A Handbook of Late Spoken Manx: Volume 1 Grammar and Text [Reprint 2011 ed.] 9783110924879, 9783484429031

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BUCHREIHE DER ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR CELTISCHE PHILOLOGIE HERAUSGEGEBEN VON HEINRICH WAGNER UND KARL HORST SCHMIDT

Band 3

GEORGE BRODERICK

A HANDBOOK OF LATE SPOKEN MANX VOL. 1 GRAMMAR and TEXTS

Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen

1984

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Broderick, George:

A handbook of late spoken Manx / George Broderick. - Tübingen : Niemeyer Vol. 1. Grammar and texts. - 1984. (Buchreihe der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie ; Bd. 3) NE: Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie / Buchreihe ISBN 3-484-42903-8 ) Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1984 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, dieses Buch oder Teile daraus photomechanisch zu vervielfältigen. Printed in Germany. Druck: Weihert-Druck GmbH, Darmstadt.

DA NY LOAYREYDERYN DOOGHYSSAGH

Vll

O

N

T

E

N

T

S

P a ge

Chapter Introduction

xv

List of Speakers Map

xxix

Abbreviations I

II

.xxvii

xxx

PHONETIC SYSTEM Vowels

l

Consonants

3

Diacritics

5

Stress

6

INITIAL CHANGES Lenition Consonants liable to be lenited

7

Nouns after the article

9

after possessive adjectives

9

after numerals

10

after prepositions

12

after preposition plus article

13

after laa and oie

14

Lenition of verbal nouns

15

of adjectives after nouns

16

of numerals

16

of pronouns

17

of particles

18

of verbs in the various tenses

18

Vlll

of prepositions

19

after dy chooilley, drogh, feer, lieh, ro, shenn

19

of adverbs heese and heose

20

of personal and place-names

20

of adjectives

20

in verbs

21

Eclipsis

III

T before S

21

h- before vowels

23

n- between er and vowel

23

r- between vowels to break hiatus

23

Loss of g before 1 in initial position

24

NOUNS Gender

25

Vocative singular

27

Genitive case

28

Dative singular

30

Only occurring in oblique cases

30

Numbe r

30

Formation of plurals

33

Plural of loose compounds

36

Dative plural

36

Abstract nouns of degree

36

IV ADJECTIVES Number

38

Formation of plural

38

Position

38

Equative

40

Comparative - its formation

41

its uses Superlative

42 43

IX

Possessives

V

VI

VII VIII

.

44

General

45

Quantitative

45

Definite

45

Indefinite

46

NUMERALS Cardinal without a noun

47

Cardinal with a noun

48

Ordinal

50

Fractions

51

Multiplicative

51

Personal

52

PERSONA L PRONOUNS Forms

53

Gender

53

Number

55

Case

55

Unstressed and stressed

56

Emphatic forms

57

After prepositions

58

Order

58

Omission or insertion

59

PREPOSITIONAL PRONOUNS

60

OTHER PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES Reflexive

64

Reciprocal

64

Emphatic

64

Demonstrative

65

Relative

66

Identity

67

Interrogative

67

General

68

χ

IX

X

Distributive

69

Indefinite

69

Quantitative

69

THE ARTICLE Forms

71

With Singular nouns

71

With plural nouns

72

Other uses

73

THE VERB Paradigm of the substantive verb VE Simple and habitual present indicative

75

Future indicative

78

Simple and habitual past indicative

78

Conditional and past subjunctive

80

Perfect indicative

80

Future perfect indicative

81

Pluperfect indicative

81

Past conditional

81

Imperative, infinitive, past participle

82

Paradigm of JANNOO

82

Regular verb Paradigm of GOAILL

85

Inflected tenses of regular verbs

86

Irregular verbs Paradigm of CHEET

88

Paradigm of CLASHTYN

89

Paradigm of CUR, COYRT

89

Paradigm of FAKIN

90

Paradigm of FEDDYN, GEDDYN

90

Paradigm of GOLL

92

Paradigm of GRA

92

The Copula (paradigm and uses)

93

XI

Replaced by the substantive verb

97

Defective verbs FOD

98

JARG

99

LHISIN, LHISAGH

100

ER- LHIAM, ER- LESH

100

(CHA GREIDYM)

100

Subjunctive

100

Passive

101

Uses of tenses Present

102

Future

103

Past

104

Conditional, past conditional Perfect tenses

XI

, . . . . 105,6 106

Relative

106

Ve rbal noun

106

Verbal adjective

110

ADVERBS Manner

Ill

State

112

Time and frequency

H2

Telling the time

116

Place and position

116

Quantity and degree

118

Addition

119

Probability

120

Emphasis

120

Metaphor

120

Pleonastic

121

Interrogative

121

Casuality

122

Prepositions as adverbs

122

Xll

Comparison of adverbs XII

XIII

PREPOSITIONS

122 123

Adverbs as prepositions

139

With two nouns

139

CONJUNCTIONS AND CONJUNCTIONAL CLAUSES Co-ordinative

140

Subordinative Causal

140

Concessive

141

Final

141

Temporal

142

Circumstantial

143

Comparative

143

Conditional Open conditions

144

Closed conditions

144

Relative

146

Interrogative

147

Affirmative

148

Negative

148

XIV PARTICLES Preverbial Preterite particle d-

149

Negative

149

Interrogative

149

Negative interrogative

150

Optative

150

Negative prefixes

150

Adverbial XV XVI

INTERJECTIONS AND EXCLAMATIONS ABILITY, POSSIBILITY, PERMISSION, NECESSITY,

150 151

Xlll

OBLIGATION

XVII

Ability

152

Possibility

153

Permis sion

153

Necessity

153

Obligation

154

KNOWLEDGE FYS

155

ENN

155

OAYLLYS, OALYS

156

SHIONE

156

XVIII

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS

XIX

DIALECT DIFFERENCES

157

Long - a and long -o

160

Diphthong ization

161

Treatment of Gaelic UA, AO, MX. EAY

161

Treatment of Gaelic OIDHCHE and ΝΑΟΙ

162

The pre-occlusives

162

Loss of medial spirants

163

Loss of g before 1 in initial position

164

Differences in vocabulary

165

Other differences

166

The Peel subdialect

166

TEXTS Speakers from the North

page of text

trans.

Thomas Christian

168

406

John Kneen ( T h e Gaaue)

230

427

Harry Boyde

270

440

John Tom Kaighin

284

445

M r s . Annie Kneale

306

453

Danny Caine

310

454

XIV

John Cain

312

454

William Cowley

316

455

318

455

James Kewley

318

456

John Nelson

320

456

William Quane

322

456

Harry Kelly

324

457

Ned Maddrell

342

462

Tommy Leece

374

472

Mrs. Sage Kinvig

376

473

M r s . Eleanor Karran

382

474

Tom Karran

384

475

Mrs. Emily Lowey

386

475

Thomas Taggart

388

476

Joseph Woodworth

392

476

Edward Kennah

396

477

Thomas C rebbin

398

478

Thomas Moore

402

479

John Christian

,

Speakers from the South

XV

I N T R O D U C T I O N

The subject of this work! is a description of Late Manx Gaelic speech ( referred to hereinafter as Late Spoken Manx or Spoken Manx), that is to say, the speech of the last thirty or so native Manx speakers, the last of whom Ned Maddrell died on 27th December 1974.^ Much of the material used is contained on sound recordings ranging in date from 19O9 to 1972. These recordings are supplemented in particular with hopefully all the original material taken down in phonetics from native speakers by Prof. Carl Marstrander during his visits to Man between 1929 and 1933. Additional items from the phonetic collections of Profs. Heinrich Wagner and Kenneth Jackson are also included; v. below. The sound recorded material in existence, so far as is known, 3 i s as follows: A. The Vienna Recordings These are extant on ten phonograph cylinders (nos. 1O72, 1O88-96), and were made by Dr. Rudolf Trebitsch of the Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, between 5th-8th August 19O9, of William Joseph Cain (b. 1825-6) of Onchan, William Cowley (b. 184243 Lezayre) of Douglas, Thomas Moore (b. 1835-6 Ballaglonney Lhag, Bradda ) of Port Erin, and John Nelson (b. 1839-4O Andreas) of 1. An amplification of a Queen's University of Belfast PhD. thesis. 2. As most of them were born around the middle of the nineteenth century, the Manx they spoke in their childhood and younger days would be representative of native speech at that time. It is usually classed as Late Manx Gaelic. The Manx spoken today, though based on native Manx speech, is revived Manx and is usually classified as Neo-Manx. 3. Other recordings in private hands and unknown to me may possibly exist.

XVI

Ramsey. The contents include readings from the Manx Bible and the reading or recitation of short pieces of prose and verse, some of which was composed by the speakers themselves.

