IK tida, NH tida, TM ti kta, PY *teda > IG _tida, KB tsinda, KS tikta, SN ti: kta, HX .£.iva1, HZ tida, PYG *tedaN > YG tidal)\ surely PS *kanarazu > PM *kanarazi > HR kanaradzi', IK kanaradzi', NH kanaradzi', TM kanaradzi', PY *kanarazi > IG kanaradzi', HX kanaradzl, PYG *kanadi > YG kanadi. surface PS *omote > PM *-umuti1 > HR umuti1, IK umuti, NH umuti, TM umuti, PY *umote > IG umuti, KB umuti, HX umuti, PYG *omote > YG umuti. sweat PS *_ase1 > PM *_ase1 > HR aIil, IK aIi1. NH aIi, TM alsi, PY *_ase1 > IG _aIi, KB a:Ii, KS aIi, SN swell

swim

arIi, HX

aIi1, HZ aIi, PYG *ase > YG _aIi. PS *pukor- > PM *fukuri > HR fukuriZ,i, IK hukuri:, NH fukuramasi', TM fl.lkuril, PY *pukor- > IG fukuril), KB fukurirul), KS fukuri, HX fl.lkural), HZ pl.lk"urul), PYG *pukorer- > YG kkurirul). PS *uyug- > PM *uyugi > HR uyugZ,i, IK u:dzi', NH U:dZI, TM uigi', PY *uyug- > IG ul), KB ui, KS ui, SN uiIi, HX ul), Kabira umi, Komi uyugi, Miyara urni', Taketomi u:mi, HZ u:l), PYG *ugu- > YG uNgul).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

290

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *katanaI > PM *katana > HR katalna, IK katana, NH katana, Uechi katalna, TM katana 'knife', PY *_katanaI > IG _katana, KB katana:, KS hatalna, SN kati na, HX katanal, HZ katana, PYG * > YG katana'). tail PS *-yu > PM *_zu > HR dZU:l, IK d3u :, NH dZU:, TM d3ul, PY *- zu > IG - zU:, KS zU:, Komi dzu:, HZ ZU:, PYG *yu- > YG duNpani. taste (flavor) PS *- az'il > PM *azi > HR a~z'i, IK adz'i, NH adz'i, TM a~z'i, PY *- azIl > IG - adzI, KB antsu, KS ad3i, SN ad3i, HX adz"i, HZ adz'i, PYG *adi > YG - adi. tears PS *_nada1 > PM *_nada1 > HR nadal, IK nadal, NH nada, TM nalda, PY *_nada1 > IG _nada, KB nanda, KS nadal, SN naJ da, HX nanda or nada (older fonn) , HZ nada, PYG *noda > YG _nuda. ten PS *-to > PM *-to > HR tu:l, IK tu:l, NH tu: or tu:, TM tu:, PY *-to > IG -tu:, KB tu1:, KS tu:, SN tu:, HX tu:, HZ tu:, PYG *to > YG -tu:. that (are) PS *- kare1 > PM *- kari1 > HR kai l, IK kai l, NH kari, TM kal, PY *- kare > IG - kari, KB kttri, KS hari, SN kttri, HX kari, HZ kari, PYG *kare > YG - kari. that (sore) PS *- ure1> PM *- uri1> HR uil, IK uil, NH uri, TM ul, PY *- ure1> IG - uri, KS uri 'this', SN uri, HX uri, HZ uri, PYG *u > YG -u:. there (asoko) PS *-kama1> PM *kama > HR kalma, IK kama, NH kama, TM kalma, PY *- kama > IG - kama, KB kanga, KS hama, SN k~rpa, HX ha: or haru, HZ kama, PYG *kama> YG -kama. there (soko) PS *- oma1 > PM *uma > HR ulma, IK uma, NH uma or uma, TM ulma, PY *- oma1 > IG _uma, KS ama 'over there', SN uma, HX na:, HZ uma, PYG *oma > YG - uma. they PS *kanukaya > PM *kanukaya > HR kaita, IK kanukya, NH kanukya, TM kal)ki, PYG *kanVta > YG _kaNta. they PS *kareta > PY *kareta > IG karitta or katta, HZ kattsa. sword

1

1

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX they thick

291

PS *usita > PY *usita > IG utta:, KB usuta or uslta, KS uruttsa, HX uSitama. PS *atV- > PM *ati- > HR af;'i:nu, PY *atVs- > IG attsal), KB attsa:nu, KS atSimaiya, HX atsahal), Komi atsuha:, SN aSjtsa:, HZ attsal), PYG *asa- > YG acal).

PS *nuslto(ri) (accent is incongruent) > PM *-nusudo1 > HR nusltu1, IK nusu lctu, TM nusldu, PY *_nusitoril > IG _nusjlurl, KB nuslturu, KS nuSiturl, SN nulituf ri, HX nusJturl, PYG *nusito > YG _nu£ito. thigh PS *_momo1> PM *_momo1> HR mumuni, IK mumu1, NH mumuni, TM mumuni, PY *_momo1 > IG _mumu, KB mumundarl, KS mumu, SN muf mu, HX mundarisl, HZ mumu, PYG *momo > YG _mumu. thin (weak) PS *pis- > PM *pisikari > HR p:islkazl, IK ssukai, NH pjsjkal, TM pjssa:l, PY *pisa- > IG plssa:l), KB pissa:nu, KS piSSa, HX pJs~hal), HZ pssaru, PYG *pisa- > YG pical). thief

thing

think

think

this

PS *_mono1> PM *- mono1> HR munu1, IK munu1, NH munu, TM munu, PY *_mono1 > IG _munu, KB mu lou, KS munu, SN muf nu, HX munu1, HZ munu, PYG *mono > YG_munu. PS *kaNgaer- > PM *kaNgaeri > HR kal)gai\, IK kal)gai:, NH kal)gail, TM kal)gail, PY *kaNgaer- > IG kal)gail), KB kal)gairul), KS hal)gai, HX kal)gerul), HZ khanl)gaul), PYG *kagaru- > YG kaNgarul). PS *omoCu- > PM *umu- > HR umu:, IK umu:, NH umu:, TM umu:, PY *umoCu- > IG umo:l), KB umui, KS umui, HX mUl), HZ umu:l), PYG *omo- > YG umul). PS *- kore1 > PM *- kori1 > HR kui 1, IK kui 1, NH kuri, SN kuri, HX TM kul, PY *- kore1 > IG - kuri, KB kuri, o kuri, HZ kuri, PYG *ko > YG -ku:. 00

