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A HISTORY O F BUDDHIST PHILOSOPHY
A HISTORY OF BUDDHIST PHILOSOPHY Continuities and Discontinuities David J. Kalupahana
H University of Hawaii Press
•
Honolulu
© 1992 University of Hawai'i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 13 12 11 10 09 08
10 9 8 7 6 5
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kalupahana, David J., 1933A history of Buddhist philosophy : continuities and discontinuities / David J. Kalupahana. p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9 7 8 - 0 - 8 2 4 8 - 1 4 0 2 - 1 (pbk. : acid-free paper) 1. Buddhism—Doctrines—History. 2. Philosophy, Buddhist—History. I. Title. BQ4090.K36 1992 181'.043—dc20
91-37326 CIP
University of Hawai'i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources.
Designed by Paula
Newcomb
This work, completed three days before an accident that left our youngest son, Milinda, paralyzed, is dedicated to our friends and well-wishers, at home and abroad, especially my colleagues Eliot Deutsch and Larry Laudan, whose gracious support lessened the trauma for both Milinda and the family.
CONTENTS
Introduction Abbreviations
ix xv
Part O n e : Early Buddhism I Indian Philosophy and the Search for Ultimate Objectivity 3 II Life of the Buddha
22
III Knowledge and Understanding
30
IV Experience and Theory (Paticcasamuppana and Paticcasamuppada)
53
V Language and Communication
60
VI The Human Personality
68
VII The Object
78
VIII The Problem of Suffering
85
IX Freedom and Happiness
90
X The Moral Life
101
XI Popular Religious Thought
110
vii
viii
CONTENTS
Part Two: Continuities and Discontinuities XII 121
The Emergence of Absolutism
XIII 132
Moggallputta-tissa and the
Kathâvatthu
XIV 144
Abhidhamma
XV 153
The Perfection of Wisdom in the
160
Nâgârjuna and the
Vajracchedikâ
XVI Mûlamadhyamakakàrikâ
XVII 170
The Saddharmapundarïka-sùtra Conceptual Absolutism
and
XVIII 176
The Lankâvatâra-sûtra (Mahâ-sûnyatâ)
and the Great Emptiness
XIX 184
Vasubandhu and the
Vijnaptimâtratàsiddbi
XX 194
Dignâga's Epistemology and Logic
XXI 206
Buddhaghosa, the Harmonizer
XXII 217
Tantras and Parittas: The Voiceful Tradition
XXIII 228
Silent Meditation and Ch'an (Zen): The Voiceless Tradition
237 241 247 269 283
Epilogue: Philosophy and History Appendix: History of the Lankâvatâra Notes Select Bibliography Index
INTRODUCTION
In 1976 the University of Hawaii Press published my introductory text on Buddhist thought entitled Buddhist Philosophy: A Historical Analysis. I was pleasantly surprised by the enthusiastic response to that work. Within a few years permission was sought for a Chinese translation of the book, and the translation was published in 1983. Introducing that work the publisher stated: "This book is largely an outgrowth of his [the author's] many lectures over the past fifteen years on the subject of Buddhist philosophy." To be specific, Part i contained the results of my own research on the early Buddhist tradition, while some chapters in Part a, especially those dealing with Madhyamika and Yogacara, contained the interpretations of these traditions by classical as well as modern scholars. My evaluation of these schools assumed the correctness of these interpretations and I was therefore arguing that these were incompatible with the doctrines of early Buddhism. However, during the next fifteen years, I undertook my own research into the later Buddhist traditions and realized the possibility of reading the more mature works of Nágarjuna and Vasubandhu in a manner that would make them extremely compatible with the teachings of early Buddhism. This research was published in two volumes: Nagarjuna: The Philosophy of the Middle Way (1986) and The Principles of Buddhist Psychology (1987). The present work is therefore a consolidation of thirty years of research and reflection on early Buddhism as well as on some of the major schools and philosophers associated with the later Buddhist traditions. In a sense it is a complete rewriting of the earlier work, including the section on early Buddhism, which is simply an expansion rather than a reinterpretation. In recasting the section on early Buddhism, I attempted to synthesize two modes of explanation. The first explains Buddhist doctrines in terms of the philosophical themes that are gaining currency in the modern world. This should enable a student of Western philosophy and religion to look at early Buddhism in terms of the problems and categories with which he/she is familiar. The second retains the classical Buddhist cate-
ix
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INTRODUCTION
gories, such as the four noble truths and the noble eightfold path, in an attempt to pour old wine into new bottles ("pouring new wine into old bottles" being incompatible with the anti-foundationalism and antistructuralism of early Buddhism). This enterprise may be frowned on by those who are against comparing an ancient (sixth century B.C.) Asian tradition with one founded on extraordinary developments in mathematics, science, and technology. Yet it is undeniable that some of the leading philosophers of the twentieth century have often renounced the ideas with which they started. Thus we have early and later Wittgenstein, early and later Russell, early and later Ayer, early and later Quine, and so on. In a very broad sense, the term "early" in these characterizations represents some form of foundationalism, and the term "later" signifies an anti-foundationalism. To bring out the very sophisticated character of early Buddhist thought and its non-absolutist approach, I decided that the chapter on pre-Buddhist thought should be more comprehensive. Chapter i of the present work therefore explains the absolutist character of all the major philosophical trends during this early period, with one philosopher, Sanjaya, adopting an equally absolutist skepticism as a response. Only against this background is it possible to highlight the middle standpoint adopted by early Buddhism in its explanation of epistemology, ontology, ethics, and logic. The examination of early Buddhist thought begins with Chapter n, a brief account of the life of Siddhartha, the historical Buddha, outlining the background to his attainment of enlightenment and the impact it had on Indian religious, social, and political life. Chapter hi, "Knowledge and Understanding," is a vastly expanded version of the chapter on epistemology in the previous work. It includes a comprehensive examination of the various sources of knowledge—sense perception, yogic insight, inference and logic—and emphasizes the nonabsolutist standpoint from which the Buddha explained these themes. The central conception of Buddhism, namely, the "theory of dependent arising," previously explained under the rubric of causality, is now treated in Chapter iv under two themes, namely, "the dependently arisen," representing what is experienced, and "dependent arising," which is the theory formulated on the basis of such experience. A new chapter on "Language and Communication" (Chapter v) has been added to explain the variety of uses of the term dhamma (Skt. dharma). It demonstrates how this term was used in five different senses, enabling the Buddha to relate the content of experience to both language and textual traditions. It was this method that prevented some of the Buddhist schools from getting involved in essentialist enterprises such as the study of etymology and grammar (these being the work of Buddhist monks of a later date, in both Sri Lanka and Burma). Instead, the early Buddhists engaged in hermeneutical studies that produced two treatises,
INTRODUCTION
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the Petakopadesa (Introduction to the Canon) and Netti (Guide), both of which gained semi-canonical status. The five chapters (vi-x) that follow recast and expand material included in Chapters 4 through 7 of the previous work. Chapter vi presents the various categories, such as the aggregates, elements, and the twelvefold formula, which the Buddha used to explain the conception of a human person, avoiding the Spiritualist and Materialist theories of "self." Chapter vn analyzes the conception of the world of experience— physical, psychological, and moral. Chapters VIII, ix, and x deal with the four noble truths. Chapter VIII shows how the principle of dependent arising is used to explain human suffering and its causation. Chapter ix is devoted to the nature of freedom and happiness. The chapter entitled "Nirvana" in the previous work was very polemical, directed at those who considered freedom (nirvana) to be an absolute. Since it has served its purpose, I felt that a straightforward presentation of the Buddha's conception of freedom was now appropriate. Chapter ix therefore examines freedom in relation to epistemological, behavioral, and psychological dimensions, concluding with an analysis of the unanswered questions pertaining to the freed person. Chapter x appraises the nature of the moral life advocated in Buddhism. Herein the eightfold path receives a detailed treatment. Chapter xi, "Popular Religious Thought," is new. It does not deal with the multifarious religious rituals practiced by the equally divergent Buddhist communities. Instead, it discusses one of the simplest Buddhist rituals, practiced in almost every tradition, and explains how even such a basic ritual reflects the teachings of the Buddha without doing violence to their important philosophical content. The second part of the book, entitled "Continuities and Discontinuities," deals with the constant emergence of absolutist tendencies and an equally persistent attempt by some later Buddhist philosophers to criticize and reject such tendencies. Those who wanted to uphold the radical non-'substantialist position of early Buddhism were faced with the dual task of responding to the enormously substantialist and absolutist thinking of the non-Buddhist traditions as well as to those within the Buddhist tradition who fell prey to such thinking. Chapter XII is therefore devoted to tracing such absolutist tendencies within Buddhism. Interpretation of the Abhidharma canonical texts has continued to baffle the tradition, especially because of the exalted state assigned to them (taking the term abhi-dharma to mean "higher dharma"), and also because the reasons for compiling these treatises were soon forgotten. Thus at a rather early stage the commentarial tradition, both in Pali and in Sanskrit, tended to interpret the Abhidharma texts as dealing with ultimate realities. Modern interpreters who have relied on these commentaries have continued to present such substantialist explanations, whereas I
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INTRODUCTION
have examined one of the canonical Abhidharma texts for clues to an understanding of the entire Abhidharma tradition. Moggallputta-tissa's Kathavatthu throws invaluable light on the innumerable problems that a student confronts when reading these extremely terse and non-discursive texts. Chapter x m therefore discusses the Kathavatthu and applies its basic philosophical themes to explaining the remaining books of the Abhidharma. A threefold method of treating subject matter is adopted in Abhidharma discourse: enumeration, classification, and synthesis. By this method the Abhidharma is able to clarify the meanings of concepts and their relationships. This constitutes the content of Chapter xiv. Chapter x v outlines the methodology of the Prajnaparamita literature, especially the Vajracchedika. Even though it is slightly different from that of the Abhidharma, the ultimate purpose is the same, namely, the clarification of concepts without allowing for substantialist or nihilist, realist or nominalist associations. This methodology can be designated as one of enumeration, deconstruction, and reconstruction. The process of deconstruction was utilized by Nagarjuna, whose ideas are examined in Chapter x v i . His profuse use of this method, especially at a time when substantialist and idealist metaphysics were becoming rampant, culminating in the Saddharmapundarlka-sutra (Chapter XVII) and Lahkavatara-sutra (Chapter XVIII), left the impression that he was a nihilist, an accusation leveled against him in the latter work. As a result, classical as well as modern interpreters of Nagarjuna have failed to appreciate the reconstructive aspects of his philosophy. Examining Nagarjuna's philosophy in terms of both deconstructive and reconstructive aspects, I have now related him to the Buddha himself and his doctrines of non-substantiality (anatma) and dependent arising (pratltyasamutpada), avoiding the transcendentalism I attributed to Nagarjuna in Buddhist Philosophy. The next major philosopher of the Buddhist tradition was Vasubandhu, whose views are examined in Chapter x i x . The unfortunate manner in which Nagarjuna's contributions came to be evaluated during the two centuries after his death provided an important lesson for Vasubandhu, whose mature work, the Vijnaptimatratasiddhi, contains both deconstructive and reconstructive aspects. The first part of that work, consisting of twenty-two verses (hence called Vimsatika), is devoted to a deconstruction of substantialist metaphysics, while the second part, consisting of thirty verses (therefore referred to as Trimsika or, more correctly, Trimsatika), can be seen as a reconstruction of meaningful concepts. Vasubandhu resorted to an extremely subtle deciphering of the psychological process of conceptualization, drawing inspiration from the Buddha's own analysis of human psychology. Yet the careful manner in which these philosophers presented their analyses was often undermined when enthusiastic commentators rushed to conclusions, placing inappropriate
INTRODUCTION
xiii
labels on them. Thus, because of Vasubandhu's psychological treatment of the conceptual process, it did not take long for him to be considered a proponent of absolute idealism. Non-absolutism is not new to Western philosophy. However, in the field of logic, which was almost totally dominated by the two-valued system of Aristotle, absolutism seems to have reigned supreme longer than in any other discipline. Hence I thought that a chapter on Dignaga (Chapter xx), not included in the previous work, would help students understand how non-absolutism and non-substantialism can work even in the sphere of logic. I have argued that one major text and three prominent philosophers generally identified with Mahayana are representative of the non-substantialist and non-absolutist teachings of the Buddha himself, rather than of the doctrines formulated in the more popular Mahayana treatises. Since I was born and bred in a Theravada stronghold, I have naturally earned the wrath of some reviewers for relabeling these prominent texts and philosophers, for centuries identified with Mahayana. However, these reviewers are unaware of the equally strong condemnation of my writings by traditional scholars from Theravada countries in South and Southeast Asia. With no apologies to either, what little was said in the previous work about the patriarch of Theravada, Buddhaghosa, is here presented in greater detail. Chapter x x i is thus devoted to an examination of the Visuddbimagga, the major work of the philosopher who was named "Voice of the Buddha" (buddhaghosa) and who is said to have been born at Buddhagaya (Bodhgaya, where the Buddha attained enlightenment), although in fact he was a South Indian brahman. An analysis of its philosophical standpoint, even though it is difficult to identify one, reveals that his was no voice of the Buddha. Chapters xxn and xxm concern the traditions that emphasize chanting and meditation, respectively. Here I was compelled to be a bit more polemical, especially at the beginning of each chapter, because of the pervasive nature of the dogmatism with which these traditions have been interpreted. However, the primary purpose of both chapters is to examine the chanting and meditation traditions to discover what in them is and is not consistent with the teachings of early Buddhism. My concluding remarks (Chapter xxiv) focus on the ideological conflict between Theravada and Mahayana. Being non-absolutist, the Buddhist tradition had to recognize some form of relativism. The question is: How can there be harmony in the context of a plurality of views? The conclusion outlines the Buddha's own way of dealing with relativism without contributing to conflict, although a change in that paradigm during the second century A.D. led to the unfortunate ideological rift that has survived until the present day.
xiv
INTRODUCTION
Although we are unaware of the specific language used by the Buddha, there seems to be no doubt about the way he used whatever language in vogue. His philosophy of non-substantialism and radical empiricism compelled him to make minimal use of the active voice and to employ the passive forms, the aorists, and the past participles, as is evident in the discourses preserved in the Prakrit languages, both Pali and the Northern Prakrits, like Gandhari, as well. T w o written languages that emerged subsequently and were associated primarily with Buddhism, even though their spoken forms may have existed before the introduction of Buddhism to these countries, are the classical languages of Sri Lanka and Tibet. Classical Sinhala became a literary medium only after the introduction of Buddhism to Sri Lanka in the third century B.C., and classical Tibetan, including the alphabet, was developed in order to translate Buddhist texts after the introduction of Buddhism to that country in the sixth century A.D. Nurtured by Buddhist ideas, especially the recurrent initial statement in the discourses, evam me sutam or evam maya srutam ("thus has been heard by me"), these two languages adopted passive forms to an extent rarely noticed in any other language. Nagarjuna's primary philosophical treatise, the Mulamadhyamakakarika, is a conscious attempt by a leading Buddhist philosopher to retain the spirit of the Buddha's teachings by using the passive forms only, even when composing his verses in Sanskrit, a language that is artificial and essentialist in the extreme. As someone educated in both Sinhala and English, I have been in the habit of writing what is sometimes referred to as "Singlish" (Sinhala idiom rendered into English). As a pragmatist I felt compelled to allow the copy editor the freedom to modify my style of writing so that the Western reader would not have to struggle with an unfamiliar mode of expression, even though it may not reflect the spirit of the Buddha's philosophy. I am grateful to the staff of the University of Hawaii Press, especially to executive editor Iris Wiley, managing editor Cheri Dunn, and my editor, Sharon Yamamoto, for the patience and enthusiasm with which they attended to the publication of this work.
ABBREVIATIONS
A AA Adv AK Akb Cpd
Anguttara-nikäya Manorathapüranl (Anguttara-nikäya-atthakathä) Abhidharmadlpa-vrtti (Vibhäsäprabhävrtti) Abhidharmakosa Abhidharmakosa-bhäsya Compendium of Philosophy (tr. of Abhidhammatthasarigaha), by S. Z. Aung and C. A. F. Rhys Davids (London: PTS, 1910). D Digka-nikäya (Dlgha-nikäya-atthakathä) DA Sumahgalavilästni Dhp Dhammapada DhpA Dhammapadatthakathä DhsA Atthasälini (Dhammasangani-atthakathä) GS The Book of Gradual Sayings (tr. of Anguttara-nikäya), by F. L. Woodward and E. M. Hare, 5 vols. (London: PTS, 1932-1936). It Itivuttaka J Jätaka Kärikä Mülamadhyamakakärikä KS The Book of Kindred Sayings (tr. of Samyutta-nikäya), by C. A. F. Rhys Davids and F. L. Woodward, 5 vols. (London: PTS, 1917-1930). Kvu Kathävatthu KvuA Kathävatthu-atthakathä Lanka Lankävatära-sütra M Majjhima-nikäya Miln Milinda-panha MLS The Collection of the Middle Length Sayings (tr. of Majjhimanikäya), by I. B. Horner, 3 vols. (London: PTS, 1967). PS Pramänasamuccaya PTS Pali Text Society, London PTSD Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary, ed. T. W. Rhys Davids and W. Stede (London: PTS, 1959). Pug Puggalapaiinatti
XV
xvi
ABBREVIATIONS
S SBB Sdmp Sn TD Thag Thig Trims Ud Vajra Vims Vin Vism
Samyutta-nikaya Sacred Books of the Buddhists (London: PTS, 1899-1921). Saddharmapundarika-sutra Sutta-nipata Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo, ed. J. Takakusu and K. Watanabe (Tokyo: Daisho Shuppan Company, 1924-1934). Theragatha Therigatha Trimsika (Vijiiaptimatratasiddhi) Udarta Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita Vimsatika (Vijnaptimatratasiddhi) Vinaya Pitaka Visuddhimagga
PART O N E EARLY B U D D H I S M
CHAPTER I
Indian Philosophy and the Search for Ultimate Objectivity
Brahmanism Early Indian philosophy, before its gradual systematization in what came to be known as "Brahmanism," is represented by the observations and reflections of a large number of philosophers, like Aghamarsana, Prajapati Paramesthin, Brahmanaspati, Dlrghatamas, Narayana, Hiranyagarbha, and Visvakarman, encapsulated in their belief statements included in the Vedas.1 In the reflections of these thinkers one can witness a variety of philosophical trends, some embodying genuine forms of skepticism, others admitting the role of human perspective in any explanation of the ultimate questions in philosophy, and still others constantly struggling to reach ultimate objectivity in philosophical discourse. These provided a foundation for the vast range of metaphysical and theological concepts that were eventually woven into one elaborate system called Brahmanism. In the absence of detailed philosophical discussions, it is not possible to say whether skepticism appeared in the Vedas as a systematically worked out theory in epistemology and/or psychology. Yet one can perceive sudden outbursts on the part of reflective thinkers strangled in a web of metaphysical views, especially those pertaining to the origin or the first cause of the universe. Questions such as "What is the tree or wood out of which the universe was fashioned?" 2 were often raised. Apart from certain purely theistic conclusions, the most general tendency was to assume the existence of some primordial substance representing a form of real existence (sat) out of which everything came to be fashioned. However, the philosopher could not easily repose in the conception of such existence. The conception of non-existence (asat) constantly frowned on him, and he could not remain completely oblivious to such an idea. The Nasadiya-sukta refers to several strands of thinking prevalent during this period. Even though various ideas available at the time are taken up for examination, no attempt is made to reach a definite conclusion. The text of the hymn reads as follows:
3
4
EARLY BUDDHISM 1. N o t non-existent w a s it nor existent w a s it at that time: there was not atmosphere nor the heavens which are beyond. What existed? Where? In w h o s e care? Water was it? An abyss unfathomable? 2. Neither mortal w a s there nor immortal then; not of night, of day was there distinction: That alone breathed windless through inherent power. Other than That indeed there was naught else. 3. Darkness it w a s , by darkness hidden in the beginning: an undistinguished sea was all this. The germ of all things which was enveloped in void, That alone through the power of brooding thought was born. 4. U p o n That in the beginning arose desire, which was the first offshoot of that thought. This desire sages found out (to be) the link between the existent and the non-existent, after searching with the w i s d o m in their heart. 5. Straight across was extended their line of vision: w a s That below, was That above? Seedplacers there were, powers there were: potential energy below, impulse above. 6. W h o , after all, knows? W h o here will declare—arose whence this world? Subsequent are the gods to the creation of this world. W h o , then, k n o w s whence it came into being? 7. This world—whence it came into being, whether it was made or whether n o t — H e w h o is its overseer in the highest heavens surely k n o w s — o r perhaps H e k n o w s not! 3
As K. N. Jayatilleke has pointed out, 4 this hymn is interesting because, after taking into account almost all the available theories regarding the origin of the world, it ends on a skeptical note. However, there seem to be a few more theories mentioned in the hymn than Jayatilleke perceived. First, there is the basic epistemological issue of whether or not there can be knowledge of the beginning of the world. Those who hold that such knowledge is possible could maintain either that the world was created or that it was not. The former alternative would generate at least four views, namely, that the world was created from Being (sat), from nonBeing (asat), from both Being and non-Being (sad-asat), or from neither Being nor non-Being (na-sat-na-asat). The latter alternative would involve the idea that the world had no beginning, which is different from the more radical view that there is no knowledge. These alternatives can be presented diagrammatically in a way that is slightly different from Jayatilleke's presentation (see chart on p. 5). The hymn begins with the assertion of the last proposition, namely, that there was an origin, but what existed at that time (tadanim) cannot be described, and hence it was neither non-Being nor Being (nasadasit no sadaslt tadanim). Yet for the early Indian thinkers this was not satisfactory because it involved a negative description. A positive description was needed, represented by the combination of Being and non-Being (sad-asat), as exemplified by the statement "That alone breathed windless." Yet the more vexing problems were "What is Being?" and "What is its relationship to non-Being?" The
T H E S E A R C H F O R ULTIMATE O B J E C T I V I T Y
5
ORIGIN OF THE WORLD
t no knowledge (Buddhism)
knowledge
t
created
Being
not created (= beginningless) (later Buddhism)
non-Being
1. water (Materialist)
both
neither
breathed windless (Jainism)
not describable (Vedànta)
2. thought (Spiritualist)
desire (Upanisads)
'
conception of water (ambhas) is suggested as a possible entity, but it was not appealing except to the Materialist. Hence we have the spiritual entity represented by thought. "That alone through the power of brooding thought was born. Upon That in the beginning arose desire, which was the first offshoot of that thought" (emphasis mine). It is this desire that the sages, searching their hearts with wisdom, found to be the link between non-Being and Being. There are two important ways of looking at this hymn, which represent two philosophical standpoints that emerged subsequently. If we start at the top of the diagram and come down the ladder, first recognizing an origin of the universe, attributing that origin to Being, identifying that Being with "thought," explaining the relationship between Being and non-Being as "desire," and, finally, insisting that it was this "desire," as the seed of existence, that was revealed to the sages at the highest level of tapas (practice of austerity), then we have cosmology revealed to the sages in their meditation. Desire becomes a cosmic desire that the sage discovers at the highest level of meditation, where he becomes one with the absolute "thought" ("I," the atman). The early Upanisads, as will be
6
EARLY B U D D H I S M
shown later, seem to have taken this route, even though the more developed Vedanta seems to have moved toward adopting the transcendentalist perspective (neither Being nor non-Being), while the Jainas opted for the third alternative (Being and non-Being). In contrast, if we begin from the bottom of the diagram, it is possible to adopt a totally different perspective, insisting that the germinal "thought" in which the sages discovered the seed of existence, namely, desire, is no more than a human conception, for it is human conception that generates desire for producing things (being) that did not exist before (non-being). But the question as to whether that "thought" was originally existent, non-existent, both, or neither will have to be left unanswered (avyakata), and the question of origin itself renounced. This would also mean the acceptance of the more radical alternative mentioned at the outset, namely, that absolute origin is unknowable and, therefore, inconceivable (anamatagga). This, as will be seen, is the position adopted in Buddhism. It is the first philosophical standpoint embedded in the hymn that became rather popular until the emergence of Buddhism. In the hymn, we see a philosopher confronted with the problems of both existence (sat) and non-existence (asat), initially forcing him into a skeptical mood. The rationalist tradition in which he grew up weighed heavily in favor of a substantialist solution to the problem of existence. "Water" (salila) is suggested as a primordial substance, probably because it was seen as an element which, in its various forms, could reflect the character of other physical elements as well. However, it was enveloped in darkness (= ignorance?). At this stage, the rationalist's perspective is replaced by that of the empirically minded sage whose "searching with the wisdom in [his] heart" was believed to be a way of eliminating ignorance. Yet the philosopher's meditations are to lead him in a different direction. He is willing to recognize a link between non-existence and existence and identify that link with "desire" (kama). This was a significant step, although it contributed to certain unpalatable philosophical consequences. The conception of "desire," whether human or divine, injects an element of subjectivity into the explanation of a phenomenon that the philosopher would rather understand as a natural process. The recognition of desire as a productive cause of existence would mean the denial of objective determinism. Philosophical explanation of natural existence will be compelled to accommodate varying human motives and desires, thereby depriving that explanation of any objectivity. Pure objectivity has no place in the context of a particular view or perspective. Thus, the limitations imposed on philosophical discourse by any recognition of a perspective would render all theories gray, indistinct, and therefore unsatisfactory. The search for the "clear and distinct" will be
T H E S E A R C H FOR ULTIMATE OBJECTIVITY
7
lost in a welter of possibilities, all of which are shadowy and vague. Furthermore, certainty in the sphere of knowledge and understanding will never reach the level that most philosophers generally crave. For these reasons the Vedic philosopher could not help relapsing into yet another skeptical mood. These are some of the reflections of Prajapati Paramesthin, to whom the Nasadtya-siikta is attributed. Another philosopher takes a bolder stand. He solves the riddle of existence (sat) by simply asserting it to be "one" (ekam) that is designated by the wise in a variety of ways as Agni (god of fire), Yama (lord of death), or Matarlsvan (god of wind). 5 A distinction is immediately drawn between a designation, a name or a concept, and the real. This again implies ultimate objectivity independent of any activity of naming, designating, or conceptualizing, which inevitably involves human perspective. An understanding of reality is achieved only when the human perspective is completely left out. It is interesting to note that in most of the speculations of the early Vedic thinkers, attention is focused on the objective world, as in the case of the physical sciences in the modern world, where one discovers a persistent attempt to reach the limit of objectivity.6 Yet, unlike in modern science, the trend of thought in the Vedas is toward the idea of a single absolute and self-subsistent principle (sat) that is infinite in the sense of being an inexhaustible power. All finite things are products of self-evolution, representing one universal system and plan. The search was for one single, ordaining, sustaining, coordinating principle of which all known forces, laws, and movements are manifestations. The earliest conception that satisfied all these conditions was rta, and for a while it proved sufficient because it embodied not only physical but also spiritual (= sacrificial or ritualistic) and moral laws. It was not created, but found a guardian in Varuna. 7 Unfortunately, the conception of rta gradually faded into oblivion and was soon replaced by the conception of atman. The reason is obvious. While rta satisfied an almost universal human yearning for ultimate objectivity in explaining the physical as well as the moral world, it did not account for the reality of the human being. Rta was almost always external to the human person, who appeared more as an automaton than as part of it. Even the caste system, which was an inalienable part of Brahmanical teachings—and which was viewed as the product of a cosmic sacrifice8 and, for that reason, as part of rta—turned out to be an objective phenomenon involving no human contribution. With the social structure being a purely objective phenomenon, the moral laws that were based on it became equally objective. The ground was thus prepared for introducing the conception of self (atman), which dominated speculations during the period of the Upanisads. The Upanisads are generally considered to be statements of the con-
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templatives or yogins. As such, they should reflect ideas similar to those attributed to the sages in the Nasadiya-sukta referred to earlier. The purely objective phenomenon of rta should have been replaced by a conception of a world order in which the human person plays a significant role. But even though, by emphasizing the conception of self (atman), Upanisadic thinkers may have intended to highlight the significant role of the subject of experience in explaining the world process, the way they did so left a completely different philosophical legacy, which subsequent thinkers in the Brahmanical tradition continued to justify. The following statement from the Brbadaranyaka Upanisad is a classic example: 1. In the beginning this world was Soul (Atman) alone in the form of a Person. Looking around, he saw nothing else than himself. He said first: "I am." Thence arose the name "I." Therefore, even today, when one is addressed, he says first just "It is I" and then speaks whatever name he has. Since before (purva) all this world he burned up (us) all evils, therefore he is a person (pur-us-a). He who knows this, verily, burns up him who desires to be ahead of him. 2. He was afraid. Therefore one who is alone is afraid. This one then thought to himself: "Since there is nothing else than myself, of what am I afraid?" Thereupon, verily, his fear departed, for of what should he have been afraid? Assuredly it is from a second that fear arises. 3. Verily, he had no delight. Therefore one who is alone has no delight. He desired a second. He was, indeed, as large as a woman and a man closely embraced. He caused that self to fall (pat) into two pieces. Therefrom arose a husband (pati) and a wife (patni). Therefore this [is true]: "Oneself (sva) is like a half-fragment," as Yajnavalkya used to say. Therefore this space is filled by a wife. He copulated with her. Therefrom human beings were produced. 4. And she then bethought herself: "How now does he copulate with me after he has produced me just from himself? Come, let me hide myself." She became a cow. He became a bull. With her he did indeed copulate. Then cattle were born. She became a mare, he a stallion. She became a female ass, he a male ass; with her he copulated, of a truth. Thence were born solid-hoofed animals. She became a she-goat, he a he-goat; she a ewe, he a ram. With her he did verily copulate. Therefrom were born goats and sheep. Thus, indeed, he created all, whatever pairs there are, even down to the ants. 5. He knew: "I, indeed, am this creation, for I emitted it all from myself." Thence arose creation. Verily, he who has this knowledge comes to be in that creation of his. 6. Then he rubbed thus. From his mouth as the fire-hole (yoni) and from his hands he created fire (agni). Both these [i.e., the hand and the mouth] are hairless on the inside, for the fire-hole (yoni) is hairless on the inside. This that people say, "Worship this god! Worship that god!"—one god after another—this is his creation indeed! And he himself is all the gods.
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7.
8.
9.
10.
Now, whatever is moist, that he created from semen, and that is Soma. This whole world, verily, is just food and the eater of food. That was Brahma's super-creation: namely, that he created the gods, his superiors; likewise that, being mortal, he created the immortals. Therefore was it a super-creation. Verily, he who knows this comes to be in that super-creation of his. Verily, at that time the world was undifferentiated. It became differentiated just by name and form, as the saying is: "He has such a name, such a form." Even today this world is differentiated just by name and form, as the saying is: "He has such a name, such a form." He entered in here, even to the fingernail-tips, as a razor would be hidden in a razor-case, or fire in a fire-holder. Him they see not, for [as seen] he is incomplete. When breathing, he becomes breath (prdna) by name; when speaking, voice; when seeing, the eye; when hearing, the ear; when thinking, the mind: these are merely the names of his acts. Whoever worships one or another of these—he knows not; for he is incomplete with one or another of these. One should worship with the thought that he is just one's self (atman), for therein all these become one. That same thing, namely, this self, is the trace (padaniya) of this All, for by it one knows this All. Just as, verily, one might find by a footprint (pada), thus—. He finds fame and praise who knows this. That self is dearer than a son, is dearer than wealth, is dearer than all else, since this self is nearer. If, of one who speaks of anything else than the self as dear, one should say, "He will lose what he holds dear," he would indeed be likely to do so. One should reverence the self alone as dear. He who reverences the self alone as dear—what he holds dear, verily, is not perishable. Here people say: "Since men think that by the knowledge of Brahma they become the All, what, pray, was it that Brahma knew whereby he became the All?" Verily, in the beginning this world was Brahma. It knew only itself (atmanam): "I am Brahma!" Therefore it became the All. Whoever of the gods became awakened to this, he indeed became it; likewise in the case of seers (rsi), likewise in the case of men. Seeing this, indeed, the seer Vamadeva began:— I was Manu and the sun (surya)!
This is so now also. Whoever thus knows "I am Brahma!" becomes this All; even the gods have not power to prevent his becoming thus, for he becomes their self (atman). So whoever worships another divinity [than his Self], thinking "He is one and I another," he knows not. He is like a sacrificial animal for the gods. Verily, indeed, as many animals would be of service to a man, even so each single person is of service to the gods. If even one animal is taken away, it is not pleasant. What, then, if many? Therefore it is not pleasing to those [gods] that men should know this. 11. Verily, in the beginning this world was Brahma, one only. Being one, he was not developed. He created still further a superior form, the ksatra-
9
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h o o d , even those who are ksatras (rulers) among the gods: Indra, Varuna, Soma, Rudra, Parjanya, Yama, Mrtyu, ¡Sana. Therefore there is nothing higher than ksatra. Therefore at the rajasuya ceremony the brahman sits below the ksatriya. Upon ksatrahood alone does he confer this honor. This same thing, namely brahmanhood (brahma), is the source of ksatrahood. Therefore, even if the king attains supremacy, he rests finally upon brahmanhood as his own source. So whoever injures him [i.e., a brahman] attacks his own source. H e fares worse in proportion as he injures one who is better. 12. H e was not yet developed. H e created the vis (the commonalty), those kinds of gods that are mentioned in numbers: the Vasus, the Rudras, the Adityas, the Visvedevas, the Maruts. 13. H e was not yet developed. He created the sudra caste (varna), Pusan. Verily, this [earth] is Pusan, for she nourishes (\f pus) everything that is. 14. H e was not yet developed. He created still further a better form, Law (dharma). This is the power (ksatra) of the ksatriya class (ksatra), viz., Law. Therefore there is nothing higher than Law. So a weak man controls a strong man by Law, just as if by a king. Verily, that which is Law is truth. Therefore they say of a man who speaks the truth, "He speaks the Law," or of a man who speaks the Law, "He speaks the truth." Verily, both these are the same thing. 15. So that brahma [appeared as] ksatra, vis, and sudra. So among the gods Brahma appeared by means of Agni, among men as a brahman, as a ksatriya by means of the [divine] ksatriya, as a vaisya by means of the [divine] vaisya, as a sudra by means of the [divine] sudra. Therefore people desire a place among the gods in Agni, among men in a brahman, for by these two forms [preeminently] brahma appeared. N o w whoever departs from this world [i.e., the world of the atmah] without having recognized it as his own, to him it is of no service, because it is u n k n o w n , as the unrecited Vedas or any other undone deed [do not help a man]. Verily, even if one performs a great and holy work, but without knowing this, that work of his merely perishes in the end. One should worship the Self alone as his [true] world. The work of him who worships the Self alone as his world does not perish, for out of that very Self he creates whatsoever he desires. 16. N o w this Self, verily, is a world of all created things. Insofar as a man makes offerings and sacrifices, he becomes the world of the gods. Insofar as he learns [the Vedas], he becomes the world of the seers (rsi). Insofar as he offers libations to the fathers and desires offspring, he becomes the world of the fathers. Insofar as he gives lodging and food to men, he becomes the world of men. Insofar as he finds grass and water for animals, he becomes the world of animals. Insofar as beasts and birds, even to the ants, find a living in his houses, he becomes their world. Verily, as one would desire security for his own world, so all creatures wish security for him w h o has this knowledge. This fact, verily, is known when it is thought out. 9
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11
This passage embodies the central themes of the Brahmanical philosophical system, which were subsequently elaborated in the Bbagavadgita. Three stand out clearly: (1) the metaphysics of the self and the world, combined in the one concept of atman; (2) the social philosophy, with the fourfold caste system as its basis; and (3) the moral ideal based on the caste system, which is designated brahma. The conception of atman is the most prominent. Unlike the notion of rta, which was confined to an explanation of the external world, atman was here intended to highlight the subject. Yet the attempt to reach ultimate objectivity in explaining the subject of experience compelled the Upanisadic thinkers to present a conception of "I" (aham) as the primordial "self" (atman), thereby combining the philosophical perspectives suggested by the Cartesian cogito as well as the Kantian "transcendental unity of apperception." The Cartesian doubt is eliminated by the assertion that certainty is associated with the knowledge of itself. The atman, looking around, sees nothing but himself. It is this "self" that comes to be embodied in the notion of "I." It is not only a condition of experience but, like the Kantian postulate, a necessary prerequisite for all rational thinking. "Therefore, even today, when one is addressed, he says first just 'It is I' and then speaks whatever name he has." However, the Upanisadic thinker is interested in utilizing this conception of "self" not only to account for certainty regarding human knowledge or for a rational justification of knowledge, but also to explain the origin and continuity of the world. Hence the "self" becomes a self-transforming or self-reproducing ultimate reality joining together the individual and the external world. The "self" (atman) at once becomes both metaphysical subject and metaphysical object. In the context of such an ultimate reality, all differences are dissolved. Plurality or multiplicity exists only in relation to "name and form." Concepts, words, even propositions do not designate anything real. The real transcends language and convention. This view had far-reaching consequences in the area of moral discourse. The Upanisadic thinkers could not recognize the view that moral principles are relative or that the social structure on which such principles are based is a mere convention. If they viewed the caste system as a mere convention, it certainly would be different from the reality of the self as well as that of the world, for the latter is no convention. In brief, there would be no connection whatsoever between fact and value. Thus the search for ultimate objectivity in moral phenomena was initiated. In the Brahmanical system, the term dharma generally stands for moral law or principle. The Upanisadic thinkers could have linked atman (the factual world) directly with dharma (values). However, such a linkage would have excluded the social structure so sacred to the
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Brahmanical thinkers, for whom it was more important to relate ethical principles to the caste system itself, since the former are derived from the latter, not vice versa. Thus, after explaining the ultimate objectivity of the self and the world, the Upanisadic passage quoted above proceeds to elaborate on brahma, the source and ultimate reality of the social structure. While value-laden concepts are conspicuously absent in the portion explaining the conception of atman, they are introduced for the first time in the analysis of brahma. What is significant is that the passage places brahma on a par with atman. The two descriptions are almost identical. Both are sources for whatever follows. Brahma is the source of ksatra (the sword or the warrior class), which, interestingly, is referred to as a "superior" (sreyas) form. This represents a slight change from the first formulation of the caste system in the Rgveda,10 where the Brahman class (= brahma) is identified with the mouth of the cosmic person (purusa), while the warrior class (ksatriya) represents his arms, the superiority of the Brahman class being implied in its symbolization. However, in the Upanisadic passage, the ksatra is specifically referred to as a superior form. This change could reflect the gradual emergence of the warrior class as a powerful force in the social life of the Indians, and the attempt on the part of the Brahman class to deal with it. Yet even though the warrior class is described as a superior form, the passage goes on to assert the importance of brahma as the source of the ksatra, thus laying the foundation for the later legal system that considered harming a brahmana a heinous crime. The two other classes, the vis (ordinary citizens) and sudra (the menials), arise in due order from brahma. It is only after the creation of the three classes from brahma that one hears of the emergence of dharma, a form that is even more superior to the ksatra. In fact, the warrior class wields no power unless it is endowed with dharma or law, which is a creation of brahma. This is another way of taking away the power passed on to the warrior class with the earlier pronouncement about its social standing. The moral law (dharma) is thus directly linked to the original principle (brahma) out of which emerged the three other classes in society. For this reason, the moral law becomes the truth (satya) in an absolute sense. At least in principle, any violation of that law could not be permitted, for it was not a conditional but an absolute law. The ultimate truth (atman) and ultimate value (brahma) are thus combined in a salvific realization that is considered to be the highest blissful attainment a human being can achieve. Even though the realization of brahma was considered to be blissful, the development of aesthetics to be on a par with ontology and ethics took a few more centuries. The science
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of aesthetics recognized the experience of brahma (brahmasvada) as the ultimately objective standard of aesthetic judgment. With it, the Platonic trinity of good, beauty, and truth was complete. Materialism The first reaction to the Brahmanical speculations outlined above came from the Materialist thinkers of India. They represented one branch of the naturalistic tradition, the other being the school popularly known as the Ajlvikas. The Materialists were known by different names—the Carvakas, the Lokayatikas, or the Barhaspatyas. Ajita Kesakambali, Purana Kassapa, and Pakudha Kaccayana were prominent teachers among the early Materialists. Even though they are often referred to as ascetics (samana) and brahmans (brahmana), their teachings are generally considered part of the heterodoxy, primarily because they were opposed to the orthodox Brahmanical system. All Materialists agreed in considering matter to be the ultimate fact of the universe, reducing all phenomena, including the phenomenon of consciousness, to transformations of material elements. Yet it is possible to discern two slightly different trends in Materialist thinking. The first represents an extreme form, in that it reduced all phenomena, including material bodies, to their ultimate constituents—namely, earth, water, fire, and air. These four basic material elements never change, even though the things that are derived from them are in a process of constant flux. The assumption that the elements are eternal and permanent and that all their derivatives are in a state of impermanence and change compelled these Materialists to view the former as real and the latter as unreal. For them, the search for ultimate objectivity can be satisfied only by the recognition of material elements that are permanent and eternal. Furthermore, only such material elements follow a fixed pattern or law of self-nature (svabhava). Everything else tends to be irregular and therefore unreal in its behavior. This was the nihilistic school of Materialism. 11 The second school of Materialists avoided such reductionism and accepted the reality not only of material elements but also of the physical bodies constituted by them. 12 Unlike the nihilistic group, which resorted to a more rationalistic explanation of material phenomena, this group seems to have emphasized sense experience as a valid source of knowledge. In giving equal validity to the material elements and the physical bodies constituted by such elements, this second group of Materialists seems to have paid more attention to the human personality. For them, the identity of a person was based on the physical body, which enjoyed the status of ultimate reality.
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This perspective may have made a difference to their conception of human behavior. Those who considered the human personality to be a mere lump of material particles maintained that killing a human person is not a matter of serious consequence, for all that is done is that a sword is inserted through that lump of matter. In contrast, the Materialists who believed in the reality of the physical body maintained that its evolution in the form of a body is a natural phenomenon (svabhava) and that the destruction of that body is an act against nature. This is a more enlightened form of Materialism. However, both schools denied any continuity of the human personality after death. For the nihilistic school, every form of moral judgment is meaningless talk, whereas according to the more enlightened form of Materialism, only those moral judgments based on belief in the survival of the personality are meaningless. Unfortunately, although a distinction regarding the metaphysics of the two schools has been found, no such distinction is mentioned regarding their moral discourse. This is probably because Materialist teachings were preserved by their critics rather than by the Materialists themselves. It seems that the critics lumped together the different schools of Materialism and condemned them all for being opposed to moral discourse. And whatever the contribution of the Materialists in denying the ultimate reality of a self—for they were the first anatmavadins (no-soul theorists) of India—their recognition of matter and / o r physical bodies as ultimately real was no more than another journey toward the limit of objectivity in human knowledge and understanding. T h e AjTvikas The second school of Naturalists was called the Ajlvikas, and their leader is believed to have been Makkhali Gosala. The Ajlvikas shared a conception of matter with the Materialist thinkers. However, they differed from the Materialists in assuming that the physical personality of a human being can survive death. Indeed, they were proponents of evolutionary biological systems with no known beginnings and ultimate destinies, hence beyond the power of human control. Their naturalism is expounded in terms of three major concepts: fate (niyati), species (sangati), and inherent nature (bhava, svabhava).11 Fate explains—or, rather, leaves unexplained—how a being (satta) comes into existence either as a human or as an animal. Such occurrence is predetermined or fixed (niyata). No attempt is made to explain this predetermination. Yet once it has come into existence, it belongs to one or the other species (sangati), which is determined by the coming together (sam + gati) of various characteristics. Once a being has come to possess certain characteristics, its nature (bhava, svabhava) as well as
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its behavior are determined solely by the species to which it belongs. This process of evolution may continue for several lives until it is able, without any effort on its part, to end that process. The most prominent doctrine of the Ajlvikas is the rejection of any human effort or will. Nature is so fixed and determined that no human effort can change its course. The Ajlvikas appear to have been the first Indian philosophers to face squarely the philosophical problem of determinism and free will. Like some modern philosophers, they seem to have possessed the courage to openly accept determinism and reject free will. The rejection of free will did not compel the Ajlvikas to deny freedom as well. They admitted the possibility of coursing through the cycle of existences and ultimately achieving freedom and purity (samsara-suddhi), but without any effort on the part of the individual.14 The process is compared to a ball of thread thrown from the summit of a mountain, which will unwind to its full length. No other condition will make any difference to its length. Here again, one can notice the attempt to reach the limit of objectivity in the explanation of human life and experience. Even human effort, let alone human perspective, cannot make any difference to the real world. The ultimately real world, determined by forces beyond human understanding, will remain what it is regardless of all the different views of it expressed by human beings.
Jainism Jainism is another heterodox school of thought with two prominent teachers, Parsvanatha and Mahavlra, the latter being the real systematizer of Jaina doctrines, although he was a follower of the former. Mahavlra is credited with blending the asceticism of Parsvanatha with the naturalistic teachings of the Ajlvikas, especially Makkhali Gosala, thus producing a philosophy described as dynamism (or, more appropriately, vitalism).15 He was a senior contemporary of the Buddha; interesting dialogues between the Buddha's disciples and Mahavlra are recorded in the Jaina discourses, while dialogues between Mahavlra's disciples and the Buddha are included in the Buddhist discourses. However, there is no evidence that the two teachers met face to face. As mentioned earlier, the Ajlvikas, though following the ascetic (sramana) tradition, denied the efficacy of human effort and free will and advocated a theory of biological determinism. Mahavlra, who at one time was a friend of the Ajivika teacher Gosala, was interested in accounting for free will without having to abandon biological determinism. This compromise compelled him to give equal consideration to the objective and the subjective. We have already seen how the Brahmanical thinkers attempted to
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reach ultimate objectivity in the explanation of the subject as well as the object, thereby admitting a metaphysical self (atman) to account for both. Since Mahavlra retained biological determinism, which is itself a movement toward ultimate objectivity, he could not get involved in an empirical analysis of human psychology simply to justify the validity of free will, because his theory of biological determinism would have sublated any psychological theory that was not equally objective. Hence he needed a theory of psychology and morality that was as objective as biological determinism. His ingenuity lies in formulating a doctrine of action (kiriya) without simply returning to the Upanisadic notions of atman and brahma, and thereby renouncing the Brahmanical conceptions of society and morals. Thus the conception of action (kiriya) emerges as the central conception in Jainism. Action (kiriya), according to Mahavlra, is threefold: bodily, verbal, and mental. The most important feature of this theory is that all three forms are accorded equal status. To do this, Mahavlra had to ignore the psychological springs of action that came to be emphasized by the Buddha. Empirical psychology has often spoiled the purity of philosophical discourse. 16 The clarity and precision one can attain in the study of physical phenomena cannot be achieved in the analysis and explanation of human psychology. Therefore, Mahavlra opted for a more physicalistic explanation of action, rather than a psychological analysis. Instead of a theory of intentionality, we meet with what may be called, in modern philosophy, an action theory of mind. Action dictates what the so-called mind is, rather than the mind determining what action is. It is for this reason that Mahavlra believed that any bodily action, whether intentional or unintentional, will produce consequences for which the agent of action is responsible. By ignoring the intentionality of human action, Mahavlra was able to give a more systematic and precisely formulated account of the relationship between action and consequence or action and responsibility. Arguing against the Buddhists, a disciple of Mahavlra says: If a savage puts a man on a spit and roasts him, mistaking him for a fragment of the granary; or a baby, mistaking him for a gourd, he will not be guilty of murder! . . . If anybody thrusts a spit through a man or a baby, mistaking him for a fragment of the granary, puts him on the fire and roasts him, that will be a meal fit for the Buddhas to breakfast upon. . . . Wellcontrolled men cannot accept your denial of guilt incurred by [unintentional] doing harm to living beings. . . . It is impossible to mistake a fragment of the granary for a man; only an unworthy man can say i t . 1 7
According to this assertion, action results in responsibility, regardless of whether the action is performed with or without intention, with or with-
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out knowledge. Thus Mahavlra is able to link an action with its consequence without having to face the dilemma of one and the same action appearing to have two different consequences. A good action is invariably associated with good consequences, never evil ones. Similarly, an evil action is always associated with evil results, never good ones. The relationship between action and consequence is never conditional but always absolute. By explaining action (kiriya) in this manner, Mahavlra was prepared to contrast it with biological determinism. Because it is human action, it is internal to the person, whereas biological determinism is external. Action explains free will, for every action is willed. It is free because it is not part of biological determinism. This is the sense in which Mahavlra's statement that "there are things that are determined and things that are not determined" (niyayaniyayam samtamJ18 can be understood. The above explanation of human action and biological determinism may have compelled Mahavlra to adopt a non-absolutistic standpoint regarding ordinary human knowledge and understanding. Thus we have the famous Jaina theory of "possibilities" (syadvada) as well as of "standpoints" (naya). Before Mahavlra, the skeptic Sanjaya had proposed four negative propositions in order to avoid errors in philosophical discourse. These negative propositions were stated in the following form: 1. 2. 3. 4.