The wax cylinders are now

housed at the above Akademie in Vienna. B. The_ Mars t rander Recordings These were made, according to Marstrander himself, 4 on forty eight phonograph cylinders by Prof. Carl J. S. Marstrander,

University of

Oslo, Norway, in late January-early February 1933 of Harry Kelly (1853-1935) of Cregneash (28 cyl. , nos. 2 - 2 9 ) , William'Quane (b. 185O) of Peel (five cyl. ), Caesar Cashen ( b . c . 185O Dalby) of Peel (two c y l . ) , Mr Fayle ( b . c . 1852) of Stauard, Sulby (two cyl. ) , John Cain (b.£. I860) of Ballamoar, Jurby (two c y l . ) , and [Thomas] Quayle (b. Ronague) of Castletown (one c y l . ) . Three other cylinder recordings were made of Harry Kelly, one of J. J. Kneen (not a native speaker), and three of William Cubbon, one time librarian of the Manx Museum (also not a native speaker). Of the forty eight cylinder recordings made only twenty three have so far come to light. They include the one of J. J. Kneen and nos. 2-24 of Harry Kelly (excluding no.7 which is missing; part of no. 14 is also missing). The contents include much folklore material delivered in separate sentence form, ^ some recited song and hymn fragments, and a number of individual lexical items. The original cylinders are housed in the Keltisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo. In addition to the phonographic cylinders Marstrander made substantial phonetic recordings contained in four manuscript volumes (v. below) presented to the Manx Museum on behalf of the Norwegian Government 4. v. Carl J. S. Marstrander Defunctae Linguae Manniae Specimina I : 597ff. Four volumes of phonetic mss., Manx Museum MSS. 5354-57B. Bound in red with guilt tooling. 5. Most of the sentences are repeated three or four times, as Marstrander wanted to make sure he obtained the material satisfactorily, since the recording machine he was using was apparently faulty, v. his Diary pp. 81-82.

xvii on 2nd July 1951; a fifth volume in the f o r m of a box contains sundry items, including letters concerning the recordings, photographs of some of the speakers ( some photographs also appear at the start of vol. I ) , and a diary (in Norwegian) of his visit to Man in the summer of 1929, in the late summer of 1930, and early 1933. In addition to the phonetic transcriptions of the cylinder recordings ( i n vol. I),

with

the exception of those of Kneen and Cubbon, the four volumes (which extend to some 263O or so pages) contain much material^ particularly from Thomas Christian (1851-193O Slieau Lewaigue, Maughold) of Ramsey ( Marstrander' s chief s o u r c e ) , but also from Joseph Woodworth (b. 1854 The Smelt, Gansey, near Pbrt St. Mary, d. 1931) of Fbrt Erin,

Thomas Taggart (b. 1846 Ballagilbert, Malew ) of

Grenaby, Malew,

Edward Kennah (b. 1859 Ballacleary, Arbory ) of

Ronague, Arbory,

Thomas Crebbin ( b . c . 1854) of Bradda Village.

In the course of his cuairt round Man in 1929 M a r s t r a n d e r noted some material of a minor nature ( e g . numerals, individual lexical items, recitations of the L o r d ' s Prayer, one or two rhymes, etc. ) in his Diary from the following informants: -

John Joseph Corrin (b. 1857-8

Ballacroshey, Ballaugh ) of Ballachurree, Andreas,

Wilfred Wade of

Sandygate , Jurby (latterly of Orrisdale, Michael),

John Christian

(b. 1844-5) of Sulby Glen, Lezayre,

Mr. C o w l e y ( b . 1843-4) of

Creggan, Tholt y Will, Lezayre,

Mr. Farakyl sic ( ?Faragher) ( b .

1864-5) of Sulby Glen, Lezayre,

Mr. Fayle of Stauard, Sulby (v.

above),

Mr. Mylechreest (b. 1854-5 ) of ?Ballaskeig Beg, Kirk

Maughold,

James Kewley (b. 185O-1 Lezayre) of Kirk Maughold,

Mr.

Watterson ( b . c . 1864) of Glenchass, Rushen, Mr. Gawne ( b . c . I860) of West Nappin, Jurby,

John Cain of Ballamoar (v. above) and

6. virtually all this material is written out again in vol. Ill, but seems to be a separate rendering. It is likely the f i r s t takingdown of Kelly's vita, which according to Marstrander' s Diary (p. 73) took place on 1st Sept. 193O. 7. including stories, anecdotes, folklore, songs, proverbs, phrases, readings from the Manx Bible.

XV111

William Quane of Peel (v. above) . C. The Irish Folklore Commission Recordings These were made on wax discs by Dr. Caoimhin O Danachair of the Irish Folklore Commission, Dublin, from

22nd April to 5th May 1948,

as a result of an official state visit to Man by the then Taoiseach Eamon De Valera on 23rd July 1947. The native speakers recorded by the Commission were Mrs Annie Kneale (c. 1865-1949) of Ballagarrett, Bride,

John Tom Kaighin (1862-1954) of Ballagarrett, Bride,

Boyde (c_. 187O-1953 Bishop's Court) of Ballaugh,

Harry

John Kneen ( T h e

G a a u e ) ( l 8 52 - 1958 Andreas or Lezayre ) 8 of Ballaugh,

Ned Maddrell

(1877-1974 Corvalley, near Cregneash) of Glenchass, Rushen,

Tommy

Leece (1859-1956 Ronague, Arbory ) of Kerroomooar, Kerrookeil, Malew,

Mrs Sage Kinvig (187O-1962) of Garey Hollin, Ronague,

Mrs

Eleanor Karran (187O-1953) of Cregneash. The contents include much folklife material, stories, conversations between speakers, and the recitation of some song-fragments, one or two hymns, and versions of the L o r d ' s Prayer. Some four hours of recordings were made, according to Dr. Danachair. The original disc recordings are housed in the archives of the old Irish Folklore Commission, now the Dept. of Irish Folklore, University College Dublin. Copy-tapes were later forwarded to the Manx Museum in Douglas, which appear catalogued as MM. 3641 inclusive in the archive index. D. The Manx Museum Recordings These were made on paper tapes following on from the IFC ' s visit to Man by the staff of the Manx Museum Folklife Survey from 1949-5O to 8. It is not exactly certain where he was born, since he has given both places on different occasions. Dates of birth were not registered in Man until 1878. He was christened at St. Jude's, Andreas, in I860.

XIX

52. The native speakers recorded were John Kneen (The Gaaue) , John Tom Kaighin, Harry Boyde, Mrs Eleanor Karran and her brother Tom Karran (1877-1959 ) of Cregneash. The contents are similar to those of the IFC recordings. The Manx Museum recordings are catalogued MM. 22, 25, 26, 28, 32, 35 in the archive index,

and along with the

IFC copy-tapes were reprocessed on to polyethylene tapes by the School of Scottish Studies in 1973. E. Yn Cheshajjht Ghailckagh Recordings These were made also on paper tapes by members of Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh 'The Manx Language Society 1 between 1951 and 1953. The speakers recorded were John Kneen ( T h e Gaaue), Ned Maddrell, Harry Boyde, John Tom Kaighin, Danny Caine (I860, 61-1952) of Little London, Michael, Leece.

Tom Karran, Mrs Sage Kinvig, and Tommy

Twenty nine tapes were made all told, nos. 1-24, 29, 3O, 32,

34, including a copy of part of the recordings made by a Mr. Gelling of Liverpool in 1947 of Mrs Emily Lowey (1869-1947) of Kirkill, Rushen ( Y C G . 29 and part of 3O.), and Wilfred Wade ( c . I860-1947) of Orrisdale,

Michael ( Y C G . 2 9 ) . The contents include material similar

to that of the Irish Folklore Commission and Manx Museum, but more of it.

The recordings were copied on to better tapes by the School of

Scottish Studies in 1961. F.

The Linguistic Survey of Scotland Recordings

These were made on four polyethylene tapes by David Clement of the Gaelic section of the Linguistic Survey of Scotland of Ned Maddrell and Ewan Christian ( 1 9 O 7 - ) of Peel, a semi-native speaker, ° in August 1972. The contents include a number of lexical items sought in the form of a questionnaire, stories, and some small anecdotes.

9. According to himself, he learned his Manx initially from two old ladies when he was about five years old, and later from fishermen and farmers in and around Peel. It is clear from his pronunciation that his contact with the language was early.

