A History of Persia: From the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century to the Year 1858 9780755627035, 9780755627004

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INTRODUCT ION

Ali Ansari

Robert Grant Watson (1834–92) published his History of Persia in 1866 as a sequel to Sir John Malcolm’s monumental history of the same name, which had been published to much acclaim in 1815.1 Malcolm’s History, the first of its kind in the English language, had charted the history of Persia (Iran)2 from the dawn of time to the early nineteenth century, drawing on extensive Persian sources – historic, literary and poetic – to paint a rich picture of a vital political culture that was of growing importance to emerging British power in India. Malcolm’s history was an achievement, not simply because of its range and access to material, some of which has since been lost, but also because Malcolm was determined to remain unjudgmental about the nature of some of the sources he had at his disposal. It was one thing to critically evaluate your sources and quite another to dismiss them because they were not felt to adhere to the practices of an emerging historical discipline. Consequently, Malcolm had not only delivered a narrative history, but an interrogation of how the Iranians themselves had perceived and narrated it. It was a window into the Iranian imagination and a text of enormous value to those in the East India Company and beyond who sought to become acquainted with Persian civilization, a civilization, which of course had had a profound influence on the culture of the Indian 1. J. Malcolm, History of Persia (London: John Murray, 1815). The history won Malcolm the plaudits of Sir Walter Scott and an honorary doctorate from Oxford. 2. The terms ‘Iran’ and ‘Persia’ will be used interchangeably in this introduction.

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subcontinent. Malcolm in this sense, approached his narrative as an insider, and it showed. Watson had a few of these advantages, and while he had served in Iran under Charles Alison who had been minister from 1860 to 1872, in the aftermath of the Anglo–Persian War (1856–7), his career was largely occupied with European postings, including as Secretary to the Legation to Greece, Denmark, Portugal and Sweden, as well as two stints further afield in the United States (1874–6) and Japan (1872–3). While he must have been familiar with the Persian language, there is no indication that he attained the level of fluency achieved by Malcolm, and his history, which continues the narrative to the end of the Anglo–Persian War and the Treaty of Paris in 1858, is not as rich in indigenous sources as that of Malcolm’s.3 At the same time, it is a narrative rich in detail from the advantage provided by proximity for a period of history, which is both fascinating for the development of Qajar Iran and at the same time less attended to by students of Iran. Watson’s account is also of interest because of the perspective he affords, and this is perhaps clearest in those earlier sections of the history where he overlaps with Malcolm, looking at the rise of the Qajars under Agha Mohammad Khan and its early confrontations with the Russian Empire. The thrust of the narrative is obviously the same – that of an aged Oriental empire struggling to contend with the challenges of European civilization – but whole Malcolm errs on the side of diplomacy when recounting the brutal rise of Agha Mohammad Khan and the realities of early Qajar rule (though far from uncritical) Watson feels no such constraints and is content to amplify those sections which Malcolm felt were better left unsaid. That said, Watson has none of the easy condescension which permeates the writing of later British writers and was clearly both interested in and empathetic towards his subject, and while not – as we shall see – without his prejudices – his accounts of the various attempts to stem decline and maintain an imperial dignity are both generous in spirit and reflective of a British policy, which remained at this stage at least, both sympathetic and curious. The first half of the nineteenth century might be described as one of discovery, for both Iranians and Britons. It was with Malcolm’s embassy on behalf of the East India Company and the subsequent

3. Watson also authored an ‘abstract and examination’ of the evidence taken by the Select Committee on the House of Commons, 1870, on ‘The Diplomatic Service’, one of whose discussions was whether diplomatic representation in Persia should be managed by London or Calcutta. Published by John Camden, Piccadilly, 1871.