A is not B. A is not ~ B . A is not (B • ~B). A i s n o t ~ ( B • ~B).
Mahavlra, a younger contemporary of Sanjaya, found these alternatives too skeptical. His explanation of existence had to accommodate both positive and negative propositions, together with the assumption that both are possibilities (syad). The later Jaina writers have listed these possibilities as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
It It It It It It It
is possible is possible is possible is possible is possible is possible is possible
that that that that that that that
A is B. A is A is (B • ~B). A is ~(B • ~B), that is, unspeakable (avaktavya). A is B and ~(B • ~B). A is and ~(B • ~B). A is (B • ~ B ) a n d i s ~ ( B • ~B). 1 9
The recognition of varying epistemological possibilities would also mean the existence of a variety of ways in which the meanings of proposi-
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tions could be analyzed. The later Jaina thinkers have proposed seven standpoints as guides (naya) for the determination of meanings. The seven standpoints are divided into two groups, the substantial (dravya) and the linguistic (paryaya; lit., "synonyms"). Under the former category are included three—the teleological (naigama), the universal (samgraha), and the conventional (vyavahara)—and under the latter category, four— the particular (rjusutra), the semantic (sabda), the etymological (samabhirudha), and the contextual (evambhuta).20 The teleological standpoint (naigama-naya) is intended to pinpoint the goal in terms of which the meaning of a statement can be understood. For example, when I am scribbling this statement on a sheet of paper, if someone were to ask me, "What are you doing?" and I were to respond, "I am writing my book on Buddhist philosophy," my statement would make sense only in terms of what I propose to achieve, not what I am actually doing now. In other words, the book on Buddhist philosophy is yet not a reality apart from pencil marks on a sheet of paper. The Jaina commentators assumed that this is the standpoint developed by the Vaisesika school. The universal standpoint (samgraha-naya) focuses on the whole instead of the parts, the latter deriving their meaning only in relation to the former. Thus one cannot speak of spokes or hub or rim except in the context of a wheel. This is looked upon as the perspective of Vedanta. Finally, the conventional standpoint (vyavahara-naya) attempts to accommodate both the part and the whole, as in the Sarikhya school. It is interesting that the linguistic standpoints include what is called the particular or the rjusutra. Literally, the term rjusutra means "straight line," that is to say, a series of disconnected phenomena that gives the false appearance of a connected whole, which is a mere name (nama). The Jaina commentators identified this with the standpoint of the Buddhists. The semantic standpoint (sabda-naya) deals with synonyms. Thus the terms Sakra, Indra, and Purandhara all refer to one and the same individual, the powerful god of the Vedic tradition, although the etymological standpoint (samabhirudha-naya) distinguishes them. The current-etymological or contextual standpoint (evambhuta-naya) produces further distinctions, in that a term like "Purandhara," even though generally applied to the god Indra, makes no sense if it is applied to him when he is not involved in the act of "destroying fortresses" (the literal meaning of purandhara). Thus, while a synonym can have a universal application, it also has to be contextual. These standpoints were undoubtedly elaborations by later philosophers of the Jaina tradition, for they refer to theories that emerged subsequently in the Indian tradition, such as those of the Vaisesika, the Sarikhya, Vedanta, and even the theory of momentariness developed by the later Buddhists. Yet one cannot deny that they also represent the spirit of the epistemological standpoint of Mahavlra himself.
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Examining Mahavlra's doctrine of action (kiriya), one cannot avoid the conclusion that it is the ordinary unenlightened person who assumes that the same action can lead to two different consequences. An enlightened one cannot make any mistake about the one-to-one relation. Yet the epistemological theories of "possibilities" and "standpoints" leave Mahavlra in a position where such mistakes are unavoidable if a person adopts any one of the possibilities or standpoints. Thus, if an enlightened one is to make no mistake whatsoever, he must adopt all the possibilities or standpoints each time he makes a predication. This would account for Mahavlra's recognition of "omniscience" (sarvajnatva) as the highest form of knowledge. Indeed, Mahavlra was the first religious teacher in India to claim such omniscience,21 which can be described as the most comprehensive way of reaching ultimate objectivity. Although the Jaina theory of action (kiriya) seems to have led to a relativistic or non-absolutistic theory of knowledge that culminated in the recognition of "omniscience," the Buddha perceived this view of action as not much different from the Ajivika conception of biological determinism, and hence as another way of reaching out for objectivity. While recognizing the Jainas for highlighting the doctrine of human action at a time when most heterodox schools were rejecting it, the Buddha criticized them for equating bodily action with motivation or the psychological springs of action. 22 He found that with such an equation, the Jainas were not only presenting an extremely deterministic theory, which he referred to as pubbekatahetuvada (the theory that every human experience is due to past action), but also were creating difficulties with regard to the explanation of freedom (nirvana). It is at this point that the Jainas were compelled to accept certain aspects of the Brahmanical notion of self (atman). If human action were as determined as the Jainas believed it to be, it would be difficult to explain how an evil person could change the course of his life and become a good person. The Jainas responded to this by maintaining that the soul is originally pure and that it is soiled by adventitious karmic particles. This notion of an originally pure soul is not very different from the Brahmanical conception of atman. This again is a view wrongly attributed to the Buddha. 23 Furthermore, the Jainas conceived of these adventitious karmic particles in the form of material elements. Such a materialistic view of action may have helped them explain the correlation between action and consequence in a more objective way, but it did not help solve the problem of freedom from karma. Indeed, the Buddha ridiculed the Jaina view that one can free oneself from present karma by non-action and expiate one's past karma by extreme penances. 24 He maintained that Jainas who practiced penances and experienced extreme pain would, by their own reckoning, be full of past evil karma, and that buddhas who enjoyed extreme happiness were inheritors of past good karma.
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The Jainas' theory of action, which made no distinction between motivated and unmotivated or volitional and non-volitional action, had a farreaching impact on their moral philosophy as well as their religious observances. In moral philosophy they advocated an extreme form of non-violence (ahimsa), which may be an extremely praiseworthy ideal. Strict vegetarianism seems to have originated with the Jainas. However, ahimsa also led to other extreme practices, such as wearing a piece of cloth over the nose and the mouth to prevent inhaling any form of invisible life and sweeping the ground on which one would be walking to avoid stepping on tiny creatures even by accident.
Conclusion The four major philosophical traditions before the rise of Buddhism— Brahmanism, Materialism, Ájívikism, and Jainism—seem to have been generally reluctant to admit any element of uncertainty or skepticism regarding human knowledge. Even the Jainas, who were forced into adopting a relativistic standpoint in their attempt to reconcile the problems of determinism and free will, finally abandoned that relativism in favor of a doctrine of omniscience. The only philosopher who seriously addressed the problem of skepticism was Sañjaya. Unfortunately, Sañjaya could provide no solution to it and therefore refrained from making any positive statement. Sañjaya differed from the Absolutists in that he resorted to negative pronouncements without asserting an ultimate reality that transcends empirical description, as the Brahmanical thinkers did. The historical fact that two of Sañjaya's leading disciples, Upatissa and Kolita, left him after learning about the Buddha's teachings and were converted almost immediately, becoming the Buddha's two chief disciples after assuming the names Sáriputta and Mogallana, respectively, is of extreme ideological significance. They probably became disciples of Sañjaya because they were genuine skeptics. If they had been totally dissatisfied with the skeptical traditions they could easily have embraced one that emphasized absolute certainty regarding an ultimate reality, such as the Brahmanical teachings or even the doctrines of the Ájívikas or the Jainas, if not those of the Materialists. Yet they remained disciples of Sañjaya until they found a tradition that combined skepticism with some more positive teachings. This explains why they were attracted to the Buddha's doctrine even after getting to know of it through reports. Here they seem to have discovered a new solution to the problem of skepticism, not comparable to those offered by the preceding schools. In fact, Sariputta's report to Moggallana about the nature of the Buddha's teachings clearly indicates what was unique in the Buddha's solution to the problem of skepticism:
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Whatever be the phenomena that arise from causes, the Tathagata has expounded their causation as well as their cessation. T h e great recluse is such a theorist.
(Ye dhamma hetuppabhava tesam hetu tathagato aha, tesan ca yo nirodho evamvadt mahasamano.)25 Whereas Sanjaya was reluctant to make any positive pronouncements through fear of falling into error, the Buddha was willing to recognize the limitations of human knowledge and provide a reasonable description of truth and reality without reaching out for ultimate objectivity. This approach allowed him to avoid any ontological or metaphysical commitments and deal with language in a more meaningful way. For these reasons, he refrained from either raising or answering questions relating to ultimate origins or destinies, questions that had haunted Indian philosophers for centuries. Indeed, it was a discussion of such metaphysical issues between the Buddha and a wanderer Dlghanakha that served as the occasion for Sariputta to attain enlightenment, convinced of the futility of attempting solutions to such problems. 2 6 If Absolutism is the result of reaching out for ultimate objectivity in philosophical discourse, and if extreme skepticism is the reason for the failure of such an enterprise, the Buddha, in his explanation of human experience, seems to have renounced the search for such objectivity and confined himself to a middle way, thereby renouncing both Absolutism and extreme skepticism.
C H A P T E R II
Life of the Buddha
The story of the life of the Buddha has become enshrined in all forms of myths and legends, as in the case of many religious teachers of the past. Distinguishing historical facts from myths and legends is not only a difficult task but one that is generally resisted by the overenthusiastic devotee. Such resistance can seem justified if the interpreter of the myths tends to assume that they are mere imaginations of the faithful disciple. Yet a more sober and careful analysis reveals that these myths symbolize important emotional or psychological events connected with the personalities involved or with actual historical incidents that called for dramatic explanations. In recent times the reconstruction of the life of the historical Buddha, the sage of the Sakya clan (Sakyamuni), has been attempted by many scholars. One classic is E. J. Thomas' The Life of Buddha as Legend and History (1927). A second work of rare scholarship is by Bhikkhu Nyanamoli. His The Life of the Buddha (1972) consists of translations of selections from the Pali canon and commentaries carefully sorted out and identified by their authors, such as reports by Ananda or Upali, who were the Buddha's immediate disciples, or explanations by traditional commentators. Working with scanty references to historical events, another way of reconstructing the life of the Buddha is to pay serious attention to the philosophical ideas he expounded and see how far these are reflected in his life and conduct. Such an attempt was made in The Way of Siddhartha: A Life of the Buddha (1982). The present work being an outline of the philosophical teachings of the Buddha, it seems appropriate to preface it with a chapter summarizing the contents of that work. Buddha, meaning "the enlightened one," is a term by which Siddhartha Gautama came to be known after his attainment of enlightenment. Siddhartha's father, Suddhodana, was the ruler of a small kingdom, called the country of the Sakyans, at the foothills of the Himalayas. It was a city-kingdom with Kapilavastu as its center. Siddhartha's mother, Maya, is said to have died immediately after his birth. Pajapati Gotami, Maya's younger sister, nursed Siddhartha in his childhood. Brought up in com-
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fortable surroundings, enjoying privileges not available to the vast majority of children in a caste-ridden social structure, Siddhartha was well educated in the traditional academic disciplines, martial arts, and other fields of study appropriate for a prospective ruler. However, early in life he seems to have come into conflict with his father, who wanted him to be the heir to the throne rather than a philosopher or religious leader who would challenge traditional ideas and values. These conflicts are symbolized in some of the myths about his early life, especially those of the prognostications of the sage Asita Kaladevala and of his father preventing him from witnessing birth, illness, old age, and death. Traditional learning included study of the Vedas as well as the six ancillary sciences: phonetics (siksa), ritual (kalpa), grammar (vyakarana), etymology (nirukti), metrics (chandas), and astronomy (jyotis).1 The Buddha's insightful criticisms of the Vedas, knowledge of the meaning and gradual evolution of the rites and rituals, critical evaluation of current social and political structures, detailed analysis of moral conventions, and illuminating thoughts about the nature and function of language, all of which can be clearly seen in the discourses attributed to him, could not have been the result merely of a sudden enlightenment, much less of omniscience, which he openly disclaimed. Instead, his enlightenment can be considered the combination of a mature response to the traditional learning that he received as a student and a penetrating understanding of human life and the nature of existence. Doubts have been raised about whether the Buddha was married and had a family because there are no specific references to these matters in the early discourses. Yet his own statements regarding the luxuries his father provided in order to keep him tied to a household life do not rule out the possibility of his having married (a woman named Yasodhara) and fathered a son (Rahula). An extremely critical mind like Siddhartha's, exposed to learning that considered the Vedas to be revealed texts and the Upartisads to be the culmination of human knowledge and understanding, could naturally revolt. Ascetics and brahmans like Ajita Kesakambali, Makkhali Gosala, Pakudha Kaccayana, Purana Kassapa, Sanjaya Bellatthiputta, and Mahavlra had already reacted against such traditional dogmas. Siddhartha was to be the last of these major thinkers of the heterodoxy. Most of the six so-called heretical teachers were ascetics who had experimented with both reason and experience in order to understand the nature of human life and the world. With his critical attitude, Siddhartha could not simply depend on the authority either of the traditionalists or of the heretics. Thus he was compelled to adopt the life of an ascetic against the will of his parents, 2 who wanted him to remain a householder and be the next ruler of the Sakyans. No mention of his wife's objections to his renunciation is made in the early sources. Being a
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faithful wife in a traditional family, Yasodhara no doubt realized the need to support her husband's ideology, and thus remained a docile partner in Siddhartha's quest for answers to the riddle of existence. The legend about Siddhartha's leaving home while his wife and new born baby were asleep, while highlighting the emotional stress in his renunciation, also symbolizes Yasodhara's acceptance of her husband's decision. Any other interpretation of his renunciation would do violence to the character of a person who propounded an extremely enlightened form of love and compassion for oneself as well as others. Wandering ascetics had criticized the Brahmanical tradition for several centuries before Siddhartha began to realize its weaknesses and its unfortunate impact on morality and social harmony. However, Siddhartha was not as negative as the Materialists and Ajivikas were toward morals as well as spirituality. Hence, immediately after leaving home and country, he moved south into Magadha, in Central India, where he joined two leading contemplatives, Ajara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta, both representatives of the Upanisadic tradition. Under their guidance Siddhartha learned meditation techniques specifically directed at the appeasement of mind rather than the development of insight. Dissatisfied with their spiritual attainments, he is said to have left them and joined a band of ascetics who were practicing self-mortification. In the company of Kondanna, Bhaddiya, Vappa, Mahanama, and Assaji, Siddhartha practiced severe forms of self-mortification in the hope of gaining knowledge and freedom. Even his friends were surprised at the extreme levels to which he carried such practices. His fasting reduced his body to a mere skeleton, and at one stage he is said to have been on the verge of death. Six long years of mortification of the flesh made him realize the futility and meaninglessness of such deprivation, and he abandoned this way of life. At this point his five friends, who had been helping and watching him with great anticipation left him in disgust. After regaining his strength, Siddhartha moved to a quiet place on the banks of the Neranjara River near Gaya. The opposite bank was a hub of ritual activities where ascetics and brahmans performed fire sacrifices and the like. Seated under a ficus tree, which subsequently became famous as the bodhi tree or "tree of enlightenment," Siddhartha decided to revert to the meditational practices he had cultivated under the tutelage of Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta. These yogic exercises, as mentioned earlier, were intended to appease the mind. Continuing with these exercises rather vigorously, he was able to move onto a stage beyond what he had experienced earlier. This was a state in which all perceptions and what had been experienced (sahhavedayita) came to an end or cessation (nirodha). Where his predecessors had assumed that the higher states of meditation provided a glimpse into the nature of ultimate reality, Siddhartha,
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through his ability to stop all perceptions and experience, realized the non-cognitive nature of that state. Therefore, he emerged from that state and devoted most of his time to a cognitive understanding of existence. The process of meditation that led to the cessation of perception also involved excessive concentration and flexibility of mind. Equipped with these, he spent much time reflecting on his own past (= retrocognition or pubbenivasanussati). Looking at the information provided by such reflection, without adopting too many presuppositions, such as the existence of a permanent and eternal substance, Siddhartha understood how his life had been conditioned by various factors. Developing the cognitive capacity called clairvoyance (dibbacakkhu), he perceived how the lives of other human beings are conditioned in the same way. He realized that, in addition to factors such as one's parents and environment, one's own behavior (kamma) contributes to the manner in which human life evolves. He was probably aware of the physicalistic explanation of behavior presented by Mahavira. Siddhartha was looking for an explanation, not the neatness or clearness associated with it. He was not ready to push things under the rug because they stood in the way of formulating absolute laws. This involved him in a massive psychological enterprise. Even though he understood that human life is often conditioned by factors for which one is not fully responsible, examining the psychological springs of human behavior, he came to realize that there is a ray of hope for freedom. It was this realization that prompted him to analyze the psychological springs of action, or motivation, and distinguish behavior on the basis of its intentionality or non-intentionality. The rest of his investigations thus focused on discovering the motives that dominate human action and lead to unfortunate and evil consequences. Greed (lobha) and hatred (dosa) headed the list. While this realization may not appear to be startling, the difficulty lay in eliminating such negative motives without adopting a totally negative attitude toward human emotions. In other words, Siddhartha wanted to discard passion and be dispassionate without simultaneously losing the capacity for compassion. The method he finally adopted was to appease his dispositional tendencies without either allowing them to grow into states of greed, lust, or attachment or actually annihilating them, which was tantamount to suicide. This psychological struggle continued until he emerged from it claiming that he had appeased or calmed his dispositions (sabbasankharasamatha) and attained the cessation of lust (raga) and hatred (dosa). The elimination of lust and hatred and appeasement of the dispositions enabled him to adopt a restrained attitude about the view he had adopted of the world. Without running after ultimate objectivity or abandoning all perspectives—that is, without looking for any form of absolute or permanent existence, or of nihilistic non-existence—he
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examined the nature of human conception. Appeasement of the dispositions enabled him to look at conception itself as possessing pragmatic value rather than absolutistic implications. This eliminated the last of the hurdles or obstacles, namely, confusion (moha). The elimination of lust, hatred, and confusion (râgakkhaya, dosakkhaya, and mohakkhaya) constituted his enlightenment and freedom, and this final knowledge and insight is referred to as "knowledge of the waning of influxes" (âsavakkhaya-nâna). It represents a transformation of his whole personality, cognitive, conative, and emotive. With that transformation, Siddhârtha was able to perceive the world paying attention to the human predicament and the way out of it, which he summarized in the four noble truths (ariya-sacca). In the context in which he lived, where the search for ultimate objectivity reigned supreme, his non-absolutist and non-substantialist view of the world and human life would have been received with little enthusiasm. Therefore, he was hesitant to preach what he had discovered. Yet his moral concern, symbolized by an invitation from Brahma, prompted him to go out into the world and propound his ideas for the sake of the few who were prepared to listen to him. Thus was initiated a missionary career that was to last for the next forty-five years. By this time, his two instructors in the methods of yogic contemplation, ÀJâra and Uddaka, had passed away. Therefore, he went in search of the five friends in whose company he had practiced severe self-mortification, who were living in Bârânasi. At first they received him with suspicion and uncertainty, but they soon began to notice the transformation of his personality. Respect and admiration followed. They were willing to listen to him, and thus an audience was instantly created. Since these ascetics were enamored with self-mortification, the Buddha may have felt the need to explain the futility of such a life. Therefore, his first discourse to the world pertained to the practical middle path that avoids the two extremes of self-indulgence and self-mortification. 3 It was an exposition of the noble eightfold path and the fruits of life to be reaped, by oneself as well as others, by following it. It did not involve a discussion of the philosophical middle standpoint, which was the raison d'etre of the moral life. The philosophical middle path was the topic on which he later discoursed to Kaccâyana, whose concerns were more epistemological and theoretical than practical. 4 The first of the five ascetics who realized the significance of the Buddha's doctrine was Kondanna. Abandoning the self-mortification they had practiced for years, the five ascetics applied themselves to the teachings of the Buddha and soon attained enlightenment and freedom. The rapid progress they made should not be surprising, for they were men of great earnestness and spiritual maturity. The same can be said of many others, like Sâriputta and Moggallâna. In pre-Buddhist India, religious
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or spiritual pursuits were confined mostly to men, female participation being extremely rare. For this reason those who joined the Order during the early stages were mostly men. However, the Buddha's teachings injected a spirit of tolerance and critical reflection into Indian life, resulting in an erosion of the social, political, and religious conventions of the Brahmanical tradition. The first of the Brahmanical conventions that fell into disrepute was social discrimination based on the age-old caste system. In the early discourses, the caste system remains the second most criticized theory, next to the doctrine of atman. Not only did the Buddha provide innumerable arguments against this conception of caste, he also practiced what he preached by opening the doors of Order to any person who came to him looking for moral and spiritual guidance. For a variety of pragmatic reasons, the Buddha seems to have adopted a more restrained attitude toward the Brahmanical system that discriminated against females. The rather cautious steps he took before admitting females into the congregation can be appreciated only against the background of the significant social, political, and religious revolution that was gradually taking place in India. Already thousands of males had renounced the household life and were living in congregations at various monasteries donated by lay disciples. This, as mentioned earlier, was a historical accident or situation created by the Brahmanical tradition. The sudden influx of females into such congregations could have created innumerable difficulties for monastic life and discipline. Furthermore, the Buddha was being criticized for eroding the family life of the Indians. He was denounced not only for destroying the so-called family dharma (caste system) but also for his unrestricted acceptance of renunciation by men who carried heavy family responsibilities. 5 The Buddha seems to have taken this latter criticism more seriously than the former. For this reason, he had to be more cautious in the most important venture of admitting women to the Order, and when he realized that the time was ripe, he did take that step. Even a superficial reading of the Therigatba6 provides a clear view of the Buddha's attitude toward women and of the exalted status they enjoyed in the Buddhist Order. Indeed, Buddhism was the first religious tradition to recognize women's ability to attain the highest spiritual status attainable by any man, including the Buddha himself, and thus one in which they actually did so. The second Brahmanical convention that the Buddha disrupted was the political one. Many formidable rulers of Magadha and the surrounding kingdoms were attracted to the teachings of the Buddha. Bimbisara and Pasenadi became ardent followers and often sought the Buddha's advice on matters pertaining to political thought. The conception of a "universal monarch" (cakkavatti) whose authority depended on popular consensus and moral integrity rather than divine ordination was often
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emphasized by the Buddha. Punitive measures were replaced by moral rehabilitation. The story of Angulimala's 7 attainment of moral perfection and spiritual freedom after spending most of his adult life as a murderer clearly exhibits the Buddha's way of dealing with problems of crime and punishment. His political philosophy was to leave a lasting impression not only on the Indian conception of monarchy, faithfully followed by Emperor Asoka, but also on those of the South and Southeast Asian countries. In the area of religious practices, the Buddha rejected only those ritualistic elements that contained no perceivable psychological and moral significance. As a result the brahman class lost the opportunity to practice its meaningless sacrifices and was deprived of its privileged position of intermediary between humanity and divinity. Although not every Brahmanical religious teacher or philosopher was willing to renounce his practices and ideas, some leaders, such as the Kassapa brothers, 8 were converted along with their large retinues. Recognizing the futility of attempting to bring about a total revolution in human society and institutions, and assuming that "small is beautiful," the Buddha proceeded to organize the Order of monks and nuns in a manner that reflected his own philosophy. The ultimate goal of the religious life, as will be explained later, is the absence of constraints (vimutti, nibbana, etc.). Thus a life of ultimate purity is also a life where possessive individualism should be renounced. This idea had to be reflected in the monastic life. Monks and nuns were to have no private property except the bowl and three robes. A monastery was a place of residence for all members of the Order, whether they came from north or south, east or west. Virtues (stla) recommended by the Buddha and conforming to the moral principles (dbamma) he formulated were adhered to as rules of discipline (vinaya) until more elaborate ones were adopted as occasions demanded. As the monastic institutions expanded and multiplied, the need for more and more specific rules gradually gave rise to an extensive corpus of literature called the Books of Discipline (Vinaya Pitaka). Yet this vast collection of rules and regulations embodies the fundamental spirit of the Buddha's philosophy, in that they are not inviolable laws valid for eternity. Their validity was recognized only as long as they were functional, and the pragmatic spirit of the teachings often called for revisions and sometimes even for revocations. The first Western writers who studied the principles governing the Buddha's monastic organization were impressed by its democratic temper. The Sarigha has been designated "a system of government formed by the Bhikkhus (monks), for the Bhikkhus and of the Bhikkhus." 9 This means that it is a democratic institution set up by the Buddha for the good of its members as well as mankind. It is significant that when the
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question of a successor in whom the disciples could take refuge was raised during the Buddha's last days, he responded by saying that the doctrine (dhamma) he had preached and the discipline (vinaya) he had instituted would be their guides.10 This was a novel idea, unknown to the political and religious organizations contemporary with or prior to Buddhism. 11 It is important to note that the Buddha's conception of democracy was not based strictly on a majority-minority distinction. The underlying moral principle was the welfare of oneself and others; the concept of "other" could vary, depending on context (see Chapter x). As the Buddha's word swept across the northern part of the Indian continent and his fame as the founder of the religion spread, it was inevitable that his daily routine would change. Instead of his traveling about to meet people, more and more people from all walks of life visited him and sought his counsel. As a result there came to be a group of disciples, headed by Ananda, who seem to have assumed responsibility not only for taking care of the Buddha but also for maintaining order in the constant flow of people who came to see him. Often the Buddha was not willing to isolate himself from the people, and when one of his attendants tried to prevent someone from seeing him, he would prevail upon them to allow that person an audience.12 The Buddha's strenuous life as a constant guide to thousands of people on matters moral and spiritual gradually began to take a toll on his health. The aftereffects of his six years of self-mortification also seem to have played a part. References are not wanting in connection with the latter part of his life, when he would interrupt a sermon or a discourse to retire to his living quarters, allowing one of his disciples to complete the discourse.13 He had great confidence in most of his disciples, including nuns, who had attained enlightenment and freedom, and often recognized their expertise in the doctrine. While the unenlightened disciples tended to worship him as their sole savior, which appears to be the traditional Indian way of respecting someone who initiates a new tradition, the Buddha was struggling to avoid any "cult worship" by insisting that what was more important was the doctrine (dhamma) he had preached. The doctrine was to be their guide, not anything else. As he reached the age of eighty and realized that his life would not last long, the Buddha traveled north, probably with the intention of returning to his homeland. However, his health deteriorated to such an extent that he passed away at Kusinara, almost on the border between the country of Brahmanical domination, which he had attempted to change, and his own land of the Sakyans, which had given birth to the new movement.
CHAPTER III
Knowledge and Understanding
The wide variety of philosophical speculation in India before the advent of Buddhism indicates a vast range of experimentation with different sources of knowledge. The Buddhist discourse that refers to sixty-two metaphysical views regarding the nature of self and the world maintains that these were the products of two primary sources: experience and reason. 1 However, the two were not exclusive. The empiricists seem to have utilized reason just as much as the rationalists recognized experience. The major difference between them seems to have been the almost complete rejection of yogic insight by the rationalists and the total dependence on such insights by the empiricists. Thus the empiricists are described as those who follow the methods of exertion (atappa), application (padhana), concentration (anuyoga), and reflection (manasikara),2 while the rationalists adopted two primary techniques, deduction (takka) and investigation (vimamsa).3 The sources just mentioned, with the exception of yogic insight, are generally utilized by philosophers the world over. Yet the Buddha claimed that these very sources of information were the basis for what he considered to be metaphysical speculations in the Indian context. He referred to them as adhivuttipada,4 a term that literally means "overstatement." The characterization of metaphysics as "overstatements" raises many important philosophical issues. What is the relationship between an experience and a statement about that experience? Are all experiences veridical and the statements about them false? How are we to decide which statement is true and which is false, that is, which is a statement of fact and which is an overstatement? Can what makes a statement false also render the experience itself false? These were some of the questions that invited the Buddha's attention, especially because he was not willing to subscribe totally to any of the theories presented by the pre-Buddhist philosophers. In Chapter i it was pointed out that most of the theories of the four major schools of thought before the Buddha—Brahmanism, Materialism, Ajivikism, and Jainism—were dominated by a search for ultimate
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objectivity in philosophical explanation. Although they were attempts to leave behind the human perspective and provide a completely objective description of phenomena, the Buddha found that they were indeed dominated by one or the other, or a combination, of the following attitudes or perspectives: (1) faith or confidence (saddha), (2) likes or preferences (ruci), (3) tradition (anussava), (4) reflection on form (akara-parivitakka), and (5) delighting in the contemplation of views (ditthi-nijjhanakkhanti).s Faith or confidence can pertain to the source of knowledge, to the relationship between knowledge and description, or even to predictability on the basis of that knowledge. Faith in the source of knowledge can often blind us to such an extent that, even if there were undeniable evidence against what is revealed by such a source, we would insist on its veracity. Confidence regarding the relationship between knowledge and description can lead us in two different directions: we can either insist that the description is an exact copy of knowledge or the content of knowledge (= a picture theory of language), or we can assume that knowledge transcends all forms of description. Finally, confidence regarding predictability has provided greater and greater confidence regarding that particular kind of knowledge, and unpredictability has often been the reason for rejecting even what may be called veridical knowledge. The same can be said of other attitudes or perspectives. This inclined the Buddha to maintain that, There are five things that have a twofold result in this life. What five? [Knowledge based on] faith, likes, tradition, reflection on form, and delight in views. . . . Even if I know something on the basis of best faith, that may be empty, hollow, and confused, while what I do not know on the best faith may be factual, true, and not otherwise. It is not proper for an intelligent person, safeguarding the truth, to come categorically to the conclusion in this matter that such alone is true and whatever else is false. 6
Here the Buddha is emphasizing the idea that a theory accepted on the basis of faith or confidence, likes or preferences, tradition or report, reflection on form or logical consistency, or delighting in the contemplation of views or obsession with views is not necessarily true. This means that the criterion for deciding what is true or false lies elsewhere. The question is, where? Considering the difficulties confronted by his predecessors, the Buddha was not willing to abandon all human perspectives when formulating a view, perhaps realizing from the outset the impossibility of doing so. Therefore, he was compelled to analyze in detail the nature of sense experience, the means by which we come to have yogic intuition, and the process of rational reflection. This involved an enterprise that no Indian
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philosopher before him had attempted. Neither do any of his contemporaries elsewhere in the world, either in China or in Greece, seem to have engaged in anything comparable. In short, this involved him in a detailed analysis of human psychology.
Sense Experience It is interesting that the Buddha undertook his most comprehensive analysis of the psychology of sense perception in a context in which questions were raised as to why there are so many conflicting views in the world. 7 Even though his statement explaining the process of sense experience is rather brief, its implications are wide-ranging: Depending upon the visual organ and the visible object, O monks, arises visual consciousness; the meeting together of these three is contact; conditioned by contact arises feeling. W h a t one feels, one perceives; what one perceives, one reflects about; what one reflects about, one is obsessed with. W h a t one is obsessed with, due to that, concepts characterized by such obsessed perceptions assail him in regard to visible objects cognizable by the visual organ, belonging to the past, the future, and the present. 8
In the first place, the principle according to which sense experience begins to take place is "dependence" (paticcasamuppada). The conception of a "self" (atman) that functions as the agent is thereby eliminated. Second, the first reference is to the visual organ, which is part of the physically identifiable personality. The physical personality itself being part of the psychophysical personality (namarüpa), i.e., a conscious human being, the notion of a tabula rasa on which experience is said to leave its impressions is also abandoned. Third, even though the object of experience is mentioned after the sense organ, the description gives equal importance to both. It is in dependence on the sense organ and the object that the process of perception begins. While the object is mentioned as one of the primary conditions, there is no attempt to determine what that object is. Neither is the object referred to as a vague sense datum that eventually gets unfolded as the process of perception proceeds. What is implied is that the sense object itself has to attune to the sense organ, for an object that is not compatible with the sense cannot be perceived. The Buddha's emphasis is on what a reflective human being does with the so-called object or what happens to the object when the process of experience takes place, rather than on determining what the ultimate nature of the object is or on providing an ultimately objective description of the object itself. Fourth, his realization that ultimate objectivity regarding the object itself cannot be achieved and that the human perspective is unavoidable
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is underscored by his statement regarding the initial stage of sense experience, that is to say, "depending upon the visual organ and the visible object arises visual consciousness." Where can a philosopher go to determine the nature of the object while avoiding the consciousness of the object? If consciousness is not a tabula rasa but part of the psychophysical personality and hence conditioned by previous experiences, there are many other elements that will enter the scene when a decision is made regarding the object. It is to explain the complex nature of consciousness, while at the same time allowing for the retention of some measure of objectivity of the object, that the Buddha underscores the dependence of consciousness on the sense organ and the object. Furthermore, there is no suggestion of epi-phenomenalism, that is, that consciousness is a byproduct of matter, and therefore generated at each moment as a result of the contact between the sense and the object. The suggestion that consciousness at this stage is rather noetic and gradually progresses as it goes through the other stages does not seem appropriate, either. The reason is that the intermediary stage between contact (phassa) and perception (sahha), namely, sensation or feeling (vedana), does not add to the content of the perception in terms of precision or clarity, but rather to its character. The coming together of the sense organ, the object of sense, and the consciousness conditioned by them is called contact (phassa). The term "contact" is to be understood in its broader sense, as in statements such as "I am in contact with John," not in the more restricted sense of "bare touch." Because the term is used in a more extended or comprehensive sense, the Buddha is able to say that all philosophical theories about the world are dependent on contact (phassa-paccaya).9 Contact thus expresses the idea of familiarity. The inevitable result of contact is feeling (vedana), which introduces the emotive element, and this can be pleasant, unpleasant, or neutral. Familiarity breeds not only contempt but also admiration and indifference. For the Buddha, the emotive aspect of sense experience is most important, because it enables him to ground moral decisions in the world of experience instead of leaving them as arbitrary decisions unrelated to the factual world. However, the Buddha was not unaware that feelings can grow into monstrous forms, overwhelming human beings to such an extent that they lose all rationality. In other words, emotions, which are inevitable elements in our experiences, can also cause most of our confusion and suffering. To express this idea, the Buddha changes the language he employed to explain the process of perception. Instead of using the language of "dependence," as in "depending upon feeling arises perception" (vedanapaccaya sanna), he utilizes the language of agency: "What one feels, one perceives" (yam vedeti, tam sanjanati). This is an extremely sophisticated
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way of indicating how a causally conditioned human personality with its own identity can give rise to the conception of an independent and selfsubsistent self (átman) through hyperactive emotions. It also demonstrates how that overextended emotion is generally accommodated in ordinary language, and how a more impersonal language can bring about a change in the emotions themselves without eliminating them altogether. This fascinating view that conceptions themselves can change human emotions is discussed further below. The statement that "what one feels, one perceives" is an intriguing way of stating that our perceptions are normally determined by our emotional life. It is a clear admission that our interests, whether simple interests or more extended emotions, such as likes and dislikes, play an important role in our perceptions. Indeed, no perception can be totally free from perspectives—perspectives determined minimally by interest and maximally by likes and dislikes, that is, by prejudices. The next step in the process of experience is reflection (vitakka), which can lead the perception in two different ways. Reflection provides an opportunity to evaluate the consequences of perception, whether it leads to bondage and suffering or freedom and happiness. If reflection continues to justify the existence of an ego, an independent and self-subsistent entity (atman), it leads to obsession (papañca). It should be remembered that the cause of this obsession is the emergence, as a result of overstretched emotion, of the conception of an ego or self-subsistent entity. However, once that obsession is generated, its influence is felt in relation not so much to the perception (saññá) itself as to the conception (sartkha) of that perceived object. In fact, in another passage obsession is specifically connected with conception, e.g., papañca-sañkha.10 To some extent one can be obsessed with a perception only so long as one clings to the notion of an ego, although an obsession can also pass away with the waning of that immediate experience. In contrast, an obsession can be lasting if it is associated with the conception of the object of experience, and it is this conception that can relate itself to the objects of the past, present, and future. In other words, it is easier to be enslaved by a concept that gives the impression of being permanent and incorruptible than by a perception that is obviously temporal and corruptible. In modern Western thought, the idea that concepts, being substitutes for percepts, should not be looked upon as incorruptible found a strong advocate in William James. 11 The above analysis of sense experience alone would suffice as a refutation of the Brahmanical notions of the self and the world as eternal and incorruptible entities (atman). Yet because the Brahmanical tradition claimed that its conceptions were the product not of sense experience but of yogic intuition, the Buddha was compelled to conduct a detailed analysis of the psychology of yogic intuition.
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Yogic Experience The Buddha received instruction in meditation under two traditional teachers of the Brahmanical school, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta. 1 2 When reporting about the training he received from them, the Buddha simply mentions the ultimate stage of mental development each one had attained. The probable reason is that these teachers were more interested in the ultimate state of experience than in the means of reaching it. As a trainee, even the Buddha himself may have focused on that experience. As mentioned earlier, the Buddha was not impressed by their attainments and left them. After six long years of self-mortification, when he returned to meditative practices, he seems to have paid attention to the means as well as the goal, thus noticing the usefulness as well as the limitations of the yogic method. As in the case of sensory experience, we here encounter the first ever detailed statement regarding the psychology ofyoga. After being a critic of yoga as well as its beneficiary, the Buddha paid attention to all the minute details at every step of the way. He realized that a strong moral life is a prerequisite for mental concentration. Excessive desire (kama) and unwholesome mental tendencies (akusala dhamma) naturally obstruct concentration. Therefore, during the initial stage a person is expected to cultivate aloofness from such tendencies. Aloofness from unwholesome states of mind is said to produce an emotional experience or stage in which reflection and investigation are active and which is permeated by a sense of joy and happiness born of that aloofness. Reflection and investigation are here taken to be the most important sources of information, the former providing an account of the historical background, and hence being comparable to radical empiricism, while the latter concentrates on the present or on immediately given information. Together they serve as a comprehensive method for understanding any experience. The moral integrity of the person involved in such reflection and investigation has been assured by the first stage of meditation. 13 The search for ultimate explanations has often compelled those who reflect and investigate to be dissatisfied with the information available from these two sources. Consequently, they continue to reflect and investigate until they reach a stage where they either assert something that is totally different from what is empirically given or fall into complete skepticism. In either case there cannot be much progress at this second stage of meditation. At this point the only way out is to suspend reflection and investigation and concentrate on the information already available through such means. This is the third stage of meditation. While reflection and investigation are temporarily suspended, appreciation of the given information
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continues. Therefore the emotional state generated as a result of the first stage, namely, joy and happiness, also continues. Yet joy can grow into a state of jubilation, which can hinder the unbiased evaluation of the data of experience and render the mind rigid and inflexible. Thus, in the final stage of this particular process of meditation, an attempt is made to eliminate joy. The resulting state is one in which the mind becomes extremely flexible, pliable, and considerate (upekkha), without any prejudices. This fourth stage of meditation is considered to be a state of equanimity rather than a blank mind emptied of all conceptions. These are the four preparatory stages of contemplation (jbana) and are said to belong to the world of material form (rupa). Unfortunately, a wrong translation of the terms vitakka/vicara as discursive thought/initial thought instead of reflection/investigation has led to the belief that at the end of these four stages, all mental processes, such as discrimination and analysis, are eliminated. The final state is therefore understood as indifference (= upekkha?) toward normal sensory experiences and the beginning of a non-sensuous yogic intuition. In the interpretation of yoga, it thus becomes the watershed between transcendentalism and empiricism. Even though the contemplatives of the Brahmanical tradition may have opted for the former, the Buddha clearly sided with an empiricist interpretation of the four stages. This becomes evident from the Buddha's way of analyzing and evaluating the higher, formless (arupa) stages of contemplation. First is the contemplation of "space" (akasa). One cannot contemplate space if all sensory experiences and thoughts are abandoned in the previous stage. However, it is an interesting way of initiating the gradual abandoning of the world of material form (rupa). Why would anyone want to abandon the world of material form when trying to understand the nature of the self and the world? The answer is obvious: sense experience has not provided satisfactory information. The Brahmanical thinkers had lost confidence in sense experience as a valid source of knowledge. At this stage the Buddha was simply following their methodology in order to evaluate its signficance and relevance. It is natural to remain satisfied with any experience or conception until one reaches a problematic situation. One could remain satisfied with the reflection on "space" and be unruffled by notions of multiplicity, for space is vast and usually empty. Yet reflection on empty space can always engender questions regarding its limits (anta). How far can it stretch? Is there a limit? The idea that space is unlimited does not satisfy the gnostic mind; the alternative, namely, agnosticism, is also not satisfactory. The contemplative therefore takes no delight in the idea of space, for he has already abandoned any joyous involvement in what he perceives. In that process he realizes that the attempt to reach the limit of space is being made in his own "consciousness" (vinnana).
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This second stage of higher contemplation can be a fruitful epistemological source for "idealism" (vihhânavâda?). However, the contemplatives who instructed the Buddha before his enlightenment were not interested in terminating the process at this level, for consciousness often implies a relationship between subject and object, a duality that did not conform to what they were looking for during their speculations. Therefore, the third stage represents an attempt to get rid of the substantiality or reality of consciousness. This can be achieved by contemplating "no-thing" (akinci). At this point the contemplative can realize the non-substantiality of all phenomena, physical or psychological and, as a result, abandon the belief in a permanent and eternal self (âtman). Some of the contemplatives of the heterodox schools that propounded materialistic and biological theories did precisely this. The traditional brahman contemplatives were not satisfied with such a conclusion. In their search for evidence in favor of a unitary self accounting for the reality of both "oneself and others," they appear to have pressed on and reached a state they characterized as "neither perception nor non-perception" (neva sannâ nâsannâ). It seems obvious from this negative description that the contemplative is here faced with a dilemma. He feels that he has a positive experience, yet he is unable to relate it to any ordinary sense experience. Linguistic description fails him. The Buddha's response to this was twofold. First, while he was a trainee under Uddaka Râmaputta, he claimed to have reached such a state. However, he was not quite enamored with it; hence his parting company with Râmaputta. Second, when he reverted to this meditative practice, he claimed that he proceeded beyond it and reached the state of cessation of perception and of what has been experienced (sannàvedayitanirodba). The important question is, Why did the Buddha claim that he was able to go beyond Râmaputta's attainments and achieve a state of cessation? Did Râmaputta not proceed further because he was preoccupied with seeking a "certain," unique experience not couched in sensory terms? Considering how subsequent yogins of the Brahmanical tradition, such as Patanjali, advocated the elimination of discriminative thought (i.e., sensory and conceptual thinking) during the initial stages of meditation, and how the Buddha did not do so, it is possible to maintain that the Buddha had already abandoned the intellectual obstacle (i.e., the search for a mysterious experience) during the preliminary stages, and that he had no reason to remain satisfied with a state described as "neither perception nor non-perception." In fact, cessation, which is the stopping of all experience, is a non-cognitive state. Hence the twofold response of the Buddha represents his solution to the Brahmanical contemplative's dilemma. The Buddha's renunciation of Râmaputta's tutorship constitutes his rejection of the Brahmanical claim that contemplation leads to the knowledge of an extra-sensuous and
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extra-linguistic ultimate reality such as atman, while his second response indicates that he recognized the possibility as well as the value of cessation without assuming its cognitive capacity. The Buddha's constant practice of this state of cessation when he was advanced in years, especially before his passing away, 14 strongly suggests that it is a state in which one is able to relax and enjoy a moment of peace and serenity of mind. For this reason, he maintained that this state is to be experienced with the body (kayena sacchikarantya).15 The fact that the state of cessation has no cognitive value, other than bodily relaxation and serenity of mind, is further confirmed by the Buddha's statement that when he emerged from that state he realized the non-substantiality (anatta) of all phenomena. 16 The ability to terminate the normal processes of experience (sanna, vedana) without destroying the sensory faculties (as in the case of death) or gaining any cognitive awareness in the process compelled the Buddha to rely heavily on sensory experience in formulating his world view. Indeed, the state of cessation is sometimes compared with death, the only difference being that, while in both states all dispositional tendencies (sankhara), bodily, verbal, and mental, cease, in the former life continues and the faculties (indriya) remain extremely bright and clear (vippasanna).17 All this leads to the conclusion that, according to the Buddha, cognitive awareness requires not only the availability of the sensory faculties but also the presence of bodily, verbal, and mental dispositions, and that any attempt to abandon these dispositions (= human perspectives) is epistemological suicide. As a result of this realization, the Buddha's evaluation of the so-called higher forms of knowledge (abhinna) also takes a different turn. The usual list of higher knowledge consists of psychokinesis, clairaudience, telepathy, retrocognition, and clairvoyance. The Brahmanical tradition seems to have utilized some of these knowledge-claims to justify the doctrine of karma as well as rebirth. However, their conception of rebirth was based on the belief in an immutable "self" (atman). Some of the higher forms of knowledge, such as retrocognition and clairvoyance, could be used to suggest the existence of such an immutable self. But the Brahmanical thinkers were not completely satisfied with them, for such knowledge involved duality as well as multiplicity. They were looking for a non-dual ultimate reality that would unite the individual self with the reality of the world. Therefore, while considering the higher forms of knowledge as well as sensory experience to be practical knowledge (vijnana), they opted for what they considered to be the highest form of knowledge, i.e., the non-dual (advaya), which is said to sublate all other forms of knowledge. The state of cessation of perception and experience thus proved to be a more valuable source of knowledge for the later Brahmanical yogin, as well as for some Buddhists who were enamored with transcendence (see Chapters xvm and xxi).