XX

The tapes are numbered LSS. 902, 903, 908, 909 in the archive. The same archive contains copies of some recordings made by Mr. Gelling of Ned Maddrell, Tommy Leece, John Kneen (The Gaaue), and John Tom Kaighin in 1947. It is numbered LSS. 901 in the archive, but is classed here with the Private Recordings infra. The LSS archive also houses 'cleaned up 1 copies of the IFC recordings on LSS. 951 and 952. The former, classified here as IFC. 951, contains material not on other copies. G. Private Recordings As the title implies, these were made by private individuals between 1 9 4 7 and 1962. They are PR. 1 made by Mr. Gelling, as mentioned above, PR. 2 by Walter Clarke, Ramsey, of Ned Maddrell, c. I960, and PR. 3 by Dr. Brian Stowell (with Bernard Caine) of Ned Maddrell in June 1962. PR. 1 contains much folkloristic matter similar to that on the IFC, MM, YCG recordings, and also some general conversation. PR. 2 has Ned Maddrell talking about his younger days in Cregneash and at the fishing, and PR.3 contains some anecdotes and a number of lexical items sought through conversation. The original tapes in the last two cases are with their owners. Ceiling's own recordings were originally made on wax discs. It is not known what has become of them. +

A half-hour tape recording of Ned Maddrell was made for RTE by Proinsias O Conluain in November 1969. It contains conversation of a general nature. I myself made a recording of Ewan Christian in May 1978, obtaining a number of lexical items and one or two chants (in English) . In addition to the above sound recordings phonetic material of native Manx speech was collected first of all by Prof. John Rhys during the course of six visits to Man made between 1886 and 1893. The speakers he obtained information from were ( f r o m the South) W. J. Cain of Glen Dhoo, Onchan,

John Kermode of Surby,

Mrs Keggin of Cregneash,

John Sansbury of Surby, C;.pt. Watterson of Colby, Henry Cubbon of

xxi

Ronague, Mr Mylrea of Braddan; ( f r o m the North) Mr Cannell of Kirk Michael, Mr Killip of Clyeen, Michael, Andreas ( o f B r i d e ) , Dalby),

John Joughin of Ballacrebbin,

Mrs Cowley, Bride,

William Quirk of Peel ( of

Mr [William] Cashen of Peel ( o f Dalby) ,

Capt. John Kelly of Peel, Ballaugh),

Mr Dawson of Peel,

Thomas Callister of Ramsey (of Pooldooie,

John Boyd and John Crye of Lezayre,

John Stephen of

Ballaugh. His findings were printed in 'The Outlines of the Phonology of Manx Gaelic ' appended to the second volume of Bishop John Phillips ' Manx version of the Anglican 'Book of Common P r a y e r ' , ed. J. Rhys and A. W. Moore ( Manx Society xxxii and xxxiii ( Douglas 1893-94 ) ) . His treatise was also published separately by the Manx Society in 1894. Though this is the first evidence of Spoken Manx,

the material ( i n

single items) has not been used here owing to the difficulty of intelligibility. Jackson (1955-4) also experienced difficulty with it. In July 1949 Prof. Francis J. Carmody, University of California at Berkeley, visited the Isle of Man and obtained some linguistic material from John Kneen (The Gaaue), John Tom Kaighin, Harry Boyde, Ned Maddrell, and Mrs. Catherine Watterson (186O1951 Glenchass) of Colby. This was published in ZCP xxiv 58-8O. In the summer of 19 5O Prof. Heinrich Wagner, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, made a visit to Man and obtained much lexical material in sentence form from the same informants as used by Carmody, but with the addition of Mrs. Eleanor Karran. His finds were published in his Linguistic Atlas and Survey of Irish Dialects vol. I (individual lexical items only) ( Dublin 1958) and vol. IV (produced in collaboration with Colm 0 Baoill, Dublin 1969), point 88. W a g n e r ' s other works that deal with Spoken Manx include Das Verbum in den 1O. So far as is known, the first study of Manx was made by Edward Lhuydwhen he (or his agent) collected a number of lexical items in Man c. 17O3-4, ninety five of which were published in his Archaeologia Britannica in 17O7. For details v. R. L. Thomson 'Edward JLhuyd in the Isle of Man? ' in Celtic Studies: Essays in Memory of Angus Matheson 1912-1962 ed. James Carney and David Greene ( London 1968 ) pp. 17O-82. About six or seven

XX11

Sprachen der britischen Inseln (Tübingen 1959), v. esp. pp. 88-94; 'Nordeuropäische Lautgeographie, IV. Bemerkungen zur Phone sis des Manxischen 1 ZCP xxix 293ff. ; 'Near Eastern and African Connections with the Celtic W o r l d ' in The Celtic Consciousness, ed. Robert O ' D r i s c o l l (Portlaoise and Edinburgh 1982) p. 53ff. Shortly after Christmas of the same year Prof. Kenneth Jackson, University of Edinburgh, spent a fortnight in Man collecting material from W a g n e r ' s informants plus Tommy Leece. It was published in his Contributions to the Study of Manx Phonology (Edinburgh 1955) . The material here is largely made up of individual lexical items arranged under various phonological headings. The sound recorded material used for this work includes all the aforementioned with the exception of part of the Vienna collection considered unsuitable, u The material from the Vienna and Marstrander recordings was particularly difficult to elicit owing to the presence of surface noise on the r e c o r d i n g s . Fortunately Dr. Trebitsch had his informants supply him with transcriptions of their contributions, and these have been of great help in deciphering the material. The phonetic versions of these passages are only tentative and must be treated with great care. Marstrander had his own phonetic transcripts of the cylinder recordings of Harry Kelly. His phonetics in all cases have been adjusted to the system outlined in Ch. I.

years ago a further thousand or so lexical items from Lhuyd' s Manx corpus were discovered by Mr. Dafydd Ifans of the National Library of Wales in the Mysevin coll. of mss. in the same library; v. Dafydd Ifans and R. L. Thomson "Edward Lhuyd's Geirieu Manaweg ' Studia Celtica xiv-xv (1979 -8O), pp. 1 2 9 - 6 " ~ ~ ~ ~ 11. ie. C a i n ' s reading from the Manx Bible, M o o r e ' s reading of his own Manx Gaelic version of the Manx National Anthem and two small pieces about Port Erin, Nelson's reading of two songs from A. W. Moore' s Manx Ballads and Music ( Douglas 1896), and a poem translated from the English. Also M a r s t r a n d e r ' s phonetic notation of readings from the Manx Bible and of songs from M o o r e ' s ' B a l l a d s ' have not been used or included.

xxiii

The Grammar section attempts to describe the state of Manx Gaelic as spoken by the native speakers. One or two of the main features of Late Spoken Manx are the practical disappearance of the oblique cases and of gender, and of the synthetic f o r m s of the verb. And so any attempt at tabulated classifications on the lines of some treatises on Irish dialects, eg. Gaeilge Chois Fhairrge - An Deilbhiocht by Tomas de Bhaldraithe ( Baile Atha Cliath 1953), is not really possible.

The

standard orthography of Manx Gaelic is often misleading in its representation of the spoken language, and for this reason it has not been used in the examples involving an English translation (though it is used extensively, for example, in the section on the nouns where examples of individual words are given) . Phonetics are used instead. Many of the examples in the Grammar can also be found in the Dictionary. Here the standard orthography is used in conjunction with the phonetic script. The Texts contain the main contributions of the speakers concerned, and material in isolated sentences not in the body of the Texts appears separately, either in examples in the Grammar or in the Dictionary. The Texts appear in phonetic notation as well as in standard Manx orthography, and are accompanied by a literal English translation, since much of the material may be of interest to folklorists. The textual headings are my own. In the Dictionary I have attempted to supply all the lexical items attested in the sound recorded material known and available to me, and from the Marstrander collection ( o r that part of it that has been used) . Words and phrases absent from the above, but attested in the Wagner and Jackson collections, have been extracted from these collections and incorporated in the Dictionary. All the items listed are given their pronunciation in phonetic notation. Occasionally a word may be pronounced differently by the same or more than one speaker, and here I have tried to give as many variants as possible. Most of the items have examples ( b y no means exhaustive) of their use, and all items (and their pronunciations and any examples) are indicated from whom they were obtained. Examples from Jackson are prefixed with J,

XXIV

eg. J : E K , and from Wagner with W. Wagner does not indicate the speaker, only the area, ie. North ( N ) or South ( S ) . And so examples from vol. IV appear marked with W: N or W: S, and from vol. I, the actual Atlas, with WA: N, WA: S, or merely WA if the area is not known. Both W a g n e r ' s and Jackson's phonetics are reproduced without alteration, with the exception of J a c k s o n ' s [ l ] which is transcribed [ j ] , his [£>] as [ g], the ligature [32.] as [ a ] , and his [j] as [ r] or a superior r. With regard to the content of the Dictionary, attested plurals of nouns are given immediately after the noun, eg. crosh, -yn, Manninagh, Manninee; also plurals of adjectives, if they occur, eg. aeg, -ey, mooar, -ey.