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

292

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

this kind PS *kani- > PM *kanVtinu > HR kantJinu, IK kanJinu, NH kainu, TM kunJinu, PY *kayiru > IG kand3ir"i, KB kairu, KS haya:ri", HX keru, HZ kairu, PYG *konVne > YG kuNni. this year PS *kotosi > PM *kotosi > HR kytysi" > IK kytys"i, NH kytys·i, TM kytys"i, PY *kotosi > IG kytus"i, KB kutus"i, KS kutuJi, HX kytus·i, HZ kytuJi, PYG *kotosi > YG kutuci. thou (honorable) PS *unizu > PM *unzu > HR und3u, IK und3u, TM und3u. thou (non-polite) PS *- wora1 > PM *- bura1 > HR vva1, IK vva1, NH vva, TM vva, PY *- ural> IG - wa:, KB uwa, KS uva, SN ura, HX da: (cognate?), HZ wa:, PYG *Nda > YG -Nda. thread PS *_eto1> PM *_eto1> HR itu: 1, IK itu1, NH itu or itu, TM iltu, PY *_eto1 > IG _itu, KB nuitsu, KS itu, SN iftu, HX itu1, HZ itu. three PS *me- > PM *mi- > HR m"i:-, IK m"i:-, NH mi:-, TM m"i:-, PY *me- > IG mi:-, KB mi:-, KS mi:-, HX m"i:- or mi:-, HZ mi:-, PYG *me- > YG mi:. throat PS *nodoI > PM *nudo > HR nulctu, NH nudu, TM nu lctu, PY *nodo > IG _nudu, KB nundu, KS nu lctu, SN nu lctu, HX nudu1, HZ nudu, PYG *nodo > YG nudu\ throw PS *teCuri > PM *teCuri > HR tiv, IK tivvi, NH tiv, TM tivva-. throw PS *nager- > PM *nageri > HR nagi''I, NH nagil, PY *naNger- > IG nalJgilJ, KB nankirulJ, HX nalJgirulJ, Komi nangi:, HZ nalJgulJ, PYG *nager- > YG naNgirulJ. thunder PS *_kamVnaril > PM *_kamVnaril > HR kanna\1, IK kamna1 NH kamnal, TM kamna1 PY *_kaNVnaril > IG _kannar"i, KB kannari, KS hanlna:r"i, SN kandari, HX kannar"i, HZ kannari, PYG *kaNnari > YG _kaNnari or kaNnadi (modem form).

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

293

APPPENDIX

thunder PS *kamVtoyumV > PM *kamVtoyumV > HR kamtuyum, PY *kaNVto > IG kantume:, KB kando:ra. tide PS *so > PM *su > HR sU:, IK sU:, NH sU:, TM sU:, PY *su > IG sU:, KB sU:, KS sU:, HX sU:, HZ sU:, PYG *so > YGsu:. tie PS *s;}mari > PM *simari > HR s"imaz"i, IK s·imai, NH s"imal, PY *samar- > IG samaruI), KB samaruI), KS Simari, HX samaruI). tie PS *mosub- > PY *mosub- > IG musubuI), SN muSipi:, HX musl}puI), HZ musubuI). tie PS *yuCi- > PY *yuCi- > IG YO:I), HX YUI), HZ YU:I), PYG *yui > YG dui. time PS *_toki 1 > PM *_toki 1 > HR tl}kya or tl}ks-i1, IK tl}kya or tutsj1, NH tl}kya, TM tl}lIes-i, PY *_toki1> IG _tl}b, KS

1. SN tJ ki, HX tub1, HZ tuki, PYG *toki > YG tuti. tuki o to (indirect object) PS *ga > PM *ga > HR ga, IK ga, NH ga, TM 0

0

-

gao to (indirect object) PS *N > PY *N > IG I), KB I). to (direction) PS *nVkaWe > PM *nVkae > HR I)kai, IK I)kai, NH I)kai, TM I)ke:, PY *nVgae > IG naI)ga, KB I)ge:, HX na:, Komi I)gai, HZ kai, PYG *NkeCe > YG Nkie:. tobacco PS *tabako1 > PM *taboko or *tabako > HR tabu lIeu, IK tabaku, NH tabaku, TM tabu lIeu, PY *_tabako1 > IG _tabaku, KS taba lku, SN tabo1. HX t~kabu, PYG *taboko > YG tabugul. together PS *ma:do- > PM *ma:tuke > HR ma:tsuki, NH ma:tsi·ki, TM ma:ts·iki, PY *ma:du > IG ma:dzoI), KB ma:ts"iI), KS mazuI) , SN mazuI), HX ma:zu, PYG *madoN > YG maduI).

toilet

PS *_purlya1> PM *_furi1 > HR fuzIl. NH ful, TM fu1 PY *- pur·iya1 > IG - furya, KB fo:rya, KS furl or furuya, SN furi1ya, HX fl}ru, PYG *puruya > YG huruya\