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The Buddha was reluctant to admit any ineffability in the state of cessation (nirodba), primarily because it is a non-cognitive state. Once he abandoned any notion of ineffability, he was inclined to give more validity not only to sense experience but also to the higher forms of knowledge, especially retrocognition and clairvoyance. To highlight the relationship between sensory experience and the extraordinary perceptions, the Buddha introduced two other forms of knowledge that he gained subsequent to the four preliminary stages of concentration. It is rather unfortunate that these two forms of perception, mentioned in one of his earliest discourses, the Samannapbala-suttanta, have gone unnoticed by both classical and modern scholars. The discourse is viewed as one of the earliest and most authentic sources for the study of the heterodox traditions. Here the Buddhist yogin, following his attainment of the fourth stage of contemplation, directs his attention to his own psychophysical personality, unlike his Brahmanical counterpart: With his thought thus serene, made pure, translucent, cultured, devoid of evil, supple, ready to act, firm and imperturbable, he applies and bends down his thought to knowledge and vision. H e comes to know: " T h i s body of mine has material form, it is made up of the four great elements, it springs from mother and father, it is continually renewed by so much rice and juicy foods, its very nature is impermanence, it is subject to erasion, abrasion, dissolution, and disintegration, and there is in this consciousness of mine, too, bound up, on that it depends." 1 8
This is an extremely important reflection, following immediately after the fourth preliminary stage of contemplation (jhana), which, as mentioned earlier, has been wrongly interpreted as a state where all discursive and initial thought are abandoned. It is an unequivocal statement that some of the so-called higher forms of knowledge pertain to the nature of the physical body, the inalienable part of the human personality. It refers not only to the source and nature of the physical personality but also to the fact that there is consciousness associated with it, which makes it a complete person. Against the background of the theories of the six heterodox teachers referred to in Chapter i, this description of the human person is significant. While the heterodox teachers attempted to provide an objective explanation of the human personality by focusing on either the physical body or physical action, which they felt to be easily and objectively identifiable, the Buddha here introduced consciousness as an inalienable part of the human personality, even though it is not so objectively identified and analyzed. Thus he rejected the purely physicalistic explanation of the human personality as well as human behavior. After understanding the nature of the psychophysical personality, the
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Buddha directed his knowledge and understanding toward a more complex and vexing problem, namely, the function of the mind (mano): With his thought thus serene . . . and imperturbable, he applies and bends kâyam). his thought to the creation of a mind-made body (manomayam From this body he creates another body, having material form, made of mind, possessed of all limbs and parts, nor deprived of any organ. 1 5
The reference to the excessive creativity of the mind (mano), contrasted with the functioning of consciousness or awareness (viññána) in the previous passage, is noteworthy. While consciousness, which is invariably associated with dispositions (sañkhara), accounts for knowledge and understanding, the mind is here represented as leaping over those boundaries to create figures that are perfect and incorruptible. By implication, this is a criticism of the Brahmanical notion of self (àtman). These two forms of knowledge made the Buddha cautious in dealing with the contents of the extraordinary perceptions (abhiñña) mentioned above. Psychokinesis was admitted as a possibility. It consisted of certain powers such as lévitation. The Buddha, however, was reluctant to utilize such powers to convert people to his way of thinking, 20 perhaps realizing that they produce a feeling of awe rather than conviction. Clairaudience, the ability to hear sounds that escape the auditory faculty not associated with a concentrated mind, was also recognized but rarely utilized. 21 Telepathy, the ability read the thought processes of other people, served as a useful means of understanding the intentions of his listeners and communicating with them in a more effective way. 22 It is this effectiveness in communication that his opponents may have viewed as a "magical power of conversion" (àvattanï mâyâ).23 For the Buddha, the most important among the higher forms of knowing were retrocognition and clairvoyance. Retrocognition was of particular significance. Avoiding the search for ultimate objectivity or ultimate realities, the Buddha was compelled to look at human experience from a contextual or historical standpoint. Knowledge of one's own past, as far as one can reach, was therefore essential. Under normal circumstances, memory is generally not regarded as a trustworthy source of knowledge, since it is often vague and indistinct and frequently fails us. Such inadequacies are sometimes attributed to our own prejudices, our reluctance even to think of such memories, our tendency to suppress memories that are unpleasant and recall those that are pleasant. Such a process is not at work in the case of the yogin, for he has already cleansed his mind by going through the first four preliminary stages. He is prepared to look at his memories whether they be pleasant or unpleasant. His moral standing, at least for the moment, prevents him from being hypocritical in dealing with the information.
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Therefore, if memory were to be backed up by a strong sense of morality as well as excessive concentration, there is no reason that the information provided by it should be as suspect as in ordinary cases. Indeed, the Buddha often encouraged his disciples to use mindfulness (satipatthana) as one of the foremost methods of attaining knowledge and freedom.24 Mindfulness (sati) is not merely an awareness of what is immediately given in experience, but understanding the present in relation to the past. Thus in retrocognition, consciousness is said to function in the wake of memory (satanusari vinnanam).2S The evolution of one's own personality, conditioned by various factors, good or bad, is most comprehensively understood through retrocognition. The question of how retrocognition can be extended to previous lives despite the interruption of the physical personality is discussed in Chapter vi. The fifth higher knowledge is clairvoyance (dibbacakkhu). As defined by the Buddha, it does not involve knowledge of the future. While clairvoyance is sometimes used in the sense of perceiving events taking place at a distance, and is comparable to clairaudience, more often it refers to knowledge of the evolution of other human beings as they are conditioned by their karma. The recognition of such a form of knowledge appears to be extremely arbitrary on the part of anyone claiming to be an empiricist. The question is often raised as to how an empiricist can explain knowledge of other-minds, let alone their evolution through several existences. It seems that doubts about the existence of other-minds are generated more by philosophers who attempt to reach ultimate objectivity in their explanations. In the Indian context, the Materialists, the Ajlvikas, and even the Jainas seem to have been confronted with such problems. In the case of the Buddha, the issue was to a great extent dissolved by his adoption of a philosophical standpoint that simply avoids generating such problems. When subsequent Buddhist philosophers adopted such objective standpoints, they were compelled to compile treatises justifying the existence of other-minds, as exemplified by Vinltadeva's Santanantarasiddhi (Establishment of Other-Minds).16 It is possible to adopt two extreme attitudes about the five forms of knowledge referred to above. The skeptic who looks for an objective explanation can insist on the meaninglessness of such knowledge-claims, for they are not compatible with his notion of verifiability, which is confined mostly to the physical. The spiritualist, in contrast, believes that such knowledge is mystical and has nothing to do with ordinary experiences. The middle path adopted by the Buddha avoids both these extremes. Without being unduly skeptical or excessively enamored with them, he was willing to accept whatever information was available through such means as long as it possessed any pragmatic value. Karma and rebirth, two doctrines that the Buddha came to accept on the basis of some of these experiences, were justified not only on empirical grounds
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but also on pragmatic ones, 27 the latter being highlighted for the benefit of the skeptic. This brings us to the highest form of knowledge recognized by the Buddha, namely, knowledge of the waning of influxes (asavakkhaya), often referred to as wisdom or insight (patina, Skt. prajna). The fact that it comes at the end of a list of higher forms of knowledge, all of which are viewed as extraordinary and even mystical in some sense, leaves the impression that this form of knowledge must be equally mystical, if not more so. Thus wisdom is often considered to be totally unrelated to sensory experiences, despite the Buddha's own admission that there is no significant difference between consciousness (vinnana) and insight (panna).2" Indeed, those who perceived a sharp dichotomy between the life process and freedom are the ones who insisted on a dichotomy between consciousness and insight. The term asavakkhaya-hana literally means "knowledge of the waning of influxes." Influxes are defilements produced in the individual's mind as a result of responses to the objects of experience. Even though this cognition pertains to the absence of such influxes, there is a positive content to such knowledge, namely, the human mind that is free from influxes and hence pure. Thus it cannot be looked upon as non-dual (advaya) in a metaphysical sense, although it may be non-dual in a moral sense, because a person who has developed this form of knowledge is not egoistic and therefore does not make a sharp distinction between himself and others. The moral content of the knowledge of the cessation of influxes is most important, because it is the culmination of the moral rectitude with which the process of meditation began (i.e., the first stage of contemplation). If a person does not reach this final stage but only the higher forms of contemplation (jhana) and knowledge (abhinna), he can immediately revert to the state in which he first set out on the practice of meditation, thus rendering temporary what is achieved in the first stage of contemplation. The waning of influxes (asavakkhaya), which is a synonym for freedom (nibbana), therefore represents the elimination of the defiling tendencies once and for all. The waning of influxes is a moral transformation that takes place in the individual. Whether one allows oneself to be overwhelmed by such influxes after they have been overcome depends on various factors, such as the conviction that they are harmful and the determination not to be lured by them. Because this refers to self-knowledge, or knowledge of the moral transformation taking place in oneself, the enlightened ones have claimed certainty about this form of knowledge more often than any other. The paeans of joy they give voice to after realizing this state reveal such a jubilant, exultant emotional triumph over suffering and frustration that it seems almost impossible for them to revert back to a state of bondage. This is often expressed in their claim: "[Future] births have
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waned, the higher life has been lived, done is what has to be done, there is no more of this in the future." 29
Omniscience The terms sabbaññü, sabbavidü ("all-knowing") and sabbadassavl ("allperceiving") occur in the early discourses.30 The general tendency among modern interpreters of Buddhism is to assume that this is a knowledgeclaim comparable to the "omniscience" claimed by Mahavlra or in the theistic tradition, where it is attributed to divinity. Although the Buddha disclaimed such knowledge in the Tevijja-Vacchagotta-sutta,31 insisting that he possessed only the threefold higher knowledge (the last three forms discussed above), scholars are more inclined to interpret the last, namely, wisdom (paññá), as "omniscience." It is true that some of the later Buddhist metaphysicians like the Sarvastivadins propounded ideas that can serve as a basis for such knowledge-claims. Modern interpreters therefore attempt to attribute these ideas to the Buddha himself despite a mass of evidence against doing so. To understand what the Buddha meant by "all-knowing" or "all-perceiving," it is first necessary to analyze the use of the term "all" (sabbam) in the early discourses. Interestingly, an important discourse relating specifically to this problem is attributed to the Buddha: 32 Thus have I heard. Once the Fortunate One was living at Sávatthi, in the monastery of Anathapindika, [situated] in the Jeta's Grove. Then the Fortunate One addressed the monks: " O , monks!" They responded: "Yes, O Venerable One!" and the Fortunate One spoke thus: "Monks, I will preach to you 'everything.' Listen to it. What, monks, is 'everything'? Eye and material form, ear and sound, nose and odor, tongue and taste, body and touch, mind and concepts. These are called 'everything.' Monks, he who would say, 'I will reject this everything and proclaim another everything,' he may certainly have a theory [of his own]. But when questioned, he would not be able to answer and would, moreover, be subject to vexation. Why? Because it would not be within the range of experience."
This discourse makes the Buddha's position abundantly clear. For the Buddha, "all" or "everything" represented the subject defined in terms of the six senses and the object explained in terms of the six sense objects. However, to be "omniscient" it is necessary that one knows everything, not only of the past and present but also of the future. It is possible to claim that the obvious past and the future can be known directly if one can perceive the essence of everything. That essence being permanent and eternal, one glimpse of it at any point would mean knowledge of everything. This is certainly how the Buddhist school of Sarvastivadins attempted to justify omniscience, but such a view cannot be attributed to
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the Buddha. Not only did he refuse to recognize knowledge of such an essence or substance as existing in the future, he also claimed that he failed to perceive any such entity surviving in the immediate past or in the present. This is the implication of a disciple's statement: Na tuyham adittham asutam amutam va ato avinnatam kihcanam atthi loke.33 This statement is sometimes interpreted as "You are omniscient," that is, "There is nothing that you have not seen, heard or conceived."34 This is an extremely superficial and reckless rendering of an important statement. The statement is to be understood in the light of the definition of an "enlightened one" in the early Buddhist context. In fact, the term akincana, "one who does not look for something" {kind; other than what is given in sensory experience, a la discourse on "everything" quoted above), is used to refer to the enlightened one. 35 Hence, the above statement in Pali is more appropriately rendered as: "You do not have (or recognize) something (na kiiicana) that is not seen, heard, conceived, or cognized in this world," which would be a negation rather than an assertion of the very metaphysics that serves as the basis for "omniscience." This idea was highlighted centuries later by the famous Buddhist philosopher Nagarjuna (see Chapter xvi).
Limitations of Experience One of the important features of cognitive experience admitted by the Buddha, whether of sensory experience or of extraordinary perception, is its limitation. Neither sense experience nor extraordinary perception gives us knowledge of "everything," including the so-called obvious past and the future. The flux of experience is often confined to the immediate past and the present. Thus, in the passage describing the process of perception, when he referred to the objects of the past, present, and future, the Buddha was confining himself to concepts (sankha) relating to objects, not to experience or perception (sanna) itself. For this reason, whenever he had to speak of experience or objects of experience, he was careful to use participles such as "has been" (bhiita) or "has remained" (thita), "made" (kata), "dispositional^ conditioned" (sankhata), or "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna). Undoubtedly the Buddha realized that this is not sufficient. There was a need to speak of the future, if not of the obvious past. Man has a strong inclination to know the future. In the modern world, predictability has become the hallmark of science. Other disciplines, such as economics, politics, and even psychology, are trying to emulate this scientific spirit. For the Buddha, predictability is only a guide, not an insurance. Ultimately objective laws are means by which human beings have often tried to guarantee predictability. The Buddha was not fascinated by them:
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Beings, dominated by prediction (akkheyya), established upon prediction, not understanding prediction, come under the yoke of death. However, having understood prediction, one does not assume oneself to be a foreteller. When such a thought does not occur to him, that by which he can be spoken of, that does not exist for him. 3 6
When predictability is not asserted as having absolute validity, absolute identities vanish, leaving room for possibilities, change, and creativity. When the Buddha said, "that by which he can be spoken of, that does not exist for him," he was simply emphasizing the idea that when a person truly understands the nature and function of predictability, he does not cling to beliefs in permanent and eternal identities. This also enables him to avoid the problems of determinism and free will, problems that seem to have plagued philosophers who were engrossed with absolute predictability. Yet the renunciation of such predictability does not mean that one has to commit oneself to the other extreme, namely, the belief in absolute unpredictability. The middle path between these two extremes is inductive knowledge (anvaye nana).37 Inductive inference is generally considered to be circular. It is assumed to be an inference from several experienced events to a future possibility. Yet even after the experience of a thousand instances, it is not possible to assume that the next instance will be similar. Such a criticism is valid in the context of essentialist philosophies that recognize discrete entities as objects of experience. In such cases, the relations among these discrete entities are mere mental fabrications. However, in a system that repudiates such rational distinctions and recognizes that relations between events are often revealed in experience, these experienced relations themselves serve as guides for possible future experiences. Uniformities are thus abstractions, and imagination functions more in the formulation of such uniformities than in the experience of relations themselves. Inductive inference thereby turns out to be an explanatory extension of sensible continuity into the obvious past and the future. If the search for ultimate objectivity is to be abandoned in the analysis of the data of sensible experience, there seems to be no reason why it should be retained in the evaluation of other sources of knowledge, such as inference. Thus the Buddha's theory of non-substantiality applies equally to all data of human thought and experience—objects of experience and relations among events, as well as uniformities.
Logic and Truth The spirit of the Buddha's doctrine of non-substantiality and of his renunciation of the search for ultimate objectivity is reflected most prominently in his conception of truth and his system of logic. Absolute truths
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had no place in the Buddha's view of experience or reason, as should be evident from the preceding discussion. That explanation of experience and reason left no room for a sharp dichotomy between the true and the false. The essentialist logic of the later Indian philosophers, based on the Brahmanical notions of truth as existence (sat) and falsity as non-existence (asat), could not be accommodated in the Buddhist system of thought. For this reason, in dealing with the language of propositions, especially the search for truth-values in statements, the Buddhist analysis of experience does not facilitate any logical enterprise requiring that "each statement be true once and for all or false once and for all, independently of time." 38 Neither is there any attempt to formulate such "timeless" truths in "tenseless" statements.39 As emphasized earlier and in the discussions that follow, the Buddha's philosophical terminology is confined primarily to past participles, that is, to language that expresses the immediate past and the present together. The avoidance of any absolutistic notions of truth does not mean the wholehearted sponsorship of skepticism, either in its absolute form, as reflected in a philosopher like Sañjaya, or in its less severe form, portrayed in the Jaina logic of syádvada, where everything is a possibility or a "maybe." The difficulty lay in discovering a middle path between these extremes. In the first place, the Buddha had to admit that every rational human being needs to recognize certain things as true and others as false. Otherwise human life would be chaotic. Therefore, to the question of whether there is a variety of truths (regarding the same matter), the Buddha declared that "truth is one and there is no second" (ekarn hi saccam na dutlyam atthi).40 Second, it was necessary to prevent this truth from deteriorating into an absolute truth, as reflected in the statement "This alone is true, everything else is false" (idam eva saccam mohgam aññam).41 This latter statement, which the Buddha refused to recognize, has a significant bearing on his conception of truth. By rejecting it the Buddha was, in fact, renouncing several theories or conceptions of truth or reality. The statement "This alone is true" (idam eva saccam) is different from the statement "This is true" (idam saccam). The demonstrative "this" (idam) emphasizes the particular or the individual, and may be taken as an instance of an empirical truth. However, the addition of the emphatic particle "alone" (eva) may not make it an absolute truth if the reference is to an empirical truth as substantiated by the demonstrative. Therefore, "this alone is true" can more appropriately refer to an essential truth, the phrase "this alone" isolating that experience from anything else or eliminating any relationship it bears to any other thing or event. In a sense, it refers to an immediate impression, comparable to that recognized by Hume, with no fringes or relationships. Furthermore, it implies a pure perception. This purity of perception naturally causes problems relating to its
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future identification: inference from one event to another becomes impossible, so that prediction can never be accomplished. This again was the Humean dilemma. The second part of the statement, "all else is confusion or falsehood" (mogham ahnam), represents a process of exclusion, subsequently developed into a theory called apoha by the Buddhist logician Dignaga (see Chapter xx). The process of exclusion is intended to achieve several things. First, in an indirect way, it is looked upon as a means of further purifying the perception involved in the first part of the statement. Second, it is meant to provide a guarantee for the prediction, which was weakened by the way experience is defined in the first part of the statement. Third, even though such exclusion can be made at a purely conceptual level, involving universals, the statement enabled the pre-Buddhist metaphysician to tie up the pure individual with the pure universal, or the pure perception with the pure conception, an enterprise carried out with great precision by the later Indian philosopher of language Bhartrhari. For the Buddha, neither perception nor conception is as pure as it was assumed to be by the pre-Buddhist Indian philosophers. His conception of truth (sacca) had to be presented in an altogether different manner. This seems to be why the Buddha wanted to dissolve the absolutistic true/false dichotomy and replace it with a trichotomy—the true, the confused, and the false—the first accounting for what is available in the present context, the second allowing for the possible, and the third explaining the impossible. The Buddha refers to truth as sacca, confusion or the confused as musa, and the false as kali. This repudiation of the absolute true/false distinction, comparable to one unsuccessfully attempted by William James in Western philosophy,42 seems to leave the Buddha with a method of providing truth-value to propositions very different from the methods adopted in the essentialist or absolutistic systems. An extremely interesting passage in the Anguttara-nikaya (misinterpreted by K. N. Jayatilleke 43 because of his careless handling of the terminology used by the Buddha) clarifies the Buddha's position: I know what has been seen, heard, thought, cognized, attained, sought, and reflected upon by the people, including the ascetics and brahmans. If I know what has been seen . . . by the people . . . and if I were to say, "I do not know it," that would be confusion (musa) on my part. And if I were to say, "[It is both that] I know it and I do not know it," that too would be confusion on my part. [However,] if I were to say, "[It is both that] I neither know it nor do not know it," I would be committing a sin (kali) on my part. 4 4
The truth-values Jayatilleke assigned to the last three statements seem to be inconsistent with the terminology the Buddha used to characterize them. The four statements may be summarized as follows:
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i. ii. iii. iv.
I know p (truth, sacca). I do not know p (confusion, musa). [It is both that] I know and do not know p (confusion, musa). [It is both that] I neither know nor do not know p (sin, kali).
According to the Buddha, if i is true, both ii and iii are confusions (musa) and iv is false (kali). Compared with the term musa, the term kali expresses the heightened sense of epistemological sin. The logician brought up in the essentialist tradition is bound to be startled by the following result: i. p (true) ii. (contrary) iii. (p • (contrary) iv. • (contradictory) It seems that for the Buddha, if something is empirically true, then its denial is not to be characterized as absolutely false, but as something that is simply contrary to the situation. For this contrary to appear as a contradiction, it must be pitted against either an absolute truth or a constructed universal statement that does not allow for exceptions. Thus the statements "All swans are white" and "Some swans are not white" are contradictories because the former is taken to be an absolute truth. Realizing the nature of experience as well as conception, the Buddha was not willing to grant such absolute truths. To eliminate such absolutism, he adopted two strategies. The first was to redefine the conception of "all" (sarvam), confining it to what has been experienced. This is clear in his discourse on "everything" or "all" (sabbam). The second strategy was to concretize every universal statement with the use of the demonstrative. Thus we have statements such as "All this is suffering" (sabbam idam dukkham), never "All is suffering" (sabbam dukkham). In the context of such an epistemic evaluation of truth and falsity, a statement that can be counted as false is one that denies not only the empirical truth but also any possibilities. Therefore, for the Buddha, the simultaneous rejection of both assertion and denial [ M p ' ~p)] does not represent an excluded middle—either to be known by some means other than sensory experience or described in a language other than ordinary language, or even not describable at all—but a clear denial of knowledge as well as description. Thus an empirical statement would be contradicted only by a statement that represents a total rejection of both knowledge and description, and for the Buddha this would also involve a denial of all possibilities of knowing or describing, which is the effect of the fourth proposition. By describing the fourth proposition as "(epistemological) sin" (kali), the Buddha is here condemning the transcendentalists
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of the Upanisadic tradition, as well as the Jainas, for giving truth-value to it. For the Buddha, a truly contradictory statement implies not only indescribability as this or that but also the absence of any possibility of knowing. 45 Proposition iii, (p • ^p), does not rule out the possibility of knowledge altogether and is, therefore, a contrary rather than a contradiction. It is this non-absolutism that appears in the system of logic presented by Dignâga during the fifth century a.d. (see Chapter xx).
The Fourfold Negation It was remarked that the Buddha's system of logic deals more with contraries than with contradictions. We have already reached the conclusion that contradictions deny the possibility of both knowledge and description. If our conclusion is valid, then there is no mystery regarding the Buddha's statement of the fourfold negation. The fourfold negation has generally been interpreted as a way of ascertaining a truth that transcends language and description. However, we have consistently held the view that these four negations are applied primarily to metaphysical questions. 46 These are questions that cannot be answered on the basis of any knowledge. In that sense, they are meaningless. Furthermore, unlike the four alternatives discussed earlier, where propositions ii and iii are contraries rather than contradictions, prompting the Buddha to use the term "confusion" (m usa) to refer to them, no such characterization is made of any of the components of the fourfold negation. Each one is simply negated, without making any knowledgeclaim. In fact, according to the Buddha, no knowledge-claim is possible with regard to the content of any of these propositions: i. ii. iii. iv.
The The The The
world world world world
is eternal. is not eternal. is both eternal and not eternal. is both neither eternal nor not eternal.
When these propositions are symbolized utilizing S = world and P = eternal, we have the following four propositions: i. ii. iii. iv.
SisP S is ~ P S is CP • ~PJ S is ~ ( P • ~PJ
Symbolized as such, these do not appear to differ from the symbolization of the four propositions discussed earlier. Hence the temptation to give truth-values to them utilizing the true/false dichotomy in Eastern as
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well as Western philosophy. Nowhere in the early discourses did the Buddha provide truth-values to any one of these propositions; all four assertions were negated. The distinction between this fourfold negation and the four earlier propositions, for which the Buddha was willing to give truth-values, needs to be recognized. That distinction must be clarified if we are to distinguish between negation and denial, a distinction of great epistemological significance for Buddhism. An assertion or denial of something is generally made after verification through the available means of knowledge. Hence it is possible to say that such and such is the case or is not the case. This form of denial is expressed by the Buddha with the phrase "it is indeed not the case" (no h' etam).47 In these cases the Buddha was trying to decide what is true, confused, and false. However, in the case of the fourfold negation, there is no way of presenting such a denial, for there is no means of knowledge (na pamanam atthiJ.48 The negation therefore takes place at an earlier level, that is, at the level at which the question is raised, the negation being formulated with a prohibitive particle: "Indeed, do not [say or question] thus" (ma h' evam).A9 Such questions are meaningless or unfruitful (anatthasambitam) in an extreme sense, for there is no possibility of verifying their meaning, unlike in the case of contraries. 50 The conclusion is irresistible that the fourfold negation has nothing to do with logic, if by logic we mean the science that helps distinguish true statements from confused or false ones. It was mentioned that the four propositions for which the Buddha was willing to provide truth-values and the four propositions which he negated are almost identical when symbolized, though epistemologically they do not belong to the same discourse. An artificial symbolic language may facilitate the process of reasoning by developing "techniques that enable us to get along without thinking"—a paradoxical situation indeed.51 However, the Buddha perceived danger in such enterprises, for a system of logic that focuses primarily on forms (akara-parivitakka) to the neglect of their content, whether these forms be empirical or conceptual, may not always lead to the discovery of truth or falsity relating to a statement or statements. 52 The most important question arises at this stage: What is the criterion by which a true statement can be distinguished from either a contrary or a contradictory one? The characterization of proposition iii as a "contrary" rules out coherence as the primary criterion, even though such a criterion is operative in the decision regarding proposition iv. Proposition iii, which asserts (p • ^p) as a contrary and not as a contradiction, goes against not only the coherence theory but also the correspondence theory of truth, because of the essentialism embedded in the latter, with its true/ false dichotomy reflecting the existence /non-existence dichotomy. The Buddha is thus left with only a pragmatic criterion of truth, and this is
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what we come across in the Discourse to Prince Abhaya (Abhayarâjakumâra-sutta).53 This discourse speaks of the propositions asserted by the Buddha and those that are not asserted. These are classified in terms of their truthvalue, utility (or disutility), and emotive content. If propositions can be true (bhûta, taccha) or untrue (abhuta, ataccha), useful (atthasamhita) or useless (anatthasamhita), pleasant (piya, manàpa) or unpleasant (appiya, amanâpa) to the hearer, we get eight possibilities: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
True True True True Untrue Untrue Untrue Untrue
useful useful useless useless useful useful useless useless
pleasant unpleasant pleasant unpleasant pleasant unpleasant pleasant unpleasant
It is significant that the text does not even refer to propositions 5 and 6, the implication being that they are not possible. The epistemological significance of the criterion used for deciding what is true and untrue, as outlined in the Discourse to Prince Abhaya, cannot be appreciated if one indiscriminately adopts an essentialist conception of truth and falsity in understanding the terminology used. On the contrary, it requires a careful analytical study. The term for truth with which we are already familiar, namely, sacca, has the implication of "existence." Its opposite is musa or "confusion," not non-existence (asacca). Therefore it was necessary for the Buddhist to retain the conception of existence without contrasting it with non-existence. This existentialist implication of the term sacca is retained when, in its place, the term taccha, meaning "such," is used. To strengthen the specific Buddhist sense of "truth," the Discourse to Prince Abhaya introduces a totally different term, bhuta ("become"). When these two terms are used together, they convey what the Buddhist meant by the term "true." Indeed, the past participle bhuta, meaning "become," when used as a synonym for "true," brings out clearly the anti-essentialist implication of the Buddha's conception of truth. The analysis of experience in the earlier part of this chapter should confirm the view that Buddhism leaves no room for an essentialist conception. Experience, whether sensory or extraordinary, does not provide us with "ready-made" truths. Bhuta or "become" highlights that very idea. What is true is what has "come to be," and what is false is what "has not come to be" (abhuta). Now, the best epistemological criterion for distinguishing what has come to be and what has not come to be is simply usefulness or utility.
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What has not yet come to be is not useful to anyone. This is precisely why the discourse does not even mention any alternatives that are untrue and useful at the same time, that is, statements 5 and 6. It is extremely important to reflect on the relationship between the "not become" (abhuta) and "confusion" (musa). If "become" (bhuta) is understood in the sense of "true" (sacca), the temptation is to equate the "not become" (abhuta) with "false" (kali) rather than with "confusion." This would throw the Buddha into the muddle into which a philosopher like Bertrand Russell fell as a result of his essentialism. 54 For example, the theory of the indestructible atom remained true and functional until the advancement of physics gave rise to theories that made the earlier atomic theory appear false. This embarrassment would have been avoided if truth and falsity had been explained in terms of "become" and "not become." Equating the "not become" with "confusion" would then explain a significant epistemological fact, namely, the function of human interest or perspective as a determinant of the worldview that continues to change in different directions. In this sense, the system of logic utilized by the Buddha allows for change and creativity without falling into the abyss of Absolutism. The past participle bhuta, "become," turned out to be the most appropriate term to express the radical empiricism of the Buddha, which avoided the essentialist enterprise of searching for ultimate objectivity. This is to be contrasted with the terminology of the essentialists in India, such as astitva, "being, existence" (in pre-Buddhist thought), and bhava, "being" (in the post-Buddhist systems). As seen earlier, the Discourse to Prince Abhaya provided a pragmatic foundation for that radical empiricism. The best form of knowledge, according to the Buddha, thus turns out to be knowledge of things "as they have become" (yathabhuta),ss not knowledge of things "as they really are." Here we have a pragmatic criterion of truth that steers clear of the two extremes of correspondence and coherence. It is the Buddha's response to the "views from nowhere" that dominated the pre-Buddhist background.
CHAPTER IV
Experience and Theory (Paticcasamuppanna and Paticcasamuppada)
Abandoning the search for ultimate objectivity, the Buddha had to renounce most explanations of reality presented by his predecessors. The Brahmanical notion of self (atman), the Materialist and Ajlvika conceptions of nature (svabhava), and even the Jaina theory of action (kiriya) appeared to him too metaphysical. Absolute skepticism, such as that of Sanjaya, was one form of response to such metaphysics. The Buddha was compelled to avoid these extremes if he were to say anything new and original. His doctrine had to steer clear of notions of permanent existence and nihilistic non-existence, strict determinism and chaotic indeterminism. Epistemological justification for whatever view he proposed had to avoid the extremes of absolute certainty and unrestricted skepticism. A middle standpoint was needed not only in epistemology, but also in ontology and ethics. Even if he were to allow for the so-called wondrous and the marvelous (acchariya-abbhuta-dhamma), which is no more than the "unusual," the principle he adopted in explaining such events had to avoid mystery altogether. The Buddha realized that it is inconsistent to advocate an absolute, inviolable law or uniformity and then take refuge in its violations in order to account for the "unusual." Similarly, he was not willing to consider the mental life and freedom as anomalies to be sacrificed at the altar of the nomological or the natural. The Buddha's explanation of the nature of existence is summarized in one word, paticcasamuppada (Skt. pratltyasamutpada),1 meaning "dependent arising," a theory that he formulated on the basis of the experience of dependently arisen phenomena (paticca-samuppanna dhamma).2 The meaning of the former is best elucidated by clarifying the implications of the latter. The term "dependently arisen," being a past participle, refers to some thing, event, or idea that "has occurred." Its usage in Buddhist texts distinguishes it from expressions such as "had occurred," which carry strictly past connotations with no reference to the present in any form. The strictly defined temporal category of the obvious past as distin-
53
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guished from the present is expressed more often by verbal forms such as the aorist. 3 The epistemological importance of the use of the past participle was the subject matter of Chapter hi. In the area of metaphysics, especially relating to the problem of causation, the use of the past participle highlights the effect rather than the cause. While the term "arisen" (samutpanna), taken in itself, can refer specifically to the effect, the prefix, which is a gerund meaning "having moved or gone toward," connects that obvious effect with its possible cause or causes, which may or may not be given immediately. In this sense, the phrase "dependently arisen" provides a description of phenomena in conformity with the radical empiricism of the Buddha outlined in Chapter HI. The description of phenomena as "dependently arisen" constitutes a middle way in that it steers clear of two extremes. First, it avoids the assumption of a mysterious underlying substance relating the cause and the effect, an assumption involved in most theories that uphold absolute identity or identities. The Buddha rejected such a conception of identity (ekatta) as metaphysical. 4 Second, it eschews the equally metaphysical absolute distinction (puthutta),5 thereby ruling out atomistic theories of existence, which are normally based on rationalistic rather than empiricist analysis of time into past, present, and future. Therefore the terms expressive of the concepts of atoms (paramanu) or moments (khana)6 are conspicuously absent in the early discourses. After explaining all experienced phenomena (dhamma)—and these include conditioned events as well as related ideas or concepts (the latter being designated by the term dhamma in its restricted sense), 7 —as "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna), the Buddha formulated a general principle that became the central conception in Buddhism, namely, "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada).* In his own words, the principle of dependent arising is an extension of the experience of dependence into the obvious past and the future. 9 It is an abstraction from the concrete experiences of dependence—hence the use of the abstract noun dhammata (Skt. dbarmata), a term that can mean the "nature of phenomena." 1 0 It is interesting that the later Buddhist tradition preserved this abstract sense when it constructed an abstract noun in Sanskrit, pratityasamutpannatva,11 out of the Pali past participle paticcasamuppanna, even though such a term is not found in the early discourses of the Buddha. The Buddha's most significant statement regarding the existential status of this principle of dependent arising occurs in the discourses several times, and thus is quoted here in full, along with the original Pali text, retaining the punctuation given in the Pali Text Society edition: What, monks, is dependent arising? Dependent upon birth, monks, is decay and death, whether the Tathagatas were to arise or whether the Tathagatas
EXPERIENCE AND THEORY
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were not to arise. This element, this status of phenomena, this orderliness of phenomena, this interdependence has remained. That the Tathágata comes to know and realize, and having known and realized, he describes it, sets it forth, makes it known, establishes it, discloses it, analyzes it, clarifies it, saying: "Look." (Katamo ca bhikkhave paticcasamuppado. Jatipaccaya bhikkhave jaramaranam, uppada va tathágatánam anuppádá va. Tbifá va sa dhátu dhammatthitata dhammaniyamata idappaccayata. Tam tathágato abhisambujjhati abhisameti, abhisambujjhitvá abhisametvá acikkhati deseti paññapeti patthapeti vivarati vibhajati uttanlkaroti passathá ti cáha.),z
This is repeated with regard to the other relations of the twelvefold formula (see Chapter v) as well. Remaining faithful to the epistemological standpoint discussed earlier, the Buddha was prepared to make a limited claim for the validity of the causal principle. The noteworthy feature in this statement is his return to the use of the past participle (thita, Skt. sthita) to explain the existential status of dependent arising. Thus all he is asserting is that this principle has remained valid so far. To claim anything more than this would be tantamount to rejecting the very criticism he made of absolute predictability. The idea is repeated in his choice of the term dhammatthitata to describe the "status of phenomena," for its literal meaning is the "hasremained-ness of phenomena." After clarifying the sense in which he is claiming existential status for the causal principle, the Buddha proceeds to speak of the uniformity of phenomena (dhammaniyáma) as well as their interdependence (idappaccayata). This status attributed to the principle of dependence needs to be kept in mind when analyzing the meaning of the terms used to describe four main characteristics of that principle:13 objectivity (tathata), necessity (avitathata), invariability (anaññathata), and conditionality or interdependence (idappaccayata). The objectivity of the principle of dependence needed to be highlighted, especially in a context in which the Brahmanical thinkers apparently abandoned notions of space, time, and causality in favor of the eternal self (atman), and in which some of the heterodox schools, like the Materialists and Ajlvikas, looking for ultimate objectivity, raised it to the level of an absolute reality or an inexorable, inviolable law (svabhava). The Buddha's use of the abstract noun tathata (from tatha, "such") connects his notion of objectivity directly to his conception of truth as "become" (bhüta), for the synonym of "become" is a semantic and grammatical equivalent of tathata, namely, taccha (see Chapter m). Thus the Buddha avoided the rather inconsistent method of attributing one type of existential status to the experienced event (dhamma) and a diametrically opposed existential status to the principle (dhammata) that explains such events. Otherwise, he would have failed to ground the principle of expla-
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nation on the experienced event, which would have led him to a hierarchy of truths, one ultimate and the other provisional. With that he would have been advocating a double standard of truth—"the way of truth" and "the way of opinion"—which is not much different from the Platonic method. The Buddha would thus have donned two different garments at the same time, that of the empiricist when explaining experience, and that of the absolutist when explicating the principle or theory of that experience. A discussion of the theory of two truths is more appropriately taken up in connection with Nagarjuna's philosophy (see Chapter xvi). If we are able to associate the notion of necessity with the principle of dependence, it is in a negative way only, involving a denial of arbitrariness, which is implied in the term avitathata. Again, the literal meaning of the term, "no-separate-true-ness" (a-vi-tatba-ta), can throw much light on its philosophical implication. Philosophers who raised questions about the possibility of necessary connections were often those who resorted to the extreme analytical methods, maintaining that "what is distinguishable is also separable." Emphasis on absolute distinctions can be a reaction against using the conception of necessity in the sense of absolute inevitability. Therefore, if the meaning of separateness is not overextended to imply absolute distinctness, the use of the concept of necessary connection can be toned down. This seems to have been the Buddha's intention in presenting a negative term to express a positive meaning. It is also the effect of the term anannathata (an-ahnatba-ta, lit., "non-otherwise-ness"), which expresses a more restrained sense of "invariability." After presenting these first three characteristics of the principle of dependent arising and ensuring that they were not overstretched or overstated (thereby avoiding metaphysics, which he characterized as the process of overstating, adhivuttipada; see Chapter m), the Buddha focused on the most important of the four, namely, interdependence (idappaccayata, lit., "this-condition-ness"). Sometimes the term is used not merely as one of the characteristics or features of the principle of dependence, but also as a synonym for it. 14 This interdependence is further elaborated in the abstract formula that often precedes a concrete statement explaining the conception of an empirical self or human person in terms of the twelve factors (dvadasanga; see Chapter vi): When that is present, this comes to be; on the arising of that, this arises. When that is absent, this does not come to be; on the cessation of that, this ceases. (Jmasmim sati, idam hot:; imassa uppada idam uppajjati. Imasmim asati, idam na hoti; imassa nirodha idam nirujjhati.)15
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This description seems to preserve most of the salient features of the Buddha's conception of the principle of dependent arising discussed above. First, the so-called locative absolute construction in Pali and Sanskrit grammar ("when that, then this") enabled the Buddha to express his radical empiricism more satisfactorily. It has the advantage of expressing the temporal relation, which remains unexpressed in the hypothetical or the conditional syllogism implied by the "if-then" formula recognized in the more substantialist systems of logic. Second, the "that" (Skt. asau) as related to "this" (idam) highlights the experiential component of the relation rather than the rational. "This" refers to the effect that is experienced rather than inferred, and "that" refers to the cause that has already been experienced. In other words, it is the statement of the "dependently arisen." Third, the that/this distinction does not necessarily wipe out the relationship between the two events signified, for it is not a relation constructed purely on conception (like Hume's "relations of ideas"), where the process of exclusion (apoha) is applied (see Chapter xx). This means that the two statements of the formula—the positive (when that, then this) and the negative (when not that, then not this)—do not constitute the fallacy of denying the antecedent because they are not intended as components of a hypothetical syllogism where the relationship is viewed as necessary and sufficient. On the contrary, the positive and the negative statements strengthen the relationship between the two events, providing a more precise premise for the Buddha without making it an absolute truth. In addition, the general or abstract formula is intended to account for two different types of relations. Relativity is indicated by the statement, "when that is present, this comes to be," while genetic relations are accommodated in the statement, "on the arising of that, this arises." Formulating the principle of dependent arising in this manner, the Buddha was attempting to avoid the search for any mysterious entity or substance in the explanation of phenomena. For example, if we are to stay with the premise "Humans are mortal," there is a possibility that we will continue to look for a hidden something that could account for human mortality. Appealing to the available evidence, without extending reflection and investigation beyond their limits—and, in the above instance, depending on the fact that no human has been immortal—the Buddha was renouncing that search for a mysterious something (kind). The renunciation of mystery does not mean abandoning all inquiry and adopting an attitude of absolute skepticism; rather, it represents the acceptance of a middle standpoint with regard to knowledge and understanding. This moderation is reflected in the explanation of phenomena in terms of dependent arising when it is called a middle path (majjhima patipada).
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The Buddha's discourse to Kaccâyana (the Kaccàyanagotta-sutta)16 presents in a nutshell the principle of dependence as a philosophical middle standpoint. Considering the importance most major philosophers of the Buddhist tradition attach to this brief discourse, as reported by Ànanda, it is quoted here in full: Thus have I heard: The Fortunate One was once living at Sâvatthi, in the monastery of Anâthapindika, in Jeta's Grove. At that time the venerable Kaccâyana of that clan came to visit him, and saluting him, sat down at one side. So seated, he questioned the Fortunate One: Sir [people] speak of "right view, right view." To what extent is there a right view? This world, Kaccâyana, is generally inclined toward two [views]: existence and non-existence. To him who perceives with right wisdom the uprising of the world as it has come to be, the notion of non-existence in the world does not occur. Kaccâyana, to him who perceives with right wisdom the ceasing of the world as it has come to be, the notion of existence in the world does not occur. The world, for the most part, Kaccâyana, is bound by approach, grasping, and inclination. And he who does not follow that approach and grasping, that determination of mind, that inclination and disposition, who does not cling to or adhere to a view, "this is my self," who thinks, "suffering that is subject to arising arises; suffering that is subject to ceasing, ceases"—such a person does not doubt, is not perplexed. Herein, his knowledge is not other-dependent. Thus far, Kaccâyana, there is "right view." "Everything exists"—this, Kaccâyana, is one extreme. "Everything does not exist"—this, Kaccâyana, is the second extreme. Kaccâyana, without approaching either extreme, the Tathâgata teaches you a doctrine by the middle. Dependent upon ignorance arise dispositions; dependent upon dispositions arises consciousness; dependent upon consciousness arises the psychophysical personality; dependent upon the psychophysical personality arise the six senses; dependent upon the six senses arises contact; dependent upon contact arises feeling; dependent upon feeling arises craving; dependent upon craving arises grasping; dependent upon grasping arises becoming; dependent upon becoming arises birth; dependent upon birth arise old age and death, grief, lamentation, suffering, dejection and despair. Thus arises this entire mass of suffering. However, from the utter fading away and ceasing of ignorance, there is ceasing of dispositions; from the ceasing of dispositions, there is ceasing of consciousness; from the ceasing of consciousness, there is ceasing of the psychophysical personality; from the ceasing of the psychophysical personality, there is ceasing of the six senses; from the ceasing of the six senses, there is ceasing of contact; from the ceasing of contact, there is ceasing of feeling; from the ceasing of feeling, there is ceasing of craving; from the ceasing of craving, there is ceasing of grasping; from the ceasing of grasping, there is ceasing of becoming; from the ceasing of becoming, there is ceasing of birth; from the ceasing of birth, there is ceasing of old age and death, grief, lamen-
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tation, suffering, dejection and despair. And thus there is the ceasing of this entire mass of suffering. Conclusion The principle of dependent arising is intended as an alternative to the Brahmanical notion of an eternal self (atman) as well as to the conception of nature (svabhava) presented by some of the heterodox schools. As an alternative, it not only avoids mystery but also explains phenomena as being in a state of constant arising and ceasing. The Buddha realized that even though such a principle is verifiable (ehipassika), it is not easily perceived (duddasa) by ordinary human beings, 17 who are engrossed and delight in attachment (alaya) to things as well as views. 18 Such leanings can blind them to such an extent that they ignore even the most evident facts. Thus the difficulty in perceiving and understanding dependence is due not to any mystery regarding the principle itself but to people's love of mystery. The search for mystery, the hidden something (kind), is looked upon as a major cause of anxiety and frustration (dukkha). Therefore the one who does not look for any mystery (akincana),19 and who perceives things "as they have come to be" (yathabhuta), is said to enjoy peace of mind that elevates him intellectually as well as morally. This explains the characterization of dependent arising as peaceful (santa) and lofty (partita).20
CHAPTER V
Language and Communication
The Buddha's term for "discourse" is dhamma (Skt. dharma). A discourse represents an attempt on the part of the Buddha, a human person, to formulate in linguistic terms or symbols an event, series of events, or state of affairs available to him in a continuum of experience. The Buddha's followers perceived a rich variety of senses in which he used the term dhamma, distinguishing five applications of the term: 1 (1) guna (quality, nature); (2) hetu (cause, condition); (3) nissatta (= nijjiva, truth, non-substantiality); (4) desana (discourse); and (5) pariyatti (text, canonical text). In an extremely comprehensive research project, Wilhelm and Magdelene Geiger tried to identify the fivefold use of the term dhamma in the vast collection of early discourses included in the Pali Nikayas. 2 The present chapter is devoted to a philosophical evaluation of these five applications and to an examination of how the flux of experience relating to the material as well as the moral life is best communicated through the linguistic medium. The five applications of the term dhamma begin with the more specific and end with the most general. Let us begin our analysis with the most general and work toward the more specific uses. Dhamma as text (pariyatti) involves us in two philosophical issues. A text is intended to communicate some idea, and language, whatever its form, is the primary means of such communication. Thus our first philosophical problem is to determine the nature of linguistic convention. The second relates to the authenticity of the text. The Nature of Language The Buddha, who perceived the world of human experience as being in flux, was not willing to recognize language as a permanent and eternal entity. Like everything else, language (loka-samahna = generality of the world, loka-vohara = usage of the world, loka-sammuti = convention of the world) is in flux. The basic constituent of language, namely, the
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word (akkhara), does not represent an incorrigible entity (as the Indian term aksara implies), but rather a conventional symbol (sankha) that people adopt depending on circumstances. 3 In a sense, the word substitutes for a human conception, the hard words being those that have remained stable and constant, and the soft ones, the more variable and fluctuating. If human conceptions are affected by changes in the natural environment and material culture, there is no reason to assume that the symbols expressing such conceptions should remain unchanged and eternal. It is only recently that psychobiologists of language have come to realize that natural environment and material culture affect the relative frequency of the occasions for using various words. 4 This means that "the more frequent a word, the more readily it is expected; the more readily it is expected, the more erosion it is apt to tolerate and still be recognized for what it is intended." 5 The Buddha's way of describing how words and conceptions come to be is couched in a language that avoids the implications of arbitrariness as well as absoluteness: "a word occurs" (akkharam anupatati) or "a conception takes place" (sankham gacchati).6 The fact that words and conceptions are neither absolute nor completely arbitrary is clearly recognized in the following passage: When it is said: "One should not strictly adhere to the dialect of a country nor should one transgress ordinary parlance," in reference to what is it said? What, monks, is strict adherence to the dialect of a country and what is transgression of ordinary parlance? Herein, monks, the same thing (tad eva) is recognized in different countries as pati, as patta, as vittha, as sarava, as dharopa, as porta, as pisila [these being dialectical variants for the word "bowl"]. When they recognize it as such and such in different countries, a person utilizes this convention, obstinately clinging to it and adhering to it, [saying]: "This alone is true; all else is falsehood." Thus, monks, is strict adherence to the dialect of a country and transgression of ordinary parlance. And what, monks, is the strict non-adherence to the dialect of a country and the non-transgression of ordinary parlance? In this case, monks, the same thing is recognized in different countries as pati, as patta, as vittha, as sarava, as dharopa, as porta, as pisila. Thus they recognize it as such and such in different countries. "These venerable ones utilize it for this purpose," and thus saying he utilizes it without grasping. And thus, monks, is strict non-adherence to the dialect of a country and the non-transgression of recognized parlance. 7
Here there are two significant assertions about language. First is the recognition of the kinship of words, based on usage rather than on simple etymology adopted by the grammarians, a feature noted more recently by philosophers of language. 8 Second is what is now referred to as "language drift," 9 which is a repudiation of the absolute structures of language that are supposed to be revealed by linguistic analysis. Here
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again, drift is caused by usage. This language drift represents a midway position between strict adherence (abhinivesa), more appropriately described as linguistic or conceptual constipation, on the one hand, and transgression (atisara) or, literally, "linguistic or conceptual diarrhea," on the other. In the Brahmanical system, the Vedas were considered to be revealed texts, which prompted the preservation of every word and every syllable unchanged, thus generating the so-called science of etymology (nirukti) and grammar (vyakarana) as part of the studies ancillary to the Vedas themselves.10 In contrast, the Buddha's attitude toward language seems to have compelled his disciples to concentrate on hermeneutical problems. The situation was rendered more complicated when the Buddha permitted his disciples to use their own languages in disseminating the teachings.11 Thus the textual tradition (pariyatti), whatever the language in which it is preserved, was an important means of preserving and communicating the Buddha's doctrine (dhamma).