Verbal nouns are translated as if participles with the

remnant of ag, which has become quiescent in Manx before verbs with initial consonant, eg. caigney, jannoo, and attached to verbs with initial vowel, eg. ginsh, geeck. But where a verbal noun occurs with no participial particle attached, it is then translated as such, eg. eaishtagh ' act of listening '. Dependent forms of verbs, if not listed separately, may be found under any of their particles, ie. cha, dy, nagh. Inflected preterites of regular verbs are usually given under the verbal noun. Preterites of irregular verbs are listed separately, as are those ( o f regular v e r b s ) containing the particle d-, eg. deeck, dinsh. Prepositional pronouns are to be found under the general preposition, if not separately itemized, eg. aym, ayd, etc, may appear separately rather than under ec. Words having no speaker' s( s ' ) initials after their pronunciation means that the pronunciation is general.

In some examples lenited forms are

given instead of, or as well as the radical, as being the only forms supplied, eg.

[vQirax] for boiragh, [νρ:η'] for mooin (though [mun]

is also supplied from the same speaker) . English words, such as ' l u g g e r 1 , ' s a c k ' , which are long established

xxv

in the spoken language, have also been included. The main dictionary is followed by glossaries of personal and placenames attested in the corpus. An addendum to the main dictionary is also to be found. Throughout, but especially in the Texts and Dictionary, standard Manx orthography has occasionally been modified to reflect certain aspects of the pronunciation of the spoken language, eg. words such as dy chur and dy gholl, written in such a way as to indicate the presence of a velar spirant, voiceless and voiced, appear as dy cur and dy goll, since in these instances at any rate the spirants are no longer present in the spoken language (though chur is given for the preterite to distinguish it from the verbal noun, even though there is absence of lenition, viz. [ k ö r ] ; v. also below). But where such a spirant is attested, as in [3 ' x o : l ] , then the orthography reflects it, viz. er choayl . This would appear as er coayl when the spirant was absent. However, in such words as chied and cheayll the orthography has remained unaltered, even though the spirant indicated by the spelling has disappeared, since such an alteration, ie. ch to c or k, would alter their morphe and could hinder easy reference. To distinguish ch = [t'/] from ch · [x] or [h] a cidilla has been placed on the c of the former, viz. ch. This is quite unhistorical as far as standard (or any) Manx orthography is concerned. So far as is known, it was first employed by Kelly in his dictionary. It is employed here to assist those who are unfamiliar with Manx orthography. On occasion lexical items turn up in the spoken material which, as far as is known, are not noticed in the literary language or in the dictionaries. For these spellings have been invented in accordance with Manx usage, but with the sort of modifications as indicated above. This entire work has been prepared under the editorship of Heinrich Wagner who has been generously forthcoming with much valuable help and advice, especially in the provision of the appropriate Gaelic (whether

XXVI

Old, Middle, or Modern Irish, or Scottish Gaelic) equivalents of the Manx forms.

We are also greatly indebted to Robert L. Thomson in

this regard, particularly for his valuable criticism and additional information supplied. It has not been possible at this juncture to provide a Gaelic index, but one is now in preparation and will hopefully be published in a forthcoming issue of ZCP. I also extend my thanks to the following for their help in providing additional information about many of those mentioned in the Glossary of Personal Names, and about many of the native speakers themselves: to Mark Braide, Baldrine, St. J u d e ' s , Colby,

Walter Clarke, Ramsey,

Douglas C. Faragher, Kirk Braddan,

Leslie Quirk, Port Erin,

M. Caine, Ramsey,

John Crellin,

John Gell ( l a t e ) ,

William Radcliffe, Maughold, Ms.

Dr. Malcolm Hannan, Peel.

In addition I extend my thanks and gratitude to Prof. Gerry Stockman, Dept. of Celtic, The Queen's University of Belfast, for allowing the use of the Department's phonetic typewriter upon which this entire work was started and finished, and to Prof. James Carney and Prof. Brian O Cuiv, Director of the School of Celtic Studies at the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, for availing me of every facility to complete this task. I am also most grateful to Heinrich Wagner for his proof-reading of the Grammar and Dictionary, and for his great interest and encouragement in seeing the whole project through from start to finish. Any mistakes that remain are quite literally my own. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 3Oth January 1984.

GB.

χχν 11

L I S T

O F

S P E A K E R S

FROM THE NORTH HB

Harry Boyde, Ballaugh

DC

Danny Caine, Little London, Michael

EC

Ewan Christian, Peel

JC

John Cain, Ballamoar,

Jurby

John Joseph Corrin, Ballachurree, Andreas

JJC

TC

Thomas Christian,

Ramsey

WC

William Cowley, Douglas (of Lezayre)

JChr

John Christian, Sulby Glen,

Lezayre

AK

Mrs Annie Kneale, Ballagarrett,

JK

John Kneen ( T h e Gaaue) , Ballaugh John Tom Kaighin, Ballagarrett,

JTK

JKew

James Kewley, Maughold

JN

John Nelson, Ramsey

Bride

Bride

WQ

William Quane, Peel

WW

Wilfred Wade, Orrisdale, Michael

Co

Mr. Cowley, Creggan, Tholt y Will, Lezayre

Fa

Mr. Farakyl ( ? F a r a g h e r ) , Sulby Glen, Lezayre

Fl

Mr. Fayle, Stauard, Sulby

Ga

Mr. Gawne, West Nappin, Jurby

Myl

Mr. Mylechreest, ?Ballaskeig Beg, Maughold

FROM THE SOUTH TCr

:

Thomas Crebbin, Bradda Village, Rushen

EK

:

Mrs Eleanor Karran, Cregneash, Rushen

HK

:

H a r r y Kelly, Cregneash, Rushen

SK

:

Mrs Sage Kinvig, Ronague, Arbory

XXV111

TK

Tom Karran, Cregneash, Rushen

EKh

Edward Kennah, Ronague, Arbory

EL

Mrs Emily Lowey, Kirkill, Rushen

TL

Tommy Leece, Kerrookeil, Malew

NM

Ned Maddrell, Glenchass, Rushen

TM

Thomas Moore, Brookfield, Fbrt Erin

TQ

Thomas Quayle ( T h e Gardner), Castletown

TT

Thomas Taggart, Grenaby, Malew

cw

Mrs Catherine Watterson, Colby

JW

Joseph Woodworth, Fbrt Erin

Wa

Mr. Watterson, Glenchass, Rushen

Bal

unnamed informant from Ballasalla

XXIX

Μ ΑΝ Ν ΙΝ

Isle of Man

Point of Ayre Ballagal

Jurbv·**'^ West Nappinf.

Andreas

B*allamoar

NORTHSIDE

f Aχπη

j

v

1/P f.

f( Hill Area

« Kerrookeil • Grenaby Ron ague

x-*~^

Colby Ballasalla » CASTL.ETOWN

SOUTHSIDE

xxx

A B B R E V I A T I O N S

Common abbreviations are not included a . , a d j ( j ) : adjective(s) a b s t r . : abstract a c e . : accusative adv. : adverb A. Norm.: Anglo-Norman art. : article a s s i m . : assimilated, assimilation b. : born Ch. : Chapter coll. : collective comp.: compound cond. : conditional conj. : conjunction c o r r e s p . : corresponding cpv. : comparative C r . : C r e g e e n ' s Dictionary (Manx) cyl. : cylinder d. : died dat. : dative def. : definite dem. : demonstrative dep.: dependent deriv. : derived, derivation deute rot.: deuterotonic DIL. : Dictionary of the Irish Language, Royal Irish Academy dim. : diminutive Dinn. : Dinneen's Dictionary ( I r i s h ) disyll. : disyllable( s ) , disyllabic Don.: Donegal Dw. : Dwelly's Dictionary (Scottish Gaelic) E . , Eng.: English eclip. : eclipsis emph. : emphatic exclam. : exclamation excr.: excrescent exp. : expected f . , fem. :

feminine

XXXI

F r . : French f r . : from frag. : fragment fut. : future g . , gen.: genitive gen. : generalized Ger. : German id.: idiom IDPP: T. F. O'Rahilly Irish Dialects Past and Present impers.: impersonal impf. : imperfect impv. : imperative indef. : indefinite indep.: independent indie.: indicative infl. : inflected instrum. : instrument i n t e r j . : interjection inter r. : interrogative I r . : Irish K. : Kelly's Dictionary (Manx) len. : lenited, lenition lit.: literally m., masc.: masculine metaph. : metaphorical metath. : metathesis ME. : Middle English Mir. : Middle Irish MX. : Manx n. : noun nas.: nasalized, nasalization NE. : Northern English NED. : New English Dictionary neg. : negative NFr. : Norman French NIr. : Northern Irish nn. : nickname nom. : nominative (5 Ddnaill : Niall O Donaill Focldir Gaeilge-Bearla OE. : Old English Olr. : Old Irish ON. : Old Norse onom.: onomatopoeic opt., op tat. : optative orig.: original(ly)