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

294

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

tomorrow PS *atVlsa > PM *_atVsal> HR atsal, IK atSal, NH atsa, TM alta, PY *atVlsa > IG _attsa, KB atsa, KS attsa, SN aftsa, HX attsal, HZ attsa, PYG *ata > YG atta:\ tongue PS *_sital > PM *_sital > HR s)da, IK s}tal, NH s)ta, TM silta, PY *_sital > IG _sita, KB slta, KS Siba, SN lita, HX s}tal, HZ Sita, PYG *sita > YG _tta:. tool PS *dauguI > PM *dauCu > HR dau, IK dau, NH do:v, TM dalu:, PY *_dauguI > IG _do:l)gu, KB dOl)gu, KS dal)19u, SN dUl)f gu, HX da:gu l, PYG *dogu > YG duNl)ul. tooth PS *_pa > PM *_pa > HR pa:l, IK ha:l, NH pa:, TM pa:l, PY *_pa > IG _pa:, KB pa:l, KS pa:, SN pal, HX pal) l, HZ pa:, PYG *pa > YG _ha:. trap PS *_wanal > PM *_banal > HR balna, IK banal, NH bana, TM balna, PY *_banal> IG _bana or ba:na:, KB balna, KS bana, SN bar na, HX badal, HZ bana. PS *_yamal > PM *_yarnal > HR yarnal, IK yarnal, TM trap yalma, PY *yarna > IG _yarna, HX yama, HZ yarna, PYG *yama > YG _darna. treasure PS *_takaral > PM *_takaral > HR takaral, IK takala, TM takala, PY *_takaraI > IG _takara, KS takala, SN takar ra, HX takaral, HZ takara, PYG *takara > YG _tagara. PS *_ke > PM *_ke > HR ki:l, IK ki:l, NH ki:, TM ki:l, tree PY *_ke > IG _ki:, KB ki:l, KS ki:, SN kil HX ki:l, HZ ki:, PYG *ke > YG _ki:. tub PS *_woke l > PM *uke > HR u:lki, IK uki (as in furu:ki 'bath tub), NH u:ki, Uechi u:kil, TM gulki, PY *woke > IG _u:ki, KB o:ge:, KS u:\i, SN U19i, HX ukil, Taketomi bu:ki, HZ u:ki, PYG *woke > YG vu:gi (older form) ugil.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

295

tum

PS *ma(ga)r- > PM *mari > HR ma:zI, IK rna:i, NH ma:l, TM rna:l, PY *ma:ru- > IG rna:ruIJ, KB ma:ruIJ, HX ma:ruIJ, HZ ma:ruIJ, PYG *magar- > YG maNgaruIJ· turtle PS *_kame1 > PM *- kame1 > HR kami 1, IK kami1, NH kami, TM kami, PY *_kame1 > IG _kami, KS hami, SN k{ qU, HX k~qUl, Taketomi kami, HZ kami, PYG *kame > YG _kami. twenty years PS *-patati1 > PM *-patati1 > HR pata:tsIl, IK hataltsI, Uechi patatsI, TM p~tatsI, PY *- patatil > IG

two

- patatsI, KS patatSi, SN p~ta1tli, HX p~tatsI, PYG *patati > YG - hataci. PS *- puta1- > PM *- futa1- > HR f\lta1-, IK f\lta1-. NH f\lta-, TM f\lta-, PY *- puta1 > IG - futa-, KB futa-, KS futa-, SN f\lta-, HX f\lta-, HZ puta-, PYG *puta > YG -Ua-.

two people PS *- puta:n > PM *- putari1 > HR futa:ll, IK f\lta l:i, TM f\ltal, PY *puta:n > IG - futa:ri, KS f\lta:rI, SN f\ltari, HX futa:n, HZ futa:ru, PYG *CVtai > YG - ttai. uncle PS *woza (accent is incongruent) > PM *buza > HR bu1za, IK bud3a, NH budza, TM bulda, PY *_buza1 > IG _bud3a, KB bundza, KS budza, SN burdza:, HX budzama1, HZ budzama, PYG *bonVte > YG bunti. umbrella PS *_sana1 > PM *_sana1 > HR sana1. IK sana, NH sana, TM Salna, PY *_sana1 > IG _sana, HX s~1}a, HZ sana, PYG *sana > YG sana. up PS *-uW- > PM *uabV > HR wa:lbi, IK a:bi or wa:bi, NH wa:bi, Shimozato wa:v, TM wa:lbu, PY *-ue1> IG - ui, KB ui, KS u1 SN ui, HX U:, HZ unta:, PYG *ui > YG-ui. urinate PS *sibari > PM *sibari > HR sIbazI, IKsIbai, NH sIbal, TM sYbal, PY *sibari > IG sYbarY, KB isYpe:, KS Jibaru, HX sYparI, HZJibaru, PYG *Nbai > YG Nbai.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

296

use

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *tuka- > PM *tika- > HR tsjkai, NH tSikai, TM tsikai, PY *tuka- > IG tsiko:IJ, KB tSikai, KS sukai, SN tsukai, HX sukoIJ.

village PS *- moral > PM *- mural > HR mura l, IK mural, NH mura, TM mura, PY *- mora> IG - mura, KB mura, KS mura, SN mura, HX mura, HZ mura, PYG *mora > YG mura. vine PS *- turu1> PM *- tiru1> HR tsiru, IK tsirul, Y G *- turu1 > IG tsiru, KS Sirj, HX sjJ1l, Taketomi suru, PYG *tiruN > YG-ciruN. vinegar PS *_si > PM *_si > HR si:l, IK si:l, NH si:, TM si:l, PY *_si > IG _si:, HZ Sl:. vinegar PS *pairu > PY *pairu > IG pairi, KB pain, HX pe:ru, HZ pairu, PYG *pairu > YG hairu. voice PS *_koWe1> PM *koe > HR ku IK kui, NH kui, TM kuli, PY *koe > IG _kui, KB kui, KS ku1 SN kuli, HX kuil, HZ kui, PYG *koe > YG kui\ vomit PS *pak- > PM *pak- > HR p~kSoi, IK h~fu, NH p~fu, TM p~kSoi, PY *pak- > IG fakuIJ, KB pakuIJ, HX pakuIJ, HZ po:khuIJ, PYG *paku- > YG haguIJ. vulva PS *pi > PM *pi > HR p:isi (older form), IK pi:, NH pSoi:, TM pSoi:, PY *pi > IG pi:, KB pSoi:, KS pi:, HX pi:, HZ pi:, PYG *pi > YG hi:. waist (lower back) PS *-kosil > PM *-kosil > HR kySil, IK kysll,