Authenticity of the Texts Ever since the Buddha's first discourse, which is referred to in the collection of discourses as the Tathagatena-vutta (Said by the Thus-Gone-One) and which came to be popularly known as the Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta (Discourse on the Establishment of the Principle of Righteousness), the Buddhist tradition has debated the relative value of the textual (pariyatti) and the practical (patipattiJ.12 It is interesting to note that during the earlier period of Buddhist history, especially the time following the Buddha's death, Buddhist monks argued for the importance of practice (vinaya) as the lifeline of the teachings. 13 However, as time passed they seem to have realized the need to preserve the Buddha-word.14 According to the Buddha himself, verbal testimony (sadda), whether preserved as an oral tradition or as a recorded one, is neither an absolute source of knowledge nor an utterly useless means of communication. Seeing and hearing, as indicated earlier, are two important sources of knowledge. For the Buddha, the voice of another (parato ghosa) constitutes an important means of knowledge, not in itself, but supplemented by investigative reflection (yoniso manasikara).ls The "voice of another" can be very ambiguous. It can be the voice of anyone, an enlightened person or an unenlightened one. Even if it is the voice of the Enlightened One, it needs to be checked and rechecked. 16 However, while not claiming divine authority and absolute sacredness for his statements of doctrine (dhamma) and discipline (vinaya), the Buddha probably felt the need to perpetuate them without too much distortion. Hence toward the end of his life he recommended certain hermeneutical principles that his disciples could employ whenever there was
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controversy regarding the teachings. These four hermeneutical principles are significant because they are intended not to determine whether or not the teachings embodied in the literature are correct but to ensure that they are the statements of the Buddha. Disciples are given some latitude to interpret the Buddha-word without sticking to the absolute etymological and literal meanings of the language or adopting a laissez-faire attitude. Thus this represents another instance in which the Buddha adopted a "middle of the road" standpoint. The four hermeneutical principles are referred to as mahapadesa ("primary indicators"). The first of them is stated as follows (1): Herein, monks, if a monk were to say: "I have heard such in the presence of the Fortunate One; I have received such in his presence: 'This is the doctrine (dhamma), this is the discipline (vinaya'), this is the message of the teacher (satthusasana).' " M o n k s , the statement of that monk should neither be enthusiastically approved nor completely condemned. Without either enthusiastically approving or completely condemning, and having carefully studied those words and signs, they should be integrated with the discourses (sutta) and instantiated by the discipline (vinaya). However, when they are being integrated with the discourses and instantiated by the discipline, if they do not integrate with the discourses and are not instantiated by the discipline, on that occasion one should come to the conclusion: "This indeed is not the word of the Fortunate O n e , the Worthy O n e , the Perfectly Enlightened O n e , instead, it is wrongly obtained by this monk." And so should y o u , monks, reject it. . . . However, when they are being integrated with the discourses and instantiated by the discipline, if they integrate with the discourses and are instantiated by the discipline, on that occasion one should come to the conclusion: "This indeed is the word of the Fortunate One, the Worthy O n e , the Perfectly Enlightened O n e , it is well-obtained by this monk." This, monks, is the first great indicator. 1 7
The remaining indicators are explained in identical terms, except that they refer to the interpretation of the Buddha-word received (2) directly from a certain senior monk residing in some place; (3) from a community of senior monks who are educated, conversant with the tradition, and custodians of the doctrine and discipline as well as the formulae; and (4) from a single monk who is not merely a senior monk as described in (2) but, like those described in (3), educated, conversant with the tradition, and a custodian of the doctrine and discipline as well as the formulae. Thus, throughout the centuries, the more enlightened disciples of the Buddha have not only continued to study the literary tradition but have also compiled extensive treatises dealing with the interpretation of that tradition, namely, with problems of hermeneutics. Two of these treatises are particularly prominent: the Nettippakarana (The Guide) and the Petakopadesa (Discourse on the Collections).
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The Content of the Text What comes to be embodied in the literature (dhamma = pariyatti) is the doctrine (dhamma = desana). In the Buddhist context, just as there is no absolutely perfect language, so there is no absolute truth to be expressed in linguistic terms. It is not easy to find a passage where the Buddha claims that he has realized a truth that transcends linguistic expression. What is actually stated is that the doctrine is not within the sphere of a priori reasoning (a-takkavacara),18 for the a priori is dependent more on one's perspective as to what ought to be than on what has been the case, a perspective that is generally avoided in the Buddha's doctrine. The Buddha steered clear of any apriorism that produces insoluble metaphysical problems by recognizing four types of questions requiring four different answers: (1) questions to be explained unequivocally (ekamsa-vyakaraniya); (2) questions to be explained after counterquestions (patipucchavyakarantya); (3) questions to be set aside (thapaniya); and (4) questions to be explained after analysis (vibhajjavyakaraniya).19 The character of the Buddha's discourse is illustrated by these four types of questions. The questions calling for unequivocal answers do not imply the existence of ultimate or essential truths to be stated in conceptual terms that correspond to them in any absolute manner. Instead, they are questions that require positive answers on the basis of the most convincing empirical evidence at hand. The second type allows for the possibility of the question being unclear or ambiguous, so that clarification is sought through counterquestions. The questions to be set aside are those that do not permit any reasonable answers on the basis of empirical evidence. Such questions are meaningless (as stated in Chapter HI). The recognition of questions to be answered analytically exemplifies a fundamental characteristic of the Buddha's conception of truth. One of the important characteristics of the non-absolutist or pragmatic conception of truth is that it is contextual. As noted in Chapter ix, even the experience and conception of freedom (nibbana) is contextual. The Buddha looked upon fruitfulness as a means of verifying contextual truths. If fruitfulness is contextual and not predetermined, constant analysis and verification of such fruitfulness become the inevitable means of determining what is true. Discourse (dhamma) as non-substantiality (nissatta + nijjiva) is a narrowing down of the scope of the discourse by focusing on an all-pervasive yet negative doctrine. The non-foundationalism of the Buddha's doctrine—its non-recognition of a permanent and eternal structure in the explanation of human knowledge, of the nature of the individual and the world, of morals and society, and of linguistic convention (= discourse) —is expressed by dhamma as non-substantiality (nissatta). The more positive doctrine of dependent arising (paticcasamuppada)
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is denoted by the discourse (dhamma) as cause or condition (hetu). The centrality of the conception of dependence was unequivocally expressed when the Buddha maintained: "He who sees dependent arising perceives the doctrine" (Yo paticcasamuppadam passati so dhammam passati).20 As explained in Chapter iv, the Buddha utilized the conception of dependence to explain almost every event, thing, or phenomenon wherein he refused to perceive any underlying substance, structure, or foundation. Discourse as non-substantiality (nissatta) and discourse as dependence (hetu) are thus complementaries. The denial of permanent and eternal substances did not leave the Buddha with a conception of the universe consisting of discrete entities. The theory of dependent arising would be inexplicable in the absence of relations among events. However, without analyzing experience into two distinct categories as events and relations, the Buddha often spoke of related events (paticcasamuppanna dhamma). Conceiving in this manner or speaking such a language, the Buddha had to accommodate both the concrete and the abstract. The concrete conception of the "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna) is meaningless without an element of abstraction represented by the conception of "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada), and vice versa. It is similar with the impermanent (anicca) and impermanence (aniccata), the non-substantial (anatta) and non-substantiality (anattata), the empty (sunna) and emptiness (sunnata), and so on. It is this inevitable element of abstraction in the Buddha's discourse that came to be designated by quality (guna). Examples quoted by the commentators to illustrate this aspect of discourse (dhamma) include jara-dhamma ("decaying nature"), marana-dhamma ("dying nature"), and viparinama-dhamma ("evolving nature"). 21 This quality or nature of experienced phenomena is referred to by the abstract noun dhammata, derived from the word dhamma itself. 22 The commentators also included the moral principle (dhamma) under this category, 23 even though it could come under dhamma in the sense of paticcasamuppada. Being neither absolute nor ultimate in itself, embodying neither absolute nor ultimate truth or truths, the Buddha's discourse turned out to be rather flexible. The discourse as well as its contents were pragmatic in nature. Thus, like the moral principle (dhamma; see Chapter x), the discourse (dhamma) itself came to be compared to a raft (kulla) fulfilling a pragmatic function.
The Method of Discourse We often find references to four stages in which the Buddha would initiate and conclude a discourse. 24 The first stage is represented as "pointing out" (sandasseti), that is, indicating the problem. If it was in reference to
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an individual, the Buddha would explain that person's present situation. If it concerned an event, thing, or phenomenon, the Buddha would explain the problem as it existed. During the second stage, the Buddha would attempt to create some "agitation" (samuttejeti) by emphasizing the non-substantiality of the individual, event, thing, or phenomenon. This is the process of deconstruction, intended to avoid any ontological commitment. If the discourse is concluded at this point, the person to whom it is addressed will be left in a state of anxiety. During the third stage, the agitation is immediately appeased (sampahamseti) by pointing to a way out of the problem. This is the process of reconstruction or redefinition, which is achieved through the positive doctrine of dependent arising explaining the subject, the object, and morality and freedom. In doing so, the Buddha recognized the capacity of language to communicate the content of human experience, whether that relates to facts or values. In the final stage, the Buddha makes no effort to convert the hearer to his way of thinking, for the hearer tends to accept his explanation without much ado (samadapesi). The discourse (dhamma) formulated in terms of language thus becomes the means of communication. Communication, not only among those who speak different languages but also among those who speak the same language, becomes impossible if one adopts either of the approaches toward language criticized by the Buddha, namely, strict adherence or transgression. The first would imply that each conception utilized in language has its incorruptible object (ontological commitment) unavailable to human experience, while the second would imply that human experience is incommunicable through language (that is, linguistic transcendence). The Buddha seems to have realized that the former is more perverse than the latter. His method of communication therefore deals first with the problem of ontological commitment and then with linguistic transcendence. This is an extremely significant method of communication and conversion, based on the Buddha's understanding of human psychology. His contemporaries, who failed to understand the psychological significance of this method of discourse, saw him as a person possessed of the magical power of conversion (avattani maya).15 Yet there was no magic or mystery involved. All that the Buddha did was carefully observe the intellectual maturity and psychological state of each person and provide a discourse that would produce beneficial consequences for him. The Chinese version of the Ágama passage that refers to the four stages rightly characterizes them as the Buddha's "skill in means." 26 "Skill in means" does not imply converting someone by discoursing on something that is obviously false. In fact, the two stages of causing agitation (samuttejana) and appeasement (sampahamsana) correspond, respectively, to deconstruction of solidified conceptions through analysis
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(vibbàga), which is the function of the doctrine of non-substantiality (anatta), and reconstruction of the same conception by the method of explanation (vyàkarana), which is achieved through the principle of dependence (paticcasamuppàda). Both these processes allow for a great degree of flexibility and are intended to eliminate both absolutism and nihilism.
CHAPTER VI
The Human Personality
One of the most controversial views expressed by the Buddha concerns the nature of the subject—the self or the human person who experiences the objective world. It is generally assumed that, as a strong advocate of what is popularly known as the doctrine of "no-self" (anatta, anatman), the Buddha was unable to give a satisfactory account of human action and responsibility, not to speak of problems such as knowledge and freedom. Such criticisms were directed at him by his contemporaries as well as by some classical and modern writers on Buddhism. For some of his contemporaries, the continuity in the human personality could be accounted for only by recognizing a spiritual substance different from the physical body (ahham jwam annam sariram).1 For others, only a sensibly identifiable physical body (tarn jivam tarn sariram) was required.2 Those who opted for a spiritual substance could not depend on ordinary events, such as continuity in perceptual experience and memory, in order to speak of a self, because such events are temporal and changeable. Their search culminated in the conception of a permanent and immutable spiritual substance. Those who assumed the self to be identical with the physical body were not merely claiming that the self survives recognizably from birth to death and not beyond; they were also denying any conscious activity on the part of that self. When the Buddha rejected the self as a spiritual substance, he was perceived as someone who, like the latter group, advocated the annihilation of a really existing conscious person.3 The Buddha had a difficult task before him, especially when he realized that the negation of a subjective spiritual entity would produce great anxiety in ordinary human beings.4 However, he also felt that such anxieties had to be appeased without doing violence to critical thinking or sacrificing significant philosophical discourse. The method he adopted in dealing with the Spiritualist as well as the Materialist views is evidently analytical. His teachings therefore came to be popularly known as a "philosophy of analysis" (vibhajjavada). A truly analytical philosophy is generally believed to advocate no theories. Analysis is intended as a method
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of clarifying the meaning of terms and concepts without attempting to formulate alternative theories, even if such theories were meaningful. However, the Buddha seems to have perceived analysis as a means, not a goal. We will need to keep this in mind when we examine the Buddha's response to the Spiritualists as well as to the Materialists. His response to the former is more popular in the early discourses, for theirs was the more widespread view in pre-Buddhist India.
The Doctrine of Aggregates (Khandha) To the question of what constitutes a human person, the Spiritualist's answer was almost always "There exists a spiritual self, permanent and eternal, which is distinct from the psychophysical personality." The Buddha therefore concentrated on the analysis of the so-called psychic personality in order to discover such a self. Every time he did so, he stumbled on one or the other of the different aspects of experience, such as feeling (vedana), perception (sanna), disposition (sarikhara), or consciousness (vinnana). If anything other than these psychic elements constituted the human personality, it was the body (rupa).s Yet none of these factors could be considered permanent and eternal; all are liable to change, transformation, and destruction—in brief, they are impermanent (anicca). As such, whatever satisfaction one can gain from them or through them will also be limited. Often such satisfaction can turn into ¿«satisfaction. Hence the Buddha looked upon them as being ««satisfactory (dukkha) (see Chapter viii). Arguing from the impermanence and unsatisfactoriness of the five aggregates, the Buddha involved himself in a discussion of the problem of "no-self" (anatta). Although his treatment seems to be very analytical, its interpretation by some of the classical and modern scholars appears to take an absolutist turn. The Buddha's assertion regarding "no-self" is presented in three separate sentences. Referring to each one of the aggregates, he says, It is not mine. H e is not me. H e is not my self.
asmi. Na m' eso atta.)6
(N' etam mama. N' eso aham
Only the first statement refers to the aggregates; hence the subject is in the neuter form: It is not mine
(N'etam mama).
What is denied in this first statement is the existence of a mysterious entity to which each of the aggregates is supposed to belong. Thus the
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Buddha's argument begins with the question of possession or ownership. Examining the process of sense perception we pointed out that, as a result of overstretched emotions (vedana), a natural process of experience gets solidified into a metaphysical subject that henceforward is taken to be the agent behind all experiences. A feeling of possession arises not simply on the basis of one's interest but as a result of one's desire. The Buddha is here arguing that, in order to explain the functioning of the body, feeling, perception, disposition, and consciousness, it is not necessary to posit a mysterious entity that is perceived as the owner of such experiences. Hence the statement that follows, He is not me
(N'eso aham asmi), refers directly to that mysterious entity negated in the first statement. This explains the use of the masculine pronoun (eso) instead of the neuter (etam) of the previous sentence. It also makes a big difference in his argument. The Buddha is not denying each and every conception of "I" (aham) that is associated with the aggregates but only the metaphysical presupposition behind the statement "Such and such an aggregate belongs to such and such a self." The assumption that a certain term has one meaning only and no other was contrary to the Buddha's conception of language. This is why, after rejecting the conception of "I" adopted in the Brahmanical system, he continued to use the very same term throughout his discourses. Equally important to the Buddha was safeguarding the use of the term "self" without rejecting it altogether as absolute fiction. Hence the necessity for repeating the previous sentence, replacing "I" (aham) with "self" (atta): He is not my self.
(Na m'eso atta). This accounts for the constant use of the term "self" (atta) in a positive sense in the discourses, along with its negation, "no-self" (anatta). It seems appropriate to say that there are two different meanings or uses of the terms "I" and "self," one metaphysical and the other empirical. The metaphysical meaning cannot be accounted for by any of the aggregates, and this is the thrust of his argument in the above context. If a metaphysical self cannot be explained in terms of the aggregates, can a non-metaphysical or empirical self be accounted for by them? The general tendency among Buddhist scholars is to assume that the aggregates serve only the negative function of denying a metaphysical self. However, a careful reading of the early discourses reveals that these five
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aggregates also perform the positive function of clarifying what an empirical self is. Body or material form (riipa) is the first of the five, which is not surprising since the theory of aggregates was intended to replace the Spiritualist conception of "self." By allowing the physical personality such a prominent role, the Buddha was simply insisting on the importance of sensible identity as one of the requirements for maintaining the identity of a human person, the "I" or "self." Of course, this physical identity is not permanent even during the time the body survives, but it is a convenient way of individuating and identifying a person, albeit not the only way. In this connection it is interesting that the early discourses do not speak of a human person without a body or material form (arupa). Arupa, the formless or the immaterial, is more often a state of contemplation, such as the four higher jhanas discussed in Chapter m, or a symbolization of such a mental state in the form of a divine life (deva). Feeling or sensation (vedana) refers to the emotive content of human experience, which is another important aspect or constituent of the personality. It accounts for emotions, which are an inalienable part of a living person, whether he be in bondage or has attained freedom (nibbana). Feelings are of three types: the pleasant or the pleasurable (manapa, sukha), the unpleasant or the painful (amanapa, dukkha), and the neutral (adukkhamasukha). Except in the higher state of contemplation (jhana) characterized by cessation (nirodha) of all perception and of the experienced or the felt (which, as stated earlier, is a non-cognitive state), feelings are almost inevitable in experience. Such feelings can be twofold, depending on how far they are stretched: in the most rudimentary form, they can account for self-interest; if overstretched, they can produce continuous yearning or thirsting, even for feelings themselves. Perception (sahha) stands for the function of perceiving (sanjanatlti sanna). As in the case of feelings, the perceptions are related to all other constituents of the human personality, so they are not atomic impressions that are compounded into complex entities as a result of activities of mind such as imagination. Each of our perceptions is a mixed bag of memories, concepts, dispositions, and material elements. A pure percept, undiluted by such conditions, is not recognized by the Buddha or any subsequent Buddhist psychologist who has remained faithful to the Buddha. A pure percept is as metaphysical as a pure a priori category. Dispositions (sankhara) explain why there cannot be pure percepts. In the Buddha's perspective, this is the factor that contributes to the individuation of a person, and therefore of his perceptions. Almost everything, including physical phenomena is strongly influenced by this most potent cause of evolution of the human personality and its surroundings. Indeed, the dispositions are responsible not only for the way we groom the physical personality with which we are identified, but also for partly 7
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determining the nature of a new personality with which we may be identified in the future. It is not merely the human personality that is molded or processed by dispositions. O u r physical surroundings, even our amenities of life, housing, clothing, utensils, and, in a m a j o r way, our towns and cities, art and architecture, culture and civilization—and, in the modern world, even outer space—come to be dominated by our dispositions. Karl Popper calls this the World T h r e e . 8 F o r this very reason, the Buddha, when describing the grandeur of a universal monarch, his palaces, elaborate pleasure gardens, and other physical comforts, referred to them all as dispositions (sartkhara).9 Epistemologically, the dispositions are an extremely valuable means by which human beings can deal with the world of experience. In the absence of any capacity to know everything presented to the senses, that is, omniscience, dispositional tendencies function in the form of interest, in selecting material from the "big blooming buzzing confusion" 1 0 in order to articulate one's understanding of the world. In other words, recognition of the importance of dispositions prevented the Buddha from attempting to formulate an ultimately objective view of the world. Consciousness (vihnana) is intended to explain the continuity in the person who is individuated by dispositions (sartkhara). Like the other constituents, consciousness depends on the other four aggregates for existence as well as nourishment. Consciousness is not a permanent, eternal substance or a series of discrete, momentary acts of conscious life united by a mysterious self. T h u s consciousness cannot function if separated from the other aggregates, especially material form (rupa), but must act with other aggregates if thoughts are to occur. When consciousness is so explained, it is natural to conclude that it is a substantial entity, which was h o w the substantialists responded to the Buddha, who replied that consciousness is nothing more than the act of being conscious
(vijanatlti vinnanam).11
T h u s the analysis of the human personality into five aggregates is intended to show the absence of a metaphysical self (an atman) as well as the presence of an empirical self.
T h e Theory of Elements (Dhatu) While the theory of aggregates remains more popular in the discourses, there is occasional reference to the conception of a human person consisting of six elements (cba-dhatu).11 T h e six elements are earth (pathavi), water (apo), fire (tejo), air (vayu), space (akasa), and consciousness (vihnana). Unlike in the theory of aggregates, here we find a more detailed analysis of the physical personality, and this may have served as a refutation of the Materialist view o f a human person. While it is true that the first four
dhatu represent
the basic material ele-
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ments (mahabhuta), to which is added space, there is here no attempt to deal with them as purely objective phenomena; they are almost always defined in relation to human experience. Thus earth represents the experience of solidity, roughness, and so on; water stands for fluidity; fire refers to the caloric; and air implies viscosity. 13 The Buddha recognized space as an element that is relative to these four material elements. The fact that space is not generally included in the list of material elements led to much misunderstanding and controversy regarding its character. The scholastics, like some modern-day scientists, believed that space is absolute, hence unconditioned (asamskrta).14 In contrast, the early discourses recognized the conditionality of space, for the experience of space is dependent on the experience of material bodies. 1S Just as the Buddha refused to recognize a psychic personality independent of the physical, so he refrained from considering the physical personality independent of conscious life (vihnana) as a complete human person. Explaining the physical personality in terms of material elements, all of which are understood from the perspective of human experience, the Buddha was able to avoid certain philosophical controversies generated by a more objective physicalistic approach. Prominent among them is the mind-body problem. It is true that the Buddha spoke of the human person as a psychophysical personality (namarupa). Yet the psychic and the physical were never discussed in isolation, nor were they viewed as selfsubsistent entities. For him, there was neither a "material-stuff" nor a "mental-stuff," because both are results of reductive analyses that go beyond experience. On rare occasions, when pressed to define the physical and psychic components by an inquirer who had assumed their independence, the Buddha responded by saying that the so-called physical or material (rupa) is contact with resistance (patigha-samphassa) and the psychic or mental (nama) is contact with concepts (adhivacana-samphassa), both being forms of contact 16 (see Chapter hi for a discussion of contact). Such an explanation of the psychophysical personality brings into focus the relationship between language and consciousness, for adhivacana literally means "definition." The description of the human personality in terms of the five aggregates as well as the six elements is an elaboration of the knowledge and insight referred to in the Samahhaphala-suttanta discussed in Chapter iii. A human being so constituted is referred to as a bhuta (lit., "become"). 17 The Buddha refers to four nutriments that are essential for such a being to remain human (bhiitanam va sattanam thitiya) and for human beings who are yet to come (sambhaveslnam va anuggabayaJ:18 (1) material food, gross or subtle (kabalihkaro aharo olariko va sukhumo va); (2) sensory contact (pbasso); (3) mental dispositions or volitions (manosahcetana); and (4) consciousness (vihnana). These four nutriments, in fact, define what a human person is. The
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Buddha's non-recognition of a human person independent of a physical personality is reinforced by his insistence that material food is the first and foremost nutriment. The second nutriment suggests that people are sensory-bound. Stopping sensory contact for the sake of temporary rest may be useful, as in the state of cessation (nirodha-samapatti), but suppressing it altogether would mean the destruction of the human person. The inclusion of mental dispositions or volitions—or what may be called "intentionality"—as a nutriment indicates the importance attached to the individual's decision-making or goal-setting capacity. This aspect of the human person has led to much controversy among philosophers, and is generally known as the problem of the will. Tradition records that the Buddha abandoned the disposition to live (ayu-sankhara) at a place called Capala almost three months before he passed away. 1 9 In other words, the continuity of human life is not a mere automatic process: the human disposition is an extremely relevant condition for its survival. Finally, consciousness, which is generally associated with memory (sati), 20 is needed to complete the human personality, for its absence eliminates a person's capacity to coordinate his life. Without it, the human being is a mere "vegetable." These four nutriments are founded on craving (tanha) and hence contribute to suffering, a process that is explained in the popular theory of the twelve factors (dvadasanga). 21
T h e T h e o r y of Twelve Factors
(Dvadasanga)
Having rejected the substantial existence of an individual self, the Buddha did not remain silent so as to give the impression that the real person is beyond description. His discourse to Kaccayana (see Chapter iv) states in no uncertain terms that the middle way adopted by the Buddha in explaining the human personality is "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada), as explicated in terms of the twelve factors. In its positive statement, this twelvefold formula represents an explanation of a person in bondage, while the negative statement that immediately follows explains the process of freedom. Enlightenment is a necessary precondition for freedom. Therefore, it is natural to begin explaining the life of a person in bondage as that of someone who is engulfed in ignorance (avijja). And as mentioned earlier, no concept becomes more important in a discussion of the human personality than that of the dispositions (sankhara), which are defined as follows in the discourses: Disposition is so-called because it processes material form
(rupa),
which has
already been dispositional^ conditioned, into its present state.
This statement is repeated with regard to feeling (vedana), perception (sanna), dispositions (sankhara), and consciousness (vinnana).
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According to this description, while dispositions are themselves causally conditioned, they process each of the five factors of the human personality, thereby providing them with the stamp of individuality or identity. Hence the most important function of individuating a personality belongs to the dispositions, which are an inalienable part of the personality. They can function in the most extreme way, for example, in creating an excessively egoistic tendency culminating in the belief in a permanent and eternal self (âtman). This may be one reason the Buddha considered the self (âtman) as a mere "lump of dispositions" (sankhâra-punja).21 Thus ignorance can determine the way human dispositions function (avijjâpaccayâ sankhârâ), either creating the belief in permanent existence (atthitâ) or denying the value of the human personality altogether (n'atthitâ). The elimination of ignorance and the development of insight would therefore lead to the adoption of a middle standpoint in relation to dispositions. It has already been mentioned that the elimination of dispositions is epistemological suicide. Dispositions determine our perspectives. Without such perspectives we are unable to deal with the sensible world in any meaningful or fruitful manner. The Buddha realized that subdued dispositions are enlightened perspectives—hence his characterization of freedom (nibbâna) as the appeasement of dispositions (sankhâra-samatha). Thus the dispositions, while carving an individuality out of the "original sensible muchness," 24 also play a valuable role in the continuity of experiences. The development of one's personality in the direction of imperfection or perfection rests with one's dispositions. These, therefore, are the determinants of one's consciousness (sankhârapaccayâ vinnânam). Consciousness (vinnàna), wherein dispositions function by way of providing an individuality, determines the continuity (or lack of continuity) in a person's experiences. Therefore, it is sometimes referred to as the "stream of consciousness" (vinnânasota).25 The Indian philosophical tradition in general, and the Buddhist tradition in particular, uses the term nâmarûpa to refer to the complete personality, consisting of both the psychological and physical components. Although this psychophysical personality comes to be conditioned by a variety of factors, such as one's parents, immediate associates, and environment, the Buddha believed that, among these various factors, consciousness is preeminent (vinnànapaccayâ nàmarûpam).26 It is this perspective that induced him to emphasize the individual's capacity to develop his own personality, morally as well as spiritually, in spite of certain external constraints. Dispositions and consciousness, in combination, are referred to as "becoming" (bbava).27 When a person—including one who has attained freedom, like the Buddha—is referred to as "become" (bhûta),2S this explains how dispositions and consciousness function together to form his personality within the context of the physi-
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cal environment. In this sense, neither the psychic personality nor its achievements, like freedom, need be viewed as anomalous phenomena, as was the case in some of the pre-Buddhist traditions and with some of the more prominent philosophers of the Western world, such as Immanuel Kant 29 and Donald Davidson. 30 The Buddha's is another way of resolving the determinism/free-will problem. The next five factors in the twelvefold formula explain the process of perception and the way an ordinary unenlightened person may react to the world of experience. As long as a psychophysical personality exists and as long as its sense faculties are functioning, there will be contact or familiarity (phassa) with the world and feeling or emotive response (vedana) to that world. These are inevitable. However, because of the presence of ignorance and, therefore, of extreme dispositional tendencies, the unenlightened person can generate craving (tanha)—or its opposite—for the object so experienced. Craving leads to grasping (upadana), for both pleasurable objects and ideas. Grasping conditions becoming (bhava) and, if this process were to be continued, one would be able, under the proper conditions, to attain whatever status one aspired to in this life or even in a future life. This process of becoming (bhava), which allows for the possibility of achieving goals and satisfying desires, whatever they may be, is not denied in Buddhism. Satisfaction (assada), even that derived from pleasures of sense (kama), is admitted.31 To begin with the lowest level of satisfaction, a person misguided concerning his goals may achieve the fruits (attha) of his action by, say, depriving another human being of life. In his own small world, he may derive satisfaction (assada) by doing so, but soon the unfortunate consequences (adlnava) of that action could lead him to the greatest suffering and unhappiness. Instead of being a fruit (attha), the action would turn out to be "unfruitful" (anattha), and hence bad (akusala). At another level, a person may, without hurting himself or others, derive satisfaction from having a spouse, children, comfortable lodging, and sufficient food and clothing. These may be considered satisfaction (assada) derived from pleasures of sense (kama). Indeed, there is no unqualified condemnation of these satisfactions, as with those derived from the destruction of human life mentioned above, although it is recognized that these satisfactions are meager, neither permanent nor eternal, and that they can eventually lead to dissatisfaction.32 These are the satisfactions that one enjoys under great constraint. The nature of such constraints will be analyzed in Chapter ix in connection with the problem of freedom (nibbana). The final result of all this is impermanence, decay and death, grief, suffering, and lamentation. Constant yearning for this and that, thirst for sense pleasures, and dogmatic grasping of ideas— these are the causes and conditions of bondage and suffering. It is a life
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that will eventually lead to one's own suffering as well as to the suffering of others, the prevention of which represents the highest goal of Buddhism. 33 Through understanding this process, a person is able to pacify his dispositions and develop his personality (namarupa) in such a way that, freed from grasping (upadana), he can lead a life that not only avoids suffering and unhappiness for himself but contributes to the welfare of others as well. Getting rid of passion and developing a dispassionate attitude in life, the freed one is able to cultivate compassion for himself as well as others. At the time of death, with ignorance gone and dispositions annihilated, his consciousness will cease without establishing itself in another psychophysical personality.34
Conclusion Pre-Buddhist speculations on the nature of the subject or the human person had fossilized into two distinct theories: eternalism and annihilationism. The concepts employed in its explanation had also solidified. There was not much flexibility; it was an either/or situation. The categories discussed above—the five aggregates, the six elements, and the twelve factors—are repetitious. Such repetition seems unavoidable in a context calling for comprehensive articulation of the concept of a person, with all its relations and ramifications. To follow a middle path avoiding fossilized theories and solidified concepts was no easy task. The categories just discussed were presented at different times to instruct individuals of various inclinations and dispositions on a variety of issues. Therefore they had to embody not only the concept of a person but also that of his relation to the material world, other human beings, social and political life, morality, and, above all, knowledge and understanding. Such ramifications of the concept of a person need further elaboration. However, there is an underlying theme in all the categories, and that is the Buddha's conception of a "selfless self."
CHAPTER VII
T h e Object
In the early discourses, objects are described from two different perspectives: objects known and objects of knowledge. The former are very specific, in the sense that they have already served as the objects of experience. The latter are a general category that includes even possible objects. Following the emphasis on the epistemological significance of the experienced, that is, the objectivity of the dependently arisen in formulating a theory of dependent arising (see Chapter iv), it seems appropriate to begin the present discussion with the objects known.
Objects Known The objects known or experienced often appear in a list of three and four. Sometimes this list is extended to seven items. The first four are: (1) the seen (dittha), (2) the heard (suta), (3) the conceived (muta), and (4) the cognized (vinfiata).1 The second list adds: (5) the attained (patta), (6) the sought (pariyesita), and (7) the reflected (manasa anuvicarita).2 It is significant that all these objects are described using the past participle form. These are the concrete objects of knowledge with which a perceiving individual has become familiar, within the context in which he is placed. The first two are the objects known through the first two sense faculties, the eye and the ear. Objects known through these faculties are more susceptible to variation, corruption, and misinterpretation than those cognized through the other three physical sense faculties, the nose, tongue, and body. Yet they are the most important among the five. When these two faculties do not function properly, a person is deprived of a major part of sensible experience, as in the case of one who is both blind and deaf. At the same time, these are faculties that can be refined so as to bring more clarity and precision to the objects known through them. Hence the inclusion of clairvoyance or divine eye (dibba-cakkhu) and clairaudience or divine ear (dibba-sota) among the higher forms of knowledge (see Chapter HI). It is in this sense that the objects seen and heard become primary in the Buddhist schema.
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The non-inclusion of the objects known through the nose, tongue, and body may baffle the reader of Buddhist texts, but they seem to have been omitted for very pragmatic reasons. While there is no denial of the objects of smell, taste, and touch, the Buddha was more concerned with those that are more problematic, especially in the explanation of the external world. The next two objects in the list, the conceived (muta) and the cognized (vinnata), are as important as the first two. Indeed, they are even more susceptible to variation, corruption, and misunderstanding than objects that are seen and heard. The conceived here seems to refer to the object cognized by the mind (mano); hence the use of the past participle muta (from manhati, manyate). Mind, according to the Buddha's analysis, is the faculty that accounts for reflection or memory. In this sense it is said to be capable of sharing the objects of the other five physical faculties. Ordinarily, the object of mind is referred to as dhamma, meaning "idea" or "concept." However, in the present context—the reference being to concepts already formed, and thus requiring use of the past participle— the term muta has been preferred to the more general term dhamma, since the latter does not preclude any possible conceptions. Even though conceiving is an indispensable means of knowing, the Buddha found it to be the most unrestrained activity and therefore responsible for the greatest amount of confusion regarding the nature of the object. Thus, while the conceived or the conceptualized object can be based on data provided by the sensory faculties, it can also be totally independent, as demonstrated by the Brahmanical conception of self (atman). According to the Buddha, most of the so-called objects that are believed to transcend both sensory experience and conceptualization, and that serve as the objects of an extra-sensuous intuition, are, in fact, the conceived or the conceptualized objects. The function by which we identify the numerically distinct objects of sense experience is conception, which operates on the basis of the sense of sameness. For this reason objects of conception appear to have a greater degree of incorruptibility and immutability than sense experience. However, for the Buddha, such conceiving operates on the basis of the data provided by the senses. The concreteness of a conception depends on the extent to which it is grounded in the data of experience. This allows abstract concepts like "dependent arising," "emptiness," "impermanence," "unsatisfactoriness," and "non-substantiality" to be viewed as objects, not pure fabrications on the part of human imagination, because they represent a conceptual extension of experienced temporal events such as "the dependently arisen," "the empty," "the impermanent," "the unsatisfactory," and "the non-substantial," respectively. Their apparent incorruptibility or immutability is no more than their atemporality, that is, their applicability to events of the obvious past and of
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the future. The term "atemporal" (akalika)3—used in Buddhist texts to refer to "the doctrine" (dhamma), one aspect of which is "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada; see Chapter v)—does not imply the "timeless" or the eternal (akala, kala-vimutta),4 for that would mean recognition of time as a category separable from the events that are experienced. On the contrary, the atemporality of abstract concepts allows for the utilization of long-forgotten perceptual instances from which those concepts have flowered, and which merge again in the particulars of present and future perceptions with the help of those abstract concepts. Thus a human person can move back and forth in dealing with sensible experience without remaining docile as a "sessile sea anemone." The Buddha accepted the validity of certain objects of conception. Thus, addressing a man named Citta, he says: Citta, just as from a cow comes milk, and from milk curds, and from curds butter, and from butter ghee, and from ghee junket, yet, when there is milk, there is no conceiving as "curd" or "butter" or "ghee" or "junket"; instead, on that occasion there is conceiving as "milk." 5
However, the conception does not always end with objects so conceived. It can go far beyond its limits to conceive of objects that transcend concrete experiences. The following is a pre-Buddhist Upanisadic description of a class of objects not given in concrete experience: He who inhabits the earth, yet is within the earth, whom the earth does not know, whose body the earth is, and who controls the earth from within—he is your self, the inner controller, the immortal. 6
This statement is repeated in relation to the concepts of water, fire, sky, air, heaven, sun, quarters, moon and stars, space, darkness, light, beings, breath, speech, eye, ear, mind, skin, intellect, and the organ of generation. The Buddha, as a radical empiricist, could not proceed that far with his conceptualization. Therefore, in the Mulapariyaya-sutta, he takes up the object conceived by the Upanisadic thinkers relating to the various aspects referred to above, and insists that one should not conceive of an object such as the self "to be made by earth, to be made of earth, to be the possessor of earth" (pathaviya mahhati, pathavito mahnati, pathavim
me ti mahhati).7
A s in the Upanisads,
this statement is
repeated in connection with other objects of experience as well as conception. For the Buddha, this is an instance where the conceived object (muta) has transcended its limit. He therefore emphasized the need to restrain this faculty in order to arrive at a more sober view of the object conceived.
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The object cognized (vinnata) is not as problematic as the objects conceived (muta) because the cognized is generally confined to the six senses, even though the sixth sense, the mind (mano), is responsible for the conceptualization mentioned above. If the mind were to restrict itself to the ideas (dhamma) formed on the basis of the information provided by the five other senses, the objects cognized would pose no problems. For this reason, there is no reference to the cognized being restrained. To restrain cognitions would be to prevent any new cognitions from arising. This would eliminate the possibility of cognizing any novelty in regard to the objective world. However, the Buddha was insistent that with regard to the seen, the heard, the conceived, and the cognized, there is no mysterious something (kind) that is "not seen, not heard, [and not conceived]" (na . . . adittham asutam amutam kihcana atthi),s a statement which, as pointed out earlier, has been wrongly translated and interpreted as implying omniscience. Instead of looking for a mysterious something, the Buddha's advice is to take the object as a given, i.e., as the mere seen (ditthamatta), the mere heard (suttamatta), the mere conceived (mutamatta), and the mere cognized (vihnatamatta).9 The adjective "mere" (matta, Skt. matra), used here as a suffix, has a negative as well as a positive connotation. While its negative connotation as "mere" is significant, in that it is intended to deny any mysterious entity, its positive meaning as "measure" is even more important, for it signifies a measure of objectivity without fixing that objectivity. For example, the suffix often occurs with numerals, such as timsamatta or satthimatta, which can be translated as "thirty" and "sixty," respectively, even though literally they would mean "about thirty" and "about sixty." By affixing -matta, an attempt is made to avoid absolute fixity or determination of the number, thereby leaving room for slight variations. This attitude is even more important in determining the nature of an object than in defining numbers. The second list of objects may appear rather intriguing. The attained (patta) represents an ideal or a goal already achieved; the sought (pariyesita) represents an ideal or goal aimed at or pursued; and the reflected (manasa anuvicarita) represents an ideal or a goal constantly being examined or considered. The notable feature in this description is that these three objects are not mentioned independently of the first four, indicating that the Buddha recognized the primacy of the latter, just as he admitted the importance of the seen and the heard among the list of four. It is tempting to define the last three items on the list as objectives rather than objects. However, to do so would be to deprive them of any objectivity at all, creating a sharp dichotomy between objectives, goals, or ideals on the one hand, and objects on the other. The next step would be to characterize the former as mere hallucinations and the latter as ulti-
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mate reality. Such a perspective would then serve as a basis for the fact / value distinction as well as for the dichotomy between instrumentalism and realism that has haunted philosophers for centuries. However, if the last three objects are considered to be objects even though they are dependent on the first four objects, then any absolute distinctions made between the real and the nominal or ideal will be dissolved to some extent; all that is asserted is that the element of subjectivity plays a bigger role in the case of the last three objects than in that of the first four objects. Thus, the issue is the degree of subjectivity involved rather than a sharp distinction between object and non-object. While what is taken as the most objective—that is, the seen (dittha)—is not free from an element of subjectivity, what is generally explained as merely subjective—that is, the ideal—is not without an element of objectivity, unless it is described in contradictory terms, which is how it is presented in the absolutistic systems. This appraisal of the object is certain to arouse objections, for the most important criterion that is applied in determining objectivity, namely, verifiability, cannot be applied with the same measure of success to the second category of objects, or even to the last two in the first category. However, for the Buddha, verifiability was based on consequences (attba), and he was probably prepared to be the devil's advocate and admit the enormous influence of concepts and ideals on human behavior, far more than the influence of sensible objects. This is not to say that the Buddha was therefore prepared to accept any and every ideal as an ultimate reality. On the contrary, he emphasized the need to modify the ideal whenever it came into conflict with the actual, whether in the world of physical reality, in the sphere of biology, or in human life—social, economic, political, or moral (for the Buddha's conception of the moral ideal, see Chapter x).
Objects of Knowledge After outlining the variety of objects that are experienced, and discouraging any attempt to look for a mysterious entity in its explanation, the Buddha presented a general description of the object. This is part of the twelve "gateways" (ayatana) of experience. He lists six objects: (1) material form (rupa), (2) sound (sadda), (3) smell (gandha), (4) taste (rasa), (5) touch (photthabba), and (6) concept (dhamma).10 Here the Buddha is aiming at comprehensiveness. The previous analysis was selective; its purpose was to highlight the most objective object and the most subjective object. Since this general description is not confined to what has been experienced but can be extended to objects of the obvious past as well as of the future (that is, to possible objects), the Buddha takes up all the available faculties—eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, mind—and examines
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their respective objects. This is evidence for his renunciation of a nonsensuous intuition, since he perceived the mind's functioning to be more epistemologically reliable when it is in association (rather than dissociation) with the data of sensory experience. The object of the eye (cakkhu) is generally referred to as material form (\rupa). This does not mean that the other four objects—sound, smell, taste, and touch—are not material. The capacity of the visual organ is more confined to form, which is also determined by color. 11 Thus the description of material form here is more comprehensive than the one discussed earlier, namely, material form (rupaJ as one of the five aggregates constituting the human personality, where the reference is more to the physical body than to the object of experience (see Chapter vi). In the early discourses one does not come across a detailed description of what constitutes the objects of the six senses. A microscopic analysis of objects is met with in the later commentaries and manuals, and such analyses have often generated metaphysical problems the Buddhists were never able to solve satisfactorily. The precaution taken when dealing with the object known or experienced is avoidance of a search for something {kind) more than what is given. However, in dealing with the general objects of knowledge listed above, the Buddha warns against reducing them to substances and qualities: "Having seen a material form with the eye, one should not grasp either a substance (nimitta) or a secondary quality (anuvyanjana)."12 This is not to advocate a preconceptual object, for the reference is to a complete perception. What is to be avoided is the reduction of that object to substance and secondary qualities. What the Buddha was most concerned about was reification of the object. He recognized the variegated objective world, leaving room for appreciation of the beautiful, yet often insisting that "desirability" is not an inevitable characteristic of that world. Desire (kama) represents the emotional impact of an object on an individual, resulting from a wrong perspective about that object. Rectifying that perspective was seen as one of the ways to avoid unhappiness and suffering without having to eliminate the object itself. It is this emotional aspect of the objective experience that the Buddha highlighted when he characterized it as the desired (ittha), the enjoyable (kanta), the pleasing to the mind (manapa), the pleasurable (piyarupa), tending toward desire (kamupasamhita), and enticing (rajantya).13 The Buddha often advised his disciples to view the world (loka) as "empty" (sunna), "non-substantial" (animitta), and "ungrounded" (appanihita). The notion of a substance is generally looked upon as a necessary condition for explaining changing or fleeting experiences. That necessity arises as a result of not considering these experiences as "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna), but rather as discrete and separate entities. Extreme analysis can thus fix the boundaries so sharply that the fringes
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can no longer remain to account for possible relations. Avoiding such an analysis of objects eliminates the need for grounding them (pra-nidha) in substances. Thus the objects of experience are without fixity (appanihita), without substance (animitta), and therefore empty of substantial existence (sunna). Such a perspective is deemed necessary to reduce the emotional impact of the object on the individual and to prevent him from being enamored with it (abhinandati), extolling it (abhivadati), and becoming obsessed with it (ajjhosaya titthati). The delight (nartdi) so produced can be the cause of much disappointment and suffering (dukkhasamudayaJ.14 Just as the Buddha emphasized the non-substantiality (anatta) of the subject not in order to deny individuality but to rectify the perspective from which that individuality is viewed, so the non-substantiality of the object is intended to refine the perspective from which the objective world is viewed, not to cause the abandonment of all views about the object.
CHAPTER Vili
The Problem of Suffering
The Buddha recognized four truths about human existence. These truths are articulations of his wisdom or insight (panna).1 They are: (1) suffering (dukkha), (2) the arising of suffering (dukkbasamudaya), (3) the ceasing of suffering (dukkhanirodha), and (4) the path leading to the ceasing of suffering (dukkhanirodhagàminl-patipadà). It is evident that these are not truths in the ordinary sense of the word, namely, truths that are distinguished from untruths or falsehood primarily on the basis of cognitive validity or of rational consistency, in terms of correspondence or of coherence. In the context of these definitions of truth, what the Buddha referred to as a truth about existence may be termed a psychological truth. However, the Buddha spoke of them as "noble truths" (ariya-saccàni). This means that they are not merely epistemologica! or rational truths. The conception of "nobility" involves a value judgment. Value is not decided in terms of higher or lower, as the term "noble" sometimes signifies; instead, it implies relevance or worth. The noble is thus qualified by the "fruitful" (atthasamhita), while the ignoble (anariya) is defined in terms of the "fruitless" (anatthasamhita).2 The four truths are therefore more appropriately explained as factual truths with moral relevance. The Discourse to Kaccàyana (Chapter iv) brings out the distinction between the conception of truth in the Brahmanical tradition, on the one hand, and the Buddha's own definition, on the other. There, the conception of suffering is contrasted with the notion of self (atman). The Buddha's advice to Kaccàyana is not to cling to a view such as "This is myself," but to concentrate his attention on suffering instead. The nature of the Brahmanical notion of self was explained in Chapter i. It is a view from nowhere, for the conception of an eternal self is a product of the renunciation of all human perspectives. When such metaphysical speculation is avoided, one cannot help adopting a human perspective. The conception of truth comes to be determined on the basis of its relevance or irrelevance to human life. The pragmatic conception of truth presented by the Buddha is therefore not only epistemologically relevant but also ethically significant.