XXXI l

pal., palat.: palatalized, palatalization parad. : paradigm paraph.: paraphrase part. : particle, participle pass. : passive perf. : perfect periph. : periphrastic pers.: person, personal Phillips : Bishop John Phillips' Manx translation of the Anglican 'B ook of Common Prayer', c. 161O. phr. : phrase pi. : plural pn.: pronoun p o s s . : possessive ppa. : past participle active ppp. : past participle passive p r . : pronounced predic.: predicate, predicative p r e p . : preposition( s) pres. : present prot. : prototonic p r o v . : proverb rel. :

relative

ScG. : Scottish Gaelic SGS.: Scottish Gaelic Studies s g . , sing.: singular Sir. : Southern Irish subj. : subjunctive subst. : substitute, substitution sugg.: suggested ( t o ) superl. : superlative syll. : syllable syncop.: syncopated unpal. : unpalatalized unstr. : unstressed va. : verbal adjective var. : variant vb. : verb vbn., v n , : verbal noun voc. : vocative W.: ZCP:

Welsh Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie

I PHONETIC SYSTEM

§1.

The phonetic system used in this work broadly t r a n s c r i b e s the

sound recorded material of Late Manx Gaelic speech. Because the quality of the recordings in many cases do not reach the standards of today a transcription of a narrow nature has not been attempted. The phonetic symbols used are based on those of Heinrich Wagner in his 'Atlas' and of Kenneth Jackson in his 'Contributions', and are not necessarily those of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) . As this work is geared primarily for Celticists, who may or may not understand phonetics, the following description of the symbols used may appear somewhat unscientific to the professional phonetician. A. The Vowels^ §2. The cardinal position indicates the principal vowels; the centralized vowels are placed in their relative positions.

unrounded front i

• rounded ·

top high close

y

low open

unrounded rounded u back

2

a.

The back vowels are: α, φ, j, D, 9, o, 9, u ( a , D, o, u being

the principal o n e s ) ; poorly rounded -u .

α » back -a,

D · open -ο, ο = close -o,

u*

The remaining symbols represent intermediate

stages. Their unrounded varieties are: 3, 6, λ. , b.

The front vowels are: a, ς, t, §, e, e, i (a, «, e, i being the

principal o n e s ) ;

a = front -a,

t = open -e,

e a close -e,

i = close

-i . The remaining symbols represent intermediate stages. Their rounded varieties are:

E, 0, y .

p is between α and a ;

is similar to λ and could very well

be interchanged for it. c.

Of the central vowels [a]

is the principal one. The remaining

centralized symbols i, j,, ϊ, e, ο, ο

represent sounds which are very

like [ 3 ] , but tend towards the direction of the cardinal vowels to a greater or lesser degree as indicated in the diagram. They are unrounded and interchange easily. d.

All vowels and their varieties can be long or short. 'Long 1 in

Manx terms much of the time hovers somewhere around three-quarter length in Irish t e r m s . e.

[a] is a front vowel and represents the [a] generally heard in N.

Eng. ' c a t 1 . Sometimes it can be raised to [^] or [ t ] , particularly'with some northern speakers, eg. [ v a ] , [νς], [ν«]; [ h a j , [ h « ] . The back vowel [a] is quite often raised towards an open -o. It would sound something like the 1st a in Ir. fada, but more fronted. [«] is very open and is as in Anglo-Manx 'bet 1 , while [e] representing close -e is similar to Liverpool Eng. ' f a c e ' , ' c a s e ' ,

[t] and [ e]

are very often heard as [ e], eg. [k'ed], [k'ed], or in their longer forms [ t r e : ] , [ t r e : ] , [ t r e : ] ;

[ b t r s ] , [be:s], [be:s].

[i] would sound like ee in Eng. 'feet' and [i] like i in Eng. ' f i t 1 , though can quite often be retracted.

[ i] and [i] are more or less

interchangeable, eg. [/in], [/in]; [t'/it], [t'/it]. The central sound [9] would sound something like the -le in Eng. 'saddle' and occurs only in unstressed syllables. A variety of [a] is

3

[i] which is a weak retracted [e] and is usually found in the particle or prep, dy or finally after a palatal n or l_, eg. [ d j ] , [ul'i], [dun'i]. [o] would sound similar to [ a ] , but would tend towards [φ] . [ ϊ ] would sound similar to the i in Don. Eng. 'hill', and [e] would represent a retracted form of [ e ] .

[o] tends to be heard something like ' c u p ' in

northern English. It is never long. [ D] open -o sounds similar to Eng. ' t o p ' and [ o] similar to Hiberno Eng. 'poke 1 , ie. fairly closed.

[ D ] and [o] are regularly heard as [ 9 ] ,

eg. [9lk], [§9!], ie. more open. [ o] can be heard more open as [ 5], eg. [s?n], or [ $], eg. [sgn]. [o] can occasionally be heard as a very close -o with the lips tightly rounded. [u] sounds similar to .the u in Ger. rufen, but poorly rounded. [ u] and [ o j are often interchangeable, eg. [ muk], [mok]; [u/t'a], [o/t'a]. The long varieties of the principal vowels sound as follows: [a: ] like the a in Liverpool Eng. ' c a r t 1 , ' t a r t 1 , or Dublin Eng. ' b a r ' ; [ a : ] like southern Eng. 'father' but perhaps slightly more open; [e: ] like AngloManx ' t h e r e ' ; [e:] like Ir. pie; [i: ] like Eng. 'please'; [ D : ] like Eng. 'law 1 but more open; [ o : ] like the Eng. verb 'close' with the lips well rounded; [ u : ] like Eng. 'pool' but poorly rounded. The diphthongs are always represented by combined symbols, eg.

ai,

ei, ei, ai, Di, oi, Ei, au, tu, eu, au, DU, ou, 0u, 3u, ou .

B. The Consonants §3. The opposition between broad and slender consonants in Late Spoken Manx has in reality broken down. And so when either of the two types turns up it is specifically marked, with the diacritic of palatalization (*) if slender, eg. u

u

k'i: 1', g'i: , and with a consonantic u, viz u, eg.

u

p aiax, g i: , t igal, if broad. Absence of these indicates that the consonant is neutral. The consonants found in Spoken Manx are: a.

Stops: p, t, t', k'f b, b' ( r a r e ) , d, d ' ( u s u . d's; v. below),

4

g, g'.

The dental stops [t] and [ d], particularly [t], are mostly

aspirated, tending towards interdentals (especially initially, but also medially and finally), viz. [ t n ] and [ d n j respectively. The cluster st on occasion tends towards [ s 0 J . [ B] , [ D] , [G] a re used as strong varieties of [ b], [ d] , [ g] . [ g'] and [ k'J can have the sound of [ gj] , [ kj] . b.

Affricates:

[ t ' / J , [d's]. These to my ear sound as if articu-

lated with unrounding and slightly spread lips. c.

Spirants: [ f ] and [v] are labio-dentals. Bilabial forms of

these are rare, but are indicated [ φ] and [b]

respectively.

χ » voiceless velar spirant, as in Scots ' l o c h ' . x' = voiceless palatal spirant, as in German ich d" = voiced interdental spirant, as in Eng. ' t h i s 1 . D is a stronger variety of [d ] . θ = unvoiced interdental spirant, as in Eng. ' t h a n k ' . γ = voiced velar spirant, as in northern German schlagen. h = aspirate, as in Eng. ' h a n d ' . j = as in German ja, or Eng. ' y e s 1 . i = a weaker form of [j] . d.

Liquids: 1, 1'( weak palatal), L ( a velar or labialized 1 ) , 1

(dental; where the tip of the tongue touches the back of the upper teeth). [ l'] more often than not has a weak consonantal [ j] attached to it and sound something like [ 1*J] . r = weakly flapped ' r ' ,

usually once, twice at most.

R = a strongly trilled ' r 1 ; rare, r' = palatalized ' r ' ; very rare. r or e.

r

= weak alveolar fricative.

Nasals: m, m' ( v e r y r a r e ) , n, n', N ( u s u . in final position; it

is a stronger form of n), N", n, n'.

As with [ l'], [ n'] very often

sounds as if written [n'J] or [ nj], and is very like [ N*], perhaps indistinguishable from it. f.