1

walk

wall

NH kl}si, TM kl}si, PY *-kosil > IG -kysi, KB yako:si, KS kySi, SN kl}Sj, HX kl}s'i or kl}tsi, HZ kusa:, PYG *kosi > YG -kuci. PS *arVk- > PM *arik- > HR aZik\ IK aitSoi, NH alfu, TM alkSoi, PY *arak- > IG aragulJ, KB araki, KS araku, HX aragulJ, SN arabi, HZ arakulJ, PYG *arik- > YG aigulJ. PS *kobe > PM *kobe > HR kubi, IK kubi, NH kubi, TM kubi, PY *kobe > IG kubi, KB kifi, KS kubi, HX kypi, HZ kubi, PYG *kobe > YG kubi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

297

warm

PS *nuku- > PM *nufukari > HR nuf\lkaz"i, IK IJfukai, NH IJf\lkam, TM nufuJal, PY *nuk- > IG nussa:IJ or nukuho:IJ, KB nukoha:IJ, KS nussa, SN nukusa, HX no:sahaIJ, HZ nussa:IJ, PYG *nosa- > YG nucaIJ. wash PS *arawu > PM *ara- > HR aro:, IK arai, NH arau, TM aru:, PY *arawu > IG a:ro:IJ, KB a:rafuIJ, KS arai, SN a:re:, HX arasuIJ, Taketomi aroIJ, HZ arauIJ, PYG *ar- > YG aruIJ. washtub PS *tarayil > PM *tarai > HR tara1 IK tarai, TM tara1 PY *_tarayil > IG _tarai > KB tare:, KS tarali, SN tilIii, HX tare: l, Aragsuku taray"i, HZ tarai, PYG *tarai > YG tarail (loan?). water PS *- medu1> PM *- medi1> HR midz"il, IK midz"il, NH midz"i, OG miki, TM midz"i, PY *-mezil > IG -midz"i, KB mintsu, KS mid3i, SN mitJ.i, HX midz"i, HZ midzi, PYG *medu > YG - miIJ. wave PS *_namV1> PM *_namV1> HR naml, IK naml, NH naI1,l, TM nam1, PY *_naN> IG _naIJ, KB naIJ, KS naIJ, SN na lIJ, HX naIJ l, HZ naIJ, PYG *naN > YG _naIJ. we PS *wanu-ta > PM *baNta > HR banta, IK banti, IK banti, TM anta, PY *banu-ta > IG banda, KB bannu:, KS banta, HX banu-ma, HZ banta:, PYG *banVta > YG banta:. weak PS *yoWo- > PM *yoo- > HR yo:kaZy, IK yu:ga:kai, NH yu:kal, TM yo:Ja:l, PY *yoo- > IG yo:saIJ, KB yo:ha:IJ, KS yo:sa, HX yo:haIJ, PYG *yoa- > YG doaIJ, dwaIJ (modern form). wear PS *kir- > PM *kir- > HR kSois"i, IK ts"i:, NH ts"i:, TM ki:l, PY *kis- > IG kis"i, KB kSois"iIJ, KS kjJi, HX sYIJ, Komi kSoisl:, HZ kisuIJ, PYG *CVu- > YG ccuIJ.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

298

west

wet

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *- er'il > PM *- eril > HR iZ,i1. IK i:1. NH iI, TM iI, PY *- en1> IG - ir'i, KB ir'i, KS iruma, SN iri, HX in or iri (or even 'ir'iktJ.tJi 'westerly wind'), HZ i:ru, PYG *iri > YG - iri. PS *nV- > PM *nV- > HR rnrniZ,i, IK rnrni:, NH rnrnil, TM

rnnil. wet

PS *zuaku- > PY *zuaku- > IG zoffil) or zo:ri, KB sso:rul), KS zo:ri, SN dzo:ril), HX doffaral), Komi d3uri, Taketomi zurirul)m HZ zoffe:l).

whale

PS *kuzira) > PM *fuza > HR fV ldza, IK fuddza, TM fud ld3a, PY *_kuzira) > IG _futtsa, KB fundza, KS vu:za, SN kud3if ra, HX guz'ira1. Taketomi fU3ira, PYG *kudira >

what

wheat

when

where

which

YO kudira) (recent loan?). PS *_naWo1 > PM *_nau1 > HR no: 1. IK nau1. NH nau, TM nu:l, PY *_naCu1> IG _no:, KB nu:, KS nu:, SN nul:, HX nu:, HZ nu:, PYG *no > YG -nu:. PS *_mogil > PM *_mogil > HR mugZ,i1. IK mudz'i1. NH mugZ,i, TM mu19z,i, PY *_moCi 1 > IG _mul), KB mui, HX mUl), HZ mUl), PYG *moN > YG mUl). PS *- et'i1 > PM *- eti1 > HR itsYl, IK itsYl, NH itsY, Uechi its'i, TM ilts'i, PY *- et'i > IG - itsY, KB itsu, KS itJiya, HX its'i, SN itJidu, HZ itsi, PYG *iti > YO - ici.