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delegations from London in 1809 that systematic and regular relations – diplomatic and otherwise – grew between both countries. The first Persian ambassador to Britain had been dispatched in 1809, and the first set of students came in 1815. Among them was Mirza Saleh Shirazi (immortalized on the Albert Memorial) who was to write one of the earliest histories of Britain in the Persian language – with a good deal less rigour, it might be added, than either of the works by Malcolm or Watson.4 In 1826 the East India College at Haileybury appointed a native Iranian, Mirza Ibrahim, to teach Persian, a position he secured with the help of Sir Gore Ousley and which he was to hold for eighteen years till 1844.5 He evidently maintained his British connections after his return to Iran since he is acknowledged for his assistance in Watson’s preface. Similarly, Britons travelled to Iran, and as Watson recounts, occasionally took up service with the Persian Crown, providing military advice and, at times, to the consternation of the British government, took their contribution to the success of Persian arms a little too seriously. From a British perspective, the first half of the nineteenth century was to prove the period when Iran was reduced from its position of pre-eminence among world powers to one in which it was struggling to find its feet. Defeat to Russia in two successive wars (1804–13 and 1826–8) had seen its territory reduced and its prestige dented. British diplomats were no longer seeking an ally for the defence of India but instead sought to limit the damage done by a defeat that might transform Iran from a bulwark against Russia to a conduit for Russian forces. This became – to coin a phrase – the diplomatic management of political decline. Not that even by the time of writing in the 1860s, was this a country beyond redemption. Far from it. Indeed, with the advantage of proximity, Watson was able to provide useful details about the condition of the Iranian army and its ability to contend with the Russian threat. The inevitability of defeat that hindsight provides is, in this account, more nuanced and by extension far more interesting, in suggesting that the causes of the Iranian defeat were more political than military and related far more to poor planning, command and control rather than to the qualities of the soldiers. ‘The Persian soldiers afford excellent material for an army, but the military system of the country is such as to neutralise the good qualities of the private sentinels.’ 4. On Mirza Saleh’s history see, A Ansari… 5. M. H. Fisher, ‘Persian Professor in Britain: Mirza Muhammad Ibrahim at the East India Company’s College, 1826-44’, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, vol. 21, no. 1&2 (2001): 24–32.

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In contrast to the impression created by Morier in his highly popular satire, The Adventures of Haji Baba of Isfahan,6 Watson added, ‘Persian soldiers are naturally and individually sufficiently brave. They are remarkably hardy, patient and enduring.’ However, Watson noted, it was not uncommon for their pay to be an arrears by several years, and even when the payment happened, the officers, who were often devoid of any martial quality, would take a cut for themselves. The absence of any logistical capacity or transport infrastructure compounded these problems, with the consequence that the Iranian army, for all its hardiness, was regularly poorly managed and deployed. This was not to deny it the occasional victory against the Russians and indeed, as Watson attested, when the Iranians caught the Russians unawares at the start of the second Russo–Persian War in 1826, they were able, in the course of three weeks, to effectively recapture all the territory Russia had acquired by the Treaty of Gulistan (1813).7 The victory was to prove all too brief as the Russians regrouped for the counterattack, but Watson was clear that the Iranian mistake was to try and fight the Russians on their terms, competing against a European army with an army that was at best only partially effective at deploying European tactics. This was, aside from the organizational issues that afflicted the army, partially a consequence of the ‘fickle’ and ‘passionate’ nature of the Crown Prince Abbas Mirza whose inconsistencies notwithstanding, Watson considered, ‘the noblest of the Kajar race’.8 It was Abbas Mirza who had led the struggle against Russia on behalf of his father, and it was he who had to deal with the fallout of the devastating Treaty of Turkmenchai (1828) and the subsequent assault on the Russian embassy when a febrile mob had slaughtered all but one in the Russian mission. Nothing could exceed the dismay into which the intelligence of this deplorable occurrence threw the crown prince Abbass Meerza, who was at the time in Tabreez. In the middle of the night a servant of the harem was despatched for the British envoy, to whom the prince, after many exclamations expressive of despair, declared that a deed had been done in at Tehran, the stain of which all the waters of the Euphrates could not efface.9

6. J. Morier, The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Isfahan (London: Macmillan, 1895), first published 1824. 7. Watson, p. 213 8. Watson, p. 269 9. Watson, p. 253

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Abbas Mirza decided to send his son on the delicate mission to the Tsar, a mission which proved remarkably successful given the circumstances, the Tsar proving amenable to the recompense and apologies on offer and not wishing to add to the political woes he was currently facing in Europe. Abbas Mirza then turned his attentions eastwards, to the pacification of Khorasan and now released from the pressures of war with Russia, ‘to assert by force of arms the claims of the Kings of Persia to dominion over Afghanistan’.10 This ambition was not to be fulfilled as Abbas Mirza contracted an illness and died en route at the age of forty-six.11 The task of securing Herat was left to his son and heir, Mohammad Shah, who, with considerable Russian encouragement and corresponding British anxiety, set off to reacquire Herat for the Persian throne. In this case a British officer was dispatched from India to assists the Afghan defenders, and it was only when, after a protracted siege and a bloody assault, the British threatened to break relations with Iran and declare war that Mohammad Shah felt that honour had been sufficiently satisfied to call off the expedition. ‘Had we known’, Watson quotes Mohammad Shah, ‘that our coming here might risk the loss of its friendship, we certainly would not have come at all.’12 That loss of friendship would ultimately come with the Anglo– Persian War with which Watson closed his history, but that would not be for another thirty years. In the course of his narration, Watson has the opportunity to discuss in some detail two further developments that were to deeply affect the shape and direction of nineteenth-century Iranian history. The first was the emergence of the Bab and the Babi Movement, the millenarian movement that was to shake the political and religious foundations of the Qajar state and give birth to a new religion – Bahaism. Watson’s history is written at a time when the Babi movement was in its nascent phase – proscribed but, as he notes, far from ‘extinct’, and he has little idea of its enduring appeal. 10. Watson, p. 266 11. Watson, pp. 268–9; Abbas Mirza was served for twenty-three years by an Irish doctor by the name of John Cormick who predeceased him by a few weeks in October 1833. Watson suggests that had Cormick (described by Watson as an ‘English physician’) been alive, Abbas Mirza may have survived his illness. John was succeeded as court physician by his son William Cormick who was born in Tabriz in 1822. His mother was Armenian. William received his doctorate in medicine from the University of St Andrews in 1841 having first studied at UCL. For more details see the relevant entries online at the Encyclopaedia Iranica. 12. Watson, pp. 314–15.