Sibilants:

[N] is slightly longer than [n: ].

s, / ( = Eng. sh, Ger. seh), s or s (in combination

with r with the tip of the tongue against the alveolar ridge and the middle part of it low).

s = half way between [s] and [/]. z = voiced [ s] . 3 = voiced [/] . z s half way between [ z] and [3] . C.

Diacritics

§4. The diacritics used are as follows: = palatalization, eg. k'i: 1* ' c h u r c h ' . " · strong palatalization, eg. k"f: 9 ' f o u r ' . = nasalization, eg. gf: / 'telling'.

Concerning diphthongs it

usually appears over the second vowel, eg. αϊ! ' f i r e ' . - · :

slight hiatus, eg. ma-i ' g o o d 1 .

= long vowel or consonant, eg.

tr§: 'time 1 , t'/im: na 'will 1 .

= a half-long vowel or consonant, eg. i.^m 'butter 1 . '

s stress mark (placed before the stressed syllable), eg. fe'ge:!' 'leaving'. Words stressed on the first syllable are usually left unmarked, unless sentence stress is indicated, eg.

vi 'd'sfnu ds 'τηφ: i 'he was doing well 1 ,

under b, d, g, z, 3, viz. b, d, g, z, 3 indicates devoiced forms of the same; under r, s, viz. r, s, β

under p, t, k, d, g, viz. p, £ , forms of the same;

k,

under 1, n,

d, g,

v. above.

denotes unexploded

viz. J, n,

it denotes

sonantic forms of the same. over a vowel denotes that it is slightly reduced or centralized. Over [ D ] or [ o] it indicates unrounded varieties of the same. t

under a vowel indicates its Open' variety.

.

under a vowel indicates its ' c l o s e ' variety, except [ a ] ; v. above,

s indicates a closure of the glottis before, but more usually at the end of a vowel. A superior u placed after a consonant indicates that the consonant has a broad quality; v. above.

§5. Glides or weak varieties of vowels or consonants are indicated by placing the appropriate symbol above the line, eg.

g'e^N' 'getting',

0 r gad ' m o n e y 1 .

Stress §6. Stress is usually on the first syllable, but there is a body of words which has stress on the second syllable. In this class disyllables which originally had a long vowel initially and finally, eg. ( I r . )

fagail, feasog,

had their stress drawn to the second syllable as a result of shortening of the initial stressed syllable, 'f

a point also noticed by Heinrich

Wagner. Shortening of stressed monosyllables is also a feature of Spoken Manx, eg. pet ' s o m e ' (also p o r t ) , ( I r . cuig) .

t§dn ( I r . ton, toin),

kweg

Words having an original short initial syllable do not have

a long second syllable in Spoken Manx, *v and consequently the stress remains on the first syllable, eg. b^gjin ( I r . beagan). As can be seen from the pronunciation the -an is not long in Manx. I have dealt more fully with this subject in an article to be published in a forthcoming issue of ZCP.

* Disyllables having short vowels originally, eg. ( I r . ) d e a r m ( h ) a d , whose second syllable is made long through the vocalization of a medial spirant, thereby attracting the stress to it, eg. ( M x . ) jarrood [ d ' 3 9 ' r u : d ] , belong to this class. ** except secondarily through the disapperance of an intervocalic spirant, eg. 'spma:n ' s p o o n s ' . Note here that the stress still remains on the first syllable.

II INITIAL CHANGES Lenition

§ 7 . In Late Spoken Manx the system of lenition is in a state of flux, sometimes it appears, sometimes not. The following consonants can be affected by lenition: p, b, t, d (also d's), k, g (also g') , m, f, s (also /) . They can be lenited as follows: p > f: d§: f f : t'/« ' two children', sa ' f ot

'in the p o t 1 ,

b > v , w: sa ' v f : d*a 'in the boat' , 3 wu: , 9 vu: ' the c o w ' , t > h, χ: ta mi sai 'ima haidnJ Ί am sitting on my bottom', ma ' haus ' m y m e a s u r e 1 , 1'e: xgida 'half t i d e ' . t r > x r : ma xrt:

' my t i m e ' , te kfu 3 ' x r e : oda t$i ' 9 : 5 'he spends

his time in the ale house 1 . d > -γ: da xol'a -yon'a ' e v e r y m a n ' , d before u in dun'a usually becomes

w: wun'a 'man' ( v o c . ) , ie.

loss of γ with prothetic w-, d's > j: da ' jian 'to look',

da 'j§nu 'to d o ' ,

k > x, h: ma xg.hn ' m y body', ma ' h f k s i c

'my shit',

kw > hw: an ' h w i : l 'the w h e e l 1 , an hwirj 'the s w i n g l e t r e e ' , g > \: an \λ:

'the wind',

g'> j: oza jcura 'in the w i n t e r ' , ma jil'a 'my lad', m > v, w: oza ' vj: ri 'in the morning ' , unsa t'/i: a ' wu: a ' on the mainland', f > -:

tai^n d'sen o: rka ' bottom of the s e a ' , oza 'nai ' in the homefield',

fw > hw: an hwe:l$ix 'the leavings', s > h: va mi na 'he: i ozan ' ta: i ' I was sitting at h o m e ' , ma ' hu: 1* ' my eye ' ,

si > 1: p : t da ly ' some people ' , sn > n: fo n'a:xta 'snow-bound' (in song only); usu. with no len.

8

fo sna: xti .

/ > h, x':

tan kki fe^n na 'ha: du ' f o : 3 s 'that hedge is standing yet ' ,

ma x'u: r ' my sister ' .

fl > x'l: ma χ'Γϊηςιη ' my shoulder ' . v, t'/*, n, N, N', 1, Γ, L, r,

r', h, j, w, sk, st, sp, sm,

ft' are not lenited. §8. As a general rule nouns beginning with t, d, and d's, do not lenite after the article because of the homorganic association with the η of yn: a: zan to: ^n' eyt Out of its a r s e 1 , an du: as je.nax 'the Irish breed 1 , heri/ an dr$: d Over the bridge 1 , ege d'sera ' in the e n d 1 . The same is the case also after ane, un, nane (v. §11). In other circumstances inhibition of lenition takes place, eg. fi: tro^m "very h e a v y ' , da d'sfnu 'to do 1 - but also da jfnu ; v. above. The velar fricatives x. (x' ) , -y, d, g,

resulting from lenition of k ( k ' ) , /,

are generally de lenited in Spoken Manx, eg. cheayll kyl (but

also x i : l ) , be seen in:

' h e a r d 1 , chied k'ed

' f i r s t ' . Abandonment of lenition can

o?a k'e:di ' in the smithy 1 , f r a g'il'an On his s h o u l d e r ' .

But sometimes false delenition occurs especially with -y < d which becomes g , eg. ga na tri:

d§: g a . r a s "two d o o r s ' , gi>s gu: li/ 'to Douglas',

'two or t h r e e ' . This occurrence, however, is phonetic

rather than grammatical. A prothetic j is usually heard before front vowels in the spoken language, eg. jis ' f i s h ' , Ir. iasc; jf: nli ' f o w l s ' , I r . eanlaith; j'imart'/ςχχ ' n e c e s s a r y ' , ScG. iomairteach. Consonants followed by front vowels are very often palatalized in Spoken Manx, including those which were originally followed by back vowels >;:

with the exception of ry heet (v. §163B) and dy heet (v. §126) .

now become fronted, eg. k'a:val ' h o r s e ' , Ir. capall, I r . cogadh,

k'adla

' s l e e p ' , Ir. codladh,

k'a: γ9 ' w a r ' ,

1'i: a ' f a s t ' , Ir. luath.

The consonant f , liable to disappear because of lenition, may or may not be kept, eg. 093 'fa: sta 'in the evening', field',

an 'erin'a 'the t r u t h ' , dra: χ ' i r y a l 'a bad t o o t h ' .

Nouns with initial s or / A.

unsa n«: i "in the home-

are usually not lenited (v. §11).

Lenition of nouns after the article

§9. Because of the breakdown of the system lenition of nouns after the singular article follows no regular pattern, since lenition and absence of lenition of the same word can be found. The following examples try to give some indication of the confused position:

in v§dn e-yg. "his w i f e ' ,

in be^n im ' my wif e ' , in be"n /e^n 'that w o m a n ' , na '/§:

'the turf fared better ' ,

very good', wheel', ...,

an γλ: , an gi:

plough',

van mo: *n' fi: ' v a : i ' the turf was

"the w i n d ' ,

a vomig' em 'my m o t h e r ' ,

an χΧ:^η,

a k\dn,

an xrg: /,

van ' vo: in' d'sfnu

an hwi: 1, an kwi: 1 'the

van m o m i g . . . " m y mother was

a kidn 'the s e a ' ,

an x'i:x,

an k'iax "the

an kr$/ 'the c r o s s ' .