1

1

PS *- ezV-mV > PM *- eza > HR nldza, IK id3a, NH idza, TM nlda, PY *iimV > IG _dzYma, KB dzunga (older word), dz'il)ge: (modern word), KS rna:, SN dza:, HX dza:, HZ rna:, PYG *Nma > YG-Nma. PS *edulre > PM *3due1> HR nd 3il or nd3u, IK idi1. NH id3i, TM ndil, PY *_dure1> IG _d3iri, KB dzuri, KS nd3i, SN dzi ru' HX dza:1. Miyara dzuri, Kabira duri, PYG *Ndi > YO - Ndi.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

APPPENDIX

299

white

PS *sirn > PM *sisu > HR ssu, IK ssu, NH ssu, Yonaha sl:munu, TM sSU:, PY *sirn > IG SISU, KB si'so:ha:l], KS zo:ha, HX ssa:sahal], HZ sso:l], PYG *CVCu > YG ccu:. who PS *-ta > PY *ta > IG -ta:, KS ta:, SN ta:, HX ta:, HZ ta:, PYG *ta > YG -ta:. who PS *- tarn1 > PM *_tarn1 > HR tarn1 or to:, IK tarn1, NH tarn, TM ta1u, PY *- tarn1 > IG - tarn, KB tarn, KS tari', SN takka, HX tarn, Taketorni ta:riya, PYG *ta > YG -ta:. why PS *naWo-nVte- > PM *naute- > HR no:ti, IK nauyahi:, NH nautiga, TM nuttaiga, PY *naute > IG no:di, KB no:ndi, KS nu:tti, HX nu:ta:, HZ nusuntiya, PYG *nonVde- > YG nundi. wide PS *pirn- > PM *pisukari > HR PlsukaZ,i, IK huikai, NH p}sukal, TM p:isI}Sa:l, PY *pisu- > IG pi'susa:l], KB . pi'sohal], KS pisoho, HX p}suhal], HZ piso:l], PYG *pirn> YG hirusaIJ. wife PS *- tozi'l > PM *- tozi1 > HR tu dzi'1. IK tu dzi'1. NH tudzi', TM tudzi', PY *- tozi'l > IG - tudzi', KB tuntsi', KS tud3i, SN tl}tSi, HX tul], HZ tuzi, PYG *toN > YG - tUl]. wind PS *- kaze1 > PM *- kaze1 > HR kad3i1. IK kadi 1. NH kad3i, TM kadi, PY *-kaze1> IG -kadzi, KB kanzyi, KS had3i, SN kad3i, HX ktltSi, HZ khazi, PYG *kazi > YG -kadi. window PS *_mado1 > PM *rnado > HR rna ldu, IK madu, TM ma1du, PY *mado > IG _madu 'empty space', PYG *arnado > YG - arnadu. wing, see 'feather' winter PS *- puyu1 > PM *- puyu1 > HR fuyu1, IK fuyu1, NH fuyu, TM fuyu, PY *- puyu1> IG - fuyu, KB fui, KS fuyu, SN fuyu, HX ffi, HZ fuyu, PYG *puyu > YG - huyu. wipe PS *puk- > PM *fuk- > HR fuki, NH fl}ku, PY *puk- > IG fukuI], KB fukuI], HX fykuI], HZ fukul].

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

300

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

PS *susur- > PM *susuri > HR ssuribi, NH susul, TM JyJul, PY *sIsur- > IG sjsuruIJ, KB sIsIruIJ, KS zu:ri, Komi sIsuri, SN ssuri:. with PS *to > PM *to > HR tu, IK tu, NH tu, TM tu, PY *to > IG tu, KB tu, KS tu, HX tu, HZ tu, PYG *to > YG tu. woman, see 'female' wood PS *_ke > PM *_ke > HR ki:l, IK ki:1. NH ki:, TM ki:1. PY *_ke > IG _ki:, KB ki:, KS ki:, SN kil:, HX ki:l. HZ ki:, PYG *ke > YG _ki:. woods (forest) PS *yama > PM *yama > HR yama, IK yama, NH yarna, TM yama, PY *yarna > IG yama, KB yama, KS yama, HX yama, HZ yama, PYG *yama > YG da:rna. woods (forest) PS *mori > PM *mori > HR muI, NH mui, TM murI, PY *mori > IG yamamurasI 'grove' or murI 'hill', KS yarnanumi:, HX yamamurIJi 'grove', Uehara muri. wool PS *_wata1 > PM *_wata1 > HR bata1 or wata (as in u:dunuwata 'wool of the futon'), IK wata, TM balta, PY *_bata1 > IG _bada, KB bata, KS bata, SN bita, HX bata1. HZ bata, PYG *bata > YG _batao work PS *patarak- > PM *patarak- > HR Ptltarak5-i, IK PtltaratsI, NH PtltaratsI, TM Ptltarak\ PY *patarak- > IG patarakul), KB patarakul), HZ pataragul), HZ patarakul). wipe

PS *- mosi1 > PM *- mosi1 > HR musI1. IK musI1. NH musI, TM musI, PY *- mosi1 > IG - musI, KB musI, KS muSi, HX musl, HZ muSi, PYG mosi > YG - muci. worry PS *- suwa1> PM *suwa > HR Juwa, IK Jiba, NH Juwa, TM Jiwa, PY *-suwa1 > IG - Juba, KB Juwa:OI), KS Juwa:Si, SN Jo:Jibuti, HX Jiwa, PYG *seba > YG -siba. wound PS *-kezIl > PM *kezi > HR kidii, IK ndari, NH kidzI, TM k5-}.dz1, PY *-kezIl > IG -kIdzI, KB kIntsl, KS kid3i, HX kIdzI (loan from Ishigaki?), HZ kizi, PYG *kedi > YG -kidi. worm

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

301

APPPENDIX

PS *tutum- > PM *tili'mV > HR tsi'tsi'm, NH tsltsi'IJ, TM tsltsi'm, PY *tutum- > IG tsi'tsi'muIJ, KB s.its.imiruIJ, KS zu:mi, SN S.itsumi, Taketomi si'sumuIJ, HX sumuIJ. wrapping cloth PS *uti'p- > PM *utip- > HR utsi'fuya, IK utsi'fu:, NH utsjps'i:, PY *utlpae > IG utsi'pai, KB utSipai, HX usjpi', HZ usupai, PYG *utopi > YG utuhi (older uttupe). write (scratch) PS *kak- > PM *kak- > HR k~ksi', IK k~fu, NH k~fu, TM k~k5-i, PY *kak- > IG kakuIJ, KB kakuIJ, KS haki, HX h~kuIJ, HZ kakuIJ, PYG *kak- > YG kaguIJ. yawn PS *- akubi > PM *- afuki1 > HR afyk5-i1, IK afudlzi', NH afudzi', Uechi afugi', PY *akubi > IG - akubi', KB ako:pj, KS aubi, SN aburi, HX obi', HZ akubi (loan?), PYG *akupi > YG -aguhi (olderform), -agui. year PS *_tosi 1 > PM *_tosi1> HR tYSi'l, IK tysi'l, NH tysi', wrap