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Yet the Buddha was reluctant to present suffering as a universal or allinclusive truth. "All or everything is suffering" (sabbam dukkham) is a statement that is conspicuously absent in the early discourses attributed to the Buddha. A general statement about suffering is always concretized by the use of the relative pronoun "this" (idam). Thus the most general statement one can find in the discourses reads, "All this is suffering" (sabbam idam dukkham). This allows the Buddha to specify and elaborate on the conception of suffering. A concrete explanation of the truth of suffering occurs in his very first discourse, popularly known as the Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta: Birth is suffering; old age is suffering; sickness is suffering; death is suffering. Sorrow, lamentation, and dejection are suffering. Contact with what is unpleasant and separation from the pleasant are suffering. Not getting what one wishes is suffering. In brief, clinging to the five aggregates of the personality—body, feeling, perception, disposition, and consciousness—as possessions of "my self" is suffering.3 Taken at face value, this passage can easily contribute to the belief that Buddhism represents an extremely pessimistic view of human life. Yet a careful analysis reveals that what is defined as suffering belongs to three temporal periods, beginning with the past, moving on to the immediate present, and reaching out into the future for a possible solution. The immediate suffering is, of course, contact with what is unpleasant and separation from the pleasant, as well as not achieving the fulfillment of one's wishes. The problem faced by a philosopher with serious moral concerns is beautifully summarized by William James: A look at another peculiarity of the ethical universe, as we find it, will still further show us the philosopher's perplexities. As a purely theoretic problem, namely, the casuistic question would hardly ever come up at all. If the ethical philosopher were only asking after the best imaginable system of goods he would indeed have an easy task; for all demands as such are prima facie respectable, and the best simply imaginary world would be one in which every demand was gratified as soon as made. Such a world would, however, have to have a physical constitution entirely different from that of the one which we inhabit. It would need not only a space, but a time, of ndimensions, to include all the acts and experiences incompatible with one another here below, which would then go on in conjunction—such as spending our money, yet growing rich; taking our holiday, yet getting ahead with our work; shooting and fishing, yet doing no hurt to the beasts; gaining no end of experience, yet keeping our youthful freshness of heart; and the like. There can be no question that such a system of things, however brought about, would be the absolutely ideal system; and that if a philosopher could create universes a priori, and provide all the mechanical conditions, that is the sort of universe which he should unhesitatingly create.4
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The Buddha was no such idealist. Being a radical empiricist and a pragmatist, he was not willing to reconstruct such an a priori world even for the satisfaction of those who crave it. Taking the bull by the horns, he was prepared to deal with the riddle of existence without running away from it. His first priority, then, was to recognize the fact of suffering. Human beings are guided by dispositions that can transform themselves into wishes and desires of the extreme sort, bringing them into conflict with the very constitution of the universe, namely, arising and ceasing (= dependent arising); in the case of the human universe, this constitution represents birth, old age, sickness, and death. Birth has already occurred, and the question of suffering would not have arisen without it. The individual person may or may not have contributed in some measure to that event. To continue to worry about how birth came to be—to try to determine precisely what contributed to it, even if some veridical memories of the past are available and the contributions of one's parents are observable without a great deal of effort—is to involve oneself in a fruitless and endless reflective enterprise, which the Buddha designated as speculation about the past (pubbanta-kappana)5 or running after the past (pubbanta-atidbavana).6 The Buddha's analysis of the problem of suffering thus took him back to the point of birth. Birth of a human person has taken place. According to the principle in terms of which it has occurred, that person is liable to old age, sickness, and death. The Buddha was unwilling to dissociate birth from other occurrences, such as old age, sickness, and death. His perspective did not lead him to believe that birth is the greatest good and death the worst evil. For him, if death were to be viewed as suffering, then birth, without which death could not take place, should be perceived in a similar way. This is not to give up hope altogether, for if birth has initiated a process that eventually ends in death, every effort should be made to minimize the suffering that a human person experiences between birth and death. Therefore, examining carefully the conditions that render immediate experiences painful and frustrating, the Buddha presents a way out of that suffering: "In brief, the clinging to the five aggregates of the personality—body, feeling, perception, disposition, and consciousness—as possessions of 'my self' is suffering." Here there is no judgment that the five aggregates (pancakkhandha) are suffering. What is condemned is grasping (upadana) the five aggregates as the possession of a mysterious entity or an ego. In doing so the Buddha traces the cause of the problem of suffering to the way in which the human personality or the subject is perceived. This leads to the evaluation of the objective world, for the impact of the human perspective is as evident in the objective world of experience as it is in the case of the subject. The use of the term dukkha in describing
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the world of objectivity is more appropriately understood as "unsatisfactory" than as "suffering." This is a more abstract use of the term dukkha, for it is an extension of a subjective attitude (namely, "suffering") to explain what may be called an objective experience. With this the human perspective is retained once again, where other philosophers would permit a totally non-subjective or value-free description. Very often, the reason for considering an object unsatisfactory (dukkha) is that it is impermanent (anicca) and subject to transformation or change (viparinama-dhamma).7 Unless this assertion is examined carefully in the light of other statements relating to the world of experience, it can once again lead to a misunderstanding of the Buddha's worldview. For example, according to our previous analyses of the subject and object (Chapters V and vi), the Buddha left no room for the recognition of any permanent and eternal substratum (atman, svabhava, etc.) in the world of experience. All phenomena are non-substantial (sabbe dhamma anatta). Whatever is non-substantial is dependently arisen (paticcasamuppanna), that is, subject to arising and ceasing depending on conditions, which means that all phenomena are impermanent and liable to change or transformation. Thus the conclusion is inevitable that all phenomena are unsatisfactory, and if the Buddha were to arrive at such a conclusion, there would be no reason a statement such as "all phenomena are unsatisfactory" (sabbe dhamma dukkha) should not be found in any of the discourses. Yet the Buddha judiciously avoids making any such statement. Therefore, the statement that whatever is impermanent is unsatisfactory should not be universalized. It needs to be qualified, and it is this qualification that is spelled out in the statement "All dispositions are unsatisfactory" (sabbe sankhara dukkha).8 Dispositions are certainly subjective. Yet the Buddha is here referring to certain objects that have come into existence or are produced solely to satisfy the dispositional tendencies in human beings. Such objects are generally referred to as the "dispositional^ conditioned" (sankhata) and are included in the more comprehensive category of objects referred to as "the dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna).9 At this point, it would be tempting to regard the dependently arisen as the natural and the dispositional^ conditioned as the artificial. Any phenomenon that involves the activity or influence of the dispositions—and this would include views or perspectives about such phenomena—would then fall under the category of the artificial, while the natural would transcend all dispositions, and therefore all views or perspectives. This amounts to transcendence, to abandoning all views, a position contrary to the ideas expressed in Chapter iv regarding the nature of the principle of dependent arising. The only way to avoid such a situation is to explain the principle of dependence as involving both the natural and the dispositional, the latter
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accounting for human perspective as well as for the limitations of experience that make it impossible to know everything "as it is." In other words, the principle of dependent arising takes into account the natural happenings in the subjective as well as objective spheres on a limited scale revealed by limited human experiences, without admitting absolutely determined psychological or physical laws that are totally independent of experience. However, such dispositional functions need to be distinguished from those that take the upper hand in determining a person's subjective life, compelling him to admit metaphysical entities such as the self (âtman) or influencing his objective experience, which compels him to look for mysterious substances (svabhâva). These dispositional tendencies that take the upper hand are the solidified dispositions, which find expression in the form of greed (lobha), lust (râga), craving (tanhâ), or hatred (dosa), and which are referred to as the cause of suffering 10 (i.e., the second noble truth). It is now possible to explain why the Buddha, after saying that what is impermanent is suffering (yad aniccam tarn dukkham), proceeded to specify the "what" (yad). He was referring to the dispositions as implied in the statement "All dispositions are impermanent" (sabbe sankhârâ aniccâ),11 because all dispositions, unless they are appeased or desolidified, lead to suffering (sabbe sankhârâ dukkhâ).12 This eliminates the necessity of considing all phenomena (sabbe dhammâ), even if there were an element of disposition involved in their determination, to be unsatisfactory (dukkha). Thus, speaking of the grandeur of a universal monarch (cakkavatti râjâ) and the facilities he enjoys, such as palaces, pools, and pleasure gardens, the Buddha refers to them as "dispositions" that eventually come to decay and destruction.13 Being impermanent and dispositionally conditioned, if one were to be obsessed by them, clinging to them as one's own, one would eventually experience suffering. The unsatisfactoriness of dispositionally conditioned phenomena (sankhata) thus lies in the fact that they leave the mistaken impression that they are permanent and eternal entities. Only a correct understanding of how such things are produced or have come to be (yathâbhuta) will enable a person to avoid any suffering consequent upon their destruction or cessation. 14 The Buddha's statement that phenomena are unsatisfactory is limited to those that are determined solely by dispositions, for they are the ones that affect the individual most and from which he is unable to free himself easily. The realization that such phenomena are impermanent and unsatisfactory, and that all experienced phenomena are non-substantial and dependently arisen, constitutes the cessation of suffering and the attainment of freedom and happiness.
CHAPTER IX
Freedom and Happiness
The analysis of freedom (nibbâna) and the happiness (sukha) associated with such freedom, independent of the problem of suffering discussed in the previous chapter, can lead to much misunderstanding. The first and second noble truths relate to the problem of suffering and its cause, respectively. Even though all dispositions are considered to be suffering or unsatisfactory (dukkha), they are not looked upon as the cause of suffering. The cause of suffering is almost always referred to as lust (raga), craving (tanhâ), greed (lobha), attachment (âlaya), grasping (upâdâna), hatred (dosa), aversion (patigha), and other psychological tendencies.
Epistemological Freedom The distinction between the first noble truth and the second is crucial. It has already been pointed out that the dispositions are necessary conditions for human knowledge and understanding. Abandoning all dispositional tendencies is tantamount to committing epistemological suicide; they are necessary not only for knowledge and understanding but also for the continuity of the life process that begins with birth. The reason is that dispositions are not purely mental (mano), they are physical (kâya) and verbal (vaci) as well, that is, habitual bodily behavior and similarly habitual verbal behavior. Annihilation of these dispositional tendencies would eliminate the functioning of the physical organs and make it almost impossible for a human being to continue to respond to the world. The Jaina practice of not performing any new actions, except those mortifications intended to expiate for past actions, 1 comes close to such an elimination of bodily and verbal responses. When such practices are carried to their conclusions, they can mean actual suicide. Thus allowing the dispositions to have complete mastery over one's knowledge and understanding results in dogmatism, while their annihilation is equivalent to epistemological suicide. Similarly, allowing dispositions to overwhelm one's behavior can lead to bondage and suffering, whereas annihilating them means complete inaction or even suicide. The middle standpoint recommended by the Buddha is the appeasement of all
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dispositions (sabbasankhàrasamatha), which is equivalent to freedom (nibbàna).2 Hence freedom pertains both to human knowledge and understanding and to human behavior. For the Buddha, the first form of freedom is a necessary condition for the second. The term nibbàna (Skt. nirvana) conveys the same negative sense associated with the conception of freedom whenever the latter is defined as "absence of constraint." Epistemologically, a view or a perspective becomes a constraint whenever it is elevated to the level of an absolute (parama) or viewed as embodying the ultimate truth. 3 It is such absolutizing of views that contributes to all the contention in the world, where one view is pitted against another, one perspective looked upon as superior and another as inferior.4 The Buddha carefully avoided formulating any eternal truths (saccâni . . . niccâni)5 and provided a definition of truth that is non-absolutistic, thereby leaving room for its modification in the light of future possibilities (see Chapter HI). Yet the body of knowledge or variety of perspectives that has remained functional is respected as the "ancient tradition" (sanâtana dhamma)6 and is not discarded altogether. The Buddha was emphatic in stating that one cannot hope to attain purity either by clinging to one view (ditthi) or by having no-view (aditthi).7 If he had assumed that there can be only one view that leads to freedom and purity, then only those who lived in India during the sixth century B.C. could have attained such freedom, for that one view could not be applied to any other context, where the content of human knowledge would be different. But since he did not believe that there is one absolutely true view, the Buddha could claim that his conception of truth is not confined to any particular time, i.e., that it is atemporal (akâlikaJ.8 Freedom is sometimes referred to as a state of stability (accutam padam)9 and as a state in which there is no fear from any quarter (akutobhaya).10 These definitions have more epistemological than behavioral significance. How often is one's stability disturbed by the shattering of a perspective cherished for a whole lifetime? What fear can be greater than that arising from thinking of the sun not rising tomorrow? Analytical knowledge intended to get rid of dogmatic views was symbolized in the form of a "diamond" (vajira).11 The fear driven into the hearts of the dogmatic philosophers as a result of such analysis was symbolized as Vajrapâni, "the demon with the diamond (or thunderbolt) in hand." 12 Disruption of cherished views can bring instability and fear Worse than what one experiences as a result of losing property or those who are near and dear. It is for this reason that freedom is considered to be release from excessive involvement (yogakkhema).13 With no such excessive involvement in perspectives, and being able to modify them in the light of new information or different interests, a person can remain at peace (khema) and without fear (appatibhaya).14 With fear gone, one can enjoy
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unswerving happiness (acalam sukham).15 one that fluctuates.
It is a stable happiness, not
Behavioral Freedom In terms of behavior, freedom as "absence of constraints" means the ability to act without being constrained by unwholesome psychological tendencies such as greed and hatred. It is not the ability to function without regard for each and every principle of nature, physical, biological, or psychological. While those physical, biological, or psychological principles that are wholly determined by human dispositions (sankhata; see Chapter viii) can be brought under control as a result of an enlightened person's appeasement of dispositions, he still has to function in a world where the principle of "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada) prevails. Thus he may be almost immune to disease because of his healthy way of living; indeed, the only ailments the historical Buddha suffered seem to have been aftereffects of the severe self-mortification he practiced before enlightenment. Yet even the Buddha was unable to prevent the onset of old age, decay, and, finally, death. The principle of dependent arising that brought about his death was initiated when he was born in this world, an occurrence over which he had no complete control. However, if a person's desire for survival (bbava-tanha) is one of the contributory factors to such survival, with the elimination of such desire he can anticipate the possibility of overcoming future rebirth. Thus the overcoming of rebirth is the result of his spewing out craving in the present life. It is primarily in this sense of not being reborn (a-punabbhava) that we can speak of immortality (amata).16 Seen in this light, we must reconsider the implications of the famous discourse in the Udatta used by almost every modern interpreter of Buddhism as evidence for an absolutistic conception of freedom (nibbana). The discourse reads: Monks, there is a not-born, not-become, not-made, not-dispositionallyconditioned. Monks, if that not-born, not-become, not-made, not-dispositionally-conditioned were not, no escape from the born, become, made, dispositionally-conditioned would be known here. But, monks, since there is a not-born, not-become, not-made, not-dispositionally-conditioned, therefore an escape from the born, become, made, dispositionally-conditioned is known. 1 7
Note that the negations pertain to concepts referred to by the past participles not-born (a-jata), not-become (a-bhuta), not-made (a-kata), and not-dispositionally-conditioned (a-sankhata), indicating that they involve events that have already occurred. Their nominal forms—birth
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(jâti), becoming (bhava), making or doing (kamma), and dispositions (sankhàra)—explain the world of bondage and suffering (see Chapter vm). Therefore, their negation is simply a negation of the bondage and suffering that a person experiences as a result of the process that has already taken place. Since part of that process involved human dispositions, the opportunity to restrain that process by the appeasement of dispositions is also recognized. In other words, it is an explanation of the possibility of freedom, not in an absolutistic sense, but in a limited sense of "absence of constraint." The fact that the passage refers only to those events which are predominantly conditioned by dispositions and not to those that are "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna) seems to indicate that this is a reference to the freedom and happiness one can attain in the present life, in contrast to its bondage and suffering. Behaviorally, freedom finds expression most clearly in the attitude one adopts toward life in the world. This is best illustrated by the simile of the lotus (pundarikaJ.18 Like a lotus that springs up in the muddy water, grows in it, and, rising above it, remains unsmeared by it, so one who has spewed out greed and hatred, though born in the world and remaining in it, yet manages to be unsmeared by the world (lokena anupalitto). This world of experience is sometimes described in couplets: gain and loss, good repute and disrepute, praise and blame, happiness and suffering. 1 9 A person who has attained freedom is not overwhelmed by such experiences; hence he remains unsmeared by them, freed from sorrow, taintless and secure. 20 This is not to say that he does not experience that world. To remain unsmeared by the world of present experience (i.e., the third noble truth) by the elimination of the cause of suffering, which is greed or craving (the second noble truth), it is necessary to understand the problem of suffering (the first noble truth). Thus the behavior of the person who has attained freedom can be understood only in terms of the conception of suffering discussed earlier (see Chapter vm). The Buddha's discussion of suffering, as has been pointed out, focused on immediate experiences without ignoring the past and future. Therefore his explanation of happiness should do likewise. The general tendency is to view the birth of a human being as a joyous event and death as a mournful one. The Buddha perceived both birth and death as suffering, yet the solution is neither to rejoice in both nor to bemoan them both. The elimination of craving and appeasement of dispositions enabled the Buddha to adopt a more sober attitude toward death. This attitude is expressed in the words of one of his chief disciples: Neither do I take delight in death nor do I rejoice in life. I shall discard this body with awareness and mindfulness. Neither do I take delight in d^ath nor do I rejoice in life. I shall discard this body, like a hireling his earnings. 2 1
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It is possible to interpret this attitude as one of reckless abandon bordering on pessimism, but the statement simply expresses the fruitlessness of any attempt to avoid death when birth has already occurred. If death is unavoidable by a human being who has come to be born, either as a result of a previous craving for survival or of circumstances beyond his control, he ought neither waste time worrying about death and trying to find a way out of it in the present life nor commit suicide, but rather deal with the problem of immediate suffering with compassion for himself as well as others. This attitude is also reflected in the Buddha's advocacy of fearlessness in the service of humanity. Yet it is necessary to distinguish this from conscious, deliberate self-immolation. Self-sacrifice or unrestrained altruism is neither a means nor a goal. However, if, in the process of helping oneself and others attain happiness, one were to face unforeseen death due purely to circumstances (that is, to dependent arising), and if it is not something sought after (apariyittha), the Buddha's conception of life and death allows for that form of death to be hailed as noble. 22 This qualification necessarily rules out any decision to take a course of action knowing that it will certainly lead to death either for oneself or for others, in complete contrast to the ideal presented in the Bhagavadgita, as well as in some of the later Buddhist texts like the Jatakas23 and the Saddharmapundarlka-sutra.24 Thus it is not only the abandoning of greed (lobha) and hatred (dosa) that constitutes freedom, but also overcoming confusion (moha). A clear understanding of the nature of life, even according to the limited sources of knowledge available to human beings, is a necessary condition for freedom and happiness. An enlightened person is one who has overcome the perversions of knowledge and understanding (vipallasa).1S The four types of perversions pertain to perception (sanna), thought (citta), and views (ditthi). They constitute the identification of (1) the impermanent with the permanent (anicce niccan ti), (2) the not unsatisfactory with the unsatisfactory (adukkhe dukkhan ti), (3) the non-substantial with the substantial (anattani atta ti), and (4) the not pleasant with the pleasant (asubhe subhan ti). Here the subject represents the impermanent, the not unsatisfactory, the non-substantial, and the not pleasant about which permanence, unsatisfactoriness, substantiality, and pleasantness are predicated as a result of confusion. If the subject stands for what is experienced—and this would include the cognitive as well as the emotive aspects of experience, the so-called world of fact and value, bondage (samsara), and freedom (nibbana)—then the predication that renders the identification a perversion (vipallasa) would make it impossible for freedom (nibbana) to be considered permanent, unsatisfactory, substantial, and pleasant.
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Most interpreters of Buddhism would refrain from asserting nibbana as a permanent and substantial entity, at least as far as its cognitive aspect is concerned. However, they often insist on the permanence and substantiality of its emotive character. Thus, even if nibbana is not an ultimate reality (paramattha) in an ontological sense, there is a tendency to regard it as ultimate reality in the sense of permanent and eternal happiness, and hence as a sort of transcendental emotional experience that has nothing to do with the feelings and sensations of ordinary human beings. The evidence that nibbana does not consititute a permanent and eternal cognitive reality has been presented above. What remains to be discussed is the nature of the emotive experience—namely, the sort of happiness—associated with the attainment of freedom or nibbana.
Psychological Freedom The term for happiness is sukha (etymologically explained as su-kha, meaning "having a good axle-hole," that is, a vehicle moving smoothly without constraints). The early discourses refer to two forms of happiness. The first is worldly or material happiness (amisa-sukha), the term amisa (derived from ama, meaning "raw") expressing the sense of raw, sensual appetite. 26 The second is expressed by the negative term niramisa,17 understood as mental or spiritual happiness, which is contrasted with the happiness derived from satisfaction of the five physical senses. For this reason there has been a general reluctance to associate this form of happiness with any feeling or sensation (vedana), which is inevitable in sense experience. 28 The happiness of freedom is perceived as beyond the pale of sense experience, and therefore of any satisfaction relating to the senses. Thus so-called worldly or material happiness (amisa-sukha) becomes identical with whatever happiness is derived from following one's desires (kama-sukha). Yet the Buddha does not seem to have advocated the view that feelings (vedana), and even sense experience (sahna), are necessarily evil and conducive to unhappiness. As pointed out earlier (Chapter HI), the suppression of all perceptions and whatever is felt (sannavedayitanirodha) was intended as a deconstructive method, never as a goal in itself. Once the deconstruction process has taken effect, feelings and perceptions can serve their proper functions without running the risk of reifying either their cognitive content or their emotive component. The fact that the person who has attained freedom continues to experience through the same sense faculties he possessed before, and that he continues to have agreeable (manapa) and disagreeable (amanapa), pleasurable (sukha) and painful (dukkha) experiences, is clearly admitted by the Buddha. 29 This means that there is no qualitative difference between
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the feelings of someone who is in bondage and someone who is freed. All that is asserted is that, in the case of a person who has attained freedom, there is an absence of the greed, hatred, and confusion that are generally consequent upon sense experience. For this reason the distinction normally made between material happiness (amisa-sukha) and spiritual happiness (niramisa-sukha) needs to be reconsidered. In fact, Buddha does not appear to be condemning so-called material happiness indiscriminately. The discussion of material inheritance (amisa-dayada) and spiritual inheritance (dhamma-dayada) in the early discourses seems to support this view. 30 A disciple of the Buddha is represented as experiencing great physical discomfort as a result of fasting, and as refusing to eat some food left by the Buddha because he believes that a true disciple should not be heir to the Buddha's material possessions. The Buddha does not consider this to be appropriate behavior. Material or physical comfort in itself is to be neither abandoned nor condemned. Physical deprivation, according to the Buddha, is as disruptive of moral and spiritual development as is indulgence in physical comfort. Thus so-called spiritual happiness (nirámisa-sukha) need not be qualitatively distinct from material comfort or happiness. It is the cognitive and emotional slavery to the objective world (see Chapter iv) that constitutes suffering, and it is this slavery that is referred to as bondage, whereas freedom from such slavery constitutes the highest happiness (paramam sukham or niramisam sukham) that a human being can enjoy while alive. To assume that this happiness is permanent and eternal would mean that there is a permanent and eternal person who continues to have such experience. This is to admit a Supreme Being who, even if he is not the creator and preserver of the universe, is at least present during the past, present, and future, for without him one cannot account for the experience of permanent and eternal happiness. The Buddha and his disciples cannot deny George Berkeley's conception of God and continue to speak of permanent and eternal happiness. There cannot be the experience of such happiness unless one admits the existence of an experiencer who is permanent and eternal. All that can be asserted without contradiction is that if a person were to follow such and such a perspective and adopt such and such forms of behavior, he would be able to experience such and such a happiness, comparable to that experienced by the Buddha and his enlightened disciples. The concept of previous and future buddhas can be meaningful only in such a context. Thus non-substantiality (anatta) pertains not only to the world of bondage (samsara) but also to freedom (nibbana). The Buddhists were therefore prepared to admit that freedom as well as conception (paññatti) are undeniably non-substantial (anatta).31 One of the discourses relating to freedom underscores this characteristic:
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Non-substantiality is indeed difficult to see. Truth certainly is not easily perceived. Craving is mastered by him w h o knows, and for him w h o sees there exists no something (akificana).32
Freedom is an experience. As such, it can find expression in language, as any other human experience does. Hence it is a truth (sacca) or, more specifically, a noble truth (ariyasacca), which also makes it a noble view (ariya ditthi).33 However, those who adopt a substantialist perspective regarding truth (see Chapter HI) are prone to distinguish freedom from the person who experiences it. Attributing ultimate objectivity to freedom, they create an elephant of enormous size for which they are unable to provide a reasonable description. Obsessed with their extremely restricted views and unable to touch the fringes, one person will explain the animal only as a huge pot and nothing else, for he has touched the animal's head. Another person insists that it is none other than a winnowing basket, because he has felt only the animal's ear. Still another defines it as a ploughshare and nothing else, since he confined his experience to the animal's tusk. The search for ultimate objectivity has blinded them completely. 34 After creating something more, they struggle with their descriptions, whereupon language fails them. The inevitable result is the assertion that freedom is beyond linguistic description. The Buddha was striking at the root of the problem when he insisted that freedom, like any other phenomenon, is non-substantial (anatta).
Unanswered Questions There are two sets of unanswered questions relating to the person who has attained freedom. One concerns the living person and the other pertains to the dead person. In both cases the term used is tathagata, meaning the "thus-gone-one." Unfortunately, it is this notion of the "thusgone" that led to the emergence of many metaphysical issues relating to the conception of freedom, because it is when a freed person is so described that questions such as Where did he go? can arise. If he is living, then his life must be different from that of everyone else. If he is dead and is not reborn like everyone else, then he must be surviving in a totally different form of existence. The two sets of questions are posed in the form of six propositions to which the Buddha does not provide an answer: 1. 2. 3. 4.
The soul is identical with the body. (Tamjivam tam sariram.) The soul is different from the body. (Ahnamjtvam ahham sariram.) The tathagata exists after death. (Hoti tathagato parammarana.) The tathagata does not exist after death. (Na hoti tathagato parammarana.)
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5. The tathagata both exists and does not exist after death. (Hoti ca na ca hoti tathagato parammarana.) 6. The tathagata neither exists nor does not exist after death. (N' eva hoti na na hoti tathagato parammarana.)35 The first two propositions are generally considered to be references to the metaphysical notions of self (atman) and not in any way related to the problem of the tathagata, whereas the last four refer specifically to the tathagata "after death" (parammarana). However, in response to questions raised by a monk named Yamaka regarding the dead tathagata, Sariputta, one of the Buddha's leading disciples, raised further questions relating to the first two propositions: 1. Is the tathagata identical with the body? (This question is repeated with regard to the other aggregates, feeling, perception, disposition, and consciousness). 2. Is the tathagata different from the body? (Repeated with regard to the other aggregates.) 3. Is the tathagata in the body? (Repeated with regard to the other aggregates.) 36 These questions, of course, pertain to the living tathagata. Yet the inquiry is not about the ordinary conception of tathagata but about one who exists in truth (saccato) and reality (thetato). In this latter sense, the explanation of the tathagata goes beyond normal objectivity. It is an ultimately real tathagata, beyond change and impermanence, permanent and eternal, that is sought for. In that sense, the tathagata is not different from the soul or self (atman, jlva) of the Brahmanical thinkers, who believed that it is different from the ordinary human personality. The denial of such a tathagata would be similar to the notion of self posited by the Materialists, for whom the self is identical with the body. Thus the assumption of a metaphysical yet living tathagata is not radically different from the supposition of a tathagata after death. For the Buddha, these are theories based on the transcendence of all human perspective, and hence are views from nowhere. There is no way in which questions about them can be answered from the human perspective. Therefore the Buddha was not willing to make any statement, for any statement would have committed him to either an assertion or a negation about the content of the question. If the content of the question is such that it can neither be asserted nor negated, the Buddha finds the question itself to be metaphysical. There is a belief that the Buddha observed "silence" on all these matters, indicating his reluctance to make any statement because these are matters that transcend lingustic expression. While it is true that "whereof
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one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent," such silence is justified only if these questions continue to be raised despite the reasons given for not answering or explaining them (avyakata). However, it must be noted that the Buddha was not simply silent when such questions were raised. In fact, he protested vehemently against raising such questions, because the questions themselves were meaningless, let alone the answers (see Chapter m). Such questions are not only epistemologically meaningless and unanswerable 37 but pragmatically irrelevant, for answers to them do not in any way help solve the problem of immediate human suffering. 38 What, then, is the Buddha's own conception of the living tathagata? It is the conception of freedom with substrate (sopadisesa-nibbana): Herein, monks, a monk is a worthy one w h o has destroyed the defiling impulses, lived the [higher] life, done what has to be done, laid aside the burden, achieved the noble goal, destroyed the fetters of existence, and is freed through wisdom. H e retains his five senses, through which, as they are not yet destroyed, he experiences pleasant and unpleasant sensations and feels pleasure and pain. His cessation of craving, hatred, and confusion is called the freedom with substrate. 3 5
The Buddha recognized the possibility of the survival of human life after death, the condition for such survival being the excessive craving and grasping for life. Therefore, when he spoke of freedom as the absence of constraints such as craving, hatred, and confusion, the Buddha was compelled to explain what happens to the tathagata at death, even though he was reluctant to answer questions about the tathagata after death. The description of freedom without substrate (anupadisesanibbana) is intended for this purpose: Herein, monks, a monk is a worthy one w h o has destroyed the defiling impulses, . . . [as in the passage just quoted], is freed through wisdom. M o n k s , all his experiences [lit., "things he has felt"], none of which he relished, will be cooled here itself. This is called freedom without substrate. 40
Speculation regarding the afterlife of a freed person is dominant among those who are still obsessed with survival in one form or another, but not among those who have attained freedom. Unsmeared by such speculations, the freed person leads a life conducive to the welfare of as many people as possible, including himself, with compassion for all the world. A controversy between a monk named Udayi and a carpenter named Pancakariga, recorded in a discourse called Multiple Experiences (Bahuvedamya),41 throws light on the Buddha's conception of happiness. The carpenter believed that the Buddha spoke of two kinds of feelings or sensations: pleasant and unpleasant (happy and unhappy, sukha and duk-
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kha). He included neutral feelings under the category of the pleasant or happy. However, the monk argued that the Buddha spoke of three varieties: pleasant or happy (sukba), unpleasant or unhappy (dukkba), and neutral (adukkhamasukha). When the matter was reported to the Buddha, he found fault with both for rejecting each other's views, because both were right. At different times the Buddha spoke of two categories, three, five, and so on, up to 108 categories. These are all contextual (pariyaya). The Buddha begins his explanation by referring to the normal forms of pleasant feelings or sensations, namely, the five strands of sense pleasure (panca kamaguna), such as a material object cognizable by the eye, desirable, pleasant, liked, enticing, associated with the pleasures of sense, and alluring. Yet the Buddha was not willing to accept these as the highest form of pleasantness or happiness (sukha). Other forms are more excellent and exquisite, which he proceeds to enumerate. These include the happiness or pleasant sensations associated with the higher contemplations (jhana), including the state of cessation of perception and what is felt (sannavedayitanirodha). At this stage the Buddha anticipated that other teachers would recognize the state of cessation as "happiness in itself" and continue to speculate as to what it is and how it is. The Buddha was not prepared to identify happiness with one particular feeling or sensation. For him, happiness is contextual. Wherever (yattha yattha) it is obtained, through whatever source (yahim yahim), he was prepared to recognize happiness. In other words, he was not willing to speak of happiness in an abstract way. This was his anti-essentialist approach.
CHAPTER X
T h e Moral Life
The moral life is generally distinguished from the good life,1 a distinction that pertains to their nature as well as their quality. As far as their nature is concerned, the good life is founded on human emotion and disposition, while the moral life has its roots in the ultimately objective moral law, often associated with the divine, either as its guardian or as its author. For this very reason, the moral life is assumed to override the good life. This distinction also determines their qualitative difference. The moral life constitutes permanent and eternal happiness bearing the stamp of spirituality and sacredness. In contrast, the good life is one of temporary enjoyment and happiness associated with the sensory experiences of human beings, and is therefore materialistic and profane. In the preceding chapter on freedom and happiness, it was pointed out that the Buddha avoided a sharp dichotomy between the happiness in nibbana and the happiness associated with ordinary human life. This enabled him to recognize a more intimate relationship between the freed person and the ordinary human being, nibbana and samsara, the common denominator being human life itself, which needs to be protected and nourished. The Buddha seems to have realized that if the moral life meant conforming to an absolute moral law that can override the good life, it could bring harm to human life. The history of mankind is replete with such instances. He therefore advocated a position in which human life could override the moral life. This is the implication of his famous statement that even "what is good has to be abandoned, let alone evil" (dhamma pi . . . pahatabba pageva adhamma).2 In other words, human life is not made for morals; morals are made for human life. An ideal, if it is formulated by human beings, is based on an understanding of particular forms of good. Therefore that ideal must be modified when it comes into conflict with more concrete instances of good as human experiences continue to unfold. The Buddha used the simile of a raft to illustrate the pragmatic value of the moral ideal. William James expressed a similar sentiment
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when he argued for leaving part of the ideal behind when it c a m e into conflict with the actual. 3 T h e Buddha's renunciation of the conception of an absolute moral law and recognition of the validity of concrete or contextual moral conceptions m a y leave the impression that he justified a f o r m of moral relativism. Relativism is generally frowned u p o n in ethics, primarily because, if it is true, then any and every act or principle adopted by a person or g r o u p of people, from barbarians to the most civilized, has to be recognized as right. Utilitarianism, in its two most p o p u l a r f o r m s , attempts to determine the Tightness of an act or a rule. O n a superficial level of understanding, one m a y be tempted to c o m p a r e such relativism or utilitarianism with Buddhism. However, a warning from the B u d d h a m a y prevent such a comparison. T h e B u d d h a w a s not prepared to decide the Tightness or wrongness of an action or a rule in itself. There are acts or rules that m a y appear to be right in particular contexts or situations. For the B u d d h a , the Tightness or wrongness of an action or a rule does not consist in its situational or contextual validity alone, but rather in w h a t it does to the person or the g r o u p of people in the particular context or situation. T h u s simply performing an act or adopting a rule because it is viewed as right does not constitute morality. It is the impact of the action or rule on the total personality or the g r o u p involved that gives it a moral character—hence the Buddha's statement, "Be moral or virtuous without being m a d e of morals or virtues" (stlava no ca silamayo). 4 T h e former is genuine; the latter is artificial. A moral person does not g o about collecting moral medals. Instead, he or the social g r o u p that includes him grows with every moral action performed. T h e path of morality thus turns out to be a gradual path. T h e Rathavinita-sutta 5 is a classic description of this path of moral progress, illustrated by the simile of a journey that requires a relay of seven chariots. J u s t as a traveler, by m e a n s of a relay of chariots, eventually arrives at the end of his journey, so a person eventually reaches freedom and happiness through the cultivation of moral principles. Freedom and happiness thus constitute the ultimate goal or fruit (paramattha), that is, a life of knowledge and c o m p a s s i o n replacing the ordinary life of greed, hatred, and confusion. T h e path to moral perfection constitutes the fourth noble truth and is generally described as the noble eightfold p a t h , which consists of: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Right Right Right Right Right
view (samma ditthi) conception (samma sankappa) speech (samma vaca) action (samma kammanta) livelihood (samma ajlva)
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6. Right effort (samma vayama) 7. Right mindfulness (samma sati) 8. Right concentration (samma samadhi) These eight factors illustrate the comprehensive nature of the path of moral perfection recommended by the Buddha. Commenting on the eightfold path, Rhys Davids says, "If this Buddhist ideal of perfect life is remarkable when compared with the thought of India at that time, it is equally instructive when looked at from the comparative point of view."6 What is instructive from a comparative perspective is that it incorporates the functions of several philosophical traditions which, in the modern world, have tended to remain distinguishable from one another. For example, modern ethical philosophers who belong to the Analytic tradition confine their philosophical enterprise to a mere analysis and clarification of ethical concepts and theories, viewing ethics as a purely descriptive enterprise. Others—for example, some of the Existentialists, like Kierkegaard—consider it a valuable part of the philosopher's vocation to recommend ways of life or modes of conduct that are conducive to the well-being of the individual as well as society (i.e., ethics is a prescriptive enterprise as well). The noble eightfold path is both descriptive and prescriptive. It involves an analytical study of knowledge as well as conception, and highlights factors that are relevant to any prescriptive theory in moral philosophy. The term samma (Skt. samyak) prefixed to the eight factors is generally translated as "right," not because it is based on an absolute truth but because it is comprehensive or complete (as in sammasambuddha, the completely or perfectly enlightened). Samma is the contrary of "wrong" (miccha, Skt. mithya), which again is not based on the absolutely false but on the partial or the confused. The moral conceptions of right and wrong are therefore corollaries of the epistemological notions of the true and confused, not of the absolutist true/false dichotomy.
Right View It is significant that the first factor on the list is right or comprehensive "view" (ditthi). Most of the theories prevalent during the Buddha's day were based either on totally subjective perspectives or on ultimately objective perspectives. The Upanisads seem to have regarded morality as ultimately objective, while the Materialists considered it to be totally subjective. The Buddha considered these to be partial truths (paccekasacca) established on distinct perspectives (puthu-nivittha).7 For him, a comprehensive view had to account for subjectivity as well as objectivity; hence the importance of "right view" (samma ditthi) as the first step in the path of moral perfection.
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The discourse to Kaccayana, quoted in full in Chapter iv, was delivered in response to a question regarding the nature of right view. According to the Buddha, the world is generally inclined toward two views, one of existence and the other of non-existence. Although he looked upon both as unsatisfactory, the theory of existence (atthitá) was what attracted most of his attention. Even though it was meant to be a theory about an objective reality, atthitá was an extremely subjective view arising out of a misinterpretation of ordinary self-awareness and culminating in a metaphysical theory of a permanent and eternal self or soul (atman). The Buddha perceived such a view as generating excessive attachment, which beclouds our perception of the human predicament (i.e., the problem of suffering). The theory of non-existence (n'atthitá) is simply a strong reaction against the excessively subjective view, and another attempt to reach out for objectivity that turns out to be equally excessive. The right view, according to the Buddha, is a middle perspective that avoids the excesses of subjectivity and objectivity. Right Conception The adoption of wrong views may be considered a result of our inability to understand the nature and function of conception (sankappa). Conceptions are formed in various ways by human beings. A conceiving mind is necessarily involved; however, not every conception so conceived earns the status of a meaningful conception. It must relate to an object, whether mental or material, that a community of intelligent beings can agree on. In this sense, the difference between a conception and a convention is reduced to a great extent. In another sense, a conception is a substitute for our experience, and its validity depends on its experiential reference. Very often this experiential reference is extended beyond its limit with a view to discovering the meaning of a conception, and the empirical content is thereby obliterated. The end product is the incorruptible Platonic "idea" (see Chapters hi and xx). As in his analysis of views (ditthi), the Buddha realized that a person's excessive attachment to conceptions (sankappa-raga) poses difficulties to understanding their functional value.8 In the descriptions of the noble eightfold path, two types of conceptions are referred to. These are moral conceptions of negative as well as positive value. The negative moral conceptions are: conception of pleasures associated with lust (káma-sañkappa), conception of ill-will (byapada-sankappa), and conception of harm (vihimsa-sañkappa).9 The conceptions of positive moral quality are: conception of renunciation (nekkhamma-sankappa), conception of good-will (abyápáda-sañkappa), and conception of non-harming or compassion (avihimsa-sañkappa).10 It is easy to see how the negative moral conceptions are related to the wrong conceptions about experiential objects or reference. They are the
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corollaries of the views pertaining to absolute existence and non-existence referred to earlier. Similarly, the positive moral conceptions are the counterparts of the conception of "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada), which recognizes the value of both subject and object and prevents the generation of both attraction and revulsion (anurodhavirodhaJ,11 the source of most human suffering (dukkha). Right views and right conceptions thus serve as springboards on the path toward moral progress. Right S p e e c h Refraining from speaking falsehood is one of the five basic moral precepts (pahca-sila) recommended for the layperson. For the philosopher, this may appear to be simple "moralizing." However, for the Buddha, it goes far beyond that because it involves the conceptions of truth and relevance. The Buddha's doctrine (dhamma) is often described as being well-spoken (svakkhata), not because it conforms to or mirrors an ultimate truth but because it is based on experience (sanditthika), which is not confined to a particular time (akalika) but is verifiable (ehipassika) and goaldirected (opanayika), and whose meaning is realizable by intelligent human beings (paccattam veditabbo vinnuhi).12 Indeed, any speech that does not fulfill these requirements would be harmful or even meaningless. We have already discussed the contents of the Discourse to Prince Abhaya (Abkayarajakumara-sutta) in Chapter hi; there speech or statements (vaca) are classified according to their truth-value, pragmatic character, and emotive content. This means that the relevance or goaldirectedness of speech provides a moral justification for avoiding wrong speech, such as falsehood, slander, harsh words, and frivolous talk or gossip. 13 Right speech is thus defined as "that which does not lead to one's own torment (tapa) nor to another's injury (vihimsa)." Positively, it is speech that is pleasant to others without simultaneously contributing to evil. The best speech leads to the cessation of suffering and the attainment of freedom, and such speech is attributed to the enlightened ones. 14 Right Action The Buddha avoided the behaviorism advocated by some of the Indian Materialists by almost always speaking of three forms of behavior (kamma)—mental (mano), verbal (vaci), and bodily (kaya).15 Furthermore, the importance attached to conception and speech, as mentioned earlier, eliminated any behavioristic model of explanation. More troublesome than the behavioristic model was the explanation and evaluation of action adopted by the orthodox school of Indian thought and by Jainism. While the orthodox school provided a rather deterministic view of action
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combined with an absolutistic criterion, namely, the conception of duty based on the caste system, the Jainas advocated an extremely deterministic view of past action (pubbekatahetu) that eliminated any choice or free will (see Chapter i). The Buddha's explanation of human action as part of a more comprehensive process of dependent arising, and the evaluation of action in terms of consequences or fruits (attha)—i.e., a pragmatic criterion—compelled him to emphasize the need for constant mindfulness or reflection. This idea is clearly expressed in the Buddha's discourse to the novice Rahula, his o w n son. A passage from the discourse reads as follows: What do you think about this, Rahula? What is the purpose of a mirror? Its purpose is reflection, reverend sir. Even so, Rahula, a deed is to be done with the body [only] after repeated reflection; a deed is to be done with speech . . . with the mind [only] after repeated reflection. If you, Rahula, are desirous of doing a deed with the body, you should reflect on that deed of your body, thus: "That deed which I am desirous of doing with the body is a deed of my body that might conduce to the harm of myself and that might conduce to the harm of others and that might conduce to the harm of both; this deed of body is unskilled, its yield is anguish, its result is anguish." If you, Rahula, reflecting thus, should find, "That deed which I am desirous of doing with the body is a deed of my body that would conduce to the harm of myself and to the harm of others and to the harm of both; this deed of body is unskilled, its yield is anguish, its result is anguish" •—a deed of body like this, Rahula, is certainly not to be done by you. But if you, Rahula, while reflecting thus, should find, "That deed which I am desirous of doing with the body is a deed of my body that would conduce neither to the harm of myself nor to the harm of others nor to the harm of both; this deed of body is skilled, its yield is happy, its result is happy"— a deed of body like this, Rahula, may be done by you. 16 If there were any ultimate criterion for deciding what right action is, it would be the happiness of oneself as well as of others. In the context of a world of impermanence and change, an element of skepticism is involved, which, in turn, calls for a touch of heroism in human behavior. However, to prevent that heroism from deteriorating into some form of foolhardiness, the Buddha encouraged reflection or mindfulness (satipatthana), often described as the most significant and "royal" road to purity of human behavior. 1 7
Right Livelihood The Buddha's recognition that the highest form of life is one of freedom (nibbana) from craving (tanha) has given rise to the impression that Bud-
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dhism inculcates an absolutely otherworldly life of asceticism and deprivation with no concern for satisfaction of the physical needs of the human being. Yet the number of his disciples who adopted such austere (dhutanga) lives is surprisingly small. Indeed, the Buddha allowed those who preferred such a life to adopt it, without making it a necessary condition of the higher life (brahmacariyaj.18 The higher life is the culmination of the moral life (dhammacariya). As pointed out earlier, the moral life is not totally distinguished from the good life; rather, it turns out to be the common ground between the good life and the higher life. The moral character of the good life of an ordinary layperson is fourfold. In his discourse to the banker Anathapindika, the Buddha enumerated four characteristics of the good life: (1) well-being relating to resources (atthi-sukha), that is, a life of sufficient means achieved through one's effort without resorting to fraud and trickery; (2) economic well-being (bhoga-sukha) or happiness resulting from the enjoyment of lawfully acquired wealth; (3) happiness consequent upon being free from debt (anana-sukha); and (4) the happiness of being free from blame (anavajja-sukha).19 Right Effort In the speculations of the thinkers of the pre-Buddhist Upanisads, the individual human will or effort received the "great extension," thereby paving the way for the recognition of a universal soul or self (atman), which, when combined with an absolute moral law (brahman), ultimately led to denial of the efficacy of that individual or phenomenal will. The reaction of the Materialists to such a metaphysical conception led to similar consequences, for their view of nature (svabhava) prevented any meaningful discussion of individual human initiative (purisa-thama, purisa-parakkama; see Chapter i). While denying a mysterious "ghost in the machine," the Buddha reduced the universal and objective laws to linguistic convention, thereby accommodating an element of skepticism. His explanation of causality as "dependent arising" eliminated the obsessive belief in error-free knowledge. This, in turn, requires human beings to process whatever information they obtain in order to construct their worldview. It is such processing, together with conforming to whatever discoveries are made through such processing, that is designated the will, and not any mysterious psychic principle. Thus the Buddha recognized four forms of effort (padhana): 1. Preventive effort (samvara), that is, the non-grasping after conceptions of substance (nimitta) and qualities (anuvyahjana) on occasions of sense experience. This, as mentioned earlier, is the restraint of the senses that prevents the influx of unwholesome thoughts, etc.
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2. Effort at relinquishing (pahana), that is, the will or determination to abandon evil and unwholesome thoughts that have already arisen. 3. Effort to develop (bhdvana), that is, to initiate and develop wholesome attitudes that are yet to arise. This is an extremely important part of culture, for it determines the direction in which life on this planet can move. The attitudes listed are seven in number (generally referred to as the seven factors of enlightenment, satta-bojjhanga), namely, mindfulness, discernment of the good, energy, rapturous joy, calm, concentration, and consideration. Although these have been explained in the tradition as the constituents of enlightenment (bodhi), there is no need to restrict that enlightenment to the individual; it also can mean the enlightenment and freedom of a society or even the whole of humanity. Taken in this larger context, it implies the effort to develop oneself as well as others. Indeed, the seven factors of enlightenment are more meaningful when their application is extended to society and morals. 4. Effort to maintain (anurakkharta), that is, to maintain wholesome and favorable objects of concentration. Here again, the tradition is prone to interpret the object of concentration as referring to objects of individual meditative practices. In a more comprehensive sense, objects of concentration can include events, states, and processes (dbamma) that produce good consequences for the society as well. Programs and projects that are beneficial to a human being and to society are often initiated but rarely maintained. Again, the absence of absolutely deterministic laws is clearly asserted; hence the Buddha's advice to put forth effort to maintain what is good. 20 Right Mindfulness The essentialist search for truth and reality seems to have contributed to how mindfulness in Buddhism has been understood by some classical as well as modern interpreters. Mindfulness is often understood as a way of cleansing the mind of all discriminations and conceptions, leading to a preconceptual stage of perception. However, in the description of mindfulness available in the very popular discourse on The Setting up of Mindfulness (Satipatthana), one is urged to reflect on or perceive retrospectively (anupassana) the functioning of the physical personality (kaya), feelings or sensations (vedana), thought (citta), and ideas (dhamma).21 As with the previous factors of the moral path, reflective awareness is rendered necessary by the epistemological difficulties human beings face in trying to understand reality. Reflective awareness is an extremely important means of knowing when knowledge of things "as they really are" is not a possibility. It is radical empiricism—the recognition that experience is not atomic but a flux whose content is invariably
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associated with the past. This is the basis of the Buddha's conception of "dependent arising." While admitting the usefulness of knowledge of the past (pubbante nana),11 the Buddha dissuaded his disciples from pursuing such knowledge much beyond the limits of experience, because this could lead to dogmatic views in relation to the past (pubbantanuditthi).13
Right Concentration Right concentration is of extreme importance as the means of making a decision regarding behavior. The danger involved in following a radical empiricist approach, namely, that of generating dogmatic views about the origin of things by going beyond experience, is eliminated by following this step. That is to say, once past experience has provided some understanding of an event, state, or process, it becomes necessary to focus on that understanding (without undertaking a wild-goose chase) and use that understanding in order to act. What is focused upon is a healthy or wholesome event, state, or process, the criterion for healthiness or wholesomeness being the happiness of oneself and others. The above analysis of concentration would mean that there is no absolutely true or real event, state, or process on which the wayfarer can focus. In the absence of absolute knowledge, constant revision of our understanding and behavior becomes inevitable. The Buddha was always prepared to adopt such revisions, as long as the reason for them was the welfare of all beings. It was due to his compassion for beings (sattesu anukampa) that he refused to assert statements about truth unconditionally. 24 It is this form of revision that is embodied in the Buddha's statement that "even the good has to be abandoned, let alone the evil." He faithfully followed such revisionism by revoking the rules of monastic behavior (vinaya) for monks and nuns whenever he found that they were no longer useful. 25
CHAPTER XI
Popular Religious Thought
The philosophical content of the Buddha's doctrine, as analyzed above, is often viewed as exotic or even incompatible with the popular beliefs and practices current among his ordinary lay disciples. After almost a century of modern Buddhist scholarship and Western academic struggle to decipher and understand the Buddhist conceptual framework, sociologists and anthropologists, following a paradigm developed by Robert Redfield and his associates at the Chicago School of Anthropology during the late 1950's, have come to distinguish between a "Great Tradition" and a "Little Tradition" in Buddhism.1 The "Great Tradition" is supposed to be enshrined in the canonical Buddhist texts, espoused by Buddhist monks, scholars, and intellectuals, and propagated by the seats of higher learning in Buddhist countries. The "Little Tradition," in contrast, represents the popular religion practiced by the uneducated villager, who has no clues as to what the essential doctrines of Buddhism are and who has simply adopted pre-Buddhist animistic beliefs and religious rituals. This interpretation of Buddhism as ordinarily practiced in the Asian countries ignores the significant fact that the basic teachings of the Buddha, whether these pertain to truth, morality, or any other topic, have permeated the ordinary religious consciousness through sermons delivered regularly by monks and nuns in village temples. Indeed, before the Western form of education was introduced, through a system of public and private schools, by the colonizers of Asian countries, the village temple was the sole educational institution for the dissemination both of moral and religious ideas and of knowledge of more mundane subjects, such as medicine and astrology. Local monks and nuns were the perpetuators of the Buddha's doctrine, and they depended heavily on Buddhist literature as their source material. Despite occasional quibbling over details of philosophical interpretation, it is possible to observe an unbroken continuity in philosophical standpoint, which is reflected in the popular and elaborate religious rituals of both the Theravada and Mahayana traditions (see Chapter XXII). The same is true of the most basic ritual performed by every Buddhist layman (upasaka) and laywoman (upasi-
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ka), whatever their sectarian differences. This basic ritual is generally referred to as "taking refuge" (saranagamana) in the Three Gems (ratana): the Buddha, the doctrine (dhamma), and the community (sangha).