- in genitival position:

f r bj: rd a ' v § : d a ,

§r ' b 9 : r d a ' b f : d a

On board the boat 1 . Lenition can also occur in plural nouns after the singular article ( v . also Ch. IX), especially of b, p, m, eg. an fr§: zan ' the potatoes ' , an vrit'/an 'the t r o u s e r s ' ,

an vr§ : η 'the w o m e n ' . And also in plural

nouns after the plural article, eg.

osna v ^ : d a n 'in the boats' .

B. Lenition of nouns after possessive adjectives §1O.

Nouns are sometimes found lenited after my:

father1,

ma x r ? : w a n ' m y b o n e s ' ,

' h u r l ' 'my e y e ' ;

dty:

ma Ό: 1'd'san ' my faults ' ,

da jisig' ' w u : r 'your g r a n d f a t h e r ' ,

xr«: 'take your time '; e ' h i s ' : time' .

ma jisig' 'my

e: 've: r ' h i s f i n g e r ' ,

s;0u da

a xre: 'his

But nouns are also found unlenited after possessives, eg. ' 'my father1,

ma kek ' m y s h i t ' ,

ma

ma gl'u: n' 'my k n e e ' .

ma

10

Lenition is also found in verbal nouns denoting inaction, non-motion, or state after the third sing. masc. poss. adj. (v. also §74), eg.

t« mi

tc mi na 'ha: du Ί am standing 1 . Non-

na χφ: la Ί am asleep', lenition is also found, eg.

t« mi na 'kadla .

Non-lenition, as would be expected, is attested after the third sing, fern. poss. adj. e ' h e r ' , but in one example only, so far as is known, e ' m e : r 'her f i n g e r ' .

More usually, however, the third sing. fern,

has fallen in with the third sing, m a s c . , eg.

V€ an ίςιϊ vt an fg.n

vumag kp: s bfgxa ' u n . . . v i an tpi /fdan r$i da vi 'l^mas log vt: s 'the house the old stepmother was living in. ., that house was ready to be mine after her death 1 - lenition here could be due to prep. w. a r t . ; fan ' v f d n . . . p . s v« rmnak" tr^gpl ' su: s an φt

Infinitive: dy heet, dy fheet §127.

da hit, da 't'/it

CLASHTYN 'hearing 1 vn. : kla/t'an, kla:/t' 9 n

Preterite indep. Sing. 1 cheayll mee, mish xi: 1 mi, k u il mi, kyl mi/ chlash, clash mee kla/ me 3

chlash, clash kla/

dep. form: geayll gil, gil, cheayll kil PPj^:

Imperative: klg/

er

clashtyn e ' k l a : / t ' a n

Infinitive: dy clashtyn da "kla:/t'an

§128.

CUR, COYRT 'putting, giving, s e n d i n g ' , v r i . : kor, kör; kpt

Future indep. Sing. 1 v e r r y m verim, versm

PI. 1 vermayd vemad'

verrym's (emph.)

vermayd's ( e m p h . )

v'irams 2

V

ver oo v e r u

dep. form: sg. 1 derrym derim, d^rsm Preterite indep. Sing. 1 hug mee 3

hug eh

hog mi hog g.,

dep. form: s g . 2

huya

dug oo duvu

PL 1 hugmain hagm^in cur main körmain

90

Conditional deg. Sing. 3

derragh eh derpx §

Imperative:

cur

kor ; gga: er cur

Infinitive: dy cur

§129.

e ' k o r ; ppp: currit

korat'

da 'kor

FAKIN ' s e e i n g ' vn. : fa: gin', fa: vin'

Future indep. PI. 1 heemain hi: mpin Preterite indep. Sing. 1

honnick mee h^mk mi 2 honnick shiuish ( e m p h . ) homk fuf

dep. f o r m s : Sing. 1 naik mee

nak mi

vaik mee vak mi 2

naik oo n a : x u , na: -yu, n a : u

2 naik shiu nak /u,

vaik oo vaku

na: -γςι sic Ju naik shiuish ( e m p h . ) na: fu:if, 3

Imperative:

Infinitive:

§13O.

na:

jeeagh d'3i:x, d'i:x

Pga: er fakin, e r n ' a k i n : : fakinit

naik ad

na: -yp. /u: if

3 'fa^i'n,

a 'na:gin'

na ' a : Y a n sic

fa:

dy fakin

da 'fa: gin'

FEDDYN, GEDDYN 'finding, g e t t i n g 1 vn. : g0din', etc.

fedan,

g'idan, g'e d n,

91

Future indep. Sing, l

yiowym jobm, J9m

2

Pl. l

yiowmayd

j

yiowym ' s jaumas

2

yiow shiu jau /u

yiow oo jau

3

yiow ad jau ad, j uad

yiow us s jau os 3m yiow eh j0u α f

yiow ish

dep. forms:

j$u if

sg. l noym nDbrn (

voym νςίτη,

n0u, nau

3 now

pl. l nowmain n'oman

nowmayd n

Preterite indep. Sing, l

hooar mee hu: r mi,

Pl. l

xu: r mi

hu: mi,

hooar shin h u : 3 /in

2 hooar shiu hu:3 /u

3m hooar eh hu: ari, hf : r f f

hooar shee

dep. form:

dooar

hu: a /i

du: r, du:

Conditional indep. Sing, l

yioin j'$n'

dep. form: sg.

3

Pl. l noghe nox

Imperative: fow fm, him, hi^m

hem's

PI. 1

h§ms

hemmayd hemad hemmain himain

dep. forms: sg. 1 jem d'sim, d's^^m ; 2 jed oo d'sfu ;

jem's

d'jfms

jed oo us s d'

pi. 1 jemmayd Preterite indep. Sing. 1 hie mee hai mi

PL 1 hie shin hai /in

3m hie eh hai €

3

hie ad hai ad

dep. f o r m s : sg. 1 jaghmain d'3axmg.in pi. 3 ja-gh ad d'sa:x gd Imperative: immee imi, f m i ; Pga:

er goll t ' gd

'd€:m 'a:rt

das 'n'u: ran" 1'at

10u m r t#u

'damn you. 1 '

'to hell with you.' '

ma 'k^k ort

'my

g0u max α'/φ:

'get out of here, the rotten thing that you are.' '

g0u max α'/φ: an tr ste1" m£r ttfm 'get out of here, the dirt that you are. 1 '

Jl'i: ma 'hud n'

'lick my arse.' '

§241. Some interjections are used when calling animals, eg. (when calling p i g s ) : pu: dax, /a'b§:g /a'b^:g §242.

pu:^e pu: ° f >

husag' husag',

g'i: 'veg.

is used when calling calves.

Cre cha w. adjective w. a following noun can be used in

exclamations, eg.

kre: a 'e:lan' an 'ma: r fm §r na '1'eian ' I do not

know the fishing places ' . But it is generally confined to specialized knowledge, particularly that relating to charms or divination, f r o m which it comes to mean ' c h a r m , divination 1 ;

d'^inu ' o : las san d\ ire: I" in 'ol 'making a charm for

to stem the blood'.

To differentiate it from its f i r s t meaning it is

spelled oalys. The adjective oayllagh 'acquainted with, know well 1 , is used with the substantive verb w. er, eg. 1

ta mi '9: lax £r ' I know him w e l l ' ,

9: Igx f ra b9: 1 '/9: ' I know this place w e l l ' , 1

x'idn ' I d o n ' t know the sea w e l l ,

ta mi

ha ' nf 1 mi '9: lax e r a

t£ o: lax era re: d 'he knows the

road'. D. SH10NE §Z51. Shione w. p r e p . pn. da is occasionally used to express knowledge of a place ( ? or p e r s o n ) , though examples of its use are few; /o: n' d0u an ' bo: 1 /§ n ' I know that place ', p e r s o n ? ) which, whom I do not know' .

. . . nox n'9: n' d0u ' ( a place,

157

XVIII ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS

§252.

In yes-no answers to questions the verb in the question is repeat-

ed without expressed subject, eg. they all alive? N o ' ,

vel ad ol'u b'l'o:? ha 'nel

vel u tigal kid ta mi g r e : ? ha 'nel

understand what I ' m saying? N o ' ,

rau '/ui/ ru: jistax sk'atan?

'were you ever fishing herring? Oh, y e s ' ,

k e r r d i enmaz'it fa: n k'e: *di ? ha ' redn" called ( t h e ) Old Smithy'?