TM tylsi', PY *_tosi1 > IG _tysi', KB tysi', KS tySi, SN

tiSi, HX tysi'1, HZ tuJi, PYG *tosi > YG _tuci. yellow PS *kiru > PM *kiru > HR k5-i:ru, IK tsi':ru, NH ki:rukam, TM ki:ru, PY *ki(IJ) > IG ki'(IJ), KB ki'IJ-iru, KS kinha, HX ki:, Uehara ki:rumunu, HZ kiIJkiIJ, PYG *keN- > YG kiIJdaIJiru. yesterday PS *- kino1 > PM *- kino1 > HR k5-inu1, IK tlnu1, NH tsi'nu, Uechi ki'nu, TM k5-{]nu, PY *kino > IG - ki'nu, KB kJnu, KS kino: (loan), SN kJ.lttu, HX S.i'tlu: 1, Taketomi Jinu1, HZ khinu, PYG *CVno > YG - Nnu:. you (sing.), see 'thou' you (plr) PS *worata > PM *burata > HR vvata, IK vvadu, NH vvadu, TM vvata. you (pIT) PS *uwata > PY *uwata > IG wada:, KB uwa, KS uva-ta, SN ura, Uehara wa:, HZ wata, PYG *uyanVta > YG uyanta.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

REFERENCES Arazato, Hiroshi. 2003. Miyako kogen on'gi: Jadai wago no kaseki-Miyako hagen no tebiki [A study of the phonology of the old proverbs of Miyako: relics of the ancient language of Wa-a handbook of the Miyako dialect]. Shibuya Shogen Daigaku Jimukyoku. Beckwith, Christopher 1. 2004. Koguryo, the language of Japan's continental relatives: an introduction to the historicalcomparative study of the Japanese-Koguryoic languages with a preliminary description of archaic northeastern Middle Chinese. Leiden: E. 1. Brill. Bentley, John R. 2005. "Where Does Yonaguni Belong? A New. Classification of an Aberrant Dialect." Paper presented at the 17 th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Madison, Wisconsin, July 31-August 5th • Chinen,Osamu. 1993. "Amami-Okinawa shoto kara mita Kyiishu" [Kyiishu as seen from the Amai-Okinawa archipelago] In Mori Koichi and Makoto Sawara, eds. p. 233. Fukuda, Akira, Iwase, Hiroshi, Endo Shoji, Yamashita Kin'ichi, eds. 1983. Yonaguni-jima no mukashibanashi [Legends of Yonaguni Island]. Vol. 10 of Nanto Mukashi- banashi sosho. Kyoto: Doh6sha.

1984. Taketomi-jima, Kohama-jima no mukashibanashi [Legends of Taketomi and Kohama Islands]. Vol. 9 of Nanto Mukashibanashi Sosho. Kyoto: Dohosha. Hirayama, Teruo. 1988. Minami Ryukyu hagen kiso goi [Basic vocabulary of the Southern Ryiikyiian dialecta]. Tokyo: Ofiisha. Hirayama Teruo and Nakamoto Masachie. 1964. Ryukyu Yonaguni hagen no kenkyu [Research into the Yonaguni dialect of Ryiikyiian]. Tokyo: TokyOdo. Hirayama, Teruo, Nakamoto Masachie, Oshima Ichiro. 1967. Ryukyu Sakishima hagen no sagateki kenkyu [Composite research into the Ryiikyii Sakishima dialects]. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

REFERENCES

303

Hock, Hans Henrich. 1991. Principles of historical linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hokama, Shuzen. 1978-79. Nanto kayo taisei [Great collection of songs from the southern islands]. Vols. 3-4. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten. 1981. Nihongo no sekai: Okinawa no kotoba [The world of Japanese: the Okinawan language]. Tokyo: ChUo Koronsha. Inagaki, Masayuki. 1965. "Ryiikyii Miyakojima akusento no kenkyii" [Research into the accent of Miyako Island in the Ryiikyiis]. In Inoue et al (2001), pp. 257-275. Inoue, Fumio, Kobayashi, Takashi, Onishi, Takuichiro, and Shinozaki, Koichi. 2001. Ryiikyii hOgen-ko: Sakishima (Miyako- Yaeyama, hoka) [A treatise on Ryiikyiian dialects (Miyako, Yaeyama, and others]. Volume 7. Tokyo: Yumani ShobO. Ishigaki, Shigeru. 1981. Taketomi-cho koyo-shU [A collection of old songs from the township of Taketomi]. Ishigaki: Yaejima Insatsu. Kajiku Shin'ichi. 1961. "Hatoma hOgen no on'in taikei ni tsuite [On the phonological system of the Hatoma dialect]." In Ryiikyii hogen, no. 3:3-55. 1977. "Ogami hOgen no on' in [The phonology of the Ogami dialect]." Ryiikyii no hOgen, pp.7-42. 1982a. "Miyara Toso-ron Go) [A study of Miyara Toso (introduction)]." Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshO. 47.9: 171-77.