The idea of "taking refuge" derives primarily from how the so-called Three Gems are conceived, so it is extremely important to clarify their meaning before examining the nature and function of the ritual itself. The three statements uttered at the time of "taking refuge" provide an almost complete definition of the Three Gems, a definition that clearly demarcates what each conception is and is not. T h e Buddha In the Pali language, the description of the Buddha or the Enlightened One reads as follows: iti pi so bhagava arahatn sammasambuddho lokavidu anuttaro purisadamma-sarathisattha
vijjacaranasampanno devamanussanam.2
sugato
The statement simply refers to nine characteristics of the Buddha (navaguna). These characteristics are best understood in the context of the body of doctrines available to us in the earliest source material, namely, the discourses of the Buddha. The first characteristic of this person is that he is a "fortunate one" (bhagava). The usual translation of the term as "Lord" carries the implication of domination or overlordship, an idea rejected by the Buddha himself. 3 A second rendering of the terms as "Blessed One" can have the sense of being blessed by someone else, an idea that gained currency in the later Buddhist tradition, when it was believed that every prospective buddha (i.e., bodbisattva) has to be blessed by a previous buddha. However, if we consider the conception of bhagava in the context of early Buddhism, it is more appropriate to translate it as "fortunate one," thereby avoiding the two extreme implications of overlordship and other-dependence. A fortunate person is one who, provided with proper surroundings (patirupadesa), makes use of them through right application (attasammapanidhi) and reaches the pinnacle of moral perfection. Second, the Buddha is "worthy" (arhat) of esteem and respect. His life is esteemed and his personality respected because of his achievements. Born into this world (loke jato) like any other human being, conditioned by a multitude of factors and subjected to various forms of suffering, he has been able to overcome most of that suffering by developing a perfect moral character. As such, the esteem and respect he elicits from other human beings is altogether different from that elicited by an omnipotent being with unlimited creative power. Admiration is the cause of the ven-
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eration accorded to the Buddha, whereas fear and trepidation generate respect for and obedience to a supreme being. For this very reason, the "refuge" afforded by the former is different from that expected from the latter. The third characteristic consists of his being perfectly enlightened (sammasambuddha). Perfect enlightenment does not mean "omniscience" (sabbafinu) in an absolute sense. The use of the conception of "all" or "everything" (sabbam) is extremely limited in the Buddhist context (see Chapter m): it is limited to what is empirically given as well as to what can be inferred from such empirical knowledge. Perfection implies the absence of the defiling influxes (asava), one of which is the search for a permanent and absolute essence in the subject as well as in the object. One "taking refuge" in the Buddha, therefore, cannot expect him to provide answers to most of the questions generated by one's unbounded curiosity and inclination. 4 The Buddha's knowledge is confined to what is empirically verifiable and morally significant. Fourth, he is endowed with knowledge and conduct (vijjacaranasampanna). This does not simply mean that he has knowledge as well as conduct, but implies the more significant fact that his conduct is in conformity with his knowledge. Rejecting any claim to absolute knowledge, he does not assert any form of absolute moral principle. Without asserting any absolute moral principle, how can he lead a morally significant life? The fact is that, in order to lead a morally significant life, it is not necessary to claim any knowledge of an absolute moral law. Indeed, for the Buddha, it is the very adherence to an absolute moral law that prevents a person from recognizing the moral content of certain forms of behavior that may be incompatible with such a moral law. This is not very different from the context where claims to absolute knowledge prevent the admission of different possibilities. Conflict and strife are the end result. Not claiming any such absolute knowledge, the Buddha could recognize contextual and pragmatically relevant moral principles, and, as such, not take on a burden he could not carry. In fact, he is one who has laid aside the burden (ohitabhara), unlike his Chinese contemporary, Confucius, who regarded the practice of morality (jen) as a burden. 5 The Buddha's maximum claim in the sphere of the moral life was not to harm himself or others, a claim he was able to uphold until the last moment of his life. The fifth characteristic implies that he is "well-gone" (sugata), in the sense that he has achieved the highest happiness a human being can aspire to, namely, physical and psychological "well-being." Not only is he free of the suffering resulting from greed, hatred, and confusion, he also enjoys a life devoted to the service of others as a result of his knowledge, understanding, and compassion. His life is an achievement both for himself and for others. The sixth characteristic is the Buddha's knowledge of the world
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(lokavidu). For him, knowing the world does not imply unraveling all the assumed mysteries. Metaphysicians view the world, for the most part, as either permanent and eternal or discontinuous and haphazard. Knowledge of these assumptions about the world is as good as knowledge of the world, for by understanding the inclinations and proclivities of the human beings who propound such theories, one can avoid the pitfalls into which one can fall when investigating the nature of the world. Thus the Buddha's explanation of the world as "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna) is the result of the appeasement of such dispositions and the consequent renunciation of the search for mystery. The seventh characteristic consists of his being "unexcelled" (anuttara). As someone who has reached the ultimate goal of human life, the Buddha may have his equals, especially those disciples who reached a similar state of moral perfection, but there is no one and nothing superior to him. Placing himself in such a situation, he avoids two absolutist assumptions: that there is a supreme being to whom all human beings are subordinate, and that there is an ultimate moral law to which all humans must conform. The only claim he made that distinguishes him from his disciples is the fact that he was the teacher (sattha), which is highlighted by the next two characteristics. The eighth characteristic is the Buddha's ability to restrain or tame human beings like an expert charioteer (purisa-damma-sarathi). Although he could perform miracles, such powers were not what made him an incomparable tamer; rather, it was his knowledge of the psychological constitution of human beings, coupled with a deep sense of compassion, that made him the "best communicator." Murderers like Angulimala and courtesans like Ambapali were restrained and led to follow morally acceptable lives primarily through psychological treatment, not by magic or coercion. In modern terms, the Buddha would be regarded as a supreme psychiatrist. Finally, the Buddha is a "teacher of gods and humans" (sattha devamanussanam). He is not a messiah bringing a message from someone else. Here again, the burden he assumes is not extraordinary; he simply claims to teach others what he himself has discovered through a strenuous process of mental and moral discipline. The effectiveness of his teaching speaks for the quality of that mental and moral perfection. While it is true that a successful teaching career compelled the Buddha's disciples to regard him as the incomparable leader, he refused to acknowledge such a status for himself.6 Furthermore, he certainly denied that he was a savior, representing himself merely as a guide.7 This statement about the character of the Buddha is uttered by every Buddhist when he "takes refuge" in the first of the Three Gems. Indeed, it makes it impossible to anticipate any form of protection (patittha) from him, for the Buddha is no more than the ideal person. However, to be
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constantly aware of such moral perfection can be of enormous benefit as one continues one's struggles in this world. In fact, the ordinary layperson who is raised in a Buddhist context normally "takes refuge" (sarana) in the Buddha while seeking protection or support (patittha) from the gods, for gods are beings who have attained enormous powers as a result of leading virtuous lives, 8 even though they can never attain enlightenment and freedom (nibbarta) while in that state. T h u s "taking refuge" and seeking protection or support are two entirely different activities. To receive protection one has to placate the gods, be indebted or obliged to them. Hence the popular Buddhist practice of donating the merits of one's own good actions to the gods as a symbolic gift. N o such offering is made to a buddha. In other words, one need not surrender anything when worshiping a buddha. Worshipping a buddha means respecting the ideal moral perfection and a person who has attained that ideal. Any religious person, whatever his religious creed, can appreciate such an ideal and respect such a person, even if he is from a different religious persuasion. The
Dhamma
"Taking refuge" in the doctrine or D h a m m a is less problematic. T h e statement in Pali defining the D h a m m a reads as follows: svakhato bhagavata dhammo sanditthiko akaliko ehipassiko opanayiko paccattam veditabbo viiinuhi.9 T h e first characteristic of the D h a m m a is that it is well-taught by the Fortunate O n e (svakhato bhagavata dhammo). It is well-taught not because it represents the ultimate and absolute truth but because whatever truth it embodies is presented with clarity, preciseness, and no ambiguity. Statements of truth couched in double negations, though extremely popular in traditional Indian philosophy, were condemned by the Buddha as epistemologically destructive or sinful (kali; see Chapter HI). In so doing the Buddha was adopting a middle path in his assessment of both language and truth. While denying an absolute truth or truths, the Buddha also avoided extreme skepticism by asserting truths demarcated by epistemological and contextual boundaries. Similarly, without rejecting language as incapable of expressing truth or truths, he recognized the meaningfulness of linguistic convention, once again limited by epistemological as well as contextual boundaries. Without straining either the conception of truth or linguistic convention, the Buddha was able to formulate pragmatically relevant empirical truths in clear, unequivocal language. T h i s clarity of expression (svakhata) leads to the second characteristic of the D h a m m a , namely, experiential content (sanditthika). T h e Buddha
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was emphatic that he did not speak of anything he had not experienced (adittha),10 this experience being confined to the six senses and their objective spheres.11 The highest form of knowledge (as explained in the preceding section, under sammasambuddha), is not totally divorced from sensory experience. Panfia (wisdom) is synonymous with cessation of defiling tendencies (asavakkhaya). This means that the difference between the experiences of an ordinary person and those of an enlightened one has nothing to do with the source or the object of experience; rather, it pertains to the approach one adopts on occasions of experience. This provides for a common denominator between ordinary experience and so-called enlightened experience, thus permitting the formulation of that experience in a language intelligible to the ordinary person. As such, it is a view (ditthi) that can be shared. It is a right view (samma ditthi) involving right conception (samma sartkappa), in contrast to the wrong views (miccha ditthi) based on metaphysical conceptions (miccha sahkappa). The fact that the Dhamma represents a view that can be shared goes against the popular interpretation of it as "no-view." The third characteristic is easily misunderstood. The term kala means time; kalika would then mean temporal, and akalika could then be taken in the sense of atemporal, and therefore permanent and eternal. But such an interpretation would contradict most of the fundamental doctrines of Buddhism, such as those of impermanence and dependent arising. And if the truths recognized in Buddhism are not absolute and eternal, there is no need to speak of the statement of these truths (= Dhamma) as atemporal in the sense of being beyond time. In the context of non-absolutism, the term akalika is better understood as "not confined to a particular time," that is, applicable to different times. Relativism becomes an unpalatable conception only against the background of absolutism, but can gain more respectability in the context of non-absolutism. The fourth characteristic of the Dhamma is verifiability (ehipassika). Here there is no secret teaching revealed or passed down to a few. A person—regardless of caste or creed, without having to abandon a religious or philosophical point of view, and without prior commitment to follow it—can come and take a look. Indeed, what is examined is not an ultimate truth but the truth of the consequences of adopting a moral life— that is, the physical and mental health consequent upon abandoning greed and hatred, the calmness that descends as a result of renouncing the metaphysical search for mysterious substances (i.e., overcoming the cause of epistemological confusion). The fifth characteristic is related to the fourth, in that the goal of the religious life is not something totally distinct from the empirical conditions of life but the consequence of eliminating the empirical causes of suffering, namely, greed, hatred, and confusion. A large number of discourses are devoted to explaining the evil consequences of these three elements. As it was for the Kalamas,12 it would be very difficult for a person
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to deny that greed, hatred, and confusion result in suffering for oneself as well as for others. The most significant feature of the Buddha's teaching is that this empirically verifiable condition of life (i.e., freedom from greed, hatred, and confusion) becomes the ultimate goal or fruit (paramattha) of the religious life. As a result of the ultimate goal being reduced to such experience, without being elevated to a transcendent reality, the Buddha had no difficulty claiming that the doctrine leads to the desired goal (opanayika). Finally, the Dhamma is to be experienced by oneself (paccattam veditabbo). Realizing the temperaments of human beings who would be rather reluctant to restrain their craving, greed, and the like even if they were willing to renounce hatred, the Buddha made the qualification that the Dhamma is to be experienced by the intelligent or the wise ones (vinnubi). These are not simply people with the highest "intelligence quotient"; rather, they are prudent people who can realize the unfortunate consequences of the immoral life and who are willing to adopt a moral life conducive to one's own happiness as well as to the well-being of others. The Dhamma so defined, like the conception of the Buddha, need not be an obstacle to anyone attempting to share it. There is no special sorting of human beings to find out whether or not they are capable of receiving instruction on it. One is not expected to have blind faith (amulika saddha) before one is initiated into it. 13 It is an open doctrine. It is true that Buddhism recognizes a gradual path to ultimate enlightenment and freedom. Those who are enamored with mysterious substances within the subject as well as the object will need instruction from a teacher regarding the process of deconstruction, which will eventually make them realize the non-substantiality of all phenomena (sabbe dhamma anattaJ.14 According to the Buddha, this is the most difficult aspect of the doctrine to grasp, 15 because anxiety (paritassana) prevents people from giving up the belief in a permanent and eternal self and in permanent, immutable substances.16 However, in the process of receiving instruction, there is nothing mystical and indefinable that is passed on from teacher to student. It is rather unfortunate that the relationship between teacher and student, and the nature of the instruction imparted by teacher to student, have come to be so much mystified in the more recent explanation of Buddhism, making it seem that it is almost impossible to practice the Dhamma without shaving one's head, donning a yellow (or grey) robe, and sitting by a teacher for a special non-verbal transmission.
The Sangha The last of the Three Gems is the Sangha or the Order of Disciples, described in the following manner:
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supatipanno bhagavato savakasangho ujupatipanno bhagavato savakasangho nayapatipanno bhagavato savakasangho samlcipatipanno bhagavato savakasangho yadidam cattari purisayugani atthapurisapuggala esa bhagavato savakasangho ahuneyyo pahuneyyo dakkhineyyo anjalikaraneyyo anuttaram puhhakkhettam lokassa.17
This lengthy description refers to only four characteristics of the disciples: that they are well-behaved (supatipanno), straightforward (ujupatipanno), methodical (nayapatipanno), and correct (samlcipatipanno). The relationship between the means and the goal is highlighted by the terms "well-behaved" (supatipanna) and "well-gone" (sugata). Being "well-behaved," they are intent upon the ultimate goal achieved by a person who is "well-gone," which, as mentioned earlier, is one of the characteristics of the Buddha. To be well-behaved means to be straightforward in one's behavior, not deceptive. The recognition of an ultimate reality transcending the ordinary world of experience has sometimes contributed to the view that deceptive "means" can be justified by the "goal." The Buddhist conception of "skill in means" (upaya-kosalla, Skt. upaya-kausalya) does not include such deceptive means, for the goal is not so far removed or distinguished from the means. Thus deception in any form, whether intended to achieve good or bad ends, is not condoned in Buddhism. It is possible to interpret this straightforwardness as pointing to a single definite path of behavior as the only right path, but this would contradict the conception of truth presented in our discussion of the Dhamma. Straightforwardness equated with Tightness would generate the conception of "one way" (eka-yana). Buddhism does not recognize one single way. Instead, it speaks of one goal (ekayana), which is human freedom and happiness.18 As such, one can speak of a gradual path (anupada),19 and this involves the idea of an appropriate method (fiaya). The denial of an absolute truth does not mean that the world is chaotic or haphazard. The principle of dependent arising (paticcasamuppada) avoids both strict determinism and chaotic indeterminism.20 Reflective awareness (anupassana) in the form of constant mindfulness (sati) is the means of discovering an appropriate method of behavior in a world of bewildering variety, richness, and creativity.21 One who adopts such mindfulness is able gradually to develop a method of behavior that need not necessarily conform to a preordained conception of "duty." Conforming to the nature of the world (i.e., impermanence, non-substantiality, and dependent arising), a mindful and alert disciple adopts a means that leads to his own happiness and the happiness of others. Such is the correct behavior (samlci-patipanna) with which a disciple is endowed. If the disciples of the Buddha are endowed with these four characteristics, they are worthy of veneration, hospitality, magnanimity, and
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respect. They represent an incomparable source of merit (puhhakkhetta) for the world, since they are the living aspirants to the moral ideal represented by the Buddha. If this moral ideal caused no problems for people of other faiths, there would seem to be no reason why the aspirants to that moral ideal should be looked upon as alien by people of different religious persuasions. The Sangha or community of disciples would then be a veritable source of merit not in its own right, but because it represents a community that cultivates a noble moral ideal (dhamma-carl). For these reasons, the translation of the term sarana as "refuge" needs to be reconsidered. We have already indicated that sarana is different from patittha. In the case of the latter, there is at least an outside agency (i.e., powerful beings like gods) to provide protection. Yet such protection is not forthcoming regardless of whether a person is good or bad. Gods protect those who follow a virtuous life, not an evil one, for they themselves have become gods as a result of being virtuous. In the case of the former, there is no such outside agency: it is the moral life itself that becomes a source of protection (dhammo have rakkhati dhammacarimJ.22 In this sense, in "taking refuge" in the Three Gems, a person is taking refuge in himself (atta hi attano natko),23 in utilizing his own moral life as a shield against the hazards of existence. Thus "taking refuge" in the Three Gems means no more than depending on one's own moral behavior to ward off calamities. What is significant is that even though the refuge formulas are recited in Pali and ordinary followers are not normally conversant with the Pali language, they are not completely unaware of what is being recited. The reason for this is that the concepts involved are often discussed by Buddhist monks when they deliver a sermon. Books in the various indigenous languages of Buddhist countries elaborating on the nature and function of the Three Gems are available in abundance. For example, texts in Sinhalese like the Butsarana (Taking Refuge in the Buddha), Dahamsarana (Taking Refuge in the Dhamma"), and Sangasarana (Taking Refuge in the Sangha) have been extremely popular for centuries. Thus it is not correct to maintain that ordinary laypeople follow the "Little Tradition," consisting of animistic beliefs and religious rituals. If the ordinary followers of Buddhism in the modern world have lost touch with the more academic understanding of their religion, this is primarily due to the introduction of the Western system of education since the colonization of these countries, and to the almost total elimination of the regular dissemination of Buddhist philosophical and moral ideas.
PART TWO CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES
CHAPTER XII
The Emergence of Absolutism
The Buddha's tough-minded approach toward theories of knowledge, conceptions of reality, morals, and language made him adopt a middle standpoint avoiding the extremes of absolutism, both eternalistic and nihilistic. Yet this was not a very comfortable modus operandi for some of his disciples, w h o had been born and reared in absolutistic Brahmanical surroundings. The emergence of absolutistic tendencies can be perceived both during the Buddha's lifetime and after his death.
Absolutistic Tendencies during the Buddha's Lifetime The accuracy with which the canonical texts portray the Brahmanical response to the Buddha's teachings could not be more appropriately reflected than in the incident relating to the Buddha's first encounter with a human being after his attainment of enlightenment and freedom. O n his way to Baranasi, in search of the five friends with w h o m he had practiced severe self-mortification and w h o were to become his first disciples, the Buddha was resting under the cool shade of a tree in the hot afternoon, when an ascetic named Upaka approached him and inquired, " W h o m do you follow, friend, upon leaving the world? W h o is your teacher and whose doctrine do you profess?" Responding to Upaka, the Buddha claimed that he had eliminated all epistemological constraints in order to be free and happy without looking for authority and credentials derived from a tradition. Surprisingly, Upaka did not ask for clarification or elaboration but left the Buddha, saying, "So be it." 1 Interestingly, the Buddhists w h o were responsible for collecting the Buddha's discourses and preserving them for posterity were not reluctant to report this rather inauspicious beginning. In fact, they seem to underscore its importance, probably to indicate that the Buddha's ideas constituted a revolution that did not appeal to the traditionalists. T h e novel, the new, the creative, in whatever context it appears—epistemology, metaphysics, ethics, or any other discipline—is initially confronted by a traditional opponent, namely, absolutism, whose tentacles
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gradually embrace and squeeze the life out of it. The process of the absorption of the new by the old was beautifully summarized by William James when he spoke of the classic stages of a theory's career: First, you know, a new theory is attacked as absurd; then it is admitted to be true, but obvious and insignificant; finally it is seen to be so important that its adversaries claim that they themselves discovered it. 2
The same was true of the ideas expressed by the Buddha. The reluctance of his five former friends even to receive him with some respect when he first visited them after his enlightenment is indicative of how the unusual is often received. However, more pronounced is the way in which absolutism keeps raising its head. As pointed out earlier, the Buddha continued to oppose the idea that there can be absolute knowledge, except regarding the determination with which an enlightened one resists his own temptations. It is this latter knowledge that is reflected in the conception of freedom attained by the enlightened ones (see Chapter HI). Yet some of his contemporaries soon began to speculate about the nature and scope of the Buddha's knowledge, sometimes attributing to him absolute "omniscience" (sabbaññutá) comparable to that claimed by his senior contemporary, Vardhamána Mahavira. 3 These attributions reveal the tendency to single out and exaggerate the intellectual content of enlightenment, assuming that the Buddha could not have succeeded in converting people as he did unless he possessed absolute knowledge of everything in the past, present, and future. Some disciples began to look for infinite intellectual capacities, far beyond what the Buddha had claimed, and even to ignore the more important moral content of his life. He was being elevated to the level of a supreme being. But even though the overwhelming veneration with which he was treated by some of his unenlightened disciples, like Ánanda, may have provided an impetus for the transcendentalist and absolutist view of buddhahood,4 more often it was the followers of the Brahmanical tradition who raised questions that eventually lent themselves to an absolutistic interpretation of the conception of a buddha. The most striking example is the discussion between the Buddha and a brahman named Dona. 5 Observing the serene and peaceful personality of the Buddha, Dona approached the Buddha and questioned him: Dona: Buddha: Dona: Buddha: Dona: Buddha:
Sir, are you a god (deva)? Brahman, I am not a god. Sir, are you a gandhabba [water spirit]? Brahman, I am not a gandhabba. Sir, are you a yakkha [powerful demon]? Brahman, I am not a yakkha.
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(manussa)?
Dona:
Sir, are you a human
Buddha:
Brahman, I am not a human.
Dona was confused. He had tried to understand the Buddha in relation to every personality, human or non-human, known to him. The Buddha denied every identification Dona attempted. Hence the brahman asked, "Who, then, are you?" The Buddha's response was that he had eliminated and destroyed those influxes that would make him a god, a gandhabba, a yakkha, or a human. Like a lotus or water lily (pundarlka) that grows in the water, is nourished by the water, but rises above and remains unsmeared by it, the Buddha has been born in this world, nourished by this world, but has risen above and remains unsmeared by it. Hence, said the Buddha, "Brahman, take me to be a buddha [enlightened one]." The Buddha's response to brahman Dona is easily interpreted as an admission that buddhahood indeed goes beyond all other forms of existence known to human beings. This, in fact, is the statement utilized by the Transcendentalists in the Kathavatthu to justify their conception of buddhahood (see Chapter xm). This interpretation—or, rather, misinterpretation—is the result of a non-analytical treatment of the conceptions negated by the Buddha. We have already examined the Buddha's conception of a human person (see Chapter vi). Ordinarily, a human person is one who is born into this world and continues to live in it conditioned by various factors, one of which is consciousness (viññána) functioning in terms of interest (sankhara), the latter being easily transformed into craving (tanha), greed (lobha), and so forth. Craving and greed represent some of the so-called influxes (ásava) that the Buddha has spewed out (khina) through appeasement of the dispositions. The difference between the conceptions of a god, gandhabba, yakkha, and human on the one hand, and of a buddha on the other, is the presence or absence, respectively, of the influxes. The non-analytical treatment ignores precisely this distinction that the Buddha was making. The appeasement of dispositions and the waning of influxes made a significant difference to his own personality. In fact, there was no comparable conception of an enlightened one (buddha) in the Brahmanical language, for the Brahmanical conception necessarily implied the permanence and eternality of the self that attains freedom. Hence the Buddha used a most appropriate simile to express his conception of a buddha, namely, the lotus that sprouts in the muddy water, grows in the muddy water, but rises above the water to remain unsmeared by it. There is no implication that the lotus becomes permanent and eternal after it has risen above the water. It is this psychological and behavioral transformation of an enlightened one that is defined as "a state which is not born, not become, not made, and not dispositional^ conditioned" (ajatam abhütam akatam
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asankhatam; see Chapter ix). This means that an enlightened one's life is "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna), and when he, like the lotus, has passed away, one cannot speak about his eternal existence, because the very condition that would provide him with even one more life after death, that is, grasping after existence (bhava-tanhâ), is not found in him. Indeed, this latter discourse, which is one of four that occur together and pertain to freedom (nibbâna-patisahnutta), is preceded by one that emphasizes the difficulty of perceiving non-substantiality in relation to freedom (see Chapter ix). Furthermore, when the absolutist failed to absolutize the life of a living buddha, he was quick to raise questions regarding the state of a buddha after death (param-maranâ). The Buddha realized that absolutism can emerge in speculations relating to both states, especially if these speculations focus on ultimate concerns about truth and reality (sacca, theta). This is clearly reflected in a dialogue between Sâriputta, one of his leading disciples, and another monk named Yamaka (see Chapter ix). Yamaka is reported to have misrepresented the Buddha when he maintained that "a brother who has attained the state of the waning of influxes (âsavakkhaya) is destroyed and perishes when the body breaks up: he becomes not after death." Sâriputta is represented as arguing that, just as the search for ultimate truth and reality in relation to the person who has attained enlightenment and freedom (= tathdgata) is a vain enterprise, so the pursuit of ultimate reality is futile in connection with the freed person after death. There is no question that the person who attains enlightenment and freedom is the human person. If there is no possibility of discovering an ultimate reality in that person (see Chapter vi ), there exists no means by which an ultimate reality can be discovered in him when he attains enlightenment and freedom, either when he is living or when he has passed away. The non-substantiality of the means (= human person in bondage) applies equally to the goal (= a human person who has attained freedom, tathâgata). Enlightenment and freedom are achieved through non-grasping at either the means or the goal. Hence the Buddha's statement "Done is what has to be done. There exists no further [achievement] for me" (katam karanïyam, nâparam itthattâya).6 So much for the tendency to absolutize the conception of a buddha, a tendency that reflects the almost universal human propensity to reach a conception of absolute knowledge in the form of enlightenment (bodhi). In the sphere of ontology, a similar tendency was responsible for the reintroduction of metaphysical entities to account for the uninterrupted continuity of persons and events. In the history of Buddhism, "Sâti's heresy" is a classic example.7 Sâti held the wrong view that, according to the Buddha's doctrine, "it is this selfsame consciousness which transmigrates, not another." In fact, Sâti was led to believe in such a view because the
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Buddha often spoke of consciousness {vihnana) as a factor that accounts for the survival of human life after death. Veridical memories of past lives being the most compelling evidence for a theory of survival, the Buddha was willing to recognize consciousness as a causal factor because consciousness functions in terms of interest and, therefore, memory. It is this aspect of conditionality that was missing in Sati's explanation. Thus, before criticizing Sati, the Buddha was cautious to obtain a further definition of consciousness from him. Without ado, Sati admitted that consciousness as he understood it represents "he who speaks, feels, and he who experiences the effects of good and bad deeds in different contexts." What Sati had in mind was the "owner" (see Chapter vi), the agent behind the acts of speaking, feeling, experiencing—that is, the "inner controller" (antaryamin) of the Upanisadic thinkers. The Buddha found fault with Sati not for explaining survival on the basis of consciousness, but because his description of consciousness was suggestive of a metaphysical agent rather than a function that is "dependently arisen" (paticcasamuppanna). Even though the disciples of the Buddha did not involve themselves in enthusiastic discussions about the ultimate reality of the objective material world, some were concerned with the nature of the aggregates (khandha) into which the Buddha analyzed the human personality. Their question probably was, Even if there is no metaphysical agent behind the aggregates, are the aggregates themselves ultimately real? However, the Buddha's continued emphasis on the idea that all five aggregates are impermanent (anicca), unsatisfactory (dukkha), and non-substantial (anatta), as evidenced by the excessively large number of discourses on the subject (see the Khandha-samyutta),8 kept his substantialist-minded disciples from raising such a question openly. His statement that "all experienced phenomena are non-substantial" (sabbe dhamma anatta)9 was unambiguous and unequivocal.
Absolutistic Tendencies after the Buddha's Demise As long as the Buddha was alive, he was able to keep a lid on the tendencies just discussed, thereby preventing the absolutist monster from raising its head. Yet his reluctance to appoint a successor and insistence that the doctrine he taught and the discipline he instituted serve as guides for his future disciples left them with a sense of freedom about interpreting the doctrine as they wished. Indeed, this was what prompted the Buddha to formulate the hermeneutical principles discussed in Chapter v; it was also what led to the holding of the First Council three months after his death. It took almost two and half centuries for the controversies to surface again. When they did, they pertained to three issues discussed earlier, namely, (1) the nature of the continuity of the individual, (2) the
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reality of the elements that constitute the individual, and (3) the status of the liberated person. These were the primary topics of philosophical controversy during the time of Emperor Asoka. Realizing that the Order was divided on doctrinal issues as well as practical affairs, Asoka is said to have invited one of the most respected monks, Moggaliputta-tissa (see Chapter xin), to convene a council for purging heretical views and restoring the purity of the Buddha's teachings. The proceedings of this Third Council are recorded in the Kathávatthu, a text that gained canonical status in no time, despite being written by a disciple who lived almost 250 years after the Buddha. It was the doctrinal significance of this work that compelled later commentators to make a special effort to justify its authority and sanctity. This they did by claiming that (1) the Buddha predicted the authorship and contents of this work, and (2) when Moggaliputta-tissa compiled the treatise, he was faithfully following the principles (naya) and topics (mátika) established by the Buddha. 10 Even if we suspect the first of these claims, there seems to be no reason to question the second, as long as we are willing to place the Kathavatthu against the background of the discourses of the Buddha and analyze its contents. Moggallputta-tissa's analysis and refutation of the heretical views are discussed in Chapter xm. In the present context, we are interested only in identifying these so-called heresies. It is interesting to note that among the 218 points debated, most of which pertain to minor rules of discipline and the like, there are three major philosophical issues. Personalists The Kathávatthn begins with a question about the conception of a "person" (puggalaJ.11 The language in which the question is formulated is important. The question is not Is there a person? but rather Is there a person as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality? or Is there a person in truth and reality? (Upalabbhati puggalo saccikattha-paramatthenati, where the two terms saccikattha and paramattha are reminiscent of the terms saccato and thetato in the discussion between Sariputta and Yamaka mentioned earlier and in Chapter ix). It is the essentialist search for ultimate reality or meaning that left the absolutist dissatisfied with the empirical explanation of the human personality in terms of the five aggregates (see Chapter vi). The problem was confounded when a similar essentialist enterprise gradually gave rise to a theory of moments (ksana), according to which the five aggregates were viewed as having momentary existence. This theory of momentary existence made it most difficult, even for those who were not inclined toward the search for ultimate reality, to explain the identity as well as the continuity in the empirical human person.
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The radical empiricism of the Buddha was being confused with atomistic empiricism, like that of David Hume in Western philosophy. Among the Buddhist schools that advocated the most extreme form of this atomism was the Sautrantika school, whose followers argued that there is not even one moment when a phenomenon (dharma) remains in order to be cognized. Thus they were advocates of what came to be popularly known as "a theory of representative perception" (bahyarthanumeyavada).12 The recognition of a static moment (sthiti-ksana), they argued, would violate the Buddha's conception of impermanence (anitya). The Sautrantikas' conception of existence as consisting of momentary and atomic events also led them to insurmountable difficulties in the explanation of causation or dependent arising. At the time of the arising of a momentary event, there could be no other event on which the successor could depend for its arising, for that has already passed away. Hence the Sautrantikas favored the view that all that is asserted by a theory of dependence is simply "succession" (samanantara), one event following another with no perceivable asymmetric, or even symmetric, relations. They feared that the conceptions of duration and identity would necessarily rule out any notion of change or impermanence. Therefore they were compelled to accept a theory of "creation ex nihilo" (a-sat-karya) of every momentary existence. The Sautrantikas' inability to account for the principle of dependence (pratityasamutpada) led them to a major doctrinal conflict pertaining to the concepts of impermanence and continuity, especially in relation to the human person. This eventually contributed to the specific thesis of the Vatsiputriyas, who propounded the view that there is a "real person" (santam pudgalam) who is neither a substance (dravya), like material form (rupa), nor a mere designation (prajnapti), like milk (ksira), this latter being no more than an aggregate of substances.13 The real person transcended both realistic and nominalistic explanations. The deliberate search for a true and ultimately real person, as recorded in the Kathavatthu, now turns out to be the inescapable solution to a sophisticated philosophical dilemma. The doctrine of the non-substantiality of the human person (pudgala-nairatmya), so faithfully followed by some luminaries of the Buddhist tradition, represents a concerted attempt to resolve or dissolve this dilemma and return to the non-substantialist teachings of the Buddha.
Realists The second important topic of controversy in the Kathavattbu is the real existence of "everything" (sabbam) at all times (sabbada).14 The rationalization for this view seems to be that, if there is no mysterious agent possessing the aggregates, at least the aggregates must be real and ulti-
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mate. This real and ultimate existence cannot be restricted to the past and present only, but must be extended to future events as well. The absolutist vein in this speculation is that uncertainty relating to future events ought to be overcome, and this can be achieved primarily by admitting that "nothing comes out of nothing." Hence the theory that the essence or reality of everything exists at all times. The Kathavatthu, of course, makes no attempt to define that essence or reality. That definition appears with the philosophical school known as Sarvastivada, a name derived from the very doctrine of "everything exists" (sabbam atthi, Skt. sarvam asti) discussed in the Kathavatthu. Faced with the difficulties of explaining continuity in the context of a doctrine of moments, as in the case of the Sautrantikas, the Sarvastivadins distinguished between a thing, event, or phenomenon and its intrinsic nature (svabhava). This is one of the most explicit and unqualified essentialist views ever to appear in the Buddhist philosophical tradition. It is best illustrated by the ideas of one of its most prominent teachers, Dharmatrata. 1 5 According to Dharmatrata, a thing, event, or phenomenon (dharrna) passes through the three periods of time: past, present, and future. In that process, what changes is the manner or mode (bhava) of its appearance, not its substance (dravya). It is this substance that came to be referred to as intrinsic nature (svabhava). In the sphere of physical phenomena, the intrinsic nature is manifest, for example, in a piece of gold. A piece of gold may appear in different shapes or be given dissimilar shapes at different times, and these shapes or forms are relative to various conditions. Nevertheless, gold remains the same. In conceptual terms, gold remains a hard word. Interestingly, Dharmatrata avoids a positive assertion that there is a permanent (nitya) element over and above the changing forms, probably realizing that this form of assertion would openly contradict the Buddhist doctrine of impermanence. Yet such an evasion does not help Dharmatrata, for the distinction he is making will remain meaningless unless he is committed to the view that the so-called substance is permanent and eternal. The example taken from physical nature (in this case, gold) to justify the conception of substance is very appealing. However, when the explanation pertains to mental events, a similar substantialist conception can lead to unpalatable conclusions. Thus the recognition of a substantialist conception of pain or suffering (duhkha) is seen to lead to a pessimistic view of life. 16 This fact is recorded in Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhasya, where it is said, "According to some, there indeed is no feeling of happiness. Everything is suffering." 17 Such pessimism, it is hoped, can be counterbalanced by an equally strong optimism. But the latter requires another essentialist conception, which, in fact, was what the Buddhist
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metaphysician was proposing. Hence his assertion that "Happy feelings do indeed exist in terms of unique character" (asty eva svalaksanatah sukha vedanaJ.18 This is no more than the recognition of non-reducible conceptions or conceptual schemes, which is the result of an essentialist perspective. H o w this conception of self-nature or substance (svabhava) led to a paradoxical situation regarding causation is evident from another conception introduced by the Sarvastivadins, that of karana-hetu, generally translated as "material cause." However, its definition as "a material cause is [everything] other than itself" (svato 'nye karanahetuh)19 would mean that karana as a relation (hetu) bears it to all and only the things that "do not bear it to themselves" (svato 'nye). To take a more popular example from Western philosophy, 20 a barber is a unique person so long as he shaves others, not himself. If a person were to shave himself, the conception of barber becomes superfluous, for the service rendered by a barber is needed only by those who do not shave themselves. This raises the question of whether the barber shaves himself. The answer to this question undercuts the definition of a barber. The search for uniqueness (svabhava) thus leads to a paradox. The above is the more sophisticated way of arguing that essentially everything exists (sarvam asti). When the Kathavatthu controverted the view that "everything exists," it was not refuting an imaginary or harmless conception but one that was to grow cancerous, hence requiring the services of some of the best analytical minds—those of a linguistic philosopher (Nagarjuna), a psychologist (Vasubandhu), and a logician (Dignaga).
Transcendentalists The third major problem analyzed in the Kathavatthu is the nature of transcendence attributed to the Enlightened One. This is a continuation of the same kind of absolutist thinking that was prominent during the Buddha's day. At first sight, the tendency to view the Buddha as someone who has totally transcended the world, and nirvana as a state of eternal life after death, may seem to be the product of an ordinary untrained, uncritical mind. It is a tendency that is generally said to go hand in hand with confidence or faith that leans toward devotion. It is assumed that this tendency is not found in an intellectual, a trained or a critical human person. This, however, is not always the case. Such tendencies are often uncovered in the intellectual and the non-intellectual, the trained and the untrained, the critical and the non-critical, for they are a product of uncertainty regarding life, which can cause anxiety in almost anyone. The available evidence seems to suggest that the conception of the Buddha's transcendence was promoted by the scholastic Sarvastivadins
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rather than by the Mahasarighikas, who are said to have broken away from the more conservative Sthaviravadins (Pali, Theravadins) during the fourth century B.C. In fact, one of two texts that openly espoused the total transcendence of the Buddha, namely, the Lalitavistara, is considered to be a Sarvastivada work. 21 It was not impossible for a conception of transcendence to emerge in the Sarvastivada school, for even when the Buddha was living, questions about transcendence emerged in connection with speculation about the nature of his knowledge and understanding. Absolute omniscience (sabbahhuta, Skt. sarvajnatva), involving an unlimited range of perception, both spatial and temporal, was attributed to the Buddha despite his refusal to claim it. One of the major difficulties in claiming such omniscience is the inability to perceive past and future events in the same way present events can be perceived. However, if we accept a substantial entity (svabhava) or an essential quality (svalaksana), it is not impossible to maintain that it exists in an atemporal sense. In spite of the Buddha's warning against such assertions, the Sarvastivadins insisted on precisely this form of existence, that is, existence during all three periods of time (sabbada atthi). The corollary of this view can be that, if events, things, or phenomena exist in this form, perceiving such form would mean knowledge of all events, things, or phenomena at all times. This is the absolute form of omniscience that the Sarvastivadins attributed to the Buddha, an attribution based not on the uncritical understanding of an ordinary person but on the extremely sophisticated rationalization of an intellectual. Of course, once the idea is put forward by an intellectual, the uninitiated person is apt to follow it without much hesitation. The Sarvastivada conception of existence, providing a foundation for a theory of omniscience, represents only the positive dimension of a conception of transcendence. However, the dimension of transcendence that became more popular and pervasive, especially after the Buddha's demise, was the negative one, which was in some ways incompatible with the realistic outlook of the Sarvastivadins. Hence we have to look elsewhere for this more popular conception of transcendence. The negative dimension of transcendence involves the negation of three conceptions: (1) the historical personality of the Buddha, (2) the authenticity of the doctrine expounded by the historical Buddha and recorded in the early discourses, and (3) the relevance of the Sarigha as the living embodiment of the doctrine. In other words, what is required is the total replacement of the popular religion based on the historical trinity (see Chapter xi) by one that is founded on what may be called an abistorical trinity. Once again, this can be the work of a sophisticated intellect rather than an ordinary, uneducated disciple. It is of immense interest to note that the three points debated in the Kathavatthu pertain precisely to the historical personality of the Buddha
THE EMERGENCE OF ABSOLUTISM
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(xvm.l), the authenticity of the discourses (xvm.2), and the significance of the Sarigha (xvn.6-11). It is also significant that the controversial views are attributed by the later commentators to the Vaitulyavadins, not the Sarvastivadins. The commentary on the Kathavatthu xvn.6 equates Vaitulyavada with mahasuhhatavada or "the theory of great emptiness." 22 If this later identification is valid, it would mean that Moggallputta-tissa was confronted by a theory of transcendence advocated not by the Sarvastivadins but by a school that was propounding an extreme form of emptiness (sunyata). Even a most superficial reading of some of the later Buddhist texts, sutras as well as sastras, would seem to indicate the existence of two theories of "emptiness," a moderate view and an extreme view. The moderate view can be associated with the middle path advocated by philosophers like Nagarjuna and Vasubandhu (see Chapters xvi and xix), who emphasized "emptiness" (sunyata) without denying the empirical or historical content of Buddhist discourse. In contrast, the "great emptiness" (maha-sunyata) seems to wipe out empirical and historical content completely. This idea comes into prominence in the Saddharmapundarikasutra, which openly denies the historical Buddha, rejects the doctrinal significance of the early discourses, and condemns the community (sangba), including the early disciples of the Buddha like Sariputta and Moggalana (see Chapter xvn); it reaches its culmination in the Lankavatara-sutra (see Chapter xviii).
CHAPTER XIII
MoggalTputta-tissa and the Kathavatthu
Moggaliputta-tissa is one of the earliest among the celebrated personalities to appear in the Buddhist tradition after the death of the Buddha. As a result of the deep veneration and respect he elicited from his followers, his life came to be associated with miraculous events and happenings. Thus the Mahavamsa, the chronicle of the Theravadins, speaks of the miraculous birth of Moggaliputta-tissa. He was born into a brahman family and during his early days mastered the three Vedas. It was a monk named Siggava, a close friend of his family, who was responsible for converting him to the Buddha's doctrine. It is recorded that with the conversion of the Emperor Asoka to Buddhism by the monk Nigrodha, the material prosperity of the Buddhist monasteries increased, thereby attracting many undesirables to join the Order. This is perceived as the reason for the emergence of heretical views and unhealthy practices among the Buddhists. Such views and practices are said to have necessitated the Third Council. The hundreds of minor points of discipline debated in the Kathavatthu may vouch for the prevalence of much corruption during this particular period. However, the major doctrinal themes with which it deals—these being three out of 218 topics debated—cannot be issues that sprang up in such a short time. As pointed out in Chapter XII, these were problems that persisted even during the Buddha's day and that continued until Moggaliputta-tissa, urged by the Emperor Asoka, devised ways and means of refuting them. Even if we ignore the rest of the Kathavatthu, the refutation of the three major doctrinal heresies alone—those of the Personalist (puggalavadin), the Realist (sabbatthivadin), and the Transcendentalist (lokuttaravadin)—could make Moggaliputta-tissa one of the greatest exponents of Buddhist philosophy since its first enunciation by the Buddha. The present chapter is therefore devoted to an analysis of these three doctrinal issues, and to an evaluation of Moggallputta-tissa's refutation of the heresies relating to them.
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133
Refutation of t h e Personalist In Chapter xn, we saw how the conception of a person, whether ordinary or enlightened, was most susceptible to generating an absolutistic form of thinking. The Kathavatthu is one of the earliest texts to deal with such emergent absolutistic tendencies in the Buddhist tradition. In fact, the conception of person (puggala) is the first issue it takes up for lengthy debate. Unfortunately, its subtle philosophical distinctions and abstruse dialogical arguments are couched in such dry, archaic prose that this important philosophical treatise has remained neglected for a considerable period. The first English translation, entitled The Points of Controversy, by Shwe Zan Aung and C. A. F. Rhys Davids, was published in 1915 by the Pali Text Society. Yet no detailed study of its contents appeared until 1980, when S. N. Dube published his Cross Currents in Early Buddhism, a work focusing more on historical analysis of the issues than on a philosophical interpretation. The few available discussions of the philosophical method of the Kathavatthu are completely influenced by ideas introduced by the commentator Buddhaghosa; these are accessible to Western scholars through the summaries of the Abhidhamma Pitaka prepared by Nyanatiloka Mahathera, as well as the translation of Buddhaghosa's commentary, entitled The Debates Commentary, appearing under the name of B. C. Law (1940). Nyanatiloka Mahathera was one of the earliest scholars from the West to present a detailed study of the Pali Abhidhamma. His Guide Through the Abhidhamma Pitaka (1938) has helped many who did not have the patience to traverse the arid desert of Abhidhamma terminology, analysis, and categories. Unfortunately, his translations of the text and interpretation of the contents remain faithful to the absolutist or substantialist distinctions introduced into the Theravada tradition, advertently or inadvertently, by Buddhaghosa. One of the most pervasive distinctions pertains to whole and parts. Buddhaghosa espoused the view that the Buddha rejected the whole as being a mere convention (sammuti) and the parts as being real, even though the Buddha never used the term "ultimate" (paramam) to refer to the parts. Applying this to the problem of the human personality, the medieval Buddhist metaphysicians and most modern scholars reached the hasty conclusion that the personality is unreal, a mere convention, a name, and that the aggregates are ultimately real. In fact, in commenting on the terms saccikattha (absolutely true) and paramattha (ultimately real), Buddhaghosa introduces an essentialist explanation in terms of intrinsic nature (sabhava).1 Here, no doubt, is the distinction between the nominal and the real, a distinction that is inconsistent with the explanation of the subject or personality in the early Buddhist tradition (see Chapter vi).
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Before analyzing the arguments in the Kathavatthu against the conception of an ultimately real person, it is necessary to examine some of the terminology utilized in the text. As mentioned in Chapter x n , the terms sacca (truth) and theta (reality) were used in Sariputta's rejection of the conception of a person upheld by Yamaka. In the Atthaka-vagga of the Sutta-nipata, where the Buddha refused to recognize any view, conception, or idea as "ultimate" (paramam), we find the cerebral form attha, instead of the dental attha, the latter being often used specifically to refer to the fruit or consequence. Even when the term paramattha occurs in the early discourses to refer to nibbana, it is used in the sense of ultimate fruit. Thus there is clear evidence that attha and attha signified the distinction between reality and fruit, the former representing an absolutist or an essentialist perspective of truth, the latter a pragmatic one. If this is any clue, then Moggallputta-tissa's selection of the cerebral forms of the two terms saccikattha (satyaka-artha) and paramattha (parama-artha, contrary to the available editions) 2 is significant, for what is being debated is the question of an ultimately real person, and not any and every conception of person. Keeping in mind this important philosophical use of the terms, we can examine the controversy between the Theravadins and the Personalists. Presenting the debate between the two groups as he does, Moggallputtatissa does not use any special logical formula to refute the Personalist view, but simply allows each party to speak its own language and then proceeds to indicate which language is consistent with that of the Buddha. The Theravadin argues against the Personalist thus: Theravadin:
Is a person obtained
as an absolute truth, as an ultimate
reality? Personalist:
Yes.