No',

'do you

na ' r a u ad be:-ya as kolbi? v«:

' w e r e n ' t they living in Colby? Y e s ' , o: 've:

'are

ren' us f p : g a n an

'did you see the smithy

rau ad de:n'a wu/ a tui ? v«: ve:

' w e r e they men from the north? Y e s , y e s ' ,

na: 1't' ' g ? : ! ? hp. 'na:l't'

' do you wish to go? No ' . §253. The same answering mechanism is also found in questions implied in statements, eg. 'nel

ha 'nel u son fa:-yin r i d a ' b i : osa ' su: 1 /edn ? ha

"you c a n ' t see anything in that eye? N o 1 ,

ha 'nel /u kla:/t*an

t bqla sic a ' b a i ' e l ' e ? ha "n'el: sic ' y o u ' r e not hearing, haven't heard him elsewhere? N o ' ,

jinaxu ' / e n ? jinax

'you would do that? I would'.

Note here that the inflectional first person form is not used in the reply, but the general (third p e r s . ) f o r m . This would likely be the case had the question had been direct, rather than implicit in a statement, though no exx. are to hand, so far as I can find. §254. If it is desired to emphasize the answer a personal pronoun is added, usually with the same or similar phrasing as in the question repeated in the answer, eg.

rau u ru: ega v f : g ' a az sk'il'a ' v e : l ?

o: 'va mi oz an me:g'e ek sk'il'a ' m e : l b'l'i^n'a e: da 'hen«

'were

you ever at the fair at Kirk Michael? Oh, I was at the fair at Kirk Michael years a g o ' ,

vel an 'a: ru ul'u k u irat'J ? te:

"has the corn all been sown? Y e s , all s o w n ' , o ve: ' r a : m a: gid'3

9

l'u 'k u 'it sic

rau mona 'a:gi'd'3 jk ?

'did they have much money? Oh yes, a lot of

158

money',

rau a dan's 'let'/arox?

v$: , vi don'a 'lit'/arax dj 'l'y:r

'was he a lazy man? Yes, he was a very lazy man' . §255. In reply to questions with the copula w. pronoun the pronoun with the copula is usually repeated, though never in concord, except by co-incidence, since the combination in the indep. form is always copula w. third sg. masc. (v. section on the copula in Ch. X ) : - ni: wu/ t'/ovst ta/u g'idsnsn 'u/t'a ? /e: , t'/ivat 'is it from a well you get the water? Yes, a w e l l ' ,

ne '/en ren' kör '/ui/ wu/ in ' j i s t o x ?

/e:

'is it that which put you off the fishing? It is' . §256. Sometimes questions with the substantive verb are answered with the copula (?and vice v e r s a ) , eg. tad ol'u ' m a r u n i / , vel? ha 'ne: , ta u r n n ' i r n b'l'o: hu^: s ' t h e y ' r e all dead now, are they? No, t h e r e ' s one daughter alive still 1 . §257. Sometimes the substantive verb can answer a question asked with a different verb in a different tense, eg. OZ3 /ap oz bale'k'a:/t'al ? ta sic

ren' i in a: gid' tre: vai

'did she make the money when she

was in the shop in Castletown? Y e s ' . This, however, may be felt not to answer the question directly, but in a general sort of way, - or that this is an example of the system breaking down. The copula w. (third sg. masc. ) pronoun is possibly used in this manner, especially after statements implying a question, eg. vau 'g9l erg nait da 'likli ? /e:

'you were going at night probably? A y e ' ,

lug /en ta /u kör in bi: 'il'a dau e/? /e: the other food then? A y e ' , rpm'z§: ? vf:

'after that you give them

homk /u:/ in le: vau son '/u: il das

' y o u ' v e seen the day when you could walk to Ramsey?

Y e s ' . In the f i r s t two examples she may be replying to stressed elements, eg, er y night and lurg shen. In the third example va may be replying to v*ou son shooyll, rather than to honnick shiuish. §258. Sometimes uncertainty in the answer can be expressed in indirect statement, the repetition of the same verb in reply not necessarily being maintained, eg. 'likli da 'rau

na ' ren' i fre: l" g9l

3

' sen as g'icbn rau ' d ' s a i x ? di

'didn't she keep going there and get too much drink?

159

Likely she was, ie. did 1 .

Dy lickly or s'lickly dy ren would have

been expected here. §259. One-word questions to statements are answered in like fashion, eg.

va mi/ a ' /en m/.

Yes1 .

rau ? ν«:

Ί was there as well. Were you?

But if the question to the statement is emphatic, ie. if a pers.

pronoun is expressed with the question, then the answer will contain the same or similar phrasing as in the statement, eg. vel u ? t€: , ta mi/ tigal

ta mi/ tigal .

'I understand. Do you? Yes, I understand 1 .

§26O. Direct or indirect questions ending in Or not 1 , and expecting either a positive or negative reply, in Manx can end in ny dyn, eg.

ha

'sims vel mi e 'd'sinu ma: i na ' d'iN Ί don't know whether I've done well or n o t ' ,

ha ' s u m s rau « sma: ΓΘ 'mpk na 'diN ' I don't know

whether it was pig fat or not 1 . They can also end in ny w. mannagh plus the same verb in its dep. form, but minus the personal pronoun, or if inflectional in its general (ie. third sg. m a s c . ) form, eg. vel /i'u ' gm no^m α na ' ιτιςιηα npu

know whether I ' 11 get it or not' .

'are

Ί don't

160

XIX DIALECT DIFFERENCES

Two main dialect areas in Man are discernible, though their differences are not great. The areas are North and South, the barrier between them being the line of hills running from the north-east to the southwest from Ramsey to Port Erin. i r The extant material is not sufficient to offer detailed differences, but gives a general indication in several directions. Many of the features listed below are common to both areas, but some are more prevalent in one than the other. In such circumstances I have classed them as features of that particular area. In other cases certain features only occur in one area, and they are thus categorized. A. Long -a and long -o ( O l r . ä, o) §26l.

In Late Spoken Manx Old Irish a and 6 fall together as [e: , §: ]

or [ e: ], but in the North a long -a [ a: ] (m N;

cam ' c r o o k e d ' :

k'ebm: ,

trome ' h e a v y ' :

Ιτφ^Γη, trubm

i m , £m S

k'em: N; k'pm, k'abm S N; tro: brn, tro: m, trq: m S

Loss of medial spirant^

§267. The voiced spirant [ v ] , and its voiceless counterpart [ x ] , with the semi-spirant [t*1] in medial position appear to be better p r e s e r v e d in the South than in the North, eg. baghey ' l i v i n g 1 :

bi: a, b f : a , also bfaxa* N;

jeeaghyn ' l o o k i n g ' :

d ' s i i a n , d'si.dn

N;

b§:^a S

d'si^gn, d'3i:g'an,

d'sii^an, d'3i:xan S laghyn ' d a y s ' :

If : an, la: an, l«:xan; ;: I«:h9n sic;;! N;

la:xan,

la: γθη, la: ian** S * f r o m TC. Though as with [logrj] and others they could be genuine Maughold f o r m s . ** from SK. Her parents were from Glen Rushen, which is on the northside. It is either a genuine northern form or a divergence f r o m her normal pronunciation of the word.

164

magheryn ' f i e l d s ' :

ma: ran, ma:x3ran, m a : Y a r a n N; ma: ran S

moghey ' e a r l y 1 :

mo: s, ιηςιΧΘ* N;

m:j:v3, ma: \9 S

The following two examples are recorded f r o m the North only, but would serve to show the above p a t t e r n : skynnaghyn ' k n i v e s ' :

' sk'ina: n

speinnaghyn ' spoons ' :

' spina: n

And on the analogy of the above - or vice v e r s a : smooinaghtyn ' t h i n k i n g ' :

s m u n ' j a : n , smu: n'gxtan N; smun'axtan S

Despirantization ( w i t h or without following palatalization) is also sometimes found, eg. d ' s i i g ' a n ,

d ' g i i g a n 'looking 1 S.

In the case of strooan, I r . sruthan:

stru: an N; strugan, stro: ςιη S,

though the MX. spelling indicates an absence of any medial stop or s p i r a n t , the p r e s e n c e of a medial velar stop in the above southern f o r m may be relatively recent and on the analogy of words such as d r o g h a d j cf. Droghadfayle

d r o g a d f e : 9 ! S, a place-name, where

intervocalic spirants can develop into stops. When a disyllable ending in -n becomes monosyllabic through loss of its medial spirant, an intrusive d may sometimes be heard, eg. jeeaghyn ' l o o k i n g ' :

d'si.^n, d'si^n N

G. Loss of g before 1 in initial position § 2 6 8 . Words with initial palatalized gl, whether preceding original front or back vowels, sometimes lose their initial g; v. §36. This feature seems to be more common in the South: glion ' g l e n ' :

* f r o m TC t Ir. drochad

gl'iiun, gl'o^n, gl'o:n ( P e e l ) , gl'aun, also l'aun N;

165

1'eN, r