1982b. "Ryiikyii, Kohama hogen no on'in kenkyii josetsu." Contained in Nakasone 1982, pp. 81-106. 1983. "Yaeyama Hatoma hogen no joshi." In Ryiikyii hogen. 8:122-142. 1984. Okinawa-Amami chiho no hogen [The dialects of the Okinawa-Amami region]. Volume 10 of Koza Hogengaku. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai. 1991. "Hatoma hogen no saigi kankei goi [Hatoma dialect vocabulary related to festivals]." Ryiikyii no hOgen. 16: 56-104.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

304

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

1995. "Hatoma h6gen no jintai kankei goi [Hatoma dialect vocabulary related to human anatomy]." Ryiikyii no hogen. 18-19: 215-226. 2002. "Yaeyama-Hatoma-jima h6gen [The Hatoma dialect of Yaeyama]." Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshO. 67.7: 59-76. Karimata, Shigehisa. 1986. "Miyako h6gen no 'chfizetsu boin' 0 megutte [Regarding the mid-high vowel in the Miyako dialect]." Okinawa bunka. 22.2: 54-64 1993. "Ogami-jima h6gen no fone-mu

0

megutte (*1)

[Regarding the phoneme (*1) of Ogami dialect]." Okinawa bunka. 28.2: 1-16. 1999. 'Onsei no men kara mita Ryfikyfi no h6gen [Ryfikyfian dialects from the viewpoint of phonetics].' Kotoba no kagaku, 9: 13-86. 2000. "Tarama-jima h6gen no keifu-Tarama h6gen 0 rekishi h6gengaku teki kanten kara miru [The genetic relation of the dialect of Tarama Island-viewing Tarama dialect from a historical dialectal vantage point]." In Okinawa-ken Tarama jima ni okeru dentoteki shakai shisutemu no jittai to hen 'yo ni kan suru sogoteki kenkyii [Composite research regarding the reality of the traditional sociological system and its change on Tarama Island of Okinawa Prefecture]. Tokyo: Monbunsh6 Kagaku Kenkyfihi Hojokin Kenkyfi Seika H6kokusho, pp. 27-37. 2002. "Miyako hagen kenkyfi no kore made I kore kara [Results of research on the Miyako dialect up to the present, and into the future)." Kokubungaku kaishaku to kansho. No.7: 105-115. 2004. "Ryfikyfi h6gen no boin henka 0 kangaerusemaboinka to boin no d6ka [Considering the change in the vowels of the Ryfikyfi dialects-high vowels and vocalic mergers]." Paper presented at the 27 th Okinawa Gengo Kenkyfi Sentaa Conference, at Ryfikyfi University. July 3, 2004. 2005a. "Okinawa-ken Miyako-jima Hirara h6gen no fone-mu [The phonemes of the Hirara dialect of Miyako John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

REFERENCES

305

Island]." Nihon lOy~ bunka ronshu. No. 11: 67-113. 2005b. "Kiikiryokugaki teki na joken to kindansei teki na joken kara Ryiikyiigo no shiin henka 0 kangaeru" [An examination of the consonants of Ryiikyiian from]. Paper presented at the 28 th Okinawago Kenkyii Sentaa Conference at Ryiikyii University. July 3, 2005. Karimata, Shigehisa, Hasekura, Takako, Takaesu, Yoriko, Tokuyama, Yukiko, Tamaki, Masami, Hamakawa, Masago, trans. 1998. Miyako no fo-kuroa [The folklore of Miyako]. Tokyo: Sunagoya Shobo. Translation of Nikolai A. Nevskii's Fol'klor ostrovov Miyako, published in 1978, but originally recorded in the 1920s. Kishaba, Eijii CS>~ ~ 7k fPJ). 1924. Yaeyama-to min 'yoshi [A collection of folksongs from the Yaeyama islands]. Tokyo: KyOdo Kenkyiisha. 1967. Yaeyama min'yoshi [A collection of Yaeyama folksongs]. Naha: Okinawa Times. Lawrence, Wayne. 1997. "Hatoma hogen no akusento: meishi [Hatoma dialect accentuation: nouns]." Okinawa bunka. Vol. 32, no. 1: 1-26. 2003. "Tarama hogen no keitoteki ichi [The genetic placement of the Tarama dialect]." In Sekai ni hiraku Okinawa Kenkyu [Research into Okinawa which opens up our world]. Naha: Okinawa Kenkyii Kokusai Shinpojiumu Jikko Iinkai, pp. 238-247. Matsumoto, Masaaki. 1.973. Okinawa no rekishi to bunka [The history and culture of Okinawa]. Kondo Shuppan. Miyagi, Shin' yu, Kajiku Shin' ichi, Hateruma Eikichi, and Nishioka Satoshi. 2002. Kan-taiheiyo no 'shomelsu ni hinshita gengo' ni kansuru kinkyu chOsa kenkyu: Ishigaki hOgen goi ichiran [Endangered Languages of the Pacific Rim: the lexical list of Ishigaki Dialect]. Kyoto: Nakanishi Insatsu Kabushiki Kaisha. Miyagi, Shin'yu, Kajiku Shin'ichi, Hateruma Eikichi, Hokama Minako, Nishioka Satoshi. 2003. lshigaki hogen jiten [A dictionary of the Ishigaki dialect]. Two volumes. Naha:

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

306

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

Okinawa Taimusu-sha. Miyanaga, Masamori. See Miyara, Toso. Miyara Toso. 1980. Yaeyama koyo [Old Songs of Yaeyama]. Volume 11 of Miyara Toso zenshu [The complete works]. Tokyo: Daiichi Shobo. 1981. Yaeyama goi. Two Volumes. Volumes 8a and 8b of Miyara rosa zenshu. Tokyo: Daiichi ShobO. Originally published in 1930. 1982. Nihon hogen ihen. Two Volumes. Volumes 1 and 2 of Miyara Toso zenshu. Tokyo: Daiichi Shobo. Murayama, Shichiro. 1981. Ryukyugo no himitsu [The secret of the Ryfikyfian langauge]. Tokyo: Chikuma ShobO. Nakahara, Jo. 2005. "Kohama hOgen to Miyara hogen no on'in no hikaku kenkyfi [Comparative research into the phonology of the Kohama and Miyara dialects]." Ryukyu no hagen. No. 29: 107-120. Nakama, Mitsunari. 1983. "Miyako Nishihara hOgen no joshi." [Particles of the Nishihara dialect of Miyako] In Ryukyu hogen. 8: 105-121. 1996. "Nihon sogo no wa-gyoon [The w- phonemes of Proto-Japanese]." Okinawa bunka kenkyu. 22: 183-235. Nakamatsu, Takeo. 1984. "Ryfikyfi hogen no akusento [The accent of Ryfikyfian dialects]." In Iitoyo Kiichi, Hino Sukezumi, and Sato Ryoichi, eds. Okinawa-Amami no hogen, vol. 10 of Koza hagen gengo. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai. 1987. Ryiikyii hagen jiten [A dictionary of RyfikyUan dialects]. Naha: Naha Shuppan-sha. Nakamoto, Masachie. 1976. Ryukyu hogen on'in no kenkyu [Research into the phonology of the Ryfikyfian dialects]. Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppan-kyoku. Nakasone, Seizen. 1961. "RyUkyU hogen gaisetsu [An overview of the Ryfikyfian dialects]." Contained in Tojo Misao, ed. Hogengaku koza [Lectures on dialectology]. 4: 20-43. Tokyo: Tokyodo. 1967. Miyako hogen no kenkyu [Research into the Miyako