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His assessment of the Bab and his growing ‘pretensions’ remain consistently dismissive and incredulous, ascribing much of the Bab’s appeal to ‘the power of imagination and of belief possessed by his followers’.13 In this, Watson is far less sympathetic than later observers, notably E. G. Browne, but also perhaps overly dismissive and not sufficiently analytical of the causes of the Bab’s success not least in ensuring the secret conversion of many of the ‘principal priests’ of Persia.14 Watson was far more impressed with Nasir al Din Shah’s first minister, Amir Kabir, ‘a man altogether of a different nature from that of his countrymen in general’, comparing him to the famed Byzantine general Belisarius.15 Indeed, Watson continued, the rise of Amir Kabir was proof, if proof was required, that decadence and ‘degeneration’ had yet to irreversibly condemn the country. Amir Kabir had risen from very humble beginnings (his father had been first a cook then steward in the household of the first minister of Mohammad Shah) to become first minister under the new Shah, Nasir al Din, who had succeeded his father in 1848. On becoming first minister, Watson recounts, Amir Kabir found the administration of the country to be in disarray and pledged to restore order to the kingdom, a pledge that was largely dismissed by contemporaries but one which the new minister took commendably seriously. ‘But the Vizeer in every thing acted up to his expressed intentions, and if all his measures were not followed up by success, their failure must be attributed to the little assistance and cooperation he received from others, rather than to any want of sagacity or energy on the part of the minister.’16 For Watson, Amir Kabir’s task was modest in scope but crucial in importance. His ambitions were not to ‘modernize’ the country but to lay the foundations for good governance on which sustained progress could be built. ‘He made to pretence of wishing to educate the people, or of consulting their inclinations. He professed to endeavour to secure their material well-being, and to restrain their evil propensities.’17 His was in sum an exercise in ‘enlightened despotism’, and insofar as good governance was to be established through efficient administration, so must there also be a radical transformation of Persian morality and manners, the elimination 13. Watson, p. 349; Watson was particularly scathing of the ‘miracle’ around the Bab’s execution, p. 389 14. Watson, p. 351 15. Watson, p. 364 16. Watson, p. 366 17. Watson, p. 371

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of excess, sycophancy, ‘excessive vanity’, and ‘the constant desire to acquire unlawful gains’.18 Watson subscribed to the view established by Malcolm and his generation that those ills that did afflict Persia – the propensity for mendacity was regularly cited – were in large part the product of an inadequate and flawed political system and the culture it engendered. The base product, it was felt, remained fundamentally sound, if only it could be harnessed towards the good and productive, rather than those corrupt practices that facilitated degeneration. Strikingly, Watson was so sympathetic to Amir Kabir’s aims that he went so far as to applaud his attempt to restrain the influence of foreign powers, not least that of Russia and Britain, the two powers whose views, he acknowledged, were in the ascendant at the Persian court. Especially egregious had been the tendency to offer foreign protection to Persian subjects. ‘Every impartial person must admit that the right of granting protection to subjects of the Shah, which was assumed by foreign ministers though it had been sanctioned to a certain extent by the consent of the Persian government, was contrary to the principles of international law.’19 In this, Watson was taking a swipe at his own government’s position and he must have been aware that it was just this sort of interference that had been one of the catalysts for the Anglo–Persian War of 1856–7.20 Notwithstanding this, Watson added with obvious approval that Amir Kabir had refused the offer of foreign support in bringing a rebellious Mashhad to heel with the reported comment that it would be better that twenty thousand be lost than Mashhad be won for the Shah through foreign help. That said, Amir Kabir was not oblivious to the threat posed by Russian and British power, and sought to balance the two powers against each other, by yielding the occasional concession if it was deemed politic, and indeed moral, to do so. In one case, the demand for the dismissal of an official by the Russians was balanced with the accession to a British demand to counter the slave trade in the Persian Gulf. ‘This blow to the slave-traffic was one of the last notable measures of the Ameer’s administration’.21 For all his 18. Watson, p. 372; Watson described this practice as mudahil, a mistransliteration it would seem of mudakhil. 19. Watson, pp. 381–2 20. For details, see A. Amanat, The Pivot of the Universe (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), pp. 260–5. Murray, the British minister at the heart of the controversy, had been the first such ambassador not to have a background in India. On this debate see fn. 3 ‘Diplomatic Service’. 21. Watson, p. 398