Theravadin:
Is a person, as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, obtained
in the w a y that an absolute truth, an ultimate real-
ity, is obtained? Personalist:
One should not say so.
Theravadin:
Admit your refutation. If you say that a person is obtained
as an absolute truth, as an
ultimate reality, then you should also say that a person is obtained
as an absolute truth, as an absolute reality, in the
w a y that an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, is
obtained.
W h a t you state—namely, you should say that a person is obtained
as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, and at
the same time not say that a person is obtained
as an absolute
truth, an ultimate reality, in the w a y an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, is obtained—is
wrong.
If you should not say that a person is obtained
as an absolute
truth, an ultimate reality, in the w a y an absolute truth, an
MOGGALIPUTTA-TISSA AND THE KATHAVATTHU 135 ultimate reality, is obtained, then you should not say that a person is obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality. What you state—namely, you should say that a person is obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, and not say that a person is obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, in the way an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, is obtained—is wrong.3 The two rather complicated propositions involved in the above argument are distinguished as follows: 1. A person is obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality. (Upalabbhati puggalo saccikattha-paramatthena.) 2. An absolute truth, an ultimate reality, is obtained. (Upalabbhati saccikattho paramattbo.) Most modern interpreters, like Schrayer, Bochenski, Nyanatiloka, Jayatilleke, 4 and, more recently, Jayawickrema, 5 have been misled by Buddhaghosa into believing that, while the first statement describes the person (puggala), the second refers to the aggregates (khandba; the real parts to which the person can be ultimately reduced). This led Jayatilleke to symbolize the first proposition as p and the second as q. He then worked out a logical calculus on the basis of the refutation provided at the end. However, what Moggaliputta-tissa appears to have had in mind is something very different. If we are to understand his language properly, we have to symbolize the two propositions not as p and q but as pTR (person in truth and reality) and TR (truth and reality), because Moggallputta-tissa's intention is to draw out the implications of the terms saccikattha and paramattha, not the term puggala. Hence, when the Personalist admits a person as an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, Moggaliputta-tissa immediately brings up the question regarding an absolute truth, an ultimate reality. The Personalist neither asserts it nor denies it. Instead, he says that one should not say so (na vattabbe). This means that it is an inexpressible (avyakata). At this point Moggaliputta-tissa insists that without a conception of an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, one cannot have a conception of a person (or a thing) as an absolute truth, an ultimate reality. (This is not much different from the essentialist trap into which the Sautrantikas of a later date fell; see Chapter xn.) The rebuttal of the Personalist is equally significant. Not only does it
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CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES
throw light on the implications of Moggahputta-tissa's argument; it also explains the Personalist's own view of the inexpressible: Personalist:
Is a person not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality? Theravadin: Yes. Personalist: Is a person not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, in the way an absolute truth, an ultimate reality [,w obtained]} Theravâdin: One should not say so. Personalist: Admit your rebuttal. If a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, then you should say a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, in the way an absolute truth, an ultimate reality [,« obtained]. What you state— namely, one should say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, and not say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, in the way and absolute truth, an ultimate reality [,;s obtained]—is wrong. If one should not say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, an ultimate reality, in the way an absolute truth, an ultimate reality [,is obtained], then one should not say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality. What you state—namely, you should say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, yet not say that a person is not obtained as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality, in the way an absolute truth, an ultimate reality [,is obtained]—is wrong. 6 It is significant that both the Theravadin and the Personalist disagree with regard to the first proposition but agree with regard to the second. Both seem to assert that one should not speak (na vattabbe) of an absolute truth or ultimate reality (TR). Yet the Personalist proceeds to assert a person as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality (pTR), while the Theravadin does not. The two standpoints may be represented thus:
pTR TR
Personalist obtained inexpressible
Theravadin not obtained inexpressible
This means that the Personalist believes that "what cannot be spoken o f " (na vattabbe) can still be obtained or experienced, whereas the Theravadin insists that what is unspeakable is also not obtained or not experi-
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137
enced. In other words, the Personalist is attempting to provide empirical content for statements left unexplained (a-vyâkata = na vattabbe) by the Buddha. It is only after clarifying the meaning and use of the primary terms— absolute truth and ultimate reality—that Moggallputta-tissa continues to debate with the Personalist in the format of the above refutation and rebuttal. What follows is an endless series of propositions relating to the concept of a person—whether it is identical with or different from the aggregates, actions, and so on—all couched in the language of absolute truth and ultimate reality. The actual refutation comes only after the Personalist has quoted a few passages from the Buddha in support of his concept of a person. These include statements like "There is a person who follows his own welfare" (Atthi puggalo attahitâya patipanno) or "There is one person who arises in the world and who is intent on the welfare of the many, the happiness of the many, with compassion for the world, for the welfare, benefit, and happiness of the many." 7 Moggallputta-tissa recognizes all of them, but counters with a series of quotations from the early discourses that emphasizes the non-substantiality (anatta) and emptiness (suhha) of all phenomena. Interestingly, the series begins with the famous statement of the Buddha, "All [experienced] phenomena are non-substantial" (sabbe dhammà anatta).8 Moggalïputta-tissa administers the coup d'état by focusing on one conception: "pot of ghee" (sappi-kumbha). When the Personalist admits that the Buddha spoke of a "pot of ghee," Moggalïputta-tissa poses a question that probes in two directions, namely, the author and the constitution of the pot of ghee: "Is there someone who makes a pot of ghee?" 9 Explicitly, the question pertains to the author of the "pot of ghee." This is what the Personalist wants to prove. Implicitly, however, Moggalïputta-tissa is raising the question of the constitution of the "pot of ghee" itself. Therefore he quotes a passage from the Buddha that refers to a whole series of conceptions relating to containers (such as "pot," "pan," "bag," and "pool") as well as to the contained (such as "ghee," "oil," "honey," "molasses," "milk," and "water"). These are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Pot Pot Pot Pot Pot
of of of of of
oil (thela-kumbha) honey (madhu-kumbha) molasses (phânita-kumbha) milk (khïra-kumbha) water (udaka-kumbha)
6. Pan of water (pàniya-thâlaka) 7. Bag of water (pàniya-kosaka) 8. Pool of water (pâniya-saràvaka)
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CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES
to which are added, 9. Regular meal (nicca-bhatta) 10. Thick broth (dbuva-yagu)10 The attempt here is to show how concepts are interchangeable. For example, the term "pot" (kumbha) is common to all the phrases in the first category, and that term is replaced by three other terms in the second category. In the first category there are several different liquids, including water, while in the second category there is one liquid, namely, water (paniya). In the first list, the common term is for the container, and in the second, it is for the contained. Even though common terms occur in the eight phrases listed, no one of these concepts is identical with another. The last two phrases are quoted to show that the belief in permanence generated by the apparent "sameness" of concepts, expressed by terms like "permanence" (nicca) and "substantial" (dhuva), can actually imply something else. Thus one can speak of a regular meal instead of a permanent meal (nicca-bhatta), still utilizing the same terms. Similarly, a "substantial broth" (dbuva-yagu) can mean a thick broth and need not necessarily imply permanence. Moggallputta-tissa concludes his argument by raising the question, "Is there any broth that is permanent, substantial, eternal, and not subject to change?" The Personalist responds in the same old fashion: "One should not say so." Moggallputta-tissa retorts, "In that case, do not speak of a person as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality." Refutation of the Realist Moggallputta-tissa begins by asking whether "everything exists" (sabbam attbi).11 The Realist answers in the positive. Yet Moggallputta-tissa's attempt to get a definition of what "everything" means—whether it implies all things "at all times" (sabbada), "in every way" (sabbena), "in everything" (sabbesu), "in a unique way" (ayogam katva), "even in regard to the non-existent" (yam pi n' attbi), and, finally, "in the way of views" (dittbi)—is frustrated by the Realist, who continues to insist that "one should not say so" (na b'evam vattabbe). Moving away from the general notion of "everything," Moggallputtatissa asks, "Does the past exist?" to which the Realist has a positive answer. Moggallputta-tissa reminds him that, according to the Buddha, the past is generally referred to as "what has ceased, gone away, changed, gone to its end, and disappeared." When he admits this, Moggallputtatissa insists that he should not say that the past exists, and so on with regard to the other periods of time. Taking the conception of "exists" as it relates to the present (paccup-
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panna), Moggaliputta-tissa argues that if we are to follow this specific definition we have to say that the present exists because it has not ceased, not gone away, not changed, not gone to its end, not disappeared. However, if one applies the same definition of exists to the past and the future, the Realist is in difficulty—hence his response that "one should not say so." Still more specific issues are taken up next. The question now revolves around the existence of past aggregates like material form (riipa), and once again the Realist takes refuge in its inexpressibility. Moggaliputtatissa then makes a distinction between "present[-ness]" (paccuppanna) and "form" (riipa), and wants to know which of these the Realist would designate as existing and which he would perceive as passing away. Thus, when a present material form ceases, it is presentness (paccuppannabhava) that it abandons, not its intrinsic material form (rupabhava). The Realist cannot disagree. However, when the question is whether this means abandoning its intrinsic material form (rupabhava), the Realist falls back on inexpressibility. Yet when the same question is put to him in negative form ("Does the material form not abandon its material formness [rupabhava]}"), the Realist answers in the positive. Moggaliputtatissa immediately asks whether this does not imply the permanence of material form. The Realist is once again silent. The debate proceeds in this manner, involving almost every phenomenon (dhamma) recognized in the Buddha's discourses, every possible combination, and temporal periods as well. The only passage the Realist quotes from the discourses of the Buddha to justify his contention that what belongs to the past, present, and future exists is one that defines the five aggregates. The Realist argues: Did not the Buddha state: "Monks, whatever material form belonging to the past, present, and future, subjective or objective, gross or subtle, inferior or superior, remote or immediate, this is called the aggregate of form"? 1 2
This is only a reference to what may be designated or conceived as material form, without any implication that all of them exist in the present. Moggallputta-tissa's rebuttal consists in quoting the most significant statement of the Buddha explaining the three linguistic conventions relating to time: There are these three linguistic conventions or usages of words or terms which are distinct, have been distinct in the past, are distinct in the present, and will be distinct in the future, and which are not ignored by the wise brahmans and recluses. Whatever material form (riipa) has been, has ceased to be, is past and has changed is called, reckoned, and termed "has been" (ahosi), and not reckoned as "exists" (atthi) or as "will be" (bhavissati). . . .
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[This is repeated for the other aggregates: feeling, perception, disposition, and consciousness.] Whatever material form has not arisen nor come to be is called, reckoned, or termed "will be" (bhavissati), and it is not reckoned as "exists" (atthi) or "has been" (abosi). . . . Whatever material form has arisen and has manifested itself is called, reckoned, or termed "exists" (atthi), and is not reckoned as "has been" (abosi) nor as "will be" (bhavissati)." In addition, Moggallputta-tissa cites a passage from the discourses wherein the Buddha refused to admit a visual faculty (cakkbu) through which one could perceive a buddha of the past. 1 4 This is followed by a reference to another passage in which a monk named Nandaka declares that in the past he was overwhelmed by greed, which was unwholesome, and that n o w he is not, which is wholesome. 1 5 Finally, the Realist and Moggallputta-tissa battle it out with t w o passages, one which the former believes establishes his contention that the future exists (anagatam atthi), because here the Buddha speaks about the possibility of rebirth, but which the latter contends negates the future. The argument proceeds thus: Realist: Theravadin: Realist:
Theravadin: Realist:
Should it not be said that the future exists? Yes. Did not the Buddha state: "Monks, there is greed, there is delight, there is craving in relation to gross food [kabalinkara ahara, one of the four nutritions that contributes to rebirth, the others being contact (phassa), volition (manosancetana), and consciousness (vinnana)]. Consciousness is established therein, and grows. Wherein consciousness is established and grows, therein is the entry of the psychophysical personality. Wherever the psychophysical personality exists, therein is the amplification of dispositions. Wherever there is amplification of dispositions, therein is future birth. Wherever there is future birth, there exists continued rebirth, decay, and death. Wherever there is rebirth, decay, and death, that is sorrow, that is worry, and that is anxiety"? Yes [he did]. In that case, future exists. 16
Moggallputta-tissa quotes the passage that immediately follows, wherein the Buddha outlines the negative consequences of not having greed, delight, and craving in relation to gross f o o d . 1 7 The Realist admits that in terms of this passage one cannot assert the existence of the future. It seems that the Realist failed to understand that the t w o passages represent an instance where the Buddha applied the general formula of the principle of dependence (see Chapter iv) in its positive and negative forms to explain h o w rebirth can take place and h o w it can be stopped.
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141
Refutation of the Transcendentalist Although references to the life of the Buddha are scanty and brief, there are extremely valuable and genuine discourses, such as the Padhânasutta, the Ariyapariyesana-sutta, and the Mahâparinibbàna-suttanta, to name a few, that contain important historical information. For this reason, when some of the Buddhists who lived before and during the time of Emperor Asoka were influenced by absolutistic thinking and wanted to explain the Buddhist doctrine as a form of "transcendentalism" (lokuttaravâda), they were compelled to deny the historicity of the Buddha's personality. The debate between Moggallputta-tissa and the Transcendentalist, as recorded in the Kathâvatthu, reads as follows: Theravadin: Transcendentalist: Theravadin:
Transcendentalist: Theravadin:
Should it not be said that the Buddha, the Fortunate One, inhabited this world of human beings? Yes [it should not be said]. But aren't there shrines, parks, monasteries, villages, towns, kingdoms, and countries where the Buddha lived? Yes [there are]. If there are shrines, parks, monasteries, villages, towns, kingdoms, and countries where the Buddha lived, then you should say that the Buddha inhabited this world. 1 8
Moggalïputta-tissa raises two more questions: 1. Is it not the case that the Buddha was born in Lumbini, attained enlightenment under the Bodhi-tree, established the principle of righteousness (dhammacakka) at Bârânasi, abandoned the disposition to live at the shrine called Câpâla, and passed away at Kusinârà? 19 2. Did not the Buddha make the following statements: "Once, monks, I was living at Ukkattha, at the foot of the giant sâla-tree, in the forest called Subhaga"; "Once, monks, before my enlightenment, I was living at Uruvelâ by the Goatherd's Banyan," [and similar references to Râjagaha, Sâvatthi, and Vesâli, all of which are reports in the first person (i.e., viharâmi), not in the third person (viharati), as is often reported by Ananda]? 20 The Transcendentalist answers in the positive. However, he then raises a counter question : Transcendentalist:
Did the Fortunate One inhabit the world of human beings?
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CONTINUITIES A N D DISCONTINUITIES
Theravadin: Transcendentalist:
Theravàdin: Transcendentalist:
Yes. Is it not the case that the Fortunate One, born in the world, raised in the world, and, having overcome the world, lived unsmeared by the world? Yes [it is the case]. If it is the case that the Fortunate One, born in the world, raised in the world, and, having overcome the world, lived unsmeared by the world, then you should not say: "The Buddha, the Fortunate One, inhabited the world of human beings." 21
The debate ends here, leaving the impression that the Transcendentalist has carried the day. Going back to the passage that the Transcendentalist was quoting, namely, the Buddha's conversation with the brahman Dona (see Chapter x i i ) , where the Buddha refused to identify himself with a human (manussa), Moggallputta-tissa seems to have been reluctant to assert that the Buddha remained in the "human world" (manussa loka). What is surprising is that Moggallputta-tissa makes no attempt to indicate this distinction to the Transcendentalist. However, when the Transcendentalist wants to deny the authority of the Buddha's discourses, Moggallputta-tissa seems to be more forceful. The first part of the argument reads thus: Theravadin: Transcendentalist: Theravadin: Transcendentalist: Theravadin:
Transcendentalist: Theravadin: Transcendentalist: Theravadin: Transcendentalist: Theravadin:
Transcendentalist:
Should it not be said: "The doctrine was preached by the Buddha, the Fortunate One"? Yes [it should not be said]. By whom was it preached? Preached by the created form (abhinimmitena). The created form of the Victor is the Teacher, the Perfectly Enlightened One, the All-knowing, the All-seeing, the Master of the Doctrine, the Source of the Doctrine? One should not say so. Should it not be said: "The doctrine was preached by the Buddha, the Fortunate One"? Yes [it should not be said]. By whom was it preached? It was preached by the Venerable Ananda. Venerable Ananda [then] is the Victor, the Teacher, the Perfectly Enlightened One, the All-knowing, the Allseeing, the Master of the Doctrine, the Source of the Doctrine. One should not say so. 22
At the end of this debate, Moggallputta-tissa quotes statements from the discourses, once again expressed in the first person by the Buddha, to jus-
MOGGALIPUTTA-TISSA AND THE KATHAVATTHU
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tify the view that the doctrine, as embodied in the discourses, was actually preached by the historical Buddha. The Transcendentalist, having questioned the historical personality of the Buddha as well as the authenticity of the doctrine embodied in the early discourses, continues to argue against the Theravadins regarding the status of the Community (sangha).23 The specific topics debated are: 1. Does the Community accept gifts (dakkhina) ? 2. Does the Community purify gifts (i.e., does a gift become pure by being offered to the Community, which is pure)? 3. Does the Community actually enjoy the gifts (i.e., are the gifts real)? 4. Do gifts to the Community bear fruit? 5. Do gifts to the Buddha bear fruit? 6. Does the purity of gifts depend on the giver or the receiver? The questions seem to indicate the Transcendentalisms reluctance to recognize the usefulness of the Community of disciples, that is, those who follow the path and, in doing so, benefit the ordinary people. Interestingly, most of the questions focus on "gifts" (dakkhina). The gifts of food, clothing, and shelter provided by laypeople to those who are devoting themselves to spiritual development have generally been regarded as meritorious. The view that the purity of gifts depends on the purity of the recipient, who is himself struggling for perfection, was not acceptable to the Transcendentalist, who was not even willing to recognize the historical personality of the Buddha. Denying the historical Buddha and downplaying the reality of the human person seeking enlightenment and perfection, the Transcendentalist was prepared to evaluate a gift only in relation to a giver (dayaka).24 What emerges from this debate is philosophically significant. The Transcendentalist, who rejects the historical Buddha, the content of his discourses, and the Community that seeks perfection, cannot faithfully admit the reality of the giver of a gift. All he can do is accept the simple act of giving. This would mean that an action is to be evaluated on its own, not in relation to anything else. The absolutist conception of "duty" is clearly on the horizon.
CHAPTER XIV
Abhidhamma
It may seem like putting the cart before the horse to analyze the contents of the Abhidhamma following a discussion of Moggallputta-tissa and the Kathavatthu, especially when tradition considers the Kathavatthu, the only text of the Pali Abhidhamma Pitaka attributed to someone other than the Buddha, to be the last piece added to this collection. In any case, it is futile to try to decide which text is early and which is late. Our reasons for examining the Kathavatthu first are as follows. The Abhidhamma texts, except the Kathavatthu, are not interpretative. Interpretations are available only from the fifth century A.D. onward, almost eight centuries after the compilation of the Kathavatthu. These are the commentaries of Buddhaghosa. The commentaries on the Sanskrit version of the Abhidharma Pitaka preserved by the Sarvastivadins may be earlier than those of the Theravadins. Yet those commentaries (called the Vibhasa) are no more trustworthy than Buddhaghosa's in interpreting the contents of that collection. Indeed, the Vibhasas were much more controversial in the Indian context, giving rise to a variety of conflicting opinions, than were the commentaries of Buddhaghosa on the Theravada version. Because of the catechistical and non-discursive style of the Abhidhamma treatises, most modern interpreters have fallen back on the commentaries for an understanding of these texts. 1 Since Moggaliputta-tissa's Kathavatthu was considered sufficiently authoritative to be accorded canonical status, the philosophical themes defended in it should be consistent with the philosophical temper of the other canonical works, in which no such themes are explicitly stated or defended. In any case, the Kathavatthu represents a closer companion of the canonical texts than do the commentaries, and can thus serve as a guide to understanding other canonical Abhidhamma texts. Hence the appropriateness of treating the ideas in the Kathavatthu before examining the philosophy of the Abhidhamma. At least absolutism and transcendentalism, essentialism or reductionism, all of which are explicitly abandoned in the Kathavatthu, should not be utilized in explaining the Abhidhamma.2
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The Kathavatthu's contribution to the study of the Abhidhamma lies precisely in its elimination of absolutist and essentialist or reductionist perspectives. N o one reading the excessively long debate in the Kathavatthu on the conception of a person can assert that the Abhidhamma deals with ultimate realities (paramattha). Abandoning the search for such ultimate realities, it becomes possible to explain the contents of the Abhidhamma in terms of the two principal teachings of the Buddha, namely, non-substantiality (anatta) and dependent arising (paticcasamuppada). If the intention of the discourses in analyzing the human personality into live aggregates was merely to indicate the absence of a metaphysical agent (anatta) and not to discover a set of irreducible elements called "ultimate realities," there seems to be no justification for the various psychological and physical items listed in the canonical Abhidhamma texts (both in Pali and in Sanskrit) to be considered ultimate realities. The Kathavatthu, as mentioned earlier, serves as a warning against such an enterprise. Instead, the various lists represent simple enumerations (sangani) of psychological and physical items of experience. For the sake of comprehensiveness, the Abhidhammikas traced out every element (dhamma) that they could find mentioned in the discourses. The different lists in the two major Abhidhamma traditions, both derived from the discourses of the Buddha, would indicate that they do not contain ultimate realities. The compilers of the Abhidhamma texts simply picked what they thought were the significant elements; hence the difference between the two traditions. What appears to be new in the Abhidhamma enumeration of physical and psychological elements emerges from the need to account for an aspect of discourse that could not be accommodated in the Abhidhamma methodology. For example, in the discourses the human personality is analyzed into five aggregates. In this discursive system of exposition, there was no need to bring in ethical or moral problems, i.e., whether or not any of these aggregates is associated with a moral quality. That question is discussed in relation to the behavior of the human person. But the Abhidhamma method does not allow for such discursive treatment: it simply lists the physical and psychological constituents in a non-discursive way. Hence the need to account for moral quality and so forth in the very enumeration of these elements. It is this difference in the treatment of subject matter that Nyanatiloka tried to highlight when he said: N o w , in the
Dhamma-Sahganl, the first three realities are treated from the
ethical, or more exactly, the karmical standpoint, and divide accordingly
(kusala-dhamma), B. karmically (akusala-dhamma), C . karmically neutral phe-
into A . karmically wholesome phenomena unwholesome phenomena
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nomena
(avyakata-dhamma), which make up the first Triad of the Abhi-
dhamma Matrix. 3
This is what prompted C. A. F. Rhys Davids to characterize the contents of the Dbammasangani as "Buddhist Psychological Ethics." 4 It would be more appropriate to describe them as ethical psychology. Simple enumeration of physical and psychological constituents of human experience could leave us with a sand-heap of discrete entities. To avoid such reductionism, the Abhidhamma adopted a system of classification (vibhanga) whereby each element is related to another in the different classifications. Often this classification is done in terms of the major categories recognized in the discourses, such as the aggregates, the faculties, the elements and the four noble truths. The classification is done in such a way that it brings out the innumerable implications and applications of each conception examined. For example, the conception of feeling (vedana) one of the five aggregates is further classified as follows: What is here the aggregate of feeling? The aggregate of feeling is of: 1. A single nature: in being associated with sense impression (phassasampayutta); 2. Twofold: accompanied by root (sahetuko), unaccompanied by root (ahetuka); 3. Threefold: wholesome, unwholesome, neutral; 4. Fourfold: kamavacara (belonging to the world of sense pleasures), rupavacara (belonging to materiality), ariipavacara (belonging to the immaterial), lokuttara (belonging to the supernormal world); 5. Fivefold: bodily ease, bodily pain, gladness, sadness, indifference; 6. Sixfold: born of eye-impression, ear-, nose-, tongue-, body-, and mind-impression; 7. Sevenfold: born of eye-impression, ear-, nose-, tongue, body-, of the impression of the mind-element (mano-dhatu), of the impression of the mind-consciousness-element (mano-vinnana-dhatu); 8. Eightfold: born of eye-, ear-, nose-, tongue-impression, born of body-impression, either pleasant or painful, born of the impression of the mind-element, of the mind-consciousness-element; 9. Ninefold: born of eye-, ear-, nose-, tongue-, body-impression, of the impression of the mind-element, of the mind-consciousness-element, which is wholesome, unwholesome, or neutral; 10. Tenfold: born of eye-, ear-, nose-, tongue-, body-impression, either pleasant or painful, born of the impression of the mind-element, of the mind-consciousness-element, which is wholesome, unwholesome, or neutral.5
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Clearly, the attempt here is to account for every possible shade of meaning that the conception of feeling represents. According to the Abhidhammikas, this is best achieved by placing that conception in every possible category, even if this involves some repetition. The attempt is to provide a method or framework whereby the meaning of the conception can be understood within each context. This may be contrasted with the definition of the conception of feeling (vedana) by the later commentators. The process of classification (vibbanga) is therefore no more than an analytical process that tries to determine the contextual meaning of a conception. However, the Abhidhammikas were not content with this process alone. While relating a conception to the different categories, it was deemed necessary to demarcate the boundaries within which each conception falls. This process of determining what a conception is and is not constitutes the subject matter of the Abhidhamma text called the Dhatu-katha. It is supplemented by the Yamaka, in which questions relating to "identity, subordination, and coordination of concepts" 6 are taken up. Even though this extensive work, consisting of ten chapters, has been referred to as "ten valleys of dry bones," 7 its significance as a philosophical treatise attempting to clarify the meaning and application of concepts is immense. The work is sure to tax the patience of the reader, but it nevertheless demonstrates the determination and commitment of the Abhidhammikas to close any avenues through which absolute meanings could be smuggled in. Let us examine one of hundreds of examples considered: Are wholesome phenomena (kusala-dhamma) wholesome roots (kusalamttla)? [No,] there are only three wholesome roots, the remaining wholesome phenomena are not wholesome roots. But are wholesome roots wholesome phenomena? Yes. Nyanatiloka 8 represents this diagrammatically as follows:
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The enumeration and classification of concepts in order to determine their relative meanings and applications without accommodating any form of absolutism, thereby establishing their non-substantiality (anatta), is followed by an exhaustive description of possible relations. This constitutes the Abhidhammika explanation of the Buddha's positive teaching, namely, dependent arising (paticcasamuppada). The theory of relations (paccaya, Skt. pratyaya), like the other categories discussed earlier, constituted the common stock of the canonical Abhidhamma, even though the two traditions differed in terms of the numbers they recognized, as in the case of the physical and psychological categories. The two Abhidhamma traditions seem to have begun with a theory of four basic relations. The Theravada expanded this into twentyfour. During Nagarjuna's time there were still four types of relations recognized by the Indian Buddhist schools. 9 However, the Yogacara interpreters of Abhidharma, while retaining these four, made further subdivisions to accommodate other relations they felt should be recognized. 10 The four basic relations are as follows: 1 . Hetu-paccaya (pratyaya) or the primary condition, which is primary in the sense of being a root-condition. According to the discourses, psychological springs of action such as greed, hatred, and confusion can be looked upon as root-conditions of human suffering. 2. Arammana-paccaya (alambana-pratyaya) or the objective condition, which stands for the objective support for the manifestation of mental phenomena. The later commentators were keen on distinguishing the objective condition from other conditions, calling it non-productive (ajanaka). This may have been due to the continuing debate among the phenomenalists, realists, and idealists regarding the status of the object. 3. Adhipati-paccaya (pratyaya) or the dominant condition, which accounts for the continued influence of a condition after the effect has come into existence as a result of conditions like the primary condition. The Sanskrit Abhidharma tradition provides a more comprehensive definition, calling it a universal condition. This enabled the Yogacara interpreters to include under this category most of the new types of relations they envisaged. 4. Samanantara-paccaya (-pratyaya), the proximate or immediately contiguous cause. Immediate contiguity can be obtained between two events, especially mental or psychological events. However, this relation became extremely valuable for the Buddhist metaphysician when he adopted a theory of momentary existence, which, interestingly, was not part of the canonical Abhidhamma. A momentary existence did not allow for one event to exert its influence on a sub-
ABHIDHAMMA
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sequent event, especially when the momentary existence was defined as having no duration. The remaining twenty relations accounted for every type of causal correlation that the Abhidhammikas envisaged as a result of dealing with the wide variety of physical and psychological events mentioned in the discourses of the Buddha. It may appear that there is no such theory of relations (paccaya) in the early discourses and that this is an innovation of the Abhidhamma. This is partly true. One certainly cannot find an elaborate theory of relations during the early period. Yet even in their discursive treatment, the discourses refer to relations such as roots (mulam), dominances (adhipateyya), immediacy (anantara), and so on. The Abhidhammikas, in contrast, were compelled to focus on relations because of their extensive but non-discursive enumeration and classification of events. Without a process of synthesis, enumeration and classification would have left them with a mass of disconnected events. The theory of relations thus serves the same function that "dependent arising" (paticcasamuppada) fulfilled in the early discourses. It may be noted that we have not yet commented on the Puggalapannatti, whose counterpart in the Sanskrit Abhidharma canon is the Prajnapti-sastra. The reason is twofold. First, its contents, like those of the Kathavatthu, have been viewed from the perspectives of the absolutist and essentialist commentators of a subsequent date rather than from the standpoint of the earlier teachings. Nyanatiloka expressed his difficulties thus: This smallest of the seven Abhidhamma books appears to be somewhat out of place in the Abhidhamma Pitaka as shown even by its title "Description of Individuals." For it is one of the main characteristics of the Abhidhamma that it does not employ conventional concepts like "individual" (puggala), etc. but deals only with ultimates, or realities in the highest sense (paramattha-dhamma), i.e., the mental and material phenomena, and their classifications into groups (khandha), bases, elements, etc. 11
The contents of the Puggalapannatti would not have seemed out of place in the Abhidhamma if Nyanatiloka had followed the explanations of Moggaliputta-tissa instead of Buddhaghosa. Moggallputta-tissa, as mentioned in the previous chapter, rejected the conception of a person as an absolute truth, as an ultimate reality (saccikattha-paramattha). What the Puggalapannatti deals with is only a "conception of a person," not a metaphysical conception of a person. For the Abhidhamma, the non-metaphysical conception of a person is not different from the non-metaphysical explanations of the psychic and
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physical elements. Indeed, the commentarial explanation of "person" (puggala) as a mere convention (sammuti), and of the psychic (citta, cetasika) and physical (rupa) elements as "ultimate realities" (paramattha), is completely rejected by the Puggalapannatti's enumeration of six concepts (pannatti): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
The concept The concept The concept The concept The concept The concept
of aggregates (khandha-paniiatti) of gateways (ayatana-pannatti) of elements (dhatu-pahnatti) of truth (sacca-pahnatti) of faculties (indriya-panhatti) of persons (puggala-pannatti)12
The first five groups of concepts are then explained in brief, because they had already been treated in great detail in other Abhidhamma treatises. The Puggalapanhatti is therefore devoted to an exhaustive analysis of the last of the six, the concept of a person. This fact should eliminate Nyanatiloka's second difficulty in understanding this text, namely, the absence of a detailed treatment of the aggregates, and so on. What is clear is that the text does not make any distinction between the first five categories of concepts and the last. It is interesting to note that, centuries later, the famous Buddhist psychologist Vasubandhu, who immersed himself in the study of the Sanskrit Abhidharma literature as well as the commentarial traditions (vibhasa) that introduced the substantialist (= Sarvastivada) and essentialist (= Sautrantika) interpretations, abandoned the latter to write a treatise entitled The Establishment of Conception Only (Vijhaptimatratasiddhi; see Chapter xix). Furthermore, the contextual analysis of the conceptions of aggregates and so forth in the previous books of the Abhidhamma is here adopted in the exposition of the different conceptions relating to a "person" (puggala). To accommodate such a contextual analysis, the work is divided into ten chapters, of which the first deals with single individuals, the second with pairs, the third with groups of three, and so on, up to a tenfold classification of persons. As Nyanatiloka himself observes, "It contains not merely brief definitions of the various human types, but also some fairly long descriptions, and a number of beautiful and elaborate similes." 13 The first chapter lists fifty different types of persons. 14 These include every type mentioned in the early discourses, such as the "individualist" (puthujjana), the "noble" (ariya), the "ignoble" (anariya), the "trainee" (sekha), the "trained" (asekha), a person possessed of threefold knowledge (tevijja), of sixfold knowledge [chalabhihho), the "perfectly enlightened one" (sammasambuddha), the person who is freed through wisdom (panhavimutta), freed through faith (saddhavimutta), who follows the
ABHIDHAMMA
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doctrine (dhammanusari), who follows faith (saddhanusari), the worthy one (araha), and so on. The detailed explanation that follows this matrix outlines the qualities on the basis of which each of the fifty can be identified. The list of fifty conceptions focuses on the psychological constitution and moral standing of human persons, not their physical composition. It includes the ordinary person or the one who, in terms of his moral standing, can be described as an "individualist" (puthujjana), as well as the person who has attained perfect enlightenment (sammasambuddha) and who has reached such moral heights on the basis of an understanding of phenomena (dhamma) not previously available. The latter refers to the founder of the teachings. Between these two is a variety of persons who can be distinguished from one another in terms of their psychological constitution, moral development, and ethical behavior. However, to avoid any assumption that these concepts can be distinguished in terms of their ontological reference as well, the definitions that follow relate these concepts to others in the list. Thus the second, fourth, and, sixth, for example, are said to be related to the twenty-first, namely, the noble (ariya). The passage that is most helpful in understanding the nature of the concepts dealt with in the Abhidhamma occurs in connection with the definition of three types of teachers (sattha).iS It reads thus: 1. There is one teacher who proclaims a self (atta), in truth (saccato) and reality (thetato), in this life, and proclaims a self, in truth and reality, in the life after. 2. There is one teacher who proclaims a self, in truth and reality, in this life, and does not proclaim a self, in truth and reality, in the life after. 3. There is a teacher who does not proclaim a self, in truth and reality, in this life, and does not proclaim a self, in truth and reality, in the life after. The text goes on to identify the first as an eternalist (sassatavadi), the second as a nihilist (ucchedavadi), and the third as the perfectly enlightened one (sammasambuddha). The use of the terms sacca (truth) and theta (reality)—which occur in the discussion between Sariputta and Yamaka (see Chapter xri)—to qualify the conceptions of the eternalist and the nihilist seems to indicate that the conceptions referred to in the Puggalapannatti are empirical, not substantialist or essentialist. It is this understanding of the nature and function of conceptions that compelled Moggallputta-tissa to reject the theories propounded by the Sarvastivadins as well as the Vatsiputriyas. The Puggalapannatti can thus be considered the summation of the Abhi-
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dhamma technique of enumeration, classification, and synthesis. As indicated in the last passage quoted, it represents a middle standpoint in the explanation of conceptual thinking, avoiding the two extremes of absolutism, both eternalistic and nihilistic. It is, in fact, a continuation of the pragmatic approach adopted by the Buddha in dealing with conceptual problems.
CHAPTER XV
T h e Perfection of W i s d o m in the Vajracchedika
The history of the extremely popular Mahayana discourse, the Vajracchedika-prajhaparamita-sutra, is available in Hajime Nakamura's Indian Buddhism (1980). One important piece of information he has brought to our notice is that the earlier versions of this text, available through translation into Chinese by Ch'ih-ch'ien, follow introductions, similar to those of the early discourses, where the location of the sermon is given as Jetavana and the audience described as consisting of 1,250 bhikkhus only. There is no mention of any bodhisattvas. Furthermore, the Purvasailas, a sect of the so-called Hlnayana, are said to have possessed the siitra in Prakrit.1 The inclusion of bodhisattvas as part of the audience would not be a major revision were it not for the fact that it obliterates the philosophical significance of the work by introducing an ideological conflict that only emerged subsequently, with the compilation of the Saddharmapundarlka-sutra (see Chapter xvn). The Vajracchedika undoubtedly represents a criticism of the same metaphysical ideas that the Buddha and some of his later disciples, such as Moggallputta-tissa, rejected. But it is not necessary to interpret its philosophical content in a way that lends credibility to the so-called Hinayana-Mahayana conflict. In fact, the term "Mahayana" does not even occur in the discourse. A consideration of the conception of "perfection" (paramita) can throw some light on the philosophical nature and content of the Prajnaparamita-sutras. In the Buddhist context, the term parama is generally taken to mean the "greatest," "highest," "ultimate," or "perfect," more in the sense of an ideal or goal than a reality. Thus we have expressions like "Gains have good health as the greatest. Wealth has contentment as the greatest. Kinsmen have trust as the greatest, and freedom is the greatest (or ultimate) happiness."2 The term paramita (or paramata) represents the abstract noun, hence rendered as "perfection." This use of the term in the sense of goal is further strengthened by the more fanciful etymological explanation of the term as "(that by which) one has crossed over to the other shore" {param = other [shore], ita = gone or moved). The absolutistic understanding of the concept of "goal" contrasted with
153
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"means"—an understanding that can generate polar theories such as realism and instrumentalism—has given rise to the view that prajnaparamita represents the perfection of wisdom, where wisdom stands for absolute knowledge, if not for knowledge of the Absolute, as opposed to all other forms of empirical or conceptual knowledge. If that were the case, then the six paramitas of the Mahayanists and the ten paramitas of the Theravadins would leave us with six or ten absolutes relating to human activities such as generosity, virtuousness, renunciation, striving, effort, concentration, understanding, and so on. In contrast, a goal that is not absolute would enable a person who leads a moral life to be "virtuous" without being "made of virtues" (see Chapter x). Similarly, a person could be "wise" without being constituted or made of wisdom, the latter being taken in its nominal form to refer to an entity. It is such ontological commitment that the discourses devoted to expounding the perfection of wisdom (prajnaparamita) are trying to avoid. The philosophy of the Vajraccbedika is intended to achieve precisely this. Analysis of the philosophical content of the Vajraccbedika, whose main purpose is to expound the "perfection of wisdom" (prajnaparamita), can begin with its reference to the Buddha's reminiscence of his previous birth as the sage Ksantivadl. Ksanti is patience or tolerance, which is itself one of the perfections. The Buddha refers to one of his previous lives, in which he was said to have refrained from entertaining any idea of self (atma), being (sattva), soul (jiva), or person (pudgala), even when his limbs were being chopped off one after another by order of the King of Kalinga. The reason he did not entertain any such idea was that he did not want to generate any thoughts of ill-will. It is possible to argue that compassion, for example, cannot be generated unless there are "true and real" persons. Buddhism, however, holds that a belief in a "true and real" person involves ontological commitment, a commitment that leads to grasping after the subject or oneself. This grasping can lead in turn not only to greed (lobha) but also to its opposite, namely, hatred (dvesa) or ill-will (vyapada). Patience (ksanti) thus turns out to be an extremely effective way of overcoming hatred and ill-will. The story of Ksantivadr is an idealized version of such patience. Yet the cultivation of patience is not achieved through external compulsion through a sense of duty, as in the absolutistic traditions, but through understanding. This is how the perfection of patience or tolerance comes to be related to the perfection of wisdom (prajnaparamita). An interesting passage in the Vajraccbedika provides a clue to the nature and goal of the perfection of wisdom: The Fortunate One questioned: "What do you think, Subhuti, does it occur to the Arhat, 'By me has Arhatship been attained?' " Subhuti responded:
P E R F E C T I O N O F W I S D O M IN T H E VAJRACCHEDIKA
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" N o indeed, O Fortunate One, it does not occur to the Arhat, 'I have attained Arhatship.' And why? Because there is no thing (dharma) named 'Arhat.' Therefore, it is called 'Arhat.' If, O Fortunate One, it occurs to an Arhat, 'I have attained Arhatship,' that itself would be for him a grasping after a self, a grasping after a being, a grasping after a soul, a grasping after a person. And why? O Fortunate One, I have been referred to by the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Perfectly Enlightened One as the foremost among those who live in peace (arana-vihari). I am, O Fortunate One, an Arhat, one who has abandoned lust (vitaraga). O Fortunate One, it does not occur to me, 'I am an Arhat, one who has abandoned lust. If, O Fortunate One, it occurred to me, 'I have attained Arhatship,' the Tathagata would not declare of me, 'The foremost among those who dwell in peace, Subhuti, the son of good family, dwells not anywhere. Therefore he is called 'a dweller in peace, a dweller in peace.' " 3
Three significant assertions are included in this passage. First, Subhuti calls himself an Arhat, one who has abandoned lust, an epithet applied to the Buddha himself in this context, but an ideal that was subsequently condemned in the Saddbarmapundarika as being " l o w " (hina). Second, Subhuti is referred to as the foremost among those who dwell in peace (arana-vihari). And, finally, Subhuti would not be considered the foremost among those who dwell in peace if he were to entertain the idea that he has attained or reached some thing referred to as Arhatship. In other words, he is not one who has made an ontological commitment as far as the conception of Arhatship is concerned. Placing these three assertions in a historical setting, without relying on ideological conflicts that emerged long after, we can understand their philosophical significance, and through that the entire contents of the Vajracchedika. The term arhat is used in the early discourses to refer to one who is "worthy" of respect as a result of cultivating a noble way of life. That noble way of life is the result of abandoning lust (raga). The Buddha and his immediate disciples are described as those who have reached such moral perfection, the former being singled out as the "perfectly enlightened one" (sammasambuddha) as a result of being the founder of the path or doctrine unheard of before (pubbe ananussuta).4 However, the more important assertion is the second. It would be an extremely unhistorical approach to analyze Subhuti's claim that he was declared to be the foremost among those w h o dwell in peace (aranaviharin) without first taking a look at the Buddha's discourse entitled Analysis of Peace (Arana-vibhanga-sutta).s Here the Buddha speaks of a "warring path" (sarana-patipada) and a "peaceful path" (arana-patipada). One would normally expect the Buddha to define the former as the presence of lust, hatred, and confusion, which is bondage, and the latter as the absence of these three tendencies, which is freedom (nibbana). The elimination of lust and hatred may provide peace for oneself.
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However, this alone does not provide a way of non-conflict in the world, for when we think of the world, which includes oneself as well as others, peace or non-conflict (arana) must involve the means of communication as well. It is for this reason that simple renunciation of lust and hatred is not sufficient. It has to be accompanied by the elimination of confusion (moba), which, in the Vajracchedika, means cultivation of the perfection of wisdom. The Analysis of Peace defines the warring path as a dogmatic, extremist attitude toward concepts, and therefore toward language, and the peaceful path as a non-dogmatic, pragmatic attitude toward concepts and linguistic usage. We have already quoted the most significant passage from this discourse, where the Buddha recommends a middle path that avoids the two extremes—one that views conceptual knowledge as self-sufficing and a revelation all by itself, and the other that views true experience as beyond all conceptual thinking. The first is an absolutist notion of conception and language; the second is a transcendentalist perspective. The Buddha emphasizes the utilization of language without grasping, i.e., without ontological commitment. He realized that many disputes in philosophy hinge on ill-defined words and ideas, each side claiming its own word or idea to be true. This leads to the third assertion referred to above, namely, that Subhuti would not be a dweller in peace if he were to entertain the idea that he has reached some thing designated by the term arhatship. It may not be an exaggeration to say that the entire Vajracchedika is one colossal attempt to avoid the extremist use of language, that is, to eliminate any ontological commitment to concepts while at the same time retaining their pragmatic value, so as not to render them totally empty of meaning. In the previous chapter, we saw how the canonical Abhidhamma texts adopted enumeration, classification, and synthesis to bring out the pragmatic meaning of concepts (paiinatti). In doing so, the Abhidhamma attempted to be as comprehensive as possible, leaving no conception unanalyzed; hence the vastness of the collection. However, the Vajracchedika tries to achieve the same in thirty-six printed pages. This is done by applying a formula, developed in the Prajnaparamita tradition, to a select number of concepts. Let us consider one such application. What was taught by the Tathagata as heap of merit, as no heap of merit, that has been taught by the Tathagata. Therefore, the Tathagata teaches, "heap of merit, heap of merit." 6
This statement, generally understood as if it were the Buddhist thesis of ineffability,7 can be explained in terms of the threefold methodology of the Abhidharma, which, as pointed out in Chapter xiv, was intended as a way of establishing the doctrines of non-substantiality (anatman) and dependent arising (pratityasamutpada).
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The Buddha, utilizing a linguistic medium, spoke of a heap of merit. His statement is immediately understood by a substantialist, either Buddhist or non-Buddhist, as a reference to a self-existent substance or unique entity (svabhava), or to an essential characteristic (svalaksana). In either case, the concept stands for something (kincit) that is true and real in an ultimate sense. For this reason, the concept of heap of merit is immediately negated as no heap of merit. This is intended as the method of non-substantiality or the deconstruction of substantialist implications. Yet it is not an absolute or universal negation, but the negation of a particular definition of the concept of heap of merit. If the negation is not absolute or universal, then there can be other versions of the concept of heap of merit. As far as the Buddha is concerned, this is a concept that is dependently arisen (pratltyasamutpanna). Thus the assertion that follows the negation is no more than the recognition that the concept of heap of merit depends on a variety of conditions, and hence is not unique. It is significant that this third statement is presented in quotes which are expressed in the classical Indian languages by the phrase iti placed at the end of a term or a sentence, 8 and is different from the first. We may summarize the formula as follows: 1. Heap of merit, heap of merit = ontological commitment, a substantialist or realist explanation. 2. N o heap of merit = deconstruction, negation of substance or unique character, with possible nominalist implications. 3. "Heap of merit, heap of merit" (in quotes), representing the reconstruction of the concept in terms of the principle of dependent arising. This would mean that each concept, instead of either representing a unique entity or being an empty term, is a substitute for a human experience which is conditioned by a variety of factors. As such, it has pragmatic meaning and communicative power without being absolute in any way. The Vajracchedika repeatedly applies this formula to a wide variety of concepts, such as material objects, the world systems, stream of thought, human personality, the fruits of the moral life, the Tathagata, the Buddha, and the dbarma.9 One is reminded of the series of concepts analyzed by the Buddha in the Mulapariyaya-sutta.10 The conceptual categories to which the formula is applied may not be as exhaustive as the categories examined in the Abhidhamma, but they include most of the important concepts that received metaphysical interpretations at the hands of the substantialists. The desubstantializing or desolidification of concepts by applying the above formula would mean that the Vajracchedika is propounding a theory of "emptiness" (sunyata). Yet the term, so popular elsewhere in the Mahayana literature, never occurs in this text. This may be due to the
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fact that "emptiness," with its rather negative connotation, could sweep out the pragmatic meaning and use of concepts, and this latter is highlighted in the Vajracchedika with a quotation from the early discourses of the Buddha. T h e quotation involves the simile of the raft (Pali, kulla; Prakrit, kolaJ,11 and concepts are to be utilized as one would use a raft—only for the sake of crossing over the sea of suffering—but not to be grasped as absolute truths. T h i s is, indeed, the solution to the problem of ideological conflict and a way to lead a peaceful life (arana-vihara). T h e skepticism that led the Buddhists toward rejecting an absolutist notion of truth, and therefore of incorruptible concepts, which are supposed to reveal such truths, is expressed in a quatrain (whose counterparts are found in the early discourses) 1 2 that serves as the conclusion to the text: As stars, an eye-disease, a lamp, A mock show, dew drops or a bubble, A dream, a flash of lightning, or a cloud, So should one perceive what is dispositionally conditioned.13 It may be noted that the scheme or formula developed in the Vajracchedika to deconstruct absolutist metaphysics became extremely popular in the East Asian Buddhist tradition, especially in Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism, where the Vajracchedika was regarded as a locus classicus (see Chapter xxm). After repeated use of the formula to negate metaphysical ideas, the Vajracchedika presents the more positive doctrine of the Buddha in two quatrains. O n c e again, these quatrains express a thought that is not unfamiliar to the early discourses: 1 4 Those who by my form did see me, And those who followed me by voice, Wrong the efforts they engage in, Me those people will not see. The Buddhas are to be seen through the dharma, For the dharma-bodits are the Guides. The nature of dharma should not be discerned, Nor can it be discerned. It is tempting to interpret this as implying a theory of absolutism transcending ordinary sense experiences (samjna) as well as cognitions (vijnana). But this would mean abandoning every effort in the Vajracchedika to eliminate mysterious substances, ultimate realities, and absolute truths by using the formula or schema discussed earlier. Instead, it is pos-
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sible to explain the above statement as implying that what is important is the moral principle (dharma) as embodied in the Buddha's teachings (dharma), which can lead a person to freedom and peace. The search directed at discovering who the Buddha essentially is, what buddhahood essentially means, contributed to endless conflicts even during the time of the Buddha, so much so that he once advised his disciples, "He who perceives the dhamma, he perceives me" (Yo dhammam passati so mam passati).15 The Vajraccbedika is not a far cry from this. However, in the interpretation of the life of the bodhisattva, the Vajraccbedika highlights a theme which eventually contributed to a belief that may not be so consistent with the teachings of early Buddhism. In the early discourses, three terms are often used to describe the state of release (vimokkba), the highest among them being the "cessation of perception and what is experienced or felt" (sanhavedayitanirodha), or simply the "attainment of cessation" (nirodha-samapatti). The three terms are suhha (empty), animitta (without a mysterious cause), and appanihita (unestablished). 16 We have already indicated that the state of cessation is not identical with the kind of freedom implied by the term nibbana (see Chapter ix). The foregoing explanation of the "perfection of wisdom" (prajnaparamita) would, in a sense, rule out any identification of it with the state of cessation. Furthermore, a semantic equivalent of the term "unestablished" (appanihita) is used in the early discourses to refer to the consciousness (vinnana) of a freed person at the moment of death. It is said that such a person passes away without his consciousness being established anywhere (appatitthitena vihhanenaJ.17 It is significant to note that the Vajraccbedika does not confine this last term, apratisthita, to a description of the state of cessation (nirodha), which is a non-cognitive state, or the death of the freed person (parinibbuta), but extends its use to include the behavior of the bodhisattva as well. This may seem harmless at first sight, for the aspirant to enlightenment is expected to abandon all lust, hatred, and confusion as he makes his way toward the final goal. Yet, in emphasizing this idea of not being established in anything, the bodhisattva was compelled to abandon any and every form of interest, not merely lust and hatred. It is this emphasis that may have eventually contributed to the theory of self-sacrifice or suicide as a means of salvation, espoused in the Saddharmapundarika as well as in some of the Jatakas and Avadanas. It is, no doubt, an ideal that conflicts with what is found in the earlier tradition, where one's own welfare (atta-d-attha) as well as the welfare of others (paratthaj needs to be recognized. In a sense, the conception of the "unestablished" (apratisthita), when utilized in the explanation of the behavior of the bodhisattva, ushers in or makes room for the notion of "duty" so popular in the absolutistic traditions.