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

REFERENCES

307

dialect]. Naha: Asahido. 1982. Ryukyu no gengo to bunka: Nakasone Seizen sensei koki kinen. Tokyo: Ronshli Kanko Iinkai. Nohara, Mitsuyoshi. 1987. RyiikyU hOgenjoshi no kenkyU [Research into the particles of the Ryfikyfian dialects]. Tokyo: Musashino Shoin. 1999. "Yaeyama Taketomi-cho Kohama hOgen no joshi (1) [The particles of the Kohama dialect of Taketomi township, Yaeyama, no. 1]." Yaeyama Taketomi-cho chosa hokokusho (1). Ginowan: Okinawa Kokusai Daigaku Nanto Kenkyfijo, pp. 9-24. 2000. "Yaeyama Taketomi-chO Kohama hOgen no joshi (2) [The particles of the Kohama dialect of Taketomi township, Yaeyama, no. 2]." Yaeyama Taketomi-cho chOsa hokokusho (2). Ginowan: Okinawa Kokusai Daigaku Nanto Kenkyfijo, pp. 1-16. Okinawa Kyoiku Iinkai. 1975. Hateruma no hogen: RyiikyU hOgen kenkyu chOsa [The Hateruma dialect: an investigation into a Ryfikyfian dialect] No.2. Naha: Okinawa-ken Bunkazai ChOsa Hokokusho, no. 3. Oyler, Gary G. 1997. ''The Beginning of the N: In Search of the Origin of the Noun-Final Mora Nasal in the Language of Hateruma." MA Thesis. Honolulu: University of Hawaii at Manoa. Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1991. Lexicon of reconstructed pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Ryfikyfi Hogen Kenkyfi Club. 1969. "Kohama hOgen no chOsa hOkoku [a report of the investigation of the Kohama dialect]." In Inoue et al. 2001, pp. 687-740. Serafim, Leon A. 2003. "When and Where did the Japonic Language Enter the Ryukyus?-A Critical Comparison of Language, Archaeology, and History." Contained in Vovin, Alexander and Osada Natsuki, eds. Nihongo keitoron no

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

308

A LINGUISTIC HISTORY OF FORGOTTEN ISLANDS

genzai-Perspectives on the Origins of the Japanese Language. Kyoto: International Research Center for Japanese Studies. Pp. 463-476. 2004a. ''The Uses of Ryukyuan in Understanding Japonic Language History." Paper presented at Cornell University East Asia Council, October 2004. Shibata Takeshi. 1972. Zenkoku hOgen shiryo: Ryukyu-hen [Materials on all Japanese dialects: Ryiikyii section], no. 2. NHK. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1990. The Languages of Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shimabukuro, Moriyo. 1998. "Miyako hogen meishi akusento ni tsuite" (On the nominal accent of the Miyako language). Southern Review. No. 13, pp. 27-36. 2007. The Accentual history of the Japanese and Ryukyuan languaes. London: Global Oriental. Starostin, Sergei A. 1991. Altaiskaia problema i proisxidenie iaponskogo iazyka. (The Altaic problem and the origin of Japanese). Moscow: Nauka. 2004. The Tower of Babel: An Etymological Database Project. Internet Home Page. Takahashi, Shunzo. 1993. "Tarama hogen no goi (chUkan hOkoku) [The vocabulary of Tarama Dialect (midterm report)]." Tarama-to chosa hokokusho (1) [A report on the investigation of Tarama Island]. Chiiki Kenkyii Shiriizu, no 19. Okinawa Kokusai Daigaku Nanto Bunka Kenkyfijo, pp. 73-164 Takahashi, Shunzo, ed. 1987. Yaeyama-Yonaguni. A dictionary of Yonaguni words comprising vol. 12 of Ryukyu no hOgen. Thorpe, Maner Lawton. 1983. "Ryiikyiian Language History." Ph.D. Dissertation. Los Angeles: University of Southern California. Tsuchida, Shigeru. 1976. Reconstruction of Proto-Tsouic Phonology. Tokyo: Tokyo Gaigo Daigaku. Uchima, Chokujin (Naoto). 1980. Yonagun hogen no katsuyo to sono seiritsu [Conjugation and its formation in the Yonaguni Dialect]. In Kuroshio no minzoku, bunka, gengo [The ethnology,

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5

REFERENCES

309

culture, and linguistics of people along the Black Tide], pp. 447-490. 1984. Ryukyu hOgen bunpo no kenkyu. Kasama Shoin.

Uemura, Yukio. 1972. 'Ryiikyii no hogen [The dialects of the Ryukyus]' in Hokama Shuzen (ed.), Okinawa bunka ronso 5, pp. 80-102. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Vance, Timothy J. 1987. An Introduction to Japanese Phonology. Albany: State University of New York. Vovin, Alexander. 1993. A Reconstruction of Proto-Ainu. Leiden: EJ. Brill.

John R. Bentley - 978-90-04-21326-5