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incorruptibility,22 Amir Kabir was nonetheless vulnerable to the jealousy of others, not least those people of the court who found his determination to cut corruption and impose austerity too much to bear. The irony and tragedy of Amir Kabir’s fall from grace in 1852 was that a measure of Russian or British protection would have saved his life from a young Shah determined to stamp his authority in the most brutal if regrettably almost customary manner of viziericide. But both powers miscalculated the Shah’s aims, despite a plea for help from Amir Kabir, and he was, much to their subsequent horror, executed in January 1852.23 Watson was unequivocal in his assessment of Amir Kabir and the significance of his premature death. ‘Had he lived to accomplish what it was his intention to do, he would no doubt have been ranked with the men who are held up by some people to have been specially raised up by God for a particular mission.’24 He added for good measure, ‘His career seems rather to be illustrative of the truth of the proposition so much insisted on by the author of the History of Civilisation in England25: namely that a people makes its own government, and that no government can force progress if the people be unsound.’26 This was a somewhat different emphasis that had permeated much of the narrative of the text and may have reflected the real shock of Amir Kabir’s dispatch and a growing tendency in some quarters to view the political situation as irredeemable – certainly in the absence of any foreign help. Be that as it may, Watson never appeared to be wholly convinced of this conclusion (interestingly those who served in or visited Iran tended to be more open about prospects for reform than those who sat behind desks in Whitehall), and his account of the Anglo–Persian War, while being sympathetic to the British position, was not unduly harsh to the Persian one. Indeed, he noted that neither belligerent viewed the prospect of conflict with any enthusiasm, and if British arms and strategy are to be commended, Persian arms were not to be wholly dismissed – they had after all finally seized Herat. He noted that the second in command of British forces, General John Jacob, had impressed on the British government to seize Khuzestan, Bushehr and Kharg Island,

22. Watson, p 375 23. For this diplomatic debacle see Amanat, Pivot of the Universe, pp 158–5 24. Watson, p. 404 25. The author in question was Henry Thomas Buckle and the book was published in 1857 26. Watson, p. 405

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to ‘be incorporated with the dominions of the Queen’,27 a fascinating prospect had it actually been delivered given the discovery of oil some fifty years later. As it was, the British government was more interested in securing peace, and as such the resultant Treaty of Paris (1857), in which the independence of Afghanistan was secured, was greeted with some relief by Iranian officials. ‘The Sedr-Azem, on listening to the paragraphs of the Treaty … exclaimed … “Is that all?” and on being told there was nothing more, he uttered a fervent “Alhamdulillah!” – Praise be to God.’28 For all his criticisms, Watson was clear that, ‘as the character of no nation is without its defects, so is there no people whose character can be said to be wholly bad. Many good qualities are to be found side by side with the crimes and vices that defile the land of Persia’.29 Watson prided himself on his historical objectivity and sought in his own mind to provide a balanced and ‘truthful’ account of the political history and recognized that the account he had provided was not one calculated to imbue the reader with optimism. Be that as it may, the Treaty of Paris would inaugurate a half century of British influence in political and intellectual circles that would culminate in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906: a remarkably productive period of intellectual development that would contradict the narratives of decadence that were coming to dominate British political thinking. Political change was not only desirable but feasible, with consequences that would be far reaching. As Curzon would later conclude, ‘History suggested that the Persians will insist upon surviving themselves.’30

27. Watson, p. 455 28. Watson, p. 459 29. Watson, p. 11 30. G. N. Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question (London: Longmans, 1892), Vol II, p.633. The argument may be read as a response to Prime Minister Lord Salisbury’s view that the nations of the world could be divided into those that were ‘living’ and ‘dead’, and that Iran/Persia belonged very firmly to the latter category.

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