CHAPTER XVI
Nagarjuna and the Mu/amadhyamakakarika
According to most available accounts, Nagarjuna was a brahman from South India. Archaeological discoveries at AmaravatI confirm the fact that he was a friend of the Satavahana king, Gautamlputra Satakarni, to whom he addressed his Friendly Epistle (Sahrd-lekha).1 On the basis of this evidence, Nagarjuna is believed to have lived during the latter part of the second century and the early part of the third century (ca. 1 5 0 - 2 5 0 A.D.).2
Two slightly differing accounts of his early life are available. Tibetan sources state that his parents decided to ordain him as a Buddhist monk early in his childhood, after learning from an astrologer that he was destined to die prematurely. The boy is said to have escaped this fate as a result of practicing the amitayur-dharani under the tutelage of his teacher, Rahulabhadra, at Nalanda. 3 Even if one is skeptical about the historicity of this account, there is no reason to doubt the efficacy of the practice of dharani (see Chapter X X I I ) or the association of Nagarjuna with the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, where he is honored as a second buddha. The second account is available in Kumarajlva's Kao-sengchuan,4 which tells us that Nagarjuna, in the company of two other friends, practiced psychokinesis (rddbi), made himself invisible, and, entering the royal harem, seduced its ladies. His friends were caught redhanded by the palace guards when they failed to make themselves invisible again, and were executed. Nagarjuna narrowly escaped. This incident made him realize that craving for sense pleasures is a potent cause of suffering, which is the second noble truth in Buddhism; hence his decision to join the Buddhist Order. The allusion in this second story is as compelling as that in the first. While traditional yoga emphasized the mystical aspect, Buddhist yoga underscored its moral dimensions. One cannot find a better anecdote to illustrate this difference. Here, then, we have a Nagarjuna who was looking for the original Buddhist tradition. He discovered it in the Prajnaparamita tradition, allegorically explained as something he obtained from the nagas, the Buddha
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being the foremost among them (hence his title, mahanaga, the "great serpent" or "great elephant," both symbolizing great powers of memory and discrimination). The Prajnaparamita tradition was gradually becoming popular in India at this time. We have already suggested the close relationship between the early discourses and the early Prajnaparamita tradition. The biographical accounts of Nagarjuna agree in maintaining that, after being deeply satisfied with the Prajnaparamita-sutras, Nagarjuna went in search of the "other teachings of the Buddha."5 The important question is, Where did he go looking for the "other teachings of the Buddha"? It would not have been very sensible for a philosopher like Nagarjuna to depend on texts like the Saddharmapundanka-sutra {Lotus Sutra, which was, in fact, gradually evolving during his day reaching its final form around 220 A.D.)6 for any information about the Buddha's "other teachings." This was the first Mahayana sutra that downgraded the early discourses as mere fodder for the unintelligent disciples who surrounded the Buddha. Nagarjuna was probably not swayed by such theories, especially after being influenced by the sophisticated philosophical thinking embodied in the Prajnaparamita tradition. Indeed, Nagarjuna's attitude toward the Pratyekabuddhas and the Sravakas is very different from that of many other extreme Mahayana thinkers.7 This should eliminate any assumption of prejudice on his part against the early discourses. Even a cursory glance at the Mulamadhyamakakarika, Verses on the Fundamentals of the Middle Way (abbreviated hereafter as the Karika) will leave the reader of this most significant work of Nagarjuna with the impression that it is not only a grand commentary on the Buddha's discourse to Kaccayana, the only discourse cited by name, 8 but also a detailed and careful analysis of most of the important discourses included in the Nikayas and the Agamas, especially those of the Atthakavagga of the Sutta-nipata. In my Nagarjuna: The Philosophy of the Middle Way (1986), I have provided a detailed analysis of the Karika in relation to the early discourses of the Buddha.9 Here I will deal only with Nagarjuna's basic philosophical approach, as embodied in his Karika, in order to understand his position among the various luminaries that dotted the history of the Buddhist tradition. Moggallputta-tissa, as described in Chapter xm, was compelled to adopt a polemical standpoint, since he was confronted by an array of metaphysical thinkers as well as those who misinterpreted the simple rules of discipline (vinaya). This was forced on him by circumstances, especially the invitation of Emperor Asoka to purify the Buddha's dispensation. Yet he demonstrated a philosophical acumen that remained unparalleled until the time of Nagarjuna. Not burdened by any such responsibilities, Nagarjuna was able to confine himself primarily to the philosophical issues, and therefore was able to produce one of the most
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remarkable treatises ever compiled by a Buddhist. It is also possible that Moggallputta-tissa had to deal with philosophical issues relating to the conceptions of person (puggala), phenomena (dbamma), and transcendence (lokuttaravada) in their nascent stages. By the time of Nagarjuna, almost five centuries later, these metaphysical theories had come to be presented with greater sophistication, so the task was not made easy for him. Yet he seems to have risen to the occasion equipped with an extremely analytical mind. Even though the metaphysical concept that was repeatedly rejected in the Prajnaparamita literature is referred to by the terms atma, sattva, jtva, and pudgala, Nagarjuna identifies the doctrines of the metaphysical schools with the two terms svabhava (own-nature, self-nature, substance) and atman (self). Yet his major problem was the Sarvastivada doctrine of substance. Nagarjuna seems to have realized that the problem of substance is the problem of explaining causality and change. These were two basic themes in the Buddha's explanation of existence. Therefore, before proceeding to establish the non-substantiality of all elements (dharmanairatmya), Nagarjuna devoted two chapters to the clarification of these two issues. The Buddha's conception of "dependent arising" was an attempt to avoid introducing mysterious substances to account for causal relations. Nagarjuna had no objection to the Abhidhamma formulation of causal relations so long as the relata are not regarded as having a unique nature or substance (svabhava) in terms of which they are to be related. 10 Similarly, if a causal relation can be established without positing a unique substance, and if this causal relation can account for the experienced identity (which is not absolute), then there is no need to postulate absolute difference or otherness (parabhava) either. 11 In other words, this is a rejection of the rationalist solution to the problem of causation. H o w that rationalistic explanation leads to a paradox has already been pointed out (see Chapter xn). Yet a total renunciation of the rational content of knowledge would not leave the empirical sound and secure. Hence Nagarjuna turns to the pragmatic definition of an event as fruit (artba), arguing against the rationalist that the fruit is dependently arisen, neither pre-existing as a substance nor something absolutely different, without at the same time arguing for an essentialist explanation that the fruit itself is a unique event. A similar set of metaphysical theories relating to change is taken up next. Movement or motion being one of the most perceptible processes of change, he chooses three metaphysical views for criticism: 1. A moving entity moves. 2. A non-moving entity moves. 3. A moving and non-moving entity moves.
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The first of these represents absolute identity between two events determined on the basis of motion, the second assumes absolute difference, and the third is a combination of the first two. Nagarjuna's rejection of the three views is stated as follows: An existing mover does not carry out the movement in any of the three ways. Neither does a non-existing mover carry out the movement in any of the three w a y s . N o r does a person carry out a movement, both existing and non-existing, in any of the three ways. Therefore, neither the motion, nor the mover, nor the space moved is evident. 1 2
A philosopher who recognizes a theory of dependence cannot speak of motion, a mover, or even the space moved in an essentialist way. Here, only the substantialist and essentialist perspectives are criticized by Nagarjuna, not any and every conception of causation and change. The substantialist and essentialist perspectives, as mentioned earlier, were advocated by the Sarvastivadins and the Sautrantikas, respectively.
T h e Non-substantiality of E l e m e n t s
(Dharma-nairatmya)
Chapters hi to x v of the Karika are intended to establish the non-substantiality of elements (dharma) but not, as is generally believed, to eliminate the conception of elements altogether. Here our analysis relates to elements treated from an objective standpoint; the subjective standpoint will be considered in the next section. Three of the prominent categories of the early discourses as well as the Abhidhamma are at the top of the list. Categories discussed are as follows: 1. Faculties
(indriya)
2. Aggregates 3. Elements
(skandha) (dhatu)
4 . L u s t (raga)
5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Dispositional^ conditioned (samskrta) Action and agent (karma-karaka) Antecedent state (purva) Fire and fuel (agnindhana) Prior and posterior ends (purvaparakoti)
10. Suffering
(dubkha)
11. Dispositions 12. Association 13. Self-nature
(samskara) (samsarga) (svabbava)
Some of these categories constitute the subject matter of the Abhidhamma. These even reflect some aspects of the Abhidharma methodology,
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namely, enumeration, classification, and synthesis. While the first eleven categories represent enumeration and classification, avoiding the wearisome repetition of the Abhidhamma, the twelfth category accounts for synthesis. Without taking into consideration the fact that Nagarjuna was specifically criticizing the substantialist and essentialist interpretations of these categories, and misled by Candraklrti's view that Nagarjuna is here adopting the reductio ad absurdum (prasangika) method of analysis, many a modern scholar has been led to believe that Nagarjuna was placing these categories under the executioner's block. However, a more cautious examination reveals that he was using a surgeon's scalpel to peel off the cancerous elements infecting a healthy body of conceptions. We have mentioned that the categories discussed here relate to elements examined from an objective standpoint. It is well known that an objective standpoint can deteriorate into a view regarding ultimately objective realities independent of any human perspective, i.e., a view from nowhere. 13 Nagarjuna's concluding statement after analyzing "elements" (dhatu) should serve as a corrective not only to the rather transcendentalist interpretation offered by Candrakirti but also to that of the substantialist, whose conception of objectivity calls for an annihilation of the human perspective: Those who are of little intelligence, who perceive the existence as well as non-existence of existents, do not perceive the appeasement of the object, the auspicious. 14
What Nagarjuna is recommending is the appeasement of the conception of the object, neither its elevation to an ultimate reality nor its annihilation. It is not the elimination of any and every conception of it. Here he was faithfully following the footsteps of the Buddha (see Chapter vn). Thus, after performing a careful and delicate surgery in relation to all thirteen categories, Nagarjuna, in Chapter xv, utilizes the executioner's block to get rid of the conception of substance (svabhava). The metaphysical conception associated with the category of faculties (indriya) is taken up first, although it is the second mentioned in the early discourses as well as in the Abhidhamma. In doing so, Nagarjuna is giving priority to epistemology. Among the faculties, he focuses on the eye (caksu). Even though the chapter is called "The Examination of the Faculty of Eye" (Caksur-indriya-partksa), Nagarjuna is not interested in examining the visual faculty itself, for there was not much controversy about it. The subject of controversy was the function of the eye, namely, seeing (darsana). The metaphysical view that was prevalent, even as far back as the Upanisads, was that there were two processes involved in seeing: seeing itself, and seeing the object. According to the Upanisads, the
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latter is the experiencing of the object (= the bird enjoying the fruit), and the former, the coordinator of the perceptions of the object (= the bird who simply keeps on watching). In the rationalist traditions of the West, the seeing itself can be compared to the Kantian "transcendental unity of apperception," which is a necessary condition for the empirical understanding of the object. Among the Buddhist metaphysicians, this was consciousness perceiving itself (svasamvedana), which results in the dichotomies necessary for rational thinking (see Chapter xx). Nagarjuna's criticism relates to this metaphysical conception only. A similar analysis is made of the remaining categories.
Arguments against the Conception of Substance The chapter on "The Examination of Self-nature" (Svabhava-parlksa), though brief (only eleven verses), is one of the most important. Nagarjuna's main argument is that a conception of self-nature or substance cannot be reconciled with the doctrine of "dependent arising" (pratityasamutpada) or the theory, as developed in the Abhidhamma, that things, events, or phenomena are dependent on causes (hetu) or conditions (pratyaya). If substance were to arise as a result of causes and conditions, it has to be made (krtaka). This would be inconsistent with the very definition of substance. If it is not made (a-krtaka), then it is unique and has no relationship to or is not dependent on another. Self-nature or substance thus involves the conception of the "unique," the "unshared," or the "independent" (referred to in the later Theravada tradition as a-sadbarana; see Chapter xxi). Having argued that the conception of substance is incompatible with a theory of dependence, Nagarjuna makes a further claim that if selfnature or substance does not exist, one cannot speak of other-nature or a different substance, "for self-nature of other-nature is called self-nature." 15 The conceptual trap into which the Rationalist falls is then highlighted. If existence were understood in terms of identity (substance) and difference (otherness), then without these two aspects existence itself would be meaningless. If existence (bhava), in this sense, is meaningless, non-existence (abhava) is also not available. Yet it is the change of existence that people normally call non-existence. In other words, the conceptions of identity and difference militate against the recognition not only of dependence but also of change. At this point Nagarjuna refers to the Buddha's discourse to Kaccayana 16 and draws the connections between self-nature and eternalism, on the one hand, and other-nature and annihilationism, on the other. Thus, when Nagarjuna abandoned the conceptions of self-nature and othernature, he was simply following the Buddha, who rejected the notions of eternalism and annihilationism.
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T h e Non-substantiality of the Subject
(Pudgala-nairatmya)
Here we begin with a discussion of the problem of transmigration, explained either in terms of the aggregates or of personal beings. The themes under examination are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
Bondage and release (bandbana-moksa) Fruit of action (karma-phala) Self(atma) Time (kala) Harmony (samagri) Occurrence and dissolution (sambhava-vibhava) Thus-Gone-One (tathagata) Perversions (viparyasa) Noble truths (arya-satya) Freedom (nirvana)
All these relate to the person who is either in bondage (bandbana) or has attained freedom (moksa). As in the previous section, Nagarjuna's attempt here is to weed out the metaphysical conception of a subtle personality (pudgala), which is supposed to transmigrate from one life to another until the attainment of freedom, as well as the equally metaphysical conception of a permanent and eternal being who has attained freedom. In the previous section, the conception that was criticized most often was that of the substantialist Sarvastivadins, while the essentialist perspective of the Sautrantikas took a secondary place. In the present section, it is mostly the conception of the essentialist Sautrantikas that comes under fire. It is well known that the essentialism of the Sautrantikas paved the way for the Vatslputriyas to openly espouse the conception of a subtle personality, neither identical with nor different from the aggregates—a theory discussed at length by Vasubandhu in an appendix to his Abhidharmakosa-bhasya.17 In dealing with the problem of transmigration of a subtle personality, Nagarjuna could not help being dialectical or argumentative. If something is permanent, then it is meaningless to say that it transmigrates. Transmigration implies moving from one place to another, i.e., disappearing from one place and appearing in another. Disappearing and appearing mean change, not permanence. Permanence would mean eternal presence, whereas if things are impermanent, in the sense of disappearing (uccheda), they will never transmigrate. Immediately after presenting the above argument, Nagarjuna appeals to the empirical analysis of the human person provided by the Buddha. He says that after examining the five constituents of the human person, a
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transmigrating personality was not discoverable. The problem of moral responsibility (i.e., action and its fruits) is then taken up, and he carefully distinguishes the sense in which the Buddha explained them (i.e., in terms of dependent arising) from that of the metaphysician who relies on the conception of substance. Explaining moral responsibility in terms of dependence required not only abandoning the notion of a permanent self (atma) but also renunciation of the metaphysical views pertaining to time (kala), harmony of causes and conditions (samagri), and the processes of occurrence and dissolution (sambhava-vibhava). After dealing with the metaphysical issues relating to the human person, bondage, and moral responsibility, Nagarjuna proceeds to examine similar metaphysical interpretations of the person who has "walked the way" (tatbagata), that is, attained freedom. If non-substantiality is a synonym for dependent arising, and both conceptions explain the openended nature of the universe, which is neither eternal and fixed (sasvata) nor discontinuous and haphazard (uccheda), then that openness should allow for possibilities or new situations to occur without generating conflicts. Conflicts are often creations of human conceptualizations that tend to fix the empirical world of flux and change into eternal objects, truths, and events, as well as of concepts that are supposed to correspond to such eternal objects, truths, and events, respectively. The desolidification of such concepts allows for flexibility and change. Similarly, a person who has attained freedom from such conceptual obsessions is able to pursue a peaceful way of life (arana-vibara) without becoming involved in any conflicts. The Buddha's statement, "Monks, I do not conflict with the world; the world conflicts with me," 1 8 explains the behavior of the person who has attained freedom. The universe, when it is not structured by the solidified dispositions (samskara) of human beings, is likewise. The true nature of the universe (jagat)—in contrast to the "world" fabricated by metaphysical conceptions—as well as that of a person who has "walked the way" (tatbagata) of that universe is not artificially put together or structured (samskrta) but dependently arisen (pratltyasamutpanna). Nagarjuna's positive conclusion here is that, just as the universe (jagat) is non-substantial (nibsvabbava), so is the person who has attained freedom. The next three chapters of the Karika reflect Nagarjuna's understanding of the extremely important aspect of the Buddha's discourse to Kaccayana. In that discourse, the Buddha admonished Kaccayana as follows: T h e world, for the most part, Kaccayana, is bound by approach, grasping, and inclination. A n d he w h o does not follow that approach and grasping, that determination of mind, that inclination and disposition, w h o does not cling to or adhere to the view "This is my self," w h o thinks, "Suffering that is
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subject to arising arises; suffering that is subject to ceasing ceases," such a person does not doubt, is not perplexed. Herein, his knowledge is not otherdependent. Thus far, Kaccayana, there is right view.19 The essentialist perspectives have left us with a dichotomy between fact and value. Facts are facts, whether we like them or not. They are true in the sense of being true always. The Upanisadic conception of self (atma) fulfilled those requirements. For this reason, when the Upanisadic thinkers wanted to speak of values, they postulated a conception of brahman. The Buddha's pragmatic approach to the problem of truth left him with the belief that "what is true is useful" and that "what is useful is true." Nagarjuna realized that, by renouncing the conception of an eternal self and focusing on the problem of suffering, the Buddha was defining truth in terms of relevance to human life: hence the four noble truths (arya-satya). Perversions of knowledge, as the Buddha perceived, stood in the way of appreciating the four noble truths as truths, that is, being subjected to suffering as ordinary human beings and enjoying freedom and happiness as enlightened persons. If suffering is true, as the first noble truth asserts, and if freedom is true, which is the third noble truth, the two cannot be viewed as lower and higher, respectively. Furthermore, even the path leading from suffering to happiness is a noble truth, which implies abandoning the conception of a hierarchy of truths. This important consideration needs to be kept in mind when we explain Nagarjuna's conception of two truths. The two truths are generally understood as the conventional (samvrti) and ultimate (paramartha). Such an understanding would mean the abdication of the philosophical enterprise of the Buddha, the compilers of the canonical Abhidhamma, and Moggallputta-tissa. It also would mean the renunciation of the entire analytical project that Nagarjuna so ably pursued in the earlier part of the Karika. Thus the conception of two truths needs to be examined in a totally different light. In fact, the four noble truths can easily be reduced to two truths, by including the first, second, and fourth under the category of conventional truth (samvrti-satya). Their truth depends on normal consequences or fruits (artha). The third represents a truth in an ultimate sense (paramarthatah) only in terms of being an ultimate fruit (parama-artha). It is an ultimate fruit that any human being can enjoy, and this involves the happiness of oneself as well as of others. It is, indeed, the standard in terms of which a human person's moral life comes to be evaluated. It is not simply a rational standard or criterion, but one that has been achieved by the enlightened person. Nagarjuna's controversial chapter on "Freedom" (nirvana) is therefore an attempt to desubstantialize both the person who has attained freedom and freedom itself. Just as the Buddha surprised his disciples who had been brought up in the Brahmanical tradition, which
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recognizes brahman as a unique experience, by not admitting any experience as the unique experience of the happiness of nibbana (see Chapter ix), so did Nagarjuna cause astonishment in the minds of his contemporaries as well as ours by saying: The Buddha did not teach the appeasement of all objects, the appeasement of all obsessions, and the auspicious [all synonyms for nirvana] as some thing to some one at some place.20 For Nagarjuna, conception (prajhapti) becomes the key to every mystery in the world: it is dependent arising, it is emptiness, and it is the middle path. 2 1 There is no ultimate or absolute reality that transcends conceptual thinking. Once absolutism, substantialism, and essentialism had been banished from the sphere of philosophical discourse, Nagarjuna was at liberty to go back to the Buddha's explanation of the human person both in bondage and in freedom. He immediately returned to the conclusion of the Buddha's discourse to Kaccayana, which represents the popular theory of the twelvefold formula of causation (dvadasanga-pratityasamutpada), its positive (anuloma) description explaining a person in bondage and its negative (pratiloma) description defining one who has attained freedom from suffering in the present life as well as in future lives, by not being reborn. The Karika's final chapter is on views (drsti). The Buddha had referred to sixty-two views with which he disagreed; his own was the sixty-third. To insist on rejecting the sixty-two views and uphold a sixty-third would be dogmatism. Nagarjuna did not want the Buddha's to be a dogmatic view. His was a pragmatic view that called for modification of any view depending on the context and its pragmatic value. It was not an absolute view. If views have contextual reference and pragmatic value, there is no reason to cling to any one of them as being absolute. Abandoning the grasping of any view as the ultimate one seems to be the inevitable way. This, indeed, is the final advice of Nagarjuna.
CHAPTER XVII
The SaddharmapundarJka-sütra and Conceptual Absolutism
The Saddharmapundaríka-sütra or Discourse on the Lotus of the True Dharma, popularly known as the Lotus Sütra, is the most important text of popular Mahayana Buddhism. It antedates Nágarjuna but was probably completed during his lifetime or sometime after. 1 Leon Hurvitz, whose recent translation of the Chinese version of Kumarajlva has added significantly to our understanding of this work, summarizes the concerns of the text as follows: "First, it boasted that its practitioners were aiming at the salvation not merely of themselves but of all animate beings as well. Second, it concerned itself with the Universal and the Absolute, although these meant different things to different schools within that movement." 2 Hurvitz's first point refers to the moral philosophy inculcated in Mahayana, and the Lotus has much to say about it; his second refers to its metaphysics. Unfortunately, the Lotus gives us very little information as to what this Universal or Absolute is. If, as some modern scholars believe, Absolutism in Mahayana were to be established on the basis of "emptiness" (sünyatá), the Lotus leaves us empty-handed. Commenting on the doctrine of emptiness in the Lotus, Hurvitz observes, "All the same, the Lotus's references to 'emptiness,' if laid end to end, would not amount to much. The Lotus's concern, after all, is much less with theory, than with practice." 3 For this reason, the only way the nature of this Absolutism can be clarified is by examining its scattered epistemological reflections to see whether they have any relationship to the doctrines of other schools of Buddhism, especially the conception of "emptiness" discussed in the previous chapter. The Absolutism of the Lotus pertains to both the path and the goal. According to it, there is only one true path, not a second or a third. The following simile is used to illustrate this claim: It is just as the potter, O Kasyapa, makes pots with the same clay. Among them some become pots for sugar lumps, some pots for clarified butter, some pots for curds or milk, while some become pots for inferior and filthy
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things; and just as there is no difference in the clay, but rather a supposed difference in the pots based solely on the things put into them, in just this w a y , O Kasyapa, is there this one and only one vehicle, to wit, the Buddha Vehicle. There exists neither a second nor a third. 4
It may be noted that the simile of the pot (bhajana) is the same as the one used by the Buddha, and quoted by Moggaliputta-tissa to illustrate the relativity of the meanings of concepts in order to criticize the claims of the Personalists (see Chapter xm). Yet, if the simile were used to illustrate the existence of metaphysical entities like the ultimately real elements (dharma, like clay) out of which all things (such as pots) are made, then it would be inappropriate for the Mahayanists to use this example to justify the ultimate reality of the one vehicle, for one of the most significant claims they made against most other schools concerned their own conception of the non-substantiality of elements (dharma-nairatmya). The important question, then, is, What does the pot, or the clay out of which the pot is made, refer to? Does the concept refer to something or to itself? The problem is further complicated when the Lotus proceeds to define the one true conception of the goal. It says: Nirvana, you see, K a s y a p a , comes from an understanding of the sameness of all dharmas (sarva-dharma-samatavabodha). And it is one, not t w o , not three. 5
The sameness (samata) of all dharmas cannot be accounted for in terms of a substance (svabhava), like the one postulated by the Sarvastivadins, or the self (atma) recognized by the Upanisadic thinkers. The chapter on "Medicinal Herbs" (Ausadha) provides some clues to an understanding of the epistemology as well as the metaphysics of the Lotus. Here, while presenting the path as well as the goal as one ultimate truth or reality, the Lotus for the first time recognizes a hierarchy of truths. The first of these is the ordinary world of human bondage created by lust, hatred, and confusion; the second is the world of impermanent, empty, and non-substantial dharmas characterized by arising and ceasing; and the third represents the world of dharmas, "non-arisen, non-ceased, unbound, unreleased, not dark, not bright." 6 To account for this hierarchy, the Lotus also provides three levels or degrees of knowledge. The first may be taken as the ordinary sense experiences dominated by lust, hatred, and confusion. Human beings born with these three tendencies are referred to as those born blind (jatyandha). The second consists of the knowledge of those who have eliminated lust, hatred, and confusion through development of the five kinds of higher knowledge (pancabhijha)—namely, clairvoyance, clairaudience, telepathy, retrocognition, and psychokinesis, all of which enable a person to attain freedom (vimoksa) from the cycle of
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births and deaths. This constitutes the knowledge and understanding of the arhat and the pratyekabuddha. (This is a dubious attribution on the part of the Lotus. According to the early discourses, no person attained freedom from the cycle of births and deaths through development of the five forms of higher knowledge without at the same time developing knowledge of the waning of influxes [asavakkhaya-nana], this latter being often defined as wisdom [pafina].) Third is the highest intuition (prajna), through which one is able to perceive all dharmas as "nonarisen, non-ceased, unbound, unreleased, not dark, not bright." The levels of understanding are illustrated by similes. The first form of knowledge and understanding is that of one seated in his inner house (antargrham nisanna). One who remains in the dark inner house perceives no colors or shapes; he is blind by birth. However, the Buddha is able to cure his blindness (= ignorance) by making him move outside and enabling him to perceive colors and shapes revealed by the light of the sun. This refers to the immediate disciples of the Buddha, who attained freedom from continued births and deaths by realizing the variety as well as impermanence of phenomena. Yet they are unable to enlighten or save others; to do that is the function of the Buddha, who is like the sun. A comparison with Plato's famous "parable of the cave" is irresistible. This description of the degrees of knowledge and of reality can easily justify not only the ultimate reality of the one goal (= buddhahood) but also the ultimate reality of the one path leading to it (= bodhisattuahood). However, considering the various schools that the Lotus was criticizing, it is still not easy to determine what it is negating and what it is asserting as far as philosophical thinking is concerned. Let us assume that the people who are blind by birth are the substantialists, both non-Buddhist and Buddhist. Since they believe in permanent and eternal entities (atma, svabhava), they are compelled to deny plurality as well as change and evolution. The second group of people would be those who have adopted the philosophical standpoint of non-substantiality (anatma, nihsvabhava), supplemented by a theory of "dependent arising" (pratityasamutpada), and who therefore are able to free themselves from suffering and the continued cycle of births and deaths. They can recognize plurality as well as change and evolution, as explained by the Buddha in the early discourses and faithfully adopted by the mainline Buddhist tradition, represented by the Abhidhamma, Moggallputtatissa, the Prajnaparamita tradition and Nagarjuna. The most significant question then becomes, Who is left out? or, Who are the ones who adopt the third standpoint, which represents the highest degree of knowledge as well as the ultimate truth revealed by that knowledge? If it is assumed that this ultimate standpoint involves recognizing an ultimate reality beyond all conceptual thinking and description, that reality certainly will not be any different from the permanent and eternal
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entities of the substantialists. The non-Buddhist substantialist, such as the Upanisadic philosopher, would not say that the self (atma) is the object of conceptual knowledge, nor would the Sarvastivádin proceed to define a substance (svabbava), except by saying that it exists during the three periods of time. The only way the Lotus can avoid these forms of substantialism is by asserting the incorruptibility (i.e., the non-arisen, non-ceased, etc. character) of concepts. Indeed, the example it quotes to illustrate the reality of the one path or vehicle (see above) may point in this direction. Like the Platonic theory of incorruptible forms, where each form is sublated by one of higher generality until one reaches the ultimately incorruptible and eternal concept of the Good, the Lotus seems to arrive at the ultimately incorruptible, eternal, and all-pervading concept of Buddha. Such an interpretation of the reality recognized in the Lotus is further confirmed by the use of the term sarvákárajñata ("knowledge of all modes")7 instead of the more popular sarvajñatva ("knowledge of everything"). In terms of functions, the Buddha is comparable to the sun and the moon, which spread their light without discrimination, 8 or to the rain cloud (megha) that provides nourishment for every living thing in the universe, once again without making any distinctions. 9 Thus the Buddha becomes the embodiment of universal knowledge (prajñá) and compassion (karuna). Even though the philosophy of the Lotus can therefore be distinguished from the substantialist thought of the non-Buddhists as well as of the Sarvastivada Buddhists, it hardly compares with the philosophical standpoint of either the Buddha or of the mainline Buddhist tradition. The reason is that non-substantiality (anatta) applies to the highest reality one can experience, namely, freedom (nirvana), as well as to conception. Even a text like the Parivara, the conclusion of the Vinaya Pitaka, looked upon both freedom (nibbana) and conception (paññatti) as undeniably non-substantial (anatta; see Chapter ix). However, there is one Buddhist school to which the philosophical teachings of the Lotus can be related. There is strong evidence that as far as its philosophical standpoint and its reputation are concerned, it has a kinship to the Sautrantikas, though the two schools are not identical. That relationship may be explained as follows. We have pointed out that the Sautrantikas, who were opposed to the substantialist Sarvastivadins, adopted an essentialist perspective and eventually propounded a theory of nominalism (prajñaptivada). The difference between the Sautrantika position and that of the mainline Buddhist tradition regarding the evaluation of a concept (variously termed sankha and paññatti or prajñapti) is that the former does not provide it with experiential content, while the latter does. However, the Sautrantika nominalism moved in a different direction to offer a foundation for the metaphysical conception of a person (pudgalavada), while the
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nominalism of the Lotus moved in the direction of asserting the conception of the ultimate person (i.e., the Buddha). In terms of reputation, too, the two schools are related. For example, the Lotus is the first major text that claimed to be part of the Vaipulya tradition. Vaipulya (derived from vipula, meaning "great" or "comprehensive") represents the culmination of the transcendentalism (lokuttaraváda) known to the Kathávatthu. Thus, by the time the Lotus came to be finalized, even some of the texts like the Mahávastu and the Lalitavistara, belonging to the Sarvastivadins but emphasizing the transcendence of the Buddha, were included under the category of the vaipulyasütras.10 Not only did the Lotus exalt these sütras, it also condemned the discourses belonging to the earlier period 11 and derided the early disciples as people "delighting in the lowly" (hinabhiratá) and as not wise (aviddasu).12 It is understandable that those branded as such by the Lotus would respond by condemning the Lotus as well as the Vaipulya tradition. Thus we have the rather derogatory term vaitulyavada ("heretical teachings") used by the later commentators of Abhidhamma texts like the Kathávatthu, who identified the transcendentalist views criticized therein as the views of the vaitulyavádins, even though this term may not have been in use at the time of the compilation of the Kathávatthu itself. 13 Thus, in the eyes of the opponents of the Lotus and its philosophical standpoint, any school that leans toward the Lotus is a "heretical school" (vaitulyavada). It is not insignificant that the Abhidharmadlpa, a work of the neo-Sarvastivada, 14 refers to the Sautrántikas as "those who have reached the portals of vaitulyasástra."ls If these early commentators understood the philosophical standpoints of the different Buddhist schools, then this statement of the neo-Sarvastivadins would be no more than an assertion that the essentialist Sautrantika nominalism is what finally led to the absolute nominalism of the Lotus, and therefore of popular Maháyána. Within this absolute nominalism of the Lotus, the concrete historical Buddha, the concrete teachings relating to man and morals as embodied in the early discourses, as well as the equally concrete individuals who devoted their lives to the perfection of morality, have no place. Their elimination, coupled with the recognition of an Absolute, compelled the Lotus to propound a moral philosophy that is very different from that of the mainline Buddhist tradition. The contextual pragmatism that encouraged adoption of a life conducive to the happiness of oneself as well as others had to be abandoned. The wayfarer has no opportunity to reflect on the consequences of his or her actions, as was encouraged in the Buddha's discourse to the Kálamas. All he is left with is the "unproduced dharma" (anutpattika-dharma), the noumenon, of which he has no understanding until the attainment of buddhahood. Hence the Lotus encourages the acquiescence (ksánti) of the noumenon, 1 6 and this is
THE S/4DDHARMAPUNDARIKA-SUTRA 175 achieved primarily through faith. 17 Faith in the ultimate dharma, that is, the Buddha, can be so firm 18 that the wayfarer should be prepared to lay down his own life for it. 19 Sacrifice of one's own happiness, and even life, becomes the ideal way of life. The remaining portions of the Lotus, though of enormous religious appeal, are of little philosophical significance. The religious appeal of the Lotus is different from that of the Bhagavadgita, with which it is sometimes compared. 20 Even though the description of the Buddha in the Lotus may compare with the Gtta's representation of Narayana as clad in all the glory and majesty of a sovereign, the illuminator and vivifier of the world, the two descriptions vary in intent. Whereas the Gita may be interested in compelling the recalcitrant Arjuna to accept its conception of duty by making him realize that the universe, including himself, is the creation of the Almighty, the Buddha of the Lotus plays no such role. The glorification of the Buddha in the Lotus is done with an altogether different intention. Indeed, it creates a sense of the wondrous and the marvelous (ascarya, adbhuta) far beyond what one can find in the earlier Buddhist tradition. But when this is combined with the description of the suffering of ordinary human beings moving through the repeated cycle of births and deaths, it is intended to generate an excitement (samuttejana) eventually culminating in appeasement (sampahamsana), as a result of the realization that all beings are on their way to that ultimate buddhahood. It is in this sense that the Lotus is looked upon as a dharani not only to be recited daily but also to be copied and passed around for use by the multitude.
CHAPTER XVIII
and the T h e Larikavatara-sutra Great Emptiness (Maha-sunyata)
The Lahkavatara-sutra or Discourse on the Descent into Lanka (hereafter abbreviated as the Lanka) has a twofold historical significance. First, the title suggests that it is a discourse on the descent or entry into Lanka, and there cannot be much doubt that Lanka refers to the island of Sri Lanka, where Buddhism was established during the reign of the Emperor Asoka in the third century B.C. The text itself was compiled in India during the fourth century A.D., almost eight centuries later. Yet it is never mentioned in any literature belonging to the Sri Lankan Buddhist tradition, despite the fact that the tradition possesses a carefully compiled set of chronicles such as the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa, which include some of the legendary material utilized in the Lanka itself. Second, the Lanka is one of the most important texts of the so-called Mahayana, being included in the category called the Vaipulya-sutras. In the East Asian Buddhist tradition, it became the most sacred text of the Tsao-tung Ch'an (Soto Zen) school, being introduced into China by Bodhidharma, the first patriarch of the Ch'an tradition. The competent authority on this text, D. T. Suzuki, has downplayed the importance of the first historical fact and emphasized the second. However, both are of tremendous value when assessing the contents of this discourse, especially in the context of the history of Buddhist philosophical thought. Therefore, we have provided an appendix in which an attempt is made to trace the historical background of the compilation of the Lanka. Ideologically, the Lanka follows the doctrines of the Lotus, even though the philosophical method itself is derived from the Vajracchedika. We have already seen that the method of the Vajracchedika consisted of the deconstruction of substantialist concepts, Buddhist as well as non-Buddhist, and the reconstruction of empirically meaningful concepts without allowing for ontological commitment (see Chapter xv). In fact, the Lanka refers to the Vajracchedika rather indirectly and quotes the famous passage, "even the dharmas are to be abandoned, and how much more adharmas."1 However, the method is not applied in the same way as in the latter. The following analysis will clarify the difference. The second chapter of the Lanka begins by raising a series of ques-
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THE LANKAVATARA-SUTRA tions. Although the number of questions is mentioned as being 108, there are many more, pertaining to more than 122 topics, some of which are repeated.2 The topics are mostly those that are discussed in the Abhidharma and previously treated in a more systematic form by an exponent of the Yogacara idealism, namely, Asanga (see Appendix). The Buddha's responses, which come after all the questions have been listed, are equally unsystematic, in that some of the topics on which questions are raised are not even examined. Instead of explaining this as the characteristic Zen method, as perceived by some interpreters, of providing unrelated or meaningless answers to questions, it should be taken as representative of the unsystematic nature of the composition itself. Despite this lack of systematic treatment, it is possible to examine the significance of the Buddha's responses, all of which are presented in identical form. The first relates to "arising" (utpada) being formulated as utpadapadam anutpadapadam,3 which may be translated in two ways: 1. A term for arising is no term for arising. 2. A term for arising is a term for non-arising. Using T for the term and S for that which is signified, these may be symbolized as follows: 1. T i s S ~Tis S 2. T i s S Tis ~ S If we are to adopt the former rendering for the Lanka, as Suzuki does, then what is rejected is the term or its ability to signify, leaving intact what is signified. This would be to assume that the signified is beyond description. The second possibility would leave the term or the concept intact, but without the signified content. This allows for pouring some new content into the term or concept, which is exactly what the Vajracchedika tried to achieve. According to it, TisS Tis ~ S .-."Tis S" This last statement can accommodate the modification or qualification of both the term and the content (see Chapter xx).
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The Lanka does not adopt the three steps involved in the process of deconstruction and reconstruction. It retains only two steps, intended to achieve deconstruction of all concepts. This would mean adopting a philosophical standpoint in relation to words or concepts that is totally different from what appeared in the earlier Buddhist traditions. We have already seen that the Buddha, the Abhidhammikas, the Vajracchedika, and Nagarjuna adopted the same standpoint in their evaluation of concepts. The Lotus, on the contrary, recognized the incorruptibility of concepts. Now the Lanka comes up with a theory that negates the value of concepts altogether. In the Lanka, Mahamati comes up with the following argument: Fortunate One, is it not because of the reality of words that all things are? If not for words, Fortunate One, there would be no arising of things. Hence, Fortunate One, the existence of all things is by reason of the reality of words. 4
The Buddha's response, as presented in the prose section, is twofold. First, there are words without objects, that is, empty words such as hare's horns, tortoise's hair, and barren woman's child. Second, words are not available in the real worlds, the buddha-lands (buddha-ksetra), where ideas are expressed by looking steadily, by gestures, by a frown, movement of the eyes, laughing, yawning, by clearing the throat, by recollection, or by trembling.5 It is interesting to note that this form of communication without words is highlighted by some of the Ch'an (Zen) schools. This latter enables the Lanka to accommodate the unspeakable, including the "most excellent Samadhis." However, in the verses that follow, concepts, to which the mainline Buddhist tradition would be prepared to give validity, are taken up and rejected as the imaginations of the ignorant. As space, the hare's horns, and barren woman's child are non-entities except as expressed in words, so is this existence imagined. When causes and conditions are in combination, the ignorant imagine the birth [of this world]; as they fail to understand this reason, they wander about in the triple world which is their dwelling. 6
The Lanka, like the Lotus, is thus committed to a hierarchy of three degrees of knowledge: (1) worldly (laukika), (2) supernormal (lokottara), and (3) transcendental (lokottaratama).7 While the characterization of the last form of knowledge as lokottaratama ("transcendental" or "super-transcendental") occurs here for the first time, the description of the manner in which it is attained is slightly different from that of the
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Lotus. It is described as knowledge generated by "a thorough examination of the imagelessness or appearance-less-ness of dharmas" (nirabhasa-dharmapravicaya), "perceiving non-ceasing and non-arising" (anirodhanutpadadarsana), and "the realization of the non-substantiality at the stage of Tathagata" (tathagatabhuminairatmyadhigama).s The introduction of the two concepts of "imagelessness" or "absence of appearance" (nirabhasa) and the "stage of Tathagata" (tathagatabhiimi) seems to distinguish the Lanka from many of the Buddhist texts examined so far. The former leads the Lanka to an extreme or absolute form of idealism, thereby eliminating any and every form of discrimination as subject and object. The Buddha in the Lanka was concerned that this concept of the imagelessness would contribute to a negativist view: Mahamati, there are philosophers who are addicted to negativism according to whose philosophical view the non-existence of the hare's horns is ascertained by means of the discriminating intellect which affirms that the selfnature of things ceases with the destruction of their causes, and they say that all things are non-existent like the hare's horns. 9
This would mean that the theory of "imagelessness" (nirabhasa) can cause the first two natures (svabhava) recognized in the Lanka, namely, the imagined (parikalpita) and the relative (paratantra), to cancel each other out, leaving a completely negative feeling. In fact, the seven forms of emptiness include emptiness of relativity or mutuality as well (itaretara-sunyataJ.10 For the Lanka, the conception of the "stage of Tathagata" (tathagatabhumi) is the only way out of this negativism. It has to be a state in which there exists a positive content, but which is, at the same time, completely free from any conceptualization, discrimination, or thought process. The only candidate for this is the state of cessation (nirodhasamapatti), or the highest stage of the contemplation (jhana, Skt. dhyana), defined in the early Buddhist tradition as the "cessation of perception and what is felt" (sannavedayitanirodha). Even though, according to early Buddhism, any blissful feeling can be experienced only after emerging from the state of cessation because, in the state of cessation, what is felt is eliminated, the Lanka describes it as "abiding in the triple bliss which characterizes self-realization attained by noble wisdom."11 It is called the tathagata dhyana, and is further explained as follows: A yogin, while in his exercise, sees the form of the sun or the moon, or something looking like a lotus, or the underworld, or various forms like sky, fire, etc. All these appearances lead him to the way of the philosophers, they throw him down into the state of Sravakahood, into the realm of the Pratyekabuddhas. When all these are tossed aside and there is a state of image-
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lessness, then a condition in conformity with the Tathatâ presents itself; and the Buddhas will come from all their countries and with their shining hands will stroke the head of the benefactor. 12
What early Buddhism looked upon as a non-cognitive state of rapture (samâdhi, jhâna) now becomes the stage of Tathâgata (tathàgatabhûmi) or the womb of Tathâgata (tathâgatagarbha). It is a state of ultimate experience totally free from discrimination (nirvikalpa) and imagelessness (nirâbhâsaJ,13 and hence is referred to as nirvikalpaka-samâdhi, the highest experience a practitioner of yoga (yogâcârin) can hope to achieve.
Psychology in the Lankàvatàra The denial of the validity of all concepts left the Lanka with the responsibility of accounting for how all such concepts are formed. This represents its psychological enterprise. It is appropriate to begin our examination of that undertaking with the Lanka's reference to the four things to be achieved by a practitioner of yoga in order to become a great yogin (mahâyoginJ.14 1. Cultivation of the idea that the visible (drsya) is one's own mind (svacitta). 2. Renunciation of the views relating to arising, enduring, and ceasing. 3. Perception of the non-existence of external entities. 4. Thoroughly understanding that the realization of the noble wisdom is within one's own self. The first three are steps leading to the realization mentioned in the fourth. The first is the inevitable conclusion of the skepticism that usually plagues sensory experience. Doubts concerning what is experienced through the senses lead the yogin to compare it with dream experience, with eye-disease, with a hare's horns or barren woman's child. What is left over after such doubting is the experiencing mind. 15 One of the reasons for the uncertainty regarding the perception of the object is its instability. Very often, even the most enlightened philosophers have been compelled to assume that if something is real or true, it must be real or true always. The yogin who has already come to the conclusion that the object of perception is simply the experiencing mind is therefore led to the conclusion that arising, duration, and ceasing are acts of mind and not produced by any external event. This constitutes his perception of the unreality of the objective world, which is the third level of achievement. Here the yogin is at the threshold of the highest experience, often
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referred to in the Lanka as the realization of the noble wisdom within one's own self (svapratyatmaryajhanadhigama). This realization is achieved instantaneously.16 Thus the Lanka can accommodate both the gradual (krama) and sudden (yugapad) ways to enlightenment. The epistemological foundation is thus laid for outlining an idealistic psychology. The mainline Buddhist tradition had recognized mind (mano) as a faculty (indriya), along with six types of consciousness (vihhana)—five based on the five physical sense organs and objects, plus mental consciousness fmanovihnana), representing the contact between mind and concepts (dhamma). For the idealist of the Lanka, these seven, including the mind (mano), which earlier was viewed as a faculty (indriya), are forms of consciousness (vijhana).17 Since these were defined by the metaphysicians as being momentary, the idealist of the Lanka needed a form of consciousness that accounts for continuity. The Sautrantika metaphysicans had already posited a receptacle (asraya) in which the momentary impressions are contained. This was not adequate for the idealist, who needed to explain not only continuity but also value judgments such as good and bad, which cannot be part of momentary forms of consciousness.18 The idealist thus takes refuge in an important conception that was originally used by the Buddha to refer to attachment, 19 but that also conveyed the sense of receptacle. This is the concept of alaya. The alaya-vijhana thus becomes the eighth form of consciousness.20 It is often compared with the ocean whose surface water is disturbed by the winds of activity, appearing in the form of constantly changing waves.21 However, the wind of activity is not something external. The dispositional tendencies accumulated from time immemorial, which lie dormant in the